,n vision F 68 .P86 Section \ Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2019 with funding from Princeton Theological Seminary Library https://archive.org/details/pilgrimstheirrel00powe_0 and Their Religious, Intellectual and Civic Life By WALTER A. POWELL Wilmington, Delaware ' 9 2 3 COPYRIGHT IN 1923 By WALTER A. POWELL Affectionately Dedicated To My Wife Ray Haydrick Powell Errata Page 43. Line 18. Read ordinary for ordianry. 71. Line 15. Read economic for econmic. 71. Line 17. Read propagating for propogating. 94. Line 6. Read It is for Its. 136. Line 3. Read Lords for Lord’s. 136. Line 24. Read rite for right. 150. Line 22. Read franchise for fanchise. 237. Line 17. Read censorship for censhorship. Contents Chapters Page I. Protestantism in England. 11 II. Religious Freedom in Holland. 21 III. The Brownists or Separatists. 25 IV. James the First and Protestantism. 31 V. The Brownists or Separatists at Scrooby. 37 VI. The Exodus. 41 VII. Amsterdam and Leyden. 47 VIII. Decision to Emigrate to the New World. 53 IX. Patent Obtained for Land in Virginia and Contract With the Merchants.. 57 X. The Departure. 65 XI. Motive for Emigrating.69 XII. The Compact. 77 XIII. Plymouth. 85 XIV. The New World. 91 XV. The Years 1621-1623—The Famine.... 95 XVI. John Pierce and the New Charter.... 99 XVII. Complaints Against the Colony.103 XVIII. The Adventurers Break With the Colony.Ill 5 6 CONTENTS XIX. Communism.117 XX. A Monopoly of Trade in the Colony.. . .121 XXI. Separatists are Brought from Leyden. . . 127 XXII. Colonial Controversies and Appoint¬ ment of Commissioners for the Colonies.131 XXIII. The Confederation.139 XXIV. Death of William Bradford and De¬ cadence of Plymouth Colony.143 XXV. Plymouth Incorporated in the Prov¬ ince of Massachusetts Bay in New England.149 XXVI. Pilgrims and the Indians.153 XXVII. King Philip’s War.167 XXVIII. The Religious Life of Plymouth Colony. .173 XXIX. Morals.185 XXX. Ministers.193 XXXI. Pilgrim Fathers as Missionaries.199 XXXII. Religious Intolerance.203 XXXIII. Education in Plymouth Colony.211 XXXIV. Harvard College.221 XXXV. Literature.229 XXXVI. The Press.235 XXXVII. Education and the Influence of Re¬ ligion on the Virginia Colonists.239 XXXVIII. Conclusion.261 Introduction D URING the reign of Queen Elizabeth in the latter part of the Seventeenth Century, under the teaching and leadership of John Browne, a clergyman of the Estab¬ lished Church of England, some members of that Church withdrew from it, and with others organized a religious body, which became known as Brownists or Separatists. They were non-Conformists, and therefore under the ban of the English laws. In 1606, a Separatist Congregation was organized at Scrooby, England. In 1607 and 1608 about one hundred members of this congregation, under the leadership of their Pastor, John Robinson, William Brewster and William Bradford, fled from England to Amsterdam, Holland. After remaining in that city one year they removed to Leyden. About 1617, Pastor Robinson, William Brewster, William Bradford, John Carver and Edward Winslow conceived the idea of having this Leyden congregation, then numbering about three hundred, emigrate, and es¬ tablish a Colony of Separatists in America. This congre¬ gation of Separatists, however, refused to emigrate. Pastor Robinson and his associates persisted, and finally obtained the consent of about thirty-three persons from Leyden to emigrate, although they were not all Separa¬ tists—notably Captain Miles Standish and his wife Rose 7 8 THE PILGRIMS The exact number of those emigrating from Leyden who were Separatists is not known. In August 1620, those from Leyden, viz:—twelve men, including the leaders—Brewster, Bradford, Carver and Winslow, six women, ten children and five persons named as servants, sailed in the Speedwell, a small ship, from Delft Haven, bound for the New World. The Speedwell sailed to Southampton, England, and was there joined by the Mayflower with eighty seven emigrants recruited in England, mainly by the Merchant Adventurers who fur¬ nished the money for the expedition, from all classes— some good and some bad and undesirable people. Very few, if any, of these emigrants were Separatists. It is not claimed for these recruits from England that their motive for emigrating was other than economic. On August 6, 1620, the Speedwell, with twenty emi¬ grants, a part of her passengers having been transferred to the Mayflower, and the Mayflower with one hundred people, sailed from Southampton. The Speedwell, how¬ ever, proved to be unseaworthy. After a second attempt to proceed, those in the Speedwell who still wished to emigrate were transferred to the Mayflower, and those in the Mayflower and Speedwell, to the number of twenty, who did not wish to proceed, with some of the weaker ones, were put in the Speedwell and returned home. The Mayflower then sailed alone for the New World with one hundred emigrants, including men, women and children. In the History of Plymouth Plantation William Brad¬ ford calls those who sailed in the Speedwell from Delft Haven “Pilgrimes.” INTRODUCTION 9 From this incident all of the emigrants who sailed in the Mayflower recruited in England of every type, as well as the small number of Separatists from Leyden, have been called “Pilgrims,” and invested with a religious character. There has been some confusion in the indiscriminate use of the terms “Pilgrim” and “Puritan,” as applied to the early New England Colonists. The Pilgrims were those who settled Plymouth Colony, in 1620, while the Puritans founded The Massachusetts Bay Colony in 1630* The History of Plymouth Plantation by William Brad¬ ford, The Plymouth Colony Records and the Ancient Laws of Massachusetts Bay Colony,—all original sources furnish quite a complete history of the Pilgrims from their beginning at Scrooby in 1606, until Plymouth Colony was merged in the Massachusetts Bay Colony in 1691. In addition to these original sources, I am also indebted to many other writers and authors for much valuable in¬ formation. The Chapter on education and the influence of the Church in Colonial Virginia has been written because of so many references, generally disparaging, to these sub¬ jects by writers. By placing before readers conditions in both the Virginia and New England Colonies on these subjects, perhaps some erroneous and unjust impressions of Colonial Virginia may be corrected. Chapter I Protestantism in England T HE history of England in the sixteenth and seven¬ teenth centuries cannot be found alone in the study of its civil and political life. You must, also, turn to the history of the Church and religion. In fact, the history of the Church is inseparably interwoven with that of the political life of the nation. It cannot be claimed for religion that it, to any great degree, influenced or directed the spiritual life of the Rulers; but it did dominate their secular and political activities. The Reformation found its way into England; the teachings of Wycliff and Calvin found lodgement in the hearts of the people. The Supremacy of the Pope and Church of Rome was seriously threatened. The Roman Church had not been content within the confines of a spiritual sphere. Its ambitions and activities carried it into the civil and political life of England. It had lost sight of the fact that its work was with the moral, the religious and spiritual side of humanity. It had forgotten the mission of the Saviour to the World; that the way to the heart of humanity was through the story of the sac¬ rifices, sufferings and crucifixion of a Divine Christ. The religious fervor and enthusiasm that had converted 11 12 THE PILGRIMS pagan England, that had inspired the building of monas¬ teries and cathedrals, had passed away and was only a memory. The Roman Catholic Church had lost its Christ. The Church, through its priesthood, had acquired vast bodies of land, and had built great monasteries and beautiful cathedrals; it had grown rich, powerful, cruel, and aggressive in England. The Pope aspired to shape the political destiny of the nation. The spiritual head of the Church, he had also become the invisible Ruler of the temporal and political powers under many of the Rulers of England. These were the conditions when Henry the Eighth came to the English throne. In 1534, Henry declared himself not only the temporal Ruler of England, but, also, supreme as the spiritual head of the Church and Clergy. No one has ever claimed for him that he was actuated by a high and holy purpose, or by any motive other than that a new face had caught his wandering fancy. His heart had never known the gentle and purifying influence of Christ. He was selfish, coarse, cruel, brutal and licentious. He was not a spiritual convert to a faith in a Divine Christ. The act of the King in declaring himself the spiritual head of the Church in England was neither religious nor spiritual; his motive was purely selfish, temporal, and political. The immediate cause of the deposition of the Pope was his refusal to allow Henry to divorce his Queen Katharine, a faithful wife, and a Catholic. In 1534, Parliament passed an act confirming the King’s * * PROTESTANTISM IN ENGLAND 13 title as Supreme Head of the Church. In 1535, an Act was passed requiring the Priests to swear allegiance to the King “in derogation of the Pope’s authority.” Some Priests refused to take this oath, and were promptly beheaded; “From persecutors they suddenly sank into men trembling for their lives.” “The English Church was now hailed as Protestant.” By the will of the King, and through an Act of Parlia¬ ment, the English Protestants became orthodox:—the adherents to the Church of Rome were now heretics, hunted, persecuted, and suffering the cruelties which they had formerly inflicted upon the Protestants. It was not the purpose of the King to make changes in the Churches. Henry simply assumed the position as the spiritual, the Supreme Head of the Church, displac¬ ing the Pope. Nor did he make any changes either in the Clergy, except in those who refused to take the oath of Supremacy, or in the form of Church worship. The Protestants, however, soon began to desire a change in the form of worship and in the church service books, because the old service smacked too much of Popery. In 1548, the “First Book of Common Prayer” was adopted, providing a form of Church service. The Act of Uni¬ formity required that the service of the Church should conform to this “First Book of Common Prayer.” In f547, Henry the Eighth died, and his son Edward succeeded him on the throne of England. As Edward had been under Protestant influence, his short reign was Protestant. In 1552, Parliament passed a second Act of Uniformity, 14 THE PILGRIMS also an Act removing the ban on the marriage of Priests, and requiring laymen to attend common prayer on Sun¬ days and holidays. King Edward died in 1553, and Mary, the daughter of Henry the Eighth and his former wife Katharine, suc¬ ceeded him. Mary, like her mother, Katharine of Aragon, was a Catholic. A complete reversal of conditions, both religious and political, followed. Catholicism was again in the as¬ cendancy in England; London alone remained true to Protestantism. Those Priests who had married “were driven from their churches, the new Prayer Book was set aside and the mass restored." The crowning blow to Protestantism was now dealt by Queen Mary. She married her cousin Philip of Catholic Spain. Her mar¬ riage was followed by a most bloody and cruel persecu¬ tion of the Protestant “heretics." Through a Priest, brought from Catholic Spain, an attempt was made to introduce the inquisition with all its horrors, into England. The Pope was again supreme; Protestantism was crushed. In 1559, Queen Mary died, and Elizabeth, the daughter of Henry the Eighth and Anne Boleyn, succeeded her as Queen of England. She had been brought up under Protestant influences. Again was there a reversal of con¬ ditions, both religious and political, in England. Catholi¬ cism, and its religious and political adherents were de¬ throned; Protestantism was again ascendant. Queen Elizabeth became the Supreme Head of the Church—the spiritual as well as the temporal Ruler of England. PROTESTANTISM IN ENGLAND 15 In 1559, Parliament passed Acts requiring every one to take an oath declaring that Elizabeth was the Supreme Head of the Church, and providing for uniformity of service in worship. Some changes were made in the “Book of Common Prayer” to conform to the wishes of Re¬ formers in matter of service, but “the services prescribed in this Book of Common Prayer, and none other, were to be lawful.” The Clergymen who adopted any other, even in private chapel, committed a crime. “Every one must go to church on Sunday and bide prayer and preaching.” “The whole of the Clergy that had been Roman Catholic under Queen Mary, save two hundred, submitted to the Act of Supremacy and adopted the Prayer Book.” Now, that the Protestants felt safe under the protection of the Queen with their adherents in high places, dissen¬ sions and bitter controversies soon arose within their own ranks. These contentions and dissensions, mostly over non essentials and trivial matters, were scarcely less bitter than those between Protestants and Catholics. Green says of Queen Elizabeth, “No woman ever lived who was so totally destitute of the sentiment of religion.” She could not understand, and took no part in the bitter theological controversies that raged around her, either between those in the Church or with the Roman Catholics. “The spiritual problems which were vexing the minds of those around her were not only unintelligible, they were ridiculous.” Neither Protestant nor Catholic could under¬ stand this indifference of the Queen. The result was that religion, both in the Clergy and Laymen, became decadent. The Protestant Clergy were becoming intolerable by 16 THE PILGRIMS their violence and greed. They plundered the Church Estates; the wives of the Clergy began cutting up the gorgeous vestments of the old worship into gowns for themselves; “the old altars were broken down and the communion table was often a bare board upon trestles,” and at least a third of the parishes were without Clergy¬ men. Under these conditions the people soon “were found to be utterly devoid of religion.” Elizabeth realized these conditions. She desired, most earnestly, tolerance in the church, and to bring peace and tranquility to a disturbed and distressed nation. She endeavored to correct the abuses of the Clergy; she stopped the plunder of the churches, and filled the vacant Sees with “learned and able men;” she wished the people to be won back to re¬ ligion and the church for the good of the nation. Religious peace was beginning to settle down upon England, when the Pope forbade the presence of Catholics at the new worship, “notwithstanding the laws requiring them to attend church on Sunday and abide prayer and preaching.” Finally, Rome issued “a bull of excom¬ munication and deposition against the Queen.” Eng¬ land was again thrown into confusion and religious tur¬ moil. The rebellious Catholics were ruthlessly pursued and punished by imprisonment and death. During her reign two hundred Catholic Priests were executed, and a greater number perished in filthy fever stricken jails. Whatever may be said of the religious indifference or of the morals of “Good Queen Bess,” she brought peace and prosperity to England. Her reign was the “Golden Age” of literature, refinement, prosperity, wealth, peace PROTESTANTISM IN ENGLAND 17 at home, and splendor abroad. Roman Catholicism de¬ clined,—“England became firmly Protestant;” the Bible was open to all; everybody who could, from the noble to the peasant, read it, and to those who could not, it was read by others; men could be found reading it in public places to the crowds gathered around them. It pro¬ foundly affected the character and social life of the people; it stirred the moral and religious nature to its very depth; its influence was elevating, purifying and ennobling. For the first time, the English people stood face to face with their Christ, and saw the beauty of his character and life. They caught a vision of the cross, of his death, of the resurrection and immortality. Green says, that “a new conception of life and of man superceded the old.” “A new moral and religious impulse spread through every class.’* It was not alone the moral and religious nature that was affected by the open Bible. The cultural and intellectual life of the people found inspiration in reading its pages. Only a few had a knowl¬ edge of the Classics of Greece and Rome, but the litera¬ ture of the Bible was free and open to all; it was a store house filled with the richest literary treasures; it deeply influenced the intellectual life and work of the student, scholar and writer of the Elizabethan Age. The Bible from a literary standpoint, was the greatest of all influences that produced the “Golden Age of Literature” in England. However, as the years went on apace they felt less and less the influence of the gospel of the New Testament; they lost the vision of the Christ; many became dissenters, and turned to the religion of the Old Testament; the 18 THE PILGRIMS Mosaic laws became their guide and rule of life; the God of Moses became their God. The Puritan became the stem, gloomy fanatic of the seventeenth Century. All beauty excluded from his life, the tenderness and human sympathy gone from his heart, his life became “hard, rigid, stern and colorless.” The Reformers, feeling that Protestantism was in the ascendancy, and safe from Roman Catholicism and its persecution, soon began to sow the seeds of discord within the Established Church. The English Church became torn by dissensions, not over the fundamentals of religion, but over the form of worship, service and church govern¬ ment. Many Protestants had fled from England to escape per¬ secution under Queen Mary and Philip of Spain. They found refuge in Switzerland, where they fell under the influence of the teachings of Calvin and others of the Presbyterian faith. The English Church in matter of faith, largely accepted the Calvinistic doctrine of pre¬ destination. But Calvin further taught that the form of worship should be of the simplest, and that everything that “savored of Popery” should be eliminated. As the years went on many of the Reformers, both among the Clergy and Laymen, under the influence of Calvinism, claimed that too many of the ceremonies and services of the Popish regime were still retained; that abuses had crept into the Church. They objected to the images and to the crucifix, to the use of the surplice, the sign of the cross in baptism, the ring in marriage, kneeling to receive the sacrament, the liturgy and the Book of PROTESTANTISM IN ENGLAND 19 Common Prayer; they maintained that these were relics of Popery and should be abolished. ‘‘Some of the Clergy wore the habits, others laid them aside; some wore a square cap, some a round one, some a hat; some used the sign of the cross in baptism, some did not; communi¬ cants received the sacrament kneeling, sitting or standing, as the minister saw fit.” The images were broken and the crucifix abandoned; there was no longer uniformity of service in the churches. There was a body of Clerical bigots who were not con¬ tent with abolishing the form of worship and church service. They proposed to establish in England a Church modeled on the Calvinistic plan, i. e., that each congre¬ gation had the right to organize its own Church, elect its own minister, and abolish all form and ceremony. The most radical of these clericals was Thomas Cart¬ wright, a scholarly and learned man, a Professor of Divin¬ ity at Cambridge. He had studied in Geneva under Calvin, and returned to England a fanatical bigot. He taught and preached against the form of worship and the ceremonies of the Established Church; he assailed the Episcopal form of Church government; he advocated the substitution of the Presbyterian form of government for that of the Established Church, viz:—that members of each church should select the minister, and adopt their own form of worship and church government; the Acts of Supremacy and Uniformity passed by Parliament were to be ignored. This was a direct attack upon the Supre¬ macy of Queen Elizabeth as the Head of the Church. He taught, preached and wro«,e ‘‘that the absolute rule of 20 THE PILGRIMS the Presbyters was established by the word of God;” that all others “were to be ruthlessly put down”; “that heresy was to be punished by death”; that the Presby¬ terian Church was to be supreme even to the State. His teachings were abhorrent and seditious. He was obliged to flee to escape prosecution and imprisonment. He found refuge in the Netherlands, where he continued his seditious attacks upon the English Church and laws, both by pam¬ phlet and preaching. Some radicals, among the Clergy and some Laymen, adopted these views, but the great body of the people, though Presbyterian in faith, remained loyal to the Es¬ tablished Church. They believed that while reforms were necessary, yet the Church should be purified from within, and not by a separation. These intelligent and better classes had no thought of forming a separate Church. The Established Church had proven too great a blessing to the thinking people of England for them to desire a separation from it; it had saved them from Catholicism and its cruelties and evils. The name “Puritan” was given to these reformers within the Church. It was, however, nearly half a century later that these Puritans withdrew from the Mother Church, and established an independent Church. Chapter II RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IN HOLLAND I N ORDER to trace the history of the Pilgrim Fathers back to their origin, a brief outline of the religious conditions in Holland is here given. The bitter war, which Catholic Spain had waged against the Netherlands, had failed to crush Protestantism there. The Netherlands had become the refuge and asylum of every sect bearing a religious label. Even their ancient enemy, the Roman Catholics, were tolerated. It mattered not how crude the creed, nor how fantastical, or fanatical their preaching or conduct; there they found toleration, liberty of conscience and freedom of worship. Amsterdam had become “the Fair of all sects where all the Peddlers of Religion have leave to vend their toyes.” Romanists, Jews, Calvinists, Armenians, Luther¬ ans, Anabaptists, Quakers, Familists, Antinomians, and Separatists or Brownists, were at liberty to adopt any form of worship, or engage in any rite or practice in the name of religion, without interference from the State. Holland has been called “a nest of unclean birds,” so low and revolting were some of the rites and practices of some of these sects. A few illustrations will suffice to show these religious conditions. The Antinomians denied that an elect person sinned, 21 22 THE PILGRIMS even when committing acts in themselves gross and evil. They believed that the spiritual being is unaffected by action of matter; that carnal sin, at the worst, is only a form of bodily disease; that a child of God cannot sin, that the moral law is altogether abrogated as a rule of life.” The Familists were a sect founded by Henry Nicholas, the Apostle of “Service of Love.” The charge was made that the sect denied the Divinity of Christ. Nicholas claimed that he was superior in that, “Moses only preached hope, Christ faith, but he preached love.” He claimed inpeccability, and no charge against his morals was ever sustained. It was said, however, that some of his followers interpreted love “as license.” The Anabaptists first appeared in Wittenburg in 1521. This sect, through a depraved and fanatical leadership, practiced the lowest forms of vice in the name of religion. John Matthiszoon, a baker of Haarlem, became its chief prophet in Holland. He became obsessed with the fana¬ tical idea that he was a second Gideon. He, with thirty followers, marched around the walled city of Muenster, blowing their horns, expecting the walls to fall. The walls failed to respond to the tooting of the horns, and Mattis- zoon and his followers paid the penalty for their insane attempt to destroy the city with their lives. John Boccold of Leyden, called John of Leiden, a tailor, was the chief disciple of Matthiszoon. He gathered around him a large fanatical following. They attacked and captured the city of Muenster, which he called New Zion. He declared that he was the successor of King RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IN HOLLAND 23 David; that, in a vision which he had received from heaven he and his people were commanded to live in this New Zion as King David and his people lived in Zion. He thereupon established himself in a palace and demanded that Royal honors should be paid him; he legalized polygamy and took fourteen wives himself, the “chief of whom was the beautiful widow of Matthiszoon.” She was “called Queen and wore a golden crown.” The city soon became a scene of unbridled licentious¬ ness, profligacy and murder. They “confiscated property, plundered churches, violated females and murdered men who refused to join their gang.” The City was besieged and captured by the Bishop of Muenster after a year’s siege. During this siege, the people were reduced to the direst distress. It was said that even cannibalism was practiced. After the City was captured great numbers of the fanatical followers of Leiden were executed; others fled and sought refuge in the Nether¬ lands. While these refugees abandoned some of the licen¬ tious practices and teachings of John of Leiden, yet on one occasion in Amsterdam seven men and five women, religious fanatics, rushed naked through the streets crying “woe, woe, woe; the wrath of God, the wrath of God.” This public exhibition was, however, going too far; they were arrested and two of them were executed. It was in this country of religious tolerance, that the Separatists found refuge when they fled from England. In 1549, a body of these Anabaptists appeared in Lon¬ don. Later on, a number of them came from Holland to England as weavers in factories, and settled in Norwich. 24 THE PILGRIMS They organized an Independent Church, selected their own minister and adopted a form of worhsip. They proclaimed the doctrine of no trinity of person, no infant baptism, no ritual, no conformity, and separation of Church and State. They declared “that Christ was only a holy prophet and not at all God; that he only taught the way to heaven.” They adopted the Old Testament as their Bible and guide. Chapter III THE BROWNISTS OR SEPARATISTS R OBERT BROWNE, one of the radical clergymen of the Established Church, was the first English clergy¬ man to preach, openly on English soil, the extreme doctrine of separation of Church and State. About 1580, Browne went to Norwich, and took charge of an English congregation. He there found these Anabaptist weavers from Holland, and fell under the influence of their teach¬ ings. He soon began to preach and teach, to his English congregation, the Anabaptist’s doctrines, i. e.:—that the State had no right to regulate the religion of the subjects; that the congregation should separate from the Church of England, adopt its own faith, form of worship, church government and elect its own minister. Many members of the English Church accepted his teachings, and aban¬ doned the Established Church. The authorities could not permit the teaching of these doctrines. Browne was guilty of treason to the Queen and the Church. He fled from England to escape arrest, and sought refuge in the Netherlands, where he organized an Independent Church. While in Holland, he wrote several books that were printed and sent to England. They were so revolutionary and seditious, that Queen Elizabeth issued a proclamation against them. 25 26 THE PILGRIMS Browne soon quarrelled with his congregation in Hol¬ land, and after two years returned to England, made his peace with the Mother Church, and was given a parish, which he served for forty years. “He has been called the Benedict Arnold of Ecclesiastical History.” Browne was the Founder of the religious body in Eng¬ land known as the Separatists or Brownists, based on the doctrines of the Anabaptists of Norwich. From this body sprang the Pilgrim Fathers who settled Plymouth. Through the influence and preaching of Browne, other Separatist congregations sprang up in London, Gains¬ borough, Scrooby and in other parts of England. They gained many adherents among the lower classes. They were ignorant, fanatical, religious zealots. Bacon says of them “that they were a silly and base lot.” They were the victims of leaders, who in nearly every instance, aban¬ doned them after a few years. Ignorance does not make for self control. Bigotry and fanaticism are intolerant of the restraints of law, no matter how necessary to the peace of the country. Some of these Separatists created disturbances by holding public meetings and preaching their doctrine in the streets of London. They claimed the right to worship wherever, and in any manner they pleased. They attacked the ecclesiastical supremacy of the Queen and the National Church. “Good Queen Bess” had too great a hold upon the affec¬ tions of the people for them to tolerate these public attacks. They had not forgotten the attempt to institute a Spanish inquisition under her Predecessor, Queen Mary; THE BROWNISTS OR SEPARATISTS 27 they remembered that she had saved them from Roman Catholicism. One of these public meetings is described as a “tumult in Fleet street raised by the disorderly preachments, prating and prattlings of a swarm of Separatists, in course of which one Separatist, when caught alone, was kicked so vehemently as if they meant to beat him in a jelly.” These fanatical zealots mistook their preachments and extravagance of conduct for an expression of true piety and religious zeal. Two men, John Copping, a shoemaker, and Elias Thacker, a tailor, were arrested and imprisoned for “violat¬ ing the ecclesiastical law.” It appears that they were treated kindly in their imprisonment; they were allowed to continue their efforts while in prison “to improve the spiritual condition” of their fellow prisoners without hin¬ drance from the authorities. They were not content, however, but began distributing the seditious pamphlets and writings of Browne; this was treason. The two men were hanged as an example to prevent “the spread of this dangerous infection. ’ ’ Some of the clergy of the Church and laymen denied the supremacy of the Queen and refused to conform, persistently defying the laws of England. Some were arrested and suffered the penalties of the law. The punish¬ ment of these radical clergy and laymen was often too severe; but they were not martyrs; they were only law breakers. These Separatists were regarded by the great mass of English Protestants much as we regard some religious 28 THE PILGRIMS fanatics of our day. Through their antics and extrava¬ gant conduct on the streets they had become a public nuisance. They were the “holy rollers” of the sixteenth century. The Constitution of our United States provides that “Congress shall make no law respecting the establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.’* Notwithstanding these wise provisions of our forefathers, both in Federal and State constitutions, to divorce religion from the State, and to guarantee to every man the right to worship God, both in form and in faith, according to the dictates of the individual conscience, yet many bodies, claiming to be religious, have sprung up, that have been obnoxious, either in their practices or doctrines, to our people, to the laws and to God. The most notable instance has been the case of the Mormans. They were driven out of Missouri, even before Joseph Smith had his pretended revelation sanctioning polygamy, because of their extravagant and fanatical religious views. They went to Nauvoo, Illinois, where Smith claimed that he had received a revelation sanction¬ ing polygamy, and where they began its practice. The people arose, killed Smith, and drove his followers out of the State. Under Brigham Young as their leader, they traveled in the middle of winter across the plains to Utah. Except for the leaders—Smith, Young and others, these Mormans were poor, uneducated, ignorant, superstitious and credulous. They had unquestioning faith in the pre¬ tended revelations of Smith and other leaders. These misguided, credulous souls were hunted down, driven from THE BROWN I STS OR SEPARATISTS 29 place to place, and suffered poverty, cold, hunger and im¬ prisonment. They claimed that, under the guarantees of our Federal and State constitutions and laws, they had the right to religious liberty and freedom; The Old Testa¬ ment was their guide, and it sanctioned the practice of polygamy. Their religious doctrines and practices, both before and after the adoption of polygamy, were a menace to the peace, happiness, moral and religious welfare of our people. Though they claimed their treatment was persecution, yet we know that they were not martrys, but disturbers of the peace, and breakers of the moral and civil laws. These Separatists, though moral and religious, were not martyrs. They were willful transgressors of the laws of England, which they invoked against the Catholics while claiming exemption therefrom for themselves. With the fanatical persistence of the ignorant, they insisted on suffering a self-imposed martyrdom, rather than obey the laws, even though the penalty was imprisonment and sometimes death. The English Church had opened the “Sealed Book*' to all people in England; it had a supreme and unquestion¬ ing faith in the Christ of this “Book.” The Church believed and taught the truths of the Christian religion. The reasons for this separation from the Established Church were not fundamental or vital. No question of faith, creed or theology was involved. It was simply a question of the form of worship and of church government. Chapter IV JAMES THE FIRST AND PROTESTANTISM QUEEN ELIZABETH died in 1603. At the time of her death, there were four different religious classes in England:—viz, the Catholics, the members of the Established Church who believed in the supremacy of the Queen and uniformity of church service, those members of the Established Church who believed in the supremacy of the Queen, but who opposed the ser¬ vices and ceremonies of the church, and the Brownists or Separatists. James the First of Scotland, son of Mary Stuart, suc¬ ceeded Queen Elizabeth. Though his mother was a Roman Catholic, yet James had been brought up under Presby¬ terian influences in Scotland, and was of the Scottish Kirk. He believed in the divine right of Kings,—that he was both temporal and spiritual Head of the English Nation. The Acts of Supremacy and Uniformity were rigidly enforced against the Catholics, notwithstanding the fact that his mother was a Catholic. Those Puritans, who were loyal to the Established Church, believed and insisted that reforms were necessary in the church service, ceremonies, and Book of Common Prayer, and to correct the abuses in the ministry and in the Church Courts. After James’ accession to the throne 31 32 THE PILGRIMS a petition, signed by eight hundred clergymen, was pre¬ sented to him asking for reforms in those matters. They did not ask for any change in the organization or govern¬ ment of the Church. The King, finally, summoned a conference of Prelates and Puritan divines at Hampton Court. At this confer¬ ence he denied their petition. He would have no change in the Book of Common Prayer; they should conform or suffer the penalty. It was at this conference that the King said “I will make them conform or I will harry them out of the land.” He regarded this petition, not only as an attack on his supremacy as Head of the Church, but, also, as an en¬ croachment on his prerogatives and power as King. He lost the opportunity to reconcile the differences among the members of the Established Church. Had the King been more temperate in his treatment of these petitioners, had he been willing to compose the differences in the Church by granting some needed reforms, he would have im¬ measurably strengthened himself both as temporal and spiritual Ruler of England. He adopted, however, a coer¬ cive policy. A new set of Canons for the Church was adopted. “The sentence of excommunication was now thundered against the nonconformists.” They were pro¬ hibited from affirming, “that the rights and ceremonies of the Church were erroneous, wicked or superstitious.” or “that the Book of Common Prayer contained anything repugnant to the scriptures.” They were forbidden to leave the “Communion of the Church or set up separate establishments.” Thus both Catholics, Puritans and JAMES THE FIRST AND PROTESTANTISM 33 Separatists were “put under one common ban.” In a short time three hundred dissenting ministers “were silenced or deposed.” Some were cast into prison and some fled to Holland. James’ loyalty and attachment to the Established Church and Protestantism was political rather than re¬ ligious ; he regarded the Church as the bulwark of the throne. However despicable the character of James the First may have been, yet he was a scholarly man for the age in which he lived. To him must be given credit for the King James’s version of the Bible. Objections had been made by some of the leading Puritans to the translation of the ‘Bible then used. They proposed that a new translation should be made. To this proposition the Archbishop and Prelates of the Established Church objected. King James, notwithstanding their opposition, appointed a commis¬ sion of fifty-four of the most learned men in England to make a new translation. They completed their work, and in 1611, gave to the world this incomparable version of the Bible. This translation has given us a clearer perception, and a deeper insight into the spiritual character of the prophets, the leaders and the chosen people of God. It has revealed to us their deep longing to know God. Whether writing of the problems which so deeply affect man—of human conduct, of life or death, or of God, there is revealed a depth of thought, a beauty of expression and style, a “poetic and lofty imagery,” that is unequaled. As Literature the King James’s version of the Bible has lived, through these three centuries, pre-eminent. 34 THE PILGRIMS The early Reformers and Puritans were not gloomy fanatics. They were mainly of the middle and professional classes, and of good social standing. They found pleasure in the beautiful; they loved and cultivated literature* poetry, “gravings, sculpture, music and all the liberal arts.” Milton’s father was a lover of music and was skilled on ‘‘lute and organ.” Milton, the ‘‘Latin Secretary of the Commonwealth,” was poet, musician and a lover of the beautiful. The writers of that age were profoundly influenced and inspired by the literature of the Bible. As Puritanism spread to other classes, they became sour, narrow, austere, believing that the beautiful shut them out from God. The radical Puritans were ‘‘not men of letters,” nor did they cultivate literature. Macauley says that ‘‘as a body, the Roundheads had done their best to decry and ruin literature.” The laws of Supremacy and Uniformity were enacted for the suppression of Catholicism, and to save Protest¬ antism; at that time only a united Protestantism could have survived in the land. Under these laws, Protest¬ antism had grown strong, secure and supreme. The Brownists or Separatists and the non-conforming Puritans owed their religious existence to these laws. By their refusal to conform, they put themselves in the same class with the Roman Catholics,—under the ban of the laws of Supremacy and Uniformity. Queen Elizabeth and King James have been charged with persecution in the enforcement of these laws. Three hundred years after, we know that the form of worship JAMES THE FIRST AND PROTESTANTISM 35 or whether the clergy should wear the vestments, or a square, or round cap or hat, are trivial, and not funda¬ mental. Those were perilous times. We don’t realize that the throne of England was then involved; that the blessings of peace were best assured to the Nation by maintaining, with a firm hand, Queen Elizabeth and later King James, both as the temporal and spiritual Rulers of England. Cartwright and the Separatists would have placed their Church above the State. Dissension, discord and schism would have weakened and jeopardized Protestantism. Had either the Roman Catholics, Cartwright or the Separatists succeeded, civil war with all its horrors, in¬ tensified by religious fanaticism, would have resulted. The outcome would not have been in doubt. Protest¬ antism, jealous, controversial, intolerant, bigoted, fanati¬ cal, divided into many sects warring upon each other, would have fallen. Catholicism, united, bold, resourceful, able and powerful, would have won. The Pope and Rome would have again triumphed. England, politically, would have become Catholic. However firmly, we may now believe in the doctrine of separation of Church and State, it was a dangerous one to preach during the period of transition from Roman Catholicism to Protestantism. The House of Stuart was sympathetic toward Roman Catholicism. Nearly a half century of the follies, extrava¬ gancies, profligacy, sensuality, deceptions, intrigue and oppression of the Stuart Kings, was necessary to make English Protestantism strong enough to survive civil war. 36 THE PILGRIMS The rigorous insistence of James the First on the obser¬ vance of the laws of Uniformity, whatever his motive, was effective in suppressing Catholicism. Puritanism grew and spread among the people until "Merrie England" was transformed into the stem, gloomy, Cromwellian Commonwealth. But Protestantism had become supreme. Civil war and the beheading of Charles the First in 1649, could not dethrone it. The moral and religious effect upon the people of the "Open Bible” was to firmly establish a Protestant Eng¬ land. Chapter V THE BROWNISTS OR SEPARATISTS AT SCROOBY I N the latter days of Queen Elizabeth, the Separatists had been practically suppressed and scattered. Browne’s congregation at Norwich had disappeared. Some had joined the Anabaptists there, some returned to the English Church and others fled to Holland. There was, however, a congregation at Gainsborough, with John Smyth as pastor. The influence of Browne’s teachings, however, still remained. About 1600 or 1602, John Robinson, an English clergy¬ man, who afterwards became a leader in the Separatist Church at Leyden, came to Norwich. He was appointed to St. Andrews, an English Church in Norwich. He preached in this Church for about four years. But he had fallen under the influence of the Separatist teachings; while preaching in, and receiving his living from the Es¬ tablished Church, he became a non-conformist and Sep¬ aratist, and was suspended by the Bishop. Hearing of the Separatist congregation at Gainsborough he went there about 1604, and indentified himself with the movement. From that time until his death in Leyden in 1625, he devoted himself to teaching and preaching the Separatist doctrines. William Brewster, who afterward became prominent 37 38 THE PILGRIMS in the Plymouth Colony in New England, lived at Scrooby, a few miles distant from Gainsborough. He occupied the important position of manager, under the Queen, of the mail and post station at Scrooby on the great highway, having been appointed to the position about 1590. Prior to this time he had been at Court in the service of Sir William Davison, “Elizabeth’s Great Secretary.” As manager of the Post he occupied the “Ancient Manor- House,” which belonged to the Archbishop of York. He was a member of the Established Church, but became interested in the Separatist movement, and joined the congregation at Gainsborough. William Bradford, then a lad of eighteen years, living at Austerfield, a few miles distant, was, also, a member of the Gainsborough congregation. Bradford afterwards be¬ came Governor of Plymouth Colony. In 1606, the congregation at Gainsborough divided into two “distinct bodys or churches.” One body, under the leadership of John Smyth, went to Amsterdam, where he organized an independent Church. The other body went to Scrooby, where a Separatist Church was organized with Richard Clifton as pastor. John Robinson went with the body to Scrooby, and soon succeeded Clifton as pastor. As early as 1603, William Brewster, though a member of the Established Church and occupying the official position as the Manager of the Post at Scrooby, was having the Separatists meet, in secret, in the Manor-House or bam—the property of the Archbishop. Here, the Scrooby congregation continued to meet and hold service in secret until they fled to Holland in 1607. THE BROWN I STS AT SCROOBY 39 Bradford, who went with the congregation to Scrooby, says, “they ordinarily met at his (Brewster’s) house on ye Lord’s day ** and with great love he entertained them when they came, making provision for them, to his great charge.” In order to obtain recruits to the Scrooby Church, Clifton and his successor,—Robinson, Brewster and William Bradford worked diligently among the ignorant laborers and peasants of the Established Church, and the poor families of the parish, to make converts to this Separatist Church. They proselyted, talked and preached against the forms and ceremonies of the Established Church; they said that the surplice, ring in marriage, sign of the cross in baptism and the images were supersti¬ tious and impious relics of Popery; that their use would consign the people to hell; that the King was not the spiritual Head of the Church; that the laws of Uniformity were unjust, and the punishment for failure to conform was cruel persecution. They were exhorted to accept the Old Testament as their guide, and to worship the pure gospel of the Bible as these leaders saw it. This playing upon the prejudices, their hatred of Popery, and the religious fears of ignorant people, made non¬ conformists of many. No writer has ever claimed them as converts from sin to a faith in Christ. They were only converts from the form of worship and church govern¬ ment of the Established Church to that of the Separatist Church. They abandoned the services of the Established Church; they refused to conform, and continued meeting in secret “in one place or another.” Bradford says, they 40 THE PILGRIMS were “watcht night and day,” and some were “taken and clapt up in prison,—and ye most were faine to flie and to leave their houses and habitations, and the means of their livelihood.” In 1607, the Post was taken from Brewster, because of his recusancy, and a keeper loyal to the Established Church was put in his place. Brewster, while occupying a confidential position in the service of Sir William Davison, Secretary of State of Elizabeth, had visited Holland with the “Great Secretary.” He then learned something of the religious freedom of the many sects in Holland. John Smyth had already taken a part of his Gainsborough congregation there. Robinson and Brews¬ ter now advised the Scrooby Separatists to flee to Holland. Chapter VI THE EXODUS R OBINSON and Brewster could have done no greater wrong to these poor, ignorant, helpless English laborers and peasants than to influence them to abandon their homes in England, and, without means, go to a foreign country with new customs, an unknown language and a strange people. Bradford says “it was much, ** being thus constrained to leave their native soyle and countrie, their lands and living, and all their friends and familiar acquaintance.'’ ** “But to goe into a countrie they knew not, ** Where they must learn a new language, and get their livings they knew not how, ** subject to ye misseries of warr, it was by many thought an almost desperate adventure, a case intolerable and miserie worse than death, espetially, seeing that they were not acquainted with trads nor trafflque, ** but had only been used to a plaine countrie life, and ye innocent trade of husbandry.” About one hundred of these separatist zealots were induced by Robinson to attempt to escape from England, and flee to Holland. Brewster, in the late summer of 1607, arranged with a ship master to take them from Boston in Lincolnshire, England, to Holland. The Scroo- by Congregation was broken up; the remainder were 41 42 THE PILGRIMS scattered, and many of them returned to the English Church. In 1693, Parliament passed an Act banishing the Separ¬ atists. Some, thereupon conforming, remained in Eng¬ land, but many of them went to Holland. These refugees in Holland began publishing seditious pamphlets and books advocating Separatist doctrines, and attacking the Prelates and the Established Church. England was flooded with this seditious literature. Appeals were made by the English to the Dutch authorties to suppress these publications, but they refused to interfere. In the year 1389, an Act was passed, prohibiting emigration from England, except with a license. Archbishop Bancroft now determined to enforce this old law of 1389, which required a license to emigrate, and so prevent non-Conformists from going to Holland, and there publishing these sedi¬ tious utterances and flooding England with them. A passport was now required of all who desired to leave the Kingdom, or travel abroad. All Masters of ships knew these emigration laws, and were required to observe them at regular ports before sailing. Robinson and Brewster knew that passports would be required before the people would be allowed to sail from England. They determined to evade the laws and regula¬ tions of emigration. They therefore arranged to have the people evade the officers of the port, and go on board the ship, secretly, at a place other than the port. The people with their goods came to Boston, their regular port, and were taken on board “at a convenient place ** in ye night,” but were discovered by the officers of the port. THE EXODUS 43 Bradford says, they were betrayed to the officials by the “Maister.” They were taken, “stripte of their money, books, and much other goods,” and presented to “ye Magistrates, who used them courteously and shewed them what favor they could. ’ ’ The Magistrates could not, however, release^ them “until order came from Counsell table.” After a month’s imprisonment, the order for their release came and they were all “except 7 of ye principal dismissed and sent to ye places whence they came.” This statement, coming from Bradford, of the attempt to evade the laws and regulations of emigration by board¬ ing the ship “at a convenient place in the night,” their discovery, arrest and imprisonment, their courteous treat¬ ment at the hands of the magistrates, their release and return to the places from which they came, strips the story of the universal sentiment accorded it, and makes it an ordianry account of an attempt to avoid the laws of emigration. Instances, and many pathetic stories of dis¬ tress and suffering, occur constantly in the enforcement of all, including our own, immigration laws. Some of the people, during the fall of 1607, escaped from England and went to Holland. Brewster was one of those retained in custody; he was punished for recusancy. In 1608, a second attempt was made to escape from England. An arrangement was made with a Dutch Cap¬ tain, whom they thought they could trust, to transport them to Holland. He was to take them on board his vessel at a point on the Humber river, “a good way dis- tante from any town”, in order to avoid the officers of 44 THE PILGRIMS the port. The women and children were to be taken by a boat to the appointed place, while the men walked overland. They reached this place the day before the ship arrived. The boat, with the women and children on board, put into a “creeke hard by” to escape the rough sea. When the ship came the next morning, the men were taken on board, but because of the low tide, the boat in the “creeke” with women and children, was “fast and could not stir until about noone.” While the women and children were being taken on board the ship, the master “espied a greate company ** with bills, and guns and other weapons, coming to take them.” The Dutch¬ man “waiged his anchor, hoysed sayles,” and sailed away, leaving behind the remainder of the women and children and some of the men. These were taken, and “hurried from one justice to another” by the constables “until they were glad to be ridd of them ** upon any terms. ” They were not imprisoned, but allowed to leave England, and, finally reached Amsterdam. It is with the greatest sympathy that we view the arrest, humiliations, sufferings and distress of these misguided and deluded people. In the quiet of the remote country district around Scrooby, they had lived in content and peace in their English cottages. They were from the humbler walks of life, poor, yet with enough to supply their wants. Though ignorant and impressionable, yet they had an unquestioning faith in the verities of the re¬ ligion of the New Testament taught by the Established Church. They were influenced to leave the Mother Church, and join this body of Separatists; they were THE EXODUS 45 deluded into leaving their homes on English soil, where they had lived in content and happiness, for lives of hunted violators of the law. They suffered imprisonment, humila- tion and shame; they were exiled from their old home; they became refugees in a foreign country, with different people, customs and language; they endured the hardest kind of labor and the greatest poverty. In all of their distresses, trials and sorrows, they found no peace or balm for their wounded souls. They had been turned from the gentler influences of the New Testament to the austere tenets of the Old Testament. Their faith had been rooted in the genial soil of the New Testament through the Mother Church; they were now transplanted to the cold, hard, stern soil of the Old Testament and Puritanism. The word Separatist meant, as Robison and Brewster taught, that these people had the right to withdraw from the Mother Church and meet as an independent con¬ gregation, select their own minister, and adopt their own form of worship. The preaching of these leaders was not of sin in their individual lives, but against a National Church and form of worship. They were not any more spiritual or purer in their lives as non-conformists than before their separation. Nor does the story of the Separa¬ tists either in Holland or in New England, manifest any spiritual elevation. No change in creed, doctrine, practice or form of worship is of any value unless it raises man to a higher moral and spiritual plane. The weaning of these Separatists from the Mother Church did not produce this result in their lives. 46 THE PILGRIMS We will not deify Robinson, Brewster and Bradford, who by playing upon the emotional and religious natures of these simple country folks, seduced them from the Mother Church, and subjected them to all of the miseries that followed them, both in Holland and New England. Chapter VII AMSTERDAM AND LEYDEN T HERE were two congregations of Separatists in Amsterdam before that one from Scrooby arrived. One of these came from London, in the latter years of Queen Elizabeth’s reign, with Henry Ainsworth and Francis Johnson as their preachers. The other was the Gainsborough congregation, which came in 1606, with the Reverend John Smyth. The Congregation from, Scrooby, which arrived in the latter part of 1607, and 1608, with John Robinson as pastor, worshiped in Amsterdam with the Gainsborough Church for about one year. They were “so poor in some cases as to be dependent on the charity of Holland.’’ These three congregations of Separatists were religious zealots, and not of the type to give promise of peace or harmony in their church life. They were uneducated, save for a few leaders, intolerant, fanatical, intemperate and without self control, even in their own respective churches. These self-exiled Separatists in Amsterdam, de¬ ceived by their leaders, had deluded themselves into believing that their sacrifices and sufferings were from a truly religious motive; that they had been elevated to a higher religious plane. They were mistaken; their motive was, simply, the stubborn zeal of the blind, unreasoning 47 48 THE PILGRIMS fanatic. These Scroobyites did not find their brother Separatists in Amsterdam, dwelling in peace and harmony as brothers in Christ. There were contentions and dis¬ agreements, not only between the Churches, but between members of the same congregation. Bradford confirms the statement of other writers as to the contentious character of these Amsterdam Separatists. He says of them, that after about a year they saw that Mr. John Smyth and “his companie was allready fallen into con¬ tention with ye church that was there before them,” ** and “that ye flames were like to brealce out in that Ancient Church itselfe, ** as afterward lamentably came to pass.” Mr. Robinson and others thought it best to remove “before they were in any way engaged with ye same.” Their contentions were very trifling, but magnified into sins and condemned as being contrary to the teachings of the Old Testament. The following is an illustration of the ridiculous character of their strifes. “Ye Ancient Church” —that is, the group from London under Henry Ainsworth and Francis Johnson, had what is termed an “old clothes controversy.” The Church was in a turmoil over the apparel worn by the wife of their pastor, Francis Johnson. They protested against “her gold rings, her busk, her whalebones, ** and her schowish hat.” “Many of ye saints were grieved” by these unsuitable garments. The pastor’s wife “became very peert and coppet” at these complaints. So the war waged hot between the members of the congregation over this “old clothes controversy.” John Smyth soon left his congregation, became a Baptist AMSTERDAM AND LEYDEN 49 and founded a Baptist Church in Amsterdam. This Church he, also, abandoned, and returned to London in 1611 or 1612. The London and Gainsborough congrega¬ tions, distracted by their internal dissensions and religious strife, and deserted by their pastors, became scattered and disappeared altogether. Because of the quarrels and strife in the Amsterdam Church, the Scrooby congregation, consisting of about one hundred persons, with John Robinson as their pastor, after living in Amsterdam one year, left there and moved to Leyden. They did not find Leyden a haven of rest and religious peace. They were from the country where they knew only “ye innocent trade of husbandry.” They were un¬ accustomed to life in a city. Poverty and the hardest kind of manual labor became their portion; they worked in breweries, brick yards and factories; some became coopers, weavers and dyers. In order to keep the wolf from the door the boys and girls at the earliest age had to be set to work. Bradford says, however, that “at length they came to raise a competente and comfortable living, but with hard and continual labor.” Others came to them from England and other places until they had a congregation of about three hundred members. Bradford says that “they lived together in peace, in love and holiness.” Notwithstanding this statement, we find that these Leyden Separatists were of the same narrow type as those in Amsterdam. Controversies, contentions and disagreements arose and “offences broke out.” If they could not be composed, “ye church was purged of 50 THE PILGRIMS those that were incurable or incorrigible.’’ This process of purging the church was causing the loss of many members. It became a question as to whether or not they “could continue to hold together.” These Separatists were temperamentally unable to agree, either with those within or without their own Church. They had no deep religious convictions,—they were merely fanatics. When the Scrooby congregation decided to go to Ley¬ den, they applied to the authorities for permission to settle there. Their petition was granted them to come and make this fair and “beautiful citie” their home on condition “that such persons behaved themselves and submit to the laws and ordinances.” They were, however, temperamentally unable to refrain from active participation in the religious wars between the sects in Leyden. The Separatists were intense Calvinists. They took part in the controversies between the Calvinists and Ar¬ menians—the most bitter of the religious disputes which raged in Leyden. On coming to Leyden their pastor, Mr. Robinson, championed the cause of Calvinism so suc¬ cessfully that he with the help of the Lord “did so foyle his adversarie” as to put him to apparent nonplus.” The feeling between the two sects became so bitter that their adherents engaged in battles in the public streets. The Calvinists of the city attacked the Armenians, who barri¬ caded and entrenched themselves in a “kind of fort” in the street. Robinson, Brewster and their followers were not only disturbers of the peace in the city of Leyden; they, also, AMSTERDAM AND LEYDEN 51 engaged in matters which were likely to disturb the friend¬ ly relations between Holland and England. After the establishment of the censorship in England, which prevented the printing of the seditious books and pamphlets of Cartwright and Browne, the writers of sedi¬ tious literature resorted to the plan of sending their man¬ uscripts to Holland, having them printed there, and then smuggling the books and pamphlets into England, and flooding the country with them. William Brewster taught English to the Dutch for a time, and afterwards learned the printer’s trade. He afterwards entered into a partnership with one Thomas Brewer to engage in the printing business in Leyden. Brewer furnished the money for the business, and Brews¬ ter did the work of printing. At least sixteen seditious books, attacking the Established Church and the supre¬ macy of the King of England, were printed by Brewer and Brewster during the years 1617, 1618, and 1619. The work of printing one of these books “David Calderwood’s Perth Assembly” was done by Brewster. After printing these books, Brewster smuggled them into England, where they were secretly scattered abroad by the Separa¬ tists. “Calderwood’s Perth Assembly” was a direct attack on King James the First, charging him with “political, chicanery” in attempting to compel the Scottish Churches to conform. The Netherland government believed in the liberty of the press. So long as an author did not assail private character, nor offend public morals, his opinion on politics or religion did not concern the government. 52 THE PILGRIMS Though England had appealed to the Dutch authorities to suppress the printing of books assailing the Established Church and its doctrines, yet their appeals were denied on the ground that they were neither attacks against private character, nor did they offend public morals. This book “Calderwood’s Perth Assembly,” however, assailed the private character of the King. The printing of the book, and smuggling it into England by Brewster was a breach of Dutch laws. Brewster never seemed to appreciate, either in England or in the Netherlands in which he had found sanctuary on fleeing from England, that any duty devolved on him to observe the laws of either country. He was now obliged to flee from Holland to escape prosecution by the Dutch authorities for printing this book attacking the private character of King James. William Brewster was not the object of “persecution,” but of just and proper prosecu¬ tion for a willful offense against the laws of Holland. The records made by the Separatists in Leyden are evidence of the fact that they did not “behave themselves* ’ in Leyden. Evidently, they were unpopular, if not ob¬ noxious to the Leydenites, for Bradford says that upon a rumor of their removal from Holland some “cast out slanders against them, as if that State had been wearie of them.” He says, however, that such charges were “untrue and slanderous.” It became apparant after a few years that, for many reasons, it would be better for them to leave Holland. Chapter VIII DECISION TO EMIGRATE TO THE NEW WORLD T HERE were many reasons which made it seem necessary that they should leave Holland. They were losing hold upon their children as they grew up. Some married into Dutch families; the boys were becom¬ ing soldiers or going to sea; the sports, games, licentious¬ ness and white lights of the Dutch city lured many from the Church. The discords, schisms and strifes, within and without the Church, were tending toward disintegra¬ tion; members began falling away or were expelled from the Church. The leaders saw “that within a few more years they would be in danger to scatter.” Their pre¬ dictions were correct. After the death of pastor Robinson in 1625, the members of the Church scattered, and entirely disappeared as an independent congregation, and “all trace of these Scrooby exiles” was lost. Another very serious danger threatened them. In 1609,the Netherlands and Spain, after thirty years of the most bloody and relentless war, agreed upon a truce for twelve years. This truce would expire in 1621, when there was every reason to believe that the war would be renewed, bringing all of its horrors to the people living in Holland. The conditions, therefore, both within and without the Church> were so unsettled, disturbed and dangerous that “those 53 54 THE PILGRIMS Prudent Governours”—Robinson, Brewster and Brad¬ ford, “begane both deeply to apprehend their present dangers, and wisely to forsee ye future, and think of time¬ ly remedy.” They concluded, therefore, that it was best to remove to some other place. For a number of years many in England and Holland, had been emigrating and establishing colonies in the New World. Fabulous stories were told of gold, silver and riches found in America by the Spaniards. In 1607, a Colony from England had settled in Virginia. It had grown, was prospering, and by 1619, had become well established. Their thoughts turned, therefore, to ‘‘some of those vast and unpeopled countries of America, which are fruitful and fitt for habitation.” When ‘‘those Prudent Governours” made public the proposition to emigrate to America, there was great op¬ position to it. The ‘‘perils and dangers” were too great; the long and perilous sea voyage, the fear of famine and want, and grievous diseases ‘‘from change of air, diate and drinking of water,” dangers from the cruel, bar¬ barous and “most treacherous savages,” the great sums of money that would be required “to furnish such a voiage and fit them with necessaries” and the reports of failures of some colonies that had already gone, were urged against the proposition. The “Prudent Govern¬ ours” responded that many of these things which they feared “might never befale,” and others by “provident care” might in a great measure be prevented. It was further urged that they lived here “as men in exile, and in a poor condition, and as great miseries DECISION TO EMIGRATE 55 might befale them in this place;” that “the 12 years of truce were now out and there was nothing but beating of drumes, and preparing for war;” that “ye Spaniard might prove as cruel as the salvages of America, and ye famine and pestilence as sore hear as ther.” The dangers of remaining in Leyden might prove greater than those of emigrating to America; finally, a majority was won over to “put this design in execution.” Their deliberations were then turned to the selection of a place to go. Among the places discussed was Virginia, “where ye English had already made entrance and be¬ ginning.” The objection was raised that Virginia was settled by Englishmen and was under the English Govern¬ ment; that if they settled there they might be “persecuted for the cause of religion.” The answer to this was, that they would there be under the protection of England, and that if they lived “too far off, they should neither have succor nor defense from them,” that they would “sue to his Majesty *** to grant them freedom of re¬ ligion.” Virginia was finally selected as the most desirable. They decided, however, to locate their colony in some remote part of Virginia territory, and to live there as a “distincte body by themselves;” but “under ye general government of Virginia,” under the protection of the English government. Chapter IX PATENT OBTAINED TO LAND IN VIRGINIA AND CONTRACT WITH THE MERCHANTS O N April 10, 1606, King James the First granted letters patent, for the settlement of America, to two companies. One grant was to Sir Thomas Gates and others, known as the The London Company, and was for territory called Virginia, between 34 and 41 degrees of latitude. The northern boundary of this grant was above Manhattan Island, which was then occupied by the Dutch. The other grant was to Sir George Popham and others, known as The Plymouth Company, covering territory, which was later called New England, between latitudes 38 and 44. While these grants overlapped, yet there was a provision for a neutral zone. Neither Company should make any settlement nearer than one hundred miles to the one made by the other Company. The Plymouth Company, however, did not succeed in establishing any colony in New England territory, and finally, abandoned its grant. In 1607, the first permanent English settlement in America, was established at James¬ town, Virginia, under The London Company sometimes called The Virginia Company. Many colonists followed, establishing settlements or plantations on both sides of the James River from Old Point Comfort to Henrico near 57 58 THE PILGRIMS the present site of Richmond, and, also, on the eastern shore of Virginia. By 1620, these Colonies were well established; the colonists were living under a reign of law; courts had been organized, and men had the right of trial by a jury of their Peers, and a legislative body elected by the people. In 1619, Sir George Yeardly returned to Jamestown as Governor, under an appointment by the King, bringing with him instructions providing for a legislative body for the Colony, composed of two members from each planta¬ tion, to be elected by a vote of the people. There were eleven plantations in the Colony. An election was held, and two members were elected from each plantation to the General Assembly. On July 30, 1619, the first legislative body elected by a vote of the people in the New World convened at Jamestown. These Virginia Colonists, before the landing of the Pilgrims at Plymouth, were enjoying the privileges, bene¬ fits and blessings of an organized, representative govern¬ ment, with religion and the Church as its chief corner¬ stone; they were living in a reign of law, under the protec¬ tion of the English flag. At Jamestown, on the banks of the James River was “laid the foundation of representa¬ tive Government*' in this country. The seed of democ¬ racy was first planted in the soil of Virginia, and not on the rock bound coast of New England. After due deliberation, John Robinson, William Brews¬ ter, William Bradford, and other leaders of the Leyden Separatists, decided to emigrate to Virginia, notwith¬ standing the fact that Virginia was an English Colony PATENT OBTAINED FOR LAND 59 ruled by a King who was both temporal and spiritual Head of the English Nation and its Colonies. They would be living there under a government where they would have the right to “succor and defense,” even though they would be subject to the laws of Uniformity and Supre¬ macy. They had the hope that, through influential friends, “his Majestie might grant them freedom of re¬ ligion.” The King, however, refused this request. The best he would say was that he would “not molest them provided they carried themselves peaceably, ** but to allow or tolerate them by his publicke authoritie under his seal, they found it could not be.” They now sent their agents, John Carver and Robert Cushman, to London to procure a patent from The Lon¬ don Company to settle in Virignia “on the best terms obtainable.” John Carver and Robert Cushman were not members of the Scrooby congregation in England. Carver had come to Holland, married a sister of John Robinson, and joined the congregation in Leyden. John Robinson and William Brewster gave to their agents, Carver and Cushman, a written statement signed by them in order to induce the London Company to grant them a patent. This statement was entirely inconsistent with their doctrines as Separatists; it was a recognition of the Established Church and of the King as spiritual Head of the Church. This statement is substantially as follows:— “1. To the confession of faith published in the name of the Church of England, and to every article thereof, we do with the reformed churches where we live, and, also, elsewhere, assent wholly. 60 THE PILGRIMS “2. Acknowledging the doctrine of faith there taught ** we will practise in our parts all lawful things. “3. The King’s Majesty we acknowledge for su¬ preme Governor in his dominion in all causes and over all persons, ** that in all things obedience is due unto him, either active, if the thing commanded be not against God’s word, or passive, if it be, except par¬ don can be obtained. “4. We judge it lawful for his Majesty to appoint bishops, civil overseers, or officers in authority under him, in the several provinces, dioceses, congregations or parishes, to oversee the churches and govern them civilly according to the laws of the land. ** “5. The authority of the present bishops in the land we do acknowledge, so far as the same is derived from his Majesty.” Sir Edwin Sandys, Treasurer of The London Company, wrote to Robinson and Brewster, that the writing “sub¬ scribed with your names,” has given “a good degree of satisfaction,” but the Council desired further time to consider the petition. Bradford says, that some “unjust insinuations were made against us,” evidently touching ecclesiastical matters, and their practices in the Separatist Church, which the Council desired explained. When these “insinuations” were reported to Robinson and Brewster, they replied that they were substantially in accord with “the French reformed churches according to their public confession of faith,” (which was in accord with that of the Established Church), that “the oath of supremacie we shall willingly take if it be required of us.” PATENT OBTAINED FOR LAND 61 That they were willing to take the oath of “supremacie,” was an acknowledgment of the King as the spiritual Head of the Church, yet they became voluntary exiles from their native land, because they had refused to recognize the spiritual supremacy of the King; that they were now walling to acknowledge his supremacy confirms the fact that their emigration to the New World was not for religious freedom, but purely economic. After many delays, and at the cost of much “labor and charge,” The London Company granted them a patent for a settlement in Virginia. In fact, The London Com¬ pany was the only source from which they could obtain a patent to land in the English part of the New World, and they could not emigrate without a patent. By the advice of some friends this patent was taken in the name of John Wincob, a “religious gentleman of the county of Lincoln, who intended to go with them;” but when they w r ere ready to sail he refused to go. As we shall see later, though sailing under the authority of this patent, yet they never made use of it. After this patent was obtained, it was found that a large sum of money w-ould be required to obtain ships and fur¬ nish supplies for the voyage, and for their support after arriving in Virginia. These people were poor and without means; it was necessary for them to find parties who would finance the expedition. After negotiations with various parties, an agreement was made with Mr. Thomas Weston and other merchants, called the “Adventurers,” in London to furnish the money and make “provisions both for ship¬ ping and other things for the voyage.” 62 THE PILGRIMS The following are substantially the terms of the agree¬ ment between the Merchant Adventurers and the Colon¬ ists, called “Planters.” 1. Every person that “goeth being aged sixteen years and upwards” was rated at ten pounds. 2. If the planter going also furnished ten pounds in money or other provision, he was to be accounted as having twenty pounds in stock. 3. The planters going and “the adventurers were to continue their joint stock partnership for seven years, “during which time all profits and benefits that are gott by trade, traffick, trucking, working, fishing or any other means,” were to remain in one common stock until the division. 4. Some were to engage in fishing, and the rest in building houses, tilling, planting ye ground, and making such commodities as should be most useful for “ye Collonie.” 5. At the end of seven years the capital and profits, i. e.—houses, lands, goods and chattels were to be equally divided between the Adventurers and the Planters. 7. A person carrying wife and children or servants, was to be allowed for every person, age sixteen years and upwards, a single share, or if between ten and sixteen years old, then two of them were to be reckoned a person. 8. That children under ten years were to have no share in the division, but fifty acres of unmanured land. ***** PATENT OBTAINED FOR LAND 63 10. That all Colonists were to have “meat, drink and apparel, and all provisions out of the common stock and goods of the Colony.” There was much opposition to the terms of this con¬ tract on the part of Mr. Robinson and others, although they were, finally, accepted. The terms were, that the Adventurers should furnish the money for the shipping, supplies, and, also, for subsistence after the Colonists arrived in the New World. The Planters were to have their meat, drink, apparel and all provisions, in fact, their entire living and support out of the common stock; at the end of seven years all profits made from all sources, including the land acquired, and all property were to be divided equally,—the Adventurers to have one half, and the Planters the other half thereof. This Community plan did not tend to promote the best interests of the Colonists. It was, however, substantially the same plan, both as to terms and length of time, that was made between the Virginia Company and the Colon¬ ists that settled at Jamestown. As subsequent events proved, the Adventurers received no profits, but suffered a heavy loss. The advantage was all on the side of the Planters for they received their transportation, provisions on the voyage, and their living for seven years. At the final settlement the Adventurers did not receive back even the money invested by them, while the settlers retained all the property, all improvements, houses and lands, that had accumulated or been acquired during the said term of seven years. Chapter X THE DEPARTURE H AVING obtained their patent to plant their Colony in Virginia territory, and their agreement, dated July 1, 1620, with Thomas Weston and other merchants to furnish the money for the enterprise, plans were made, supplies provided and ships engaged for the voyage. These supplies included five cannon, guns and munitions, and a military commander, Captain Miles Standish, for the Colony. There were about three hundred members of the Ley¬ den congregation at this time, but only one hundred and fifty had expressed a willingness to emigrate. Some Separatists from Amsterdam had expressed a desire to join them, but as the time for departure drew nigh they decided not to emigrate. Robert Cushman, in a letter, says “as for them of Amsterdam I had thought they would as soone have gone to Rome as with us, for our libertie is to them as ratts bane, and their riggour as bad to us as ye Spanish Inquisition.’* The religious liberty and the association with the gaiety and pleasures of this “beautiful citie,” with its manifold temptations, had weaned these Leyden Separatists from the stern and rigorous religious views they had formerly entertained. When it came to the crucial point of departure only thirty-three emigrated 65 66 THE PILGRIMS from Le}Men. They had religious freedom in Leyden, then why go to the wilds of the New World to obtain it? William Brewster and William Bradford were the only known members from the original congregation at Scrooby who came in the Mayflower to New England. The little vessel, Speedwell with thirty-three passengers sailed on August 1, 1620, from Delft Haven for Southampton. They were joined at Southampton by the Mayflower, with a company of emigrants from London. Many of these were men whom the Merchant Adventurers had induced to go. Among them were some “undesirables.” William Brewster, who had fled from Holland to escape prosecu¬ tion, with his wife and two children, Love and Wrastling, joined the expedition at Southampton. The Speedwell was a small ship and only twenty were allotted to go in her and one hundred in the Mayflower- On August 6, 1620, the ships, Speedwell and Mayflower, sailed from Southampton for the New World. The Speedwell, after two successive attempts to proceed was found to be unsea worthy. It was, finally decided that those who desired to return together with some of the children and weaker ones should be taken back in the Speedwell, and the remainder should sail in the Mayflower. On September 6, 1620, the Mayflower sailed with one hundred emigrants on board including men, women and children. Two children were born during the voyage,— one to Stephen Hopkins and his wife Elizabeth, whom they called “Oceanus.” Of these, thirty-three were from Leyden and sixty-seven were from England. Of the thirty-three who came from Leyden, about twelve were THE DEPARTURE 67 men, six women, five named as servants and ten children; some of these were not members of the Separatists con¬ gregation; some of the women were Dutch, whom the young men had married in Leyden. Captain Miles Standish and his wife, Rose, were English, but not Separa¬ tists, although living in Leyden. He had been a soldier in Holland in the war with Spain, and joined them from a love of adventure as the fighting man of the Colony. Bradford called those sailing from Delft Haven in the Speedwell, “Pilgrimes.” From this incident all of those who sailed in the Mayflower, although there were many ‘‘undesirables” from London, have been called “Pilgrim Fathers.” William Brewster and William Bradford, how¬ ever, were the only Pilgrims from Scrooby. The term “Pilgrims” and “Puritans” have often been erroneously and indiscriminately applied to all early colonists in New England. The “Pilgrims” were Separa¬ tists, who withdrew from the Mother Church. The “Puri¬ tans” originally advocated reforms, but not a separation from the Established Church. The Pilgrims established Plymouth Colony in 1620, The Puritans planted the Massachusetts Bay Colony in 1630. The remainder of the Leyden congregation, numbering about two hundred and seventy persons, and their pastor, William Robinson, were satisfied with the religious freedom which they enjoyed in that “goodly and pleasante citie.” Those from Holland who sailed in the Mayflower were nearly all young people who had always enjoyed liberty of conscience and religious freedom. Of all those both from Holland and England, there were only two over 68 THE PILGRIMS fifty years of age and forty-nine over forty, the remainder were young people. William Brewster was over sixty years old, Bradford thirty-one, Edward Winslow twenty- five, Isaac Allerton thirty-two, Miles Standish twenty-six and John Alden twenty-one. John Alden was a Cooper, who emigrated from Southampton, England. He was not one of the “Pilgrims.’’ Chapter XI MOTIVE FOR EMIGRATING W E have for centuries idealized the Pilgrim Fathers as men who, braving the dangers of the sea, came to a wilderness inhabited by wild beasts and cruel savages, and suffered cold, hunger, privation and death for con¬ science sake. Poets and novelists have sung their praises, artists have put on canvas pictures portraying the sufferings of these emigrant Separatists, sculptors have carved in imperishable marble heroic figures of the Pilgrim Fathers, and historians have ascribed to them all the virtues of men who suffered for a religious principle. What were the motives that induced these Separatists to emigrate to America? Were these motives religious, or only economic? We glean from Bradford’s History,—the original source, the real reasons why they left Holland and came to Ameri¬ ca. In the 4th chapter entitled “Showing ye reasons and causes of their removal,’’ he says, “There were sundrie weightie and solid reasons” for the removal. First. That because of the “hardnes of ye place and countrie,” many that came to them could not endure “the great labor and hard fare, with other incon¬ veniences.” 69 70 THE PILGRIMS Secondly. That “old age began to steale on many of them ** that within a few years more they would be in danger to scatter by necessities pressing them, or sink under their burden.” He, evidently, had in mind the ending of the truce in 1621, between Spain and the Netherlands; that war would then be renewed, and they would be subjected to all its cruelties and horrors; that their sons would be obliged to fight in defense of their adopted country; in fact, even now “some became soldiers;” that, as heretics, if Spain was victorious, these Separatists would go to the block and stake. At that time this seemed to be a real menace threaten¬ ing them. Under these dismal and gloomy forebodings Bradford says, “and, therefore, according to ye divine proverb, that a wise man seeth ye plague when it cometh, and hideth himselfe, Pro. 22-3, so they skillful and beaten soldiers were fearful either to be entrappep or surrounded by their enemies, so as they should neither be able to fight nor flie, ** and therefore thought it better to dislodge betimes to some place of better advantage and less danger.” Thirdly. That their children were “oppressed with their heavie labor” so that their “bodies bowed under ye weight of ye same, and became decreped in their early youth. *** But that which was more lament¬ able, and of all sorrowes most heavie to be borne, was that many of their children,” because of “ye great licentiousness of youth in that countrie” and many “temptations,” were entering upon “extravagant and MOTIVE FOR EMIGRATING 71 dangerous courses getting ye raines off their neks and departing from their parents *** tending to dissolute- nes and danger of their soules.” Lastly. “A great hope and inward zeal they had of laying some good foundation,” ** “for ye propagating and advancing ye gospel of ye Kingdom of Christ in those remote parts of ye world.” The above are the reasons for the emigration of the Leyden Separatists to America given by William Bradford, who followed the fortunes of the Scrooby Separatists in all their wanderings from England until they landed at Plymouth. He then became Governor of Plymouth, which position he occupied, with the exception of five years, until 1649. All of the reasons given by him for emigrating are solely econmic, save the last one, in which he says they had a hope that they might do something for “propogating and advancing” the gospel of Christ. As we shall subsequently see they made no effort, nor did they accomplish anything in the propagation or advance¬ ment of the cause of religion in the New World. He does not claim that they sought a home in the New World in order that they might have “religious freedom.” There is not one word in all the reasons given by Bradford charging that they suffered persecution, or did not have entire religious freedom, liberty of conscience, and inde¬ pendence in Church government in Holland; on the con¬ trary, they enjoyed all these privileges to the fullest ex¬ tent. The “Prudent Governors” and leading spirits who originated the plan of planting a Colony of Separatists 72 THE PILGRIMS in America were John Robinson, his brother-in-law, John Carver, William Brewster, William Bradford and Edward Winslow. They failed in their efforts to induce the Leyden congregation to emigrate. Only a very small number of individual members, as we have shown above, could be prevailed upon to leave Leyden, It is known, for a certainty, that only a few of those from London were Separatists. We do know that many were not, and that among these “Pilgrim Fathers” were some “undesirables.” Pastor Robinson declined to go when he discovered that the Leyden congregation refused to emigrate. What then was the motive of Brewster, Carver and Bradford for planting this Colony in the New World? We can understand Brewster’s purpose; he could neither live in Holland nor in England for fear of prosecution because of his seditious utterances and publications; he desired an asylum across the sea where he would be free from prosecution. Carver had been a man of means and affairs; he had never suffered religious persecution, as he had become a member of the Separatist congregation in Leyden. Bradford was young and ambitious for leader¬ ship as subsequent events proved. Men of prominence, many of them of the nobility in England and Holland, had been organizing and planting Colonies in the New World,—going over themselves as Rulers and Governors. The position as Rulers, as well as the opportunity for gain, appealed to them. The same ambitious motives, mainly influenced Carver, Bradford, Brewster and Winslow. In the face of obstacles, dis¬ couragement, and final refusal of nearly the entire Leyden MOTIVE FOR EMIGRATING 73 congregation to emigrate, these men for nearly three years persistently continued their efforts to organize and establish a Colony in America. A close study of Bradford’s “History of Plimoth Plantation” shows that these master minds of the Separ¬ atists congregation in Leyden had deeper plans than to provide for the spiritual welfare of their people. Their purpose was to go to some place under the protection of the general government of England, yet remote from any local authority, and there organize a government of which they would be both civil and spiritual Rulers. Bradford says, as to their purpose, that “the place they had thoughts on was some of those vast tracts and unpeopled countries of America ** being devoid of all civil inhabitants.” They found, however, that in order to plant a Colony in America, they would have to obtain a patent, either from the London or Plymouth Companies. The Plymouth Company had not succeeded in establishing any Colony within its territory, New England, and, finally sur¬ rendered its grant. The London or Virginia Company was the only source from which they could obtain a patent. They, therefore, obtained their patent from the London Company to settle in Virginia. They did not intend to live “among ye English which were there planted, or so near them as to be under their local government,” but “to live as a distincte body by themselves under ye general government of Virginia.” Their patent has been lost, but it is known that it was granted in 1619, and was for land in the northern part of the Virginia grant on the Hudson river, and near the Dutch 74 THE PILGRIMS settlement on Manhattan Island. This was as far re¬ moved, as possible, from the settlements made in Virginia territory on the James River and Chesapeake Bay; they would there be under the general government, but too far away to be molested, either in their ecclesiastical or civil government. After the patent had been granted, the contract made with the Adventurers, and those going had sold their goods and estates, “put their money into one common stock,” and were ready to sail from Southampton, they heard from Mr. Weston and others about New England, “unto which Mr. Weston, and ye cheefe of them, begane to incline it was best for them to goe,” ** as there was “hope of present profite to be made by ye fishing that was found in that countrie.” They, however, had no patent to land in New England territory; furthermore there were those “would adventure nothing except they went to Virginia.” There were several from England, namely,— Isaac Allerton, Stephen Hopkins, Christopher Martin and others, who had already been in Virginia and owned property there. When the Mayflower sailed, the emi- grants understood “that they were bound for Virginia,” whatever may have been the secret intentions of the lead¬ ers, Carver, Bradford and Brewster. These men, Carver, Bradford, Brewster and some other leaders made all their plans before leaving Holland to set up a civil government of their own in America. This is clearly shown by a letter written by Pastor Robinson just before the Speedwell sailed from Delft Haven. This was a letter of good advice and exhortation to those MOTIVE FOR EMIGRATING 75 members of his congregation who were emigrating con¬ cerning both their spiritual and temporal welfare. He knew that most of the emigrants were strangers to each other and to his Church, and he exhorted care in dealing with them. Among other things, referring to the civil government which the leaders had planned to establish, he said “your intended course of civil communitie will minister continual occasion of offense.” “Lastly, whereas you are become a body politik, using amongst yourselves civil government, and are not furnished with any persons of spetial eminence above ye rest, to be chosen by you into office of government,” ** that you must yield obedience to them, “because you are at least for ye present to have only them for your ordinaire governors, which yourselves shall make choyse of for that work.” Mr. Robinson wrote this letter with full knowledge of a secret instrument or “compact,” hereinafter set out, prepared before leaving Holland, providing for this civil government, which was presented to the Mayflower passengers for signature and signed by most of them in the cabin of the ship before landing at Cape Cod. The conclusion is irresistible, that these leaders were not induced to seek a home in America, in order that these Separatists might find “religious freedom,” but that they might plant a Colony over which they should be leaders and governors. Chapter XII THE COMPACT O N September 6, 1620, the Mayflower, with those who were still willing to emigrate, sailed, ostensibly, for some point on the Hudson River within Virginia territory, but, in fact, sailed directly for Cape Cod. Bradford says that on November 9th, 1620, “after long beating at sea they fell in with that land called Cape Cod, the which being made and certainly known to be it, they were not a little joyfull .” Cape Cod was known to Carver and the other leaders through Captain John Smith, who was there in 1614, and had made a survey and map of the coast, calling the country “New England.” Writers have, generally, accepted as a fact that the the Mayflower was driven out of her course by storms, and therefore, the land first sighted was Cape Cod. This is a mistake, for Bradford nowhere claims that the ship was driven from Virginia to Cape Cod by storms; on the contrary, they were evidently on the lookout for Cape Cod, and sighting and recognizing it “they were not a little joyfull.” Some of the sailors had been on this coast with Captain John Smith. It was, in fact, the secret destination of the leaders. Cape Cod was not, however, near the Hudson River in Virginia territory, the place where the passengers understood they were to settle. 77 78 THE PILGRIMS They did not land at Cape Cod at this time. Bradford says “After some deliberation had amongst themselves and with ye master of ye ship, they tacked about and resolved to stand for ye southward, ** to find some place about Hudson river for their habitation.” He further says, that after sailing “about halfe ye day they fell amongst dangerous sholds and roring breakers, ** and ye wind shrinking upon them with all,” that is, they were becalmed, “they resolved to bear up againe for the Cape,” which they did, arriving there “before night overtook them.” Had they in good faith desired to reach a point on the Hudson River north of Manhattan Island, the master of the ship, a skilled navigator, would not have skirted the shore amidst shoals and breakers. He would have sailed out into the safe waters of the ocean. With their little vessel, they were scarcely out of sight of Cape Cod, before they tacked about and returned there. “The next morning they got into ye Cape Harbor wher they ridd in saftie.” The suggestion has been made by writers, that the Mayflower turned about and sailed back to Cape Cod because the Captain had been bribed by the Dutch not to land the Colonists near the Dutch settlement on Man¬ hattan Island. There is no evidence whatever to support this suggestion. The Captain of the Mayflower sailed from London, and not from Holland, consequently, he was not in touch with the Dutch authorities. The most convincing proof against this suggestion, is the conduct of Carver, Brewster, Bradford and Winslow. Neither Bradford, nor Winslow, who, also, wrote a history of the THE COMPACT 79 voyage and settlement in New England, wrote of any objection by any of the leaders, or show any concern themselves over the return of the ship to Cape Cod. On the contrary, there is evidence that Carver and the other leaders were responsible for this return to Cape Cod. Bradford says, “as they conceived themselves in great danger, ** they resolved to bear up againe for the Cape.” It was no less dangerous to sail away from the shore and the breakers, and on to the Hudson River than back to Cape Cod. There were several reasons for this change in their plans. The representation of Mr. Weston before they sailed, that the “hope of present profit to be made by ye fishing that was found in that countrie,” i. e. New England, was one of the inducements that caused them to return to Cape Cod. There were, however, other reasons more weighty; they thought that if they settled in New England, they could organize a civil government free from the control of the general territorial government of Virginia, and could establish and maintain their Inde¬ pendent Church without fear of the authorities of the Established Church. After arriving in the harbor at Cape Cod, the “cheefe” men began to talk of landing to “look out a place of habita¬ tion.” These “Cheefe” men had decided to establish the Colony in New England, without any patent or legal right to do so. When this became known there were ‘‘discontented and mutinous speeches” from the strangers ‘‘amongst them,”—that is from those who came from England. They had not emigrated to find a home on the 80 THE PILGRIMS cold, bleak, barren, rock bound coast of New England; they had been induced to emigrate with the understanding that they were to settle in Virginia under a patent from The London Company, and not in New England ‘‘with which ye Virginia Company had nothing to doe;” they said that, if they landed here “they would use their own libertie; for none had power to command them” in this territory as they had no patent for New England. Carver and his associates at this time and “before they came ashore” produced an instrument or “compact,” providing for a “civill body politick,” which they de¬ manded that all emigrants should sign. This Compact, providing for a “body politick” referred to by Mr. Robin¬ son in his letter, was signed in the cabin of the Mayflower by forty-one of the adult emigrants. The following is a copy of the Compact:— “In ye name of God, Amen, we whose names are underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread soveraigne Lord, King James, by ye grace of God, of Great Brit- aine, France and Ireland, King, defender of ye faith, etc. Having undertaken, for ye glory of God, and advancemente of ye Christian faith, and honour of our King and countrie, a voyage to plant ye first Colonie in ye northern parts of Virginia , do by these presents solemnly and mutually in ye presence of God, and one of another, covenant and combine ourselves together in a civil body politick , for our better ordering and pre¬ servation and furtherance of ye ends aforesaid, And by virtue hereof to inacte, constitute, and frame such just and equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, THE COMPACT 81 and offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most meete and convenient—for ye general good of ye Colonie, unto which we promise all due submission and obedience. In witness thereof we have hereunder subscribed our names at Cape Cod ye 11 of November in ye raigne of our Soveraigne Lord, King James of England, France and Ireland eighteenth, and of Scot¬ land ye fifty-fourth An; Dom; 1620.” There are many expressions and other evidences con¬ tained in this compact which indicate that it was written before the Speedwell sailed from Delft Haven, except the testimonium clause. In Robinson’s letter quoted above, he speaks of their becoming a “body politick,” “using amongst yourselves civil governmente” which would be established by them, and exhorting all to obey those “to be chosen by you into civil government.” The Speedwell sailed from Holland, with a patent from the Virginia Company to establish a Colony in Virginia territory. The compact, in pursuance of that patent, refers to “a voyage to plant ye first colonie in ye northern part of Virginia.” The testimonium clause, stating date and place of signing, was added, and the pact signed on board the Mayflower on November 11, 1620, at Cape Cod. This was after the “cheefe” men had abandoned the voyage to Virginia, turned back to Cape Cod, and decided to estab¬ lish their Colony in New England. The body of this instrument is conclusive, that it w r as drawn up before leaving Holland, but that the testimonium clause was added at Cape Cod. In view of the “discontented and mutinous speeches” of ***** “some of the strangers,” 82 THE PILGRIMS Carver and his associates deemed it safer to have this pact, providing for a civil government, signed before landing. Bradford does not state who signed this compact. Mr. George Morton in his “Memorial” says, that forty-one male persons signed it, including some servants. It was not signed by the women or children. Bradford says that John Carver was there “ chosen ” or ‘Gather confirmed'' as their Governor for that year.” This confirmation of John Carver, the brother-in-law of Pastor Robinson, as governor was in pursuance of plans made by Robinson, Carver and other “cheefe” men for organizing a civil government in the Colony, before sailing from Holland. Later on, and after they had located their Colony at Plymouth, “as time would admitte they mette and con¬ sulted of laws, and orders both for their civil and military government,” but nothing was said concerning the Church. This compact has been regarded as original, in that it provided for a civil government by men of their own choosing. The idea was most probably obtained from the Guilds of Holland with which Robinson and the other leaders were familiar. These Guilds were voluntary associations of men engaged in the same craft, trade or business; All members elected their officers, and made laws governing their particular craft, trade or business; each Guild generally “inhabitated a separate quarter of the town;” the members were trained in the use of arms, and Captains were placed in command; they were required to be ready, at all times, to respond to a call to service; the Ruler of these Guilds, called a “deacon,” was prac¬ tically the sole executive, regulating wages, prices and the THE COMPACT 83 affairs of his Guild. Following the plan of the Guild, John Carver was elected Governor, and served for a short period,—until his death in March 1621. William Brad¬ ford was then elected as his successor, but as he was sick at that time, Isaac Allerton was elected as his assistant, and Captain Miles Standish was elected military com¬ mander. The Governor was, practically, the Ruler of Plymouth Colony; nor was there ever, in fact, universal suffrage in the Colony. Bancroft says, that “Here was the birth of popular constitutional liberty,” in America. Neither civil nor religious liberty, however, was founded under this compact. Nor was it the inspiration, plan or basis for our democracy as has been claimed. This compact was not known to Thomas Jefferson or to any of our forefathers of revolutionary days, who had any part in writing the Declaration of Independence or our constitution. It was known, from references made by some Colonial writers in New England, that Bradford had written a history of Plymouth Colony, in which a copy of this compact appears, but the manuscript was lost before our Revolution. It was not discovered until about the middle of the nineteenth century, when it was found in the library of the Bishop of London at Fulham, England. The manuscript was delivered to Ambassador Bayard in 1897, brought to this country, and afterwards published for the first time. It was unknown and entirely without influence in the framing or adoption of our constitution or in the organization of our representative form of government. Chapter XIII PLYMOUTH O N November 11, 1620, after the signing of the com¬ pact, a landing was made on the site of Province- town, on Cape Cod, by “a few of them.” On November 15, Captain Standish and sixteen “well armed” men “set out to discover those nearest places” for a permanent “habitation.” This expedition was without adventure or success; so they returned to the ship. The month of November was spent in exploring the coast and country near in their shallop, without, however, finding a suitable place to locate their Colony. On December 6, they “sente out their shallop againe with ten of their principall men *** upon further discovery, intending to circulate that deepe bay of Cape Codd.” On this expedition, they “divided their company—some to coast along ye shore in ye boate, and the rest marched through ye woods to see ye land, if any fit place might be for their dwelling.” For several days they coasted and explored the country; but “discovered no place likely for harbor.” They suffered much from the extreme cold and storms during these days. They had seen a few Indians on previous expeditions; they now had “ye first encounter with them.” Many arrows were shot at them to which they responded with their muskets. None were “either hurte or hitt” by the arrows. 85 86 THE PILGRIMS When the exploring party was near what is now Ply¬ mouth their “Pillot—Mr. Coffin—who had bine in ye countrie before,” told them of a good harbor “which he had been in.” Before they reached this harbor, a severe storm came up, breaking their rudder; their mast was, also, broken and their “saill fell overbord;” so that they were in danger of being “cast away.” They, finally, escaped from this danger, and in “ye end they gott under ye lee of a small island on which they landed,” and *** “remained there all that night in saftie;” this was an island in Plymouth harbor. After Captain John Smith made the survey of the coast in 1614, he returned to England, wrote a history of his expedition, and prepared a map of the coast and country, which was published in 1616. He presented this “dis- coverie with the map” to Prince Charles, who, at Cap¬ tain Smith’s request, gave names to the various places on the coast. To that inlet or harbor with its little “lie.’’ the Prince gave the name “Plimoth.” This is the name that appears on the ancient map of Captain John Smith, and is the origin of the name of the Colony. The next day, after Captain Standish and his party landed on this island, “was a faire sunshiny day,” and being the “last day of ye week,” they “prepared ther to keep ye Sabath.” On Monday, they sounded the harbor, and found it fit for shipping. They went to the main land, and found corn fields and little running brooks,—“a place fitt for situation.” They then returned to the ship, and reported, “this news ***** which did much comfort ve people.” PLYMOUTH 87 On December 15, the Mayflower weighed anchor to “goe to ye place they had discovered.” On December 16, the “winde” being “faire, ** they arrived safe in this harbor.” On ye twenty-fifth day, they “begane to erect ye first house for comone use to receive them and their goods.” This common house, “was built on a great hill;” it was about twenty feet square with a flat roof; they moved their goods into it, and put it as “full of beds as they could lie;” the room was, also, used by them as a general store, fort and meeting house on Sunday. They held the first service in this common house on March 21, 1621 Winslow says that “Tuesday, the ninth of January was a reasonable fair day,” and they proceeded to the erection of their houses. The people were divided into nineteen groups or families ( so that fewer houses would be needed at first; they built seven cabins, in which these nineteen families were housed. In Plymouth harbor there is a large stone on the shore at the water’s edge, called today “Plymouth Rock.” It is said that the Pilgrims first landed on this rock. The rock is not mentioned by Bradford or by any other writer of that period; the story of the landing of the Pilgrims on this rock was not known until a century and a third later; it is based on a purported statement made in 1741, by Thomas Faunce, an old man ninety-four years of age; he said that when he was a boy his father told him “that the Mayflower passengers landed on this boulder.” As Faunce’s father was not a passenger on the Mayflower in 1620, but came later, the story of his aged son is not very reliable. 88 THE PILGRIMS In 1774, the rock was split, and a part of it carried on shore; but, later, as “ye rock” became a shrine, the split part was carried back and placed with the original rock, and a wooden fence was built around it; afterwards, as the revenue feature developed, the people of Plymouth built an iron fence around it, and later, a pagoda or pavilion was built over it. The tercentenary of the landing of the Pilgrims was celebrated at Plymouth in 1921. There will be erected on this spot a splendid monument, to mark the first land¬ ing of the Pilgrims. There is a vein of idealism running through the American character, that saves us from the entirely cold, cal¬ culating selfishness of people devoted to the practical development of a new country. We have no Westminster Abbey, or cathedrals carved in stone and grown gray with the centuries, monuments to the religious zeal of our forefathers, housing memories of achievements of our heroes in Church, literature, art, science, statesmanship and war. We are still young in our national and racial life, but we are, nevertheless, hero worshippers and builders of shrines. Plymouth Rock has been glorified by poet, painter and the later historians. Henry Van Dyke says, “The New Englanders, who have written most of the American histories, have been in the way of claiming the lion’s share of the religious influence for the Puritans;” and, we may add, that they also, claim the credit for having founded our Nation. Longfellow sings, PLYMOUTH 89 “Down to the Plymouth Rock, that had been to their feet as a doorstep Into the world unknown—the cornerstone of a nation.” This rock has been invested with both a religious and political significance that has made it a shrine. It has become the mecca of idealists, who have chipped off small pieces of stone, and preserved them as sacred mementoes of the spot first touched by Pilgrim feet; tourists have stood about it, and, in the true spirit of hero worship, have lavished upon it all honor, reverence and veneration. We stand with uncovered head beside the graves of those courageous men and brave, noble women, who sailed across the storm tossed ocean to make homes in the wilder¬ ness of the New World, but found only hunger, cold and death on the bleak, wintry shores of the New England coast. We honor those heroic men and women, who made the supreme sacrifice and laid down their lives in an effort to found a nation, but without sucess. To Plymouth is due the honor of being the site of the first permanent settlement in New England. The cornerstone of our nation, however, was not laid at Plymouth in 1620, but at Jamestown in 1607. Chapter XIV THE NEW WORLD APTAIN JOHN SMITH, on his return from New England, wrote his “General History of New Eng¬ land,” which was published about 1616. In this history, he presents a flattering picture of the fertility, climate, industrial, and trading possibilities of New England. He says, he found there, “gardens, corn fields and well tim¬ bered land,” a “greatness of fish” and a “moderate temper of the air;” that the “maine staple is fish.” He then gives a glowing picture of the riches and greatness of Holland, all derived from the trade in fish. “No State,” he says, “is so mighty, strong and rich as Holland, save Venice, with so many faire cities and goodly towns, ** with its shipping, merchandise, gold, silver, pearles, diamonds, pretious stones, silkes, velvets and cloth of gold,”—all the result of “this contemptible trade of fish;” that here in New England, “by industry” one may “quickly grow rich spending but halfe that time well;” that this part in latitude 41, 42 and 43, is as “temperate and as fruitful as any other parallel in the world;” that the ground is so fertile it will grow “graine, fruits or seed;” that there are fur bearing animals, namely, muskrat, beaver, otters, martins, and black foxes; that the “country of Massa¬ chusetts ** is the paradice of all those parts.” This was 91 92 THE PILGRIMS a glowing and alluring picture, but the true conditions were a sore and bitter disappointment to the PilgrimFathers. Smith further advises “each parish or village,” to send “their fatherless children of thirteene or fourteene yeeres of age, or young married people and servants;” also, that a “fortress” will be necessary, and “means to defend them. ’ ’ Smith’s history of New England, with the account of its wonderful resources and climate, was known, general¬ ly, in England and Holland before the sailing of the May¬ flower, and without doubt was known to Robinson. It was more than a coincidence that the Pilgrim Fathers fol¬ lowed these suggestions as to those who should emigrate. Among those who sailed were young married people, many servants, and a number of boys thirteen or fourteen years of age, either fatherless, or, at least, without fathers among the emigrants. This extravagant account of Smith, of the climate, condition and resources of the country, its flattering prospects and opportunities for riches, both on land and on sea, evidently caused the change in the plans of Carver and the leaders to abandon Virginia, and to establish their Colony in New England. They found, however, that Smith’s description of the country was untrue in every particular; they arrived at Cape Cod in the middle of a cold, bleak, New England winter; the ground was “all covered with snow and hard frozen;” in the bitter storms, sleet and snow of December, parties of men explored the country seeking a “fit place for their dwelling;” they lived on ship board until their houses were ready for occupancy, the latter part of January 1621. THE NEW WORLD 93 The long voyage and life on board the Mayflower after arriving in New England, had caused them to be afflicted with “scurvie” and other “diseases;” the intense cold, privation, lack of proper food and disease brought sickness and death to many; the sufferings of the women and children were “pitiful to behold.” There were but “6 or 7 sound persons” left to care for the sick and dying; sometimes “they died 2 or three a day;” thirteen women, out of the nineteen who came, many children, and some of the men died “in this general sickness” during this first winter; Rose Standish, the wife of Captain Miles Standish, died at this time, and Dorothy Bradford, wife of William Bradford, falling over board, was drowned while they were at Cape Cod; during this first winter, about fifty, of the one hundred passengers of the May¬ flower, died. Historians have lauded the Mayflower emigrants as home-builders; that they came to settle and make homes in the New World, and so brought their wives and children with them. At the end of the first winter there were only five women home-builders, still living in Plymouth Colony; one of these—Rose Minter—soon returned to England. Nor did the wives of the married men, who left their families at home, or any other women come to Plymouth for three years. It was not only unwise, it was a cruel thing, to subject these wives and children of tender years, to the priva¬ tions, dangers, exposure and cold of this bleak, New England climate. Historians have condemned the first Jamestown Colon- 94 THE PILGRIMS ists, because they did not bring their wives and children to Virginia; it was said of them that they were not home¬ builders, but mere adventurers. These settlers were more humane, and showed greater wisdom than the Plymouth settlers in leaving their families in England until they could make homes for them in Virginia. Its to their eternal credit that they were both wise and un¬ selfish enough to brave these perils alone. Chapter XV THE YEARS 1621-1623—THE FAMINE W ITH the coming of Spring, the sick, who survived, recovered their health; as their strength returned, they turned to the planting of corn; they were instructed how to fertilize the ground and plant corn by a friendly Indian named Squanto; they planted about twenty acres of com and some barley. During the year, they raised their crops, traded with the Indians for fur, and engaged in hunting game and fishing; when the fall came they fitted up their houses and harvested their crops. They raised a good crop of corn and barley, and, by hunting and fishing, laid up a good supply of fish, water fowl, wild turkey and other game. They now celebrated the first Thanksgiving Day in the New World by a great feast. To this feast, they invited the Indian Chief, Massacoit, and his tribe; the celebration lasted three days; they spent the time in feasting, out door sports, drilling, “dancing and singing by the Indians.” About November 11, 1621, the ship, Fortune, arrived at Plymouth bringing thirty-five men. The ship brought the Colony no supplies, and the men were entirely desti¬ tute; they had, “not so much as a bisket cake or any other victualls, nor any bedding *** nor pot nor pan, ** nor over many cloaths.” These were “mostly young men, and 95 96 THE PILGRIMS many of them wild enough.” They were from London, and were not Separatists. These “late comers” were placed in “several families.” The Colony now numbered eighty people, all men, except four women and a few children who came with the first settlers. On taking account of their provisions, it was found that it would “not hold out above six months at halfe allowance;” every body was then put on half allowance for the winter. The Colony suffered greatly from lack of provisions and supplies during the years 1622 and 1623. They had expected to receive supplies from Eng¬ land, but none came. About the latter part of May 1622, a boat came with seven passengers from a ship, which had been sent out for fishing by Mr. Weston; but, as Bradford says, ‘‘no vitails, nor any hope of any. ’’ He con¬ cludes in a sarcastic vein, quoting the Psalmist, Psa. 118-8. “It is better to trust in the Lord, than to have confidence in man,” especially “in ye merchants.” This year they raised very little corn; they were weak Bradford says, “for want of food;” they, however, ob¬ tained a supply of corn from the Indians, which lasted them until the spring of 1623. It is difficult to understand how the Colony could have suffered from lack of food in the year 1622; the sea and brooks were full of fish, and there was an abundance of game in the woods; there were now over seventy men in the Colony able to work. There is no explanation for their suffering for want of food at this time, save the fact that the Colonists were on the com¬ munity plan, and they would not work. Until the spring of 1623, they had been working on the 1621-1623—THE FAMINE 97 community plan. They had not raised enough corn, nor provided enough food to feed the Colony; they were bordering on famine all the time; in order that they still might not thus “languish in miserie,” each family was now assigned “a parcel of land for their present use." The term family here refers to the division of the Colony into seven groups, one in each cabin. Except for this assignment of land, they still continued to live under the community plan. Under this new plan, however, the men became more industrious; they planted more com and were better contented; even the women—there were at that time only four in the Colony—now went willingly into the fields, who before, alleged their “weakness and inabilities ’ The year 1623, may be called the famine year of the Plymouth Colonists. By the time their corn was planted, “all their vitails were spente;” for two or three months together, they had neither bread nor any kind of corn; at night, they at times did not know where they were to get “a bitt of anything ye next day. ’ ’ They now divided their company into groups of six or seven each for fishing. Each group would take its turn in fishing in the one boat they possessed. They dug shell fish at low water out of the sand, and sometimes they obtained a deer. Thus they lived all summer, When winter came they obtained “ground nuts and fowle.” In the latter part of the summer of 1623, two ships, the Anne, with Mr. William Pierce as Master, and a Pinass arrived at Plymouth. These ships brought about sixty persons from England under contract with, and at the 98 THE PILGRIMS expense of the Adventurers. Some were “very useful persons,” and some were wives and children of English¬ men already in the Colony; some, however, were so bad they were sent home the next year. There was, also, another company under John Oldham, who came on “their particular,” that is, at their own charge and expense. These men were “to have lands assigned to them, and be for themselves, yet be subject to the General Government.” These new comers found a distressing condition in the Colony; “Many were ragged in apparel, and some little beter than halfe naked;” they could offer these new comers only a “lobster or a peece of fish, without bread or anything else but a cupp of fair spring water.” Three years had now elapsed since the Mayflower landed these emigrants at Plymouth. They had suffered cold, sickness, famine and death. The distressing and disastrous experience of these Plymouth settlers were but a parallel of the sufferings of the Jamestown Colonists; each Colony suffered hunger, famine and sickness; one half of each Colony died during the first six months, and each was afflicted with some “undesirables.” The Pilgrim Fathers came without any minister; the Jamestown settlers brought with them the Rev. Robert Hunt, a pious and godly man, who was a comfort and consolation to these settlers in their sufferings and death. Historians, however, have idealized the Plymouth Colonists, but the Jamestown settlers have suffered only contumely from them. Chapter XVI JOHN PIERCE AND THE NEW CHARTER T HE CHARTER granted in 1606, by King James to Sir George Popham and others, known as the Ply¬ mouth Company, for the territory in which New England is situated, had been abandoned before the sailing of the Mayflower. John Smith’s history, with its extravagant and alluring representations of the country, induced a new company to apply to the King for a charter to this New England territory. In November 1620, King James granted a pat¬ ent to a new Council of Plymouth in England to all the territory lying between the latitudes 40 and 48. This charter recognized the spiritual and temporal supremacy of the King. The Plymouth settlers ,without authority from any one, had established their Colony within this territory. The Mayflower, on her return to England in the spring of 1621, brought the information that the Pilgrim Fathers had located their Colony at Plymouth in New England, and not in Virginia. The Merchant Adventurers, who had financed the Company, on learning that Carver, Bradford and Brewster had located the Colony in New England territory on land to which they had no patent and right, in order to protect themselves, applied to the 99 100 THE PILGRIMS Council of the Plymouth Company in England for a patent to the land on which the Pilgrim Fathers had settled; this was granted in the fall of 1621, and a charter was issued in the name of John Pierce and his associates. Pierce was one of the adventurers; he was to hold the patent in trust for the Colony. This patent was brought over to the Company by the Fortune in the late fall of 1621. As this patent was in his name, Pierce now devised a scheme to obtain another patent for a larger territory, deluding in it the land already granted, in order that he might claim the whole of it as his own property. In April 1621, Pierce, in pursuance of his plan, applied to the Council of Plymouth for a new patent, larger in extent and with greater powers, which was granted him- Under the provisions of this new patent, he claimed that he was the “Lord and Chief” of the Plymouth Colonists, and had the right to hold them “as his tenants.” When his fraud was discovered, Bradford says, that he was com¬ pelled to assign over his “grand patente” to the Company. In May 1623, his fraudulent patent was cancelled, and the Adventurers and Colonists were restored to their rights under the first patent. In June 1622, Thomas Weston, one of the Adventurers, sold his interest in the Plymouth Colony, and fitted out three small ships to plant a Colony in New England on his own account near the Plymouth Colony. These ships arrived at Plymouth with about sixty men; they were housed, cared for, and the sick were nursed back to health by the Colonists; they remained during the greater JOHN PIERCE AND NEW CHARTER 101 part of the summer at Plymouth. Robert Cushman wrote to Governor Bradford, that “these people are no men for us;” they were found to be “unruly” and un¬ desirable; in the fall they moved into “ye Massachusetts Bay,” and established a plantation at Wessagusset; they were improvident and soon exhausted their supplies. The plantation was a failure, and after much suffering and distress, was abandoned. In June 1623, Captain Francis West arrived at Ply¬ mouth with a commission from the Council of Plymouth in England to restrain inter-lopers, and to stop fishing and trading without a license from the Council, and the payment of a “rounde sume of money.” The Plymouth Colonists refused to comply, and afterward procured an order from the English Parliament allowing them to engage in fishing free. About the middle of September 1623, Captain Robert Gorges arrived in the Bay of Massachusetts with passen¬ gers and families to establish a plantation; they selected Wessagusset as the sight for their Colony, which Weston had occupied and afterwards abandoned. Captain Robert Gorges held a commission from the “Counsell of New England, in England, to be General Governor” of “ye countrie,” with Captain Francis West and Christopher Levite as his assistants. This commission also gave Captain Gorges and his assistants power to “doe and execute what to them should seem good in a In¬ cases, capitall, criminall and civill.” A copy of this commission was read to Governor Bradford, and he was suffered to take a copy. The Colonists, however, ignored this commission. 102 THE PILGRIMS Captain Gorges and his emigrants, not finding conditions as they had expected, soon scattered, and he returned to England. Some of his people returned to England, others went to Virginia, and some few remained in New England. Chapter XVII COMPLAINTS AGAINST THE COLONY I N 1624, there were about one hundred and eighty persons in Plymouth Colony. William Bradford was again elected Governor. Prior to this time there had been but one assistant, but now the number was increased to five members. Five assistants were now chosen, but “giving to the Governor a dubble voyce.” The Governor, with these five assistants, constituted- the entire civil government, executive, legislative and judicial, of the Colony. Mr. Winslow was sent to England in 1623, for the Colony, and on his return in May 1624, he brought with him three heifers and a bull, and, also, some “clothing and other necessaries.” These were the first cattle of any kind in the Colony. Even though “Raghorn,” the bull, did not arrive at Plymouth until some years after John Alden had wooed and won Priscilla Mullins, yet, it is a very sweet picture that Longfellow gives of John with his “snow white bull,” on which Priscilla rode “like a queen,” ** “through the Plymouth woods” as “Onward the bridal procession now moved to their new habitation.” The Colony had not been a success in any particular, 103 104 THE PILGRIMS either in its numerical growth, financially, or in its re¬ ligious life. Ships returning from New England reported to the Merchant Adventurers that very bad conditions prevailed in the Colony. Captain Gorges on his return confirmed these reports. Robert Cushman and Mr. Sherley wrote to Governor Bradford, telling him of these reports and complaints, and requesting an answer to them. The following are some of the complaints and charges made against the Pilgrim Fathers, namely,—That they were ‘‘starved in body and soul;” that ‘‘they eate piggs and doggs that dye alone;” that reports of 4 'ye goodness of ye countrie are gross and palpable lyes;” that there is “scarcely a fowle to be seen or a fish to be taken;” that there are religious differences; that family duties were neglected on the Lord’s Day; that there was no administration of the sacrament; that the children were not taught to read; that many of the ‘Particulars’ refused to work for the ‘Generali,’ i. e., the Plymouth Company, that the ground is barren, and that many are thieves and steal. Governor Bradford answered, denying many of the charges, acknowledging that some were true, and making explanations as to others. There is abundant proof, however, that all of these charges were true, except the one that “they eate piggs and doggs that dye alone.” Bradford, however, admits that during the famine they lived on shellfish dug out of the sand ,and at times they did not know where they were to get a “bitt of anything ye next day.” To the charge that there were religious differences in the Colony, Bradford answered, “We know COMPLAINTS AGAINST COLONY 105 no such matter, for here was never no controversie or opposition, either publick or private, to our knowledge, since we came.” It is difficult to reconcile Bradford’s answer to this last charge with the truth. The religious differences and controversies in the Colony between the Separatists, with Bradford as their leader, and those of the Established Church, were a constant source of trouble, and gave rise to a very serious difficulty. The Adventurers sent over Mr. John Lyford, a clergy¬ man of the Established Church, with Separatist tendencies, as a minister for the Colony. He was not a Brownist when he came, but finding only the Independent or Separa¬ tist Church, he was admitted to it, and sometimes preached there, though not elected as their pastor. John Oldham was a leader of the “Particulars,” who had come at their own expense. Though settled in Plymouth Colony, yet they were allowed no voice in the civil affairs of the Colo¬ ny, nor were they allowed to have or attend services of the Established Church, though they were of that Church, and were not Separatists. Bradford and those in authority required them to attend the Separatists’ meetings, or suffer punishment for refusal or failure to do so. Lyford, being an Episcopal Clergyman, soon joined the Oldham faction, and began holding services of the Estab¬ lished Church “on the Lord’s Day.” Bradford, in a spirit of intolerant bigotry, says, that Lyford and “his accom¬ plices without ever speaking a word either to ye Governor or Elder, withdrew themselves and set up publick meeting aparte on ye Lord’s Day.” Oldham and the “Particulars” were English subjects, living on English soil and under 106 THE PILGRIMS the English flag; they were loyal to Church and State; it was not only their right, but their duty, under the English laws to hold meetings, and use the form of service of the Established Church. Oldham and Lyford now wrote to the Company in England, and told them of the civil and religious conditions in the Colony. They were, Bradford says, “full of slanderous and false accusations.” Oldham and Lyford gave these letters to the Master of a ship, then preparing to sail for England, to be delivered to the Company; there was found “among ye rest a letter of their con¬ federates,” saying that “Mr. Oldham and Mr. Lyford intended a reformation in Church and Commonwealth; that they intended to joyne together, and have the sacraments etc.” This may have been treason to the Brownist government, but it was loyalty to the King, to their religion, and to the laws of their Country. Bradford says, “it was now thought high time, to pre¬ vent further mischief, to call them to account.” He called a court, composed of himself and his five Separatist assistants; Oldham and Lyford were charged with plotting against the Colony, which they denied; the Governor then produced the intercepted letters of Oldham and Lyford. The following charges, against the Pilgrim Fathers, were made in Lyford’s letters. 1. That the Church would have none to come but themselves. 2. That if any honest men come over that are “not of ye Separation, they will quickly distaste them.” ********** COMPLAINTS AGAINST COLONY 107 4. That they sought to ruin the “Particulars” in this, that “they would not suffer any of ye general either to buy or sell with them, or to exchange one commoditie for another.” 5. That “they turned men into their ‘particular' and then sought to starve them.” These letters, also, gave some “counsell and directions” as follows,— “1. That the Leyden Company—Mr. Robinson and ye rest, must still be kept back; that the Particulars should have voices in all courts and elections, and be free to bear any office.” ********** 4. That if they, the “Particulars, cannot be so strengthened as to carry and overbear things, it will be best to establish a plantation elsewhere by them¬ selves.” Governor Bradford denied all of these charges; they were, however, substantially true. It was true that the “Particulars” had neither religious nor civil liberty; the Independent Church of the Separatists was the only one allowed in the Colony, and only such were admitted to membership as the “cheefe” men desired. Although the Separatists were only a very small minority, yet the majority, who were of the Established Church, were excluded from all religious privileges, except those of the Independent Church; they were not allowed to have a church of their own faith in the Colony. It was true that Bradford and his associates assumed all civil authority, allowing only freemen of the Colony to vote, and 108 THE PILGRIMS admitting only such to the privileges of freemen as they wished; those of the Established Church were barred Lyford was, also, charged with dissembling, in that, he had been admitted to their Church, and had “professed to concur with them in all things;’’ that he “drew a company aparte, and administered the Sacraments,” as minister of the Episcopal Church. This was true, but it was a sacred duty which he performed. Bradford says, that Lyford “confessed he feared he was a reprobate,” and that he had wronged them. Oldham and Lyford were both convicted by their Judges, and Oldham was expelled from the Colony. Ly¬ ford was sentenced to expulsion, but was allowed to re¬ main on confession of his sins. Lyford, “after a month or two,” notwithstanding his confession, conviction and public acknowledgment, wrote a second letter to “ye Adventurers” in England. In this letter, he said that the charges made in his previous letter of conditions in the Colony were true; that those outside the Independent Church, though the Separatists were “ye smallest number in ye Colony,” were without Church or ministrie “nor had they any ministrie since they came;” that some ** “have, with tears, complained of this to me, and I was taxed for preaching to all in generall.” Bradford does not deny these charges of Lyford, but justifies their conduct, saying that they had “God’s word for their warrant; that ordinairie officers are bound cheefly to their flocks,” quoting Acts 20; 28. “Takeheed therefore unto yourselves and to all the flock over which the holy Ghost have made you overseers.” This COMPLAINTS AGAINST COLONY 109 Plymouth flock, of which Bradford and Brewster were “overseers,” were Brownists. Lyford was a man of bad character and low morals, as subsequent events proved. He was not, however, expelled from the Colony, because of his bad character, or immoralities, but on account of his exposition of con¬ ditions in the Colony. Chapter XVIII THE ADVENTURERS BREAK WITH THE COLONISTS T HE COLONY had proven to be a losing venture to the Merchant Adventurers. The Colonists had not succeeded as farmers, because the country was not suitable for agriculture; they had not built up a fur trade with the Indians, nor had they been successful in their fishing ventures; they had become indebted to the Adventurers in a sum not less than fourteen hundred pounds for supplies; this was in addition to the amount, which the Adventurers had advanced them to finance the Colony in the beginning, which was about seven thousand pounds. When the report of the conditions in the Colony, from Oldham and Lyford, were received by the Company in England, “the greatest part” of the Adventurers refused to furnish “any further supplies” to the Colony. The Company wrote the Colonists the following, as some of the reasons “of their breaking off from ye plantation,” namely, that they had “dissembled with his Majesty in their petition, and with ye Adventurers about ye French discipline;” (The French discipline did not conflict with that of the Established Church) further, that, though they denied the name of Brownists, they practiced the same. in 112 THE PILGRIMS The Adventurers further say, that if we continue in trade with you, we desire:— “First. That as we are partners in trade, so we may be in government there as our patent doth give us power. ‘2nd. That the French discipline may be prac¬ tised in the plantation in substance, whereby ye scandalous name of ye Brownists, and other Church differences may be taken away. ‘3rd. Lastly, that Mr. Robinson and his Company may not go over to our plantation, unless he and they will reconcile themselves to our Church by a recantation.” The answer of Bradford and his associates to these demands was evasive; its tenor, however, was to the effect that they did not intend to abandon their Independent Church. The Adventurers were clearly right in their demands; they had financed the Colonists with the under¬ standing that the plantation was to be located in Virginia, under a patent in which they recognized the Established Church and the Supremacy of the King as spiritual and temporal Ruler of the Nation. Bradford and his associates did not go to Virginia, but went to New England, without the knowlege of the Adventurers, and without authority located their Colony on land to which they had no right or patent. When the Adventurers learned of this, in order to protect their interests, they obtained a patent to the land on which the Colony was located, and the Colonists accepted and claimed the land under this patent. In accepting and claiming under this patent they become subject to all the laws of England, both civil and ecclesiastical. ADVENTURERS BREAK WITH COLONY 113 Bradford ignored the claim made by the Adventurers that as they were partners they were entitled to a voice in the civil government. Under their contract and patent the Adventurers had a right to a voice in the civil govern¬ ment. At this time, there were not more than twenty persons in the Colony from the Leyden congregation, and a very few Separatists from England; the remainder of those in the Colony were either sent over by the Ad¬ venturers, or had come to Plymouth from settlements made in other parts of Massachusetts, and were loyal to the Established Church; they were not Brownists, con¬ sequently, were not allowed the service of their Church, nor any voice in the civil government of the Colony. Under the laws of England, they were prohibited from attending a non-conformist meeting, yet if they did not “attend ye hearing of ye word” in the Independent Church, “they were punished for ye same.” When the Adventurers learned that Bradford and his associates had established a Brownist Church, and ex¬ cluded the Established Church from the Colony, they objected because it was in conflict with the laws of Eng¬ land. They, therefore, insisted on the exclusion of “Robin¬ son and his Company” from the Colony, as one of the conditions on which they would continue to support the Colony, “unless he and they would reconcile themselves to our Church by a recantation;” they were entirely justified in the stand taken by them in this matter. Bradford, Brewster and these Plymouth Brownists were, as ever, intolerant and defiant of the laws, even though living and claiming protection under them. 114 THE PILGRIMS The Adventurers were very much dissatisfied with their venture. They had furnished the Colonists about seven thousand pounds, their original investment, and since that time they had advanced fourteen hundred pounds for buying supplies, and supporting the Colonists in New England; no part of these sums had been paid; the Colonists, however, had their living and support from the common store during all these years. All parties, both the Colonists and the Adventurers, were desirous of ending the contract, which by its terms would expire in 1627. In 1625, the Colonists sent Captain Miles Standish to England to raise money for the Colony, and to sound the Company in the matter of making a settlement with them, and terminating the contract. Some progress was made by him toward a “composition" with the Merchant Adventurers. The next year, 1626, they sent Mr. Allerton to England for the purpose of arranging a settlement with the Company. He returned in the spring of 1627 bringing with him a draft of an agreement for a settlement, in substance as follows,— The Adventurers agreed to sell to Isaac Allerton, the agent for the planters, their interest in all “stock, shares, lands, merchandise and chattels of the Company, for the sum of eighteen hundred pounds payable in installments of two hundred pounds each year, the first payment to be made in 1628; the Colonists agreed to sign an obligation for the payment of this money. This agreement was “very well liked," and approved by all the plantation, and seven or eight of the “cheefe" men of the Colony signed this obligation and became bound “in ye behalfe ADVENTURERS BREAK WITH COLONY 115 of ye rest” to the Adventurers for the payment of eighteen hundred pounds. This ended the community contract that had proven so disastrous to the merchants. Of more than eight thous¬ and pounds, which they had advanced to the Colonists, they had received nothing in return, and now accepted eighteen hundred pounds in full settlement of all claims and demands against the Colonists, and for their interest in all community property. All of the benefits had accrued to the Colonists, and none to the Merchant Adventurers; they had suffered a heavy loss instead of a profit. The Colonists had received their transportation and many supplies, their living and support for seven years, and now became possessed of all the property, both land and personal, of the Company, and had become established as the first permanent Colony in New England. i Chapter XIX COMMUNISM I N the colonization of New England and Virginia, the contracts made between the Adventurers, that is the men, who furnished the money, and the emigrants, were communistic. The Merchant Adventurers were to furnish the money in both cases, and they were to continue together as a joint stock company for a period of seven years; that during that time the emigrants on their part, should work for the common good, and that the result of their labor should be placed in the community store house; that their support and supplies should be apportioned out of the common stock, and at the end of seven years all profits from whatever source should then be divided between the Adventurers and the emigrants on the basis agreed upon. This communistic plan was a failure in both the Vir¬ ginia and the New England Colonies; it destroyed individ¬ uality; it robbed the emigrant of the incentive to labor and produce; he could not enjoy the result of his thrift and industry, but he must share it with the incompetent improvident, shiftless and lazy. It proved to be profit¬ able neither to the Adventurers nor to the emigrants. 118 THE PILGRIMS “What is a Communist? One that hath yearnings For equal division of unequal earnings, Idler or bungler or both, he is willing To fork out his penny and pocket your shillings.” It is to little purpose, and under a misconception of the facts, that writers, three centuries after, rail at the Merchant Adventurers for driving, what they term, a hard bargain with the Emigrants. This community plan was not new to the Leyden congregation. Various religious Sects had adopted, and were living under the community plan,—that is, the individual members were living and working on the basis of putting their earnings and property in one common stock. The Separatists had, to some extent, been living under it in Holland. In making this contract they thought that, if it had proven a blessing to them in their exile in Holland, why not in America? They were willing to accept the contract based on the community plan. As we look back through the centuries, we see one reason, at least, fatal to its success,—the Plymouth Colonists were not homogenious. The Colony was com¬ posed of all types of men,—the industrious, the lazy, the thrifty, the shiftless, the ungodly and undesirable, the godly, the conformists of the Established Church and the Brownists. Even if it had not been based on principles that are fundamentally wrong, yet under these conditions, the community plan was impossible of success. In 1623, the Governor and “cheefe” advisers awoke to COMMUNISM 119 the fact that communism was a failure. In order to encourage the raising of more corn a “parcell of land” was allotted, for the time being, to each family. The com raised, became the individual property of the family; the plan proved to be a success. Bradford says, that their experience shows the “vanitie of that conceit of Plato,” the ancient Communist,— “that ye taking away of propertie and bringing in com- munitie into a commone wealth, would make them happy and flourishing; as if they were wiser than God.” He says, that the young and able would not work for other men’s wives and children “without any recompense;” that “victailsand clothes” were divided equally between the young and old, the strong and weak. “This was thought injustice.” The “Community plan was found to breed much con¬ fusion and discontent” among the Colonists. Com¬ munism was a failure. In 1624, the Colonists appealed to the Governor to have a piece of land allotted to them individually, that each one might cultivate, improve, keep and enjoy; this request was granted, and each person was allotted one acre of land “to them and theirs.” This was the beginning of the end of Communism in Plymouth Colony, though some years were required before it was, finally, abandoned. V . , >«* V* ,v F68.P88 The Pilgrims and their religious, Princeton Theological Seminary-Speer Library 1 1012 00024 3917