•.■■'■.-'■:'■.'■ ■EBy HI ■ ill b9k vm ■■'■'''■' '-'i-'tV' ' ,:s' ■'■''••••■'. Sat?* SHS BbMKi J| SB mm ill ."l I'1 " ' KifntmnreniKr SX&K MM Mm ■ill W SIM I 11 ffilflfiH /» U| ££:-,.- man ■ s . **■ I ^^■^K ,.',. in ^^H 'M'.- '*•>■ fy*^ THE SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST [3i] IT 0 n iron HENRY FROWDE Oxford University Press Warehouse Amen Corner, E.C. THE SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST TRANSLATED BY VARIOUS ORIENTAL SCHOLARS AND EDITED BY F. MAX MULLER VOL. XXXI AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 1887 [ All rights reserved] THE ZEND-AVESTA PART III THE YASNA, VISPARAD, AFRlNAGAN, gAhs, AND MISCELLANEOUS FRAGMENTS TRANSLATED BY L. H. MILLS AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 1887 [ All rights reserved ] CONTENTS. PAGE PREFACE ix-xvi INTRODUCTION xvii-xlvii Abbreviations xlviii TRANSLATIONS. The Gathas (Yasna XXVIII-XXXIV, XLIII-LI, LIII) i-i 94 Yasna I-XXVII, XXXV-XLII, LIL LIV-LXXII . 195-332 Visparad I-XXIII . .A Afrinagan I-III GahsI-V Miscellaneous Fragments Index .... 333-364 365-375 377-388 389-393 395-4oo Transliteration of Oriental Alphabets adopted for the Translations of the Sacred Books of the East 401-404 PREFACE. It would savour of affectation for me to say very much by way of meeting the necessary disadvantages under which I labour as in any sense a successor of Professor Darmesteter. It is sufficient to state that I believe myself to be fully aware of them, and that I trust that those who study my work will accord me the more sympathy under the circum- stances. Professor Darmesteter, having extended his labours in his University, found his entire time so occupied that he was obliged to decline further labour on this Series for the present. My work on the Gathas had been for some time in his hands \ and he requested me, as a friend, to write the still needed volume of the translation of the Avesta. Although deeply appreciating the undesirableness of follow- ing one whose scholarship is only surpassed by his genius, I found myself unable to refuse. As to my general treatment, experts will not need to be informed that I have laboured under no common difficulties. On the one hand, it would be extremely imprudent for any scholar not placed arbitrarily beyond the reach of criticism, to venture to produce a translation of the Yasna, Visparad, Afrinagan, and Gahs, without defensive notes. The smallest freedom would be hypercriticised by interested parties, and after them condemned by their followers. On the other hand, even with the imperfect commentary which accom- panies the Gathas here, the generous courtesy of the Dele- gates of the Clarendon Press has been too abundantly drawn upon. One does not expect detailed commentaries in this Series. My efforts have therefore been chiefly confined to forestalling the possible assaults of unfair or forgetful critics, and so to spare myself, in so far as it may be possible, the necessity for painful rejoinder. 1 See the Revue Critique, Nov. 26, 1883. X THE GATHAS, ETC. To print a commentary on the Yasna, &c., which would be clear to non-specialists, and at the same time interesting, would occupy many times more space than could be here allowed. In treating the Gathas however, even at the risk of too great extension, I have endeavoured to atone for the necessary obscurity of notes by ample summaries, and a translation supported by paraphrase, as such matter has more prospect of being generally instructive than a com- mentary which must necessarily have remained obscure. These summaries should also be read with the more indul- gence, as they are the first of their kind yet attempted, Haug's having been different in their scope. With regard to all matters of mere form, I expect from all sides a similar concession. It will, I trust, be regarded as a suffi- cient result if a translation, which has been built up upon the strictest critical principles, can be made at all readable. For while any student may transcribe from the works of others what might be called a translation of the Yasna, to render that part of it, termed the Gathas, has been declared by a respected authority, ' the severest task in Aryan philology1.' And certainly, if the extent of preparatory studies alone is to be the gauge, the statement cited would not seem to be an exaggeration. On mathematical esti- mates the amount of labour which will have to be gone through to become an independent investigator, seems to be much greater than that which presents itself before special- ists in more favoured departments. No one should think of writing with originality on the Gathas, or the rest of the Avesta, who had not long studied the Vedic Sanskrit, and no one should think of pronouncing ultimate opinions on the Gathas, who has not to a respectable degree mastered the Pahlavi commentaries. But while the Vedic, thanks to the labours of editor and lexicographers, has long been open to 1 ' Es bilden diese fiinf Gathas, die insgesammt metrisch abgefasst sind, den sprachlich wichtigsten, aber auch den weitaus schwierigsten teil des ganzen Avesta, ja man kann sagen, ohne dass man fiirchtcn muss der iibertreibung geziehen zu werden, sie bilden den schwierigsten teil der ganzen indogermanischen philologie.' Altiranisches Verbum ; von C. Eartholomae ; Einleitung, s. 3. TREFACE. XI hopeful study, the Pahlavi commentaries have never been thoroughly made out, and writer after writer advances with an open avowal to that effect ; while the explanation, if attempted, involves questions of actual decipherment, and Persian studies in addition to those of the Sanskrit and Zend ; and the language of the Gathas requires also the study of a severe comparative philology, and that to an unusual, if not unequalled, extent. The keen observer will at once see that a department of science so circumstanced may cause especial embarrassment. On the one hand, it is exposed to the impositions of dilet- tanti, and the hard working specialist must be content to see those who have advanced with studies one half, or less than one half completed, consulted as masters by a public which is only ignorant as regards the inner- most laws of the science ; and, on the other hand, the deficiencies of even the most laborious of specialists must leave chasms of imperfection out of which the war of the methods must continually re-arise. In handling the Gathas especially, I have resorted to the plan of giving a translation which is inclusively literal \ but filled out and rounded as to form by the free use of additions. As the serious stu- dent should read with a strong negative criticism, he may notice that I strive occasionally after a more pleasing effect ; but, as we lose the metrical flow of the original entirely, such an effort to put the rendering somewhat on a level with the original in this respect, becomes a real necessity. I have, however, in order to guard against misleading the reader, generally, but not always, indicated the added words by parenthetical curves. That these will be considered un- sightly and awkward, I am well aware. I consider them such myself, but I have not felt at liberty to refrain from using them. As the Gathas are disputed word for word, I could not venture to resort to free omissions ; and what a translation would be without either additions or omissions, may be 1 That is approximately so ; absolute literalness, even when treated as I pro- pose, would be unmanageably awkward. In another work, I give a word for word rendering of the Gathas. xii THE GATHAS, ETC. seen from the occasional word for word renderings given. Beyond the Gathas, I have omitted the curves oftener. I have in the Gathas, as elsewhere, also endeavoured to impart a rhythmical character to the translation, for the reason above given, and foreign readers should especially note the fact, as well as my effort to preserve the colour of original expressions, otherwise they will inevitably inquire why I do not spare words. To preserve the colour and warmth, and at the same time to include a literal rendering, it is impos- sible to spare words and syllables, and it is unwise to attempt it. Non-specialists may dislike the frequency of alternative renderings as leaving the impression of inde- cision, while, at the same time, a decision is always ex- pressed by the adoption of a preferred rendering. The alternatives were added with the object of showing how nearly balanced probabilities may be, and also how unim- portant to the general sense the questions among specialists often are. In transliterating, I have followed the plan used in the preceding volumes to avoid confusion, but since the first volume was published, great progress has been made in this particular, and in a separate work I should have adopted a different arrangement \ As to other unimportant variations from the preceding volumes in matters of usage and fashion, I trust that no one will dwell on them for a moment 2. As regards the usual and inevitable differences of opinion on more serious questions, see the remarks in the Introduction y. I would also state that I have often avoided rendering identical passages in identical language, as irksome both to reader and writer. I have also not in- variably cited the obviously preferable variations of text which have been adopted, and which are so familiar to the 1 Chiefly as to 3, {, K5, (0; ^, £L, !?, », z. 2 As in Ammaiti, Vohu Manah, &c. I also write Neryosangh, and in a few places Gatha'^a), Ahunavaiti(i), &c. I regret not to have written Mazdah everywhere. ;; Where I differ from Professor Darmesteter, I desire to be considered as merely proposing alternative renderings. I have therefore omitted a mass of references to the previous volumes as unnecessary. PREFACE. Xlll eye in Westergaard, Spiegel, and Geldner. The texts of Westergaard have been followed necessarily as to extent of matter, as this work is printed before the comple- tion of Geldner's text. The oft-recurring formulas and prayers at the ends of chapters and sections have been left unrendered, and finally for the most part unnoticed, by striking out the useless notes. Citations of the Pahlavi and Sanskrit translations have been given occasionally in full, in order to meet the extraordinary statements which some- times appear to the effect that they have not been vital to the interpretation of the Gathas. But by giving these ex- tracts and by frequently citing the Pahlavi, Neryosangh, and the Persian, I have perhaps exposed myself to the miscon- ception that I am an extreme advocate of the so-called tra- dition 1, whereas all conscientious critics will acknowledge that I follow the indications of these works with more reserve than any writer who professes to have studied them ; in fact I may well apprehend censure from ' traditionalists ' in this particular. These Asiatic renderings are cited by me the more fully when those who neglect them agree with their indications ; and they are therefore cited to show that, whereas those most opposed to them are nevertheless for- getfully indebted to them in nearly every line, therefore in all cases of great difficulty they should be studied as an absolute necessity before rash conjectures are adopted. For it is exactly where we are all most in doubt, that their indications become of most worth, when rationally con- sidered. These translations should be examined for the relics of the truth, the hints, and traces of original explana- tions, which may most abound where they are themselves most faulty as translations. I therefore never search them for exact reproductions. But the citations which I give 1 The relics of a ' tradition ' direct from the fountain-head are present in the Asiatic commentaries, and also the relics of a tradition from later, and, as it were, modern scholarship ; and, lastly, there are also present the direct results of an ancient scholarship; but to speak of the Pahlavi translations as 'tradi- tion,' is merely to use a convenient phrase. I know of no scholar who supposes these commentaries to be in a simple sense ' tradition ' from the earliest Zend writers. XIV THE GATHAS, ETC. here constitute only a very small fraction of those needed. An argument should be built up on the fullest statements of the circumstances, elucidated with scientific complete- ness. This alone would have any prospect of obliging investigators to acknowledge the truth ; for not only inertia and prejudice are arrayed on the other side, but even interest. This much is said of the Pahlavi translations ; for Ner. is properly cited only as a translation of a translation, and, as such, of the highest authority 1 ; so of the Persian. Zendists will observe that I by no means abandon ex- planations merely because they are old, a practice which seems almost the fashion. I, however, fully approve of testing and assailing again and again all suggestions whether old or new. I would simply assert that, while the tasks before us remain still so very extensive, it would be better for scholars to exercise their sagacity upon passages which call loudly for wise conjecture, leaving those which are clear as they stand, for later assaults. It will be seen that I myself by no means approve of refraining from con- jecture 2, but I would only in all humility insist that we should not abandon ourselves to unprepared conjecture. As is known 3, 1 have attempted the present rendering after more than ten years of close labour, and after a full trans- 1 It is to be hoped that our occupations are sufficiently serious to allow us to pass over the imperfections of Neryosangh's Sanskrit style. He was especially cramped in his mode of expressing himself by a supposed necessity to attempt to follow his original (which was not the Gathic but the Pahlavi) word for word. His services were most eminently scholarly, and, considering his disadvantages, some of the greatest which have been rendered. Prof. R. v. Roth and Dr. Aurel Stein have kindly transcribed for me valuable variations. 2 It will be regarded, however, as especially desirable that, in a report from a specialist to the learned public in general, the texts should on no account be violated by conjectural improvements where they are at all translatable ; alter- natives are therefore added. As has been remarked by a recent reviewer on the new version of the Scriptures, there is scarcely a line of very ancient writings which scholars are not tempted to amend ; but such emendations are seldom agreed to among specialists. A first translation should always be attempted with the texts as they stand. 3 See the Athenseum, April 12, 18S4; and the Academy, Sept. 13, 1884. On the entire subject in its connection with the Gnostic and modern philosophies, my special labours have included a much longer period of time than that mentioned. PREFACE. XV lation of the Pahlavi and Sanskrit translations, together with an edition of the Zend, Pahlavi, Sanskrit, and Persian texts of the Gathas. It is proper to add that for the pur- pose of keeping the judgment free from prejudice, and open to honest conviction from the influence of the i?zg-veda, I have followed the practice for a number of years of trans- cribing the Hymns of the Veda into English in word for word written studies, having already so treated by far the greater part of them ; some of these are in curtailed state- ment, others needlessly full. I have also, on the other hand, turned a large portion of the Gathas into Vedic Sanskrit. (This, however, is practically a universal custom, as all words are compared with the Vedic, so far as analogies exist between the Gathas and the Riks.) If therefore the opposed schools regard me as erring in too implicit a reli- ance on the hints of the Asiatics on the one side, or in too decided a tendency to read the Gathic as Vedic on the other, they may be assured that I have not erred from interest or prejudice. That my results will please both parties it is folly to expect, in fact perfection in the render- ing of the Gathas (as of some other ancient works) is for ever unattainable, and not to be looked for ; moreover, it would not be recognised, if attained ; for no writer, whosoever he may be, can produce a rendering of the Gathas without meeting the assaults of ignorance or design. However imperfect my results may be supposed to be, it is to be hoped that they will contribute some little toward establishing a convention among scholars as to what the Gathic and Zend writings mean ; meanwhile it is confidently expected that they will fulfil the requirements of the science of com- parative theology. Whatever may be the ultimate truth as to questions of close detail, the Yasna, as well as the rest of the Avesta, is clear as to its creed. My list of obligations is a long one, in fact so long that I fear I can express but little compliment in naming advisers, as I have made it a practice to consult all available persons, as well as books. Making one exception, I will therefore reserve to myself the pleasure of recalling them to a future occasion. XVI THE GATHAS, ETC. It is sufficient to say here that while I follow a new de- parture in the treatment of the Asiatic commentaries, yet the most prominent writers of the opposing schools have courteously favoured me with their advice. Availing myself of the exception named, I would take the liberty to express my gratitude, here especially, to Dr. E.W. West, our first au- thority on Pahlavi, for placing at my disposal various readings of the Pahlavi text of the Yasna, of which we have hitherto only possessed a single MS. in "the Pahlavi character, that contained in the oldest Zend writing, the Codex numbered five, in the Library of Copenhagen. The variations referred to were transcribed by Dr. West from the venerable MS., the hereditary property of Dastur Dr. 67amasp^*i Mino/£ihar§"i Asana of Bombay, and written only nineteen (or twenty- two) days later than that numbered five in the Library of Copenhagen. By this generous loan I have been enabled to print elsewhere the first text of the Pahlavi of the Gathas yet edited with comparison of MSS., likewise also for the first time translated, in its entirety, into a European lan- guage. For this Dr. West, during an extended correspon- dence, has furnished me with information on the Pahlavi not obtainable elsewhere, together with corrections and re- visions. There is another eminent friend whose sacrifices of time and labour on my behalf have been exceptional, but I will defer the mention of Zend scholars. I take this opportunity to express my acknowledgments to Professor Dr. von Halm of the Hof- und Staatsbibliothek, in Munich, for allowing me the free use of Codex i2b, of Haug's Collection, both at Stuttgart and Hanover ; also to Professor Dr. Wilmanns of Gottingen ; Geheimrath Dr. Forstemann of Leipsic ; and Herr Rath Bodemann of Hanover, for the loan of a large number of valuable works from their respective public libraries, often, with great liberality, renewed. L. H. MILLS. Hanover, February, 1886. INTRODUCTION. Many readers, for whom the Zend-Avesta possesses only collateral interest, may not understand why any introductory remarks are called for to those portions of it which are treated in this volume. The extent of the matter does not appear at first sight a sufficient reason for adding a word to the masterly work which introduces the first two volumes, and, in fact, save as regards questions which bear upon the Gathas, I avoid for the most part, for the present, all discussion of details which chiefly con- cern either the sections treated in the first two volumes, or the extended parts of the later Avesta treated here. But the Gathas are of such a nature, and differ so widely from other parts of the Avesta, that some words of separate dis- cussion seem quite indispensable, and such a discussion was recommended by the author of the other volumes. A second reason why a word of introduction is necessary, when the translation of the successive parts of the Avesta passes from one hand to another, is a reason which bears upon the sub- ject with exceptional force. It is this : the Avesta, while clearly made out, so far as the requirements of comparative theology are concerned, yet presents difficulties as to minute detail so great, that as yet no two independent scholars can entirely agree as to their solution. Master and pupil, friend and friend, must differ, and sometimes on questions of no trivial moment. The preliminary studies requisite to the formation of ultimate opinions are so varied, and of such a nature, involv- ing the rendering of matter as yet totally unrendered with any scientific exactness in either India or Europe, that no person can claim to have satisfied himself in these respects. Scholars are therefore obliged to advance biassed by the fact that they are preponderatingly Iranists, or preponder- [3i] b xviii THE GATHAS. I atingly Vedists, and therefore certain at the outset that they must differ to a certain degree from each other, and to a certain degree also from the truth. It was also, as might well be understood without statement, with a full knowledge of the fact that I was inclined to allow especial weight to a comparison with the Veda, and that I modified the evidence of tradition somewhat more than he did, that Professor Darmesteter urged me to accept this task. But while I am constrained to say something by way of a preparatory treatise here, a sense of the fitness of things induces me to be as brief as possible, and I must therefore ask indulgence of the reader if my mode of expressing myself seems either rough or abrupt. As to what the Gathas are in their detail, enough has been said in the summaries and notes. From those representa- tions, necessarily somewhat scattered, it appears that they comprise seventeen sections of poetical matter, equal in extent to about twenty-five to thirty hymns of the A'zg-veda, composed in ancient Aryan metres, ascribing supreme (bene- ficent) power to the Deity Ahura Mazda, who is yet opposed co-ordinately by an evil Deity called Aka Manah, or Angra Mainyu. In all respects, save in the one particular that He is not the Creator of this evil Deity, and does not possess the power to destroy him or his realm, this Ahura Mazda is one of the purest conceptions which had yet been produced. He has six personified attributes (so one might state it), later, but not in the Gathas, described as Archangels, while in the Gathas they are at once the abstract attributes of God, or of God's faithful adherents upon earth, and at the same time conceived of as persons, all efforts to separate the in- stances in which they are spoken of as the mere dispositions of the divine or saintly mind, and those in which they are spoken of as personal beings, having been in vain. We have therefore a profound scheme, perhaps not con- sciously invented, but being a growth through centuries ; and this system is the unity of God in His faithful creatures. It is not a polytheism properly so-called, as Ahura forms with his Immortals a Heptade, reminding one of the Sabellian Trinity. It is not a Pantheism, for it is especially INTRODUCTION. XIX arrested by the domain of the evil Deity. It might be called, if we stretch the indications, a Hagio-theism, a de- lineation of God in the holy creation. Outside of the Heptade is Sraosha, the personified Obedience (and pos- sibly Vayu, as once mentioned) ; and, as the emblem of the pious, is the Kine's soul, while the Fire is a poetically personified symbol of the divine purity and power. As opposed to the good God, we have the Evil Mind, or the Angry (?) Spirit, not yet provided with full personified attri- butes to correspond to the Bountiful Immortals. He has, however, a servant, Aeshma, the impersonation of invasion and rapine, the chief scourge of the Zarathujtrians ; and an evil angel, the Dru^-, personified deceit, while the Daevas (Devas) of their more southern neighbours (some of whose tribes had remained, as servile castes, among the Zarathuj-- trians) constitute perhaps the general representatives of Aka Manah, Aeshma, the Dru^, &c. The two original spirits unite in the creation of the good and evil in existence both actually in the present, and in principles which have their issue in the future in rewards and punishments. The importance of this creed, so far stated, as the dualistical creation, and, as an attempted solution, of the hardest problem of speculation, should be obvious to every en- lightened eye. If there existed a supreme God whose power could undo the very laws of life, no evil could have been known ; but the doctrine denies that there is any such being. The good and the evil in existence limit each other. There can be no happiness undefined by sorrow, and no goodness which does not resist sin. Accordingly the evil principle is recognised as so necessary that it is represented by an evil God. His very name, however, is a thought, or a passion ; while the good Deity is not respon- sible for the wickedness and grief which prevail. His power itself could not have prevented their occurrence. And He alone has an especially objective name, and one which could only be applied to a person. These suggestions, whether true or false, are certainly some of the most serious that have ever been made 1, and we find them originally here. 1 Haug long since called attention to the likeness of Hegelianism to the b2 XX THE GATHAS. As to the nature of religious rewards and punishments, we have suggestions scarcely less important in the eye of scientific theology, and, as a matter of fact, very much more extensively spread. To say that the future rewards held out in the Gathas were largely, if not chiefly, spiritual, and in the man himself, would be almost a slur upon the truth. The truth is, that the mental heaven and hell with which we are now familiar as the only future states recognised by intelligent people, and thoughts which, in spite of their familiarity, can never lose their importance, are not only I used and expressed in the Gathas, but expressed there, so far as we are aware, for the first time. While mankind were delivered up to the childish terrors of a future replete with horrors visited upon them from without, the early Iranian sage announced the eternal truth that the rewards I of Heaven, and the punishments of Hell, can only be from within. He gave us, we may fairly say, through the sys- tems which he has influenced, that great doctrine of subjec- tive recompense, which must work an essential change in the mental habits of every one who receives it. After the creation of souls, and the establishment of the laws which should govern them, Aramaiti gives a body, and men and angels begin their careers. A Mathra is inspired for the guidance of the well-disposed. The faithful learn the vows of the holy system under the teaching of the Immortals, while the infidel and reprobate portion of mankind accept the seductions of the Worst Mind, and unite with the Daevas in the capital sin of warfare from wanton cruelty, or for dis- honest acquisition. The consequence of this latter alliance is soon apparent. The Kine, as the representative of the holy people, laments under the miseries which make Iranian life a load. The efforts to draw a livelihood from honest labour are opposed, but not frustrated, by the Daeva-wor- shipping tribes who still struggle with the Zarathu.rtrians for the control of the territory. The Kine therefore lifts chief ideas in the Zarathmtrian philosophy as centring in its dualism. And I think that it is quite evident, and I believe conceded by experts, that the Hegelian sublated dualism is a descendant from the Zarathiutrian through the Gnostics and Jacob Boehme. INTRODUCTION. XXI her wail to Ahura, and His Righteous Order, Asha, who respond by the appointment of Zarathujtra, as the indi- vidual entrusted with her redemption ; and he, accepting his commission, begins his prophetic labours. From this on we have a series of lamentations, prayers, praises, and exhortations, addressed by Zarathiutra and his immediate associates to Ahura and the people, which delineate the public and personal sorrows in detail, utter individual sup- plications and thanksgivings, and exhort the masses assem- bled in special or periodical meetings. Here, it must be noted, that the population among whom these hymns were composed were chiefly agriculturists and herdsmen. Circumstances which affected their interests as such were of course paramount with them, and as their land and cattle represented their most valuable property, what- ever threatened them was the most of all things to be dreaded. Accordingly rapine, and the raid, whether coming from Turanians or Daeva-worshippers, were regarded as the most terrible of visitations. But their moral earnestness in their determination to avoid rapine on their part, even when tempted by a desire for retaliation, is especially to be noted 1. It wras as awful when regarded as a sin as it was when suffered as an affliction ; and their animus in this particular was most exceptional. While the above facts explain to us, on the one hand, the principal deities, and the peculiar hopes and fears which inspired their worship, they lead us also, on the other hand, to wonder the more that so subtle a theo- logy as we have found expressed in the documents, should have arisen amid so simple a community. In the course of the recitations we have also special intimations of an organised struggle of the Daeva-party to overwhelm the Zarathiutrians. At times they seem very nearly to have accomplished their object. A distinct reference to a battle in the lines occurs, while sanguinary violence is alluded to more than once as in 1 They pray against Aeshma without qualification. They might practise desolating havoc in time of war ; but the raid, as in times of nominal peace, seems to have been foreign to them. XX11 THE GATHAS. the line, or in skirmish. We conclude from the pre- valence of a thankful tone that the Zarathuj-trians gained the upper hand during the Gathic period, but although the result may have been assured, the struggle at the time of the last Gatha was by no means over. In the latest Gatha, as in the earliest, we have signs of fierce and bloody conflict. The same type of existence prevailed greatly later, in the time of the Yajts, but the scene seems very different, and Zarathu.stra's human characteristics are wholly lost in the mythical attributes with which time and superstition had abundantly provided him. By way, then, of summarising the chief characteristics of his original system, we may say that he and his companions were struggling to establish a kingdom under the Sovereign Power of God, whose first care was to relieve suffering, and shelter the honest and industrious poor1. This kingdom was to be conducted according to His holy Order, or plan of salva- tion, to be permeated by living Piety, and with the ultimate object of bestowing both Weal and Immortality. This high ideal was also not left as an abstract principle to work its way. Society was far too rudimental, then as ever, for the efficient survival of unsupported principles. A compact hierarchical system seems to have existed, the sacramental object being the fire, before which a priesthood officiated with unwavering zeal ; but the traces of this are very re- stricted in the Gathas, and, according to all probability, it was greatly less elaborated at their period than later. Such, in very brief outline, is the system which meets us as Zarathiutrianism in that period of Mazda-worship when Zarathujrtra lived and composed the Gathic hymns. As to the further question. ' Who was Zarathiutra, and when and where did he live ? ' diversity of opinion still pre- ' The practical operation of this prime principle seems to have been at times beneficial to a remarkable, if not unparalleled, exient. Under the Sasanids the lower classes enjoyed great protection. See the remarks of Professor Kaw- linson, The Seventh Oriental Monarchy, page 440 ff. Also recall the extra- ordinary treatment of the poor during the drought and famine under Pcrozes. The account is, however, exaggerated. SeeTabari II, p. 130, cited by Professor Rawlinson, p. 314. INTRODUCTION. XX1I1 vails, so much so that as regards it I differ slightly even from my eminent friend and predecessor. As such differ- ences on the subject of the Avesta are however matters of course, I freely state my impressions. Who was then the person, if any person, corresponding to the name Zarathiutra ' in the Gathas ? Did he exist, and was he really the author i of these ancient hymns ? That he existed as an historical person I have already affirmed ; and as to the hymns as- cribed to him and his immediate associates, I have also no hesitation. Parts of these productions may have been interpolated, but the Gathas, as a whole, show great unity, and the interpolations are made in the spirit of the original. And that Zarathuj-tra was the name of the individual in which this unity centres, we have no sufficient reason to dis- pute. The name is mentioned in the most sacred connec- tions, as well as in those which depict the reality of the prophet's sufferings ; and there is no reason at all why it should have come down endeared to humanity, unless it be- longed to one, who, in the presence of a Sovereign and a kingdom, could impress his personality with greatly more defined distinctness upon his contemporaries than either that Sovereign or any of his adherents 1. That any forgery is present in the Gathas, any desire to palm off doctrines upon the sacred community in the name of the great pro- phet, as in the Vendidad and later Yasna, is quite out of the question. The Gathas are genuine in their mass, as I believe no scholar anywhere now questions. For the characteristics of this great teacher, I refer to the hymns themselves, which stand alone, of their kind, in litera- ture. Nowhere, at their period, had there been a human voice, so far as we have any evidence, which uttered thoughts like these. They are now, some of them, the great com- monplaces of philosophical religion; but till then they were unheard (agiuta). And yet we must say of Zarathiutra, as of all our first announcers, that while he antedates all whose records have come down to us, he was probably only the last visible link 1 See especially the remarks preceding Y. L. XXIV THE GATHAS. in a far extended chain. His system, like those of his pre- ] decessors and successors, was a growth. His main concep- / tions had been surmised, although not spoken before. His world was ripe for them, and when he appeared, he had only to utter and develop them. I would not call him a reformer ; he does not repudiate his predecessors. The old Aryan Gods retire before the spiritual Ahura ; but I do not think that he especially intended to discredit them. One of the inferior ones is mentioned for a moment, but the great Benevolence, Order, and Power, together with their results in the human subject, Ahura's Piety incarnate in men, and their Weal and Immortality as a consequence, crowd out all other thoughts. His mental insight is as evident from his system as his deep moral inspiration. As to his secondary characteristics, his manner of thought and expression, we find them peculiar to the last degree. He has given us writings in which every syllable seems loaded with thought, sometimes much repeated, and to us of the present day, very familiar ; but then, when he wrote, one would suppose that he intended to ' utter his dark speech.' Succinctness is carried to an unexampled extreme1, while the wonderful idea that God's attributes are His messengers sent out into the human soul to ennoble and redeem, makes him at times so subtle that the latest scholars cannot tell whether he means Asha and Vohu Manah personified as Archangels, or as the thoughts and beneficent intentions of the Deity reproduced in men. I can recall no passage whatsoever in which Vohu Manah, Asha, Khshathra, &c, are not strongly felt to mean exactly what they signify as words, while at the same time they are prayed to, and be- sought to come, as Gods or angels. Either the personifica- tion is purely poetical, which would make it, as found in the Gathas, considering their age and place, a very remarkable phenomenon, or else, having dogmatically personified the divine attributes, Zarathiutra never forgets to express a respect which is higher than ' a respect for persons,' that is, 1 I regard it as most unfortunate that Zendists shoidd search for easy and natural expression in the Gathas, and the expression of commonplace detail. It is only in passionate utterance that their style becomes simple. INTRODUCTION. XXV a respect for the principles which they represent. In making every laudatory statement, however, I take for granted, what I fear is nevertheless far from uniformly granted, and that is, that the reader will weigh well what makes all the difference, namely, the very remote period at which we are obliged to place the Gathas, and the compara- tively rude civilisation amid which we must suppose them to have been composed. We must set the ideas which lie before us in this framework of time and place. If we fail to do so, as a matter of course the thoughts and their ex- pression will contain for us nothing whatever new ; but as viewed in the light of relation, after long weighing the matter, I cannot refer to them in any other terms than those which I use, without becoming aware that I am recoiling through fear of exaggeration from stating what I believe to be the truth. As to the personal sentiment of Zarathiutra, we can only / say that it was devoted. His word zarazdaiti gives the ! keynote to his purposes. We are certain that he was a man of courage ; but that he was not scrupulous at shedding blood is also evident. He was not reticent under misfortune, while yet endowed with rare persistence to overcome it. His sphere was not restricted. The objects which con- ] cern him are provinces as well as villages, armies as well as individuals. His circle was the reigning prince and promi- nent chieftains, a few gifted men deeply embued with religious veneration for the sacred compositions which had come down to them from primeval antiquity in ancient metres ; and these, together with a priesthood exceptionally pure, leading on a sobered population, were also his public. But three orders appear in it, the king, the people, and the peers. That the times were disturbed is involved in what has already been said. One feature alone needs mention, it is that the agitations involved the tenure of the throne. Vistaspa had no easy seat, and the prospect of revolution in the sense of supersedure was continually before him. As to the family life of Zarathuj-tra, we can only say that he commanded respect ; nothing whatever is further known. It will be seen from the above sketch that I make the widest distinction between the Gathic period and that of the XXVI THE GATHAS. later Avesta. I do so, not influenced very greatly by the fact that the Gathas are cited in the later Avesta. Most of these citations are indeed genuine and valid as proofs of priority, while others are mere displacements of the Gathas made for liturgical purposes, as Genesis is read in churches sometimes after portions of later matter. But a book may be cited by another when it is merely prior to it, and not much older. Nor do I lay too much stress upon the differ- ence between the Gathic dialect and the so-called Zend ; but I do lay very great stress upon the totally dissimilar atmospheres of the two portions. In the Gathas all is sober and real. The Kine's soul is indeed poetically described as wailing aloud, and the Deity with His Immortals is re- ported as speaking, hearing, and seeing ; but with these rhetorical exceptions, everything which occupies the atten- tion is practical in the extreme. G;rhma and B^«dva, the Karpans, the Kavis, and the Usi^s(-ks), are no mythical mon- sters. No dragon threatens the settlements, and no fabulous beings defend them. Zarathiutra, Gamaspa, Frashao-stra, and Maidhyomah ; the Spitamas, Hvogvas, the Ha.eka.t- aspas, are as real, and are alluded to with a simplicity as unconscious, as any characters in history. Except inspira- tion, there are also no miracles. All the action is made up of the exertions and passions of living and suffering men. Let the Zendist study the Gathas well, and then let him turn to the Ya.rts or the Vendidad ; he will go from the land of reality to the land of fable. He leaves in the one a toiling prophet, to meet in the other a phantastic demi-god. However ancient the fundamental ideas in the myths of the Ya^ts and Vendidad may be (and some of them were certainly older than the Gathas or the oldest Rzks) in the forms in which they now stand, they are greatly later. As we enter into further and necessary detail, this seems to be the place for a word as to the relative ages of the several sections which make up these hymns. We see struggle and suffering, fear and anger in some of them, and we naturally group these together as having been composed at a particular stage in Zarathujtra's career. We read expressions of happy confidence, and we refer them to a INTRODUCTION. XXV11 period of repose, as we do those sections where meditation, speculation, or dogmatic statement, are prominent ; but nothing is certain except that Y. LI 1 1 must have been written after Zarathmtra had attained to a sufficient age to have a marriageable daughter. An ancient leader may have reached a position of influence from doctrinal produc- tions, and afterwards expressed the vicissitudes of an active political career. One circumstance must, however, be held in view ; and that is, that neither the Gathas, nor any other ancient pieces, which were hardly at first committed to writing, have been preserved in the form in which they were delivered for the first time. The poet himself would file them into better (?) order at each subsequent delivery, and verses which referred originally to one period of time would, if especially striking, be reproduced in subsequent effusions. And pieces which the composer may have left in one shape, his early successors would be likely to modify by interpola- tions, excerptions, or inversions. I believe that the Gathas show the presence of less foreign matter than is usual, and that the interpolations which are present in them, are them- selves of great antiquity, or even practically synchronous with the original. Certainly few of them show anything like an ingenious attempt at imitation. If there exist any interpolations, and we may say a priori that all existing compositions of their antiquity are, and must have been, interpolated, the additions were the work of the author's earliest disciples who composed fully in his spirit, while the position of sections in this or that Gatha has little or no- thing to do with the question of their relative age, the metres being all ancient, and the U^tavaiti, Spewta-mainyu, &c, showing as decided evidence of originality as any parts of the Ahunavaiti. (See remarks on the Gatha U^tavaiti, p. 91 ff.) As we proceed from the question of the relative age of the particular sections as compared with each other to that of their age considered as a whole, we are first met by the question as to place. Were the Gathas first sung in the East or the West of Iran ? I would here say that I regard this point as especially open, as I am even inclined to differ in one particular from my eminent friend XXVlil THE GATHAS. Professor Darmesteter, but let it be understood, only or chiefly, as to the place of origin of the Gathas. I think that the scene of the Gathic and original Zarathiutrianism was the North-east of Iran, and that the later Avesta was com- posed during the hundreds of years during which the Zara- thiutrian tribes were migrating westward in Media. One certain fact is the occurrence of geographical names in Vendidad I, which are obviously intended to describe the earliest homes of the Iranian races whose lore was the Avesta. The present forms of those names, as they appear in the Avesta, are indeed not the most ancient, but they occur in passages which plainly repeat very ancient myths. These names describe a region from the middle of the North of Iran to the East of it, including ancient Bactria, but extending as far West as Ragha ; and, as the Gathas are unanimously acknowledged to be the oldest portion of the Avesta, dealing as they do with Zarathiutra as an historical person, we naturally look for the scene of his life in the oldest seats. The Zarathu.rtrian Ragha, much further West than the other places mentioned, seems to have a special claim to be regarded as his birthplace, as it possesses so firm a hold upon his name, but the epithet Zarathu^trian, together with the special eminence of the governor of Ragha as needing no ' Zarathu stra. ' over him, that is, no imperial chief (see Y. XIX, 19), may both be attributed to successors of Zarathiutra. From some reason, probably the migration of Zarathiutrian influence toward the West, Ragha became a stronghold of his descendants ; or his name, entirely apart from all family connection, may have become a title for leading politico-ecclesiastical officials (compare the Zara- thiutrotema). There is no mention of a foreign origin of Zarathiutra in the Gathas, nor is there any expression from which we might infer it. His family seems as settled as himself. The Spitamas are mentioned with the same familiarity as the Hvogvas, and the persons named are, some of them, related to him. He was no isolated figure among the people whom he influenced. Unless then we can place Vutaspa and c7amaspa, Frashao.ftra, and Maid- hyomah, in Ragha, we cannot well place Zarathiutra there, INTRODUCTION. XXIX for he is to be placed beside them. Tradition of a late and dubious character places Vlrtaspa in Bactria ; but it is better to leave the exact region undecided, as certainty can never be reached. The other circumstances which are imperative with many for a decision for the East as the region where Zarathartra laboured, have been stated with perhaps the greatest power and beauty by Darmesteter 1, who still inclines to the West. These are the strong analogies existing between the Zend laneuag-e and the Vedic Sanskrit on the one side, and between the gods, heroes, and myths of the Avesta, and those of Veda, on the other. As bearing, however, in favour of a western origin of the Gathic, as well as of the later Avesta, we must confess that the West Iranian of the Cuneiform Inscriptions possesses the same analogies with the Vedic which the language of the Avesta possesses with it ; and no reader should need to be reminded that the West Iranian as well as the East Iranian was in no sense derived from the Vedic. The old Aryan from which all descended was once spread without distinction over both West and East, while, on the other hand, the mythological features of the Avesta, kindred as they are to those of the Eastern Veda, are yet reproduced for us, some of them, in the poetry of the mediaeval West as drawn from the Avesta ; and the name of Mazda, unknown (?) to the Riks 2, appears cut in the rocks of Persepolis and Behistun, while all the sacred books of the Zarathmtrians, including the Gathas as well as the later Avesta, together with their interpretations, have come down to us from the West, where the Greeks also found their system from the time of Herodotus down. Added to which we must acknowledge that the differ- ences in dialect between the Avesta and Veda make a wide separation as to place far from startling, while myths as well as religions migrate as by a law. We must therefore consider well before we venture to differ from those who decide for the West as the scene of Zarathiutra's life. 1 See the Introduction to the first two volumes, and also Orrnuzd and Ahriman. 2 But cp. J?v. VIII, 20, 17, divo— asurasya vedhasa/j (medhasa/i (?) ). XXX THE GATHAS. But as we mention the Inscriptions, we must make a very careful distinction. Is their theology that of Zarathiutra ? If it is, this would certainly constitute a point in conjunction with the descriptions of the Greeks, in favour of a still more extensive prevalence of Zarathuxtrianism in the West at the dates which the Inscriptions cover. As to this disputed point, I would answer that their theology may be the Zarathujtrian in a sense as yet too little applied to the term, for it may be Gathic Zaratluu- trianism, or at least a Mazda-worship at a stage of develop- ment corresponding to the stage of Mazda-worship in which it stood when Zarathuj'tra left it ; but that it was the later and fully developed Zarathiutrianism, provided with all the regulations of the Vendidad. seems out of the question. In the first place there is no certain mention of Angra Mainyu, or of the Amesha Spewta, in the Inscriptions ; and this silence must be accounted for1 in any case2. The ready and just suggestion is made that the documents are exceedingly limited ; that many deities would not be named on so narrow a space, while the statements of Herodotus and his successors make it probable that the entire system of Zarathiutra was known in the near neighbourhood, and must have been very familiar to the persons who ordered the Inscriptions to be cut. To this the necessary rejoinder might be made, that the familiarity of Darius with the later, or indeed with the original, Zara- thiutrianism, if he was familiar with it, renders the absence of the name of Angra Mainyu at least all the more striking. What more imperative call could there be for the use of that name than in denouncing the opponents whose over- throw forms the theme of the mighty writings ? As the ' grace of Auramazda ' is mentioned on the one 1 Some relief is given by a mention of the Draogha, but the bagahya are probably Mithra and Anahita (see the Inscription of Artaxerxes Mnemon, 4) rather than the Amesha Spewta. As we notice the name of Mithra, however, we must remark that, as the Mithra worship undoubtedly existed previously to the Gathic period, and fell into neglect at the Gathic period, it might be said that the greatly later Inscriptions represent Mazda-worship as it existed among the ancestors of the Zarathartrians in a pre-Gathic age or even Vedic age. '* Angra Mainyu and the Amesha are also prominent in the Gathas. INTRODUCTION. XXXI side, one naturally expects to see some reference to the 'opposition' of His chief adversary on the other, and one also expects to trace some certain recognition of the Bountiful Immortals. I think that both were omitted because their names retained less weight, as we cannot suppose that they were unknown, or, if once known, then forgotten. But allowing that it is not quite fair to reason from such scanty texts, we are met by the positive fact that an important Inscription is written on a tomb1 ; and, as the burial of the dead was one of the most flagrant violations of the Zarathuitrian ceremonial law, it is not conceivable that Darius could have been a Zarathiutrian according to the later Faith. He was either a heretical schismatic departing from a sacred precept, or he was following the creed of his fathers, a Mazda-worshipper, but not ' of Zarath ultra's order,' or, if a Zarathiutrian, then a partial inheritor of Zarathiutra's religion at an undeveloped stage, while burial was not as yet forbidden by it ; and at the same time he neglected also prominent doctrines of the Gathas. It is not possible that he could have been an isolated schismatic as to such a particular. If he composed the Inscriptions as a monarch of another religion than that of the later Avesta, it would seem to prove either that he was an adherent to a cruder, or half effaced, form of Gathic Zarathiutrianism, which had found its way during the long periods of its existence westward before the later Zarathuj-trianism arose in the western settlements, or else that it, the religion of the Inscriptions, simply originated where we find it, from an original and wide-spread Mazda- worship which had not yet forbidden the burial of the dead 2. 1 And all are the Inscriptions of buried men. See also the statements of Professor de Harlez on the subject. 2 And perhaps it had also not forbidden cremation. Geiger (see ' The Civili- sation of the Eastern Iranians in Ancient Times ;' English translation by Darab Dastur Peshotan Sa%"ana, B. A., p. 90) conjectures that the dakhma were originally places for cremation. If this is a correct surmise, both burial and cremation may have been permitted at the Gathic period, being forbidden long after. At least the original Mazda-worship did not recoil from cremation, otherwise the story of the attempt to burn the Lydian Croesus could not have arisen. The earlier Persians had no abhorrence of either burial or burning. Only the developed Zarathiutrian Magism of the Medes obeyed the Vendidad. XXX11 THE GATHAS. That such a Mazda-worship once existed in primeval Iran seems certain, and that it was greatly earlier than Zara- thu^trianism *. It is also very probable that some form of it survived unadulterated by Zarathmtrianism. And this is as probable a priori when we reflect on what might have happened, as it is when we seek for an explanation of the burial of a Mazda-worshipper in a tomb. As the Asura (Ahura) worship extended into India with the Indians as they migrated from Iran, a form of Asura worship arose in Iran which added the name of Mazda to the original term for God. In the East it began to acquire additional peculiarities out of which, when Zarathostra arose, he developed his original system, while in other parts of Iran, and with great probability in Persia, it retained its original simplicity. At subsequent periods only, the Zara- thiutrian form spread, first at the Gathic stage, and later a second time, and from a centre further West, as the Zarathu^- trianism of the later Avesta which is reported by the Greeks. Either then Darius was a Mazda-worshipper, like his fathers, following an original and independent type of Mazda-worship, or he was following a mutilated Gathic Zaratluutrianism, which may not yet have forbidden burial2, he and his chieftains adhering to this ancient form, while the masses yielded to the novelties, as the patrician Jews held to Sadduceeism after the masses had become Pharisees, and as the patrician Romans clung to Paganism after Rome had become Catholic. In either case it seems to me that the Mazda-worship of the Inscriptions might be severed from the later Zarathu^trianism ; and that it must be so severed on some theory or other, all with one voice seem to agree. In deciding for the North-east a as the scene of Zara- thujrtra's personal labours, and for the Gathic dialect as its more particular form of speech, I am not, I trust, solely 1 Compare even the Scythic nameThamimasadas, cited by Professor Rawlinson (Herod. 3rd edit, iii, p. 195). Were branches of the Scyths themselves in a sense Mazda-worshippers, or could the name have been borrowed ? 2 And which insisted less upon the personality of Satan. ' The name Bactrian cannot be considered as more than a convenient expression. INTRODUCTION. XXX111 or unduly influenced by the occurrence of the eastern names in the first chapter of the Vendidad, for those names may indicate primeval homes from which the ancestors of Zara- thostra migrated toward the west centuries before his appearance. I merely say that the occurrence of the names shows that the ancestors of the Zarathiutrian Mazda-worshippers once lived in East Iran ; and if that is the case, their descendants may have still lived there when Zarathujtra developed his system, and it is also possible that masses of Zarathu^trians may long have remained behind in the East Iranian mountains after the Zarathiu- trians of the later Avesta had gone west. The descendant may have arisen in the home of his ancestors, and in fact, other things being equal, there is a stronger probability that he arose there. I do not think that the appearance of a later Zarathiutrianism in the west, is a sufficient reason for doubting that the founder of the system laboured nearer the land of the Vedas, where a Vutaspa once ruled (?), where a Daeva-worship long lingered, and where the common names of the Irano-indian gods were heard as household words, and which, we may add, was precisely the place where we should suppose the Indo-aryans to have left the Irano-aryans, as they descended into the Vungab. Having formed an opinion as to the place where Zara- thu^tra laboured, and proceeding to the question as to when he lived and wrote the Gathas, we find ourselves under the necessity to form our estimate first as to the age of the later parts of the Avesta. While interpolated passages, or indeed whole Ya.sts, may be very late, I cannot place the later Avesta in its bulk later than the Cuneiform Inscriptions of Darius, for the fact that the In- scriptions preserve either a pre-Zarathu.s±rian Mazdaism, or the Zarathiutrianism of the Gathas long previous as it was in its origin to that of the Vendidad, has nothing whatever to do with the relative age of the Inscriptions themselves. The later Avesta, with its forbiddal of burial and crema- tion, must have existed for a long time side by side with that religion which has left sepulchral monuments, and [31] c [ XXXIV THE GATHAS. whose adherents could contemplate the burning of cap- tives ; and analogous facts are universal. But aside from the seeming difference in the type of Mazda-worship, which simply severs the religion of the Inscriptions from that of the more developed Zarathuj- trianism, and which has, as we have seen, nothing whatever to do with the question of the relative ages of the Inscrip- tions and the later Avesta, I think that we have some signs of a later age in the language of the Inscriptions apart from their contents. As, however, Darmesteter is inclined to regard the West Iranian, or Cuneiform, as better pre- served than the Zend of the later Avesta, I make my few remarks only with great hesitation. The termination ^OO*^-, which would otherwise be justly considered as an evidence of degeneration in the Zend, I regard as merely a wrong writing for -ahya = Gathic ahya. The letter )0 is a relic of the time when the Avesta stood in the Pahlavi character ; I think that it is here merely a lengthened KJ^ya1. Terminations also seem much muti- lated in the Cuneiform, and the name Auramazda written as one word, does not seem to me so original. We must indeed remember that a later generation, owing to an isolated position, often preserves an older dialect, as it may an older form of religion, whereas an earlier genera- tion, if its predecessors have lived in a compact society in smaller districts, varies the ancient forms, as the old Indian developed into Sanskrit and Prakrit. Still we have little reason to be certain that the civilisation of Media and ! Also CKJ* is simply ayam, and should be so transliterated ; so also in a throng of other words. Salemann has noticed the origin of KJ = e, but gives no other indication in the present sense. I think that KJ and also KJ, where they equal Aryan ya, should be corrected everywhere, like all other instances of miswriting. Unless indeed we can regard the KJ, for which KJ KJ were often clearly miswritten, as itself of double significance, as in Pahlavi. KJ might then regularly and properly equal both e and ya ; so KJ may equal long e or ya (aya). Other instances of miswriting in Zend would be dat. dual -bya. The Aryan -am was first written as the nasal vowel -a, and still further carelessly reduced to -a, but never so spoken. On the contrary, in the ace. fern. &c, the nasalisation was over-written, too much expressed. The final nasal caused the scribes to write the preceding letter as if nasalised, 'u,' but it was never nasalised in speech INTRODUCTION. XXXV Persia was either more or less condensed and social than that of Bactria and the East. But beside a priority to the Inscriptions, we are obliged to consider the time needed for developments. The Greeks of the time of Herodotus probably, and those later certainly, found a form of Zara- thuJtrianism in full development in Media ; but if the con- temporaries of Herodotus heard familiarly of a Zarathuj-- trianism there, a long period of time must be allowed for its development if it originated in Media, and a still longer period if it found its way there from the East. If, then, the bulk of the later Avesta existed at the time of Herodotus and at that of Darius, how long previously must it have been composed ; for such systems do not bloom in a day? We have the evidence of historical tradition that the Maei l were influential even at the time of Cyrus, not dwelling upon the possibility of their existence at the earliest mention of Medes as the conquerors and rulers of Babylon. Can we then, considering the recognised stagnation of ancient Eastern intelligence, ascribe to the development of the Median Zarathuitrianism a shorter period than from one to three centuries? If, then, the bulk of the later Avesta must be placed so long before the Inscriptions of Darius, where shall we place the earlier Avesta with its most important remaining fragments, the Gathas2? After studying the Gathas carefully in detail, and be- coming also familiar with them as a whole by frequent perusal, we must measure the time needed for the change from their tone to that of the later Avesta. Could it have been less than a century, or centuries? Was not as much time needed for the Zarathmtra of the Gathas to become the Zarathuj-tra of the later Avesta, as was afterwards con- sumed by the migration of the creed from the North-east, if it really originated there ? As there is undoubtedly a 1 I regard the Magi as representing the Zarathiutrianism of the Vendidad. This the false Bardiya endeavoured to introduce, demolishing the temples which the old Mazda-worship permitted in Persia. See the Cuneiform Inscription of Behistun II ; Darius 61. 3 All in the Gathic dialect is old. C 2 XXXVI THE GATHAS. difference of several centuries between the dates of the newest and oldest parts of the later Avesta, so we must think of a considerable interval between the oldest parts of the later Avesta and the latest parts of the older Avesta, for there is the other consideration which imperatively con- strains us to avoid concluding for short periods in the stages of development. The Vedic Hymns, sung in metres closely similar to those in both the Gathas and the later Avesta, and naming gods, demons, and heroes so closely related, not to speak of myths, challenge us to say whether they are. the oldest of them, older or later than the oldest parts of the Avesta, and, if there exists any difference as to the ages of these ancient productions, how great that difference is. The oldest Riks have now an established antiquity of about 4000 ; were the hymns sung on the other side of the mountains as old ? The metres of these latter are as old as those of the iv'zg-veda, if not older, and their grammatical forms and word structure are often posi- tively nearer the original Aryan from which both proceeded. If it were not for two circumstances, we should be forced to ask very seriously which were the older, and to abandon altogether our mention of later dates. Those circum- stances are the absence of the Aryan gods from the Gathas ; and, secondly, their abstract conceptions. These latter are so little offset with expected puerilities that it is often hard to believe that the Gathas are old at all. Their antiquity is placed beyond dispute by the historic mention of Zara- thiutra. But, if Zarathujtra were not indisputably a living man in the Gathas, their depth and refinement, together with the absence of Mithra, Haoma, &c, would, in them- selves considered, force us to place them rather late. As it is, the absence of Mithra and his colleagues, who reappear in the later Avesta, permits us to place the Gathas con- siderably later than the oldest Riks. For no sudden and intentional dismissal of the ancient gods is to be accepted with Haug, nor any religious schism as the cause (!) of the migration of the Indians toward the south. The process was of course the reverse. The migrating tribes, in consequence of their separation INTRODUCTION. XXXV11 from their brethren in Iran, soon became estranged from them, and their most favoured Gods fell slowly into neglect, if not disfavour. We need time to account for this change, and no short interval of time. We can therefore place the Gathas long after the oldest Riks. While, therefore, in view of the established age of the Rzg-veda., the Gathas may possibly have been composed as early as about 1500 B.C., it is also possible to place them as late as (say) 900-1200 B.C.. while the fragments in the Gathic dialect must be considered somewhat later. The dates of the composition of the several parts of the later Avesta, on the other hand, must be sup- posed to extend over many centuries, as the various sections in the Zend dialect are so much more numerous than those in the Gathic, the Gathas themselves representing practi- cally but one date. Placing then the oldest portions of the later Avesta somewhat earlier than Darius, we are obliged to extend the period during which its several parts were com- posed so far as perhaps to the third or fourth century before Christ, the half-spurious matter contained in them being regarded as indefinitely later. It seems necessary to state here for the information of non-specialists, and as bearing very seriously upon all the questions involved, that a very unusually severe controversy prevails upon the exegesis of the Avesta, and that it centres in the question as to the value of the Asiatic trans- lations of it. A similar debate was once held on the Rig- veda, but that is now silenced, all agreeing that the traditional renderings are neither to be slavishly followed, nor blindly ignored. Very different has been the fate of Zend philology, and in one important particular the studies are poles apart ; for whereas the commentaries on the Riks are written in Sanskrit, which is clear to experts, those on the Zend-Avesta are written in a language upon which the lexicography is most incomplete, and the elucidation of these explanations themselves remains by far the most XXXV111 THE GATHAS. difficult task now before us. Professor von Spiegel has accomplished much toward breaking the rough road of science in this direction, and scholars of the first order have followed his leading, while all with one accord express to him their acknowledgments. But Professor von Spiegel has not intended his editions and citations to represent full translations. He has, as a matter of course, taken it for granted that those who oppose him, as well as those who follow him, have studied his Pahlavi editions, not paying him the undesired compliment of making his commentaries the sole source of their knowledge of tradition. Moreover in no branch of science does scholarship make more rapid strides than in Pahlavi, several important works having appeared since Spiegel's commentaries. In the attempt to master the Pahlavi translations of the Avesta we must consider many and difficult problems. In the first place, and as a matter of course, they cannot be at all reasonably attempted without a full knowledge of the Gathic and Avesta texts so far as they have been as yet otherwise and approximately elucidated. The two problems hang together like the arches of a circular building, and they should be studied together word for word ; for the Pahlavi used is not fully that of the books. It is often turned quite out of its course, as Pahlavi, by an effort to follow the more highly inflected Zend literally. Then, again, a question of the utmost importance meets us in estimating the glosses, which are often, but not always, from a later hand. A translation of the Pahlavi must of course first be considered as in the light of the glosses, for the language is so indefinite as to many of its grammatical forms, that such an indication as a gloss, if it be proved to have been written by the same person who composed the text, would be decisive in determining the rendering; but a final translation should be made more strictly in the light of the Gathic, so far as it affords on its side positive indications, and the glosses, where they do not correspond, should be set apart as from a later hand. Then, once more, and on the contrary, where the gloss is obviously right, and the text erroneous, the former should be appro- INTRODUCTION. XXXIX priated unencumbered by the latter1. We must recognise the traces of former accurate scholarship whether we see them in text or gloss, and, from the accumulation of the correct surmises, we should construct an argument for the probability of the correctness of the hints of the Pahlavi in cases of great difficulty. In rendering the Pahlavi as a necessary prelude to rendering the Avesta^ all possible help should of course be sought from the Asiatic translations of the Pahlavi, from those of Neryosangh in Sanskrit, and from the still later ones in Parsi and Persian. Here, again, those who read the Pahlavi only as rendered by Neryosangh need great caution. If Neryosangh is simply read like the classical Sanskrit, great errors will be committed. He needs a glossary of his own, and should be read solely in the light of the Pahlavi which was chiefly his original. So of the Parsi Persian translations, they must be read with especial attention to their originals. After these original translations have been fully mastered, and compared with an improved rendering of the Gathic, likewise also studied in the full light of the Veda, the patient scholar will be sur- prised at the result. He will find that to a certain exten- sive degree, the two sources of information coincide when reasonably estimated, and, moreover, that where the Pah- lavi gives us an indication differing from that derived from the Vedic, the surmise of the Pahlavi is the more often correct. I say ' reasonably estimated,' for not only is the Pahlavi, as a less highly inflected language, incapable of rendering the Avesta literally, but its authors do not uni- formly make the attempt to do so ; nor do they always follow the order of the Gathic or Zend. Their translations generally run word for word as to their outward forms, for the ancient interpreters probably regarded such a following as essential to a complete rendering, but they found them- 1 I would here state to the distinguished scholars who have done me the honour to study my work on the Gathas, that the Pahlavi translations contained in it are those made in the light of the glosses. Here and there final ones will be added in a later volume, as from the Pahlavi texts sometimes considered apart from the Pahlavi glosses, and in consequence often much nearer the Gathic than those from both text and gloss. xl THE GATHAS. selves compelled to resort to the most important excep- tions. And, lastly, the rejection, or total neglect of the Pahlavi translations and their successors, on the ground that they contain errors, is a policy which seems to me defective, and to the last degree. What absurdities can Sayawa be capable of, and yet who would utter final opinions upon the Rig-veda. without either the ability, or the attempt, to read Sayawa1? It is hardly necessary to mention that the restoration of texts goes hand in hand with translation. For how are we to interpret a passage before we know that it exists ? And of what inestimable worth are the Pahlavi translations as evidence to texts ! Who does not see that where the ancient scribe is most free or erroneous as to form, or root, his rendering often shows plainly which of two words stood before him in his manuscripts. Our oldest MS. (that of Copenhagen, numbered 5) dates from the year 1323 a.d. ; and what were the dates of the ancient documents before the eyes of the Pahlavi translator who writes in it ? We must now ask whether our present Pahlavi transla- tions are improvements upon their predecessors, or the reverse. That they are improvements in some few in- stances is undeniable, for, as we have seen, some of the glosses to them from later hands give the truth where the text is wide. But the glosses which show a later origin are, for the most part, inferior in richness to the texts. Here and there a talented, or fortunate, Parsi threw new light on the subject, but the general tendency was one of deteriora- tion ; that is, before the revival of Parsi-learning under Neryosangh (400-500 years ago). This deterioration would naturally decrease as we approach successive periods in going back to the time when MSS. of the Gathas existed according to positive evidence, that is, to the time when, according to the Aiv/a Viraf, Alexander's servants found skins at Persepolis on which the Avesta had been traced in 1 Well has Geklner mentioned the 'epoch-making' Etudes Iraniennes of Darmesteter (KZ. vol. xxviii, p. 186). It is to be hoped that these brilliant pieces will stimulate the study of the relation between the Zend and the New Persian through the Ancient Persian and the Pahlavi. INTRODUCTION. xli gilded letters (for it is not positively proved that the in- formants of Herodotus heard the Magian priests singing their ' theogonies ' from written books). At each of these periods scholarship is proved to have been competent by the results which it accomplished. The first of them we must place in the sixth century when, on Spiegel's estimate1, the Zend characters were modified into their present lucid form from the Pahlavi, and distinct short vowels took the place of the unknown signs which existed previously. Then all MSS. which were to be found must have been collected and copied, and, so to speak, re-edited ; and here we must accordingly place a period when the Pahlavi translations were more valuable than those of any later date. As we go further back we come upon another period, when, under Shapur II, Adarbad Mahraspend brought the surviving portions of the Zend-Avesta together (about a.d. 330). Still earlier the servants of Artaxerxes, the Sasanian, col- lected yet more abundant writings, when Zarathiutrianism was instituted as the state religion. Then, under the Arsa- cids (possibly under Vologeses the first), those most competent in the realm were directed to gather the then extant documents. While, if we hold that the entire Avesta was written originally in some character different from the Pahlavi, we must finally infer the existence of an early epoch, when the entire Avesta was brought over in its bulk from the earlier East (or West ?) Iranian character in which it was first inscribed. If this character differed radically from the Pahlavi, this transliteration must be regarded as one of the most remarkable of literary events. Notwithstanding all the now rapidly corrected errors, the texts have been handed down with the minutest distinctions of dialect preserved2, and this proves the existence of competent interpreters at a period practically contemporaneous with the composition of the later portions of the later Avesta. What commentaries must then have existed, not free from 1 Eranisches Alterthumskunde III, s. 767. 2 See Hiibschmann, KZ. bd. 24, s. 326. xlii THE GATHAS. error, as we see from the Zand of the Avesta, but, as to language and general sense, how close ! Even if the degree of linguistic knowledge increases only gradually or steadily in going back, without any epochs from the time of Neryosangh to the inferable date of the latest Zend writings, and if the character in which the Avesta was first recorded (after a lengthy life as an orally extended lore) differed only as to mode and fashion, and not radically, from the Pahlavi (which, so far as the later Avesta is concerned, is most probable), we have yet the transliteration of the Gathas to account for, which perhaps were brought over (after long oral life) from the so-called Aryan character, while the existence of a gradual tradition of a scholarship does not refute the fact that this scholarship must have been at times of the highest cha- racter ; it makes high scholarship more probable. What translations, we again remark, may have ex- isted among these early sages ! And, if they could once make translations fresh from the exegesis of the latest Zend writers themselves, is it not practically certain, considering the tenacity of life manifested by Zoroastrianism, that their explanations still lurk in the commentaries which have come down to us. And if these inferences be at all correct, how should we labour to discover from our present transla- tions what these predecessors were ; and what scholar cannot perceive that gems of evidence as to texts and sense may yet linger in those of our present Pahlavi translations which may yet be otherwise most filled with phantastic error? And shall we not therefore conclude that their ex- pected inaccuracies, whether small or great, cannot destroy their inherent value ? What, then, are we to think of it, when the New Persian, a quasi-daughter of the Pahlavi, is superficially referred to for linguistic analogies, when even the Armenian is also scanned, while the Pahlavi is left un- mastered ? Is a quasi-mother language of the New Persian any the less likely to afford linguistic analogies because an actual translation of the Avesta has been attempted in it, and because the Avesta once stood in its characters, while it may also present claims to be considered to a certain limit a daughter language to both the Gathic and Zend ? INTRODUCTION. xliii And should the acknowledged difficulty of the character continue to be a reason for avoiding all efforts to make it out 1 ? In the endeavour to divide our Avesta texts into originals and gloss, we are greatly aided by the metre. Interpolated words and phrases are often obvious at a glance, and we should never suspend our efforts to discover all the traces of metre which exist in the Avesta, as a necessary step to the restoration of the documents to their first form; but we should avoid exaggeration, and a carelessly dogmatic pro- cedure in insisting upon reducing lines to an exact, or to a supposed exact, number of syllables2. I regard it as un- wise to suppose that the metrical lines of the Avesta, or indeed of any very ancient poetical matter, have been com- posed with every line filed into exact proportions. The ancient poets would have brought out the measures in many a place by accent and a sandhi which are no longer known to us. The Vedic Hymns may, to a great extent, form an exception, but who would not say that where uniform even- ness is at hand, an effort to improve the metre has often corrupted the text. Priests or reciters of intelligence would here and there round off an awkward strophe, as year after year they felt the unevenness of numbers. Metre must inevitably bring a perfecting corruption at times, as a de- ficiency in the metre must also prove a marring corruption. Cases should be carefully discriminated. The expression of passionate feeling, for instance, would be likely to cause 1 One of the most powerful tributes ever paid to the Pahlavi translators was Haug's conversion to them. Before studying them he lost no opportunity to stigmatise their deficiencies ; later, however, he followed them in many an im- portant place, and sometimes with little reserve. As writers of the opposed extremes seem honestly convinced of the radical error of each other's views, it is obvious that association and interest have much to do with decisions. A scholar should put himself fully under the influence first of one school and then of the other. The necessity for well-balanced studies is extremely great. 2 It is only lately that the variation from eleven to twelve syllables in the lines of TrishAip has been applied to the Gathic metres, nor has the possibility of a shifting caesura been acceded to till lately. xliv THE GATIIAS. unevenness in lines. The language would be vigorous and idiomatic, and of unusual value as a fragment of ancient phrase, but the metre would have suffered. Then as to conjectured texts ; after texts have been improved from all available relics of ancient tradition, or scholarship, as afforded by the Pahlavi translations, and from the evidence of metre, we are at times still left with readings before us which could not have been original. The composers have indeed here and there constructed sentences which they either could not, or would not, make easy, but as a general thing we may say, that where the text, as it stands, gives no satisfactory sense to us, after we have ex- hausted the resources of previous Asiatic scholarship, or direct analogy, in our efforts to explain it, it is in that case not the text as the composer delivered it. We are then reduced to conjecture, for how are we to translate a text before we are certain that it is integral ? Our first efforts should be directed to the detection of losses ; for a text may still be of great value when considered as a mass of broken sentences, for, if we are certain that such is its character, we can often fill out the missing members with much proba- bility. But whether we insert supplementary conjectures, or merely bracket later interpolations, we must by all means in cases of real necessity make the effort to amend the text (as also in the Veda). Even if we fail in our attempted improvements, we are often little worse off than before, for whereas it is possible, or even probable, that the composers wrote what we sug- gest, it is sometimes not possible that they wrote exactly what stands in our texts. We should even suggest alterna- tive readings where our present ones are only less probable (for the suggestion of an alternative is not the wholesale destruction of a sentence), while even when we declare their outcoming meaning totally unsatisfactory, the MSS. still re- main to other writers to begin on afresh. And in estimating what would be reasonable meanings, we should guard care- fully against both extremes, and we should especially exer- cise a strong negative criticism against the recognition of INTRODUCTION. xlv too much meaning, or too subtle a meaning. Profound and subtle conceptions placed where we are obliged to place the Gathas, and other ancient portions of the Avesta, are indeed precious relics, as such conceptions at any age show a higher mental power, but we must doubt them only so much the more, and doubt, if we would be scientific and conscientious, till doubt becomes no longer possible. Beyond that we should turn our suspicions against our doubts themselves, which is the proper course if we would exhaust the meanings of the Gathas. Unless these are a fortuitous concourse of syllables, religiously profound modes of thought are manifest throughout. It is therefore strictly unscientific to force parts of them to express shallow details, and it is above all deplorable to change the text itself in order to produce out of it less enlarged meanings *. I say to force parts of them, for the great mass of them confessedly defies all attempts to reduce them to the statements of simple commonplace. They can never possess the rich colour of the Rzks ; it is therefore the more to be deplored if we fail to see their deep, but awkwardly expressed, and oft-repeated thought. I must express my regret that until lately, when the enclitics have been more carefully considered, the form of sentences in the Gathas does not seem to have been noticed, writers conjecturing infinitives and simple accusatives at the ends of sentences. Both may, of course, fall there, but when we wish to reconstruct a word, we should not change it to a form which is not placed according to prevailing analogies. Infinitives and accusatives generally, both in the Gathas and the Rtg-veda., avoid the end of the sentence. The accusative., when it falls there, is generally preceded by qualifying words often in apposition or agreement with it. Also in the conception of translations, authors seem to sup- 1 Non-specialists must not suppose that our texts are more apparently uncer- tain than (say) many portions of the Old Testament. Large portions of them are also as clear, at least, as the AYg-veda ; and the emendations referred to need very seldom affect the doctrines. Let the learned public, however, insist on scholars making honest attempts to render the texts as they stand before their emendations, and greater harmony would result. xlvi THE GATHAS. pose it impossible that the lines can contain anything but lengthened prosaic sentences (too often with an accusative, or infinitive, pushed awkwardly out to the end). To me the Gathic sentence is often very short, and so better adapted to poetic expression. It has been already implied, and it has been taken for granted throughout1, that the Avesta should be closely compared with the Veda, but let it never be forgotten, in the name of science, that the force and meaning of analo- gous words in the Gathic and the Vedic cannot be expected to be uniformly identical, considering the extent of territory, and the length of time, by which those who spoke the two languages were separated. The meanings of the Vedic words could not hold their own even in India, developing into the Sanskrit and Prakrit which differ widely, how truly mis- guided is it therefore to attribute necessarily the same shades of meaning to the terms of the two sister tongues. If even the Gathic hymns stood in the Indian forms, and had been discovered in India, having also reference to Indian history, no thoughtful writer would have rendered them in complete analogy with the Rig-veda.. The Gathic usages would have been added in our dictionaries to those of the Vedic, just as the Sanskrit definitions are added. An additional word seems called for as to the results of Zarathu.rtrian theology. Besides its connection with the modern philosophy through Gnosticism which has been already noticed2, a relation between it and the Jewish theology since the Captivity has long been mentioned. The hagiology, the demonology, the temptation, the para- bles, the eschatology, have all been supposed to show traces of the time when Persian power was dominant in Jerusalem, and with it, Persian literature ; but the discussion of such questions requires separate treatises. As to the general benefit which has resulted from Zara- thuj-trianism in the past, few reflections need to be added. If the mental illumination and spiritual elevation of many millions of mankind, throughout long periods of time, are of ' See remarks in the Preface, p. xv. 'J See note on p. xix. INTRODUCTION. xlvii any importance, it would require strong proof to deny that Zarathiutrianism has had an influence of very positive power in determining the gravest results. That men should be / taught to look within rather than without, to believe that / suffering and sin do not originate from the capricious power ' of a Deity still called ' good,' that the ' good thought, word, and deed ' should be recognised as essential to all sanctity, even in the presence of a superstitious ceremonial, that a judgment should have been expected according to the deeds done in the body, and the soul consigned to a Heaven of virtue or to a Hell of vice, its recompense being pro- nounced by the happy or stricken conscience, these can never be regarded by serious historians as matters of little moment, and if, on the contrary, they are allowed to be matters of great moment, the Zend-Avesta should be revered and studied by all who value the records of the human race. ABBREVIATIONS. Barth. = Bartholomae. B.V. S. = Vendidad Sade, von Dr. Hermann Brockhaus. Leipzig, 1850. D. = dastur. De inf. = De infinitivi linguarum sanskritae bactricae persicae graecae oscae umbricae latinae gotticae forma et usu, scripsit Eugenius Wilhelmus, phil. doctor. 1872. G. = Camasp^i. H. = Hiibschmann. Inf. = Geschichte des Infmitivs im Indogermanischen, von Dr. Julius Jolly. 1873. K. = Kopenhagen MSS. K. Z. = Kuhnische Zeitschrift fiir vergleichende Sprachforschung. M. i K. = Mainyo-i Khard. Ed. West. 1871. Ner. = Neryosangh. P. = Paris MSS. ^v. = J?ig-\eda. Sp. = Spiegel. Trlr. = translator. V. S. = Ein Kapitel vergleichender Syntax, von Dr. Julius Jolly. 1872. Wg. = Westergaard. Z. D. M. G. = Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft. An asterisk denotes irregularities. THE GATHAS. The five Gathas of Zarathiutra and his immediate followers are placed here before the other parts of the Yasna on account of their higher antiquity. There existed no other Yasna for years or centuries beside them. The more remarkable circumstances connected with them have been already discussed in the Introduction. If it is necessary to recall any of them here, the most prominent would be that they are undoubtedly the pro- ductions of a small group of influential men who are referred to in them for the most part by name ; that Zarathuitra, everywhere else nearly or quite a demi-god, is here a struggling and suffering man. He is a prophet, or a divinely appointed instructor, but thoroughly human and real, so far as his situations become apparent. Secondly, their historical tone may be emphasised. Their doctrines and exhortations concern an actual reli- gious movement taking place contemporaneously with their composition ; and that movement was exceptionally pure and most earnest. Their tone is therefore everywhere serious. Nearly all myths are dropped, and likewise, as perhaps their most striking peculiarity, even the old Aryan gods, who reappear in the later Yasna, Vendidad, and Ya.sts, are, save one, wholly absent. The movement in its reformatory character seems to have thrown them out, not perhaps with definite intention, but because the minds of the devout enthusiasts excluded them as having inferior interest, in view of the results immediately before them. So far as a claim to a high position among the curiosities of ancient moral lore is concerned, the reader may trust himself freely to the impression that he has before him an anthology which was probably composed with as fervent a desire to benefit the spiritual and moral natures of those to [31] B THE GATHAS. whom it was addressed as any which the world had yet seen. Nay, he may provisionally accept the opinion that nowhere else are such traces of intelligent religious earnest- ness to be found as existing at the period of the Gathas or before them, save in the Semitic scriptures. As to their speculative depth; wherever theosophical speculation is put into words, the evidence of their grasp and subjectivity becomes positive. As the extent of docu- ments necessarily produces a certain impression upon the mind of an investigator, it must not be forgotten that the Gathas were in all probability many times more volu- minous than the fragments which now remain to us. The historian may argue from what has survived to what once existed, and the inevitable conclusion is imposing. For additional details see the Introduction, and the sum- maries at the head of each Gatha and chapter. THE GATHA(A) AHUNAVAITI(l). This Gatha, consisting of seven chapters of the Yasna (XXVIII-XXXIV), takes its name from the similarity of its metre to that of the Ahuna-vairya formula which also occurs before it in the Yasna. It is composed of homo- geneous material, but as its material is also homogeneous with that of the other Gathas, it probably owes its exist- ence as a group of sections to its metrical form. Its lines were intended to number sixteen syllables, and they are put together in stanzas of three. It is all very ancient and probably nearly all original with Zarathujtra himself, though parts seem to be put into the mouths of his immediate associates and disciples. Whether any persons existed in the immediate circle of the sage capable of composing hymns like these unaided, is of course a ques- tion ; but that some were able to put poetical matter together under his guidance or inspiration seems certain. An analysis and general summary is placed before each chapter as more convenient than massing them all together. The reader is reminded that the rhythm of the original, so far as it could be reasonably conjectured, is somewhat imitated in parts of the translations. A THE GATHAS. YASNA XXIX. The Wail of the Kine. The Call of Zarathustra. His Prayer for Aid. This chapter, the second in the manuscripts of the Gatha Ahuna- vaiti, is placed here as in a more natural order. ■ It may be regarded as containing the terminus a quo of the divine revelation. The Soul of the Kine, as representing the herds of the holy Iranian people, their only means of honourable livelihood, raises its voice, and expressing the profoundest needs of an afflicted people, addresses Ahura and His Divine Order, Asha, in bitterness. i. Recalling another and a later 'groan of the creation,' she demands wherefore and for whom she was made, since afflictions encompass her; and as her comfort, if not her existence, was threatened as much by the unsettled habits induced by constant alarms as by the actual incursions of her predatory neighbours, she beseeches the Bountiful Immortals to instruct her as to the benefits of civilised agriculture, and confirm her protectors in its practice, as her only remedy against the evils of which she complains. 2. Ahura answers by a question to Asha, the personified Righteous Order, as to what guardian he had appointed in order to smite back the fury which assails her, intimating that some chief ought to have been set over her originally who would have averted her miseries, training her people in steady tillage and bucolic skill, and repelling the destructive raids. 3. Asha answers that her sufferings were inevitable, that no chief could be appointed who could prevent them since none was himself without his share of injustice and of passionate resentment. He could not answer why this was the case. The question, involving the insolvable problem of the origin of evil, lay at the foundation of those influences which move the stars of destiny ; that the religious revelation afforded by the Ratu (as in B 2 THE GATHAS. chapter XXX) was intended to meet these problems so far as they could be answered1, and that therefore all who were entering upon active enterprises were in the act of approaching, not him Asha, the subordinate archangel, but Mazda himself, who was the greatest of beings, and alone able to answer their prayers and questions. 4. Zarathustra 2, poetically conceived to be present, here inter- venes to reaffirm the homage just paid by Asha. He declares Ahura Mazda to be himself the most mindful of all the previously revealed assertions and directions uttered by himself, and fulfilled in the actions of both the Demon-gods of their enemies, and of good or evil men. He is also said to be fully cognisant of what they will do in the future, and to discriminate between what is good and evil as an infallible judge, allotting to us all our destiny in future sufferings or rewards. 5. Addressing Ahura and Asha, and uniting with the Kine's Soul in her supplication, he questions Mazda in his doubt, not in peaceful confidence, as later in the impressive hymn, each verse of which begins with the words, 'This ask I Thee, aright, Ahura! tell me!' but deprecating from himself, and constructively from the Kine, the impending destruction which he sees will justly fall upon the wicked as visited by the discriminating vengeance acknowledged to be Ahura's attribute (see verse 4). 6. At last Ahura, showing the intention of His questions, answers them himself; no regulating lord in full sympathy with the Righteous Order had as yet been discovered or discoverable, but He himself will make a selection. He therefore declares himself as solemnly appointing Zarathustra to that office. And Zarathustra, inspired by His Good Mind, and guided by His righteousness, will accomplish more than has as yet been done to rally the thrifty community, and settle their virtuous polity upon its desired basis of training and defence. 7. As Zarathustra is a listener in the colloquy between the Deity, the Kine's Soul, and Asha, the Righteous Order, so the other Immortals beside Asha 3, here join in, as if the appointment just made had not been heard, or was incredible (see below). Mazda is indeed declared to have revealed the sacred Word-of-reason in harmony with the con- senting Righteousness, and to have provided food for the Kine and 1 Something like this is implied. 2 If verses 4, 5,6, were originally connected. 3 Or possibly a company of the religious chiefs poetically conceived to be present. YASNA XXIX. the needy consumers, but who was there adequately endowed with the Good Mind, who could promulgate that Mathra with its revealed directions as to sustenance of both body and mind ? 8. Ahura repeats his announcement of Zarathmtra, as if to silence the objections. As Zarathujtra alone had heard the doctrines from the voice of inspiration, so he desired to declare them, and had authority to do so, together with a settled position of such a character as to make his statements felt. 9. But an unexpected difficulty arises. The Kine's Soul is by no means impressed by the personality of the individual selected as her guardian. So far from being the demi-god of the other parts of the Avesta, Zarathuytra's declarations are characterised by her as ' the voice of a pusillanimous man,' while she, on the contrary, expected one truly kingly in his rank and characteris- tics, and able to bring his desires to effect, while the Bountiful Immortals (or the attending chieftains), as if they had meant their question in verse 7 to be a question uttered in mere perplexity or contempt, join in with chorus, asking when indeed an effective helper will be provided. 10. Zarathustra, undismayed by the coldness of his reception, enters at once upon his office as priest and prophet, praying Ahura for the people ; and recognising the names of the ' Immortals,' Khsha- thra, Asha, and Vohu Manah, in their original sense, asks Ahura to grant to the people in their straits, a Sovereign Authority established in the Divine Order, and bestowing the needed quiet and happiness for which the suffering provinces, as represented by the Kine's Soul in her wail, had expressed their desire. And as he prays, he avows his own steadfast confidence in Ahura rather than in the Daevas, as the prime possessor and bestower of blessings. 11. Then, as if eager to receive full equipment upon the spot, he not only beseeches for the Righteous Order, the Kingly Power of God, and His Good Mind for the masses as represented by the Kine, but asks when they are coming to him, and hastening ; and he entreats Ahura to bestow His help at once for the great cause, and to a very abundant degree, upon himself and his associates. (It is singular that the name of Aramaiti does not occur in this section.) THE GATHAS. Translation. (Homage to you, O Sacred Gathas !) i. Unto you (O Ahura and Asha !) the Soul of the Kine (our sacred herds and folk) cried aloud : For whom did ye create me, and by1 whom did ye fashion me? On me comes the assault of wrath, and of violent power, the blow 2 of desolation, audacious insolence, and (thievish)3 might. None other pasture-giver4 have I than you, therefore do ye teach me good (tillage) for the fields (my only hope of welfare 5) ! Ahura speaks. 2. Upon this the Creator6 of the Kine (the holy 1 Ke ma tasha/ can only mean this here. The Pahlavi translator probably read kahmai. He has val mun li tukhshW (?) homanam. 2 One might think of ' inertia' as a rendering for remo, (if read), but the afflictions complained of seem rather to imply active violence. 3 Or read tayuj^a (robbery ?) with the Pahlavi translation ; ' yu ' and ' vi ' would be written much alike in a manuscript. 4 Vasta has been found, as I understand, in some manuscripts. The Persian manuscript of Haug has a curious vastiriarushaeibyo after the indication of the Pahlavi translation. Otherwise compare 'rush' (?), uru = ru, and render 'to the estranged.' We have often to stretch the meaning more than this. Converting instructions are elsewhere suggested for ' all mankind.' 3 The translation of Neryosangh is added here not merely because it is of interest, but because it is, together with the Pahlavi transla- tion, of the last importance in forming correct conclusions. It may be rendered as follows; and the reader may regard it as a specimen, but by no means a particularly favourable one. At the words azutofa and maretaeibyo different texts were before him and the Pahlavi translator as well. Those words are elsewhere rendered by the latter ^arpih and anjfitaan : This greatest magni- tude (sic) of the Mathra, the Lord produced together with righteous- ness as his fellow-worker [ ]. The Great Wise One discloses the herds to the eaters; and he discloses also the great matter to the well-taught scholars. Who is thine, who endowed with the best mind, gives the two things, with the mouth to those who are prosecuting studies (sic)? To expect an ancient rendering to be closer would be unreasonable. The errors (as to root) are not errors, but the certain signs of differing MSS. This constantly occurs ; and it is hardly necessary to add that sometimes from such supposed mis- takes we get the only possible means of recovering the original text. 4 Repeating the announcement in verse 6. The aeva in 6 would incline one to read aeva (ye ue aeva), but the manuscript before the Pahlavi translator read aevo = khadiik. It is quite out of the question to suppose his aetuno and khaduk to be accidental. A sharp distinction is made. YASNA XXIX. I I hearkened to our enunciations, Zarathustra Spitama ! Our mighty and completed acts of grace he desires to enounce for us, for (Me), the Great Creator and for Righteousness; wherefore I will give him the good abode1 (and authoritative place) of such an one as speaks 2 ! The Geus Urvan. 9. Upon this the Soul of the Kine lamented (: Woe is unto me) since (I have obtained for myself) in my wounding a lord who is powerless to effect (his) wish, the (mere) voice of a feeble and pusillanimous man, whereas I desire one who is lord over his will (and able as one of royal state to bring what he desires to effect 3). The Ameshospends 4. ( (Aye,) when shall he ever appear who may bring to her 4 help strong-handed 5 ?) 1 So the Pahlavi translator, giving the only critical etymology in his hiidemunih, the gloss aside. 2 The Pahlavi text corrected by the Persian MS. may be ren- dered as follows : This gift I obtained [ ]. For this one is he who was listening to that which is our teaching, Zartusht, the Spita- man. For us, Auharmazd, and for Aharayih is his desire, [that is, that perfectly performed duty, and good works are desired by him]. He recites also a remedy-making (free or erroneous), [that is, he declares a remedy-making against the Drug- who is in the world] ; on account of which saying for his word of piety which he utters, they give him a good abode [ ]. (The glosses are often from a later hand and erroneous. Sometimes, however, they contain the truth while the text is futile. I drop them in the present citations when they are of no importance.) 3 Observe that Zarathiutra, like other prophets, met at times little honour from his fellow-countrymen who are here well represented by the voice of the Kine's Soul. (See Y. XLVI, 1.) 4 Or could not hoi be taken in a reflective sense, and referred to the first person like the possessive sve ; see the connection. 5 Verbatim. Thereupon-and the Kine's Soul wept : (I) who 12 THE GATHAS. Zarathu.stra 1. 10. Do ye, O Ahura and thou, O Righteousness! grant gladness unto these (our disciples), and the sovereign Kingdom (of the Deity) such as (is esta- blished) in (His) Good Mind by which one bestows upon them the peaceful amenities of home and quiet happiness (as against the fearful ravages which they suffer2), for of these, O Great Creator! I ever thought Thee first possessor 3 ! ii. And when shall the (Divine) Righteousness, the Good Mind (of the Lord, and His) Sovereign Power (come) hastening4 to me (to give me strength for my task and mission), O Great Creator, the Living Lord! (For without his I cannot advance (lament) one-not-able-to-effect-his-wish in-wounding as-a-master (or, I established ?) [ ],whom as-against I-wish one wish-controlling-and- effecting-as-a-sovereign. When ever he may-(shall)-be who to her (possibly to-me-myself ?) shall-give effected-by-the-hand help. 1 Zarathurtra, having accepted his call to be the Ratu or his substitute, at once interposes with a prayer for his suffering charge. 2 See verse i, to which reference is continually made as the chief expression of the sufferings to be remedied. 3 The Pahlavi without glosses may be rendered as follows : Give ye assistance to these, O Auharmazd, Ashavahut and Khshatraver! So also Vohuman,who gives him a pleasing habitation, and also joy. I also think that the first gain and obtaining of this is from thee. (With the gloss slightly different ; but valman should be rendered according to ahya.) The text literally is as follows : (Do) ye to these, O Ahura ! happiness (? possibly strength ; see the Pahlavi) grant, O Asha ! Khshathra-and (=the Kingdom) such (kingdom as) by Vohu Manah by-which amenities peaceful-joy-and (one) may give-or-establish ; I-even of this, O Mazda ! Thee I thought foremost possessor. 1 So the Pahlavi translation indicates ; compare gima. and fra man (?) matha ; otherwise mamasha = I hasten (to fulfil my mission). YASNA XXIX. 13 or undertake my toil.) Do ye now therefore assign unto us your aid and in abundance 1 for our great cause. May we be (partakers) of the bountiful grace of these your equals 2 (your counsellors and servants)3! 1 The Pahlavi has kabed. For the fundamental idea compare pnksh + suffix. 2 The Ameshospends just mentioned, together with whom Ahura governs and blesses His people. Ahma (so conjecturing with Barth.), is also quite sufficiently indicated by the lanman of the Pahlavi. Whether an instrumental Ama can be accepted is doubtful. The form should be altered. If an = to shine (with Justi). As there is an Indian svar which means 'to roar,' and another 'to shine,' and again a svan = to sound, so in Iranian there is a /$z>an=to sound, and another= to shine, as in asmanem ^z>anva«tem. The ' comfortable stone heaven ' is difficult. Comfortable, or even ' delectable mountains ' (so we should have to say elsewhere), are not very likely to have been recognised or appreciated in the Avesta. 'Glorious beatitude' is a better rendering here. If /ivaihra. always means 'comfort,' how comes it that ^z>areno is said to be /foathrava/ ? 'Comfortable glory ' is hardly probable. Compare also the ancient mbha. When it is the fashion to accept a separate Iranian root at every difficulty, small and great, I see no reason for stopping here, where the pres- sure is considerable. The Pahlavi also may be read to favour my view. (Comp. /iver\g=/ivan.) YASNA XXVIII. 19 nevolent Mind (of Deity) ! I will worship you, and Ahura Mazda the first 1, for all of whom the Pious ready mind (within us) is 2 causing the imperish- able Kingdom to advance. (And while I thus utter my supplications to You), come Ye to my calls to help3! 5. (Yea, I will approach You with my supplica- tions, I) who am delivering up (my)4 mind and soul to that (heavenly) Mount (whither all the redeemed at last must pass 5), knowing (full well) the holy characteristics and rewards 6 of the (ceremonial and moral) actions (prescribed) by Ahura Mazda. (And) 1 Or, ' having no first ' (Roth, reading apourvim). 2 I am very far from a positive rejection of the forms suggested by the Pahlavi translator, although he should never be pressed on such a point, being often free. As alternative read ' may Piety who bestows increase (fern, participle) come to my calls to give grace.' 3 The Pahlavi translator, unable to credit 'ye as = I who' (so also modern authority sometimes with regard to other occur- rences of ye in this chapter), renders as follows : When I shall be your own (thus for ' worship,' and possibly deceived by the form of the words, ufyani and nafrman being nearly alike in the Pahlavi character), O Ashavahiit and Vohuman ! the first [ ], Auharmazd's also [his own I shall be], through whose unweakened acquisition his rule over them exists [ ], and [hers also I shall be], Spendar- mad's, the giver of increase. She comes to me with joy when I invoke her [when I shall call upon you, come ye on toward me with joy]. (A plain and noticeable instance of an alterna- tive rendering in the gloss. The verb was first thought of as a 3rd sing, middle subjunctive, afterwards as an imperative 2nd plural.) 4 Mm = m + the nasal vowel, and may represent man, or I think also mam, adverbially for m^na; or ' man' = 'demane.' 5 Mount Alborg-, where the A^inva/ Bridge extends ; so also important authority; but we might read m^zgaire = mangair6 (Garofl'man). c Ashi, a blessing given in reward ; so elsewhere. C 2 20 THE GATHAS. so long as I am able and may have the power, so long will I teach * (Your people concerning these holy deeds to be done by them with faith toward God, and) in the desire (for the coming) of the (Divine) Righteousness (within their souls) 2. 6. And, thou Righteousness! when shall I see3 thee, knowing the Good Mind (of God), and (above all the personified) Obedience 4 (of our lives which constitutes) the way5 to the most beneficent Ahura Mazda. (Asking this, I thus beseech thee, for) with this holy word of supplication we most hold off6 with tongue the flesh-devouring fiends, (the very sign and power of all spiritual foulness) 7 ! 1 I think it is better to hold by the parallel passage and the sense of 'teach' here. The Pahlavi has an irregular form which probably means ' I teach,' but might be intended for ' I am taught' After the words ' so long as I have the power,' ' I will teach ' is rather more natural than ' I will learn.' Haug's rendering of this word has never been accepted. Those most opposed to tradition follow it here. Perhaps, ' I will teach to desire R.' 2 The Pahlavi translation corrected by MSS. may be rendered thus : He who gives up his soul within Garofa daresata urvaza. The altar-flame would not unnaturally be men- tioned after the heavenly lights. 2 Literally, '(be ye) wakeful.' 3 Hardly, ' to teach us.' Possibly, ' to teach this, each one.' * Pahl. transcribes. Notice that paouruye (pourviye) is neut.* as are vahyo and akem£a, which is not lightly to be passed over. 5 The Pahlavi freely: Benafrman — [aighvano vinas va kirfak benafrman bara yemalelvW], They announced themselves as sin and good works. Ner. yau pu«yaw papa;«£a svayawz avo&itaw. 6 Bara \\g\d. Ner. vibhaktavan*. If a third plural subjunctive, still the force is as if imperative. Possibly it is preterit. 7 On this important verse I cite Neryosangh. He may be rendered as follows : Thus the two spirits [Hormi^da and Ahar- mana] who uttered first in the world each his own (principle); [that is, who each uttered, one his own good (deed), and the other his own sin], these were a pair, in thought, word, and deed, a highest * Adverb (?). 30 THE GATHAS. 4. (Yea) when the two spirits came together at the first to make1 life, and life's absence2, and to determine how the world at the last shall be (ordered), for the wicked (Hell) the worst life, for the holy (Heaven) the Best Mental State 3, 5. (Then when they had finished each his part in the deeds of creation, they chose distinctly each his separate realm.) He who was the evil of them both (chose the evil), thereby working4 the worst of possible results, but the more bounteous spirit5 chose the and a degraded one. And of these two, the one endowed with good intelligence [ ] was the distinguisher of the true, and not the one endowed with evil intelligence [ ]. (Both he and the Pahlavi fail to credit a plural form in eres vishyata with Spiegel and Hiibschmann.) The Gathic verbatim. Yea ( = thereupon) the-two the-two-spirits the-two-first-things which-two two-twins two-self-acting-ones were- heard-of in-thought in-word-and in-deed these-two a-better an-evil- and. Of-which-two-and the wisely-acting (ones) aright may discern, not the evil-acting ones. 1 The Pahlavi read as an infinitive, dazde = avo zak dahuno. (So also an important authority recently.) Otherwise it has the place of a third dual perfect ; ' they two made.' The place of an infinitive is not generally at the end of a sentence in Gathic. Can it be simply a third singular ? ' (Each) makes ' (^amasa karoti). 2 Pavan zendakih — va muni/£ azendakih. Ner. ^ivitena^a ag-ivi- tena£a. Observe the singular abstract a^yaitiwH, which is not lightly to be passed over. Why not a more ordinary expression ? Have we not here an unusual antithesis ? The danger is great that by aiming to reduce all to commonplace for the sake of safety, we may demolish many an interesting conception of antiquity. 3 Observe the subjectivity. These verses settle the question as to the depth of the Zarathmtrian hymns. Grammar forces us to see that the composer had large ideas. The entire cast of reflection in the Gathas tends to be abstract as well as subjective. Not so their invective and partisan exhortations. 4 Verezyo is a nom. sing, masc, as would seem natural from its position in the sentence. Compare mathraij- verezyaij. c Observe that Ahura is undoubtedly called spenijta mainyu. Elsewhere we must sometimes render, ' His bountiful spirit. YASNA XXX. 31 (Divine) Righteousness ; (yea, He so chose) who clothes upon Himself the firm1 stones of heaven (as His robe). And He chose likewise them who content Ahura with actions, which (are performed) really in accordance with the faith 2. 6. And between these two spirits the Demon-gods (and they who give them worship) can make no righteous choice :i, since we have beguiled 4 them. As they were questioning and debating in their council5 the (personified 6) Worst Mind approached them that he might be chosen. (They made their 1 Zak 1 sakht sag nihufto asmani/fc. Ner. Ga^/zataram* akasam dadau. 2 ' Who with actions really good piously content Ahura.' Let it be noticed that fraore/ is not independently translated by the Pah- lavi. It is freely included in avo Auharmazd ; and yet this is sup- posed by some to be a word-for-word rendering ! Ner. praka/ai^a karmabhi^. Verbatim. Of-these-two spirits he-chose-to-himself (he)-who (was) the evil (the one) the worst (deeds) working*. The-Righteous- Order (accusative) (chose) the spirit most-bountiful (he-)who the most-firm stones clothes-on-himself, (those) who-and will-content Ahura with real actions believingly Mazda. (Properly a verbatim rendering is only possible in an inflected language.) 3 La rasto vi^inend. They suffer judicial blindness; a common idea in the Gathas ; compare, ' who holds them from the sight of the truth,' &c. 4 The root is indicated by va muni<£ valmaman frift. I can see no escape from the above rather adventurous rendering. See also dafshnya he«tu in chap. LIII, 8. Perhaps the idea of injury here preponderates over that of deceit; 'since we have impaired their power.' The choice between a preterit or an improper sub- junctive is also difficult. Possibly, ' so that we may fatally deceive them.' Poss. nom. ' deception came upon them, even A. M.' 5 This recalls Vendidad XIX, 45, where the demons assemble in council to consider the advent of Zarathu^tra. c Compare verse 4, where Vahutem Mano equals heaven. The 32 THE GATHAS. fatal decision.) And thereupon they rushed together unto the Demon of Fury, that they might pollute * the lives of mortals 2. 7. Upon this3 Aramaiti (the personified Piety of the saints) approached, and with her came the Sove- reign Power, the Good Mind, and the Righteous Order. And (to the spiritual creations of good and of evil) Aramaiti gave a body, she the abiding and ever strenuous 4. And for these (Thy people) so let 5 (that word is the subject of '^asa/,' and has the proper place of a nominative in the sentence ; cp. Vedic usage. 1 That they might disease (so literally) the lives of those who had not yet been tempted or fallen. The Pahlavi : Vimariniati with difficulty comparing ' yim ' and ' yathroya (fo'athrava ; 'y' miswritten for 'v') indicates a condition of ease and comfort here. The ' easy man ' is the farthest possible from the thoughts of the composer. The ' best of all things ' makes a word kindred to hveng {hv^n) appropriate here. 2 K\ki (?), if an imperative (?), may mean guard over ; but the Pahlavi translator gives us the better view ; he has lak pSdakino ; Ner. tvam praka-yaya. Geldner's /ft^ithwa is important. 3 Thwa=thy properties. 4 The Pahl. has merely padmano. 5 This shade of meaning is expressed by the Pahlavi. 6 Ayan?, ace. pi. 7 This expression seems to equal the summum bonum; so also ' worse than the evil ' is the ultimate of woe. 8 Cp. Y. XXVIII, 3. 9 Does haithy^g mean ' eternal,' with every passage in which it occurs considered ? 10 Thwava»t may, however, like mava«t, simply express the per- sonal pronoun here. The position of aredro, &c. is awkward if thwava«t=thy : 'Where dwells Ahura, Thyself, O Mazda! bene- ficent, wise, and bountiful.' But aredra is almost a special term for a zealous partisan. 11 The Pahl. has khup-danakih, indicating a meaning which would H 2 IOO THE GATHAS. 4. Yea, I will * regard Thee as mighty and likewise bountiful, O Ahura Mazda ! when (I behold) those aids of grace (approach me), aids which Thou dost guard and nurture2 as (Thy) just awards to the wicked (to hold him far from us), as well as to the righteous (for our help), Thy Fire's flame therewith so strong through the Holy Order 3, and when to me the Good Mind's power comes 4+5. 5. (For) so I conceived of Thee as bountiful, O Great Giver, Mazda ! when I beheld Thee as supreme6 in the generation of life, when, as rewarding7 deeds and words, Thou didst establish evil for the evil, and happy blessings for the good, by Thy (great) virtue 8 (to be adjudged to each) in the crea- tion's final change. 6. In which (last) changing Thou shalt come, and with Thy bounteous spirit, and Thy sovereign power, better apply to Ahura than the one given, which cannot be applied to Him. 1 Subjunctive (see Prof. Jolly, V. S. p. 28). 2 ' By Thy hand.' 3 The holy Fire of the altar. 4 Gima/ may be regarded as an improper subjunctive here. 5 The Pahlavi : ' and that too which renders justice to the wicked and also to the righteous. And this Thy Fire is burning, since by it the strength of him who lives in Righteousness is (maintained) when that violence which approaches with a good intention comes to me.' 6 See Y. XXXI, 8, where the word is also rendered as=vornehm- ster. 7 Literally, ' When Thou didst render deeds provided with rewards.' We are forced to put the action in the past on account of zath6i, but the influences originally set in motion were to have their issue in the end of the world. 8 I render hunara literally, and bring its Pahlavi translation to the same sense as necessarily. Otherwise hunar would generally mean ' skill.' Ner. has tava gu«eshu. The Pahlavi would here be recognised by all reasonable scholars as striking in its closeness. YASNA XLIII. IOI O Ahura Mazda ! by deeds of whom the settlements are furthered through the Righteous Order. And savine reflations l likewise unto these shall Aramaiti utter, (she, our Piety within us), yea, (laws) of Thine understanding which no man may deceive 2. 7. Yea, I conceived of Thee as bountiful, O Great Giver Mazda ! when he (Thy messenger, Obedience) drew near me, and asked me thus : Who 3 art thou ? And whose is thine allegiance ? And how to-day shall I show the signs that give the light on this (our) question, (signs) as to the lands (from whence thou earnest) and in thyself ? 8. Then to him 1, Zarathu^tra, as my first answer, said : To the wicked (would that I could be) in very truth a strong 4 tormentor and avenger, but to the 1 The word ratus reminds one of the work of the Ratu for the afflicted kine. In the last changing, which shall complete the Fra- shakary<7u (mahyau). But reading istis (as irregular for Irtayo on account of the metre) we might regard ust-n as a third pi. Or shall we take it as a quasi-third singular, usm being usam (m=the nasal vowel; comp. u/C'am as a third sing, imper. after Barth.)? Let ' the wish (istis) of my enlightened understanding wish for Thee.' 3 Compare ' aesham toi, Ahura ! mma pourutemai\y daste.' YASNA XLIV. I I 7 polluted worshippers), I look upon with (my) spirit's 1 hate 2. 1 2. This I ask Thee, O Ahura ! tell me arieht ; who is the righteous one in that regard in which 3 I ask Thee my question ? And who is evil ? For which is the wicked ? Or which is himself the (fore- most) wicked one ? And the vile man who stands against me (in this gain of) Thy blessing, wherefore4 is he not held and believed to be the sinner that he is ? 13. This I ask Thee, O Ahura! tell me aright, how shall I banish this Demon-of-the-Lie from us hence to those beneath who are filled5 with rebellion ? The friends of Righteousness (as it lives in Thy saints) gain no light (from their teachings), nor have they loved the questions which Thy Good Mind (asks in the soul e) i Auserkoren is a fine but a bold rendering. Election is, however, included in all divine prescience. 1 I have no doubt whatever, but that mainymr and dvaeshangha belong together. 2 The Pahlavi translation is as follows: 'That which I ask of Thee, tell me aright, O Auharmazd ! when shall the perfect mind come to those persons [that is, when does the mind of my disciples become perfect] ? When shall it come to those who declare this Thy Reli- gion, O Auharmazd ? Grant to me before these the proclamation of the truth. Against every other spirit which is malevolent I keep my guard/ 3 Yak adverbially, or possibly, ' with whom I question.' 4 A^yawgha/ is, I think, simply the equivalent for ki (?) angha/ = qui fit, how does it happen that ? ' Stands ' free for ' comes.' 5 The Pahlavi on the contrary takes perenaungho in the sense of combating, pavan anyokhshie/arih patkarend = £ (who) are opposing you through disobedience.' It is far from certain that he does not indicate some improvement in text, or rendering. 6 Or, 'the counsels of holy men.' Il8 THE GATHAS. 14. This I ask Thee, O Ahura ! tell me aright; how shall I deliver that Demon-of-the-Lie into the two hands of Thine Order1 (as he lives in our hosts) to cast her down to death through Thy Mathras of doctrine, and to send mighty destruction 2 among her evil believers, to keep those deceitful and harsh oppressors from reaching their (fell) aims3 ? 15. This I ask Thee, O Ahura! tell me aright. If through Thy Righteousness (within our souls) Thou hast the power over this for my 4 protection, when the two hosts shall meet in hate5 (as they strive) for those vows which Thou dost desire to maintain, how, O Mazda ! and to which of both wilt Thou save 5 the day6 ? 16. This I ask Thee, O Ahura! tell me aright, 1 Ashai with Geldner. 2 The Pahlavi anticipates us in the correct general sense here. It has nas,honi.ni6. The Persian MS. renders the Pahlavi, hama- vandi nist dehand i danvand. 3 Anashe seems regarded as an infinitive by the Pahlavi translator, anayatuni^no. ' For the destruction of those deceivers ' is an obvious alternative to the rendering above (a nashe ?). 4 Geldner and Roth render ma/= Sanskrit mad ; otherwise ' with complete protection.' Or is ma/ ablative for genitive : If thou rulest over me to afford me protection ? The Pahlavi affords no indi- cation. 5 The Pahlavi translator erred widely in his attempt to render the word anao&mgha. As it is certain that his MSS. differed from ours often, they probably did so here. The verse alludes beyond a question to some expected battle in a religious war, and perhaps in a religious civil war. It is the most positive allusion to the ' strife of the two parties ' (Y. XXXI, 2) which has come down to us. It was a struggle concerning the religious vows, or doctrines ; avair urvatai-r ya tu Mazda didereghgo. The Pahlavi renders vananam by ' good thing,' explaining ' the sovereign power.' YASNA XLIV. 119 who smites with victory x in the protection (of all) who exist, and for the sake of, and by means of Thy doc- trine ? Yea, clearly reveal a lord having power 2 (to save us) for both lives. Then let (our) Obedience 3 with Thy Good Mind draw near to that (leader), O Mazda ! yea, to him to whomsoever 4 Thou (shalt) wish that he should come. 1 7. This I ask Thee, O Ahura ! tell me aright ; how, O Mazda ! shall I proceed to that (great) con- ference 5 with You, to that consummation of Your own, when my spoken wish0 shall be (effected) unto me, (the desire) to be in the chieftainship 7 (and sup- ported) by (the hope of) Weal and Immortality (those saving powers of Thy grace), and by that (holy) Mathra (Thy word of thought) which fully guides our way through Righteousness (within). 1 Verethrem^a thwa, following the Pahlavi with Westergaard, Geldner, and Bartholomae. 2 Compare Y. XXIX, 2 and Y. XXVIII, 3 ; or it may mean < promise to establish ' (Barth.). Kiz6\, however, hardly seems to need an infinitive with it; it may mean 'appoint/ Compare da/;/su(patni) for a better sense than 'house-lord,' also for deng pat6ir. 3 This casts additional light on the ' one that should come ' in Y. XLIII, 7, 9, 11, 13, ig- 4 This recalls ahmai yahmai usik kahmai£i/. 5 The comparison with^ar has long circulated among Zendists. Many adopt it. It agrees admirably with the Pahlavi as to sense : Aimat, Auharmazd ! damano kan/arih 1 Lekum, when is Your appointment of the time ? 6 The Pahlavi va muni£ zak i li g&blmo homand khvastar. 7 Va sardar yehevununih madam Haurvada<£va Ameroda6?; Ner. Svamino bhavishyanti upari Avirdade Amirdade ; comp. also Y. XLIX, 8 fra6jtflungh6 aunghama. Professor Jolly compares buzdyai with 4>ieo6ai (Inf. s. 194)- The long since circulated comparison with bhu^ seems to me hardly so probable. It may, however, deserve an alternative ; ' to enjoy Weal and Immortality ' ; but accusatives 120 THE GATHAS. 1 8. (And, having gained Thine audience and Thine Order's sacred chieftainship), then I ask of Thee, O Ahura ! and tell me aright, how shall I acquire that Thy Righteous Order's prize, ten (costly) mares male-mated, and with them the camel x (those signs of honour and blessing for Thy chief. I ask Thee for these gifts for sacrifice). For it was told me for the sake of our Welfare (in our salvation), and of our Immortality, in what manner Thou 2 shalt give3 to these (Thy conquering hosts) both of these Thy (gifts4 of grace). 19. This I ask Thee, O Ahura ! tell me aright ; (in the case of the recreant, of him) who does not give this (honoured) gift to him who hath earned it ; yea, who does not give it to this (veracious tiller of the earth, to him who in no respect shows favour to the Demon-of-the-Lie, even to the) correct speaker5 (of Thy sacrificial word), what shall be his sentence at do not fall so naturally to the end of the sentence in Gathic or Vedic, without preceding related or qualifying words. 1 Those suspected of no partisanship for the Pahlavi translation follow it here as against Haug, who translated the words ujtremX-a by et amplius ! It means a camel ; so the Pahlavi translator ren- dered many centuries ago before Europeans even knew what the Indian ush/ra meant, which simple analogy Neryosangh first drew. Horses were material for sacrifice among the Persians accord- ing to Herodotus. The reasons for the prayer are not fully expressed. 2 So better than as a first person aorist subjunctive, if taeibyo is to be read. The Pahlavi, however, read taibyo, which is not lightly to be passed over. The rendering ' take' has long circulated. I do not, however, prefer it here. 4 Weal and Immortality, but hi might refer to the two objects, ' the mares ' and the ' camel.' 5 The ideal Zarathmtrian ; comp. Y. XXXI, 15; XLIX. 9. YASNA XLIV. 121 the first (now at this time, and because of this false dealing ? I ask it), knowing well his doom at last 1. 20. (And how as to our deluded foes ?) Have Daeva-(worshippers) e'er reigned as worthy kings ? (This verily I ask of Thee, the Daeva-worshippers) who fight 2 for these (who act amiss ? Have they well reigned) by whom the Karpan and the Usi^(k) gave the (sacred) Kine to Rapine 3, whence, too, the Kavian in persistent strength 4 has flourished ? (And these have also never given us tribal wealth nor blessings), nor for the Kine have they brought waters to the fields for the sake of the Righteous Order (in our hosts), to further on their growth (and welfare) ! 1 So also the Pahlavi followed by all. Kadar valman pavan zak vinasuno aito fratum ; [aigaj pavan-vinaskarih pae/afras fratum maman] ? Akas homanam zak mun valman aito afdum [mamanas darvandih] ? Ner. (with regard to him) who does not give the re- ward which has come for the one fitted for, or deserving of, it [to Garathustra's equal], (the reward) which the truthful man ; [that is, the good man] is giving to him, what is the first thing which happens through this sin of his ? [that is, what is his first chastise- ment in consequence of this fault ?] (For) I am aware of what his punishment shall be in the end [ ]. 2 The Pahlavi translator either had a text with some form of pa, or was otherwise misled. He renders mun netrund, but gives the word the adverse sense of ' hindering ' in the gloss. Ner., however, has pratiskhalanti which points to peshySiwti, and also tends to show that other MSS. of the Pahlavi (and among them the one used by Ner.) read differently from our three, K5, D. J., and the Persian transliteration. Kam=Ved. kam with dat. 3 See Y. XXIX, 1. 4 Professor Wilhelm ' vigour' (De In fin. p. 14). 122 THE GATHAS. YASNA XLV. The Doctrine of Dualism. Homage to Ahura. This hymn bears fewer traces of a fragmentary condition than others. It recalls Y. XXX, and, like it, appears to belong to a period, or to an interval, of political repose and theological activity. It is smoother and more artificial than is usual, and it goes straight on its way from beginning to end. A powerful adversary had just been crushed. It was the dujsasti of Y. XXXII, 9. This may well have been the result of the conflict alluded to in Y. XLIV, 15, 16, and possibly in Y. LI, 9, 10, also urged on by the fierce Y. XXXI, 1 8 probably often repeated in lost hymns. An assembly is addressed as in Y. XXX, 1, but this time as coming ' from near and from far.' It may very possibly have been the winning side in a late struggle. The first verse sounds like a con- gratulation. It might be said to be intended to be sung, if not shouted, to a multitude whose outskirts were by no means within easy reach with the voice. At all events attention is summoned with three differing expressions. ' Awake your ears to the sound,' literally ' sound ye,' in a receptive sense; ('let the sound peal in your ears'), then ■ listen ' (sraota) ; and then ' ponder ' (mazdaunghodum). ' The Antizarathmtra, the evil teacher par eminence, has been defeated,' he declares, ' and he will never again destroy the peace of our lives (Y. XXXII, 9, n). His evil creed has been silenced, and his tongue can no longer shout out its periods of persuasion or invective (Y. XXXI, 12) beside our preachers.' 2. He then reiterates the chief doctrine for which the parties had been at war, and which they should now see clearly in the light of their victory. ' The foul evils of society do not lie within the con- trol of the holy Ahura in such a manner as that he either originates, or tolerates them. They are, on the contrary, the product of the personified Anger of the Daevas, the Mainyu in its evil sense, the Angra (angry ?) Spirit. Between this being, or personified abstrac- tion, and Ahura, there is a gulf fixed. (Never do we see any aspersions upon Ahura's name, or a suspicion of His purity as shown by complicity with cruelty, or the toleration of evil passions.) It is also to be noted that the defeated du^sasti may have possibly been a Daeva-worshipper chiefly as being a heretic from this Faith YASNA XLV. 123 of Ahura, believing Him to be implicated in the creation, or permis- sion of sin and suffering, or, if the burial or burning of the dead was forbidden at this time, then possibly a heretic on these ques- tions also. But yet, as a recreant Mazda-worshipper he may have claimed a rightful allegiance to the urvata, and the future blessings, as well as temporal advantages, involved in a correct discipleship ; and so he may have used the name of the sacred tenets of the Re- ligion itself to help on a nefarious warfare. In fact he may have been a self-styled Mazda-worshipper, but not of ' Zarathmtra's order,' not owned at all in any degree by the genuine adherents, and met as a real, if not an open, Daeva-worshipper. The ardent prophet therefore declares the utter severance between the good and the evil, the God and the Demon. It is a popular corollary to Y. XXX, 3-6. The two spirits came together indeed at first to make life, and its negation, and they co-operate, if such a term can be applied to an irreconcilable antagonism out of whose antitheses and friction sentient existence alone becomes possible. Their union consists in opposition, for if they blend, they each cease to be what they are. They are, while upholders of exist- ence, yet separate for ever, and that as to every attribute and interest. 3. And the sage goes on to assert that in this he is proclaiming the first Mathra of this life which the all-wise Mazda had revealed to him. And, whether sure of the victorious masses before him, or whether on the contrary perfectly aware that many a group among them had been more convinced by the snaithw than by reason, he presses at once upon them that one terrible doctrine which seems unfortunately too needful for all successful and sudden propa- gandism, and he declares that they who do not act in a manner accordant with what he speaks, and even thinks, (having formerly announced it), to such delinquents this life should end in woe. 4. Proceeding in a happier vein, he then dwells upon the father- hood of God. He will declare this world's best being who is Mazda Himself. He is the father of the Good Mind within His people, when that Good Mind is active in good works. So our piety, when it is practical, is His daughter, for no pretended good intention can claim relationship with Him, nor can any idle sentiment. He needs the ' ready mind' within His servant, and He is not to be deceived (compare Y. XLIII, 6). 5. Returning once more to the Mathra. and this time to hold out rewards rather than to utter threats, he declares that Happiness and Immortality would be the portion of those who listened to, and 124 THE GATHAS. pondered his revelation, and that Ahura Himself would likewise approach them with the rewarding actions of His Good Mind, for Ahura was also in all good actions on the one hand, just as His Immortal Archangels on the other had their objective existence like- wise in the believer's soul. 6. Turning from admonition to worship, he announces, not what he terms the 'first' (verse 3), nor the 'best' (verses 4 and 5), but the ' greatest,' element of all, implying that praise, which he now expresses, includes both prayer and doctrinal confessions, and he calls on Ahura both to listen and to teach. 7. It is the 'greatest' element indeed, for it concerns those spiritual blessings which not only the offerers who are now living will seek after, but those also who shall live in future ; nay, even the spirits of the just desire them in the eternal Immortality. And these blessings are, according to a well-remembered law, woe to the wicked, and that, not only from outward discipline, but from inward grief. And Ahura had esta- blished, so he adds, the beneficent, but, as regards the wicked, still solemn regulations by the exercise of His Sovereign Power as the controller of all (Y. XXIX, 4). 8. Zarathmtra (or his substitute) then professes his eagerness to serve the Lord with these words which he had called the ' greatest,' and because he had seen Him with his very eyes, which he explains as meaning that he had known Him through the Righteous Order in his soul, and therefore he prays and hopes to pronounce these greatest praises, not in the assembly (Y. LI, 3) alone, but in the 'Home of sublimity or song' (Y. L, 4). 9. And he desires all the more fervently to do homage to Ahura, because He approaches him with the Power of His divine Authority in weal or woe, blessing both men and herds so long as they multiplied under the influences of Piety. 10. As the praises were the ' greatest,' so he seeks to ' magnify' the Lord in the Yasnas of Aramaiti, Ahura being renowned by His unchanging purpose, for He will bestow the ' eternal two ' in His holy Kingdom, when it shall have been made firm! 11. Yea, he would seek to magnify Him who contemns the Daevas and their party as much as they, in their turn, profess to make little of Him and His religious Kingdom, contrasted as they were with Ahura's prophet, who honoured Him in the holy Insight, the Daena of the Saoshyawt. And this Saoshya^t is declared to be the controlling master of every faithful worshipper, and he, or the faithful venerator of the reviled Ahura, is also as our friend, brother, nay, like Ahura Himself (verse 4), our very Father in the Faith. YASNA XLV. 12, Translation. 1. Yea, I will speak forth; hear ye; now listen, ye who from near, and ye who from afar have come seeking J (the knowledge). Now ponder 2 ye clearly all3 (that concerns) him4. Not for a second time shall the false teacher slay our life (of the mind, or the body). The wicked is hemmed in with his faith and his tongue ! 5 2. Yea, I will declare the world's two first6 spirits, of whom the more bountiful thus spake to the harm- ful7: Neither our thoughts, nor commands, nor our 1 Ish means { to come seeking/ The bavihuneaetu (of the blood), as distinct from the inferior noble, or the peasant clansman, and he is to tell him fully of the price set on his head. 6. 'And the superintendent who has the power, and does not thus carry out these instructions, shall himself be delivered over to the bonds of that Lie-demon whom the evil " kinsman " serves. For there is no compromise in the dualistic moral creed. The man who favours the evil is as the evil, and the friend of the good is as the good himself ; so had the Lord ordained.' 7. Then, as so often elsewhere, he turns his thoughts to the outward emblem as the sign of inward grace, the sacramental Fire without which the masses would have had no help to fix the eye, or draw prostrations, and he asks with the question of profound devotion : Whom have they (Thy Saoshya«ts, verse 3) set me, as strengthener in these storms, save Thee and Thy symbolic flames ? Yet even here he names the Good Mind with them, and the Order. 8. ' But,' he continues, ' may he who would destroy my settlement find every influence and power combined to form his ruin ; may all things keep him back from prosperity, and may nothing keep him back from harm.' 9. He calls, then, for a leading helper who may help him magnify Ahura, not merely in religious celebrations, but in that universal advance of the sacred ' cause,' which follows Ahura's ' conciliation ' (verse 1). 10. As if to hinder the discouragement of those who hear his own unburdenings of grief, he declares that he will never leave the faithful few who follow him ; he will go with them to the ' dread assize ' itself, as if to help them pass the last of tests. 11. But the ' wicked,' open or concealed, should not share these hopes; their conscience, ever the remorseless executioner, shall curse them, as they try to pass the Judgment Bridge ; and hurled YASNA XLVI. 13 ■5 from that narrow path (it becomes narrow to the faithless), they shall fall to 'eternal' Hell. 12. Their destruction is not, however, yet decided; there is noi only hope for the tribesmen of Ahura, but for the pagan, and not for the ' alien ' only, but for the Turanian enemy, whose very name had been a synonym for suffering. If these even shall repent, they may be blest; and some had already turned. The converted tribe Fryana offered many pious proselytes. These would help on the righteous order together with the holy people, and God would dwell with them as well. 13. Rhetorically referring to himself as in the third person, or else representing some second speaker who names his name, he can still offer his reward to any prince who will yet come up with his retainers to his cause, not kept back by the many refusals which he had met (verse 1), nor discouraged by the scant numbers of his bands ; and that reward is one which might yet be efficacious to induce self-sacrificing succour, for in addition to what had been said (see verse 4) he could declare spiritual life from Ahura to be the portion of every faithful follower, and with it future temporal wealth. And he should declare this true recruit the ' good mate ' in the service, the first helper (verse 9) of the tribes. 14. Here we have what seems a question conceived as uttered by some one in the throng, or else simply rhetorically thrown in : ' Who is that friend, that powerful coadjutor who is thus offered this reward, and for such a service?' Zaratluutra names the king. But he diverts the minds of hearers from a pernicious trust in individuals. He would appeal, so he implies, not to one man only, although that one be Vutaspa, the heroic, but to all whom Ahura would recognise in His assembly, through the inspired suffrage of the mass. 15. And first he addresses the group made up chiefly of his family, the Spitamas ; they were, as he implied, enlightened in the sacred lore, and among the foremost therefore of the Ar(e)dra. 16. He then calls on Frashao^tra, with the Hvogvas, exhorting all to continue in their righteous course, in harmony with those whom they wish for as Saviours for the land, assuring them that they will reach at last that sacred scene where the 'Immortals' dwrell with God. 17. 'That scene,' he further adds, 'where the faithful sing their praises in perfection, using the true metres ' (as sacred as the Vedic). And he declares that Ahura, who discerns the truth infallibly, will heed and answer ; for the praises sung there will be those of obedient men who offer to the cause. 18. He once 134 THE GATHAS. more holds out his spiritual rewards as the best gifts of the inspired revelation, threatening as usual commensurate visitation upon the oppressing clans, while both promises and threats are in harmony with Ahura's will, for that alone has been his guide in every state- ment. 19. After all complaints, and threats, and stern injunctions, he closes with the once more repeated word ' reward,' and that for every man who shall aid in 'his great affair' (Y. XXX, 2), and he appeals to God Himself, asserting His inspiration for all that he has said. Translation. 1. To what land to turn1; aye, whither turning shall I go ? On the part of2 a kinsman (prince), or allied peer, none, to conciliate, give 3 (offerings) to me (to help my cause), nor yet the throngs of labour, (not) even such as these 4, nor yet (still less) the evil 1 The Pahlavi translator sees the usual meaning in nemoi and nemo. He also accepts kam zam adverbially after the constant Greek usage. ' In what land shall I establish my religion (as it is here rejected) ; whither with my praises (of the true God) shall I go?' The rendering is so much richer that I turn from it with great reluctance. 2 It is to be regretted that able scholars should so hastily change the Gathic text here without first trying to render it as it is. This is all the more necessary, as each independent writer disputes emendations. Pain I think ought to stand. The /^aetu, airyaman, and verezmem are also elsewhere alluded to, as appertaining to the hostile party sometimes, and therefore not among those from among whom (para ?) the prophet would be expelled. 3 Dadaiti as a third plural has long been suggested with the eagerness of discovery. Its subjects would then be khshnaiu, and that implied in ya verezma. But the construction is difficult thus, and it may be greatly doubted whether we had not better alter our discovery back into the singular with the Pahlavi. I am greatly confirmed in my view of the grammatical form of khshnauj by Bartholomae's decision for a nominal form. Otherwise it would be a third singular, with loss of the final dental. 4 Hafca* seems to be an irregular form (see Y. LVIII, 4). I can YASNA XLVI. 135 tyrants of the province. How then shall I (establish well the Faith, and thus) conciliate Thy (grace), O Lord ? 2. This know I, Mazda ! wherefore I am thus unable to attain my wish1, and why my flocks are so reduced in number, and why my following is likewise scant. Therefore I cry to Thee ; behold it, Lord ! desiring helpful grace for me, as friend bestows on friend. (Therefore to meet my spirit's need, and this as well) declare and teach 2 to me the Good Mind's wealth. 3. When come, Great Giver ! they who are the day's enlighteners3, to hold the Righteous Order of the world upright, and forward pressing ? When are only make an exclamatory isque=talisque of it. The Pahlavi renders freely as if some form of hi=to bind were before him (recall holy?), or perhaps he read ha/C'a, rendering as=these all together, hamsayaki/fc ; Ner. ye svajre?^ayo. 1 So the Kine complained of him in Y. XXIX, 9 as anaesha ; so also the Pahlavi, explaining akhvastar [aigham denman atu- banikih raaman rai khavitunam]. He proceeds li amat kam ramak va amatiZ' kam-gabra homanam, explaining anaesho as not being an isha-khshathra. Ma=sma notwithstanding position (?). 2 ' Nim wahr ' has long since circulated as a rendering for akhso ; and with fjtim in the sense of ' prayer,' it has afforded the admirable sense ' observe, take heed of the desire of the pious.' But we have a positive proof of the meaning ' teach,' ' declare ' for khsa; see Y. LXV, 9 (Wg.). So also in Y. XXVIII, 5. That Ahura possessed an \st\ is clear from Y. XXXIV, 5. And if the sage could ask, 'What is your uti (wealth)? what is your king- dom (power over possessions) ? ' it is certainly not strained to suppose that he could say here ; ' tell me concerning your wealth,' especially as he bewails his poverty. Lti is in antithesis to the idea expressed in kamnafshva and kamnana. So also the Pahlavi as translated by the Persian 'hezanah. 3 Ukshano would seem to be an ancient error for ushano, as the Pahlavi translator renders as if reading usha in Y. L, 10, and I36 THE GATHAS. the schemes of the saviour Saoshyazzts with (their) lofty revelations (to appear) ? To whom for help does he (their chief) approach, who has Thy Good Mind (as his fellow-worker J) ? Thee, for mine exhorter and commander, Living Lord ! I choose. 4. (But e'er these helpers come to me, all rests as yet in gloom.) The evil man is holding back 2 those who are the bearers of the Righteous Order from progress 3 with the Kine, (from progress with the sacred cause) within the region, or the province4, he, the evil governor, endowed with evil might5, con- suming0 life with evil deeds. Wherefore, whoever hurls him from his power, O Mazda ! or from life, stores for the Kine in sacred wisdom shall he make 7. not ukhsha. Otherwise ' increasers of the days ' is a fine expression, but suspicious in view of the Pahlavi rendering in Y. L, 10. Ner.'s *vika>fayitryo (sic) is striking, but I cannot claim for it all that it seems to offer, as Ner. elsewhere renders forms of vakhsh by those of kas. The Persian follows the Pahlavi. 1 Comp. Y. XLIY, 1. 3 Pa in the sense of ' keeping back from welfare ' as well as in that of ' protection,' a sense first taught us by the Pahlavi writers, is now at last generally acknowledged. It now, like many other suggestions of the Pahlavi, actually casts light in the ren- dering of the analogous Vedic word. 3 So the mass of MSS. with the Pahl. min fravamuno ; Persian az raftan. The expression might refer to the ' going of the kine,' as representing the people in her ' path.' 4 Comp. Y. XXXI, 18. 5 Pahl. zak 1 pavan diu-stahamak ; Ner. dush/o balatkari. The elements seem to be dus-|-haz6-l-bao(=vao). 0 Ush in Iranian seems to have the sense of destruction com- bined with it sometimes ; hence aoshah, aoshi^no. 7 A"ar can well mean 'attain to.' Pathm See verses 1, 2. fi Or, 'against the blow,' Y. XXIX, 1. The Pahlavi translator here renders pa^irak 1 areshak, while in Y. XXIX, 1 he renders 1 reshkun. The variations are probably not real; the renderings referring to some forgotten differences of text; or, as often, he may have anticipated modern freedom, and ' changed his text ; ' that is, rendered it as if changed to a seemingly more intelligible form ; so in a throng of similar cases. This is the only rational explanation of some of his errors. (He was able to render, and has rendered, most grammatical forms in different places.) 7 The Pahlavi has, however, navidih. Did he read vidhyam, in itself a very possible text ? YASNA XLVIII. 157 O Ahura ! (to save Thy struggling saint who toils with changing lot) will I place (that refuge) for him in Thy world. 8. (And how shall I beseech Thee for this victory and gift ?) What is the (potent x) prayer to bring on that Thy holy Reign2 ? What for Thy sacred reward and blessing for my (soul) ? How shall I seek the open helpers for (the spread and maintenance of) Thy (great) Order3, while I myself live 4 on in Thy Good Spirit's deeds ? 9. (Aye, when shall faith be changed to sight5) ; and when shall I in verity discern if Ye indeed have power over aught, O Lord ! and through Thy Righteous Order (guarding here on earth), O Thou within whose (power lie) my griefs 6 and doubts? Let then Thy saving prophet find and gain aright (for) my delight 7 Thy Good Mind's wonder- 1 Compare miavawtem aeshem, also peresa nau ya toi t'hma pai\fta. Observe that the Pahlavi translator distinguishes the two senses of isti. In Y. XLVI, 2 he transcribes the Gathic word, the Persian rendering 'hezanah ; Ner. puwyalakshmim ; here, however, he has : Ka(far lak, Auharmazd, zak i japir khvahun 1 khiWayih. 2 Compare verse 5. 8 Asha might certainly equal ikhk here (so Bartholomae) if the constant and intentional repetition of the name and idea of Asha,= the personified Order, would not have caused confusion. 4 The Pahlavi translator renders a word which occupied the place of ^-avaro by yakhsenumVarih ; Ner. following as to root (freely as to form). As he, however, renders related forms elsewhere by ' living,' ' live,' our only safe conclusion is that he had a different word from ^avaro (givaro) before him in his MS. 5 Compare Y. XXVIII, 6. 6 I am very far from certain that we do not seriously blunder in not following the indication of the Pahlavi here. See remarks Y. XXXII, 16. 7 Or, ' let me enjoy as my own ; ' but moi is difficult. TJHm might otherwise be a first personal form in the sense of the Vedic uk. 158 THE GATHAS. working grace 1 ; yea, let Thy Saoshyawt see how gifts of recompense may be his own. 10. When, Mazda! shall the men of mind's perfec- tion come 2 ? And when shall they drive3 from hence, the soil of this (polluted) drunken joy4, whereby the Karpans with (their) angry zeal would crush us5, and by whose inspiration the tyrants of the provinces (hold on) their evil rule 6 ? 1 1 . Yea, when shall our perfected Piety appear Bartholomae's third sing, imper. is also of course well possible ; but were not the originally abnormal third singulars in -am, duham jayam, vidam, taken over from third pi. subj. '-am ' really equalling the nasal vowel merely * ? Comp. also Indian adrwram, abudhram, asrzgram, Zend vavazirem, -am = an. 'Tradition' has, Pahl. zivirnih ; Ner. ^tvitam ; Pers. zistan, for Warn, as if rendering 'enjoyment/ 'experience of life.' * (am = tam is more difficult.) 1 Comparing vapus ; otherwise, with the Pahlavi, ' knowing the destruction (of the evil) which Vohuman works ; ' see Y. XXIX, 6, where the rendering of the Pahlavi is supported by the previous verse. 2 Comp. Y. XLVI, 3. Kada Mazda frarewte* — saoshyawtam khratavo ? 3 Compare Y. XXXII, 15. 4 Is Soma-intoxication here referred to? And was the Haoma- worship in abeyance at the time ? The Pahlavi seems to have understood ' magic ' here, and in the evil sense, that is, judging from the perhaps later gloss. Aside from the gloss, however, the Pahlavi may well have been, nay, more probably was, intended to be read madih as=madahya. 5 As to this word, we cannot do better than follow Justi (although his work is now a score of years old). The Indian varpas, in the sense of deceit, has also been compared. The last Pahlavi trans- lator was probably confused by finding this word, as so often, divided in his MS. He rendered as best he could, or rather he handed down the shattered documents, or oral teachings, of his predecessors with his own too often lame additions, the whole mass being rich in the relics of the truth. 6 See verse 5. YASNA XLIX. 159 together with 1 Thy Righteousness ? When shall she come, as having the amenities of home for us, and provided (like our land) with pastures 2 (for the kine ) ? And who shall give us quiet 3 from the cruel (men) of evil life and faith ? To whom shall Thy Good Mind's sacred wisdom come (to guide them in their toil to rescue and avenge us) ? 12. (To whom ? The answer lieth near.) Such shall be the Saviours of the Provinces, and they who, through Thy Good Mind's grace, shall go on hand in hand with mental keenness 4 (as it spreads among Thy saints) by the doing every deed of Thy commandment, O Ahura ! through the help of, and in accordance with, Thy Holy Order; for such as these are set (for us), as steadfast foes of hate ! YASNA XLIX. Reverses and Hopes. Honour to Frashaostra and other chiefs. The chapter divides itself naturally into sections 1-5, 6-1 1. Verse 1 2 belongs with chapter L. One of the struggles in the holy cause seems to have gone against the party of Asha. I say 'one 1 Ma/ following Asha shows that we may also have the pre- position in poi ma/. 2 As Aramaiti is here spoken of as ' having pasture,' that is, as inspiring the thrifty husbandmen who cultivate the meadows by irrigation, or drainage, she became associated herself with those meadows, and so later with the earth; see Y. XL VII, 2. 3 The Pahlavi sees in ramam enforced quiet not 'from' but ' to ' the wicked ; ' who shall deal the finishing blow to the wicked ? ' 4 So also the Pahlavi, shnasinu/arih. l6o THE GATHAS. of the struggles/ for from the account of a reverse which we have here, and from that of a success which meets us in chapter XLV, i, and again from reverses in XLVI, i, 2, &c, we naturally conclude that ' the cause ' saw many vicissitudes, in which the last Gatha still leaves us. Whether Y. XLV, 1 records a victory which was subsequent to the reverse before us, referring to a battle alluded to in Y. XLIV, 14, 15, also possibly anticipated in Y. XXXI, can never be decided ; the order of the statements in the sequence of our present MSS. has little or nothing to do with the possible order of the events. 1. A border chief, B^wdva by name, had proved himself too formidable (mazuto) for the moment, and the holy Faith knows how to beg for vengeance on the armed Dru^-worshipper. The weapons of Ahura were not spiritual only, any more than those of Israel were, or those of Mohammed. The death of an armed religious enemy was devoutly to be desired for every moral and political, as well as for every personal reason. 2. For judicial as well as priestly decisions hung on the issue. And this B^zdva had his functionaries and a system, and they were in full and active operation. And this was, beyond a doubt, a rival and settled system, and not merely an upstart and insurrectionary one. It had caused the true prophet many an hour of thought as well as anger. Its functionaries gave him pause (manayeiti). Falsity in religion was as ever his opportunity ; and invective follows. ' The priestly judge himself who served the Drug- worshippers was a cheat." ' The holy Order was his foe, and not his helper.' And he did not con- tribute at all to the spread of Piety as the Zarathu.rtrians conceived of it, nor indeed really in another sense for the reason that he even repudiated the source of pious wisdom, which is holy counsel. 3. But, however, the evil functionaries might resort to subterfuge and strategy, the opposing powers themselves, the Righteous Order on the one side, and the power of the Lie-demon on the other, were planted in the opposing systems with dualistic clearness, to benefit or injure. There was no compromise, as doubtless the Dru^-party may have wished. And so the poet cries once more for the divine Benevolence to be his guardian; or perhaps he may have intended a particular chief who represented the Good Mind, while at the same time he swept the entire throng and company who adhered to the Lie- demon, with his interdict, away from his consideration. 4. He declares them closely allied to the Daeva-worshippers, or else he puts their worship of the Daevas in the place of climax as their YASNA XL1X. I 6 I highest offence, not failing to point out what should conciliate sym- pathy with him always ; that is, that those who brought the Daevas, and opposed Asha, were the devotees of Rapine (aeshmem vareden); for murderous rapine seems to have been, apart from Asha, the universal sin. By this these Daeva-worshippers gained a stolen livelihood, and spent their ill-gotten means in idle waste (fshuyasu afshuyawto). 5. But he who defended the holy Daena was as meat and drink to the people, wise and faithful, as a settled citizen, and trained in the habits of the holy State. 6. He therefore prays once more for right discernment as to how he may propagate the Faith. 7. And he calls on the steady citizen to listen, beseeching God Himself to give an ear, and to tell him who the faithful prince, or peer, or villager, may be, who may take the lead (see sart?) in giving forth (see sravayaema) that holy Daena, with its frasasti, to the masses who await it. 8. But he asks the question as if only to give emphasis to his naming a chief and venerated friend. Frashaortra is the man. He is the one fitted for the hearing, apt to proclaim the truth (frasruidyai erethwo). And he begs that they both (compare Y. XXVIII, 9) may be lastingly prominent in that holy Realm which was to counteract the depraved polity whose chief had for the moment gained the upper hand (verses 1, 2). 9. But the case is in so far uncertain and undecided, that he cries for help once more to the ideal citizen himself, fearing that he may yet be induced to share the power with the heretic, and still declares that men's souls may reach the reward of priority only through the holy System of Ahura, and under the rulers of His choice. 10. He therefore confides the result to Ahura, and with it, his dependents, those living and those dead. And his thoughts, being turned to heaven (n), they also revert as if by antithesis (the key-note of the Daena) to future retribution. Those who may be wavering, half-inclined to adhere to the opposing party (verse 9), are warned in words of peculiar meaning. Those that choose the evil sovereign, a dursasti, as in Y. XXXII, 9, or as the sastars of Y. XL VI, 1, will not go forward with the saints to the ^inva/ (Y. XL VI, 10), nor will they be met by their consciences under pleasing images, and later by the souls of saints who had gone before, but the wicked dead shall meet them in the home of Lies, with poisoned food, and sneering words. And this shall be a self- inflicted vengeance. [30 M I 62 THE GATHAS. Translation. i. Beudva.1 has ever fought with me; (yea, since he first appeared at hand to threaten, and alas to his advantage in the strife). He is the most power- ful (in brutal might), and (in his predominance) would crush my strength as I seek to win back the disaffected (in my host) through Righteous2 (zeal), O Mazda ! Come then with gifts of (vengeful 3) good to (meet) my sorrow4. Through (Thine in- spiring) Good Mind obtain (for me 5) that (Bendvas) death6! 2. (Aye, he is indeed the greatest7), for that 1 If this word does not simply mean ' a band,' one might suspect a relation of root with banayen. The Pahlavi has expressively and freely badtum here, and vimarih in the next verse, with a like word in Y. XXX, 6. This enemy may have been roughly dubbed ' the polluted/ or even ' diseased one ; ' analogous occurrences are not wanting. 2 I cannot agree to rendering asha ' really/ when applied in an evil sense. The sacred word may mean ' really ' when applied to the righteous, but then, in that case, the reality indicated has an element of sanctity in it, and that of no low order. I am also not aware that rilina. is applied in an evil sense in the i??g-veda. The use of Asha, like that of Vohu Manah and Khshathra, &c, is obvious in the Gatha ; the six sacred words were, like the theme of a symphony, brought in at every opportunity, with all shades of meaning from those of proper names to those of adverbs. With slight change of text to a nom., we might render, ' He who seeks to please the evil-minded, O Thou A.!' 3 Comp. Y. XXXIII, 2. 4 I cannot agree that arapa should be read rapa for the sake of a syllable in the metre. The line has more than eleven syllables here, as the Vedic Trish/up often has. Moreover the ancient writing before the Pahlavi translator read likewise arapa, and the sense demands it. 5 Or, ' may I obtain.' G See Y. LIII, 9. 7 See the first verse. YASNA XLIX. I 6 i B^dva's evil judge doth cause me to hesitate and ponder (in my earnest course of propagation and reform), a deceiver as he is, (estranged) from the Righteous Order, and receiving 1 from it (not happi- ness) but many a wound. The bountiful and perfect Piety he has not maintained nor strengthened for this 2 land, nor questions with Thy Good Mind hath he asked 3 (to gain him light), O Lord ! 3. But (all is not yet lost!) ; for this religious choice4 (our holy creed, for which our last lost5 battle has been fought), O Mazda! Thy blessed Order (our guardian help) has yet been set to save and bless us. (But) for (that evil) Judge, the Demon-of-the-Lie, (is set) to deal (for him) her wounds °. Therefore do I pray (the more) for the sheltering leadership of Thy Good Mind (within our folk and our commanders). And all the allies of the wicked I abjure 7. 4. They who with evil scheme and will shall cherish and help on the Wrath of Rapine, and with her Rama 8, and (not by silent favour, but) with their 1 I would gladly accede to a subjunctive 2nd singular intensive here in a causative sense, but a 3rd singular precedes, and a 3rd singular follows. I cannot therefore recognise a subjunctive in a precative, or imperative, sense here. I think the word is a nomina- tive, as its position in the verse corresponds well to that form. It may mean ' delivering against us many a wound.' 2 Possibly ' for us in (this) land.' 3 Comp. Y. XLIV, 13. 4 Comp. Y. XXX, 2. 5 See mazii-to in the first verse. 6 The Pahlavi mun reshinea? pavan Drvig. 7 The Pahlavi translator gave as our first rendering here : Andarg harvisp-guno darvandano min hamkhakih andarg yemale- lunam ; [aigh, min dostih i levatman valmaiwdn gaxid&k yehe- vunam], 8 The Pahlavi has areshko = envy. M 2 164 THE GATHAS. very tongues, whose will and wish ' (run) not with good but evil deeds. These settle and support the Daevas (in their power, not the Lord). It is2 the wicked's Faith and Insight (so to do. Their faith is the perverted). 5. But he, O Mazda ! is our abundance and our fatness3, who (will yet dare these unbelieving foes) and guard the Faith (against that envious Wrath 4), and with the Good Mind's power. For every man of Piety is a wise citizen 5 in accordance with the holy Order, and so are all who are (in truth) within Thy Realm, O Lord ! 6. And now, will I beseech of You, O Mazda, and Righteousness (within Thy Mathra) speaks 6 (to tell me) what lies within Your will's intention, that (having discerned Your Insight as the enlightened 1 The Pahlavi gave us our first surmise as to the general meaning of vas ; it renders kamak. 2 Or, ' by that which is the evil's Faith.' 3 The Pahlavi translator gave us our first general indication here as elsewhere ; he has shirinih and £arpih. Reading ' Mazdau,' we have 'Mazda (is our source of) abundance and refreshment.' 4 See the fourth verse. 5 The Pahlavi has, however, khiip shinasakih. I differ with hesitation ; possibly views may be harmonised. 6 Compare Y. XXIX, 3, where Asha answers. I cannot well accept mruite as an infinitive. Geldner has keenly pointed out that fraeshya is inclined to unite with an infinitive, but so are other forms of ish and vas. Moreover the infinitive does not so natur- ally fall to the end of the sentence in Gathic or Vedic. (See above, note on Y. XXXIV, 1.) If an infinitive is insisted upon (so long- since) let us at least bring the word into more usual shape, using the Pahlavi translator, as in one of his most valuable offices, as an indirect evidence, where his translation is at fault as a rendering. He has : Frazo avo zak 1 Lekum farmayem, Auharmazd, va Asha- vahijto^ rai yemalelunam. He had ' mruve ' before him, which might be an infinitive. YASNA XLIX. 165 ever must), I may as well discern aright how we can herald forth those (truths), and that pure Daena (with them) which is the Faith of Him who is Thy- self1, O Lord. 7. And (as we speak it forth as taught by Asha) then let the (zealous2 citizen) give heed, and with Thy Good Mind, O Ahura Mazda ! Yea, let him give ear in accordance with (the dictate of) the Holy Order, and do Thou hear alike as well 3. Who shall be the ally ; and who the kinsman-lord himself, who, with his gifts and (legal rules), shall institute and settle for the serving mass a worthy praise (for God 4) ? 8. (And I do not ask in vain, for such an one is found for us, and near at hand.) To Frashaostra hast Thou given that most favouring guardian power, the headship5 of the Holy Order (for us), O 1 I think that khshmavato equals simply 'yourself here, as often (so mava«t=me); otherwise 'of your disciple,' which would be feeble. Professor Jolly has, V. S., s. 97, ' damit wir ihn verkiindigen mochten den Glauben, welcher der euere ist, o Ahura.' 2 See the ninth verse. 3 Ahura is elsewhere addressed in close connection with human beings ; here the human subject is half lost in Vohuman and Asha. I hardly think that it is wise to change the text without MSS. A lost verse may have relieved all difficulty. 4 Others 'the good doctrine,' or again 'the good repute;' but as to the latter, frasasti is coupled so constantly in the later Avesta with yasna, and vahma, &c, that I do not feel at liberty to depart from that sense. The Pahlavi has also vafriganih, quite in harmony with the connection. 8 This verse is clearly an answer to the questions contained in verse 7. It is a half answer, even if we render dau. (dao) as a subjunc- tive. As the question in verse 7 certainly concerns a chief of some kind, I cannot see how we can avoid rendering sarrni analogously. We need one who gives a refuge rather than one who receives it. Compare the Pahlavi, and also the Persian, sar. The Pahlavi 1 66 THE GATHAS. Ahura ! This therefore would I pray of Thee (to confirm to him that gracious gift), and for myself likewise, would I now seek as well that sheltering headship which is within Thy Realm ; yea, most blest and foremost1 may we both for ever be within it. 9. Aye, let the zealous and thrifty husbandman, so formed for giving help and blessings 2, give heed and listen when I call, (O Mazda !) Let not the truthful (tiller, he who hears and speaks Thy word 3), be he who takes 4 that sheltering chieftainship to- gether with the wicked. Let the believing natures (only) join in that best recompense. And thus in the course of the holy Order are in the fact so joined those two, (^amaspa and the ' hero ' 5. 10. (And since these champions thus join in that reward), then therefore will 1 place as well in Thy translation gives its evidence without intermission for this meaning, a fact largely overlooked. 1 I think that the connection fairly proves this meaning ; and it has likewise the powerful support of the Pahlavi translation : Hamai vad avo vispo farmanpato homanani [aigh, Frashcstar [ ] vad tanu 1 pasino hamai .ralitaih yehabun]. 2 It is not to be forgotten that su is the root of Saoshyawt. 3 Comp. Y. XXXI, 15. 4 Or 'gives;' compare peresa ava/ ya mainly ye dregvaite khshathrem hunaiti. Professor Jolly, V. S., s. 36 : ' Nicht soil wer das Rechte redet, die Herrschaft dem Liigner iiberlassen.' 5 Yahi remains a singular, whereas we should expect a dual; (can it be such, the form being altered, as so often by later reciters, to accommodate the metre ?) For Gamaspa and yukhta as duals com- pare utayuiti tevishi. Yahi probably refers to Vlrtaspa (Y. XLVI, 14). Was it an especial epithet for the kings? The later Persian kings took prominent places in battle. If the duals are not ad- mitted, my rendering would be, 'the souls are united with the reward through the (influence and example of the) valiant Gamaspa.' Perhaps Gamaspo is to be read. YASNA XLIX. 167 protection (Thy) Good Mind * (in the living) and the spirits (of the dead. Yea, I confide our very) self-hum- bling praises, (which we offer, unto Thee), by which (Thine) Aramaiti (who is our Piety, exists), and likewise sacrificing zeal. And this would we do to further Thy great Sovereign Power (among Thy folk), and with undying 2 (?) strength. 11. (But as to faithless reprobates) ; the souls (of the evil dead) shall meet those evil men who serve their evil rulers, who speak with evil words, and harbour evil consciences, these souls (in Hell) shall come with evil food 3 (to welcome them), and in the Lie's abode their dwelling 4 verily shall be 5 ! YASNA XLIX, 12 — L. The most striking circumstance here, after the rhetorical and moral-religious peculiarities have been observed, is the sixth verse; and as to the question of Zarathurtrian authorship, it is the most striking in the Gathas or the Avesta. In that verse we have Zarathujtra, not named alone, which might easily be harmonised 1 This is probably the foundation for the later identification of Vohu Manah and the faithful disciple. 2 Here all is conjectural. The Pahlavi reports an adjective from a form of man (or a participle). They who think upon the throne (to seize it) do so with dying power. Wilder conjectures have been made; but the Pahlavi translators seldom wilfully guessed. They took the shattered results of their predecessors, and worked them feebly over ; hence their great value, and the unimportance of their errors. They used what intelligence they possessed in re- delivering what they heard and read. Vazdangha. cannot well be taken in an evil sense, as it is used in a good sense elsewhere. The connection maza. with ra has long circulated ; maza avemt ra (?). As the souls of the departed are thought of, perhaps ' undying ' is the meaning ; compare awmira (for form) with the Zend avimithri^. 3 See Yast XXII by Darmesteter, as supplemented. 4 So the Pahlavi ; otherwise ' their bodies shall so lie.' B Verse 1 2 belongs to the next chapter. I 68 THE GATHAS. with his personal authorship, nor have we only such expressions as ' to Zarathmtra and to us ' (Y. XXVIII, 7), but we have Zarathmtra named as ' mahya razeng sahi/,' ' may he declare my regulations, which could only be said, without figure of speech, by some supe- rior, if not by the prime mover himself. Were these verses then written by the prime mover ? And was he other than Zarathmtra ? If so, the entire mass of the Gathas was of course written by him, or else their style and character may be regarded as of such a character that they could have been composed by four or five closely connected individuals. But while verses here and there are doubtless the productions of secondary persons, the mass of the Gathas cannot be regarded as the work of several different com- posers. They are one man's work, directly or indirectly. If then the present section, which is especially original in its tone, was not from Zarathmtra, the man whose heart and soul, and, we may add, whose power were in Zarathmtrianism, was not Zarathmtra, but some unnamed individual far more important. (See note on Y. XXVIII, 7.) The prominence of the name of Zarathmtra was in that case solely owing to the personal activity of Zarathmtra sup- ported by the social rank of the Spitamas. Zarathmtra was a princely disciple, on the hypothesis mentioned, and nothing more. The real author of Zarathmtrianism was, in that case, in no sense Zarathmtra ; compare 'to Zarathmtra and to us:' nor yet Vutaspa ; compare ' to Vutaspa and to me : ' nor Frashaortra ; compare ' to Frash.ao.rtra and to us ;' and, we may also say, not Gamaspa, for he is addressed in the vocative. He was mentally and personally the superior of all of them. In fact he was the power behind both throne and home, and yet without a name ! But, in that case, what becomes of Y. XXIX, 6, 8 ? Is it probable that the founder of a religion (or of a new departure in a religion) would describe another as the chosen of God, if he were not in fact supposed to be thus eminent ? Or, if a popular and sincerely enthusiastic religious composer were about to chant a hymn at a meeting of the re- ligious masses, would he be likely to name a person to the animated throngs, whom they themselves did not feel to be the life of their religious faith ? especially, if that person were not prominent from the arbitrary circumstance that he was the reigning prince ? I do not think that this is at all probable. But if Zara- thmtra had, as described, the leading name, and composed a portion of the hymns with their lost companions, is it probable that he possessed no decided prominence in this matter above VLrtaspa, Frashaortra, and Gamaspa? Was there no central poet, who YASNA L. 169 composed the mass of the metrical lore, dominating by his influence those who added portions here and there, or was there a quaternion of seers, four Zarathujtras, as one might say ? As we have said, the hymns decide it. One man's soul is in them, as a composer's feelings are in his compositions, or a master's feelings are in the lines of his disciples. But if there was one central figure instead of four, and he is mentioned as Zarathmtra, and as the spokesman in many portions of the Gathas, being likewise known by inference to be the composer of nearly all of them, how can we account for the words, ( let him, Zarathvutra, teach or proclaim my regulations ?' Can the verse be regarded as put into the mouth of Ahura, as else- where? Hardly, for Ahura is addressed in it. I can therefore only repeat of this verse, as of the others which present analogous questions in Y. XXVIII (with which this chapter L stands in the closest connection), that this thoroughly original piece was com- posed by Zarathujtra as by far the most prominent individual in the religious struggle, dominating his party essentially and posi- tively, and that these verses (6-1 1) were simply rhetorically put into the mouth of the monarch from the exigency of the style of com- position. And I conclude that Vutaspa was supposed to speak them, because in the presence of Zarathiutra, it is extremely impro- bable that any one but the titular head of the State should have been represented as saying of Zarathurtra, ' mahya razrug; do ye regard promotion (as thus to be gained) ? ' But in that case verses 6 and 7 should be regarded as separated by many lost verses from the fifth verse. But is not the first line the gloss ? It is merely an address. 1 Free. 2 Lit. ' the greatness.' 3 The difficulty here lies in the first line which seems to declare a reward in a good sense. Misdem is hardly used of retribution. It must therefore be taken in a good sense. The following evil results must be supposed to have been avoided ; and ' Vayu ' to be uttered in triumph. Vayu is used in an evil sense in verse 6. If mizdem could be supposed to express retribution, then evil men and women would be threatened, and Vayu would be a cry uttered in woe. As to Vayu with his two natures, see part ii as per index. 4 The foiling of the evil here recalls adebaoma. 5 The Pahlavi translator seems to me too free in rendering za/foyaX'a (zahyaM), zanun-homand. It also makes a curious imitation of letters in geh va mar for ^maram. It is of course far from certain that he had our present text. 6 See verse 9 ; also Y. XL VI, 4. 7 Recall the delivering of the evil into the two hands of Asha (Y. XXX, 8, and Y. XLIV, 14). 8 Khruneram^a must be a gloss. [31] o 194 THE GATHAS. battle), giving peace to our dwellings, and peace to our hamlets. Let him charge1 those deceivers, chaining death as the strongest 2 ; and swift be (the issue). 9. Through false believers the tormentor makes Thy helpers 3 refusers 4 ; (those who once helped our heroes shall no longer give succour). The estranged thus desires, and the reprobate 5 wills it, with the will that he harbours to conquer our honour6. Where is then the Lord righteous who will smite them from life 7, and (beguile) them of license ? Mazda ! Thine is that power, (which will banish and conquer). And Thine is the Kingdom8; and by it Thou bestowest the highest (of blessings) on the right- living poor9! 1 ' Let him " rout " or " stir " them.' 2 Comp. mazuta=the strongest in Y. XLIX, 1, 'the prevailer.' Lit. ' with the chaining of death the greatest.' 3 For narpij I can only suggest the suspiciously simple nar= hero (comp. the frequent na) and pi = nourish, support. The Pahlavi translator seems likewise to have had some such rendering in mind, for he translates dastobar. * 4 As to ri^ir, the Pahlavi translation, which is here more than usually difficult, hints in the direction above followed, by a word which I would restore as re^inend. 5 The Pahlavi translator erroneously sees ' bridge ' in pesho, or is free with his tanapuharkano homand. See Geldner, Stud. 3. 6 See Geldner, Stud. 54. 7 See Y. XLVI, 4. 8 Comp. the Ahuna-vairya which takes its last line from this place, and Y. XXXIV, 5. Vahyo is a variation for vangheus vahyo. 9 Here I have endeavoured to imitate the swing of the rhythm by breaking up the sentences, especially in the second line. Literally it would be, ' with the desire, with the virtue-conquering (desire) of the reprobate.' Such freedom as the above is often a critical necessity in the attempts to reproduce the warmth of the original. THE YASNA. It is now hardly necessary to say that the Yasna is the chief liturgy of the Zarathiutrians, in which confession, invocation, prayer, exhortation, and praise are all combined as in other liturgies. Like other compositions of the kind, it is made up of more or less mutually adapted fragments of different ages, and modes of composition. The Gathas are sung in the middle of it, and in the Vendidad Sadah, the Visparad is interpolated within it for the most part at the ends of chapters. We have no reason to suppose that the Yasna existed in its present form in the earlier periods of Zarathostrianism, but we have also no reason to doubt that its present arrangement is, as regards us, very ancient. The word Yasna means worship including sacrifice. Introductory excerpts occur in several MSS., and are now printed by Geldner. They are to be found in Y. I, 23 ; Y. Ill, 25 ; Y. XI, 17, 18; Y. XXII, 23-27; Y. XXVII, 13, 14; Ny.I,2. YASNA I. The Sacrifice Commences. 1. I announce1 and I (will) complete (my Yasna) to Ahura Mazda, the Creator, the radiant and glo- rious, the greatest and the best, the most beautiful (?) (to our conceptions), the most firm, the wisest, and the one of all whose body 2 is the most perfect, who 1 Or, ' I invite ; ' but the word seems equal to avaedhayema ; compare the Vedic vid + ni. Comp. also ni te vaedhayemi and ni v6 vaedhayemi in Y. I, 21, 22. The Pahlavi favours 'I invite/ 2 Not that Ahura was conceived of as having a body proper. The stars are elsewhere poetically described as his body, as other O 2 196 YASNA I. attains His ends the most infallibly, because of His Righteous Order, to Him who disposes our minds aright1, who sends His joy-creating grace afar; who made us, and has fashioned us, and who has nourished and protected us 2, who is the most bounteous Spirit3! 2. I announce and I (will) complete (my Yasna) to the Good Mind, and to Righteousness the Best, and to the Sovereignty which is to be desired, and to Piety the Bountiful, and to the two, the Universal Weal and Immortality, to the body of the Kine, and to the Kine's Soul, and to the Fire of Ahura Mazda, that one who more than4 (all) the Bountiful Immor- tals has made most effort (for our succour) ! 3. And I announce and I (will) complete (my Yasna) to the Asnya, the day-lords of the ritual order, to Havani the holy, the lord 5 of the ritual order ; and I celebrate, and I (will) complete (my Yasna) to Savanghi and to Visya, the holy lord(s) of the ritual order. And I announce and (will) com- plete (my Yasna) to Mithra of the wide pastures, of the thousand ears, and of the myriad eyes, the Yazad of the spoken 6 name, and to Raman Zfoastra. divinities are said to be tanu-mathra, having the Mathra as their body ; that is, incarnate in the Mathra. 1 ' Disposing aright as to mind.' 2 Pahlavi parvar^/. 3 Elsewhere the Sperata Mainyu is spoken of as His possession. * The Fire seems almost spoken of as one of the Amesha Spe?zta. 5 Lords of the ritual because ruling as chief at the time of their mention, and in this sense regarded as genii protecting all ritual seasons and times of their class. Visya presides over the Vis; Savanghi, over cattle. 6 Having an especial Ya^t. YASNA I. 197 4. I announce and (will) complete (my Yasna) to Rapithwina, the holy lord of the ritual order, and to Frada/fshu, and to Za^tuma, the holy lord(s) of the ritual order; and I celebrate and complete (my Yasna) to Righteousness x the Best, and to Ahura Mazda's Fire \ .5. I announce and complete (my Yasna) to Uzayeirina the holy lord of the ritual order, and to Frada^-vira and to Da/^yuma 2, the holy lord(s) of the ritual order, and to that lofty Ahura Napa/- apam (the son of waters), and to the waters which Ahura Mazda 3 made. 6. I announce and complete (my Yasna) to Aiwisru- thrima (and) Aibigaya 4, the holy lord(s) of the ritual order, and to Zarathuitrotema, and to him who pos- sesses and who gives that prosperity in life which furthers all. And I celebrate and complete (my Yasna) to the Fravashis of the saints, and to those of the women who have many sons 5, and to a pros- perous home-life which continues without reverse throughout the year, and to that Might which is well- shaped and stately6, which strikes victoriously, Ahura- made, and to that Victorious Ascendency (which it secures). 7. I announce and I complete (my Yasna) to Ushahina, the holy lord of the ritual order, and to Bere^-ya (and) Nmanya, the holy lord(s) of the ritual order, and to Sraosha (who is Obedience) the blessed, endowed with blessed recompense (as a thing com- 1 Constantly associated together in the later Avesta. 2 hv=h before y. 3 As opposed to those which might belong to Angra Mainyu. 4 Or, ' who furthers life.' 5 ' Men and herds ? ' 6 ' Well-grown.' I98 YASNA I. pleted 1), who smites with victory, and furthers the settlements, and to Rashnu 2, the most just, and to Arstal 3, who advances the settlements, and causes them to increase. 8. And I announce and I complete (my Yasna) to the Mahya, the monthly festivals, lords of the ritual order, to the new and the later 4 moon, the holy lord of the ritual order, and to the full moon which scatters night. 9. And I announce and complete (my Yasna) to the Yairya, yearly feasts, the holy lords of the ritual order. I celebrate and complete (my Yasna) to Maidyo-zaremya 5, the holy lord of the ritual order, and to Maidyo-shema, the holy lord of the ritual order, and to Paiti^hahya, and to Ayathrima the advancer, and the spender of the strength of males 6, the holy lord of the ritual order, and to Maidhyairya, the holy lord of the ritual order, and to Hamaspath- maedhaya, the holy lord of the ritual order ; yea, I celebrate and complete my Yasna to the seasons, lords of the ritual order. 10. And I announce and complete (my Yasna) to all those who are the thirty and three 7 lords of the ritual order, which, coming the nearest, are around about Havani, and which (as in their festivals) were 1 I should say that the suffix has this force here as in close con- nection with ashyo. 2 Genius of rectitude. s Rectitude in another form. 4 Literally, ' to the moon within/ showing little light. 5 See the Afrinagan. 6 The rutting season. 7 Haug first called attention to the striking coincidence with the Indian. In the Aitareya and -Satapatha Brahmawas, in the Atharva- veda, and in the Ramayawa, the gods are brought up to the number thirty-three. The names differ somewhat however. (See Essays, ed. West, 2nd edition, p. 276; see also Rv. 240, 9; 250, 2.) YASNA I. 199 inculcated by Ahura Mazda, and were promulgated by Zarathustra, as the lords of Asha Vahista, who is Righteousness the Best. n. And I announce and complete (my Yasna) to the two, to Ahura 1 and to Mithra, the lofty, and the everlasting, and the holy, and to all the stars which are Spe^ta Mainyu's creatures, and to the star TLstrya, the resplendent and glorious, and to the Moon which contains the seed of the Kine, and to the resplendent Sun, him of the rapid steeds, the eye 2 of Ahura Mazda, and to Mithra the province-ruler. And I celebrate and complete my Yasna to Ahura Mazda (once again, and as to him who rules the month 3), the radiant, the glorious, and to the Fravashis 4 of the saints. 12. And I announce and complete my Yasna to thee, the Fire, O Ahura Mazda's son! together with all the fires, and to the good waters, even to all the waters made by Mazda, and to all the plants which Mazda made. 13. And I announce and complete (my Yasna) to the Bounteous Mathra, the holy and effective, the revelation given against the Daevas5; the Zarathui-- 1 The star Jupiter has been called Ormuzd by the Persians and Armenians, and it may be intended here, as stars are next men- tioned, but who can fail to be struck with the resemblance to the Mitra-Varuraa of the i?z'g-veda. Possibly both ideas were present to the composer. 2 Recall j^akshur Mitrasya Varuraasya Agnek. 3 The first day of the month is called Ahura Mazda. 4 The first month is called Fravashi. These are put for the par- ticular day of celebration. 5 This was the Vendidad, the name being a contraction of vidaeva-data. It will not be forgotten that the Vendidad, although later put together, contains old Aryan myths which antedate 200 YASNA I. trian revelation, and to the long- descent x of the good Mazdayasnian Faith. 14. And I announce and complete (my Yasna) to the mountain Ushi-darena2, the Mazda-made, with its sacred brilliance, and to all the mountains glorious with sanctity 3, with their abundant Glory Mazda- made, and to that majestic Glory Mazda-made, the unconsumed4 Glory which Mazda made. And I announce and complete (my Yasna) to Ashi the good, the blessedness (of the reward), and to iifisti, the good religious Knowledge, to the good Ereth^ (Rectitude5?), and to the good Rasasta/ (persisting zeal 6 ?), and to the Glory and the Benefit which are Mazda-made. 15. And I announce and complete (my Yasna) to the pious and good Blessing of the religious man 7, the holy, and to the curse of wisdom, the swift and redoubted Yazad of potency (to blight). 16. And I announce and complete (my Yasna) to these places and these lands, and to these pastures, and these abodes with their springs of water (?) 8, and Zarathujtra, although in its present greatly later form, Zarathujtra is a demi-god in it, and his name is involved in myth. 1 ' The long tradition ; ' so Spiegel. 2 From this mountain the Iranian kings were later supposed to have descended ; hence the mention of the ' glory.' 3 Observe the impossibility of the meaning ' comfort,' or mere ' well-being ' here. 4 Or possibly 'the unseized,' the Pahlavi agrift(?); Ner. agr/hitaz/j; hv&r, to eat, may have meant ' seize ' originally. 5 Ereth(? (rz'ti ?) seems without inflection. 6 The state of activity (?). 7 Shall we say, ' of the departed saint ' here ? The Pahlavi with its afkhvar points here perhaps to a better text. Recall awzhdatem-£a, awzhdaungho, awrem. YASNA I. 20I to the waters, land, and plants, and to this earth and to yon heaven, and to the holy wind, and to the stars, moon, and sun, and to the eternal stars without beginning1, and self-disposing 2, and to all the holy creatures of Spe/^ta-Mainyu, male and female, the regulators of the ritual order. 1 7. And I announce and complete (my Yasna) to that lofty lord who is the ritual Righteousness3 (itself), and to the lords of the days in their duration, and of the days during daylight, to the moons, the years, and the seasons which are lords of the ritual order at the time of Havani4. 1 8. And I announce and complete (my Yasna) to the Fravashis of the saints, the redoubted, which overwhelm (the evil), to those of the saints of the ancient lore, to those of the next of kin, and to the Fravashi of (mine) own 5 soul ! 19. And I announce and complete (my Yasna) to all the lords of the ritual order, and to all the Yazads, the beneficent, who dispose (of all) aright, to those both heavenly and earthly, who are (meet) for our sacrifice and homage because of Asha Vahista, (of the ritual Order which is ' the best'). 20. O (thou) Havani, holy lord of the ritual order, and Savanghi, Rapithwina, and Uzayeirina, and Aiwisruthrima, (and) Aibigaya, (thou that aidest 1 Meaning ' without beginning to their course,' and so ' fixed ' (?). 2 Self-determining, not satellites, having the laws of their own motion in themselves. 3 The divine Order par eminence, expressed in the ritual and the faith. 4 Not ' to the chief of Havani,' possibly ' in the lordship,' the time when it is especially the object of worship. Thus each object of worship becomes in its turn a ' lord or chief of ' the ritual order.' 5 The soul of the celebrant or his client is intended. 202 YASNA I. life !) if I have offended you, and thou, O Ushahina, holy lord of the ritual order ! 21. If I have offended thee \ whether by thought, or word, or deed, whether by act of will, or without intent or wish, I earnestly make up the deficiency of this in praise to thee. If I have caused decrease2 in that which is Thy Yasna, and Thy homage, I announce (and celebrate 3) to thee (the more for this) ! 22. Yea, all ye lords, the greatest ones, holy lords of the ritual order, if I have offended you by thought, or word, or deed, whether with my will, or without intending error4, I praise you (now the more) for this. I announce to you (the more) if I have caused decrease in this which is your Yasna, and your praise. 23. I would confess myself a Mazda-worshipper, of Zarathu.stra's order, a foe to the Daevas, devoted to the lore of the Lord, for Havani, the holy lord of the ritual order, for (his) sacrifice, homage, propitiation, and praise, for Savanghi, and for Vlsya, the holy lord of the ritual order, for (his) sacrifice, homage, pro- pitiation and praise, and for the sacrifice, homage, propitiation and praise of the lords of the days in their duration, and of the days during daylight, for 1 Compare Rv. VII, 86, 3-6. 2 Practised, or induced neglect, or omitted portions of it. 3 ' I invite for Thee ' (?). 4 That the thought, word, and deed here were more than the mere semi-mechanical use of faculties in reciting the liturgy, is clear. At the same time all morality was supposed to be represented in the liturgy. The evil man would offend in thought, word, and deed, if he recited it carelessly, or with bad conscience, and as guilty of any known and unrepented sins. The moral and ceremonial laws went hand in hand. YASNA II. 203 those of the monthly festivals, and for those of the yearly ones, and for those of the seasons ! YASNA II. The Sacrifice continues. 1. I desire to approach1 the Zaothras 2 with my worship. I desire to approach the Baresman with my worship. I desire to approach the Zaothra con- jointly with the Baresman in my worship, and the Baresman conjointly with the Zaothra. Yea, I desire to approach this Zaothra (here), and with this (present) Baresman, and I desire to approach this Baresman conjoined with this Zaothra with my praise 3; and I desire to approach this Baresman with praise pro- vided with its Zaothra with its girdle, and spread with sanctity. 2. And in this Zaothra 3 and the Baresman I desire to approach Ahura Mazda with my praise, the holy 1 Referring yas to its more original sense. Or read, ' I desire the approach of the various objects of worship, which may be correct, as we understand the genius of each several object to be invoked. Aside from this, a desire 'to approach' seems quite necessary to fill out the sense here. Many of the objects referred to were already present, although some, like 'the mountains/ needed to be spiritually approached, or indeed invoked. 2 Zaothra seems to me hardly a vocative here. If declined as other nouns, it would seem to be exceptionally a masculine ; com- pare ahmya zaothre below. I should feel constrained to regard it here as a masc. plural accusative (comp. haoma). 3 If zaothre is not a loc. masc. it may be used with the loc. masc. pronoun irregularly. It would then equal Zaothraya. The letter KJ is often simply the Pahlavi foathrem ; I so correct. Against the keen and most interesting suggestion of duz + athrem, I am compelled to note afo'athre, showing a compositum a + /zwathra, which seems not probable if = a + hu + athra. Duzathra, not a/^athre, would have been written. Cp. Aveng=/ivar\ for root. 2 Possibly ' house.' YASNA IX. 23T a date much later than the Gathas in which H(a)oma worship is not mentioned. Probably on account of bitter animosities prevailing between their more southern neighbours and themselves, and the use of Soma by the Indians as a stimulant before battle, the Iranians of the Gathic period had become lukewarm in their own H(a)oma worship. But that it should have revived, as we see it in this Ya^t, after having nearly or quite disappeared, is most interesting and re- markable. Was it definitively and purposely repudiated by Zara- thiutra, afterwards reviving as by a relapse ? I do not think that it is well to hold to such deliberate and conscious antagonisms, and to a definite policy and action based upon them. The Soma- worship, like the sacramental acts of other religions which have be- come less practised after exaggerated attention, had simply fallen into neglect, increased by an aversion to practices outwardly similar to those of ' Daeva-worshippers.' The Ya^t is, of course, made up of fragments, which I have endeavoured to separate by lines. In the translation I have given a rhythmical rendering, necessarily somewhat free. It was difficult to import sufficient vivacity to the piece, while using a uselessly awkward literalness. The freedom, as elsewhere, often consists in adding words to point the sense, or round the rhythm. (Expressions for identical Zend words have been here, as elsewhere, purposely varied.) i. At the hour of Havani1. H(a)oma came to Zarathustra, as he served the (sacred) Fire, and sanctified (its flame), while he sang aloud the Gathas. And Zarathuitra asked him : Who art thou, O man ! who art of all the incarnate world the most beautiful in Thine own body 2 of those whom I have seen, (thou) glorious [immortal] ? 2. Thereupon gave H(a)oma answer3, the holy one who driveth death afar : I am, O Zarathuitra 1 In the morning from six to ten. 2 Or, ' beautiful of life.' 3 ' Me,' omitted as interrupting rhythm, seems to be merely dramatic ; or did it indicate that there was an original Zarathu- jtrian Haoma Gatha from which this is an extension ? 232 YASNA IX. H(a)oma, the holy and driving death afar ; pray to me, O Spitama, prepare me for the taste. Praise toward me in (Thy) praises as the other [Saosh- yauts] praise. 3. Thereupon spake Zarathu.5tra : Unto H(a)oma be the praise1. What man, O H(a)oma! first prepared thee for the corporeal world ? What blessedness was offered him ? what gain did he acquire ? 4. Thereupon did H(a)oma answer me, he the holy one, and driving death afar : Vivanghva^t 2 was the first of men who prepared me for the incarnate world. This blessedness was offered him ; this gain did he acquire, that to him was born a son who was Yima, called the brilliant, (he of the many flocks, the most glorious of those yet born, the sunlike-one of men 3), that he made from his authority both herds and people free from dying, both plants and waters free from drought, and men could eat imperishable food. 5. In the reign of Yima swift of motion was there neither cold nor heat, there was neither age nor death, nor envy 4 demon-made. Like fifteen-year- lings 5 walked the two forth, son and father, in their stature and their form, so long as Yima, son of Vivanghva;zt ruled, he of the many herds ! 6. Who was the second man, O H (a)oma ! who 1 Might not the entire sixteenth verse be placed here ? 2 The fifth from Gaya Maretan the Iranian Adam, but his counterpart, the Indian Vivasvat, appears not only as the father of Yama, but of Manu, and even of the gods, (as promoted mortals ?). 3 Compare svar-dmas pavamanas. 4 So the Pahlavi. 6 Males, like females, seem to have been considered as developed at fifteen years of age. YASNA IX. 233 prepared thee for the corporeal world ? What sanc- tity was offered him ? what gain did he acquire ? 7. Thereupon gave H(a)oma answer, he the holy one, and driving death afar : Athwya 1 was the second who prepared me for the corporeal world. This blessedness was given him, this gain did he acquire, that to him a son was born, Thraetaona 2 of the heroic tribe, 8. Who smote the dragon Dahaka3, three-jawed and triple-headed, six-eyed,with thousand powers, and of mighty strength, a lie-demon of4 the Daevas, evil for our settlements, and wicked, whom the evil spirit Angra Mainyu made as the most mighty Dru^(k) [against the corporeal world], and for the murder of (our) settlements, and to slay the (homes) of Asha ! 9. Who was the third man, O H(a)oma! who prepared thee for the corporeal world ? What blessed- ness was given him ? what gain did he acquire ? 10. Thereupon gave H(a)oma answer, the holy one, and driving death afar : Thrita 5, [the most helpful of the Samas 6], was the third man who prepared me for the corporeal world. This blessedness was given 1 Comp. Trita aptia. 2 Comp. the Indian Traitana connected with Trita. 3 Let it be remembered that Trita smote the Ahi before Indra, Indra seeming only to re-enact the more original victory which the Avesta notices. Concerning Azhi Dahaka, see Windischmann's Zendstudien, s. 136. 4 Free. 5 In the AVg-veda aptya seems only an epithet added to the name Trita*; and the two serpents of the Avesta are suspicious. Two names seem to have become two persons, or has the Avesta the more correct representation ? 6 Have we the Semites here? They certainly penetrated as conquerors far into Media, and it seems uncritical to deny their leaving traces. The gloss may be very old. * And to that of other gods. 234 YASNA IX. him, this gain did he acquire, that to him two sons were born, Urvakhshaya and Keresaspa, the one a judge confirming order, the other a youth of great ascendant, ringlet-headed l, bludgeon-bearing. ii. He who smote the horny dragon swallowing men, and swallowing horses, poisonous, and green of colour, over which, as thick as thumbs are, green- ish poison flowed aside, on whose back once Keres- aspa cooked his meat in iron caldron at the noon- day meal ; and the deadly, scorched, upstarted 2, and springing off, dashed out the water as it boiled. Headlong fled affrighted manly-minded3 Keresaspa. 12. Who was the fourth man who prepared thee, 1 Comp. Kapardfnam. 2 I abandon reluctantly the admirable comparison of hvis with the Indian svid (Geldner), also when explained as an inchoative (Barth.), but the resulting meaning is far from natural either here or in Vend. Ill, 32 (Sp. 105). That the dragon should begin to sweat (!) under the fire which was kindled upon his back, and which caused him to spring away, seems difficult. The process was not so deliberate. He was scorched, started, and then sprang. Also in Vend. Ill, 32 when the barley is produced the demons hardly ' sweat (with mental misery).' The idea is too advanced for the document. Burnouf's and Haug's ' hiss ' was much better in both places. But I prefer the hint of the Pahlavi lala vazlun£a (?) has anything to do with hiz or khiz= Pahlavi akhizidano t, N. P. 'hizidan, is a question. I follow tradition without etymological help ; perhaps we might as well write the word like the better known form as a conjecture. 3 The Pahlavi translator makes the attempt to account for the epithet ' manly-minded' as applied to Keresaspa while yet he fled affrighted ; he says : H6manm is interpolated ; or shall we render : ' We worship Him ' as in the F. with adverbial use as in the Greek, and often here ? 3 Compare the Indian gnas. The waters are wives, as is the earth ; below they are mothers. YASNA XXXIX. 287 and with these their blessedness, their full vigour and good portions, their good fame and ample wealth. 3. O ye waters ! now we worship you, you that are showered down, and you that stand in pools and vats, and you that bear forth (our loaded vessels ?) ye female Ahuras of Ahura, you that serve us (all) in helpful ways, well forded and full- flowing, and effective for the bathings, we will seek you and for both the worlds ! 4. Therefore did Ahura Mazda give you names, O ye beneficent l ones! when He who made the good bestowed you. And by these names we worship you, and by them we would ingratiate ourselves with you, and with them would we bow before you, and direct our prayers to you with free confessions of our debt. O waters, ye who are productive 2, and ye maternal ones, ye with heat 3 that suckles the (frail and) needy (before birth), ye waters (that have once been) rulers of (us) all, we will now address you as the best, and the most beautiful ; those (are) yours, those good (objects) of our offerings, ye long of arm to reach our sickness, or misfortune 4, ye mothers of our life ! YASNA XXXIX. To the Soul of the Kine, &c. 1. And now we sacrifice to the Kine's soul, and to her created body, and we sacrifice to the souls 1 Vanguhu with K4, &c. 2 Compare azi as applied to the Kine. 3 Compare agnayas, reading agnayo. Or is it agnivau with a suffix va ? ' Or, ' our sicknesses and welfare.' 288 YASNA XL. of cattle who are fit to live1 (for us), and whose (we ?) are, such as are the same to them. 2. And we worship the souls of those beasts which are tame and broken in, and of wild herds, and the souls of the saints wherever they were born, both of men and of women, whose good consciences are conquering in the strife against the Daevas, or will conquer, or have conquered. 3. And now we worship the Bountiful Immortals (all) the good, and both those male 2, and those female 3 (by their names). The males among them do we worship, ever living, and ever helpful, who dwell beside the pious, and the females thus the same. 4. As Thou, O Ahura Mazda! hast thought and spoken, as thou hast determined, and hast done these things (effecting) what is good, therefore do we offer to Thee, therefore do we ascribe to Thee our praises, and worship Thee, and bow ourselves before Thee ; and therefore would we direct our prayers to Thee, Ahura ! with confessions of our sin. 5. And we thus draw near to Thee together with the good kinship of our kindred, with that of Righte- ousness the blessed, and the good law of thrift and energy and the good Piety, the ready mind (within Thy folk) ! YASNA XL. Prayers for Helpers. 1. And now in these Thy dispensations, O Ahura Mazda ! do Thou wisely 4 act for us, and with abun- 1 Live-stock. 2 Y6i. 3 YauskL * A fern, noun mazda = medha. YASNA XLI. 289 dance with Thy bounty and Thy tenderness 1 as touching us ; and grant that reward which Thou hast appointed to our souls, O Ahura Mazda! 2. Of this do Thou Thyself bestow upon us for this world and the spiritual ; and now as part thereof (do Thou grant) that we may attain to fellowship with Thee, and Thy Righteousness for all duration. 3. And do Thou grant us, O Ahura ! men who are righteous, and both lovers and producers of the Right as well. And give us trained beasts for the pastures, broken in for riding2, and for bearing, (that they may be) in helpful 3 companionship with us, and as a source of long enduring- vigour, and a means of rejoicing grace to us for this 4. 4. So let there be a kinsman lord for us, with the labourers of the village, and so likewise let there be the clients (or the peers 5). And by the help of those may we arise. So may we be to You, O Mazda Ahura ! holy and true 6, and with free giving of our gifts. X YASNA XLI. A Prayer to Ahura as the King, the Life, AND THE REWARDER. I. Praises, and songs, and adorations do we offer to Ahura Mazda, and to Righteousness the Best ; yea, we offer and we ascribe them, and proclaim them. 2. And to Thy good Kingdom, O Ahura Mazda! 1 Otherwise, ' understanding which protects ' (?). 2 So the Pahlavi and Ner. 3 Bezvaite. 4 May we be rejoicing (?). 5 Hakhi?ma (=-a) replacing the airyaman of the Gathas, and throwing light upon its meaning. The form is irregular. 6 Or, ' holy n'shis ' (ereshayo ?). [31] U 2QO YASNA XLII. may we attain for ever, and a good King be Thou over us ; and let each man of us, and so each woman, thus abide, O Thou most beneficent of beings, and for both the worlds ! 3. Thus do we render Thee, the helpful Yazad, endowed with good devices, the friend of them (who worship Thee) with (well-adjusted) ritual ; so may'st Thou be to us our life, and our body's vigour, O Thou most beneficent of beings, and that for both the worlds ! 4. Aye, let us win and conquer (?) long life, O Ahura Mazda ! in Thy grace, and through Thy will may we be powerful. May'st Thou lay hold on us to help, and long, and with salvation, O Thou most beneficent of beings ! 5. Thy praisers and Mathra-speakers may we be called \ O Ahura Mazda ! so do we wish, and to this may we attain 2. What reward most meet for our deserving Thou hast appointed for the souls, O Ahura Mazda ! (6) of that do Thou bestow on us for this life, and for that of mind 3. Of that reward (do Thou Thyself grant this advantage), that we may come under Thy protecting guardianship, and that of Righteousness for ever. We sacrifice to that brave Yasna, the Yasna Haptanghaiti 4, the holy, the ritual chief! YASNA XLII. A Supplement to the Haptanghaiti5. 1. We worship You, O Ye Bountiful Immortals ! with the entire collection of this Yasna, Haptanghaiti 1 See Y. L, ir. 2 Or, 'abide.' 3 See Y. XXVIII, 3. 4 Here the Haptanghaiti once ended. 5 Of not greatly later origin. YASNA XLII. 29I (as we sum up all). And we sacrifice to the foun- tains of the waters, and to the fordings of the rivers, to the forkings of the highways, and to the meetings of the roads. 2. And we sacrifice to the hills that run with torrents, and the lakes that brim with waters, and to the corn that fills the corn-fields ; and we sacrifice to both the protector and the Creator, to both Zarathu- stra. and the Lord. 3. And we sacrifice to both earth and heaven, and to the stormy wind that Mazda made, and to the peak of high Haraiti, and to the land, and all things good. 4. And we worship the Good Mind (in the living) and the spirits of the saints. And we sacrifice to the fish of fifty-fins \ and to that sacred beast the Unicorn 2 (?) which stands in Vouru-kasha, and we sacrifice to that sea of Vouru-kasha where he stands, (5) and to the Haoma, golden-flowered, growing on the heights ; yea, to the Haoma that restores us, and aids this world's advance. We sacrifice to Haoma that driveth death afar, (6) and to the flood-streams of the waters, and to the great flights of the birds, and to the approaches of the Fire-priests, as they approach us from afar 3, and seek to gain the provinces, and spread the ritual lore. And we sacrifice to the Bountiful Immortals all 4 ! 1 See, however, Bundahw (West), p. 66. 2 See Bundahij, chap. XIX, also Darmesteter, Ormuzd and Ahriman (pp. 148-150). 3 Yoi yeya dura/ points to a migration of Zaroastrianism, coming West(?). 4 For Yasna XLIII-LI, see above, pp. 98-187. U 2 292 YASNA LII. YASNA LII (Sp. LI). A Prayer for Sanctity and its Benefits. 1. I pray with benedictions for a benefit, and for the good, even for the entire creation of the holy (and the clean) ; I beseech for them for the (genera- tion which is) now alive, for that which is just coming into life \ and for that which shall be hereafter. And (I pray for that) sanctity which leads to prosperity, and which has long afforded shelter 2, which goes on hand in hand with it 3, which joins it in its walk, and of itself becoming its close companion as it delivers forth its precepts, (2) bearing every form of healing virtue which comes to us in waters 4, appertains to cattle, or is found in plants, and overwhelming all the harmful malice of the Daevas, (and their ser- vants) who might harm this dwelling 5 and its lord, (3) bringing good gifts, and better blessings, given very early, and later (gifts), leading to successes, and for a longtime giving shelter6. And so the greatest, and the best, and most beautiful benefits of sanctity fall likewise to our lot (4) for the sacrifice, homage, propitiation, and the praise of the Bountiful Immor- tals, for the bringing prosperity to this abode, and for the prosperity of the entire creation of the holy, 1 Or, ' for that which is past ? ' bavaithyai-fa. 2 Daregho-varethmanem is treated as a feminine; see also daregho-varethmano in verse 3. 3 Have we hvo-aiwishaX'im, as representing some more regular form ? 4 Medicinal springs. This Yasna was celebrated from house to house. 6 Varethmano. YASNA LIV. 293 and the clean, (and as for this, so) for the opposition of the entire evil creation. (And I pray for this) as I praise through Righteousness, I who am benefi- cent, those who are (likewise of a better mind) '. 5-8. (See Y. VIII, 5-8.) (For Y. LIII, see Gathas, pp. 190-194.) YASNA LIV2 (Sp. LIII). The Airy^ma-ishyo. 1. Let the Airyaman, the desired friend and peers- man, draw near for grace to the men and to the women who are taught of Zarathiutra, for the joyful grace of the Good Mind, whereby the conscience may attain its wished-for recompense. I pray for the sacred reward of the ritual order which is (likewise so much) to be desired ; and may Ahura Mazda grant 3 it, (or cause it to increase). 2. We sacrifice to the Airy^ma-ishyo, the power- ful, the victoriously smiting, the opponent of as- saulting malice, the greatest of the sentences of the holy ritual order. And we sacrifice to the bounteous Gathas that rule supreme in the ritual, the holy (and august). And we sacrifice to the Praises of the Yasna which were the productions of the world of old 4. 1 Citation from the Gathas (Y. XLV, 6). 2 This piece in the Gathic dialect, and in a metre supposed by some to be identical with that of the Vahi.yt6i.yti, is very old, and ranks with the Ahuna-vairya and Ashem Vohu in importance. 3 Or, can masata (sic) equal ' with his liberality, or majesty/ leaving ya7ztu to be understood with Ahuro ? 4 The later Avesta notes the antiquity of the older. 294 YASNA LV. YASNA LV (Sp. LIV). The Worship of the Gathas as concluded, and THAT OF THE StAOTA YeSNYA x AS BEGINNING. i. We present hereby and we make known, as our offering to the bountiful Gathas which rule (as the leading chants) within (the appointed times and seasons of) the Ritual, all our landed riches, and our persons, together with our very bones and tissues, our forms and forces, our consciousness, our soul, and Fravashi. 2. That which Gathas (may) be to us, which are our guardians and defenders, and our spiritual food, yea, which (may) be to our souls both food and cloth- ing, such are these Gathas to us, guardians, and defenders, and (spiritual) food, even such they are, both food and clothing to the soul. And (may) they be to us (for this our offering) abundant givers of rewards, and just and righteous ones, for the world beyond the present, after the parting of our consciousness and body. 3. And may these (Praises of the Offering) come forth, and appear for us with power and victorious assault, with health and healing, with progress, and with growth, with preparation and protection, with beneficence and sanctity, and abounding with gifts 2 toward him who can understand ; yea, let them appear (with free liberality to the enlightened), let them appear as 1 Staota Yesnya seems to designate that part of the Yasna which begins with the Srosh Ya^t. 2 Fraraiti ; or possibly ' to the freely giving/ (the term. ' -ti ' as a dative). YASNA LV. 295 Mazda, the most beneficent, has produced them, He the one who is victorious when He smites, and who helps the settlements advance, for the protection, and the guarding of the religious order of the settle- ments which are now being furthered, and of those which shall bring salvation to us, and for the protec- tion of the entire creation of the holy (and the clean). 4. And may'st thou, (O Asha ! who abidest within the Gathas l), give to every holy man who comes with this prayer for a blessing, and endeavouring to help himself2, according to his good thoughts, and words, and deeds. 5. We are therefore worshipping both the (divine) Righteousness and the Good Mind, and the bounti- ful Gathas, that rule as the leading chants within (the times and the seasons of) the holy ritual order. 6. And we worship the Praises of the Yasna which were the production of the ancient world, those which are (now) recollected and put in use 3, those which are now learned and taught, those which are being held (in mind, and so) repeated, those remembered and recited, and those worshipped, and thus the ones which further the world through grace in its advance. And we worship the part(s)4 of the Praises of the Yasna, and their recitation as it is heard, even their memorised recital, and their chanting, and their offer- ing (as complete). 1 Conjectural ; see Ashem below. 2 Pahlavi avo nafrman. 3 Recited from memory, and used in the ceremonial. * The part, ' each part.' 296 YASNA LVI. YASNA LVI (Sp. LV). Introduction to the Srosh Vast. 1. Let Sraosha (the listening Obedience) be pre- sent here for the worship of Ahura Mazda, the most beneficent, and holy, of him) who is desired by us as at the first, so at the last ; and so again may atten- tive Obedience be present here for the worship of Ahura Mazda, the most beneficent and the holy who (is so) desired by us. 2. (Yea), let Sraosha (the attentive Obedience) be present here for the worship of the good waters, and for the Fravashis of the saints which are so desired by us, [and for (their *) souls], as at the first, so at the last. And thus again may Sraosha (the listening Obedi- ence) be present here for the worship of the good waters, and for the Fravashis of the saints, which are so desired by us, [(and) for (their) souls]. 3. Let Sraosha (the listening Obedience) be pre- sent here for the worship of the good waters ; yea, let the good Obedience be here for the worship of the good and bountiful Immortals who rule aright, and dispose (of all) aright, the good, and for the wor- ship of the good Sanctity, or Blessedness, who is closely knit with the Righteous Order, to perfect us, and to incite us. May Sraosha (Obedience) be here present for the worship of the good waters, he the good and the holy 2, as at the first, so at the last. 1 One might be inclined to render ' who are so desired by us for our souls.' But I think that the words are Pazand to the preceding. 2 Or, ' endowed with recompense.' YASNA LVII. 297 4. And so again may Sraosha, (Obedience) the good, be present here for the worship of the good waters, and of the good1 and bountiful Immortals, and of Blessedness the good who is closely knit with the Righteous Order to perfect and to incite us 2. Yea, we worship Sraosha the blessed and the stately, who smites with victory, and who furthers the settle- ments in their advance, the holy lord of the ritual order 3. YASNA- LVII (Sp. LVI). The Srosh Yast4. 1. A blessing is Righteousness (called) the Best, &c. Propitiation be to Sraosha, Obedience the blessed, the mighty, the incarnate word of reason, whose body is the Mathra, him of the daring spear, devoted to the Lord, for (his) sacrificial worship, homage, pro- pitiation, and praise. 1 Of the female (feminine) names. 2 Or, ' give to us.' The Ahuna and Ashem Vohu follow here. ; The YeNhe hatam, &c. follows. 4 As Sraosha is the only divinity of the later groups mentioned in the first four Gathas, this Ya^t would seem to have claims to antiquity next after the pieces in the Gathic dialect. The name Sraosha does not appear to have lost its meaning as an abstract quality, notwithstanding the materialistic imagery. With Y. XXVIII, 6 in view, where Sraosha ' finds the way ' to Ahura, or ' finds His throne,' we may understand that the worshippers, who first heard this Yajt, praised listening obedience, or repentance, as they did nearly all the remaining abstract qualities, together with their principal prayers, and hymns themselves. The rhythm of the original has been somewhat imitated in the rendering given, as it is difficult to avoid doing so, and to avoid other objectionable features at the same time. 298 YASNA LVII. I. 2. We worship Sraosha, (Obedience) the blessed, the stately, him who smites with the blow of victory, and who furthers the settlements, the holy, (ruling) as the ritual lord. Him do we worship, who in l the creation of Mazda the first adored Ahura, with the Baresman spread, who worshipped the Bountiful Immortals2 (first), who worshipped both the pro- tector and the Creator, who are :; (both) creating all things in the creation. 3. For his splendour and his glory, for his might, and the blow which smites with victory, I will wor- ship him with the Yasna of the Yazads, with a Yasna loud intoned, him Obedience the blessed, with the consecrated waters, and the good Blessedness, the lofty, and Nairya-sangha, the stately ; and may he draw near to us to aid us, he who smites with victory, Obedience the blessed ! 4. We worship Sraosha, Obedience the blessed, and that lofty Lord who is Ahura Mazda Himself, Him who has attained the most to this our ritual, Him who has approached the nearest to us in our celebrations. And we worship all the words of Zarathmtra, and all the deeds well done (for him), both those that have been done (in times gone by), 1 So ' tradition.' 2 Sraosha was not reckoned as one of the Ameshospends at the time of the composition of this verse. 3 Comp. Y. XXX, 4; but Ahura and some one of the Immortals, or possibly Zarathu^tra (see Y. XLII, 2), must be meant here. Angra Mainyu could not have been worshipped as either protector or creator. Observe the present tense. YASNA LVII. 299 and those which are yet to be done (for him in times to come). II. 5. We worship Sraosha (Obedience) the blessed and the stately, him who smites with the blow of victory, who prospers the settlements, the holy ritual lord, (6) who first spread forth the Baresman, and the three bundles, and the five bundles, and the seven bundles, and the nine, till it was heaped for us knee-hish, and to the middle of the thighs \ for the Bountiful Immortals, for their worship, and their homage, and their propitiation, and their praise. For his splendour and his glory, for his might, and the blow which smites with victory, I will worship him with the Yasna of the Yazads, with a Yasna loud intoned, him Obedience the blessed, with the consecrated waters. III. 7. We worship Sraosha (Obedience) the blessed, the stately, who smites with the blow of victory, who furthers the settlements, the holy ritual chief. 8. Who first chanted the Gathas, the five 2 Gathas of Zarathu^tra, the Spitama, the holy (with the fashion) of their metres 3, and after the well-con- structed order of their words, together with the Zand which they contain, and the questions 4 which they 1 Le Barsom est de cinq branches dans les Darouns ordinaires. II est de sept branches pour le Daroun No naber, pour le Freoues- chi, et pour le Gahanbar. II est de neuf branches pour le Daroun des Rois, et pour celui du Mobed des Mobeds (Anquetil). 2 This proves that the Gathas were greatly older than this Y&st. That the Gathas were originally five seems improbable; yet they had become reduced to that number at this time. 3 Nom. sing. ? * Comp. ta/ thwa peresa, &c. ; ' questions back and forth.' 300 YASNA LVII. utter, and the answers which they give, for the Bountiful Immortals, for their sacrifice and homage, their propitiation, and their praise. For his splendour and his glory, for his might .... IV. 9. We worship Sraosha (Obedience) the blessed and the stately, who smites with the blow of victory, and who furthers the settlements, the holy ritual chief, (10) who for the poor among (our) men and women built a mighty house 1, who after sunset, and with his levelled battle-axe, smites Aeshema bloody wounds, and having struck the head, casts him lightly (?)2 (to the earth), as the stronger (smites) the weaker. For his splendour and his glory, for his might .... V. 11. We worship Sraosha, Obedience the blessed and the stately, him who smites with the blow of victory, who furthers the settlements, the holy ritual chief, as the energetic, and the swift, the strong, the daring (and redoubted) hero, (12) who comes back from all his battles (and comes from them) a con- queror, who amid the Bountiful Immortals sits as companion at their meeting 3. For his splendour and his glory, for his might .... 1 One of the earliest notices of the kind. 2 Hu + angh, or can sas = to be inactive, indicate a change? 3 This is possibly the origin of a later view which established Sraosha as one of the Immortals, to fill up the number seven without including Ahura. The original ' seven spirits ' included Ahura. YASNA LVII. -ZOl VI. 13. We worship Sraosha (Obedience) the blessed, who is the strongest and most persistent of the youths, the most energetic, and the swiftest, who of all the youths strikes most with terror 1 from afar (?). [Be ye desirous, O ye Mazdayasnians ! of the Yasna of Obedience the blessed 2.] 14. Far from this house, this village, and this tribe, and from this country, the evil and destructive terrors (shall) depart. In the dwelling of that man in whose abode Obedience the blessed, who smites victoriously, is satisfied and welcomed, there is that holy man who thus contents him (most) forward in the thinking better thoughts, in the speaking truthful (ritual) words, and in the doing holy deeds 3. For his splendour and his glory, for his might .... VII. 1 5. We worship Sraosha (Obedience) the blessed and the stately, who is the conqueror of the Kayadha, and the Kaidhya, who was the smiter of the Lie- demon of the Daevas, the one veritably powerful, the destroyer of the wrorld, who is the guardian and watchman over all the migrations (?) of the tribes. 16. Who sleeplessly and vigilant guards the crea- tures of Ahura, who sleeplessly and with vigilance 1 =rkat-tarejtemem, comp. for form katpayam. 2 Possibly an ancient interpolation. Repetitions are curtailed. 3 This verse 14 may be an ancient extension of the Vast; it may of course be taken for granted that within a certain period at a very remote time, the Ya^-t was altered and improved. Verse 16 may have originally formed two sections; the formula ' we worship,' &c. having been omitted. 3areno determines the sense. 5 See '^yathrava/.' * The Pahl. does not necessarily render 'heavenly;' the word elsewhere means ' original.' 312 YASNA LXI. furtherance of that good blessedness which teaches concerning glory1. 8-10 ( = Y. VIII, 5-7). 11. In order that our minds may be2 delighted, and our souls the best, let our bodies be glorified as well, and let them, O^Mazda ! go likewise openly (unto Heaven) as the best world3 of the saints as devoted to Ahura, (12) and accompanied by Asha Vahi.5ta (who is Righteousness the Best), and the most beautiful ! And may we see Thee, and may we, approaching, come around about Thee, and attain to entire companionship with Thee ! And we sacrifice to the Righteous Order, the best, the most beautiful, the bounteous Immortal ! YASNA LXI (Sp. LX). 1. Let us peal4 forth the Ahuna-vairya in our liturgy between the heaven and earth, and let us send forth the Asha Vahi^ta in our prayer the same, and the YeNhe hatam. And let us send forth in our liturgies between the heaven and earth the pious and good prayer of the pious man for blessings, (2) for the encounter with, and for the displacement of Angra Mainyu with his creatures which are likewise evil as he is, for he is filled with death (for those whom he has made). Aye, let us send that petition forth for the encounter with, and for the dislodgment of the Ka/k-aredhas and of the individual Ka/^aredha5 the male, and the female 1 Or, 'welfare/ 2 ^unghan. The nom. is difficult. The Ashem Vohu and Ahuna follow. 4 De Harlez, 'faisons retentir.' The Pahlavi perhaps ' diminishers;' Darmesteter, ' causing to pine.' YASNA LXII. 313 (to the last individual of each), (3) and for the en- counter with, and the dislodgment of the Kayadhas, and of the individual Kayadhians, male and female1, and of the thieves and robbers, of the Zandas2, and the sorcerers, of the covenant breakers, and of those who tamper with the covenants. 4. Yea, we send it forth for the encounter with, and for the overthrow of the murderers of the saints, and of those who hate and torment us for our Faith, and of those who persecute the ritual, and the tyrant full of death. Yea, let us peal them forth for the en- counter with, and the overthrow of the wicked, O Zarathuj-tra Spitama ! whoever they may be, whose thoughts, and words, and works are not congenial to the holy ritual laws. 5. And how shall we drive the Demon of the Lie from hence from us3 ? Aye, how shall we, the pro- phets who are yet to serve and save (thy people), drive the Druf from hence, so that we, having power over her as being utterly without power, may drive her hence with blow from the seven Karshvars, for the encounter with, and for the dislodgment of the entire evil world 4 ? YASNA LXII (Sp. LXI). To the Fire. 1. I offer my sacrifice and homage to thee, the Fire, as a good offering, and an offering with our hail 1 ' Cannibals ' has been suggested as the meaning here. 2 The later Zendiks are of course not meant, unless we have an interpolation. 3 Citation from the Gathas, Y. XLV, 6. * Citations follow. 14 YASNA LXII. of salvation, even as an offering of praise with benedic- tions, to thee, the Fire, O Ahura Mazda's son ! Meet for sacrifice art thou, and worthy of (our) homage. And as meet for sacrifice, and thus worthy of our homage, may'st thou be in the houses of men (who worship Mazda). Salvation be to this man who worships thee in verity and truth, with wood in hand, and Baresman ready, with flesh in hand, and holding too the mortar. 2. And may'st thou be (ever) fed with wood as the prescription orders. Yea, may'st thou have thy perfume justly, and thy sacred butter without fail, and thine andirons regu- larly placed. Be of full-age as to thy nourishment, of the canon's age as to the measure of thy food, O Fire, Ahura Mazda's son ! 3. Be now aflame1 within this house ; be ever without fail in flame ; be all ashine within this house ; be on thy growth 2 within this house ; for long time be thou thus to the further- ance of the heroic (renovation), to the completion ol (all) progress, yea, even till the good heroic (millennial) time when that renovation shall have become com- plete. 4. Give me, O Fire, Ahura Mazda's son ! a speedy glory, speedy nourishment, and speedy booty, and abundant glory, abundant nourishment, abun- dant booty, an expanded mind, and nimbleness of tongue for soul and understanding, even an understanding continually growing in its largeness, and that never wanders 3, and long enduring virile power, (5) an offspring sure of foot, that never sleeps on watch [not for a third part of the day, or night], and that rises quick from bed4, and 1 Or, ' for giving light." 2 Or, ' to give light ' ? conip. ukhshano and ukhsha. 3 Read apairyathrem. 4 Or, ' has the quickest place.' YASNA LXII. 315 likewise a wakeful offspring, helpful to nurture, or reclaim, legitimate, keeping order in men's meet- ings, (yea,) drawing men to assemblies through their influence and word, grown to power, skilful, redeeming others from oppression, served by many followers, which may advance my line (in pros- perity and fame), and (my) Vis, and my Za/ztu, and (my) province, (yea, an offspring) which may deliver orders to the Province as (firm and righteous rulers). 6. And may'st thou grant me, O Fire, Ahura Mazda's Son ! that whereby instructors may be (given) me, now and for evermore, (giving light to me of Heaven) the best life of the saints, brilliant, all glorious. And may I have experience 1 of the good reward, and the good renown, and of the long fore- casting preparation of the soul. 7. The Fire of Ahura Mazda addresses this admonition to all for whom he cooks the night and morning (meal). From all these, O Spitama ! he wishes 2 to secure good care, and healthful care (as guarding for salvation), the care of a true praiser. 8. At both the hands of all who come by me, I, the Fire, keenly look : What brings the mate to his mate (thus I say to him), the one who walks at large, to him who sits at home ? [We worship the bounteous Fire, the swift-driving charioteer 3.] 9. And if this man who passes brings him wood brought (with good measure that is) with sacred care, or if he brings the Baresman spread with sanctity, or 1 Bartholomae follows tradition boldly here, rendering ' aushalten, festhalten an ; giriftar yehvunani(i).' 2 Or, ' is worshipped for.' 3 This curious gloss seems thrown in as a solace to the Fire for the expression preceding. It savours of the 7?/k. 316 YASNA EXV. the Hadhanaepata plant, then afterwards Ahura Mazda's Fire will bless him, contented, not offended, and in (its) satisfaction (saying thus). 10. May a herd of kine be with thee, and a multitude of men, may an active mind go with thee, and an active soul as well. As a blest soul may'st thou live through thy life, the nights which thou shall live. This is the blessing of the Fire for him who brings it wood (well) dried, sought out for flaming, purified with the earnest blessing- of the sacred ritual truth1. 1 1. We strive after the flowing on of the good waters, and their ebb 2 as well, and the sounding of their waves, desiring their propitiation ; I desire to approach them with my praise 3. 12 = Y. Ill, 24, 25. YASNA LXIII4 (Sp. LXII). (See Y. XV, 2 ; Y. LXVI, 2 ; Y. XXXVIII, 3.) YASNA LXIV (Sp. LXIII). (See Y. XLVI, 3 ; Y. L, 6-1 1.) YASNA LXV (Sp. LXIV). To Ardvi Sura Anahita, and the Waters. 1. I will praise the water Ardvi Sura Anahita, the wide-flowing (as it is) and healing in its influence, 1 The Ashem Vohu'occurs here. 2 Or, ' falling^ 3 See as alternative Darmesteter's masterly rendering of the Ataj Nyayi-j, 7-18. 4 This chapter is composed of short passages from other portions of the Yasna collected together possibly for the purpose of filling out the number of sections to some figure no longer known. YASNA LXV. 317 efficacious against the Daevas, devoted to Ahura's lore, and to be worshipped with sacrifice within the corporeal world, furthering all living things1^) and holy, helping on the increase and improvement of our herds and settlements, holy, and increasing our wealth, holy, and helping on the progress of the Province, holy (as she is)? 2. (Ardvi Sura Anahita) who purines the seed of all male beings, who sanctifies the wombs of all women to the birth, who makes all women fortu- nate in labour, who brings all women a regular and timely flow of milk, (5) (Ardvi Sura Anahita) with a volume sounding from afar2, which is alone equal in its bulk to all the waters which flow forth upon earth, which flows down with mighty volume from high Hukairya to the sea Vouru-kasha. 4. And all the gulfs 3 in Vouru-kasha are stirred (when it falls down), all the middle doth well up when Ardvi Sura Anahita rushes in, when she plunges foaming into them, she, whose are a thousand tributaries, and a thousand outlets, and each as it flows in, or rushes out, is a forty days' ride in length to a rider mounted well. 5. And the (chief) outlet to this one water (Ardvi Sura Anahita) goes apart, dividing to all the seven Karshvars. And this outlet to my river, Ardvi Sura Anahita, bears off its waters always in summer and in winter. This my river purifies the seed of men, and wombs of women, and women's milk 4. 6. Let the saints' Fravashis now draw nea^, those of the saints who live, or have lived, of those born, or yet to be born ; yea, let them come near which 1 The Pahlavi has ga.r\, or guy, in which latter case the meanin 1 springs ' would be better. 2 Or, 'famed from afar.' 3 Lit. 'sides.' * See Darmesteter's Aban Vast, I-V. 31 8 YASNA LXV. have borne these waters up stream from the nearest ones (that lie below as the outlet pours away l). 7. Let not our waters be for the man of ill intent, of evil speech, or deeds, or conscience ; let them not be for the offender of a friend, not for an insulter of a Magian 2, nor for one who harms the workmen, nor for one who hates his kindred. And let not our good waters (which are not only good, but) best, and Mazda-made, help on the man who strives to mar our settlements which are not to be corrupted, nor him who would mar our bodies, (our) uncorrupted (selves), (8) nor the thief, or bludgeon-bearing ruffian who would slaughter the disciples, nor a sorcerer, nor a burier of dead bodies, nor the jealous, nor the niggard, nor the godless heretic who slays disciples, nor the evil tyrant among men. Against these may our waters come as torments. As destructive may these come (?), may they come to him who has done those first (foul evils), as to him who does the last3. 9. O waters ! rest4 still within your places while the invoking priest shall offer. Shall not the invoker make offering to these good waters, and with the inculcated words ? (And how shall this be done ?) Shall he not be tongue-fettered, if he offers else than with the ritual? Shall (not) the words be so delivered as the Aethrapaiti teaches? Where shall the blessings be (inserted) ? Where the supplications with confessions ? Where the gifts of those that offer? 105. (It shall be only thus) as Ahura Mazda showed before to Zarathiutra, and as Zara- 1 Or, 'drawn up in vapours for the supply of the waters by the rain.' 2 So the indication of the Pahlavi. 3 i-di. 4 Or, ' rejoice ye.' 5 Response. YASNA LXV. 319 thuitra taught the corporeal worlds (the men on earth) ! Thou shalt pray the first petition to the waters, O Zarathustra, and after that thou shalt offer the Zaothras to the waters, sanctified, and sought out with pious care ; and thou shalt pronounce these words (as follows, thus) : (1 1) O ye waters, I beseech of you this favour ; and grant ye me this great one in whose bestowal ye flow down to me for the bettering (of my state), with a never-failing truth. O ye waters, I beseech of you for wealth of many kinds (which gives) power (to its holder 1), and for an off- spring self-dependent whom multitudes will bless, and for whose wasting, or defeat, or death, or vengeful punishment, or overtaking, no one prays. 12. And this do I beseech of you, O waters, this, O ye lands, and this, ye plants ! This wealth and offspring I beseech of You, O Ye Bountiful Immor- tals, who rule aright, who dispose (of all) aright, O Ye good beings, male and female2, givers of good things ; and this I beseech of you, O ye beneficent, mighty, and overwhelming Fravashis of the saints, and this (of thee), O Mithra of the wide pastures, and this of thee, O blest and stately Sraosha ; and of thee, O Rashnu the most just, and of thee, O Fire, Ahura Mazda's son ; and of thee, O lofty lord, the royal Apam-napa/, of the fleet horses ; aye, of You all, ye Yazads, bestowers of the better gifts and holy. 13. And this do ye therefore grant me, O ye holy waters, and ye lands 3 ! 14. And grant me likewise what is still greater than this all, and still better than this all, and more ■ Powerful. 2 Some of the names are in the feminine. 3 Here repeat as above from ' O ye plants ' to ' givers of the better thing and holy.' 320 YASNA LXVII. beautiful, and more exceeding precious (and that is, Immortality and Welfare J), O Ye Yazads, holy and ruling mightily, and powerful at once, and grant it speedily according to this Gathic (?) word : (Yea), by veritable grace let that be done 2 (?) for us which is most promotive of our weal. 15. And according to this further word again : Grant me, Thou who art maker of the Kine, the plants, and the waters, Immortality and likewise Weal, O Ahura Mazda, Thou most bounteous Spirit. And grant me these two eternal gifts through Thy Good Mind in the doctrine 3. 16-18. (See Y. XV, 2 ; Y. LVI, 3-4 «.) YASNA LXVI (Sp. LXV). To the Ahurian One5. 1. I am now offering this Zaothra here with sanc- tity6, together with the Haoma and the flesh, and the Hadhanaepata lifted up with sacred regularity as to thee.O Ahurian One, for the propitiation of Ahura Mazda, of the Bountiful Immortals, of Sraosha (Obedience) the blessed, and of the Fire of Ahura Mazda, the ritual's lofty lord. 2. Y.VII, 5-19. 3. Y. XXII, XXVIII, 24-27. YASNA LXVII (Sp. LXVI). 1-4. (SeeY. XXIII, 1-4, replacing 'I desire to ap- proach with sanctity' by ' I offer with sanctity;' see also Y.VII, 24.) 5-7. (See Y. XXXVIII, 5-5.) 1 See below. 2 See Y. L, 11. 3 See Y. LI, 7. 4 The Ahuna and Ashem Vohu follow. 5 I should say Ardvi Sura Anahita; see Y. LXVIII, 10, where the good waters are addressed as Ahurian Ones of Ahura. Or, ' for a blessing.' c YASNA LXVIII. 321 YASNA LXVIII (Sp. LXVII). To the Ahurian One, and the Waters. i. We offer this to thee, O Ahurian (daughter) of Ahura ! as a help ; (?) for life. If we have offended thee, let this Zaothra then attain to thee (for satis- faction), for it is thine with its Haoma, and its milk, and its Hadhanaepata. 2. And may'st thou approach to me for milk and for libation, O Zaothra! as health, for healing, and for progress, for growth and in preparation for ceremonial merit, for good renown, for equanimity 2, and for that victory which makes the settlements advance. 3. Yea, we worship thee with sacrifice, O thou Ahurian (daughter) of Ahura with the Zaothras of the good thought ; and we worship, O Ahura, one with the Zaothras of the good word and deed (4) for the enlightenment of the thoughts, and words, and actions, for preparation for the soul, for the settle- ment's advance, and to prepare the saints endowed with ritual merit. 5. And grant me, O thou Ahurian One ! Heaven, and to have an offspring manly and legitimate, who may promote my house, my village, my tribe and province, and the authority thereof. 6. We sacrifice to thee, O thou Ahurian one ! And we sacrifice to the sea Vouru-kasha, and to all waters upon earth, whether standing, or running, or waters of the well, or spring-waters which peren- 1 The Pahlavi translator saw the root av in this sense here with K4, 11; P6, but the form is strange. 2 So the Pahlavi indicates with no impossible suggestion. [30 Y 32 2 YASNA LXVIII. nially flow, or the drippings of the rains, or the irriga- tions of canals. 7. With this hymn from the (spirit of) the Yasna do we worship thee, and with the homage which it offers as it is the most legitimate 1 Yasna, and homage of them (all) because of Righteousness the Best. We sacrifice to the good waters, and to the best, which Mazda created. 8. And we sacri- fice to the two, to the milk and to the libation, which make the waters flow, and the plants sprout forth, opposing therein the Dragon Daeva-made, for the arrest of that cheat the Pairika, and to contradict the insulting malice of the Ashemaogha (the dis- turber and destroyer of our Faith), and of the unholy tyrant full of death, and of the human Daeva (worshipper) of hateful malice (and intent). 9. And may'st thou hear our sacrificial chants, O thou Ahurian (daughter) of Ahura ! Yea, be propitiated by our Yasna, O Ahurian one ! and so may'st thou be present 2 at our Yasna ; may'st thou come to us to help, as we chant our full-offered Vast, with the full offering of Zaothras. 10. If any man shall sacrifice to you, O ye good waters, the Ahurian ones of Ahura ! with the best and most fitting Zaothras offered piously, (11) to that man ye give both splendour and glory, with health and vigour of the body and prominence of form ; yea, to him ye give possessions which entail abundant glory, and a legitimate scion, and a long enduring life, and (Heaven at the last), the best life of the saints, shining, all glorious. 12. And to me also do ye now give it, to me who am offering this Yasna as a priest 3. 1 Or ' virtuous/ with Darmesteter. 2 May'st thou sit. 3 Zoto 1 yajtar homanam. YASNA LXVIII. 323 (Response x.) And to us Mazdayasnians who are likewise offering sacrifice, do ye grant (both the desire and knowledge of the path that is correct2), to us colleagues, and disciples, Aethrapaitis and Aethryas, men and women as well as children, and maidens of the field, (13) who think good only, for the overwhelming of oppression and of malice in the raids of the invader, and in face of foes who hate. Grant to us both the desire3 of, and the knowledge of that straightest path, the straightest because of Righteousness, and of (Heaven) the best life of the Saints, shining, all glorious. As the Arm is excellent, so is the Ratu (one who rules) from the Righteous Order, a creator of mental goodness and of life's actions done for Mazda. And the kingdom (is) for Ahura, which to the poor may offer nurture. 14. (The Zaotar speaks): I beseech with my bene- diction for a safe abode, for a joyful and a long abode for the dwellers in this village from whence these Zaothras (which I offer come). And I pray in my benediction for a safe abode, and a quiet and a joyful one, and a long abiding to every Mazda- yasnian village, and for a succour even with my wants, for a succour with salutations of salvation, and for one with praises, O Fire 4 ! and for thee, O Ahurian one of Ahura ! do I ask the fullest Ya^t. 15. And I pray for (?) Raman Z/^astra for this Province, and for healthfulness and healing. And I pray for it with my blessing for you pious men, for all. And I pray for him who is saintly with (true) goodness, whosoever he may be, between heaven 1 Or, 'the priest continues speaking for the people.' 2 See below. 3 Or, ' this desire, the knowledge.' 4 Or, ' of the Fire.' Y 2 324 YASNA LXVIII. and the earth, for a thousand healing remedies, and for ten thousand of the same. 16-19. (See Y. VIII, 5-8.) 20. Thus may it happen as I pray. 21. And by this may I gain1 (that) blessing, the good Blessedness (our sanctity rewarded). And we address, and we invoke reli- gious zeal and capability, and the waters with our Yasna 2 thus : O ye good waters ! since (they are) yours, do ye, as you are asked, grant splendour and grant glory, ye who are well able so to give ; and do ye, O ye waters ! grant (once more) that helpful blessing which was gained from you of old ! 22. Praise (be) to Ahura Mazda, and to the Bountiful Immortals. Praise (be) to Mithra of the wide pastures. Praise to the fleet-horsed sun. Praise to (the star which so we name, and with this sun) Ahura Mazda's eyes. Praise to the Kine 3 (the herds of blessed gift). Praise to Gaya (Maretan) and to the Fravashi of Zarathiutra (first of) saints ; yea, praise to the entire creation of the holy (and the clean), to those now living, and to those just passing into life, and to those of days to come. 23. And do Thou then Ahura, as in answer to these our prayers and songs of praise, cause us to prosper to salvation through Thy Good Mind, the Sovereign Power, and Thy Righteous Order (in Thy ritual and law 4) ! 1 Or, ' the good wisdom ' from the second da (good adjustment). 2 Passages follow from Y. XXXVIII, 2-5. 3 The Gathic Kine. 4 See Y. XXXIII, 10. Citations follow from Y. XXXVI, 6; Y. XLIII, 6, also the Ashem and Y. Ill, 24, 25 ; then Y. XLVII, 1-7. Then the words ' we worship the chapter Spe«ta-mainyu from the beginning,' then the YeNhe halam. YASNA LXX. 325 YASNA LXIX (Sp. LXVIII). This chapter is composed of fragments : see Y. XV, 2 ; and Y. LI, 1 and 22. YASNA LXX (Sp. LXIX). To the Bountiful Immortals, and the Institutions of Religion. 1. I would worship these (the Bountiful Im- mortals) with my sacrifice, those who rule aright, and who dispose (of all) aright, and this one (es- pecially) I would approach with my praise, (Ahura Mazda). He is thus hymned (in our praise-songs). Yea, we worship in our sacrifice that deity and lord, who is Ahura Mazda, the Creator, the gracious helper, the maker 1 of all good things ; and we wor- ship in our sacrifice Zarathu^tra Spitama, that chieftain (of the rite). 2. And we would declare those institutions established for us, exact (and undeviating as they are). And I would declare forth those of Ahura Mazda, those of the Good Mind, and of Asha Vahirta (who is Righteousness the Best), and those of Khshatra-vairya (the Realm to be desired), and those of the Bountiful Aramaiti (the Piety within us), and those of Weal and Immortality, and those which appertain to the body2 of the Kine, and to the Kine's soul, and those which appertain to Ahura Mazda's Fire, (3) and those of Sraosha (Obe- 1 Reading tashvaunghem(?) (comp. dadhvaunghem), according to the indication of the Pahlavi. 8 Tashan with change of accent. So the Pahlavi indicates. 326 YASNA LXX. dience) the blessed, and of Rashnu the most just, and those of Mithra of the wide pastures, and of (the good and) holy Wind, and of the good Mazda- yasnian Religion, and of the good and pious Prayer for blessings, and those of the good and pious Prayer which frees one from belying, and the good and pious Prayer for blessing against unbelieving words 1. 4. (And these we would declare) in order that we may attain unto that speech which is uttered with (true) religious zeal, or that we may be as prophets of the provinces, that we may succour him 2 who lifts his voice (for Mazda 3), that we may be as prophets who smite with victory, the befriended of Ahura Mazda, and persons the most useful to Him4, holy men (indeed) who think good thoughts, and speak good words, and do good deeds. 5. That he may approach us with the Good Mind 6, and that (our souls) may advance in good, let it thus come ; yea, ' how may my soul advance in good ? let it thus advance 6.' 6. We praise the flood and ebb of the good waters, and their roar, and that high Ahura, the royal Apam-napa/, the glittering one, of the fleet horses ; and this for the sacrifice, and homage, and propitiation, and praise of the entire holy creation ; and may Sraosha (Obedience) be here (to aid us). 7. (Yea), we sacrifice to Sraosha, Obedience the blessed 7. 1 Read the gloss to the Pahlavi in Visp. IX, 3, aneraniha. 2 Or, barewtu, ' let them lift.' 3 Y. XXXI, 12. 4 See Y. XXXI, 22. 5 Y. XLIV, 1 . 6 Y. XLIV, 8. 7 The YeNhe hatam. YASNA LXXI. 327 YASNA LXXI (Sp. LXX). The Yasna Concluding. 1. Frashacstra, the holy, asked the saintly Zara- thustra : Answer me, O thou most eminent Zara- thuitra, what is (in very truth) the memorised recital of the rites ? What is the completed delivery of the Gathas1 ? 2. Upon this Zarathuitra said : (It is as follows.) We worship Ahura Mazda with our sacrifice (as) the holy lord of the ritual order ; and we sacrifice to Zara- thuitra likewise as to a holy lord of the ritual order ; and we sacrifice also to the Fravashi of Zarathuitra, the saint. And we sacrifice to the Bountiful Im- mortals, (the guardians 2) of the saints. 3. And we sacrifice to (all) the good heroic and bounteous Fravashis of the saints, of the bodily (world on earth), and of the mental (those in Heaven). And we worship that one of ritual lords who attains the most his ends ; and we sacrifice to that one of the Yazads, lords of the ritual order, who is the most strenuous, who gains the most, who reaches most to what he seeks, even that well-timed Prayer which is the prayer of that holy ritual lord, and which has approached the nearest (to us for our help). 4. We sacrifice to Ahura Mazda, the holy lord of 1 This, while very ancient as regards us, is of course not genuine in its present shape. It was doubtless composed long after Frasha- ortra and Zarathuitra had ceased to live. It may be, however, an expansion of an earlier document. 2 ' The Amesha Spercta of the holy ones.' 328 YASNA LXXI. the ritual order, and we worship His entire body1, and we worship the Bountiful Immortals all ; and we worship all the ritual lords. And we sacrifice to the entire Mazdayasnian Faith. And we worship all the sacred metres. 5. And we worship the entire bounteous Mathra, even the entire system of the Faith set up against the Daevas ; and we worship its complete and long descent. And we sacrifice to all the holy Yazads, heavenly and earthly ; and we worship all the good, heroic, and bountiful Fravashis of the saints. 6. And we worship all the holy creatures which Mazda created, and which possess the holy institu- tions 2, which were established holy in their nature 3, which possess the holy lore, and the holy sacrifice, which are holy, and for the holy, and to be worshipped by the holy. And we worship all the five 4 Gathas, the holy ones, and the entire Yasna [its flow and its ebb 5, and the sounding (of its chants)]. 7. And we sacrifice to all the Praises of the Yasna, and to all the words which Mazda spake, which are the most fatal to evil thoughts, and words, and deeds; (8) and which designate G the evil thought, and word, and deed, and which then cut down and fell every evil thought, and word, and deed. [(Pazand.) One would think of it as 1 The heavenly bodies are thus termed elsewhere, and the sun is called his eye. { written for IS. 2 Possibly, ' were created pure. ' 3 ' Shaped holy.' 4 Or, ' are worshipped as holy,' vahmya/^a, or ySsnya^a. 5 This figure is too advanced to be probable. The text has been disturbed. The words describe the waters elsewhere. 0 So with the Pahlavi, referring the word to the third kar, the root of khratu, passive (?) form, with active sense. It also, however, not impossibly might mean ' cut around,' preparatory to felling. YASNA LXXI. 329 when the fire cuts, sucks out, and consumes the dry wood which has been sanctified and carefully selected (for its flame).] And we sacrifice to the strength, the victory, the glory, and the speed of all these words (as they go forth for their work). 9. And we sacrifice to all the springs of water, and to the water-streams as well, and to growing- plants, and forest-trees \ and to the entire land and heaven, and to all the stars, and to the moon and sun, even to all the lights with- out beginning (to their course) 2. And we sacrifice to all cattle, and to the aquatic beasts, and to the beasts that live on land, and to all that strike the wine, and to the beasts that roam the plains, and to those of cloven hoof. 10. And to all Thy good and holy female (creatures) in the creation do we sacrifice, (O Thou who art) Ahura Mazda 3 the skilful maker ! on account of which Thou hast made many things and good things (in Thy world). And we sacrifice to those male creatures in the creation which are Thine and which are meet for sacrifice because of AshaL Vahi^ta (of Righteousness the Best). And we sacrifice to all the mountains brilliant with holiness, and to all the lakes which Mazda created, and to all fires. And we sacrifice to all the truthful and cor- rectly spoken words, (n) even those which have both rewards and Piety within them. Yea, we worship (you) for protection and shielding, for guarding and watching ; and may ye be to me for preparation. I call upon the Gathas here, the bountiful holy ones, 1 Elsewhere rendered ' stems.' 2 Not determined like the course of a planet. 3 We should expect the vocative after ' Thy.' 330 YASNA LXXI. ruling in the ritual order ; yea, we sacrifice to you, (O ye Gathas !) for protection and shielding, for guarding and watching. Mine may ye be as a preparation. For me, for (mine) own soul I call on (you) \ and we would worship (you) for protection and for shielding, for guarding and for watching. 12. And we sacrifice to Weal, the complete welfare, holy and ruling in its course in the ritual order ; and we sacrifice to Death- lessness (the immortal being of the good), holy, and ruline in the ritual order. And we sacrifice to the question of the Lord, and to His lore, the holy chiefs, and to the heroic Haptanghaiti, the holy lord of the ritual order. 13. (Frasha.) Let the holy Zarathustra himself seek out a friend and a protector. And I say2 to thee (O Zarathustra !) to make to thee a friend holy beyond the holy, and truer than the true, for that is the better thing ; for he is evil who is the best to the evil, and he is holy to whom the holy is a friend3, (14) for these are the best of words, those which Ahura Mazda spoke to Zarathustra. And 4 do thou, O Zarathustra ! pronounce these words at the last ending of (thy) life. 15. For if, O Zarathustra ! thou shalt pronounce these words at the last ending of (thy) life I, Ahura Mazda, will keep your soul away from Hell. Yea, so far away shall I hold it as is the breadth and extension of the earth [(Pazand) and the earth is as wide as it is long]. 16. As thou dost desire, O holy (one)! so shalt thou be, holy shalt thou cause (thy) soul to pass over 1 Or, 'I would invoke (mine) own soul;' see verse 18. 2 Possibly the rejoinder of Frashacrtra, or these are ' the best words' referred to in verse 14 ; but the section is a dialogue. 3 Y. XLVI, 6. 4 Ahura speaks. YASNA LXXI. 33I the A"inva/ Bridge ; holy shalt thou come into Heaven. Thou shalt intone the Gatha U.stavaiti, reciting the salvation hail 1. 1 7. We sacrifice to the active man, and to' the man of good intent, for the hindrance of darkness, of wasting of the strength and life, and of distraction. And we sacrifice to health and healing, to progress and to growth, for the hindrance of impurity, and of the diseases of the skin 2. 1 8. And we sacrifice to the ( Yasna's) ending words, to those which end the Gathas. And we sacrifice to the bounteous Hymns themselves which rule in the ritual course, the holy ones. And we sacrifice to the Praise-songs of the Yasna which were the products of the world of yore ; yea, we sacrifice to all the Staota-Yesnya hymns. And we sacrifice to (our) own soul and to (our) Fravashi. 19-21. (See Y. VI, 14-16.) 22. I praise, invoke, and I weave my song to the good, heroic, bountiful Fravashis of the saints, to those of the house, and of the village, the district and the province, and to those of the Zarathuitrotemas. 23. And we sacri- fice to the Fire, Ahura Mazda's son, the holy ritual chief. And we sacrifice to this Baresman having- the Zaothra with it, and its girdle with it, and spread with sanctity, the holy ritual chief. And we sacrifice to Apam-napai, and to Nairya-sangha, and to that Yazad, the wise man's swift Curse. And we sacrifice to the souls of the dead, [which are the Fravashis of the saints]. 24. And we sacri- fice to that lofty Lord who is Ahura Mazda Himself. 1 Y. XLIII, 1 follows. 2 Diseases arising from filth. 332 YASNA LXXII. 25. And we pray (again) for the Kine (once more) with these gifts and (ceremonial) actions which are the best1. 26-28. (See Y. VIII, 5-7.) 29-31. (See Y. LX, 11-13.) YASNA LXXII. (See Y. LXI.) 1 See Y. XXXV. 4; Y. XLVIII, 6. VI SPAR AD. VISPARAD I1. i. I announce 2, and (will) complete (my Yasna) to the lords 3 of the spiritual creatures, and to the lords of the earthly creatures, to the lords 3 of those which live under the waters, and to the lords of those which live upon land, to the lords of those which strike the wing, and to the lords of those which roam (wild) upon the plains, to the lords of those of (home- beasts) of the cloven hoof, holy lords of the ritual order. 2. I announce, and I (will) complete (my Yasna) to the Yearly festivals, the lords of the ritual order, to Maidhyo-zaremaya, the milk-giver, the holy lord of the ritual order, and to Maidhyo-shema, the pasture- giver, and to PaitLmahya, the corn-giver, and to Ayathrima, the furtherer or breeder, the spender of the seed of males, and to Maidhyairya the cold 4, the holy lord of the ritual order, and to Hamaspath- maedhaya, the especial time for ritual deeds 5, holy lords of the ritual order. 1 This Visparad consists of additions to various portions of the Yasna ; and its several chapters generally follow the corresponding portions of the Yasna in the Vendidad Sadah. The word Visparad means ' all the chiefs,' referring to the ' lords of the ritual.' Chapter I should be read immediately after Yasna I, 9. 2 Or, ' I invite.' 8 Lords because ruling as chief objects of attention during their mention in the course of the sacrifice, also, as in this case, genii guarding over all of their class. 4 So De Harlez, admirably following the Pahl. sardik (sic). 6 Pavan yazun kar 34, 69. Personification of Ameshospends, xxiv. Place of Origin of the Gathas, xxviii- xxxiii. Pleiades, 238. Pourii/£ista, 191. Pourushaspa, 235. Pu^ab, xxxiii. Raethwbkar, 342, 383. Ragha, xxviii, xxix. Rakshas, 249. Rapithwina, 197, 201, 204, 209, 215, 219, 223, 367, 373, 374, 379, 381, 382. Rasasta/, 200, 211, 217, 226. Rashnu, 198, 205, 209, 215, 220, 224, 256, 319, 326, 345, 351, 358, 388. Raspi, 246. Ratu, 3, 12, 41, 66, 71, 73, 78, 101, 146, 163, 176, 177, 180, 208, 213, 228, 230, 246, 250, 253, 254, 259, 262, 309, 323, 336, 340, 343, 357, 369, 370, 37i, 372. Ratufriti, 344. Rama, 163. Raman #astra, 196, 204, 209, 256, 271, 323, 337, 340, 379, 380. Recompense to the good and evil, 34, 35, 52, 100, 161, 167. Renovation of the world, 33, 82, 90, 131. Resurrection, 391. Rig-veda, xxxvi, xxxvii, xl, xlvf 35, 114, 139, 162, 199, 233. jR/'ks, xv, xxxvi, xxxviii, xlv, 20, 24, 70,80,315. R/'shi, 91. INDEX. 399 Sadduceeism, xxxii. Saoshya/zt, 71, 82, 101, 124, 129, 131, 132, 136, 153, 158, 176, 189, 191, 232, 250, 266, 309, 339, 343, 344, 350, 352, 362, 39°- Sasanids, xxii. Satan, 26, 54. Savahis, 349. Saviours, 89, 94, 131, 133, l89- Samas, 233. Savanghi, 196, 201, 202, 204, 207, 209, 212, 215, 219, 222, 223, 254, 367, 379, 38o. Saya/za, xl. Scyths, xxxii. Shapur II, xli. Snaithij, no, 123, 305. Soma, 158, 231. Sovereignty of Ahura, 8. Sp^ni-rta fire, 258. Spewta mainyu, 45, 67, 70, 83, 106, 145, !99> 201, 2IO> 2II> 2l6» 217, 225, 226, 229, 272, 277. Spe/zta-mainyu Gatha, xxvii, 92, 145, 307, 337, 34°, 36°, 373, 38i, 382. Spitami, 191. Spitama (Spitama), xxvi, xxviii, 92, 133, 141, 182, 186, 188, 190, 212, 218, 227, 255, 264, 299, 313, 315, 325, 339, 35i, 353, 37o, 374, 375, 389, 39°- Sraosha (transl. Obedience), 15, 20, 74, 93, 95, 96, 97, 101, 103, 104, 105, 127, 197, 205, 208, 209, 212, 215, 218, 221, 222, 224, 254, 256, 271, 274, 280, 296, 297-306, 311, 319, 320, 325, 326, 352, 353, 357, 358, 388. Sraoshavareza, 342, 383. Srosh Yajt, 296, 297. Staota Yesnya, 294, 331. Texts, xliv. Thraetaona, 233, 389, 390. Thrita, 233. Tijtrya, 199, 210, 216, 225, 256, 280. Tradition, xii. Trait an a, 233. Trisbmp, xliii, 91, 145, l62« Turanian, xxi, 133, 141, 188, 246. Unicorn (?), 291. Urvakhshaya, 234. Urvazuta, 258. Ushahina, 197, 202, 205, 209, 215, 219, 224, 379, 387- Ushi-darena, 200, 206, 211, 225,259, 277. Usi^-(k), xxvi, 121. Ujtavaiti(i), xxvii, 91, 92, 33i> 336, 34°, 359, 373, 382. ILrta, 7, 91. Uzayeirina, 197, 201, 204, 209, 215, 219, 224, 379, 383. Vahbta Manah, 31, 66. Vahutoijti(i), 293, 337, 34°, 36j, 373, 382. Varenya, 280. Varesa, 349. Vayu, xix, 189, 192, 193, 271, 272. Veda, xxix, xxxix, xliv, 14, 32, 102, 136, 143, 164. _ Vedic, x, xv, xxix, xxxvi, xlin, xlvi, 14, 32, 102, 136, 143, 164. Vendidad, xxiii, xxvi, xxx, xxxiii, 1, 78, 81, 95, no, 149. Vendidad Sadah, 17, 195, 335, 355, 356, 358, 359, 36i, 363- Verethraghna, 337, 340, 350. Visparad, ix, 332, &c. Vivasvat, 232. Vidadhafshu, 349. Vidhatu, 304. Vis, 259, 315, 342. Vijtaspa, xxv, xxviii, xxix, xxxiii, 14, 15, 22, 69, 76, 133, 142, 153, 166, 168, 169, 170, 185, 186, 190, 247, 250. Visya, 196, 202, 204, 209, 212, 215, 219, 223, 251, 367, 379, 380. Vivanghusha, 61. Vivanghva«t, 232. Vohu-fryana, 258. Vohu-khshathra, 337, 340, 361, 373, 382. Vohu Manah, xii, xxiv, 5, 12, 16, 33, 66, 127, 148, 154, 162, 256, 352, 354- Vologeses I, xli. Vouru-kasha, 317, 321, 346. "Waters, 286, 316, 392. Yama, 232. Yasna, ix, 1, 91, 195. Yajt, 1. Yazad, 207, 209, 212, 218, 227, 255, 258, 259, 272, 306, 320, 327, 400 INDEX. 328, 331, 337, 347, 348, 374, 380, 389, 391, 392. Yairya, 198, 368, 379. YeNhe hatam, 228, 268, 281, 336. Yima, 61, 232. Zand, 40, 356. Zandas, 313. Zawtu, 230, 251, 315, 342, 373, 385. Zawtuma, 197, 204, 209, 215, 219, 223, 259, 373, 381, 382. Zaotar, 149, 213, 228, 230, 246, 254, 342, 343> 383- Zaothra, 203, 204, 206, 207, 213, 214, 255, 309, 321, 323, 338, 3395 340, 341, 35°, 384, 385. Zarathujtra, personal history, xxiii, xxiv ; call, 9 ; unfavourable re- ception, 5, 11, 1 01, 103 ; conse- cration to Ahura, 79, 108 ; suf- fering, 93,134; trust in Ahura, 8 1 . Zarathujtrotema, 197, 204, 209, 215, 224, 259, 331, 337, 347, 384, 385, 386. Zarenumawt, 391. Zendiks, 313. In addition to the occurrences cited above, the words aeshma, aka manah, ameretata/, amesha spe«ta, asha, ashi vanguhi, asnya, aramaiti, atharvan, drug-, frashakan/, ganrak minavad, haurvata/, uti, khshathra, A'mvat, ^isti, mazdayasnian, mahya, mathra, ratu, spewta mainyu, sraosha, vahuta manah, verethraghna, visya, vohu manah, zaotar occur as translated. With regard to the subject indexed as the originality of the Gathas, it is not intended to deny that the original migrations of the entire Aryan race may have been from the North-west. On page 198 read Maidhyo-shema, Maidhyo-zaremaya ; p. 204, -^yaiti ; p. 209, -5-yaite. TRANSLITERATION OF ORIENTAL ALPHABETS. 40I .* -^ ** ^ fx n ** *~s n. n 2 c Pv c D "!) » - tJoJ-u L)tX> D !\) . »•) - - LloJ-U ^ q ^Ovj lL> W-^ 3f: 'a, CO 03 -2 2 s- 03 • ~ GO 3- 03 CO *~^ 03 -^ N 00 O) O i-* (M 3 3 11 H co cu WON [311 D(l 402 TRANSLITERATION OF ORIENTAL ALPHABETS C — c CO • N £ C . r r • *-i-j-^ .D D — tA *b *b^ D 3 '•> D •■> Vo ^ vr, p- 1= & hx py ^ |€ & FP « i-i < B! •< z o ««5 M s »«3 «*» N N' C — ' H 55 <: o CO Z; o u co 3 rt ,2 03 co '55 •J c3 o O > a w CO S .2 B C v} cu c3 — i CO 3 CO Oi O cu B CO Cl3 r-S 00 (D •3 o B '3j co co 03 oi .a j 03 o3 O s cimnn O 1 R fe J3 1 o) V? icS -^ £ -, J. \o fc> l» fa & w tr & & % & p *i? r* • • • • • • ^ -C T3 S -1-3 o3 O o 3 CO CD r— i 03 +■> Q n 10 © H o3 bfl d s CO N P- -? .O C- ~ -^ S3 * fa o> 3 eg • — c3 C 03 CO C3 r— 1 CO 3 CO 03 © ■3 •r-l •i e9 id s £ 3 c3 OS 3 C O) • • • • rt -j-3 ei i-, 02 at ■r. er> C t c 0} • ^G to . e5 si '—' CJ O 'rG > 03 '3 S 9 fc CO ctS 5, c .2 CO < > cooo>-i.:::: : Arabic. : »j xj |t lj. : : : :.|^ : ^ : : : :^ : : : : c .2 • < : »| ^ |, y. : : : :.|^ : :^ : : : :^ : : : : a; B- 4 • • u N .... s^ . . . o . . r . • ; ? 3 -i t : ; ; ; ~ ^^ - ; : i^s^*2, : : ; ; . . . . £j x. • • • 3i» • • • • in C CD ^ i? ^ ivr*wr ^ js>' |jp> ^ ^ ip : # ,& : : ^ ^ u: pa < < > ■ •< 2 O S! n U • •••• •• ••• •.*••••••••••• • •■••••■••■•««•••••■••• • • •••••••••••••••••••••• • • S • S 2"S'S • • *vS« t/i M © joj JO eo bx>gs. ■H CO S-. _So3 £ S 3 a ijaryngo-puiaraiis 3 „ labialis 4 Gutturalis brevis 5 „ longa 6 Palatalis brevis . 7 „ longa . 8 Dentalis brevis . 9 „ longa . 10 Lingualis brevis 11 „ longa 12 Labialis brevis . . 13 „ longa . 14 Gutturo-palatalis 15 16 Diphthongus gutt 17 18 19 Gutturo-labialis b 20 „ lc 21 Diphthongus gutt 22 23 24 Gutturalis fracta January. 1887. 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