/^.cl ^ ,0Jf ^ !^^ PRINCETON, N. J. % % Purchased by the Mrs. Robert Lenox Kennedy Church History Fund. BX 9081 .S651l903 Smellie, Alexander, 1857- 1923. Men of the Covenant .IiillN .MAITLAXD, DUKK OF LAUDEIlDALE. After a Diatring in the British ihiseum, hy Sir Peter Lei;/. TItrnuijh the co)trlesy nf Sir Edward M:d<: Tlwmiifon and Dr. Osiimnd Airy. Fro)itt.ipiece. (iA4en of the Covenant The Story of the Scottish Church in the Years of the Persecution Alexander Smelhe, M.A, Author of ^^In the Hour of Silence'''' WITH THIRTY-SEVEN ILLUSTRATIONS SECOND EDITION NEW YORK CHICAGO TORONTO Fleming H. Revell Company LONDON AND EDINBURGH /9O3 The Illustrations are, ivith the exception of the Frontispiece, from Draivings done by Thomas Smellie, F. S.A.Scot. IN DEAR MEMORY OF F. E. S. A CHILD WHOM GOD LEADS IN GREEN PASTURES AND BESIDE THE STILL WATERS PREFATORY NOTE TN the march of years, the heroisms of the past, its agonies and triumphs, fade very quickly into a mist of indistin/it- ness. New events, new debates, and new achievements come crowd- ing in ; until their predecessors are well-nigh forgotten. That is why this hook has been written. It seeks to recall a notable period, and to summon from the shadoias which begin to gather about them some stalwart and noble figures in whose fellowship it is good to linger. I have addressed myself to ordiitiary readers, who have not the opportiinity or the leisure to consult for themselves the pages of James Kirkton and Robert Wodrow, of Patrick Walker and Alexander Shields, of Dr. Osmund Airy and Dr. Hay Fleming. Where the portrait at full length is unattainaUe, the miniature or the pencilled sketch may have its place and use. Surely we, in our time, ought to know, and, knowing, to praise famous men, and women not a whit less famous — those men and luomen who, in Mr. Kipling's phrase, put aside To-day All the joys of their To-day, And ivith toil of their To-day BovAjht for Ks To-morrow. The twenty-eight years of the Persecution, whilst they have an absorbing and manifold interest, are set with snares and. pitfalls ; and the pilgrim through them, when he seeks to sliun viii PREFATORY NOTE the ditch on the one hand, is ready to tip over into the mire on the other. I do not douht that errors have crept into my recital ; and, indeed, I make no shadow of claim to the fulness and, certitude of the expert. But I think I can say that I have done what I could to acquaint myself with the theme which I have striven to expound. Some may complain that the atmosphere of these chapters is too Whirjgish, and that they scarcely so mtich as try to under- stand and appreciate the Cavalier. I can hut plead that to me it seems evident that the Covenanter, in the main, ivas incontcst- dbly right ; although I hope that I have never been conspicuo2isly unfair to his opponent. And, when Mr. Lang and Mr. William Law Mathieson — in whose footstejps Mr. J. H. Millar has but yesterday been follovjing — have recently done so much to glorify those who upheld the Royal prerogative and the Episcopal rule, perhaps one, who only wishes that he knew how to speak their great language, and who holds them in admiration for their shin- ing gifts, may present his humbler brief on behalf of the dogged fighters for freedom in Church and State. This was done for a former generation by vjriters like James Dodds and George Gilfillan. But their books arc not easily to be procured to-day ; and, since they were 2>^nned, facts have been brought to light which help in the elucidation of the drama. I am indebted, to a multitude of benefactors; but, pre- eminently, to the artist who has illuminated the story with a whole gallery of admirable pictures. He bears my own prosaic Lowland stirname ; but, except through the medium of his pleasant and kindly letters, I have not spoken with him at all. Having seen some announcement of this book, he wrote to me, offering to ilhistrate its pages as a labour of love. Everyone who looks at them will, I am certain, share my ov:n heartfelt gratitude to a colleague so generous and so skilful. A. S CONTENTS CHAP. Prologue : — The Chuiichyakd of the Gkeyfriaes — In Glasgow Cathedral — St. Margaret's at Westminster— The Finest Gallant in the Realm — Faith Unfaithful — Resolutioner AND Remonstrant — The Late Usurper I. How the King came Home . II. The Drunken Parliament . III. A Deathbed in St. Andrews IV. Marquis and Martyr V. The Short Man who could not Bow VI. Sharp of that Ilk .... VII. Their Graces Enter and His Grace Departs VIII. John Livingston Tells his own Story . IX. A Nonsuch for a Clerk X. Sabbath MoPvNing in Fenwick XL How Colonel Wallace fought at Pentland XII. Ephraim Macbriar or Sir Galahad ? XIII. Blot out his Name then XIV. The Blink ..... XV. A Field Preacher .... XVI. He Seemed in a Perpetual Meditation . XVII. Spokesmen of Christ XVIII. Are Windle-Straws Better than Men ? . XIX. A JIay Day on Magus Moor XX. Clavers in a' his Pride XXI. Those that were Stout of Heart are Spoiled XXII. Gloom after Gleam .... XXIII. A Temporary. .... XXIV. The Lion of the Covenant 1 31 40 49 59 70 81 91 97 107 118 128 140 151 160 170 183 192 209 219 229 238 244 253 263 CONTENTS CHAP. XXV. Breaker and Builder of the Eternal Law XXVI. Two Octobers .... XXVII. For a Gentleman there ls Mr. Baillie XXVIII. Le Roi est Mort .... XXIX. The Killing Time .... XXX. How John Brown Won his Diadem XXXI. At the Water of Bladnoch XXXII. The Adventures of George Brysson, Merchant XXXIII. Those Women which Laboured in the Gospel XXXIV. PuiR AuLD Sandy . XXXV. DUNNOTTAR AND THE BaSS . XXXVI. He was of Old Knox's Principles XXXVII. Lo, the Winter is Past ! . Epilogue : The General Assembly Meets Again PAOS 277 286 292 306 314 328 336 349 359 374 387 395 407 419 ILLUSTRATIONS John Maitland, Duke of Lauderdale . (After a Draifing in the British Museinn, by Sir Peter Lei,'/- Through the courtesy of Sir Edward Maimde Thmnpson and Dr. Osmund Airy) Frontispiece 1. Alexander Henderson .... {From, the Portrait belonging to the Hendersons of Fardel) 2. James Graham, Marquis of Montrose . {From the Portrait by Uonthorst, 1649) 3. Oliver Cromwell ...... {From the Painting by Samuel Cooper, in Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge) 4. Charles II. . {After the Portrait by Sir Peter Lely) 5. Samuel Rutherfurd ..... {From, a Photograph which reproduces a Painting now in New York. Through the kindness of the Rev. John Sturrock of Edinburgh) 6. Archibald Campbell, First Marquis of Argyll 7. James Guthrie's Chair ..... 8. James Guthrie, Minister of Stirling . 9. James Sharp, Archbishop of St. Andrews {After a Painting by Sir Peter Lely) 10. John Livingston of Ancrum .... {From the Portrait in Gosford House, the property of the Earl of Wemyss) 11. Mrs. John Livingston of Ancrum {From the Portrait in Gosford House) 12. Sir Archibald Johnston, Lord "VVariston {After a Portrait by George Jamesone, in the possession of Sir James Gibson Craig, Bart.) 13. Fenwick Church, where "William Guthrie Preached To face page 8 16 32 40 56 64 72 80 88 96 104 112 120 ILLUSTRATIONS no. 14. William Guthrie of Fenwick To face page 128 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. {A Portrait prefixed to soine editions of "The Christian's Great Interest ") Sir James Turner ..... (From the Engraving by Robert White. Through the kindness of Messrs. T. C. and E. C. Jack of Edinburgh) The Crown of St. Giles .... Charles I. ...... (From the Painting by Van Dyck) John Maitland, Earl of Lauderdale . (After a Painting by Sir Peter Lely) Robert Leighton ..... (The traditional likeness, the accuracy of which is not indisputable) Alexander Henderson's Church at Leuchars The Old Manse at Stirling — James Guthrie's House John Graham of Claverhouse, in his Youth . (From the Leven Portrait) The Tolbooth of Glasgow The Duke of York .... (After a Portrait by Sir Godfrey Knellcr) Richard Cameron's Monument at Ayrsmoss The Netherbow Port .... (From the east, as it appeared in the seventeenth century) Robert Baillie of Jera^iswood (In his youth. After a Miniature of 1660) General Thomas Dalzell .... (After a Contemporary Print. Through the kindness of Messrs. T. C. and E. C. Jack of Edinburgh) Captain Paton's Sword, and John Brown's Sir Robert Grierson's Coat of Arms and Autograph Lady Balcarres ...... (Prom the Portrait in Brahan Castle, reproduced in the Earl of Crawford's "Memoirs" of Lady Anna Mackenzie) The Bass Rock as it was in its Fortified State, 1690 Ax Execution in the Grassmarket (From an Old Print) The Lord Advocate Mackenzie . . . . (After the Portrait by Kneller) The Cross of Edinburgh ..... William Carmtares ...... 136 144 152 168 184 200 208 232 248 264 272 288 304 320 328 344 368 392 400 408 416 424 MEN OF THE COVENANT PROLOGUE. THE Covenanters were the men and women who uttered the strongest convictions of their souls in two great documents of the seventeenth century, a heroic period in the history of Britain. One of these documents is the National Covenant of Scotland, as it was recast and sworn in 1638. The other is the Solemn League and Covenant, similar in aspiration, but wider in geographical scope, being designed to embrace England and Ireland as well as the smaller country north of the Cheviots and the Solway. In this book there is no intention of depicting the events and persons of the genera- tion in which these famous confessions sprang into existence. It begins with the Annus Mirabilis of the Kestoration, when the National Covenant was two-and-twenty springtimes old, and when some who were prominent in commending it to their fellows had passed from the scene of their earthly battle. Its concern is with the characters and the doings and the sorrows of their immediate successors, who coincided with them in intellectual belief and in spiritual enthusiasm. It will attempt, once more, to describe the features of an age when, in Scotland, the conflict was even more keenly waged, and the tragedy had become darker and more lurid. But, if we are to understand the later epoch, it will be necessary at the outset to recall a few of the incidents in the earlier. It is inevitable that we should make our initial pilgrimage to the churchyard of the Greyfriars, in Edinburgh. 2 MEN OF THE COVENANT Charles the First was in somei respects the best of the Stuarts. He was free from the childishness of his father — that pompous and solemn father, who was "deeply learned, without possessing useful knowledge ; a lover of negotiations, in which he was always outwitted ; fond of his dignity, while he was perpetually degrading it by undue familiarity ; laborious in trifles, and a trifler where serious labour was required ; the wisest fool in Christendom." He had none of the ribald license of the son who followed him on the throne, nor of the saturnine malignity of the other son who had scarcely grasped the reins of power when he was compelled to lay them down. But less than either James the Sixth or Charles the Second he understood how to govern his people. To the last degree he was opinionative and despotic. He would not bate a jot of his divine right. Never for a moment was he disposed to listen to the voices of sound reason and popular liberty. In , Scotland especially, he rode roughshod over the convictions of his subjects, even although, with a persistent and pathetic loyalty, they were ready to shed every drop of their blood in his defence. Matters reached a crisis on that historic Sabbath, the 23rd of July in 1637, when the new liturgy, which the King and Archbishop Laud had gifted to a nation thirled to Calvinistic Presbyterianism, was to be read in the church of St. Giles. Dean Hanna was not permitted to use the " Popish- English-Scottish-Mass-Service Book " ; he, and Bishop Lindsay, and the authorities in London and Canterbury, had not calculated on Jenny Geddes and her compeers. At last the Scots were in a white heat of indignation, " Are we so modest spirits," writes Kobert Baillie — and he was himself among the more pliable of the ministers of the Kirk — " and are we so towardly handled, that there is appear- ance we shall embrace in a clap such a mass of novelties ? " The one plea which may be urged for the sovereign and " little Laud" is that they had a totally inadequate conception of the intensity of religious feeling in Scotland ; they lived in a fool's paradise, like the French officer in Alphonse Daudet's story, who, up to the very day when the Germans entered Paris, dreamed that it was Prussia which was going down in PROLOGUE 3 the cataclysm of 1870. Lord Clarendon tells us how profoundly indifferent the English people and their leaders were in those years to everything which happened on the farther side of the Tweed. "When the whole nation was solicitous to know what passed weekly in Germany and Poland and all other parts of Europe, np man ever inquired what was doing in Scotland, nor had that kingdom a place or mention of one page of any gazette." It was a silly and culpable ignorance, and the awakening was to be swift and stern. For it was out of the peril in which the Scottish nation found itself that there came the renewal of the National Covenant. Two men, whose names are written bright across the annals of the time, planned this renewal: Archibald Johnston of Wariston, the young advocate of the Edinburgh courts, and Alexander Henderson, foremost and most states- manlike of the Presbyterian clergymen of the day. Between them they framed the momentous charter. It consisted of three portions. The first was a reproduction of an older Covenant, the King's Confession of 1581 ; the second enu- merated the various Acts of the Scottish Parliament, which condemned Popery and confirmed the privileges of the Eeformed Church ; the third was a grave and emphatic protest against those alien modes of worship which had provoked the present troubles. Wariston was author of the second portion, Henderson of the third. We may hearken to the accents of this Magna Charta of offended Presbytery. " Because," its writers say, " we plainly perceive, and undoubtedly believe, that the innovations and evils contained in our supplications, complaints, and protesta- tions, have no warrant of the Word of God, are contrary to the articles of our Confession, to the intention and meaning of the blessed Reformers of religion in this land, to the above-written Acts of Parliament ; and do sensibly tend to the re-establishing of the Popish religion and tyranny, and to the subversion and ruin of the true Reformed religion, and of our liberties, laws, and estates : therefore, from the knowledge and conscience of our duty to God, to our King and country, without any 4 MEN OF THE COVENANT worldly respect or inducement, so far as liuman infirmity will suffer, wishing a further measure of the grace of God for this effect, we promise and swear, by the great name of the Lord our God, to continue in the profession and obedience of the foresaid religion ; and that we shall defend the same, and resist all these contrary errors and corruptions, according to our vocation, and to the uttermost of that power that God hath put in our hands, all the days of our life." Here is a trumpet which gives no uncertain sound. I>ut the Covenanters were careful, also, that there should not be the slightest diminution in the reverence they yielded to the monarch. " On the contrary," they avow, " we promise and swear that we shall, to the uttermost of our power, with our means and lives, stand to the defence of our dread sovereign." Surely it was a criminal shortsightedness which drove into opposition citizens so leal. In the churchyard of the Greyfriars, where once the monastery of tlie Franciscans had stood, a new resting-ground of the dead in Henderson's time and Wariston's, although already it held the grave of George Buchanan, the Covenant was signed. It is to-day a romantic spot in the most romantic town in the world ; two centuries and a half ago it must have been even more picturesque, for from its slope the view was unbroken over the wide space of the Grassmarket to the crags of the Castle. But the crowds who gathered to it, on this 28th of February 1638, had neither the leisure nor the inclination to admire their natural surroundings. They came from every Lowland county of Scotland, and there were not wanting representatives from the remoter shires beyond the Tay. It is said that there were sixty thousand persons in all; un- consciously the number was, perhaps, somewhat exaggerated. The great nobles, the lesser barons, the ministers, the burgesses, the common people — from early morning they had been hurrying to the chosen meeting-place. At two o'clock in the afternoon, inside the church, the solemnity commenced. The Earl of Loudoun, famed for his eloquence, addressed the densely packed congregation. After him, Alexander Henderson offered up fervent prayer. Then Archibald Johnston lifted the PROLOGUE 5 " fair parchment above an elne in sqiiair," which sometimes has been designated " the Constellation upon the back of Aries," for it was on a splendid ramskin that the Covenant had been inscribed. He read its contents clearly and firmly, so that all could hear. When this was done, the Earl of Eothes called for objectors ; but who in the ardent multitude had come to object ? Then, in every corner of the church, right hands were uplifted, and the oath to keep the bond was sworn, and many cheeks were wet with weeping. The process of subscrib- ing followed ; inside the walls it went forward hour after hour. Some wrote after their autograph, " Until death." Some " did draw their own blood and used it in place of ink." When, at length, the ramskin was carried out to the churchyard, evening had set in after the short spring day. But the people, wait- ing there excited and expectant, could not be satisfied until many of them too had appended their names. There are flat tombstones close beside the building, on one or other of which the parchment must have been spread. It was " neir eight " ere the work was over and the crowds dispersed. And this was simply the first step. When the transaction in Greyfriars was ended, the Covenant had still thousands of adherents to win ; in a few weeks it became very apparent that it was indubitably the symbol of the nation's will. Noblemen and gentlemen conveyed copies of the pregnant deed from district to district, from town to town, from village to village. The ministers explained and commended its sentences from well-nigh all the pulpits of the land. Virtually the whole of Scotland signed it, the two notable exceptions being the Episcopal capital of St. Andrews and the city of Aberdeen — Aberdeen, whicli the young Marquis of Montrose, soon to be protagonist for the King, vainly attempted to coerce into acquiescence. Those on the other side stood aghast at the triumphant march of the movement ; now and then they tried to disparage it, as if it had no real spontaneity, but was fed and fostered by domineering leaders. " If you knew," one of these opponents wrote, in April, to a friend at Court, " what odd, uncouth, insolent, and ridiculous courses they use to draw in silly, ignorant fools, fearful fasards, women and boys, 6 MEN OF THE COVENANT I can hardly say whether it would afford His Majesty more occasion of laughter or anger." But the uprising was no product of compulsion and imperious management. It was the unforced and -resolute answer of the Scottish race to Canterbury and Whitehall. The answer was one in which patriotism and rehgion were blended. It was the protest of an indomitable people against the curtailment of political right and freedom, too dear to lose. It was the declaration, also, on the part of a Church, which loved intelligently its own simplicities of creed and worship, that it could not tolerate the imposition of forms which it hated, and from which, not so long before, it had by a mighty effort emancipated itself. Scotland was heartily willing to acknowledge Charles, to fight his battles, and to give him her unstinted allegiance ; but he must not filch from her either her civic liberty or her spiritual birthright. If he touched these treasures, he would find her humour " thwarteous " indeed, and he was certain to confront a will yet more decided than his own. The outlook for the King's party did not brighten as the months wore on. When we halt next, in the Cathedral of Glasgow, to watch the doings of the Assembly which held its meetings within the stately shrine, we discover that the cause of Presbytery has advanced by leaps and bounds. For a full month, from the 21st of November to the 20th of December, in the same year which witnessed the signing of tlie Covenant, the Glasgow Assembly was in session. Charles had most reluctantly granted the ministers his permission to come together ; so long as he was able he fought against the request of the nation. Through the whole of summer and autumn one obstructive device after another was grasped at by the Court ; up to London and back to Edinburgh the Marquis of Hamilton, who was the King's delegate, had journeyed again and again. But nothing except the Assembly would please the people ; and in the end the sovereign gave way. In August, letters of direction were sent by the leaders in Edinburgli to the fifty-three Presbyteries of the country, and PROLOGUE 7 even to all the Kirk-Sessions, containiug explicit instructions as to the representatives who ought to be elected ; as far as might be, the tares must be excluded from the wheatfield of Christ. At length everything was ready. There were one hundred and forty-four ministers and ninety-six lay members, some of these last the highest noblemen in the land — Kothes, and Lothian, and Cassillis, and Eglintoun, and Montrose, and Wemyss, and Home, And besides those who were thus commissioned to speak and act, we must think of the vast concourse of interested spectators; during the four weeks when the Assembly was busy at its epoch-making tasks, Glasgow had a great addition to its resident population of twelve thousand souls. No one gives us a more lifelike account of the occurrences of these weeks than Eobert Baillie, the vivacious letter-writer of the Covenant ; and the trouble occasioned by the thronging crowds is among the themes on which he descants. " The Magistrates, with their toun guard, the noblemen, with the assistance of the gentrie, whyles the Commissioner in person, could not get us entrie to our roomes, use what force, what policie they could, without such delay of tyme and thrumbling through as did grieve and offend us." Nor were the manners of the onlookers all that could be wished. "It is here alone," the minister of Kilwinning is constrained to confess, " where, I think, we might learn from Canterburie, yea, from the Pope, from the Turkes or pagans ; at least their deep reverence in the house they call God's ceases not till it have led them to the adoration of the timber and stones of the place. We are so farr the other way that our rascals, without shame, in great numbers, make such dinn and clamour in the house of the true God, that, if they minted to use the like behaviour in my chamber, I could not be content till they were down the stairs." Now and then, it was a sadly turbulent auditory which the High Church housed that memorable winter. Two figures are prominent in the story of the meeting. One is the Moderator, Alexander Henderson, of Leuchars. \/ Until he was upwards of fifty years of age, he was the studious and hard-working minister of his quiet country parish. It 8 MEN OP' THE COVENANT was the urgency of the national crisis which drew him from obscurity. But, when he stepped into the arena of public affairs, his commanding powers and unfailing sagacity made him the captain of the Church. He was little of stature, with a pensive face; one would scarcely guess from the exterior of the man what wisdom and what courage resided within. " Every knight," said Tristram of Arthur, " may learn to be a knight of him ; " and Dickson, and Kutherfurd, and Cant, and Bollock had the same tribute to pay to Henderson. He was, BailUe wrote, " incomparably the ablest man of us all for all things." " In every strait and conflict " — it is Professor Masson's testimony — "he had to be appealed to, and came in at the last as the man of supereminent composure, com- prehensiveness, and breadth of brow." We do not wonder that, instinctively and unanimously, he was summoned to the presidency of the Glasgow Assembly. The other figure is different. It is that of the Eoyal Commissioner, the Marquis of Hamilton. His portrait has been drawn for us by the friendly hand of Bishop Burnet ; and, even when we have allowed for the partialities of an apologist, it remains a courtly and gracious portrait. "An unclouded serenity dwelt always on his looks, and dis- covered him ever well-pleased ; " " one advantage he had beyond all he engaged with in debating, that he was never fretted nor exasperated, and spake at the same rate with- out clamouring or eagerness ; " his tones, like those of Christina Eossetti's Princess, were modulated just so much As it was meet : and these were valuable assets in the envoy who was sent to propitiate the militant theologians of his native country. A clinging pathos, too, haunts the person of the ill-fated soldier, who, rather more than ten years after his experiences in Glasgow, laid down his head on the block for his kingly master. On the scaffold he bore himself as bravely as Charles had done : " when he was desired to change the Posture he stood in, since the Sun shined full in his Face, he answered ALEXANDER HENDERSON. From the Portrait belongiivj to the Hendersons of Fordel. PROLOGUE 9 pleasantly, ' No, it would not burn it, and he hoped to see a brighter Sun than that very speedily.'" But, with all his winning qualities, there was nothing impressive about the Marquis. His abilities were superficial. He had neither much depth of character nor much strength of will; his mother, one of the most zealous ladies of • the Covenant, was endowed with immeasurably more spirit than her son. It might have been predicted beforehand that, in conflict with Alexander Henderson, the Commissioner was destined to defeat. The defeat came a week after the Assembly met. On the morning of the 28th of ISTovember, the King's spokesman, who had been challenghig the conduct of the members ever since they convened, addressed them for the last time. He objected to the presence of the lay elders, the influence of many of whom Charles greatly dreaded: were they all, he asked sarcastically, "fit to judge of the high and deep Mysteries of Predestination, of the Universality of Eedemption, of the Sufficiency of Grace given or not given to all men, of the Eesistibility of Grace, of total and final Perseverance or Apostasie of the Saints, of the Antelapsarian or Postlapsarian Opinion, of Election and Eeprobation ? " Still more decisively, he denied the right which the Assembly claimed, and which it was resolved to exercise, of passing sentence on the Bishops : the citations, commanding the prelates to appear at its bar, had been read in the pulpits of the country, " which is not usual in this Church"; and, moreover, men pledged to the assertions of the Covenant never could deal fairly with the representatives of Episcopacy — "who ever heard of such Judges as have sworn themselves Parties?" If the dogged Presbyterians in front of him intended to persevere in their determination, the Commissioner declared with tears, tears which " drew water from many eyes," that he must leave the Assembly, and must pronounce it dissolved and its enactments invalid and worthless. Yes, the Moderator replied, unruffled and tranquil, they had no choice but to remain until their duty was done. So the Marquis passed out of the Cathedral, and next day issued his proclamation, ordering every person lo MEN OF THE COVENANT who was not resident in Glasgow to depart from the city within twenty-four hours. But, unperturbed by the proclamation, the members of Assembly sat on, -and pursued their work to its completion. The victory in the duel rested with Henderson — Henderson, " who went all this while for a quiet and calm-spuited man," Laud wrote in a letter of condolence to Hamilton, " but who hath shewed himself a most violent and passionate man, and a Moderator without Moderation." The walls of Jericho, as this intrepid Joshua of the Scottish Church phrased it, were pulled down with a thoroughness which satisfied the Israel of the Covenant. The Acts of previous Assemblies, ratifying Epis- copacy, were annulled. The Service Book, and the Canons, and the Court of High Commission, and the Articles of Perth, were swept away. Eight of the Bishops were excommunicated, and the other six were deposed or suspended. The National Covenant was confirmed. On the ruins of the Prelacy, which Scotland found so distasteful, the fabric of Presbyterianism rose again fair and strong. Close upon five years have passed — years crowded with stirring events, with plots and counterplots, with rumours of battle and actual unsheathings of the sword. When we pause next in our hasty survey, the English Civil War is in progress, and Kin\ ^ ^^^ Jl3< mX ^^h^^^-Oy i«]° Y r u /^y^ U \ ^-*^^v^ ^ \ ((( l^"^ ii JAMES GRAHAM, MARQUIS OF MONTROSE, From the Portrait by Honthorst, 1649. PROLOGUE 17 disputably had won the right to make the noble boast of Sir Peter Harpdon in the poem — I like the straining game Of striving well to hold up things that fall. But, with whatever preternatural skill the chivalrous game is played, the unavoidable doom descends at last. For rather more than four years he was in exile on the Continent, in Norway and the Netherlands ; and then at the bidding of the Second Charles — because, in the interval, the First had fought his last and kingliest fight — he returned to Scotland, to make one endeavour more in defence of that discredited Stuart name whose bravest standard-bearer he was. But his new master was of meaner nature than the old. He acted the traitor towards his good henchman. He was parleying with the Covenanters, all the while that he encouraged their foremost opponent with valiant and unreal promises ; he did not deserve a squire so steadfast. It was to death that Montrose had sailed, death in which shame and glory were strangely united. At Carbisdale, in the Kyle of Sutherland, he was defeated by Colonel Strachan, and, after wandering in disguise through the wilds of Assynt, he was made prisoner at Ardvreck Castle. They sent him south to Edinburgh, where he was loaded with a hundred unmerited insults, bearing himself through all the ignominy with the half-contemptuous courage which friends and foes knew so well. At length — and, after the blows he had inflicted and the damage he had done, he could expect nothing else — they con- demned him to the gallows of which we have had a glimpse. He arrayed himself for it as he would have done for his wedding. John NicoU, the notary-public, was among the eye-witnesses, and this is what he saw : " In his doun going fra the Tolbuith to the place of execution, he was verrie rychlie cled in fyne scarlet, layd over with riche silver lace, his hat in his hand, his goldin hat-ban, his stokingis of incarnet silk, and his schooes with their ribbenes on his feet, and sarkis provydit for him with pearling about ; above ten pund the elne. All these war provydit for him be his friendis ; and ane prettie cassik i8 MEN OF THE COVENANT put upone him, upone the scaffold, quhairin he was hangit. To be schoirt, nothing was heir deficient to honour his pure carcage, moir beseiming a brydegroom nor a criminall." And thus his death was in consonance with his life ; for, to quote Lord Clarendon again, " He was not without vanity ; but his virtues were much superior, and he well deserved to have his memory preserved and celebrated among the most illustrious persons of the age." One could wish that Neil Macleod of Assynt had surrendered to the kindlier impulses of his soul, and had permitted his splendid captive to escape. Assuredly one could wish that Lord Lome had kept away from the balconies of Moray House, when the cart that carried the Marquis, bare- headed and bound to his seat, was driven up the slope of the Canongate. One almost reverences Bishop Wishart, otlierwise by no means very admirable, for his unconquerable affection to his dear patron, Jacohis Montisrosarum Marchio ; it was his little book of Montrose s Deeds which the executioner fastened round the sufferer's neck on the scaffold; and are they not fine lines which close his elegy over his stricken hero ? — Verus amor nullis fortunae extingiiitur undis ; Nulla timet fati fulmina verus amor ; Immortalis amor verus manet, et sibi semper Constat, et teternum, quisquis amavit, amat. Yet we cannot forget that there are ugly blots on James Graham's escutcheon. In many of the features of his character he was a Mediaeval knight, who might have stepped out of the chapters of Sir Thomas Malory ; but there was that about him, too, which was far from knightly. The cavalier's ideal of Honour has been resolved into the four constituents of Courage, Loyalty, Truthfulness, and Compassion. In the first two qualities the Marquis was resplendent ; the third seems lacking, when we recall his desertion of the Covenanting ranks for those of the King, although in this he answered the summons of his real predilections; but of the fourth, the quality of mercy, the grace of compassion, he showed scarcely a trace. When the blameless King of romance has beaten PROLOGUE 19 his enemies, he takes their dead bodies, and these he " did do balm and gum with many good gums aromatic, and after did do cere them in sixty fold of cered cloth of vSendal, and laid them in chests of lead, because they should not chafe nor savour; and upon all these bodies were set their shields with their arms and banners." No such gleams of human feeling illumine the story of Montrose's ' campaigns. His victories were followed by a carnage which was fright- ful. He does not appear to have imposed any check on the sanguinary vindictiveness of the rough hillmen whom he captained. We pity his sore tragedy; we kindle at the recollection of the markman safe and sure, " whom neither force nor fawning could unpin " ; but, if he had been cast in a gentler mould, the great Marquis would have been greater still. Seven months have gone. It is the New Year's Day of 1651. We are in the Parish Church of Scone, spectators of an event no less memorable than the coronation of His Majesty, King Charles the Second. Eobert Douglas has preached " a very pertinent, wise, and good sermon " from a text in the Second Book of Kings : And he h'ough.t forth the King's son, and 'put the crown upon him, mul yave him the testimony; and they made him Kin y, and anointed him; and they clapped their ha7ids, and said, God save the King ! And Jchoiada made a covenant between the Lord and the King and the people, that they shoidd he the Lord's people. He has spoken some home truths about the bounds and limits of the monarch's power : how he must not use his strength unduly, or break his contract with his subjects ; how, if he does, they will be amply justified in resisting his despotism. Charles, we are told, listens " with all appearance of interest." The Covenants, National and Solemn League, are read to him next, and sworn by his lips, and subscribed by his hand. And now Archibald, Marquis of Argyll, places the crown on the young man's brow — he will not see his twenty-first birthday for five months yet ; and he is presented to receive the homage of his nobles and people. The Earl of Crawford and Lindsay gives him 20 MEN OF THE COVENANT the sceptre, while Argyll conducts him to the throne, or chair of state, which has been erected some six feet above the floor of the church. As he installs him, the Marquis pronounces the words : " Stand and hold fast from henceforth the place, whereof you are the lawful and righteous heir by a long and lineal succession of your fathers, which is now delivered unto you by authority of Almighty God." After which Robert Douglas has some additional counsels and warnings to give, and the 20tli Psalm is sung, and the apostolic benediction ends the service. It is not a transaction on which we can look back with joy or pride. Seldom in history has there been a more conspicuous example of " faith unfaithful." Both the prince and the leaders of the Covenant w'ere, in this instance, unpardonably in the wrong. Robert Douglas was a man of public spirit and of profound religion ; but when one asks whetlier Alexander Henderson, whose voice had been stilled in death ^/ nearly five years before, would have helped Charles the Second to his kingdom, the answer must be, ]S"o. Very keenly the Scots had resented the execution of Charles the First. It snapped the ties which united them with the Parliament of England. With few exceptions, it made them the adherents of the martyred sovereign's son. Within a week of his father's death they proclaimed him, in Edinburgh, "King of Great P>ritain, France, and Ireland." Twice over, in the months which succeeded, they sent embassies across the German Ocean to treat with him. At first he and they could not come to terms. It was hard for him, being what he was, to promise obedience to the Covenants. It was hard, though it should have been infinitely harder, to part with Montrose, whom the Scottish Parliament had outlawed and the Scottish Assembly had excommunicated. There were Royalist noblemen in his retinue who urged him to resist demands so drastic. There was the Queen Mother, of more decided character than himself, who sent message after message, adjuring him never to trammel himself with vows and oaths repugnant to them both, and never to abandon the followers whose sympathies were identical with his own. PROLOGUE 21 Moreover, he had the hope that among the Irish Catholics, rather than among dour and precise Presbyterians, he might tind the deliverers he needed. So the Commissioners, to their great " discomfort and grief," had to kiss his hands and say their farewells. "It were all the pities in the world bot he were in good companie," wrote Kobert Baillie, who was one of them. " He is one of the most gentle, innocent, well-inclyned Princes, so far as yet appears, that lives; a trimme person, and of a manlie carriage ; understands prettie well ; speaks not much : Would God he were amongst us ! " But Oliver Cromwell and his soldier-saints soon dispelled the vain dream of help from Ireland; and, when the Scots returned, Charles was willing to promise them all. We have seen how, playing a double part with that cool heartlessness of which afterwards he was to furnish many proofs, he had meanwhile sent his best paladin to a cruel death : what price would he not pay to win back his throne ? Then, in June 1650, he embarked at Harslaerdyck. On the 23rd of the month, outside the mouth of the Spey, he swore that, in every clause and syllable, he would keep the Covenants. John Livingston, who was among the representatives of the Kirk, heard, indeed, that " the King is minded to speak some words, that his oath should not import any infringeing of the laws of England." But he was at once answered that not a single modifying expression would be tolerated; and he " performed anything that could have been requyred, yet without any evidence of any real change of heart." And why did men, to whom the fear of the Lord was the beginning of wisdom, countenance the hollow mockery and an imposture so fateful and perilous ? Why did they, as Livingston phrases it, "take the plague of God to Scotland"? If Charles's honesty was gone, theirs for the moment was sacrificed too. There is no room here to recount the crookednesses which ensued. At the bidding of his monitors he confessed his sorrow for his father's errors and his mother's idolatry. His life became a weariness, so continually and so closely he was watched. Perhaps, in heart, he rejoiced as much as Oliver did over the rout of the Covenanters at Duubar, although he 22 MEN OF THE COVENANT declared, in sentences veneered with piety, that " the stroake and tryal is very hard to be borne." Once he made an effort to extricate himself from his bondage — the futile effort which is known in Scottish history as " the Start." We can scarcely wonder that, through all his subsequent life, his hostility against Kirk and Covenant was of the most unforgiving sort. Then came the Coronation scene at Scone, and afterwards, for eiglit montlis, he liad the simulacrum of royalty; until Worcester fight dissolved the thin phantom, and again Charles was in exile. The lover of the Covenanters longs with his whole soul that they had not demeaned themselves to traffic with the godless prince. Loyalty prompted them; but they knew that he was unworthy of their loyalty. He gave them his solemn and reiterated assurances that not only had he " the honour and civil liberties of the land to defend, but religion, the Gospel, and the Covenant, against which Hell shall not prevail"; but they felt tliat in the assurances there was no single grain of truth. They were angry with Cromwell and his doings ; but their anger should never have conducted them to this heart-wounding hypocrisy. It is a chapter which their friends would fain erase from their radiant and quickening annals. For, if the crimes of the bad are certain to yield a plentiful harvest of evil, the crimes of the good are unspeak- ably more mischievous and mournful. The retribution came quickly. In large measure, it was because of these dallyings and intrigues with Charles that the Covenanting ranks were for a time to be cleft asunder by a melancholy quarrel — the quarrel between Eesolutioner and Eemonstrant or Protester. The trouble reached its height in the General Assembly of 1651, held at St. Andrews and Dundee. There the Eesolutioners were in the ascendant, and nothing would content them but the deposition of their three most active opponents — James Guthrie of Stirling, Patrick Gillespie of Glasgow, and James Simpson of Airth. If the I'resbyterian Church had gained a King, "whose word no man relied n," it was sendiu(^ adrift some of its most valiant sons. The PROLOGUE 23 exchange tended wholly to its own impoverishment and loss. " In large measure," the strife arose out of the entanglement with " the chief Malignant." Yet it had its roots further back, and a momentary retrospect becomes necessary. In the closing hours of 1647, within the walls of Carisbrooke Castle, Charles First had been closeted with certain Scottish noblemen, and had signed with them the bargain which history styles " the Engagement." It promised, on the King's side, that the Solemn League and Covenant should be confirmed by Parlia- ment, and that Presbytery should be established in the country for a period of three years, at the end of which term a definite settlement of the religious question was to be made. On the other side, there were stipulations that the Covenant should not be forced upon those who did not like it, and that within the Eoyal Household the Episcopal forms of worship should remain unchallenged. It was in consequence of this bargain that the Duke of Hamilton, whom, as Marquis, we saw contending with the Glasgow Assembly, led into England on his master's behalf that army of "raw and undisciplined troopers," on which Cromwell inflicted the bitterest chastise- ment at Preston. But the Church never approved the Engagement, nor did the stricter of the Covenanting peers, who, after Hamilton's hapless venture, found themselves again at the helm of affairs. So, early in 1649, the Act of Classes was passed. It was an endeavour to bar the Canaanite outside the house of the Lord. It declared that there were persons who had unfitted themselves for occupying places of trust and power — four classes of them, of whom the thoroughgoing Pioyalists and Episcopalians were one, and the lukewarm Covenanters who had promoted the Engagement were another. For life, for ten years, for five years, for two years, these classes were to be excluded from office. And thus, as one of the Puritan statesmen who defended the Act put the matter in a vigorous metaphor, the teeth of the Malignants were broken. But dragons' teeth have a troublesome habit of reappearing, sometimes in aggravated size and terribleness. Scarcely had the Act of Classes become law, when Scotland heard, witli a 24 MEN OF THE COVENANT shudder, that the King had gone to his doom. The negotia- tions with his son followed, and Cromwell's invasion, and the catastrophe of Dunbar. The Scottish Parliament took fright. Desirable as it might be to enlist in the service of the country those alone whose -shields, like that of Edmund Spenser's hero, were formed of one diamond, " perfect, pure, and clean," there was clamant need that the regiment of her defenders should be largely and immediately reinforced ; and new helpers could not be found except among the men who had been tainted and disqualified so brief a time before. The Parliament determined to welcome these men back. In June 1651, it rescinded the Act of Classes, and the Assembly of the Church, meeting in the next month, ratified the decision of the legislators. It framed its " Publick Kesolutions, for bringing in the Malignant party first to the army and then to the judicatories." There were some who protested, however, clinging fast to the older and austerer method of fighting God's battles with none but God's soldiery. They had short shrift, as we have noted, from their brethren. These were the Protesters, or Remonstrants; and those who carried things their own way and deposed the dissentients were the Eesolutioners. When Charles, the roof and crown of Malignancy itself, had been rehabilitated and enthroned, it was inevitable that some such relaxation as that adopted by Parliament and Assembly should come. It will be granted, too, that, in the parlous state of the nation's fortunes, the Eesolutioners had cogent reasons to allege in their defence ; it was difficult to reject good fighters merely because they abhorred the Covenant or held fellowship with men who did. But the Protesters could claim the greater consistency. The cause committed to them was sacred even more emphatically than political, and they felt that its lustre would be tarnished if they intrusted it to unworthy hands : only His reproachless servants should bear the vessels of the King of kings. They might not be careful enough to speak the truth in love ; Samuel Eutherfurd and Patrick Gillespie were but too human in the hotness of their tempers ; but theirs was the better part, the more straightforward policy, the higher road. And if the Assembly condemned them, they had PROLOGUE 25 but to turn to their congregations, and they were surrounded by disciples and friends. So lamentable the breach became that the Church was practically rent in two ; and for a number of years the Protester had communion with none but the Protester, the Kesolutioner simply with his fellow-Eesolutioner. Ephraim distrusted Judah, and Judah vexed Ephraim. The divergence revealed itself in other matters than the discussion of military and civic appointments. A Kesolutioner — Eobert Douglas, or Ptobert Blair, or Kobert Baillie, or David Dickson — preached and conducted public worship in a mode distinguishable from that favoured by some in the rival party. He was more methodical and systematic, colder and statelier, than the evangelic and enthusiastic Protester. Baillie, for instance, had scant patience with the " few headie men who waste our Church." Trained in the orthodox school of Dutch divinity, having spent his youth in doing battle against Arminians and Antinomians, he entertained a whole- some dread of all novelties in pulpit or pew. Speaking of Andrew Gray of Glasgow, he says : " He has the new guyse of preaching, which Mr. Hew Binning and Mr. Eobert Leighton began, contenming the ordinarie way of exponing and dividing a text, of raising doctrines and uses ; hot runs out in a discourse on some common head, in a high, romancing, unscriptural style, tickling the ear for the present, and moving the afiections in some, hot leaving, as he confesses, little or nought to the memorie and understanding." Even the tones of voice which, as it seemed to him, the Protester assumed as evidence and expression of his devoutness, offended our staid and custom- bound divine. " The man's vehemencie in his prayer, a strange kind of sighing, the like whereof I had never heard, as a python- ising out of the bellie of a second person, made me amazed." Eobert Baillie himself, learned, good, honourable, never offended against the proprieties, nor was much troubled with " vehemencie." Shall we take an illustration of the varying accents of Kesolutioner and Eemonstrant ? Here are some sentences from The Sum of Saving Knowledge, a little book which is no ignoble sample of the more precise and less impassioned 26 MEN OF THE COVENANT theology. "Let the penitent desiring to believe reason, thus: What doth suffice to convince all the elect may suffice to convince me also ; but what the Spirit has said suffices to convince the elect world ; therefore what the Spirit hath said serveth to convince me thereof also. Whereupon, let the penitent desiring to believe take with him words, and say heartily to the Lord, ' Seeing Thou sayest, Seek yc My face, my soul answereth to Thee, Thy face will I seek. I have hearkened unto the offer of an everlasting covenant of all saving mercies to be had in Christ, and I do heartily embrace Thy offer. Lord, let it be a bargain.' Thus may a man be made an unfeigned believer in Christ." It may be irrefragable ; but is it not too icily regular, too statuesque and syllogistic ? The soul in its agony craves something simpler, more vital, fuller of the strong consolations of God. But now let us hearken to Hew Binning, the Protester, on whose " new guyse of preaching " Baillie looked with a frown. " He that is in earnest about this question, Hovj shall I he saved ? I think he should not spend the time in reflecting on and examination of himself, till he find something promising in himself, but from discovered sin and misery pass straightway over to the grace and mercy of Christ, without any intervening search of something in himself to warrant him to come. There should be nothing before the eye of the soul but sin and misery and absolute necessity, compared with superabounding grace and righteousness in Christ ; and thus it singly devolves itself over upon Christ, and receives Him as offered freely. I know it is not possible that a soul can receive Christ, till there be some preparatory convincing work of the law ; but I hold that to look to any such preparation, and fetch an encouragement or motive therefrom to believe in Christ, is really to give Him a price for His free waters and wine. It is to mix in together Christ and the law in the point of our acceptation." Who is not conscious, when he reads the words, that he is moving in a diviner air ? The sentiment is the same as before. But formerly there was a dissonance in uttering it which grated on the ear, and almost made the music of the Gospel liarsh. Now the speaker feels no down-dragging influences in his PROLOGUE 27 Calvinism ; he does not measure his syllables lest he should render the grace of God too large and too accessible ; lie soars away and aloft, like the lark, Up in the glory, climl)iug and ringing ; or like the angel of Bethlehem, throbbing with uncontrollable gladness as he publishes his message, Behold, I bring you good tidings of great Jog, vjJdch shall he to all people. There is a final picture at which we must glance. It is the picture of two personalities that confront each other. Their attitude is that of antagonism. Their tempers are incompatible. They are for the most part in undisguised and open strife. The personalities are those of the Covenanter and Oliver Cromwell. " The late Usurper " : it was the Covenanter's customary name for the great God-fearing Enghshman, after that September day in 1658, when, trusting in the promises which are Yea and Amen in Christ Jesus, the Lord Protector passed from the world which he had vastly enriched. We need not wonder at the alienation, however we must lament its vigour and sharpness. " The English Government of Scotland," says Dr. Samuel Gardiner, " was a good example of the government which fails, in spite of its excellent intentions and excellent practice, simply because it pays no heed to the spirit of nationality." Cromwell stood in many respects at an opposite pole of thinking from the Scots. He was a soldier ; and they began to dread that tremendous engine of conquest, the Army of the Parliament, which his genius had designed and compacted, and which menaced their independence more overwhelmingly than Charles had ever been able to do. He was a statesman ; but he felt none of their stubborn loyalty towards a King, who had perversely thrown away his right to rule ; and they could never forgive the regicide, even if they saw clearly enough the ineradicable faults of the prince whom he helped to lead to the block. He was a man of religion ; but they differed radically from him. Oliver signed the Solemn League, it is true ; but in his eyes 28 MEN OF THE COVENANT the bond was not the sacred and awful symbol which it was to Presbyterian Scotsmen. He was an Independent ; he was in favour of a far wider catholicity and toleration than they could abide ; he permitted the growth in liis regiments, and by and by in the Commonwealth, of all manner of Sectaries. It was scaTcely surprising that they scowled on him, and fought against him, and counted him an enemy rather than a friend. When we recall Dunbar drove, and the subsequent marches and counter-marches of the Ironsides through a subjugated country ; the forcible dismissal, too, of the General Assembly of 1653, vexed and noisy with the strife of tongues, and the refusal in succeeding years to sanction the meeting of the supreme court of the Church : we comprehend why Scotland disliked the Puritan captain. Her distrust is more intelligible than that of some others. It has been pointed out that the English peasant of our day, although his ancestors were against the King, and helped in the execution of Cromwell's stern policy, abhors " Old Noll " as if he were an ogre. " Where traces of desecration are visible in a church, where a shattered wall is all that remains of a stately home hallowed by the presence of Gloriana, where an ancient door shows the pattern of bullet-marks," Hodge will have it that the mischief is due to the commander and ruler who raised England to the first rank among the nations of Europe. The Scot of the seventeenth century, although his perse- vering opposition cannot be justified, had more of reason on his side. There were exceptions, no doubt. In the West, Colonel Strachan and a little company of his followers joined Oliver. Patrick Gillespie sometimes prayed publicly for the Protector. Dumbartonshire and Wigtown accepted the Tender of Union with England with a degree of enthusiasm, as being " the excellent blessing of God, who by a long-continued series of providences seems to hold out this to be His great design for the common good of the people of this island." After the Union, belated and yet premature, was proclaimed at the Mercat Cross of Edinburgh in the Maytime of 1654, and after General Monck had been feasted at a banquet PROLOGUE 29 which was "sex dayis in preparing, qnhairat the bailleis did stand and serve the haill time," a few Scotsmen sat in Cromwell's Parliaments. But the coimtry as a whole was unfriendly, and the Church, hating that motley troop of sects she saw overspreading England, was more critical still. "As for the Kirkmen and their vassals," we read in a Newsletter sent from Edinburgh on the 27th of December 1651, "they retain their old rugged Obstinacie and currish behaviour," Yet the strong and stable discipline of Cromwell was an untold blessing to these censorious Kirkmen. The Scotland of the years of the Commonwealth had its grave moral blemishes. There were prominent and repulsive national sins, then as now. There was no little superstition, as we may learn from the hideous story of how the witches were persecuted and done to death. But, side by side with the painfuller features of the period, there were the blossom and the fruitage of genuine religion. " Then," writes good James Kirkton, " was Scotland a heap of wheat set about with lilies, uniform, or a palace of silver beautifully proportioned; and this seems to me to have been Scotland's high noon." On a later page, he expands and explains his panegyric of the golden season, round which the shades of the prison-house closed all too early. "At the King's return every paroche hade a minister, every village hade a school, every family almost hade a Bible, yea, in most of the countrey, all the children of age could read the Scriptures. Every minister was obliedged to preach thrice a week, to lecture and catechise once, besides other private duties wherein they abounded, according to their proportion of faithfulness and abilities. None of them might be scandalous in their conversation, or negligent in their office, so long as a presbytrie stood ; and among them were many holy in conversation and eminent in gifts. In many places the Spirit seemed to be powred out with the Word, both by the multitude of sincere converts, and also by the common work of reformation upon many who never came the length of a Communion ; there were no fewer than sixty aged people, men and women, who went to school, that even 30 MEN OF THE COVENANT then they miglit be able to read the Scriptures with their own eyes. I have lived many years in a paroch where I have never heard ane oath, and you might have ridde many miles before you had heard any. Also you could not for a great part of the countrey have lodged in a family where the Lord was not worshipped by reading, singing, and publick prayer. No body complained more of our church government than our taverners, whose ordinarie lamentation was, their trade was broke, people were become so sober." And the man who, more than any other, helped to secure for the land this Sabbatism of restful godliness was misunderstood, resisted, denounced. It is one of the pathetic contradictions of which history provides many an example. CHAPTER I. ' HOW THE KING CAME HOME. ENGLAND and Scotland forgot themselves in an ecstasy of sheer delight, when Charles the Second, now thirty years of age, landed at Dover, and made his progress to Whitehall. There had been tiresome negotiations beforehand; but they might have been forborne, for the event proved that they were needless. " It is my own fault," the King laughed, " that I did not come back sooner." From London Bridge to his palace gates the procession advanced through what Evelyn calls "a lane of happy faces." Charles saw little else than the waving of scarfs and the flashing of rapiers, and, behind these, the laughter and tears of his subjects : " the ways strewn all with flowers, bells ringing, steeples hung with tapestries, fountains running with wine, trumpets, music, and myriads of people flocking; and two hundred thousand horse and foot brandishing their swords, and shouting with inexpressible joy." In such a carnival of gaiety, on this 29th of May 1660, birth- day as well as Restoration day, the monarch, long discrowned, seated himself again in the home of his fathers. Can we catch the likeness of the man who was welcomed so deliriously ? His outward features were not attractive. " Until near twenty," one of his friends says, " the figure of his face was very lovely ; but he is since grown leaner." And not leaner merely but grimmer, sombre and forbidding. Merry : that is the adjective which is the Second Charles's property ; but in his gaunt visage there was " neither joy nor love nor light." He avowed it himself. " But I'm the ugly fellow ! " he sighed, as he stood before his portrait. His skin was as brown as if 32 MEN OF THE COVENANT he had been born under a tropical sun. Bishop Burnet, who, to be sure, had no fondness for him, tells us that he resembled the Emperor Tiberius, tristissimus ut constat hominum. It is conceivable that the Bishop intended his readers to carry the comparison further, into more essential qualities of mind and soul. And the exercise would not be difficult or recondite. The King, has been portrayed as a compendium of all the vices. The verdict is pitiless; but it cannot be deemed too harsh. Yet there were broken fragments of a better nature to be seen here and there, in the corners of his strange per- sonality— a nature which never had much opportunity of asserting itself, and which was smothered more and more under its owner's incorrigible idlenesses and sins. It is to his credit that he was a lover of the open air, physically alert and athletic. In Sir Kobert Moray's charm- ing letters to Lauderdale, we get many peeps at the prince when he was in the prime of his vigour. He is constantly in the saddle. One day he rides fourteen miles to dinner with Lord Herbert. On another day he covers no less than sixty miles, rising with the summer dawn, and returning to transact business at midnight. Or again, when the statesman wants to discuss some question of politics, he is out with the hounds, and nobody is sure when he will return. Claverhouse, too, had the same experience twenty years later. When he wished to escape to his harrying of the Covenanters in the Western shires, his dilatory master detained him. " I walked nine miles this morning with the Khig," he informed a correspondent in 1683. " The heaven above," and " the road below," and " the bed in the bush with stars to see " — Charles could have appreciated our modern wanderer's satisfaction with these wholesome joys. His friends declared that he would have preferred angling and a life in the country to all the punctilios of Whitehall. Scottisli history would have been a calmer and sweeter record if the preference had been granted. He was an admirable talker, brimful of repartee and shrewdness and sparkle. A hundred instances of his cleverness have been commemorated, and they show what a nimble intellect played behind the uninviting face. " Was it not a OLIVER CROMWELL. From the Paintin/j by Samuel Cooper, in Sidney Sussex College, Cainbridge. HOW THE KING CAME HOME 33 pretty pass," asks Miss Guiney in that tour deforce of adroitest advocacy, An Inquirendo into the Wit and Other Good Parts of His Late Majesty King Charles the Second — " was it not a pretty pass, between the monarch and his impregnable Quaker who wanted a charter ? Penn came to his first audience with his hat, on the principle of unconvention and equality, firmly fixed upon his brows. Presently the King, having moved apart from his attendants, in his gleaming dress, slowly and ceremoniously bared his head. 'Friend Charles, why hast taken oft' thy hat ? ' ' Because it has so long been the custom here,' said the other, with that peculiar lenient smile of his, ' for but one person to remain covered at a time.' " His good humour never deserted him. It taught him how to adapt his conversation to every circle. He could be " a gracious youth " to Eobert Baillie, and more vulgar than the most unblushino- with courtiers like the Earl of Eochester. Among the bishops he was a scholar, and among the sportsmen at Newmarket he had no thought nor speech for anything but the excitements of the race. "Such abihty and understanding has Charles Stuart," one of his intimates said to him in a jest as pointed as it was kind, " that I do long to see him employed as King of England." There could not be a doubt of the ability. People remarked what a competent judge of men he was; he read the place- hunters who thronged his corridors with unerring skill, and he had an insight as penetrating into the position of the political factions. If he could not claim book-learning, he honoured it in others, being interested especially in science. It was he who founded the Eoyal Society, and who estabhshed the Observatory at Greenwich. To moral excellence as well as to intellectual gifts he threw approving glances and hearty words ; he saw and commended the better way, while he followed the worse. Thus he promoted Ken, the good Dean of Winchester, to the bishopric of Bath and Wells, for no other reason than that the brave man had once reproved him for the gross irregularities of his conduct. He had his fleeting visions of righteousness and transient impulses towards the higher life. It is wholly pleasant, too, to see the constancy of his love for 3 34 MEN OF THE COVENANT his child-sister, Henrietta of Orleans. " To my deare deare Sister " he wrote letters of beautiful affection. " Pour I'avenir, je vous prie, ne me traitez pas avec tant de ceremonie, en me donnant tant de 'majestes,' car je ne veux pas qu'il y ait autre chose entre nous deux, qu' amitie." And nothing but unbreak- able friendship there was until the hour of her too early death. But, despite his " great talents and great chances and, in a sense, great qualities," Charles was a bad ruler and a bad man. In everything except physical exercise, he was irrecoverably lazy. The stinging satire, which Andrew Marvell put into his mouth, depicted His Majesty's aims with too much accuracy — I'll have a fine pond, with a pretty decoy, Where many strange fowl shall feed and enjoy, And still in their language quack, Vive U roy ! And, under the easy temper, there was a mind governed by selfishness. The King appears to have been incapable of steadfast comradeship. He wearied of that most devoted cavalier, Edward Hyde, Lord Clarendon ; and the man to whom he owed his throne left the court in disgrace. It was a hateful ingratitude ; and the royal libertinism was even worse. Mistress was added to mistress, and each won the loftiest rank for her children ; centuries instead of months separated Charles's palace from Oliver's. These astute temptresses grew rich on the nation's money, and he never sought to put boundaries to their cupidity. He starved the Navy, to find dresses and jewels for the Countess of Castlemaine and the Duchess of Portsmouth and Miss Nell Gwyn. In truth, he had no vestige of pride in the good name of his country. By a humiliating treaty, which he dared not divulge except to one or two, he became the paid servant of Louis of France. He made war on Holland, and plunged Britain into a succession of defeats such as she had never before experienced. But the national shame brought no shadow of distress or penitence over his careless heart. He spent a long evening hunting moths with his associates, while the guns of the Dutch were HOW THE KING CAME HOME 35 thundering off Chatham. In warp and in woof his character was bohemian. " He minded nothing but pleasures," Samuel Pepys confesses with a sigh. The secret was that he had no religion. His father, obstinate and formal as he showed himself, was devout ; but the son was a stranger to the life of the soul. He " floated upon that new tide of politeness " which surged in with the Restoration, Mr. G. K. Chesterton pleads in some apologetic paradoxes ; he was " perfect in little things " ; he " could not keep the Ten Commandments, but he kept the ten thousand commandments." But politeness is a poor substitute for the grace of God, and courtesy has sometimes been divorced from goodness. At the first glance it seems curious that, under the sway of a man without vital faith, there should be much persecution. But the King had counsellors whose Ancdi- canism was of a determined sort ; and he himself, deciding all spiritual problems by the canons of etiquette, was accustomed to protest that " Presbytery was no religion for a gentleman." For a long while, too, he had cherished his personal grudge against the Church of his Scottish subjects ; and, that he might have his revenge on those who had held him in pupillage ten years before, he was likely to deal rudely with the Covenanters. His was the scourge not of the bigot but of the sceptic ; he cared not a farthing himself " what the sects might brawl " ; but the freethinker's lash can be as merciless as the inquisitor's. Negatives describe him best; nothing pure, nothing serious, nothing worthy, nothing divine, is to be discovered in Charles the Second. They are scathing sentences with which Dr. Osmund Airy concludes his great monograph: "His guide was not duty; it was not even ambition : Init his guide was self ; it was ease, and amusement, and lust. The cup of pleasure was filled deep for him, and he grasped it with both hands. But pleasure is not happiness. There is no happiness for him who lives and dies without beliefs, without enthusiasms, and without love." Such was the King, and he brought with him a new era. It was livelier, more jocund, more boisterous, than the old. It had music in it, and dancing, and play-going, and all the 36 MEN OF THE COVENANT hurry and hilarity of Vanity Fair. But the massiveneas, the spiritual magnificence, the militant saintliness of Cromwell's time had disappeared. Puritanism was not dead ; but it walked in the shadow and spoke in whispers. It worked on as an .unobtrusive leaven; it did not ring out its doctrines and commandments any more. The men who had revolted against the Spartan regimen of the Ironsides had their summer of opportunity. The men who had worn a mask of gravity threw off the troublesome disguise, and decked themselves in the rainbow colours they loved. Eevelry and ribaldry ; drinking and dicing ; intrigue and adventure ; those sins of the flesh and the spirit which, in Stephen Phillips's phrase, are " agony shot through with bliss " — these filled their days and nights. To one famous survivor of the Protectorate, sitting in solitude and blindness, the England of Charles was no longer a puissant nation rousing herself from sleep and shaking her invincible locks, but a province of Belial, than whom a spirit more lewd fell not from heaven. In courts and palaces he also reigns, And in luxurious cities, where the noise Of riot ascends above their loftiest towers, And injury and outrage ; and, when night Darkens the streets, then wander forth the sons Of Belial, flown with insolence and wine. Yet the mass of the English people was probably untainted by all the brilliancy and irreligion. If the ruling and fashionable classes were corrupt, the bulk of the citizens in the towns, and the farmers and cottagers in the country, retained sobriety and sense. This was even more emphatically true of Scotland. It clung to its Presbyterianism. The population of the Lowland counties was unhurt by the lax moralities of the leaders in society and legislature and camp. The plodding and insistent Scot stood like a rock, and refused to modify his convictions. He heard of the wild doings in the South ; he saw them enacted, on a smaller scale, in Holyrood House and the High Street of Edinbm-gh ; there, a fortnight before his entry into London, Charles had been proclaimed " with all solempnities requisite, by ringing of bellis, roriug of HOW THE KING CAME HOME 37 cannounes, touking of drumes, dancing about the fyres, and using all uther takins of joy for the advancement and preference of their native King," But the finery, the extravagance, the hard drinking, the iridescent vice, only stirred the Scot, ninety -nine times out of the hundred, into sorrow of soul. They failed to capture him by their enchantments. None the less, he was a zealot in loyalty. Occasionally he gave mental harbourage to fantastic legends, which told how the very plants and animals exulted along with him. On the citadel of Perth the arms of the Commonwealth had been carved ; but, when the King returned, a thistle, the proud and rugged emblem of the North, grew from the wall and hid the alien insignia. Still more marvellous is that history of the leal swans of Linlithgow, which may be read in the Mercurius Calcdonius of Friday, January 25th, 1661. "At the town of Linlithgow His Majesty hath a palace upon the skirt of a most beautiful lake ; and this same lake hath been ever famous for the number of swans that frequented it. But when this Kingdom, as England, was oppressed with usurpers, they put a garrison in this palace of His Majesty's, which no sooner done but these excellent creatures, scorning to live in the same air with the contemners of His Majesty, they all of them abandoned the lake, and were never seen these ten years, till the 1st of January last. When, just about the same time of the day that His Majesty's Commissioner entered the Parliament House and sat in the chair of state, did a squadron of the royal birds alight in the lake ; and, by their extra- ordinary motions and conceity interweavings, the country people fancied them revelling at a country dance, for joy of our glorious Piestoration." When thistles and swans were thus aggressively Carolean, men and women would have scorned to lag behind. Those were tales, no doubt, born in the breasts of the Malignants. But sober Presbyterians were as frank in their welcome. Here and there, among the Protesters, some might be in sore perplexity about Charles Stuart; since 1650, they could not credit him with virtue or principle or grace. But 38 MEN OF THE COVENANT these, too, deep as their disappointment was with the man, were prepared to obey the monarch. And most of their brethren were mifeignedly cordial. In the last weeks of 1659, before he commenced his great march on London — the march which was the beginning of the Restoration — General Monck had summoned the Scottish shires and burghs to send their delegates to confer with him in Edinburgh. He acquainted them with his plans. He was going South, he said, " to assert and maintaine the liberty and being of Parhaments, our antient constitution, and the freedome and rights of the people of these nations from arbitrary and tyrannicall usurpa- tions upon their consciences, persons, and estates ; and for a godly ministry." Nothing was avowed in the diplomatic speech about bringing back the King. But his listeners understood how the tides of sentiment were running; and they bade Monck God-speed, expressing themselves "well satisfied with his Lordshipp's engagement." Their attitude was typical. Scotland, it has been explained, had chafed under the domination of Cromwell: it was anti-national; it was military ; it was sectarian. Many a wistful thought she had cast over the narrow seas to the banished prince. Next to her religion, she loved the house of Stuart; just as the Vendeans of the next century fought first for their faith and then for the white flag of their sovereign. In 1660, Charles had no subjects more firmly rooted in their fealty than the sons and daughters of the Kirk. It was his own fatuity which transformed numbers of them into foes. Too quickly the fatuity was revealed. As in England so on the other side of the Tweed, the worst men came to the front with the advent of the King — men who always had been hostile to Presbytery, or who had hitherto pretended an acquiescence which they did not feel, or who, although they were children of Covenanters, were fired by none of their fathers' ideals. Under their misrule all manner of contumely was to be heaped on beliefs which were dearer than life to multitudes in the nation. Was it astonishing that, in such circumstances, the cords which linked the people with the HOW THE KING CAME HOME 39 monarch were loosened and, frequently, were snapped out- right ? No other issue was possible. When a ruler derides and wounds those aspirations which are most prized by his subjects, the divinity that hedges him round soon fades away. CHAPTER II. THE DEUNKEN PARLIAMENT. AT the Eestoration Scotland continued essentially Presby- terian. Why, it may be asked, was Presbyterianism practically so helpless from the moment that Charles took the management of affairs ? The rulers he chose for his northern dominion, rulers with all his own dislike of religion, mounted to power with scarcely so much as a protest on the part of the people. It seems singular that the transition should be made so smoothly. Hitherto Presbytery had been queenly and force- ful. Her sceptre had swayed rich and poor, merchant and soldier, old and young. She had moulded creed and conduct. She had given to the citizens the priceless boon of good education. She had fought successfully against the encroach- ments of royalty. She had schooled the unruly nobles into apparent decorousness. She had leavened the rank and file of the nation with the truths she taught and the enthusiasms she inspired. Yet the diadem passed from her, as it were in a night. In 1660 Charles did what he pleased with the Church of Scotland ; and the old remonstrances and defiances, if they were heard, were but feeble and futile. But there were reasons for an impotence so remarkable. One of them, probably the most operative, was that the Church was no longer a unity. Mournful divisions played havoc with her strength. To Eesolutioner and Protester the cardinal verities were the same, and there was comparatively little to drive them into antagonism. But they were too apt to concentrate their debates and energies on their disagree- ments and not on their concords. The Eesolutioner regarded his neighbour as a precisian ; the Protester saw in his co- CHARLES II. After the Portrait by Sir Peter Lely. THE DRUNKEN PARLIAMENT 41 religionist a latitudinarian who might join hands with the enemy. Here was an "infatuating and ruining distemper," which intruded into Synod and Presbytery and Kirk-Session ; and the very homes were pre-eminently fortunate which were not embittered by its poison. It must be granted, also, that the Covenanters had failed to gain the affection of numbers of the men of rank and title. They had their " princes of the chariot " ; but the larger pro- portion of their adherents came from the middle class and from the peasantry. Many of the nobles were hostile. Earls and barons and knights, with lives which were only too ungoverned and rough, with private sins that they wished to keep undisturbed, resented the faithfulness of the Church's rebukes and the supervision she tried to exercise over their households and manners. During her halcyon days they yielded an outward submission ; but, with the King's star in the ascendant, they could discard their pretended meekness and could flout their instructor. There was a third source from which trouble flowed to tlie Kirk. It was the desperate poverty of the ruling families in the country. In 1654, Eobert Baillie writes with pitiful emphasis of " our wracked Nobilitie." " Dukes Hamilton, the one execute, the other slaine, their state forfault " ; " Huntlie — there is more debt on the House nor the land can pay " ; " Dowglass and his sonne Angus are quyet men, of no respect " ; " Marschell, Kothes, Eglinton and his three sonnes, Craufurd, Lauderdaill, and others, prisoners in England, and their lands sequestrate or gifted to English sojours " ; " Balmerinoch suddenly dead, and his sonne for publict debt keeps not the causey " : — thus, from one depressing item to another, the black catalogue moves on. But the Eestoration brought to these impoverished lords the chance of escape from their bankruptcy. It offered them forfeited estates and places of consequence. We may be sorry, but we cannot be surprised, that some of them were quick to accept the glittering bribe. For a handful of silver, silver very urgently needed, they abandoned a Church for which they had never entertained profound regard. 42 MEN OF THE COVENANT So it came about that Presbytery, whose trumpet had blown such far-sounding blasts, triumphant and admonitory, was all but silent at the crisis when her adversaries prevailed. Their victory was indisputable. For a few months in the autumn of 1660, Charles ruled Scotland through the old Committee of Estates. But, on the New Year's Day of 1661, a Scottish Parliament met in Edinburgh. Nine years had passed since a similar meeting ; and the men who assembled at the King's call were vastly different from their predecessors. They had been carefully selected, so that obnoxious members might be excluded ; the House could be trusted to prove itself a pliant instrument. Before this fateful Parliament rose, on the 12th of July, it had turned Scottish history into new channels, as momentously as when Cyrus changed the course of the Euphrates on the night that he and his Persians captured Babylon. The Commissioner of Charles, who directed the Parliament, and whose name stands foremost in public affairs for a year or two, was John, Earl of Middleton. He was one of those soldiers of fortune, who occupied themselves too busily in national concerns, and who were for the most part without either human pity or religious faith. He had carved his way to the front by his military ability. Originally poor, he sought distinction in foreign service ; and we hear of him as " a pikeman in Colonel Hepburn's regiment in France." Ee- turning to his own country, he was "so zealous anent the Covenant that, when he took it and held up his right hand, he wished that that right arm might be his death," if ever he should forget his vow. It was under the Blue Banner that he fought in the campaigns of 1644 and 1645, and David Leslie had not many subordmates whom he held in greater esteem. But then he veered round. When Charles was in Scotland in the months preceding Worcester, Major Middleton was his close friend. Throughout the reign of the Commonwealth, he missed no opportunity of striking a blow for the absent prince. He commanded the moss-troopers who for a time kept the flame of revolt blazing in the Highlands ; but, in the spring of 1654, at Dalnaspidal, near the head of Loch Garry, he was THE DRUNKEN PARLIAMENT 43 overtaken and beaten by Colonel Morgan. Now, when Puritanism was shorn of her pride, Middleton became a peer of the realm and the King's representative in Scotland. He was a fearless officer, and he had gone cheerfully through perils and imprisonments for his sovereign. But the man of camps and battles was too violent, too arbitrary, too revengeful, to be a wise civil governor. He had a temper' which would not bear opposition. His tastes were coarse, and his habits, even in an age not over-nice, were noticeably gross and brutish. He was seldom sober, seldom away from his boon-companions. " It was a mad roaring time, full of extravagance," Gilbert Burnet writes, " and no wonder it was so, when the men of affairs were almost perpetually drunk." The Commissioner's judg- ment was beclouded, and his passions inflamed, and his heart hardened, by constant dissipation. As for living belief, he did not know what it meant. Eobert Wodrow has a story which shows him a freethinker, in whom bluster and superstition commingled. In Hamilton's army in 1648, the minister of Eastwood narrates, Middleton had for bosom-friend a certain Laird of Balbegno, the neighbour of his family in Kincardineshire. It was within a week of the fight at Preston, and the two were talking of the risks in front. " If there is a battle," Middleton suggested, " what if we are killed ? what will become of us ? " " No matter ! " the other answered, "we shall be free from our vexations here- away." But his comrade was not quite convinced that we " drink of Lethe at last and eat of lotus." " What if there is a future world," he retorted, " and a future life ? " It was an empty fable of the ministers, Balbegno replied ; and Middleton avowed his sympathy. " But suppose," he went on, " that things should turn out otherwise ? " So they made a compact that, if one died, he should return, if that were possible, from the land of mystery, to inform the survivor of what he dis- covered there. At Preston Balbegno fell. For a while Middleton forgot the bargain, until, one night, he was sitting alone, a captive, in the Tower of London. Two sentinels guarded his room. He had been listlessly turning over the pages of a Bible which he had found in the chamber, "for 44 MEN OF THE COVENANT what end he knew not, it having been so little his custom," when, lifting his head, and looking to the door, he saw a man standing in the shadow. " Who is there ? " he asked, and the answer came, " Balbegno." " That cannot be," he declared, " for I saw Balbegno buried after he was slain in battle." But the ghostly visitor glided forward, and reminded him of their agreement, and caught his arm. The hand laid in his, Middleton told afterwards, " was hot and soft, just as it used to be, and Balbegno in his ordinary likeness." " I am permitted to stay one hour," the apparition said ; " so let us sit down, and put your watch before us." In the weird interview the prisoner learned many things : how he should escape from his dungeon; how the King was to be restored; how, at Court, favour and honour awaited him; but how, at length, the sunshine was to be clouded over with calamitous eclipse. Then, when the hour was done, Balbegno rose, and took his leave, and lingered for an instant amongst the shadows at the door, and so disappeared. This was the man who guided Scotland — bold in the din of the fight, and true to his King, but not a Happy Warrior, unbelieving, boorish, roysteriug. Others of kindred tempera- ment helped him. The Earl of Glencairn was Chancellor, and he was Eoyalist to the backbone. Sir Archibald Primrose filled the office of Clerk-Kegister ; his were the shrewdest intellect and the cleverest tongue in the Parliament House ; he " had an art of speaking to all men according to their sense of things, and so drew out their secrets while he concealed his own, for words went for nothing with him." The King's Advocate was Sir John Pletcher, in whose veins was none of the milk of kindness ; " he hated all mild proceedings, and could scarce speak with decency or patience to those of the other side." It mattered little that Lord Crawford, who was earnest in his Presbyterianism, was Treasurer ; his advice was overborne by the clamours of the rest. Within a few years the Commissioner, drugged by the sweets of power as well as by fiery liquors, was to cross swords with a man clearer-eyed and stronger- willed than himself, and was to be worsted in the duel; — Balbegno's gloomier auguries were fulfilled as surely as his THE DRUNKEN PARLIAMENT 45 gladsomer predictions. But, until that moment of disaster, Middleton and his allies might do whatever they chose. They made abundant use of their chances. During its session of six and a half months, the Parliament of 1661 passed no less than three hundred and ninety-three Acts. It would have been extraordinary if, in so long a list, there were not some beneficent measures. It is curious to note that means were adopted to safeguard the observance of the Sabbath, and to prevent profane swearing and excessive drinking: now and then Satan discloses himself as the unexpected reprover of sin. But Middleton's first session is remembered by other achievements than these. Its " great design and business was to make the King absolute." And, to reach this end, the framers of the laws had to " demolish the outworks and bulwarks of the Church, and to blow up her government itself." Their aim was to re-establish despotism and to destroy Presbytery. There were no boundaries to the powers with which they invested the King. Their earliest proceeding was to construct an Oath of Allegiance — an Oath in which every jurisdiction except that of His Majesty was renounced. Its terms said nothing about Charles's right to interfere with the Church ; the omission and the ambiguity were deliberate, for meanwhile it seemed prudent to veil some of the tyrannies which the future would bring to light. But, under cover of its clauses, the authors of the Oath intended to violate the domain of conscience and to attack the household of Christ. In coming years it was to be an effective weapon of persecution; the fidelity of men and women to the Crown was to be tested by their willingness to swear its sentences ; and if they had any scruples, no mercy was shown. Further still the Parliament went in subservience to the sovereign. It decreed that he alone could choose his officers of State, his Privy Councillors, his Lords of Session ; that he alone could call and hold and prorogue and dissolve all conventions and meetings ; that he alone could enter into leagues and treaties; that he alone could proclaim peace or war : his was to be the voice of a god rather than that of a man, The members set apart the 29th 46 MEN OF THE COVENANT of May, the day of the Glorious Eeturn, " to be for ever an holy day unto the Lord." Its opening hours were to be con- secrated to prayer, preaching, thanksgiving, and praise; its afternoon and evjening were to be spent " in lawful divertise- ments suitable to so solemn an occasion." We can perceive to what license the gates were unbarred by this statute, and why it staggered the friends of the Covenant, who kept their garland of sanctity for God's Sabbath, and cherished an invincible mistrust of man-made festivals. One consummate folly placed the copestone on the Parliament's excess of loyalty. It voted Charles an annual grant of £40,000 sterling, and thus exhausted the resources of a nation which required every penny of its money. Four years later, the Earl of Tweeddale, a nobleman with some love for his country, wrote that a Dutch invasion would be for Scotland a much less serious evil than the smallest increase in the taxation of the people. But Middleton and Glencairn and Sir Archibald Primrose were dominated by other ideas. For the benefit of their royal and wasteful master they would pauperise the whole community. As James Kirkton described it, " they installed their King a sort of Pope." But what filled many hearts with keener sorrow than this servility towards the monarch was the treatment meted out to the Church. In decision after decision, Parliament heaped insult on the Covenant. It annulled the proceedings of the Convention of Estates, which had sworn the Solemn League. It protested that the great bond, " which had in Scotland universal respect next to the Scripture," was without public and permanent obligation. Then, growing in hardihood, the leaders had recourse to a masterstroke. By a general Eescissory Act, carried on the 28th of March after a single debate, they revoked " the pretendit Parliaments keept in the yeers 1640, 1641, 1644, 1645, 1646, 1647, and 1648, and all acts and deids past and done in them," declaring " the same to be henceforth voyd and null." When the notion was mooted first, it seemed too big, too venturesome, a goal too desirable for attainment. It "appeared so choking that it was laid aside." But, when one drastic measure after another THE DRUNKEN PARLIAMENT 47 secured a glib consent, Middleton returned to the darling scheme, and hurried it through the nerveless and recreant House. What did he gain by it ? The cancelling of everything that successive legislatures, in which the Presbyterian element predominated, had effected for the Church. The right to pronounce disloyal and traitorous those who should still assert their attachment to the flag of the Second Keformation. The construction of a high road by which the Bishops might ride back triumphant. Indeed, the Commissioner would have pushed on immediately to the creation of his hierarchy ; but astute Sir Archibald Primrose counselled a pause. " Bring the Bishops in," he advised ; " let it be done surely, but let it likewise be done slowly." The wary Clerk-Kegister won his point, for the time, with his more headstrong chief ; but, whenever the Act Rescissory had received the imprimatur of Parliament, the end was in sight. It could not be many months until the mitre and lawn sleeves of the prelate displaced the modest Geneva ffown of the minister. These were the doings of the Drunken Parliament, as it has been nicknamed ever since. For, often, it was when they were stupefied by their carousals that the senators decided on their revolutionary enactments. They robbed the nation of its liberties ; they checked its social progress ; they did what they could to stifle its religious life ; and their sorry victory was procured, when wine had stolen from them brain and conscience and patriotism and most things worth the keeping. Bishop Burnet's epithets are not too severe : it was " a mad roaring time." One day, when such melancholy events were happening, David Dickson, who had been minister in Irvine and was now Professor in Edinburgh, and who wrote some verses not yet forgotten — 0 Mother dear, Jerusalem ! — went to expostulate with the Earl of Middleton. But the King's Commissioner was hugely offended. He told his monitor that he was mistaken if he thought to overawe him ; he was no coward to tremble before a priest. " For three-and-twenty years," the old man replied, " I have known that you are no 48 MEN OF THE COVENANT coward, ever since the Brig o' Dee in the June of 1638." It was a home-thrust ; for, in that past midsummer, Middleton's sword had been unsheathed in defence of the Covenant. The Earl had no answer; and the minister pleaded with him to pay regard, if not to the Presbytery, at least to those forty- two members of Parliament who had dared to dissent from the Eescissory Act. " And, my Lord," he added, " I would put you in mind of that deep exercise of soul, under which you lay in St. Andrews in 1645, when you were sick and in hazard of death." " What ! " Middleton sneered, " do you presume to speak to me of a fit of fever ? " So, pained to the heart, David Dickson turned and left the room. The night was to grow darker — moonless, starless, hope- less— before there was a streak of day. CHAPTER III. A DEATHBED IN ST. ANDREWS. THE Drunken Parliament did something more than pass laws fraught with mischief and misery. It determined to send to violent death the leaders in the Protesting section of the Church, the men whose advocacy of the Covenant was most unfaltering and outspoken. Four of these leaders were marked for execution — Samuel Kutherfurd; the Marquis of Argyll ; James Guthrie ; and Archibald Johnston, Lord Wariston. The first and the last of the four eluded the doom intended for them : the one because the finger of God beckoned him, before his enemies could accomplish their purpose ; the other because he contrived to hide himself until Middleton's power was vanishing, although in this instance the scaffold was merely postponed, and the infliction of the sentence came at the hands of those who ousted the Commissioner from his place. As for the Marquis and the minister of Stirling, they were crowned at once with the thorny crown which the Parliament had twined for their brows. Ever since the Eestoration Samuel Kutherfurd must have guessed the punishment his enemies designed for him. Three months after Charles's return, the Committee of Estates in Edinburgh issued a proclamation, worthy in its rage and impotence of a mediaeval Pope. It decreed that all copies of the Lex Rex which could be found should be gathered before the middle of October, and burned at the Mercat Cross in the capital and at the gates of the New College in St. Andrews. The thing was duly done ; but, " full of seditious and treason- able matter " as the Lex Rex was announced to be, its teaching lives to this hour. It is the plea of the Covenanters for the 4 « 50 MEN OF THE COVENANT majesty of the people ; for the truth that the law, and no autocrat on the throne, is king ; for the creed that limit- less sovereignty is the property of God alone. The Stuart monarch could not check the advance of these principles by bonfires in the streets of Edinburgh and St. Andrews. Much of the book, it has been said, is " the constitutional inheritance of all countries in modern times." These are axioms of the Lex Rex : " The law is not the king's own, but is given to him in trust " ; " Power is a birth- right of the people borrowed from them ; they may let it out for their good, and resume it when a man is drunk with it " ; " A limited and mixed monarchy hath glory, order, unity from a monarch ; from the government of the most and wisest it hath safety of counsel, stability, strength ; from the influence of the Commons it hath liberty, privileges, promptitude of obedience." They are the axioms on which our regulated freedom of to-day is broad-based. Looking back to Ruther- furd, we see his forehead lighted with the prophecy of the better era, and we know that, almost three centuries since, he recognised what health there is In the frank Dawn's delighted eyes. In the autumn of 1660 the book received its martyrdom, and in the early spring of 1661 the Privy Council and the Parliament were eager to have its author martyred too. He had been denuded of his offices in the University of St. Andrews, and deprived of his pastoral charge; but these confiscations were not enough. He was cited to appear at the bar of the House on a charge of treason. The messengers carried the citation across the Firth of Forth. But God had forestalled them. For weeks, as Eutherfurd wrote in a letter, " a daily menacing disease " had been hanging over him ; and he lay now on his deathbed. It was a wasted hand which received the document they brought ; but the voice had parted with none of its fire. " Tell them," he said, " that I have a summons already from a superior Judge and judicatory, and I behove to answer my first summons ; and, ere your day arrives, I will be where few kings and great folks come." When they A DEATHBED IN ST. ANDREWS 51 reported his condition, the Council declared with feeble malice that he must not be permitted to die within the College walls ; but, even in the hostile court, one member had grace and fortitude to befriend him. Lord Burley rose and said, "Ye have voted that honest man out of his College, but ye cannot vote him out of heaven." Nothing could be. truer than the courageous word. While he waited till it was time to "answer his first summons," Samuel Kutherfurd must have been visited by moving memories. He was one of the most extraordinary men in an age of heroes ; and he had many marvels to recall, as he tarried immediately outside the joys of what he loved to delineate as the Upper Garden of Grod. He saw himself in the unprofitable half of his life — the little child in the Border village of Crailing, surrounded even then by miracles ; the student and boyish Professor of Latin in Edinburgh ; the offender, with whom the University officials quarrelled because of some irregularity in his youth- ful marriage, the nature of which we cannot now unravel. These were the acid ingredients in the cup of recollection. For it was the sorrow of his later years, as it was St. Augustine's, that he allowed liimself to reach manhood before he yielded his heart to God. " Like a fool as I was," he says, " I suffered my sun to be high in the heaven, and near afternoon." Yew things in the Letters are more beautiful than the earnestness with which he beseeches the young to consecrate their freshest hours to eternity. " It were a sweet and glorious thing for your daughter Grissel to give herself up to Christ, that He may write upon her His Father's name and His own new name." " I desire Patrick to give Christ the flower of his love ; it were good to start soon to the way." Was it the thought of his own delays which stirred this yearning over others ? He would have no one imitate him, " loitering on the road too long, and trifling at the gate." But tliis vision passed, and the dying man saw himself minister of Anwoth. For nine years, from 1627 to 1636, he was the spiritual father of the quiet parish, lying round the Water of Fleet, among the soft green hills of Galloway. 52 MEN OF THE COVENANT There was his manse, the Bush o' Bield, where he rose each morning at three, to spend the day's commencement in prayer and study. To its door, one unforgotten Saturday, Archbishop Ussher turned a&ide in the disguise of a traveller, to be hospitably entertained, and catechised, and reproved for his seeming ignor- ance— an ignorance explained when he spoke, next morning, in the Presbyterian kirk, on the new commandment of Jesus, That ye love one another. From the rooms of the Anwoth manse, the mistress of the home and more than one of the children went to God ; " an aftlicted life," the husband and father wrote, " looks very like the way that leads to the Kingdom." Close to the Bush o' Bield stood the tiny sanctuary, as tiny as Herbert's in Bemerton; the visitor may still walk round its ivied and ruined walls. What a centre of zealous labour it was ! " For such a piece of clay as Mr. Eutherf urd," said James Urquhart, minister in Kinloss, " I never knew one in Scotland like him. He seemed to be always praying, always preaching, always visiting the sick, always teaching in the schools, always writing treatises, always reading and studying." The Sabbath was his crowning day. He had a " strange utterance, a kind of a skreigh." But the shrillness of the voice could not hide the heart's fervours, and the hearers hung upon him listening. Often, one of them confessed, he fancied the minister " would have flown out of the pulpit, when he came to speak of Christ, the Kose of Sharon " ; then, indeed, he was " as a fish in the ocean, never in his right element but when he was commending " his Lord. His parishioners, the herd boys as well as the Viscount Kenmure, revered the " little fair man." They recounted his untiring charities. In his very gait they detected his communion with God ; " when he walked, it was observed he held aye his face upward and heavenward." The home, the church, the " blessed birds " of Anwoth, the path among the trees which lie paced talking with his unseen Friend — he beheld them again in dying, and thanked God for them. Then, once more, his dream changed. He was a prisoner in Aberdeen. Sydserf, Bishop of Galloway, was no lover of Samuel Eutherfurd ; and his repugnance was heightened when A DEATHBED IN ST. ANDREWS 53 the preacher published his book against the Arminians. He haled him before the High Commission Court, in Wigtown and in Edinburgh, and had him deposed and exiled to the northern city, far enough distant from the familiar hills and tides. " I go," the banished man said, " to my King's palace at Aberdeen ; tongue, pen, and wit cannot express my joy." Bvit, if he carried music in his heart, he had his experiences of d-epression during his eighteen months of seclusion. It was hard for the impassioned servitor of Jesus to maintain silence. " I had but one eye," he mourned, " and they have put it out." Yet, long before he came to his deathbed, he saw that God's purpose was one of purest grace. A new field of work had been disclosed. If his lips were shut, his pen was busy. Two hundred and twenty of the Letters, those amaranthine Letters, whose glow and tenderness and pungency are the best demonstration of his spiritual genius, were sent from Aberdeen. This was the divine necessity for the loneliness and hatred and scorn. Wordsworth spent the winter of 1798 in North Germany. It was the bleakest of seasons, and the village of Goslar where he lived had no attractiveness. But these four months, Mr. Frederic Myers assures us, were the bloom of his career. Through the verses written then the loveliness of English scenery and English childhood shines most delicately. Lucy Gray, " the sweetest thing that ever grew beside a human door," and Kuth, who " at her will went wandering over dale and hill," had their birth in the desolate German town. The same happy compensation was given to the Covenanting minister. He lived himself in a land of brooks of water ; and, not content with the personal enjoyment of it, he has guided thousands of pilgrims to the wealthy place. Perhaps another dream followed. He was in the Jerusalem Chamber at Westminster, one of the Scottish commissioners to the Assembly of Divines. " For the great parts God had given him," wrote Kobert Baillie with the pride of a countryman, " Mr. Samuel's presence was very necessary." Again, in his thoughts, he debated the doctrine of the Church's freedom against the captains of Erastianism, Lightfoot and Selden. Again he argued with the Independents ; although now, more 54 MEN OF THE COVENANT thau ever, he felt that they were " gracious men," and,, " of all that differed from us, came nearest to walking with God." Again he did his emphatic part in framing the Confession, and the Directory, and the Catechisms. Did he recall, too, the fresh and poignant home-griefs of these London years ? "I had two cMldren," so he had related the sorrow when it was new, "and both are dead since I came hither. The good Husbandman may pluck His roses and gatlier His lilies in the beginning of the first summer months. What is that to you or to me ? The Creator of time and of winds did a merciful injury, if I may borrow the words, in landing the passenger so early," Samuel Rutherfurd was at West- minster from the middle of 1643 to the end of 1647 ; and he was glad when, at length, he could set his face north- ward to his students and congregation and childless home — glad with that emotion which the poet calls a " sour-sweet " delight. To his students he returned ; for, since the close of the Anwoth ministry, he had been Professor in St. Andrews. And there, in labours more abundant than any of his compeers, he lived the remainder of his life. They made him Principal of the New College and Rector of the University. Since Alexander Henderson had gone, he was the doyen of Scottish thinkers and teachers. Other lands coveted him. Twice Utrecht sent him a call to occupy its chair of theology. But the tempest- driven Kirk, with its unhappy controversies and those dangers that loomed ahead, had thrown its hoops of steel about his soul. He could not go away. " I had rather be in Scotland with angry Jesus Christ," he said, " than in any Eden or garden in the earth." He continued in St. Andrews, until the Earl of Middleton bade him answer for his fearless witness against arbitrary power in Church and State. Rutherfurd was not a perfect man. There were defects both in his creed and in his character. His temper was fiery, and too frequently he made no serious effort to moderate its energy. Dialectician and polemic all his days, he had scant mercy for those who saw the truth from other angles than his own. Towards the Resolutioners he showed, on many A DEATHBED IN ST. ANDREWS 55 occasions, an acrimoniousness far from admirable. Perhaps it was inevitable that it should be so. " The intellectual gladiator, the rejoicing and remorseless logician, the divider of words, the distinguisher of thoughts, the hater of doubt and ambiguity, the scorner of compromise and concession, the incessant and determined disputant, the passionate admirer of sequence and system and order in small things as in great — in the corner of an argument as in the mighty world outside " : thus Mr. Taylor Innes paints him in a portrait as masterly as any of Mr, Sargent's; and so intent and vehement an ecclesiastic forgets at times the urbanities of thought and the courtesies of speech. But, when these deductions are made, he still rises to a stature attained by only the select few in Christ's dazzling host — by a Bernard, a Madame Guyon, a Brainerd. Mr. Taylor Innes is as felicitous in depicting the more celestial side. This man, he says, was "impatient of earth, intolerant of sin, rapt into the continual contemplation of one unseen Face, finding his history in its changing aspect and his happiness in its returning smile." That is Eutherfurd's glory, his absorption in Christ — Christ, whom he lauds as " the outset, the master-flower, the uncreated garland of heaven, the love and joy of men and angels." Many temperaments, many goals; but for him there is only one Goal, and no other is worth the mentioning. Madame Duclaux, whom we know better as Mary Eobinson, tells us in an exquisite sonnet about the ideal which enthrals her — ^ For in my heaven both sun and moon is he, To my bare life a fruitful-flooding Nile, His voice like April airs that in our isle Wake sap in trees that slept since autumn went. His words are all caresses, and his smile The relic of some Eden ravishment ; And he that loves me so I call : Content. But Samuel Eutherfurd's Content is a living Person and not an abstract quality, and His name is Jesus Christ. Again, Mr. Stevenson in a wonderful letter unfolds his supreme affection : " 0 the height and depth of novelty and worth in 56 MEN OF THE COVENANT art ! and O that I am privileged to swim through such oceans ! What a great space and a great air there is ! An art is a fine fortune, a palace, a band of music, health, and beauty. I sleep upon my art for a pillow ; I waken in my art. I love my wife, I do not know how much, nor can, nor shall unless I lost her ; but, while I can conceive my being widowed, I refuse the offering of life without my art. I am not but in my art ; it is me ; I am the body of it merely." If one reads the passage a second time, deleting the word Art and substituting the word Christ, it is what Kutherfurd would have written. He went to sleep with Christ for his pillow ; he awoke in Christ. Doubtless he loved both the girl-wife of his youth and the companion of his riper years, although in him, as in others of his Covenanting kin, we note a certain detachment from the ties and tendernesses of the home ; but, while he could endure widowhood, he would have refused the offering of life without his Christ. His heart, as he said, was not his own ; Jesus had run away to heaven with it. Christ had been near him in infancy, though he was a man before he confessed his Lover's grace. Playing once with the boys of Crailing, the child stumbled into a deep well ; and his frightened comrades ran to acquaint his father and mother. They hurried out, fearing that they would not see their Samuel alive. But they discovered him " sitting on a hillock, a little from the well, all wet and cold," but unharmed and safe. How had he got there ? they asked, and he answered, " A bonnie white Man drew me forth and set me down." The old story- teller adds, "It is thought it was an angel." But we may surmise that, in later years, the boy ascribed his deliver- ance to One more excellent than the angels, their Lord, who had " come riding on the rainbow and clouds " to rescue him. And, if Christ was the Beginning, the End was Christ, beheld with clearest intelligence and firmest faith and consuming love. The Analecta preserves some " words that dropped from him at several times," as, in that March of 1661, Eutherfurd lay in his room and looked for his Master. " I shall shine ; I shall see Him as He is. I shall see Him reigne, and all the SAMUEL RUTHERFUKD. From a Photograph which reproduces a Painting now in Neio York, Through the kitidness of the Rev. John Slurrock of Edinburgh. A DEATHBED IN ST. ANDREWS 57 fair company with Him, and I shall have my large share. Mine eyes shall see my Redeemer, and noe other forme. This seems to be a wide word ; but it's noe fancy nor delusion : it's treu, it's treu ! " These, too, were his expressions : " My blessed Master ! My kingly King ! Let my Lord's name be exalted ; and, if He will, let my name be ground to peices, that He may be all and in all. If He should slay me ten thousand times ten thousand times, I'll trust." Often he repeated the text. Thy Word was found, and I did eat it, and it ivas to me the joy and rejoicing of my heart. " It's noe easy thing to be a Christian," he said to one; "but, for me, I have gotten the victory, and Christ is holding out both His armes to embrace me." " At the beginning of my suffering," he told some friends, " I had my fears that I might have my faintings, and not be caryed creditably throu ; and I laid this before the Lord ; and as sure as ever He spoke to me in His Word, as sure His Spirit witnessed in my heart, Fear not ; and the outgate shall not be simply matter of prayer but matter of praise." " Fedd on manna" — it was one of his ejaculations. When the end drew near, Robert Blair asked, " What think you now of Christ ? " " I shall live and adore Him," he replied ; and in whispers he was heard saying again and again, " Glory to Him in Emanuell's land ! " That One Face was more and more his Universe. Someone alluded to his own work of faith ; but he was quick to interrupt : " I disclaim all. The port I would be in at is redemption and salvation through His blood." To four of his brethren who visited him, he gave the counsel : " Pray for Christ; preach for Christ; do all for Christ; beware of men-pleasing." Once or twice he cried for "a well-tuned harp," as if already he would participate in the strains of the worshippers within the veil. On the afternoon before he died, he predicted : " This night will close the door, and fasten my anchor; and I shall go away in a sleep by five in the morning." And thus it happened; for at that hour on the morning of the 29th of March — the daybreak hour which, as Henry Vaughan sings, " best doth chime " with the glory of the divine Bridegroom, and in which all things throughout the creation " expect some sudden matter " — God hid Samuel 58 MEN OF THE COVENANT Eutherfurd with Himself from the wrangling and cruelty of wicked men. Between the Parliament in Edinburgh and the deathbed in St. Andrews there is more than the distance which separates earth from heaven." CHAPTER IV. • MAKQUIS AND MARTYR ABOUT Archibald Campbell, the eighth Earl and the first Marquis of Argyll, there clings the fascination with which mystery and manysidedness invest a man. His nature is complex, involved, difficult at times to read. It is not as straight as the flight of an arrow, nor as clear as the landscape which the noonday sun explains. Two portraits of him live in fiction, one nearly a century old, the other limned but a year or two since. The earlier, that of The Legend of Montrose, is the more unfavourable. " His dark complexion, furrowed forehead, and downcast look, gave him the appearance of one frequently engaged in the consideration of important affairs, who has acquired by long habit an air of gravity, which he cannot shake off even where there is nothing to be concealed. The cast with his eyes, which had procured him in the Highlands the nickname of Gillespie Grumach, or the Grim, was less perceptible when he looked downward, which perhaps was one cause of his having adopted that habit. In person he was tall and thin, but not without that dignity of deportment and manners which became his high rank. Some- thing there was cold in his address and sinister in his look He was adored by his own clan, whose advancement he had greatly studied, while others conceived themselves in danger from his future schemes, and all dreaded the height to which he was elevated." The later picture, drawn by Mr. Neil Munro, is more psychological and discriminating than Scott's rougher and rapider sketch. " Had our Lordship in-bye," says John Splendid, " been sent a-fostering in the old style, brought up to the chase and the sword and manly comportment, he 6o MEN OF THE COVENANT would not have that wan cheek this day, and that swithering about what he would be at next." Or we may hearken to Archibald the Grim himself, as this most recent chronicler reports his confessions : " There is, I allow, a kind of man whom strife sets off, a middling good man in his way perhaps, with a call to the sword whose justice he has never questioned. I have studied the philosophies ; I have reflected on life, the unfathomable problem ; and, before God, I begin to doubt my very right to wear a breastplate against the poignard of fate. Dubiety plays on me like a flute." Here is a personality not to be interpreted by any short and easy method — one which may present bewildering and opposing aspects, and which is sure to be familiar with conflicting moods. Let us admit that Argyll's greatness was not that of the soldier. He had moral courage ; but he knew little about the warrior's stern joy in the clash of conflicting foes. On the fatal February day in 1645, when at Inverlochy they faced Montrose, the men who wore the Campbell tartan were " hewn down on the edge of the tide till its waves ran red." And their chief left the scene of carnage in his barge, the Dublilinn- seach — the Black Sail — before the battle he lost had well commenced. Perhaps he would have come through it honour- ably enough; but it was one of the critical moments when "dubiety played on him like a flute." He listened to the advice of others, who pleaded that his life was much too precious to the cause of the Covenant to be exposed to need- less danger — listened to them until his own directness of vision and power of initiative were forfeited ; and the failure followed, and by and by the remorse. Gillespie Grumach — although, after all, that unflattering sobriquet is not his own but his father's — was not among the generals whose very presence brings exhilaration and victory. Let us admit, too, that, like Caesar, he was ambitious. He had no liking for the subordinate place. And it is hard for the man who aspires to primacy to be always consistent, to keep the unswerving course, and to steer right onward. Biting adjectives are often affixed to Argyll's name ; Mr. Morley has said that in his politics he was " a shifty and astute opportunist." MARQUIS AND MARTYR 6i But they are draconian judges who write in this style. Doubt- less he had his compromises and concealments ; it was not easy, in those years of turmoil, for the leaders in opinion and action to avoid accepting at times, instead of the prize on which their own hearts were set, some poorer substitute. If it must be granted that he appeared variable, the sudden surprises, the strange turnings and windings, of the history in which he was so outstanding a figure, are accountable for most of the changes in his tactics. In 1648, in the days of the Whigga- more Kaid, when Preston had plunged the promoters of the Engagement into humiliation, and when the stricter Covenanters were supreme, he supped with Cromwell at Moray House, in the Canongate of Edinburgh. Six months later he cherished thoughts the reverse of friendly towards the English captain and his army. But the revolution in feeling had a sufficient cause. In the interval the scaffold at Whitehall had been erected. The Scots, who abhorred the tyrannies of the King, held his person and his office inextinguishably dear ; and Argyll shared to the full both their hates and their loves. It was in his blood, it was a necessity of birth and temperament, that he should set himself against the less emotional and more thoroughgoing Roundheads. But we could wish that he had not espoused the quarrel of Charles the Second with such entire abandonment. He was chief performer in the corona- tion scene at Scone. There were even proposals that the prince should marry the eldest of his four daughters, the Lady Anne Campbell, " a gentlewoman of rare parts and education." The scheme came to nothing, for Queen Henrietta Maria would not tolerate it, and Charles was not himself a passionate wooer ; but the disenchantment brought sore grief to poor Lady Anne, who " lossed her spirit and turned absolutely distracted," and probably the indiscreet plan was remembered at a later time to her father's discredit and undoing. Yet, short of becoming his son-in-law, the King of 1650 and 1651 was prepared to lavish every favour on the powerful noble, whose support he was so keen to win. " Particularly, I doe promis," he wrote in a letter from " St. .lohnston," as the city of Perth used to be called, " that I will mak him I3uk of 62 MEN OF THE COVENANT Argyll, and Knight of the Garter, and one of the gentlemen of my bedchamber ; and this to be performed when he shall think it fitt. And I doe further promis him to hearken to his counsels ; and, whensoever it shall pleas God to restor me to my just rights in England, I shall see him payed the forty thousand pounds sterling, which is due to him. All which I doe promis to mak good, upon the word of a King." Imagination could not have guessed, when this letter was sent, the tragedy which the future was keeping for its recipient ; but frequently Charles's smiles were auguries of disaster as sure as his frowns. Having travelled so far in Eoyalism, the Marquis needed to behave himself with wariness and circumspection through Cromwell's tenure of power. To Major-General Deane he gave his formal submission to the Commonwealth ; but there was little love on either side. In the Newsletters written by the soldiers of the Parliamentary army, one reads their distrust of the man whom they dreaded most in Scotland : " It's said Argyle hath sent a Letter with several addresses to the titular King ; what the effect of it is, as yet we know not. He is a subtle Fox, but, if he close not quickly, it is not the rockie Earths he hath amongst the Mountains that can secure him." First and last, the politician trod a difficult path. Yet Scotland would have fared happily, if she had been permitted to keep his hand on the helm of affairs. Within her borders he was the one man of his time. Professor Hume Brown has said recently, who can be regarded as a statesman ; and the eulogy is only a modern version of the older testimony that, in the hour of crisis, he " did give most and best advice in every purpose." We recall what Catherine de Medici told the Huguenots about Gaspard de Coligny : " If the Admiral were dead, I would not offer you a cup of cold water." Archibald Campbell was equally indispensable to the men who trusted him ; and good John Howie of Lochgoin is as true as he is epigrammatic, when lie declares that he had " piety for a Christian, sense for a counsellor, courage for a martyr, and a soul for a king." Piety for a Christian : that is Argyll's enduring diadem. His Protestantism had always been beyond dispute. While MARQUIS AND MARTYR 63 he was quite young — ^just approaching his majority, if we adopt the conclusion, arrived at by Mr. Willcock in his most exhaustive biography, that he was born in 1607 — his father, going over to the Roman CathoHc Church, had been compelled to surrender to his eldest son the family inheritance and more than one public office. But a man may be a zealous Pro- testant who has no vital faith ; and it was not for ten years more that the new ruler of western Scotland from Ben Cruachan to the Mull of Kintyre bowed, in lowliness of trust and obedience, before the Master who is greater than he. In the Analeda, that voluminous and delectable notebook, we read that he owed his soul to Alexander Henderson. " During the Assembly at Glasgow, Mr. Henderson and other ministers spent many nights in prayer with the Marquis of Argyll ; and he dated either his conversion or the knowledge of it from these times." It was at the epoch-making Assembly, moreover, that he first confessed his ecclesiastical predilections. When the King's Commissioner left the High Church and the resolute ministers, Argyll advised them to persevere as if nothing had happened. His sympathy with them had been secret too long, he avowed; henceforward he would espouse their cause in the hght of day and against all challengers. The Moderator could not refrain from giving open expression to his gladness over so notable a recruit. " Though we had not a nobleman to assist us," he said, and there was no braggadocio in the valiant words, " our cause were not the worse nor the weaker ; but occasion is given us to bless God that they are coming in daily." Scotland's first citizen never withdrew his championship of the Covenanters, and never became lukewarm in their defence ; " his authority and wise courage," BailHe says, " has much stopped the mouths of our enemies." The chivalry was to cost him dear. It made him adversaries among tlie men whose season of holiday and lordship began when Charles Stuart returned from vagabondage to tlie throne. " Underhand Argayll," Eothes dubs him in a letter written a month before the Restoration — Rothes, the degenerate son of the old Earl who figured in the Greyfriars at the swearing of the Covenant. 64 MEN OF THE COVENANT Middleton, too, coveted for himself some of the Marquis's estates and prerogatives. But, what was worst of all, the sequel showed that the monarch was determined to crush the strongest of his Scottish lieges. There were to be no Dukedoms and decorations for Archibald Campbell, although they had been promised him on the word of a King. No, but something very different. Six weeks after Charles entered London, the Marquis went south to congratulate him. He had been warned of the danger of the journey ; there were observant friends who saw the storm impending. But he would not admit a doubt of his royal master's constancy ; he steadfastly set his face to go up to his Jerusalem. The sovereign never allowed him to come nearer his presence than the precincts of Whitehall; as soon as his arrival was known, he commanded Sir William Fleming to imprison him in the Tower. There, through summer and autumn and early winter, he lay in chains, until in December he was sent back to Scotland by sea, to stand his trial before the Parliament in Edinburgh. It was a trial which might have been omitted altogether, no process of justice, but a travesty of righteous procedure. The judges had decided from the commencement what the end was to be. " The M. of Argyl," wrote James Sharp on the 7th of February 16Cl,"is to be arraigned upon Moonday nixt ; the most able advocats cannot be induced to plead for him, concluding him a gone man." Judges and advocates understood the wishes of Charles, and they were unvexed by scruples of conscience. All sorts of obstacles were thrown in the prisoner's way. The young lawyers who at length were persuaded to defend him — Eobert Sinclair, and John Cunningham, and George Mackenzie, the last the " Bluidy Mackenzie " of later decades — were shame- fully threatened and bullied. He had insufficient time allotted him to prepare his own apologia. He was hurried from examination to examination. Yet, although there were no fewer than fourteen counts in the elaborate indictment; although now his Covenanting, and now his harassing of Montrose, and then his compliance with Cromwell, and again his questioning of the divine right of kings, was tlie charge j 1 ) /*^5^ /^^ 111 •^^i® feS lllfi "" ^ ^^ ^^ ' // c \iM \ ^^^1 /^-^^\|^ TlVKvj^^^ ^ jf ^v Y /" .^^s M ^ ^m i^^ ^Bi ^^^B l^^^^^M ^^^^^^7 \^ '^^^^^^^^-~^v\ ^V'^i^^-^^^^^^^ ^^^ B^^'l ^^^m^^^X ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL, FIRST MARQUIS OF ARGYLL. MARQUIS AND MARTYR 65 which lie had to rebut ; although the weary debates dragged their slow length along from January until the latter part of May : he never once lost heart, and he succeeded in making his innocence so incontrovertible that even the venal tribunal before which he stood began to feel itself perplexed and baffled. Could it be that the victim, who had been marked out for the scaffold, was to escape its toils and to regain his liberty ? Here and there he found his sympathisers, who had nerve enough to range themselves on his side ; there is no flock of black sheep but shows one or too snowy fleeces. One day the leader of this gallant minority was speaking on his friend's behalf, when suddenly a peremptory knocking was heard at the door. It was a messenger who had ridden post-haste from London, from the Duke of Albemarle, the Duke whom the country knew as General Monck, and who brought from his Grace a packet of old letters which the Marquis had written years before. They were opened. They contained some expressions of goodwill to the Commonwealth and the Lord Protector. It was the one argument for which the unjust arbiters in the Parliament House were searching, to excuse the crime which they were pledged to commit. On the evidence of a turncoat they condemned the truer man at their bar. The sentence was relentless. The prisoner was bidden kneel down. " I will, in all humility," he replied, and suited the action to the word. Then the verdict was read : " That Archibald Campbell, Marquis of Argyll, is found guilty of high treason, and is adjudged to be execute to the death as a traitor, his head to be severed from his body at the Cross of Edinburgh, upon Monday, the twenty-seventh instant, and to be affixed in the same place where the Marquis of Montrose's head was formerly." He craved a respite of ten days, that he might address a last petition to his King; probably he anticipated the curt and pitiless refusal with which the trifling boon was vetoed. But no shadow of misgiving darkened his spirit. " I had the honour to set the crown on the King's head," he said, " and now he hastens me to a better crown than his own." Then, looking round on the crowded benches, he spoke his final message to his persecutors. " You 5 66 MEN OF THE COVENANT have the indemnity of an earthly King in your hands, and have denied me a share in that ; but you cannot hinder me from the indemnity of the King of kings. Shortly you must be before His tribunal. I pray He mete not out such measure to you as you have done to me." It is not too much to say that this sufferer was baptised into the forgiving ruth of Calvary, and that the younger brother reminds us of the Elder and His exceeding grace. It was Saturday, the 25 th of May 1661; within two days his fight would be over. He employed the brief pause very nobly. In the Tolbooth he found the Marchioness waiting for him — the Lady Margaret Douglas she had been, until she was wedded to Lord Lome five-and-thirty summers past and gone. " They have given me," he told her with quiet gentleness, " till Monday to be with you, my dear " ; and she flung herself into his arms in an agony of weeping, crying out, " The Lord will require it ! The Lord will require it ! " But it was not on this Saturday for the first time that she felt the sharpness of the heartbreak ; through ten long years the doom awaiting her husband had risen with her every morning. " After King Charles's Coronation," Wodrow says, " when he was in Stirling, the Marquis waited long for an opportunity to deal freely with the King anent his going contrary to the Covenant, and favouring the Malignants, and other sins. And Sabbath night, after supper, he went in with him to his closet, and there used a great deal of freedom with him, and the King was seemingly sensible, and they came that length as to pray and mourn together till two or three in the morning. And when at that time he came home to his Lady, she was surprised, and told him she never knew him so untimeous. He said, he had never had such a sweet night in the world, and told her all — what liberty they had in prayer, and how much concerned the King was. She said plainly, they were ' crocodile tears,' and that night would cost him his head." Thus it is that love purges the vision as with euphrasy and rue, and lays heavy burdens on the soul ; and now, the predestined hour having come, its gloomiest forecasts were proving all too true. But in his breast her husband wore the Flower of Peace, MARQUIS AND MARTYR 67 " the rose that cannot wither." All his life the Marquis had reproached himself, not wholly without reason, for his nervous- ness and timidity ; even in prison, he confessed, he had hitherto been somewhat inclined to fear. But, since he hearkened to the death-warrant, these alarms, like birds of bad omen, had spread their dusky wings and flown away. " For my part," he said, " I am as content to be here," among the felons in the common gaol, " as in the Castle, and I was as content in the Castle as in the Tower of London, and there I was as content as when at liberty ; and I hope to be as content upon the scaffold as in any of them all." He could ascribe the surgeless calm to nothing else than the special mercy of God. Both nights he slept soundly, as his bedfellow, David Dickson, could testify. On the Monday morning he rose early ; for he had papers to subscribe, and letters to compose, and many friends to see. But it was no longer possible to hide that mystic gladness of the Holy Ghost which possessed him. " I thought to have concealed the Lord's goodness," he broke out ; "but it will not do. I am ordering my affairs, and God is sealing my charter to a better inheritance. He is just now saying to me, Son, he of good cheer, thy sins are forgiven." Argyll was tasting no draught of death, but an elixir of life. To the end the brave equanimity was maintained. He forewarned the ministers who visited him that, in the years which were impending, they must " either suffer much or sin much " ; for there would be no neutral zone, where they could denude themselves of their responsibilities. He wrote King Charles who had pursued him to his doom, and there was not a syllable of querulous complaint in the letter to his " Most Sacred Sovereign " : there was nothing else than the assertion of his freedom from every misdemeanour except that of a forced acquiescence in Cromwell's domination, " which was an epidemic disease and fault of the time " ; this assertion, and the entreaty that his widow and children should not suffer on his account ; and then the prayer that " your Majesty and your successors may always sway the sceptre of these nations, and that they may be a blessed people under your government." It was now almost two o'clock, the time which had been fixed 68 MEN OF THE COVENANT for the execution ; and the officer told him that they must hasten. He rose at once, and moved towards the door, taking farewell of one and of another in the room. " I could die like a Koman," he said, in words which have never been forgotten ; " but I choose rather to die like a Christian. Come away, gentlemen; he that goes first goes cleanliest." On the way down the stair, he called James Guthrie to him — James Guthrie who, within a week, was to follow him along the road of martyrdom. The two bondmen and freemen of Christ embraced each other. " My Lord," Guthrie assured him, " God has been with you. He is with you, and He will be with you. Such is my respect for your Lordship that, if I were not under the sentence of death myself, I could cheerfully die for your Lordship." So those who were ready to be offered up greeted one another, as they went joyously to the altar- fires. On the scaffold he bore himself like a courteous gentleman. He bowed -with grave serenity to those whom he found waiting for him. Then, after one of the ministers had prayed, he spoke his farewell words to the crowd. He would say nothing, he declared, regarding the hardness of the sentence ; " I bless the Lord," he added, " I pardon all men, as I desire to be pardoned myself." He professed again his devotion to His Majesty's person and government ; " I was real and cordial in my desires to bring the King home, and in my endeavours for him when he was at home." His regard for the earthly monarch was secondary only to his more consuming affection for the Heavenly. " It is the duty of every Christian to be loyal ; yet I think the order of things is to be observed as well as their nature. Keligion must not be in the cockboat, but in the ship. God must have what is His, as well as Caesar what is his. Those are the best subjects that are the best Christians ; and that I am looked upon as the friend to Keformation is my glory." Indeed, no Eoman of them all, not Marcus Kegulus in the splendour of his captivity and sacrifice in Carthage, had a grander ending than this. " I stayed and saw him die," says Elrigmore in Mr. Munro's story ; " I saw his head up and his chin in the air as behoved his quality, the day he went through MARQUIS AND MARTYR 69 that noisy, crowded, causied Edinburgh — Edinburgh of the doleful memories, Edinburgh whose ports I never enter but I feel a tickling at the nape of my neck, as where a wooden collar should lie before the shear fall." When the last speech was done, another of tlie ministers prayed; and afterwards the Marquis carried the requests of his own soul to God in petitions which lingered in the memories of those who heard them. This was the time when Cunningham, his physician, as the doctor himself told Bishop Burnet, touched his patron's pulse, and discovered that it was beating at the usual rate, unhurried and strong. And now he went forward to the Maiden. " My Lord," said George Hutcheson the preacher, " hold your grip sicker " — keep your grasp unshaken on Him who is Faithful and True. "Mr. Hutcheson," Argyll answered, " you know what I said in the chamber ; I am not afraid to be surprised with fear." Once more, in a clear voice, " as one entering on eternity and about to appear before his Judge," he proclaimed himself innocent of the accusations brought against him. Then he kneeled down, and, having prayed in silence, he gave the signal, the lifting up of his hand. The knife descended. Archibald Campbell of Argyll was with his Master Christ. CHAPTER V. THE SHORT MAN WHO COULD NOT BOW. ONE of John Bunyan's Minor Prophets is Mr. Standfast, When the Pilgrims come on him, they and he are near the termination of their journey. In the Enchanted Ground, " one of the last refuges that the enemy has," they find their new comrade on his knees, speaking earnestly to One who is above. He has been tempted by Madam Bubble, who has offered to make him great and happy; "she is never weary of commending her commodities," says Greatheart the guide. Not until Mr. Standfast gave himself to wrestling with God did the " tall comely dame," with her swarthy complexion, and a smile at the end of every sentence, and a great purse at her side into which her fingers were perpetually straying, go her ways and leave him victor on the field. Among the Covenanters James Guthrie is Mr. Standfast's counterpart. The son of the Laird of Guthrie in Forfarshire, he might have claimed Madam Bubble's treasures. His father coveted Episcopal preferment for him, and at first his own wishes ran the same courtly road; in his youth he was " prelatic and strong for the ceremonies." There was one of his Bishop's daughters, too, whose face stole into his boyish heart, and he would joyfully have been her lover and knight. But other transports were moving him soon. He went from Brechin Grammar School to St. Andrews, where he gained repute for scholarship, and was made regent, or professor, of philosophy. And in the College cloisters his soul awoke no less than his mind. Samuel llutherfurd's friendship was partly responsible for the change ; and the weekly meetings which teachers and students held for prayer, where " Christ THE SHORT MAN WHO COULD NOT BOW 71 was in the midst, their Friend," did the rest. When James Guthrie left the University, it was to accept a call to a humble Presbyterian church. He had chosen the path which should lead him, not to a mitre, but to a crown of sharp cactus thorns. " I am not ashamed to give glory to God," he told the Parlia- ment two months before he died, " that, until the year 1638, I was treading other steps ; and the Lord did then graciously recover me out of the snare of Prelacy, Ceremonies, and the Service Book." Mr. Standfast had shaken off the allurements of the Enchanted Ground. Just before he was ordained, he had an opportunity of showing what side he had espoused. He signed the National Covenant. The act had a portentous accompaniment. On his way to inscribe his name, he encountered the town's hangman, " which did move him somewhat, and made him walk up and down a little before he went forward." There was in him, as in the best men of his age, a touch of old-world credulousness. This was a prophecy, he said to his beating heart. But, let the issues be what they might, there was no thought of swerving. With the vision of death in his eyes, he wrote his autograph. He was minister of Christ's Gospel for two-and-twenty years, the time being divided between his two charges of Lauder and Stirling. By 1650, he had transferred his home from the Berwickshire village to the town which is " the grey bulwark of the North." It is with Stirling that we associate Guthrie's name. Here he spoke those sermons which " proved him a great master of reason." Here he lived out that character whose Christianity was never blurred and vague. Busy as he was in the government of the Church, James Cowie, his precentor and beadle and amanuensis, maintained that he kept his personal religion as newborn as if " he had been but a young convert " ; and is it not a tribute to be envied? Nothing filled this fichis Acliates with deeper awe than the prayers of his master at family worship. They chased and seized and condemned every besetting iniquity; and the listener felt that he was himself being exposed and scourged. At last he could endure the poignant slings and 72 MEN OF THE COVENANT arrows no longer. " Tell me freely," he begged, " in what I have grieved you." But James Guthrie disabused him. It was his own wicked heart, the minister said, which he was humiliating, and they were his own errors which he tracked with the sleuth-hounds of self-scrutiny. It is an incident which casts the vividest light on the strength of his con- victions of sin, and on his intimacy with the abysses of the soul. Once again we think of Mr. Standfast, importuning for his life. The manse at Stirling was an ecdesiola Dei, if one may steal Melanchthon's Latin — a little church of God. We can cite another witness to the fact besides James Cowie. To the minister and his wife — for Guthrie had won a better help- mate than the Bishop's daughter after wliom his green love hankered — Isabel Dougal was maidservant, a maidservant who was an " elect lady " also. She had much to relate in after years of her experiences. Once her master caught her contradicting her mistress. " Isabel," he said, " I thought you had learned that which is enjoined you by the Spirit of God, Hot answering again " ; and the reproof did its work. No weak place could she detect in Mr. Guthrie's armour, unless it were his careless- ness about money, an infirmity with which many saints have been touched. " My Heart," he would say to Mrs. Guthrie, " I am going a journey on the affairs of the Church, and you must get me fifty merks " ; though where the silver merks were to come from neither mistress nor maid could divine. It is heartsome reading that, when Isabel and the precentor were married, Guthrie insisted, gentleman that he was, that he must give the bride away. And very touching is the ultimate record of his affection for those true helpers. In the Tolbooth James Cowie was writing as his clerk. " I have one other letter," the prisoner said, " for choice Christian friends, although I know not who they are." The secretary set down the glowing sentences; and the mystery flashed on their author's mind. " James ! " he cried, " it is to your wife and you that I must send this letter." Surely an aroma of the better country haunted ever afterwards the latest bequest of the man these two revered. JAMES GUTHKIE S CHAIK. THE SHORT MAN WHO COULD NOT BOW 73 Everything in the Stirling liome is " holy, happy, healthy," as the good Silurist portrays the home above. There was a time when, in one of the rooms, James Guthrie lay at the gates of death. His attendant was at the bedside, and the sick man bade him read the ninth chapter of the Epistle to the Romans. But at the words, / will have mercy on whom I will have mercy, the listener burst into tears. " I 'have nothing else to lippen to," he said — no sentence to lean upon, so stable as this pronouncement of Sovereignty and Love. In those anxious days his friends literally prayed him back to life. Most peremptory among them was Johnston of Wariston. " Lord," he wept, " Thou knowest the Church cannot want him." Wariston was right. The Church could not spare the leader in Synod and Assembly. He drew up a shrewd little treatise on Elders and Deacons, which sometimes has been ascribed in mistake to his cousin, the writer of Tlce Christian's Great Interest. His hand, too, penned the pamphlet on The CaiLses of the Lord's Wrath against Scotland, which was to furnish his opponents with a weapon they would use to his hurt. But he carried an inexhaustible sweetness of temper into the debates of the Kirk. If he found any heat of passion bubbling up, and the patience of Christ being forgotten, he would say, "We must give over now." Stoutest of the Protesters as he was, he had rather lose the battle in logic than offend against the royal law. Beneath the life spent in a hundred conflicts, there lay and brooded and sang a spirit attuned to melody. It is time, however, to make the acquaintance of Mr. Standfast in his soldier's dress: Mr. "Sickerfoot" was the very name the Malignants of Stirling devised for him. Some episodes in his career — episodes ten years older than tlie Res- toration— provide us with unanswerable proof of his boldness. We see him, at eight of a May morning, in company with Robert Trail, going by order of the Assembly to the Tolbooth, to speak to the Marquis of Montrose. It is the proud chieftain's time of dolour, and to-morrow is his execution day. But he is as intrepid as he has always been. Will James 74 MEN OF THE COVENANT Guthrie quail before him ? Far from that. He will do his duty, without harshness and without compromise. He tells Montrose that his natural temper is " too aspiring and lofty " ; that he did wrong to enlist Irish rebels among his followers ; that he ought not to have violated the Covenant. And the Marquis, being a poet and a scholar, is debonair and eloquent. He mixes his discourse with "many Latin apothegms." He argues with the ministers that they are chargeable with the death of Charles the First. "Error is infinite" — that is his sententious axiom. " I am very sorry that any actions of mine have been offensive to the Church of Scotland " : it is the one concession which he makes. There must have been yearning and regret in Guthrie's heart, when he took good- bye of the imperious cavalier. Or let us look at him as he deals with the Earl of Middleton. There is a plot to coax the younger Charles to forsake the Committee of Estates, and to trust himself to the easy-going soldier and his friends. The prince is willing enough; but the conspiracy is unmasked. Then the Com- mission of Assembly appoints the minister of Stirling to read in his own church sentence of excommunication on Middleton. Going to worship on the Sabbath, he is met by a stranger who hands him a letter. It contains a request that the excommunication may be delayed. The bell has rung out its last note, and the minister can scarcely decide how to act. " Dear Heart," his wife counsels, " what the Lord gives you clearness to do, that do," And, after sermon, the embarrassment has vanished. Let whoever will be angry, the Assembly's verdict, Guthrie feels, must be proclaimed. Proclaimed it is, and the country learns of it, and John Middleton never forgives the man who has denounced him. And he crosses swords with Charles himself. Being unable to bow his head in the house of Eimmon, he has preached against the Public Resolutions. The King summons him, and his colleague, David Bennet, who is of one mind with him, to Perth, where in the days before Worcester he holds his court. But if ho fancies that he will overawe so THE SHORT MAN WHO COULD NOT BOW 75 undaunted a tighter, he learns his miscalculation immediately. James Guthrie is King's man to the core of his nature, and will render to Caesar every penny that is Csesar's. But, first and last and midst, he is Christ's man. He informs his prince that, while he owns his authority in civil affairs, he must not meddle with matters of religion. It is Melville risen to life once more. Most notable of all, was his encounter with Cromwell. It was April in 1651, and the Lord General was in Glasgow. There, " on Sunday forenoon," as Principal Baillie reports, Oliver heard "Mr. Kobert Eamsay preach a very honest sermon " ; and, in the afternoon, the commander and his staff still being auditors, Mr. John Carstares lectured, and Mr. James Durham "gave a fair enough testimony against the Sectaries " — the iron warrior and his friends seated in the pews of the High Kirk. The Englishmen had their own thoughts about the plain-spoken theology; and, next day, Cromwell invited the ministers to a conference. Guthrie and Patrick Gillespie were the advocates of the Covenanters ; the Puritan leader himself, with Major-General Lambert, upheld the tenets of the mailed and helmeted saints. One longs to read the minutes of the discussion ; but the record has not survived. " We had no disadvantage in the thing," Baillie asserts with Presbyterian pertinacity ; but one of his rivals is as positive that victory lay with the other party — " Sure I am there was no such weight in their arguments as might in the least discourage us." This is certain, that Oliver kept the figure of one of his antagonists enshrined in his recollection. When he told the story, or when James Guthrie's name was mentioned, he had his significant epithet for the preacher. " That short man who could not bow " was what he called him. Thus steadily Mr. Sickerfoot walked to the grim consum- mation of his pilgrimage. A man of his calibre could not look for any favours, when the reign of riot and misrule was inaugurated. He had never wished to escape the confessor's garland ; he hungered for it rather. Once, in Stirling, he was talking with some brother - ministers about " predominant 76 MEN OF THE COVENANT sins " ; and he owned that his was a too " masterful desire to suffer a public and violent death for Christ and His cause." The swift exodus, he said, was greatly better than protracted sickness. Imprisoned by disease, a man might lose his senses, and might renounce the vigour of his trust. But from the scaffold, if he was reproached for the Name's sake, he " stepped into eternity with the utmost distinctness and in the immediate exercise of prayer and faith." Was it a " predominant sin " — this solicitude for the bitterness and the blessedness of the Cross ? Only the suppliant who knew its intensity could brand it so ; and, too soon for those who drew strength from his communion, his prayer was fulfilled, and from the gallows he leaped in a moment to the breast of God. At the close of August in the Eestoration year, he, with some of his spiritual kinsfolk, drew up an address to the King. They prayed for the safety of His Majesty's person. With bowed knees and bended affections, they besought him to employ his power for the conservation of the Eeformed religion. They told him of their anxiety that he should prosecute the ends of the Covenants he had sworn. " It is the desire of our souls," they concluded, " that your Majesty may be like unto David, a man after God's own heart ; like unto Solomon, of an understanding heart to discern betwixt good and bad ; like unto Jehoshaphat, whose heart was lifted up in the ways of the Lord ; like unto Josias, who was of a tender heart, and did humble himself before God." The annals of Britain would have been less gleeful and sprightly, but more august, if the King's ambitions had liarmonised in one detail with the purposes of this little band of liis Scottish subjects. But Charles did not dream of a theocracy. Before many hours had gone, the ten preachers, and one of the two laymen, who framed the exacting and ethereal address, were prisoners in Edinburgh Castle. James Guthrie was never to be free again. He was transferred to Stirling, and, afterwards, to Dundee; and then was brought back to Edinburgh; but his confinement was not once relaxed. Sharp hated the whole- THE SHORT MAN WHO COULD NOT BOW 77 hearted Protester, and Middleton was eager to punish the man who had excommunicated him. The indictment charged Guthrie with the authorship of The Causes of the Lord's Wrath, with writing the petition which led to his apprehen- sion, with denying the King's power over the Church, and with utterances which savoured of treason. The net was drawn fast round the victim. In February 1661, and again in April, he spoke in his defence before the Drunken Parliament. One of his lawyers — was it Cunningham or Nisbet ? — bore frank witness to the skill he displayed. Not merely did he outwit the advocates in questions of divinity, but he surpassed them in their own fields; he might almost have been President of the Court. But better than his cleverness was his courage. " Throughout the whole course of my life," he boasted humbly, " I have studied to be serious, and not to deal with a slack hand in what I did look upon as my duty." " My Lord," he said, as he drew the April speech to its conclusion, " my conscience I cannot submit ; but this old crazy body and mortal flesh I do submit, to do with it whatsoever you will, whether by death or banishment or imprisonment or anything else." My con- science I cannot submit: it is the creed in five words of all good soldiers of Jesus Christ, the Iliad of the martyrs in a nutshell. In a thin house sentence was pronounced ; for, after they lieard him, members slipped away, unwilling to be responsible for his bloodshedding. He was to be hanged at the Cross on Saturday, the 1st of June; his head was to be fixed on the Netherbow ; his estate was to be confiscated : so the decision ran. While the Clerk was entering it on his parchments, they put him out from the chamber, among the rude pikemen crowded at the door ; but they could not mar his tranquillity ; he thought he had never enjoyed more of Christ's consolations than then. Soon he was recalled, to hear the doom ; and, when James Cowie saw him next, his master had a sort of majesty about him, and his features shone, as Stephen's did, when the Pharisees stoned him and " God's glory smote him on the face." Guthrie had his wish, and was going home to his own abode 78 MEN OF THE COVENANT by the straightest path. Everything seemed to befriend him. He told his wife that he was more fortunate than the Marquis of Argyll ; " for my lord was beheaded, but I am to be hanged on a Tree as my Saviour was." One is sorrier for wife than for husband. " I ' but trouble you," she wept as she went away ; " I must now part from you." And he replied, already a tenant of the Heavenlies, " Henceforth I know no one after the flesh." He panted to be clear of the happiest entanglements, and to answer the welcome of his Eedeemer. On the Friday evening he dictated a number of letters, with Eobert Wodrow's father for his scribe. He signed and sealed them himself, the seal bearing the family crest; but instantly he turned it round, and drew it over the new-made impression, and thus obliterated the heraldry. " I have no more to do with coats of arms," he explained. He supped heartily, though generally he was very abstemious ; and then he slept an unbroken sleep, until four o'clock in the morning, when he sat up, and poured out his longings in prayer. The sunlight came streaming in, and James Cowie asked how he did. " Very well," he answered ; " this is the day which the Lord hath made ; let us he glad and rejoice in it" And now " the best was at hand," as a friend had written — now, while his adversaries "got the foil," he was to "get the victory." He would have walked unbound to the gallows ; but they tied his hands, as if he were a common thief. Along with him, to share his death, went Captain William Go van, the blunt Protester soldier. Two or three steps up the ladder, where he could be seen easily by the crowd, Guthrie halted to make his last speech. " I durst not redeem my life with the loss of my integrity," he said ; " I did judge it better to suffer than to sin." And, again : " My corruptions have been strong and many, and have made me a sinner in all things, yea, even in following my duty ; and therefore righteousness have I none of my own. But I do believe that Jesus Christ came into the world to save sinners, whereof I am chief." And, yet again : " I take God to record, I would not exchange this scaffold with the palace or mitre of the greatest prelate in Britain." There THE SHORT MAN WHO COULD NOT BOW 79 was a dignity about his features as he spoke, and onlookers thought they had " not seen more of God at the most solemn Communion." When at last the executioner was ready, Jaraes Guthrie's voice was heard once more. "Art Thou not from everlasting," he called in far-carrying tones, " 0 Lord my God, my Holy One ? I shall not die." Then, just before the end, he lifted the napkin from his face, and cried, " The Covenants, the Covenants shall yet be Scotland's reviving ! " " Now there was a great calm at that time in the Eiver ; wherefore Mr. Standfast, when he was about halfway in, stood a while and talked to his companions. ' I see my- self at the end of my journey,' he said ; ' my toilsome days are ended. I have formerly lived by hearsay and faith ; but now I go where I shall live by sight, and shall be with Him in whose company I delight myself. I have loved to hear my Lord spoken of, and, wherever I have seen tlie print of His shoe in the earth, there I have coveted to set my foot too. He has held me, and I have kept me from mine iniquities ; yea, my steps hath He strengthened in His way.'" The mutilated body was piously cared for. While some friends were dressing it in one of the town churches, a young gentleman came in — George Stirling his name was found to be — and poured on it a bottle of rich perfume ; and the place, like Simon's house in Bethany, was filled with the odour of the ointment. " God bless you, sir, for your labour of love ! " one of the ministering ladies said. And as for the head up on tlie arch between the High Street and the Canongate, there is a pathetic memory attaching to it. -Not that weird legend of the ruddy drops of blood, which it let fall on the Earl of Middleton's coach, and which all the nobleman's acids could not wash away. But the homelier tale of little William Guthrie, the martyr's four-year-old boy, in later years " a most serious seeker of God," who must run out to stand and study his father's face high on the city port, and then would return and tell his mother what he had been doing, and forthwith would lock himself into a room from which all her efforts 8o MEN OF THE COVENANT could not draw him for many hours. It was a sore and heavy thin" to be a Covenanter's child: but, for Mr. Sickerfoot's Willie, there was no head in the wide world so wreathed with beauty as the head which the soldiers had fastened on the Netherbow. JAMES GUXniUE, MIXISTEK OF STIRLING. CHAPTER VI. ' SHARP OF THAT ILK. LOKD MIDDLETON and the nobles who abetted him were not the only foes of the Church in the months that succeeded the Kestoration. Bad as they were, they were not the worst foes. They had for prompter a man about whom a modern historian has written that, " in the most comprehensive sense of the word, he was a knave, pur sang " — a man whose life of calculating meanness happily has few parallels. " Sharp of that Ilk," Cromwell denominated him in a shrewd phrase : Sharp, of the clan and family of the Sharps; Sharp, whose name corresponded with his nature, cunning, clever in the baser forms of cleverness, owning only " as good a heart as can be made out of brains," governed consistently by self-interest and self-regard. Oliver was a discerner of spirits. He saw into James Sharp's soul as he saw into James Guthrie's ; and he distrusted the one as thoroughly as he honoured the other. Probably no one, in the long story of the Scottish Church, bears an uglier repute ; and the scrutiny of scholars has rather blackened than brightened his record. His very handwriting, as it may be seen in the hundreds of letters he has left, is " small, paltry, niggling, and exceptionally annoying " ; his style of composition is self-conceited and pedantic. We have his portrait, painted by Sir Peter Lely ; none of his brother- Presbyters had the gold which could procure such immortality. The face is not repulsive; it has not the bold and coarse brutality of Lauderdale's. But it is not a spiritual face. The forehead is low. The eyes are furtive and yet alert ; nothing escapes them ; they have little pity and little patience ; one does not associate them with " droppings of warm tears." The 82 MEN OF THE COVENANT lips are thin and firmly closed. If the features do not excite actual disrelish, neither do they attract. They remind us of the man of the world much more than of the ambassador of Christ. Sharp was born about the year 1618, in Banffshire, where his father was Sheriff-clerk, his mother being " a gentlewoman of the name of Leslie." Neither at school nor at the University was he in any way distinguished ; his intellect never climbed very high or plunged very deep. James Kirkton, in his Secret and True History, preserves a curious tale of his college days, perhaps apocryphal, certainly coloured by the hatred he aroused in later years. In bed one night with his comrade, he fell into loud laughter, which continued until the other awoke him and asked why he was so merry. He had been dreaming, he answered, that the Earl of Crawford appointed him minister of Crail — the height of his ambition in his wholesomer youth. Again he fell asleep, and again ho lauglied, more loudly than before ; and now, when his companion recalled him to the solid earth, he was offended, for, said he, " I thought I was in a paradise, because the King had made me Archbishop of St. Andrews." " Then," rejoined his fellow, " I hope you will remember old friends." But soon he was dreaming once more, and to different purpose ; for he " wept most lamentably for a long time." Being asked the cause of the alteration, he gave a reply which was tragic enough. "I dreamed that I was driving in a coach to hell, and that very fast." " What way he drove," adds Kirkton with grim brevity, " I shall not say." Uncertainty hangs over his movements after he was done with the University. Apparently he was absent from Scotland for a while, probably in London ; because, when he returned to the metropolis, he was familiar with its streets and townsfolk. It is unlikely that he swore the Covenant in 1G38 ; but, if he felt any aversion to subscribing the stringent deed, he managed to disguise it ; when we meet him next, it is, as his dream predicted, in the church and manse of the Fifeshire village of Crail. One fears that the breath of heaven did not blow through his sermons. His letters, except wlien SHARP OF THAT ILK 83 he denounces an opponent, are grey and hard as the whinstone and cheerless as " the cold light of stars." He never was an Evangelical ; he never was vanquished by the Cross ; he had nothing more fundamental to recommend than those deeds of the laio by which, an apostle says, a man is not justified. " Mr Warner tells me," Wodrow relates, "that he was, before Archbishop Sharp's death, in conversation with two ladies of good sense and very serious. They told him that the Bishop, when he and they were talking about religion, and one in the company said somewhat of the insufficiency of blamelessness and morality for salvation, returned the reply, ' Be you good moralists, and I'll warrant you ! ' " Our hearts are forced to compassionate the parishioners of Crail. From the Analecta, too, a second anecdote may be gleaned, which brings another impeachment against him. In the manse of Kingsbarns, at no great distance from Crail, lived a young lady whom Sharp wished to win for wife. But, one Sabbath, being desirous to listen to a sermon from his lips, and equally desirous that she should not be recognised, Margaret Bruce contrived to veil her genuine self, and took the road that ran to Crail. Her wooer preached so well that all her hesitancies were swept away, and she resolved to be his bride. But between cup and lip much may intervene. For, going soon after into her father's study, she found on the table a volume of sermons, freshly come from England ; and, turning its pages, she saw that one was based on the text which she had heard James Sharp expound with such ingenuity. She read it, and discovered that it was the original which he had copied with a faithfulness too literal and undeviating. He stood before her for what he was, no individual explorer of the realm of truth, but a mere plagiarist. " Which providence opened her eyes so clearly that, when he came again to renew his proposal, she iitterly rejected his offer." But the clergyman was much away from his parish. He was a man to whom the machinery and diplomacy of the Church were more interesting than its doctrine and its life. " I remember you have sometimes merrily called me a politician," he wrote to Patrick Drummond in the December 84 MEN OF THE COVENANT of 1660 ; Hud JJiummoud's jest told the truth. A politician, and one who loved the underground passages of politics more than the breezier uplands, Sharp of that Ilk was from first to last. He fought for the Eesolutioners ; but we shall wrong his brethren if we conceive them animated by his spirit ; David Dickson and Eobert Douglas were severed from him like east from west. He was simply their indefatigable agent, a schemer with endless perseverance and secrecy and savoir /aire. Many a time, and for months at a stretch, Crail would see nothing of him ; he was busily occupied in London. Thus it happened in 1657 and 1658, when Wariston and Patrick Gillespie and James Guthrie enjoyed Cromwell's regard, and when " the great instrument of God to cross their evill designes," says Baillie in one of his letters to his cousin, " has been that very worthie, pious, wise, and diligent young man, Mr. James Sharp." Poor Baillie ! he thinks it necessary to counsel so gracious an emissary to supplement the harm- lessness of the dove with the wisdom of the serpent. " I pray God help you and guide you ; you had need of a long spoon ; trust no words nor faces ; for all men are liars." The advice was superfluous, and the Church's messenger returned to Edinburgh to report a substantial victory. " He had gotten all the designes of the exceeding busie and bold Kemonstrants defeat ; and the Protector had dismissed him with very good words, assuring he should be loath to grant anything to our prejudice." And, therefore, "we blessed God that, by Mr. Sharp's labours, was keeped off us for a tyme a much feared storme." The blindness of Christian men is occasionally ex- cessive. And nothing helps it more potently than the false and unworthy heat of party zeal. The moment for Sharp's supreme treachery, and for the bitter awakening of his friends, was at hand. When it was evident that events in England preluded the reinstatement of the Stuarts, " our caynd honist Sherp frend " — the characterisa- tion and the spelling are those of the Earl of Eothes — was again sent up to London as envoy of the Kirk. He was to take care tliat, when Charles did recross the narrow seas, it should be as a Covenanted and Presbyterian monarch. From SHARP OF THAT ILK 85 the middle of February IGGO until long after the King was in Whitehall, he remained in the centre of intrigue and activity ; and there were few of the plots of those hurrying weeks in which he did not have a finger. "So knowing a bearer, whose usefulness in your service sets him far above my recom- mendation " : it was with this benison that Lord Lauderdale introduced him to his royal master. But the Church had need of a truer knight. His succour meant humiliation and calamity for the men who confided in his good faith. We require no evidence to condemn him beyond that which he has himself supplied. He had three correspondents during 1660 and 1661 ; and we are allowed to read the letters he sent to them. The first was Eobert Douglas, the brave minister. The second was Patrick Drummond, one of the Presbyterian clergymen in England. The third was the Earl of Middleton. It might be hard at the time for those who hoped against hope to abjure their trusted agent ; but, in what he says to these three, there is no difficulty now in tracing his "juggling, prevarication, and betrayal." On the 1st of March 1660, he writes Douglas from London that " the Cavaliers point him out as the Scottish Presbyter " ; ten days later, that "Moderate Episcopacy is setting up its head " ; in the same week, that, along with Calamy and Ash, the representatives of English Nonconformity, he has " convinced General Monck that a Commonwealth is unpracticable," and has " beaten him off that sconce he hath hitherto maintained." When April comes, he " sees not full ground of hope that Covenant terms will be rigidly stuck to " ; by the middle of the month, he is sure that " the business of religion will be altogether waived in the treaty " with the King ; before the end of it, he " smells that Moderate Episcopacy is the fairest accommodation." And, all this while, Douglas is encouraging him to keep unshaken his loyalty. " It is best that Presbyterian government be settled simply ; for we know by experience that Moderate Episcopacy — what can it be other than Bishops with cautions ? — is the next step to Episcopal tyranny, which will appear very soon above board if that ground once be laid. You know the old saying, Ferpetua dictatura via ad imperium." 86 MEN OF THE COVENANT But the wise words were spoken in vain. In May, Sharp was over in Breda at Charles's court; and afterwards Eobert Douglas confessed that now he began to have his suspicions : " The first thing that gave me a dislike at him was that, when he was in Holland, he wrote to me in commendation of Hyde, an enemy to our nation and Presbyterial government." Yet the delegate of the Covenanters continued to assert his fidelity in unequivocal terms. He told how, when he met the King — the King " who surpasseth all ever I heard or expected of him " — he found him very affectionate to Scotland, and resolved not to wrong the settled worship and discipline of the Church. He assured his correspondent that, while Presbytery was a lost cause in England, he could not believe that the Service Book was to be forced on the Scots; "you know," he added, " I am against Episcopacy, root and branch." Again, on the 16th of June, when Charles had been three weeks in London, this was his diagnosis of events : " The present posture of affairs looks like a ship foundered with the waves from all corners, so that it is not known what course will be steered ; but discerning men see that the gale is like to blow for the Prelatic party ; and those who are sober will yield to a Liturgy and Moderate Episcopacy, which they phrase to be Effectual Presbytery ; and, by this salvo, they think they guard against breach of Covenant. But I know," our Bayard asserts, " this purpose is not pleasing to you, neither to me." And so things went on, until his return to Scotland in autumn, when he carried with him a letter from the King, promising to protect and defend the Church, " as it was settled by law." Some ambiguity hung about the stipulation ; but the ministers of Edinburgh inter- preted it as their wishes impelled, and read it as a gracious manifesto in vindication of the Covenanted cause. "They thought it not enough," Kirkton narrates, " to praise it in their pulpits, but bought for it a silver box, a shrine for such a precious relic." The letters to Patrick Drummond take up the tale after Sharp is again in the north ; probably, although they were addressed to this Presbyterian minister, they were intended mainly for the eyes of Lauderdale, Secretary at Court for SHARP OF THAT ILK 87 Scottish business, and all-powerful with His Majesty. In them are the same tones of injured innocency, the same protestations that the writer has not deflected by a hairsbreadth from his principles. " The course of my life, I bless the Lord, will not give evidence of my ambition and covetousness ; I have served the interests of others more than my own ; I never did seek anything of any ; whatever lot I may meet with, I scorn to prostitute my conscience and honesty to base unbecoming allurements": — there surely speaks an unsullied captain. If his friend asks his creed in a sentence, " well, I am a Scot and a Presbyter." If he desires a glimpse of his bulwark and fortress, " my fence is in God, who knoweth that my regard to my country and this Kirk doth preponder any selfish con- sideration." But, by and by, the hidden man of the heart discloses himself more freely. " I do cheyn my affection to that stream of providence which may make it to be well witli the King, and your master, my lord ; I am no phanatick, nor a lover of their way under whatsoever refyned form " : the accents of the opportunist rise to the surface in such words. Yet how weary he was of logomachies ! If he could not have leave to retire amongst his books, and to bewail there the evils which folly and pride brought on his native land, then Waft me from tlie harbour-mouth. Wild wind ! I seek a warmer sky — " I must think dc midando solo, and breathing in an aire where I may be without the reach of the noyse and pressoures of the confusions coming." Ah, but we hear the snarl of the tiger sometimes. In the end of 1660, there is a letter through no intermediary but direct to Lauderdale. It is a revelation of the genuine James Sharp. In it his hate of the Protesters has frank avowal, and we learn who inspired the worst excesses of the persecution. " I fear there can be no remedy against this malady without exercising severity upon the leading impostors, Guthiree, Gillespy, Rutherford, which will daunt the rest of the hottheads, who in time may be beat into sound minds and sober practises." We are permitted, at last, to hearken to the utter- ance of candour and veraciousness. 88 MEN OF THE COVENANT Most damning of all, however, is a letter to Middleton. It is dated on the 21st of May 1661, and is written from London. What has it to say ? This, that Sharp was then holding constant interviews with Lord Clarendon and the English Bishops ; that the subject of their discussions was the establish- ment of Episcopacy in Scotland ; and that the project had his hearty approval. This, also, that, before he travelled south, he and the Commissioner in Edinburgh had conferred on the same topic, and that he was aware of the Commissioner's intention to humble the Kirk. And this, finally, that, in his judgment, " the superstructure for which Middleton has laid the foundation will render his name precious to the succeeding generations." Let us remember that, only two months before, he had boasted that " thrice a week at least Mr. Douglas " was with him ; that there was no public matter he could learn which he did not impart to his friend ; and that he had joined the Presbyterian leader in beseeching Lord Middleton to call a General Assembly, and to refrain from rescinding the Acts of Parliament which favoured the Covenanters. Let us remember, too, his asseveration to Patrick Drummond that he was resolved " not to meddle any more in these stormy and bespattering entanglements." He has one language for the old associates whom he befools, and a contradictory language for the new masters whom he courts with a sycophant's assiduity. His circumlocutions and artifices, when he conversed with Drummond and Douglas, were the courtesy of Geraint, courtesy "with a touch of traitor in it." Even Kobert Baillie, stung into what for him is unwonted courage, speaks some plain truths to Lord Lauderdale : " If you or Mr, Sharp, whom we trusted as our own soules, have swerved towards Chancellor Hyde's principles, as now we see many doe, you [have much to answer for." Twelve months later, in May 1662, the Principal wrote his last letter, and in it he said his final word about the distasteful subject : " Had we but petitioned for Presbytrie at Breda, it had been, as was thought, granted ; but, fearing what the least delay of the King's coming over might have produced, and trusting fully to the King's goodness, we hastened him over without any provision for our safetie. At that time it JAMES SHARP, AECHBISHOP OF ST. ANDREWS. After a Painting by Sir Peter Lely. SHARP OF THAT ILK 89 was that Dr. Sheldon, now Bishop of London, and Dr. Morley, did poysou Mr. Sharp, our agent, whom we trusted ; who, peice and peice, in so cunning a way has trepanned us as we have never win so much as to petition either King, Parliament, or Councell." Troy was surrendered now ; the citadel of Presby- terianisiu was overthrown. And a Sinon within the gates deceived the townsmen and wrought the ruin. ' The Church, " as it was settled by law," was not to be the Church of the Covenants ; when the Eescissory Act blotted out the legislation of two decades, and when Sharp pro- nounced his benediction on the superstructure of which Middleton laid the foundations, the phrase could only mean the Church established by James the Sixth and confirmed by his son. So, in the harvest of 1661, the Privy Council announced that Bishops were to be restored. In December, four men were sent up to London, to be consecrated by Anglican dignitaries, and thus qualified to impart similar sanctities to their Scottish brethren. James Hamilton, brother of Lord Belhaven, and once active in the service of the Kirk, received the diocese of Galloway. Andrew Fairfoul, a humorist whose life was not over - strict — " Yes," said Lord Eothes, " he has learning and sharpness enough, but he has no more sanctification than my grey horse ! " — became the Archbishop of Glasgow. Robert Leighton was sent to Dunblane: Eobert Leighton, the one holy man of the four, of whom Burnet writes in a beautiful sentence that he " seemed to be in a perpetual meditation." And James Sharp had the reward of his craft and tireless time- serving in being made their titular head ; the minister of Crail was now Archbishop of St. Andrews. A few weeks before, he had ventured once again to visit Douglas in his house in Edinburgh. He told him of the King's purpose to settle the Church under Bishops, aixl how Charles desired Douglas to accept the primacy. But the true man answered curtly that he would have nothing to do with it. His guest insisted, only to receive a second No ; and then Sharp rose to take his leave. Robert Douglas convoyed him to the door ; but, after he had passed through it, he called him back, and said, go MEN OF THE COVENANT " James, I see you will engage ; I perceive you are clear ; you will be the Bishop of St. Andrews. Take it, and the curse of God with it." And instantly clapping him on the shoulder, he shut the door. It was a di'amatic parting between those who had been as brothers. Perhaps even this man, seared as his conscience was, felt a tremor of awe as he went down the stair, with the good minister's anathema resting on his head. We shall nieet Sharp sufficiently often in the future ; but we know now why his contemporaries recoiled from him with a shuddering abhorrence. The uncanniest stories were current among them about their arcli-enemy. They whispered that he was in league with Satan, and that, more than once or twice, his ghostly coadjutor was closeted with him, in visible shape. " My lord," queried a poor creature whom the Arch- bishop, presiding over the Privy Council, wished to banish for witchcraft to the King's plantations in the West Indies — " My lord, who was Yon with you in your chamber on Saturday night, betwixt twelve and one o'clock ? " And the Archbishop's face turned both black and pale, and the prisoner was dismissed incontinently from the bar. It seemed as if no diablerie were too hideous for the betrayer of the Church. Mr. Whittier, the tenderest of American poets, has some terrible verses which he entitles Ichabod — verses that pillory a statesman, who, for a time, proved recreant to the cause of emancipation — Of all we loved and honoured, naught Save power remains, — A fallen angel's pride of thouglit, Still strong in chains. They are verses which, if it were not that they invest him with too much intellectual greatness, might have been written about James Sharp, who persecuted that which formerly he preached. CHAPTER VII. ■ THEIR GRACES ENTER AND HIS GRACE DEPARTS. THE second session of the Earl of Middleton's Parliament was commenced in May of 1662. It has not been garlanded in history with the luxuriant infamy which encircles its predecessor ; but it was zealous in following up the work so emphatically begun. It brought back the Bishops to the benches of the House. It restored to them their accus- tomed dignities, privileges, and jurisdictions. It went further. Thirteen years before, patronage had been abolished in the Presbyterian Church, and congregations had been given the right to call ministers of their own choosing. But Parliament decreed that popular election must cease ; and, not content with this provision for the future, the legislators enacted that the preachers ordained since 1649 must receive presentation from the lawful patron and sanction from the Bishop of the diocese, or else must vacate their charges. The law was as spiteful as it was retrograde. But, if Parliament fashioned the bullets, the Privy Council fired them. The west of Scotland was the headquarters of the Covenanters; and in the openmg week of October Lord Middleton was in Glasgow. He listened to the complaint of the Archbishop, Andrew Fairfoul, that not one of the younger ministers under his superintendence would acknowledge his authority in the manner enjoined by the senators in Edinburgh. Their recalcitrancy is not strange; Fairfoul's character did not add weight to his fiats among religious men. " He used to go out to a gentleman's house, and there, all the Sabbath, play at cards and drink. One day, one of the servants came into the room. * Have you been at sermon ? ' says 92 MEN OF THE COVENANT the Archbishop. ' Yes,' says he. ' Where was the text ? ' ' Be member the Sabbath day to keep it holy,' says the servant." But the King's Commissioner, angrier and more impatient than ever because for weeks he had been in a state of intoxication, was enraged at what the Churchman told him. He vowed that he should bring the transgressors to a humbler mind. Gathering round him as many of the members of Council as were within reach, he framed an Act to enforce the submission of the ministers. Not one of those present, with the solitary exception of Sir James Lockhart of the Lee, was sober. " Duke Hamilton told me," Gilbert Burnet testifies, " they were all so drunk that day that they were not capable of considering anything that was laid before them, and would hear of nothing but executing the law without any relenting or delay." Sir James protested strenuously against their decision ; but the protest was futile. His colleagues were in no mood to welcome the monitions of saving common- sense. This was what the Glasgow meeting of the Privy Council did : it declared that all the ministers who should have failed, by the 1st of November, to obtain the authorisation of patron and bishop must leave their parishes. There would not be ten, Fairfoul asserted loudly, of such incorruptible faith and constancy that they would be unwilling to retain their salaries and their comforts by compliance. He was quickly and start- lingly undeceived. In the depth of winter between three and four hundred Scottish clergymen, rather than wound conscience by accepting their holy office from any but Jesus Christ, abandoned stipend and parish and home. Middleton himself was astounded. " What will these mad fellows do ? " he cried. James Sharp, who was keenly desirous to have the work accomplished, but who would have gone about it with more deliberation and finesse, was in a paroxysm of rage ; he protested that by his fatal precipitancy Fairfoul had spoiled everything. The members of the Council, returning to an evanescent thoughtfulness and penitence, realised that they had committed a huge error in tactics, and extended the day of grace until the 1st of February in the following year. But THEIR GRACES ENTER AND HIS GRACE DEPARTS 93 the deed was done; and neither allurement nor threatening conld persuade the outed ministers to come back. Perforce their empty places must be filled ; but with whom ? It is now that we meet with the men, who, if they did not rouse our indignation by their arrant hypocrisy, would supply the missing element of gaiety in the sorrows of the time. The curates, "their graceless graces," were the laughing-stock of the country. Most of them were Highlanders, who had no comprehension of Lowland notions and ways. Many were beardless boys of seventeen or eighteen, " a sort of young lads," Kirkton says, "unstudied and unbred, who had all the properties of Jeroboam's priests, and who went to their churches with the same intention and resolution a shepherd contracts for herding a flock of cattle." So entirely bucolic the poor fellows were that landlords in the north were heard cursing the Presbyterian pastors, because, since they forsook their parishes, not a boy could be got to watch the cows: everywhere the farm-lads were smitten with an insatiable hunger to reap the profits of the pulpit. There were cases in which the lay patron, alive in some measure to the necessities of the people, disdained to present the ridiculous applicant; but the Bishop did not fail in his duty, and, if the curate went without the imprimatur of tlie secular overlord, he was sure of his appointment from his spiritual superior. " They were the worst preachers I ever saw," Burnet confesses, " ignorant to a reproach, and many of them openly vicious, the dregs and refuse of the northern parts." The reception they had from incensed parishioners, who longed after their own banished teachers, was in a hundred instances more testy and waspish than urbane. " Well, when they came about the end of the spring, in some places they were welcomed with tears and requests to be gone, and not to ruin the poor congregation and their own soul ; in some places they were entertained with reason- ings and disputes, in other places with threatenings and curses, and in others with strange affronts and indignities. Some stole the bell-tongue, that the people's absence from sermon might be excusable ; some barricadoed the door, to oblige the curate to enter by the window literally. A shepherd boy, finding in 94 MEN OF THE COVENANT the field a nest of pismires, fills a box with them ; this he empties in the curate's bootheads as he is going to pulpit. The poor man began his exercise, but was quickly obliged to interrupt, the miserable insects gave him so much pain and disturbance." " From which it appears that the hireling does more than stain himself with sin; he becomes an inevitable mark for derision and jest. It was in vain that the directors of Church and country strove to secure auditors for these absurd priestlings. The Privy Council devised " the Bishops' Drag Net," a measure which sought, by imposing heavy fines, to enforce attendance in the deserted churches. But the people stolidly and steadily refused to be coerced. Then the Council passed " the Scots' Mile Act," which required the recusant ministers not to reside within twenty miles of their former homes, nor within six miles of Edinburgh, nor within three miles of any royal burgh. It scarcely mattered, however, how far the loved and familiar preachers might be driven away ; like their Master, they could not he. hid from men and women who knew the value of their words and works. This was the time when the religious services began, at first in private houses and soon in the open fields, which we call the Conventicles, and which are so famous in the chequered story of the Covenant. It was the time, too, when a career, sufficiently boastful and overbearing, was to be quenched in night. The Earl of Middle- ton, " who carried more high while he was in Scotland than ever any of our one hundred and eight sober limited kings had done," dared, in the blind infatuation of his confidence, to risk an encounter with one who was mightier than himself; and in the contest he was routed beyond remedy. He was filled with envy of Lauderdale, and boldly attempted to effect his rival's downfall. The history of how he tried to compass his purpose is a curious one. An Act of Indemnity had at last been given to Charles's northern Icingdom, exempting from troublesome consequences those of His Majesty's subjects who had been over-friendly with Oliver and the Common- wealth. But Middleton determined that from the benefits of this Indemnity he would exclude twelve persons who were THEIR GRACES ENTER AND HIS GRACE DEPARTS 95 especially obnoxious to himself : he would have them disquali- fied, so that tliey could not occupy any place of public honour and trust. He arranged that the members of Parliament should write on shps of paper — " Billets " was the term he used — the names of this ostracised and unforgiven dozen ; and he cajoled and bribed and bullied them to set Lauderdale in the forefront of the catalogue of culprits. It' was done as he demanded. "Viceroy hath been Eoy in his word," William Sharp, the Archbishop's brother, wrote in sympathetic ink, to the blackened and castigated statesman. But the intriguer had overreached himself. Lauderdale received from his own agents in Scotland a narrative of the whole transaction, before the envoys of the Parliament could get from Edinburgh to Whitehall, to report it to the King, and to gain the royal consent to the billeting of the twelve. He had endless stores of wit, wit of which Charles never wearied. He covered Middleton's bungling scheme with sarcasm and scorn. He laughed it into shreds and tatters, until even Clarendon, who was the Commissioner's friend, admitted its impossibility, and the King, when at length the messengers from the north arrived, flung their parchment unopened into his cabinet. Then Lauderdale became serious in his revenge. He dwelt on the iniquity of a plan," whereby any man's honour, his life, his posterity, may be destroyed without the trouble of calling him or hearing his answer." He had never known, he said, that the ballot was abused to draw down disgrace and punish- ment on the head of a political adversary, " except among the Athenians, who were governed by that cursed sovereign lord, the People." He begged his master to take every step to undo the affront. When things had gone so far, the last scene of the play could not be distant. Lauderdale's triumph was complete. He went down to Edinburgh, to fight the battle out in person against his less resourceful foe. In May 166P), Middleton lost the Commissionership. By and by the successful diplomatist could send joking letters to the King : " By yesterday's Act," he says, "you will see that Billeting is dead, buried, and descended." In January 1664, new disasters overtook the 96 MEN OF THE COVENANT ruler whose folly had underrQiued his proud estate. Here is a document almost pathetic in its confession of defeat : " May yt pleas Your Majestic, I Jhon Earle of Middleton doe by these freelie and heartilie resigne upgive and overgive in and to Yr. Majesties hands the offices of Captain generall of Yr. Majestie's Kingdome of Scotland, and of captain and keeper of Yr. Majestie's Castle of Edinbrogh, granted to me by two severall guifts and letters patent under Yr. Majestie's great scale of the said kingdome, to be disposed upon at Yr. Majestie's pleasour in all tyme commyng. In wittnes wherof the presents are written and signed by, May it pleas Yr. Majestic, Yr. Majestie's most faithfull most humble and most obedient subject and servant, Middleton." The Scottish nation saw the rough soldier, who had wrought its best citizens much injury, driven ignominiously from its coasts. " It is reported that, as he passed Tweed, a poor country woman at Coldstream told him, since he had been so busy to destroy their ministers, he should never have more power in Scotland." The vaticination came to pass. Charles, indeed, felt a kind of pity for the discredited magnate. He made him Governor of Tangier. In that remote outpost of Englisli dominion, Middleton lived for a few years, until his self- indulgence was the cause of his death. Hiding one day in a half-drunken state, he fell from his saddle and broke some bones, one of which penetrated his heart. " Such an end," as James Kirkton tells us in a magnanimous phrase, " had this valiant unhappy man." JOHN LIVINGSTON OF ANCEUM, From the Portrait in Gofford House, the property of the Earl of Wemijss. CHAPTER VIII. JOHN LIVINGSTON TELLS HIS OWN STORY. MY Lord Middleton's journey into the western shires," wrote the Earl of Lauderdale to Sir Eobert Moray, " was only a flanting and a feasting journey ; many ministers were put out in those parts, but no further done." The achievement in expulsion, to Lauderdale so paltry, was grievous to the western shires themselves. Nor was it the west alone which suffered. The preachers were ejected in other districts of Scotland. In the Border country lies the village of Ancrum ; and Ancrum in those years was happy in having John Livingston for its minister. He was compelled to go. At the Monday service after his Sacramental Sabbath, in October 1662, he spoke to his people for the last time. His gentle and modest spirit revealed itself in his farewells. " We have been labouring among you these fourteen years," he said, " and have that conviction we have not taken the pains, in private or public, which we ought; yet in some sort, we hope we may say it without pride, we have not sought yours but you. We cared not to be rich and great in this world. In as far as we have given offence, less or more, to any in this congregation, or any that have interest in it, or any round about it, or any that are here present, or any of the people of God elsewhere, we crave God's pardon, and crave also your forgiveness." Bravely John Livingston laid down the work he loved, concealing the sharpness of the pain. But his hearers could not suppress their tears. As on the seashore at Miletus, so in Ancrum Kirk, elders and folk sorrowed that they should see their apostle's face no more. In December he appeared before the Privy Council, accused 98 MEN OF THE COVENANT of " turbiilency and sedition" — a strange indictment for one who esteemed it " better to walk the realm unseen than watch the hour's event." " I have carried myself," he pleaded, " with all moderation and peaceableness, and have lived so obscurely that I wonder how I am taken notice of." He had, he told the Chancellor, acknowledged the Lord's mercy in restoring the King. He was prepared to admit His Majesty's civil supremacy over all persons and in all causes. But he was not free to take the Oath of Allegiance in the terms in which it was proposed to him. The Chancellor offered to adjourn the court, that he might reconsider his refusal. " I humbly thank your Lordship," he replied ; " it is a favour which, if I had any doubt, I would willingly accept. But if, after seeking God and advising anent the matter, I should take time, it would import that I have unclearness or hesitation ; which I have not." So the Council passed sentence. Within two months the prisoner was to leave His Majesty's dominions. Within forty-eight hours he was to remove from Edinburgh, and go to the north side of the Tay. He solicited permission to pay a short visit to his home, that he might have some talk with wife and children. But the favour was withheld. There must be no more intercourse with Ancrum; the sooner its minister was in exile, the better pleased his judges would be. John Livingston has written " a brief historical relation " of his life, so that we can look into his eyes, and can learn his motives, and can see how human and how godly he was. The land was in evil case whose governors sent such a citizen across the seas. He was a son of the manse, born at Kilsyth in 1603, his father "all his days straight and zealous in the work of reformation," his mother " a rare pattern of piety and meek- ness." He could not remember the time or the mode of his own conversion ; from the outset his life had belonged to our God and His Christ. While he was yet a schoolboy in Stirling, he was a member of the Church ; and never could he forget the first occasion when he sat down at the Holy Table : " There came such a trembling upon me that all my body shook, yet thereafter the fear departed, and I got some comfort JOHN LIVINGSTON TELLS HIS OWN STORY 99 and assurance." His earliest inclination was to the profession of medicine ; but, spending a day in solitary communion with God, in a cave on the banks of the Mouse Water, over against the Cleghorn woods, he had it made out to him that he behoved to preach Jesus Christ. Thenceforward Livingston had " one passion, and it was He, He alone." When Grlasgow College was left behind, and in 1625 he began to speak for his Master, he had his first taste of persecution. Congregations in different parts — Torphichen, Linlithgow, Leith, Kirkcaldy — were eager to claim him; but in each case the Bishops prevented the settlement. For five years he had no sphere of work peculiarly his own. But God's blessing went with him through the period of waiting. Some- times the preaching of the Covenanters is condemned as cold and hard ; but Livingston's words had the flame of the Holy Ghost glowing in them, and they conquered and captivated the souls of men. One of the great revivals in the annals of the Church is linked with the name of the young probationer whom the Bishops pursued with their hate. It happened at the Kirk of Shotts, on the 21st of June 1630. Like that day of good-byes at Ancrum, it was the Monday after a Sabbath of Communion. With some friends he had spent the night before in laying fast hold upon the promise and the grace of Heaven. When the midsummer morning broke, the preacher wanted to escape from the responsibilities in front of him. Alone in the fields, between eight and nine, he felt such misgivings, such a burden of unworthiness, such dread of the multitude and the expectation of the people, that he was consulting with himself to have stolen away ; but he " durst not so far distrust God, and so went to sermon, and got good assistance." Good assistance indeed ; for, after he had spoken for an hour and a half from the text. Then will I sprinkle clean water upon you, and ye shall he clean, and was thinking that now he must close, he was constrained by his Lord Himself to continue. " I was led on about ane hour's time in ane strain of exhortation and warning, with such liberty and melting of heart as I never had the like in publick all my life." No fewer than five hundred men and women, some of lop MEN OF THE COVENANT them ladies of high estate, and others poor wastrels and beggars, traced the dawn of the undying life to John Livingston's words that day. Healthful as his fellowship would be, we cannot accompany him through the changeful experiences of his ministry. His first parish was an Irish one, that of Killinchy in County Down, to which the Bishop of Eaphoe, more liberal than most of the prelates, ordained him. In 1638, the expatriated Scot recrossed the Channel, to Stranraer, his residence for ten years, where, if the town was " but little and poor," the people were " very tractable and respectful," and their teacher was "sometimes well-satisfied and refreshed." Then came the fourteen summers in Ancrum ; and then the ejection by the Privy Council. Stirring incidents broke in on the quiet usefulness of Livingston's career in his various homes. In Ireland he and others like him were so harassed by the ill- will of Church potentates more intolerant than his Grace of Kaphoe, or than Dr. Ussher, Primate of Armagh, " ane godly man although ane Bishop," that they built a ship near Belfast of one hundred and fifty tons' burden, and called it The Eagle Wing, and were minded in the spring of 1636 to start for the New England of the Pilgrim Fathers. It was September before they did set sail ; and then, when they were about four hundred leagues away from the Irish coast, such pitiless storms overtook them that they concluded God meant them to return. It was a perilous voyage back to Ulster ; but the days were vocal with social prayer and thanksgiving, and every heart felt a confidence which nothing could damp: "yea, some expressed the hope that, rather than the Lord would suffer such an companie to perish if the ship should break, He would put wings to all our shoulders and carry us safe ashoare." On board the vessel a baby-boy came to Michael Coltheard and his wife, and, on the succeeding Sabbath, he was baptised by John Livingston, who named him Seaborn ; one is tempted to think that Seaborn Coltheard must be younger brother of Oceanus Hopkins, who had his wave-rocked cradle in the cabin of the Mayflower sixteen autumns before. JOHN LIVINGSTON TELLS HIS OWN STORY loi At the Hague, in 1650, the preacher wrestled with worse billows than those of the Atlantic. He was among the commissioners who treated with Charles " for security to religion and the liberties of the country, before his admission to the exercise of the Government." He did not covet the errand. He had some scruple that ministers meddled too frequently in State matters. He knew his own " unacquainted- ness and inability," and how he was " ready to condescend too easily to anything having any show of reason," so that he feared he " should be a grief and shame " to those who sent him. He would even have preferred, if it had been the will of God, to be drowned in the waters by the way. But the Church insisted that he and James Wood and George Hutcheson, with the Earl of Cassillis and Alexander Brodie, must be her representatives. To his last hour he had regret- ful memories of the episode. He soon saw the frivolity of the King; "many nights he was balling and dancing till near day." He could not approve the treaty which was made; " it seemed rather like ane merchant's bargain of prigging somewhat higher or lower than ingenuous dealing." He tried to avoid returning to Scotland in the retinue of the Prince, and was only enticed on board by a trick. Altogether it was a humbling reminiscence. " So dangerous it is for a man of a simple disposition to be yoked with these who, by wit, authority, and boldness, can overmaster him." We begin to understand John Livingston's character. He was a Protester, but a Protester in whom resided the New Testament grace of epieikeia, moderation and sweet reasonable- ness. He suspected at times that those with whom he allied himself "kept too many meetings," and thus rendered the Church's divisions wider and more mournful than they need have been. Pre-eminent among his gracious features is his invincible modesty. He took the lowest room. He was a proficient in the humility of which he wrote to a friend, that "it fitteth the back for every burden, and maketh the tree sickerest at the root when it standeth upon the top of the windy hill." His gladness is unfeigned when he recalls how the parishes, which wished to have him, but from which he I02 MEN OF THE COVENANT had been held back, were " far better provided." On one occasion, when competing calls came, " his own mind inclined most to Straiton, because it was an obscure place, and the people landwart simple people." " I think," he said, " every minister of my acquaintance gets his work done better than I ; yet I would not desire to be another than myself, nor to have other manner of dealing than the Lord uses, for His power is made perfect in weakness." Yet Livingston had ample cause for an honourable pride. He was a cultured scholar. He knew Hebrew and Chaldee and " somewhat also of the Syriack." He longed to add an understanding of Arabic to his other Semitic conquests ; but " the vastness of it " gave pause even to his indomitable spirit. He was familiar with French and Italian and Dutch, and read the Bible in Spanish and German. In the noble army of book-lovers our Covenanter stands well to the front. Like Eichard de Bury, he " valued codices more than florins " ; and he would have sympathised with Thomas Hearne's quaint and particular thanksgiving when unexpectedly he lighted on three manuscripts of venerable age. Listen to him : " I had a kind of coveting, when I got leisure and opportunity, to read much and of different subjects ; and I was oft challenged " — that is to say, my wideawake conscience upbraided me — "that my way of reading was like some men's lust after play." But he was no Dryasdust, abjuring for his folios all less stringent joys. He had a melodious voice, and, in his younger days, he was fond of using it. When he was a student at Glasgow, the Principal, Eobert Boyd of Trochrigg, " of an austere - like carriage but of a most tender heart," would now and then call him and three or four others, and would lay down books before them, and would have them sing those " setts of musick" in which he and they took delight. In later and more troublous years, Livingston did not sing so often in concert with his friends, "wherein I had some little skill"; just as he denied himself the other recreation of hunting, which once he had found "very bewitching." But no dis- tresses could quite silence the song in his soul. "A line of praises " he thought " worth a leaf of prayer " ; and, growing JOHN LIVINGSTON TELLS HIS OWN STORY 103 more rapturous, he would break forth: "0, what a massy piece of glory on earth is it, to have praises looking as it were out at the eyes, praises written upon the forebrow; to have the very breath smelling of praises, to have praises engraven on the palms of the hands, and the impression of praises on every footstep of the walk : although this be that day, if ever, wherein the Lord calleth to mourning and fasting ! " He was one of those delineated in the old verse. My people shall dwell in a jjeaceable habitation. There were two places where John Livingston was seen at his best. One was his home. It might be very poor. In Killinchy — the record is almost incredible — his stipend was £4 a year. But the household was always rich in love. His wife was the eldest daughter of Bartholomew Fleming, an Edinburgh merchant. Before he married her, in 1635, many had told him of her gracious disposition ; but for nine months he had no clearness of mind to speak to her. But, going with her one Friday to a meeting, he found her " conference so judicious and spiritual" that his scruples were scattered to the winds. Yet it was another month before he " got marriage affection to her, although she was for personal enduements beyond many." On his knees he asked it from God, and, when it came, there were no limits to its fulness : " thereafter I had greater difficulty to moderate it." Livingston has none of that aloofness from the gladnesses of the hearth which we note in some of his fellows. And his wife was worthy of him. Years after, when he was gone, and when the skies hung still more thunderously over Presbyterian Scotland, she faced the Earl of Eothes, and sought liberty for the ill-treated ministers. Her husband's heart could trust in her. The other place where he showed at his worthiest was the pulpit. He would not acknowledge it himself, girdled as he was with the cincture of lowliness. " As concerning my gift of preaching," he wrote penitently, " I never attained to any accuracie therein, and, through laziness, did not much endeavour it." His custom was to put down some notes beforehand, and to leave the enlargement of them to the time of delivery. His style, he insists, was suited only to the 104 MEN OF THE COVENANT common people, and not to scholarly listeners. Yet he has clear and shrewd ideas about the architecture of a sermon. If he would not have too few doctrines, neither would he reckon too many particular points, as " eighthly," " tenthly," " thirteenthly." The matter should not be over-exquisite, with th« abstruse learning which savours of affectation ; but it ought not to be childishly rudimentary, for that procures careless hearing and contempt of the gift. There should not be an excess of similitudes and pictures ; but the absence of them altogether will impoverish rather than help. In his utterance, the speaker ought not to sing his sentences, nor to draw out his words to an inordinate length, nor to assume a weeping-like voice, nor to shout too loud, nor to sink too low. John Livingston understood the technical side of his sacred calling. And, despite his self-depreciation, he was an ambassador who seldom failed to transact vital business for his Master; as we should expect, when we know that his chief care, before entering the pulpit, was to be in a spiritual frame, and that, in it, he was aided most by "the hunger of the hearers." On his deathbed these were his words: "I cannot say much of great services ; yet, if ever my heart was lifted up, it was in preaching of Jesus Christ." There were multitudes who could corroborate the witness. Mr. Lowell pays to the naturalist Agassiz the fine tribute that, " where'er he met a stranger, there he left a friend." It is a coronet which might gleam on Livingston's brow. He had a genius for friendship. To the end of life he won new sisters and brothers in the family of God. One of our debts to him is the series of portraits he has bequeathed to us of his intimates. Miniatures these portraits are, but miniatures done by a painter who has put both intellect and affection into his work. There are ladies in his gallery : like Lady Eobertland, who said to him, " With God the most of mosts is lighter than nothing, and without Him the least of leasts is heavier than any burden"; and like Elizabeth Melvill, the Lady Culross, who would write, " Ye must be hewin and hamerd down and drest and prepaired, before ye be a Leving Ston fitt for His building " ; and like Margaret Scott of Stranraer, who was MKS. JOHN LIVINGSTON OF ANCEUM. From the Portrait in. Gos/ord House. JOHN LIVINGSTON TELLS HIS OWN STORY 105 " but in a mean condition," and yet contributed for the Covenanting army "seven twenty- two shilling sterling pieces and one eleven shillings' piece of gold," and, when her minister asked how she could part with so much, made the tender reply, " I was gathering, and had laid up this to be a portion to a young daughter I had ; and, whereas the Lord lately hath pleased to take my daughter to Himself, I' thought I would give Him her tocher also." There are Christian laymen among the artist's subjects : Cathcart of Carleton, who came out to family worship from the place of secret communion, and, having prayed earnestly and confidently, ran back to his chamber as soon as he had done ; and John Mein, the merchant, who always sang some psalms as he put on his clothes in the morning, and who could point to a room where he had spent a whole night in fellowship with God, and where he had seen a light greater than ever was the light of the sun. But the ministers are the favourite themes. They pass before us, an inspiriting company of great-hearted gentlemen. Eobert Bruce, who was short in prayer with others, but then " every sentence was like a strong bolt shot up to heaven " ; John Smith of Maxtone, who, whenever he met a youth studying for the Church, would draw him aside, and " seriously and gravely exhort him, and heartily bless him " ; David Dickson, who told Livingston with his latest breath, " I have taken all my good deeds and all my bad deeds, and cast them in a heap before the Lord, and have betaken me to Jesus Christ, in whom I have full and sweet peace"; Kobert Blair, "of a majestick, awfull, yet amiable countenance," who was " seldom ever brangled in his assur- ance of salvation " ; Kobert Cunningham, " the one man to my discerning who resembled most the meekness of Jesus Christ," who, when his wife sat by his deathbed, prayed for the whole Church, and for his parish, and for his brethren in the ministry, and for his children, and in the end said, " And last, 0 Lord, I recommend to Thee this gentlewoman, who is no more my wife," and, with that saying, he softly loosed his hand from hers, and gently thrust her hand a little from him : — we would not miss one in the priestly and kingly succession. And his must have been a rich and roomy nature, who could gather such friends. io6 MEN OF THE COVENANT But Middleton and the Council had no place for him in Scotland. " At last, on the 9th of Aprile 1663, 1 went aboarde in old John Allan's ship, and, in eight dayes, came to Eotterdam." Until the August of 1672 the exiled preacher tarried his Lord's leisure, and then the earthly service was sublimed into the heavenly. In Ancrum or in Holland, in honour and dishonour, it fared well with the man who could write : " If it were given to my option, God knows I would rather serve Him on earth and then endure the torments of the lost, than live a life of sin on earth and then have for ever the bliss of the ransomed." CHAPTER IX. • A NONSUCH FOR A CLERK. " TT is clear," writes Professor Eendel Harris of a nineteenth- J- century saint, " that we must begin our reminiscences by constructing for him what the Jews call a Sepher Toldoth, or Book of Generations." There is a peculiar appropriateness in so beginning any sketch of Archibald Johnston, Lord Wariston, the Lawyer of the Covenant. He owed much to the men and women of his house, who had travelled the highroad of life before him. A bad heredity is a woeful burden ; and they are much to be pitied against whom "from the cradle fate and their fathers fight." But there is a good heredity which is a strong shelter to the soul, and an incalculable aid to holy living. Archibald Johnston, like numbers more, had many reasons to be thankful for his Book of Generations. He could hardly have been anything else than a learned advocate. His grandfather, Sir Thomas Craig, was a renowned pleader, and the author of a treatise on Feudal Law. One aunt was wife of the first Lord Durie, and mother of the second ; another aunt was married to Sir James Skene, President of the Court of Session. Merchant burgess of Edinburgh as his father was, the boy who was born, in March 1611, to a career 80 stormy w^as predestined to a lawyer's ambitions and victories. The Sepher Toldoth prophesied his eminence in the Courts. But, if the God of parents is the God of children, there was as much likelihood that he would be a Covenanter and a Christian. He had a grandmother, Rachel Arnot, who was a princess in the aristocracy of the Kirk. She had hidden Robert Bruce within her walls — Robert 13ruce, the minister of St. Giles, who was often at cross purposes with James the io8 MEN OF THE COVENANT Sixth. In the same house, too, in the Sciennes, when the Five Articles of Perth were ratified by the Black Parliament, those Edinburgh preachers who objected to such Episcopal law- making, and whom the magistrates had commanded to leave tlie city, spent an entire day in prayer. Archibald Johnston was fifteen before white-haired Rachel Arnot died ; and from her lips he must have heard many a history of heroism and godliness. This will be a lawyer, we predict, as familiar with " Heaven's bribeless hall," and with " Christ, the King's Attorney," as with the Court of Session and the General Assembly of the Church. Having taken his degree in Glasgow, he passed as an advocate in the winter of 1633, and settled in an Edinburgh home. Soon he married, finding his bride in a Judge's daughter, and so forging a fresh and delightful chain to bind him closer to his profession. Helen Hay could have no disturbing presentiment, in the joyousness of her wedding morning, of that tragic hour, seven -and-twenty years later, when she should beg the forgiveness of her husband from an obdurate King, and should urge him in vain to pity her twelve children, " reduced to a poor and desolate condition." At first all went prosperously ; and the town house in the High Street, and the country house of Wariston, seven miles from the Mercat Cross, were palaces of content and hope. But, indeed, let it be merry June or bleak-nighted December in his calendar. Lord Foresterseat's daughter had only a proud love to bestow on her husband. He was young when he thirled himself to the cause of the Covenant. We have seen him, still some years under thirty, reading the great parchment to the crowd in the Greyfriars. And now, with tone distinct and clear, as one whose word is power, Johnston of Wariston stood forth — God's gift in danger's hour. But, before 1638, he had been in conflict with Charles and Laud, and had proved himself their superior in wit as well as in piety. For example, when the Scots were busy framing Supplications and Protestations against the tyrannous actings of Whitehall and Canterbury, who was more enthusiastic than A NONSUCH FOR A CLERK 109 he ? They devised four permanent committees of their best and ablest men — Tables they called them — the first composed of the nobles, the second of representatives from the counties, the third of members of the Presbyteries, the last of burghers and townsmen. Then, out of these, they constructed a Central Table, made up of four deputies from each of the others, which sat constantly in Edinburgh, and conducted all negotia- tions with the Privy Council. But this effective instrument of scrutiny and criticism, this popular and vigilant Opposition, was really of Johnston's planning ; and in the Central Table he was Clerk and Secretary. " Canny, lynx-eyed lawyer " he might be — it is Thomas Carlyle's portrait; but nevertheless "full of fire, of heavy energy and gloom: a very notable character." And ere long he will be " a Lord Eegister of whom all the world has heard." The Glasgow Assembly set him, more conspicuously than ever, in the van of the Church's fighters. He was the man who framed its enactments, and put them into proper shape. Por when, on Friday, the 23rd of November, the ministers and elders proceeded to the election of a Clerk, all of them, with one solitary exception, voted that no one else must be chosen. They understood what they were doing. The young advocate stumbled once, we are told, when he had a singularly difficult paper to write; but that was at the very commencement. There was no subsequent failure, nor semblance of it. When we paint a mental picture of the Cathedral in those dark wintry days, and of its thronging and eager and sometimes noisy audi- tory, we must see that " a little table is sett in the midst, fore- auent the Commissioner" — so long at least as it pleases his Grace to remain in such troublesome company ; and behind the little table are sitting side by side Henderson and Wariston. "Mr. Johnestoun to us all," Baillie says, "was a Nonsuch for a Clerk." Charles was in choleric mood when he knew what was done in Glasgow. In the summer of 1639, one must think of the Eoyalist soldiers, with the King at their head, embarked on the Bishops' War. They have assembled at the Birks near Berwick, whilst the Covenanters are encamped on no MEN OF THE COVENANT Duns Law. No pages in Eobert Baillie's three volumes are more graphic than those which depict the scene. " It would have done you good to have casten your eyes athort our brave and rich Hill, as oft I did with great contentment and joy ; for I, quoth the wren, was there among the rest." The regiments had noblemen for their officers, the captains were landed proprietors, the lieutenants experienced troopers, some of whom had stood " ankle-deep in Lutzen's blood with the brave Gustavus." The colours, Hying at each captain's tent, bore the Scottish arms, with the motto in letters of gold, " Tor Christ's Crown and Covenant." There were some companies of Highlanders, " souple fellows, with their playds, targes, and dorlachs." But most of the soldiers were staunch young ploughmen, whose capacity increased with every hour. " The good sermons and prayers, morning and even, under the roof of heaven, to which their drums did call them for bells ; the remonstrances verie frequent of the goodness of their cause, of their conduct hitherto by Hand clearlie divine ; also Leslie, his skill and fortoun — made them all so resolute for battell as could be wished." In Alexander Leslie they had indeed the best of commanders. " Such was the wisdome and authoritie of that old, little, crooked soldier, that all, with ane incredible submission, gave themselves over to be guided by him, as if he had been Great Solyman." And in the tents Baillie heard " the sound of some singing psalms, some praying, and some reading Scripture." Such battalions would have been un- conquerable ; and Charles did wisely when he concluded the Pacification of Berwick, and ceased for a while from hostilities. It was Archibald Johnston who took the main part in bringing the King to terms. In his Diary, for one month of his life, from May 21st to June 25th, 1639 — a precious fragment which the Scottish History Society has published — we see him at this war-time in his virile quality, his impetu- osity and heat. He asks the Edinburgh Committee and the various counties for men and material in letters which, like Cromwell's, " are like the firing of some two hundred shot." " They are not worthy to be freemen that will neglect their country, which is now ready to bleed for their neglect. Be A NONSUCH FOR A CLERK iii not wanting to yourselves, and be confident God will send an outgate to all these difficulties." " Shall our enemies be more forward for invasion against the truth and for our slaverie, than we for our defence, for the truth, and for our liber tie ? In the end they have neither Christian nor Scottish hearts who will expose their religion, their countrie, their neighbours and themselves to this present danger, without taking part." These are clarion calls. But Wariston's devoutness is as apparent as his patriotism. On Monday, June 3rd, he spends the whole afternoon in conference with Alexander Henderson and David Dickson and Eobert Meldrum, the secretary of General Leslie. They have bethought, and better bethought, on the necessities of the army, the want of money and munition and order and discipline, the natural impos- sibility of retiring or of remaining or of going forward. They have been " forfoghten with the consideration." But then the sun breaks through the clouds. Despairing of secondary causes and human helpers, they look up to heaven. David Dickson attests that, when God delivers them, they, who have been emptied and annihilated of all their wits and judgment, shall admire and adore Him alone, for building so high an edifice on so low a foundation, for bringing so great an ebb to so great a tide, for drawing so rich an abundance out of so vast a want. And " in despyte of the devill and all our straites," Archibald Johnston goes from his Council of War with a quiet heart ; he has seen the Aurora in the eastern sky. But how rapier-like and stinging his speech could be ! It leaves goads in the minds of others, and sometimes pangs in his own. He bears the brunt of the negotiations with Charles, and His Majesty resents the pithiness of his utterance. " The King answered that the devil himself could not make a more uncharitable construction or give a more bitter expres- sion." Again : " The King commanded me silence, and said he would speak to more reasonable men." And, yet again : " When we rose, he gave to every one of us a kiss of his hand, bidding me walk more circumspectly in time coming." There are no half-measures in the Covenanting lawyer's soul. The years went on. In 1641, he was knighted, and 112 MEN OF THE COVENANT became a Lord of Session. Later in the decade, he was one of the eight Scottish commissioners to the Westminster Assembly. The Jerusalem Chamber did not see so much of him as of Eutherfurd and Gillespie ; but, when he was present, he gave good help with " the sharp point of his manifold arguments." Once, in March of 1646, he made a speech which was long remembered. The House of Commons had proposed to create a civil tribunal which should revise the verdicts of the Church courts ; and Archibald Johnston expressed the convictions of the majority in the Assembly, when he said that there must be no headship over the spiritual realm bequeathed to Pope or King or Parliament. "We must not edge away an hem of Christ's robe royal." His decisive sentences, except for their antique dialect, might have come from the lips of Thomas Chalmers during the Ten Years' Conflict of a later century. There are toilers who surprise us by the amount and the diligence of their labours ; and this man was of their company. He was seldom able to sleep more than three hours out of the twenty-four, such a restless mind he had, and such a per- petual anxiety to do " a shear darg " for the commonweal. He could have appreciated both clauses in the advice given, in a subsequent age, by one of the most famous of his countrymen : " Fear God, and work hard." And, in the midst of his multiform tasks, he strove to keep the mirror of con- science unsullied. Greatly as he distrusted the policy of Charles L, he made generous efforts to save him from its consequences. But, when the axe of the headsman ended the King's arrogances and ambiguities, Wariston was not of those who approved of treating with his son ; he is clear from the stigma which clings in this connection to some saintly names. Probably this was why the Second Charles had no shadow of compunction afterwards in sending him to his doom. Even to James Guthrie the Merry Monarch could give a passing sigh when he was informed that all was over ; but for Lord Wariston there were no repentances, however easy : there were only the hate of hate and the scorn of scorn. Charles had another cause for dislike. Johnston had accepted office and emolument from Cromwell. He was one SIR ARCHIBALD JOHNSTON, LORD WARISTON. After a Portrait by George Jamegone, in the possession of Sir James Gibson-Craig, Bart. A NONSUCH FOR A CLERK 113 of the sixty-three members of Oliver's House of Peers ; and, in 1657, he was reinstated by the Protector in the dignity of Lord Clerk Eegister of Scotland — a dignity which, a few years before, he had been compelled to forgo. These were sanctions of the Usurpation such as no other Covenanter had supplied, and the King might point to them in justification of his severity. To-day, when Cromwell's moral grandeur is as patent to us as his military genius, we do not dream of blaming Archibald Johnston for what he did. His procedure, too, was almost pathetically necessary. He had lost all his means in promot- ing the great aims of his life. He had no income to provide for the boys and girls crowding the house in the High Street ; and the salary of the Lord Clerk Register was sorely required. The lacrimce rerum which the incident stirs we discover elsewhere, in his own agony afterwards that he had "made himself a trespasser." In his dying speech he bewailed his misdeed in moving words : " It doth not a little trouble me, and lies heavy on my spirit, and will bring me down with sorrow to the grave, that I suffered myself, through the power of temptations, and the too much fear anent the straits that my numerous family might be brought into, to be carried unto so great a length of compliance with the late usurpers, which did much grieve the hearts of the godly, and did give no small occasion to the adversary to reproach and blaspheme." " Scruple," says Jeremy Taylor, " is a little stone in the foot ; if you set it upon the ground, it hurts you." Lord Wariston's foot, we surmise, was fevered and vexed by a little stone. But it was his habit to scourge and afflict himself, prince in Israel although he was. His hasty temper was a poignant distress to him : did it not mar his best pieces of work that he was " subject to many excesses of heat, and thereby to some precipitations, which have offended standers-by and lookers- on " ? Perhaps, on occasion, his eloquence was a trifle vehement and exasperating. But his personal religion was of no slipshod kind. He was an ardent lover of the secret place. Kirkton says that he gave more time to prayer and reading and meditation than any man he ever knew. It was a common thing for him to be on his knees, alone in his room, for three 114 MEN OF THE COVENANT consecutive hours. Again and again he lost consciousness of what was passing round him. Once, intending to spend the beginning of the day in fellowship with God, he continued his intercessions and studies from six in the morning till, to his own amazement, the town bells rang at eight in the evening. We comprehend now why his heart was garrisoned by peace, while the noise of the archers was seldom intermitted outside. He believed that he saw God face to face; and, the night before his execution, he could tell a friend that not once, for a long period, had he known a doubt regarding his salvation. Those streams from the uplands fed the courage which imvev flagged, and nourished until the end his wisdom and his stature. On the 14th of July 1G60, a warrant was issued for the apprehension of Sir James Stewart, Lord Provost of Edinburgh, Sir John Chiesly of Kerswall, and Sir Archibald Johnston. The first two were arrested ; but Wariston had some inkling of what was coming, and escaped to the Continent. Enraged at missing him, his enemies proclaimed his offices vacant and his estates forfeit ; but meanwhile his life was secure. In Hamburg, some months after leaving Scotland, he fell into serious illness. He was bled by a Dr. Bates, whose creed was not that of the Covenanters ; and there were reports that the physician did not deal fairly with his patient. It is certain that he never recovered either his robustness of body or his clearness of memory ; he was broken and old before his time. When he had been two years in Hamburg, he ventured to France to meet his wife ; but the spies of Charles found him at Eouen. It is characteristic of him that, wlien they entered his lodging, he was kneeling in prayer; from the audience- chamber of God they hastened him to imprisonment. In January 1663, he was confined within the Tower of London, where he lay for six months ; and then, in the summer, he was transferred to the Tolbooth of Edinburgh. It was a feeble invalid who was led before the Scottish Parliament ; there was no risk that the persecutors would be assailed by the indignation which once might have leaped from his tongue. Everybody compassionated him, everybody except A NONSUCH FOR A CLERK "5 the Bishops and the Earl of Lauderdale, once his brother- deputy at the Assembly of Divines. Lauderdale's malice we can read in his own letters. Thus, on the 23rd of June, he writes that there is " a petition from that wretches children, shewing that he hath lost his memorie and almost his sence, and praying for delay till he may be in a fitter condition to dye." But the Council, he adds, and his own was the most potent voice in the Council, " wold not meddle in giving any respite." On the 2nd of July, after the prisoner's case has been discussed again, he describes how "divers voted for delay," but not his Grace himself — " I confess, thogh I thinke I be as farr from a cruell disposition as any bodie, yet, considering the justice of the sentence, and that, if it had come to a delay, it must have broght the trouble of it to His Majestie, who onely can grant pardon, I did cleirly vote, Presently." Again, on the 9th, " very late," he has more news to send from " Halyrude hous." On the previous day Wariston had been at the bar once more. " Yet I must needs tell you something there was of compassion in the Parliament, when they granted fourteen dayes time for the prisoner to prepare himself to dye. And he receaved the sentence to be hanged and to have his head affixed, with much more composedness of spirit than I did expect. He sate on his knees according to the custome ; and then prayed God to bless the King, to bless the Parliament, to keep every one from his condition ; and againe he prayed for the King, for the Church, and for the kingdome, and without one word for himself he went out." So Lauderdale, who voted " Presently," was not balked of his wish. On the 22nd of July, Archibald Johnston was to finish his course and to receive his enduring crown. If the fire of his nature was less fervid, the faith was as firm. His young daughter had, at her request and his, been his companion in the Tower, and she remained with him in the Tolbooth ; and always afterwards the prison was to her a gracious recollection. Her father's great concern was that he might " not faint in the hour of trial " ; and the nearer the end approached, the completer became his tranquillity, until, on the morning of liis death, he spoke with assurance " of his ii6 MEN OF THE COVENANT being clothed in a long white robe," before another night should descend on his Margaret and himself. Through all that forenoon she heard him ejaculating, Ahha, Father ! — he would have understood and loved William Canton's verses — Thou'st seen how closely, Abba, when at vest, My child's head nestles to my breast; And how my arm her little form enfolds, Lest in the darkness she should feel alone ; And how she holds My hands, my hands, my two hands in her own ? A little easeful sighing, And restful turning round. And I too, on Thy love relying, Shall slumber sound. At two o'clock he was called from his cell, for the scaffold was waiting him at the Mercat Cross. Well he knew the spot. It was directly opposite the windows of his own house. They had made the gallows unusually high, to be in keeping with the offences which were to be expiated on it. Eound the place were the King's Life Guards on horseback, " with their carabynes and naiket swords," and there was also " ane gaird of the toun of Edinburgh with their cullouris displayed." On the way to the Cross, Wariston often turned to the people and asked their prayers. When he reached it, he read his dying testimony, first to those on the north and thereafter to those on the south, speaking in a distinct voice, the old voice of the Greyfriars given back again. Having finished, he prayed twice, with the deepest contrition, but then in a kind of rapture. At the head of the ladder he cried, " I beseech you all who are the people of God not to scar at sufferings for the interests of Christ ; for I assure you, in the name of the Lord, He will bear your charges." The moment after he was heard to say, " The Lord hath graciously comforted me." Then, asking the executioner if he was ready, he gave the signal, exclaiming, " 0 pray, pray, praise, praise ! " It was with arms uplifted to the summer skies, spectators re- marked, that Archibald Johnston, who had lived in familiarity with the better world, passed to see its glories. A NONSUCH FOR A CLERK 117 In Naphtali, that fine old Covenanting book, his last speech may be read. There are the advocate's accent in it, and the patriot's accent, but, best of all, the Christian's accent, the discourse of the townsfolk in the city of God. He grieved that it was " weak and sliort," for it had to be written in his dungeon ; but it stands in no need of apology. These are its closing sentences : " I do here now submit and commit my soul and body, wife and children and children's children, with all others, His friends and followers — all His doing and suffering, witnessing and sympathising ones, in the present and subsequent generations — unto the Lord's choice mercies, graces, favours, services, employments, empowerments, enjoy- ments, improvements, and inheritments, on earth and in lieaven, in time and eternity. All which suits, with all others which He hath at any time by His Spirit moved and assisted me to make and put up according to His will, I leave before and upon the Father's merciful bowels and the Son's mediating merits and the Holy Spirit's compassionate groans, for now and evermore. Amen." Something there is in such language — a colour, a music, an intimacy — beyond Greek and Eoman fame. CHAPTER X. SABBATH MORNING IN FENWICK. AT Fenwick, close by Kilmarnock, stands one of the historical parish churches of the west of Scotland. The building is unassuming and simple, shaped like a Greek cross, with a small tower and belfry. Inside are three galleries, each with oaken front. Beside the pulpit the visitor discovers a quaint relic of the older time — a bracket on which is fixed a half -hour sand-glass, once employed to regulate the duration of the sermon. In the green grass of the churchyard there are the graves of martyrs — Robert Buntine and James Blackwood, executed in 1666; James White, shot at one of the moorland farms ; John Fergushill and George Woodburn and Peter Gemmill, killed in 1685. These were parishioners of Fenwick at its most notable epoch ; and their deaths witness what strength as of steel the preaching they heard breathed into their hearts. There were other hearers too, better known than these : the Howies of Lochgoin, and Captain John Paton of Meadowhead, who sleeps in the Greyfriars, but to whose bravery and religion a monument has been raised in the humbler God's acre in Ayrshire. To the Scot who reverences what is best in the story of his country, this is holy ground. The first minister of Fenwick was William Guthrie, cousin of " the short man who could not bow." Eldest son in a Forfarshire family, he was born in his father's house of Pitforthy, near Brechin, in 1620. No fewer than four out of the five boys in Pitforthy mansion became Covenanting preachers — Kobert, and Alexander, and John, as well as William ; not many homes in Scotland did so much for the harassed and danger-driven Kirk. In his student ii8 SABBATH MORNING IN FENWICK 119 years at St. Andrews William Guthrie found two treasures, in addition to the classical and philosophical learning which came to him there, and better still than it. One was the intimate friendship of his cousin James, his senior by some half a dozen summers, who took the lad to lodge with him in his own rooms. From the first he had his premonitions of the goal to which his cousin was travelling, and he envied him the crown he saw waiting for his brow. " You will have the better of me," he said ; " for you will die honourably before many witnesses, with a rope about your neck ; and I will die whining on a pickle straw," But, in the divinity school, a still profounder happiness was in store. Samuel Eutherfurd had recently been sent, much against his desire, to the University town, to fill the chair of theology in St. Mary's College. It was through Eutherfurd that the Spirit of God spoke to William Guthrie in those accents which are at once irresistible and sweet. Lovable, high - minded, " naturally Christian " as he had been from boyhood, he received now that touch of the glowing coal from the Altar which cleanses the lips and sets the heart on fire. He was equipped for the ministry of the Gospel. Before the ministry began, however, he proved his devotion to Christ. That nothing might wean him from his calling, he surrendered his right of succession to the Pitforthy estate. There was one brother in the household who was not destined for the pulpit, and to him the heir to the property made over his possessions. He had an overflowing reward, even in this life, in his freedom from worldly entanglements, in the geniality and joyousness of his temperament, and, most of all, in that marvellous and victorious power with which his Master endowed his preaching. He was one of the men, whom some count mad, " who, the more they cast away, the more they have." William Guthrie was ready for his lifework. He went westward, to the county of Ayr, that he might be tutor to Lord Mauchline, eldest son of the Earl of Loudoun. But he had not been long in Loudoun Castle, until he was called to undertake his coveted task of proclaiming the Evangel. 120 MEN OF THE COVENANT Preaching on a Fast-day in the neighbouring town of Galston, he had among his listeners some Covenanters from Fenwick — Fenwick which had but lately been endowed with a church and congregation of its own. They felt that the young licentiate was the minister whom God had appointed for them. But there were difficulties in the way. Lord Boyd, the superior, was an unbending Koyalist, and he mistrusted anyone who came commended by the Earl of Loudoun. For a time the settlement was postponed ; but the objections were over- come in the end, and, in November 1644, the preacher was ordained. His became a far-reaching ministry ; and often the attempt was made to draw him from his secluded countryside. But nothing could coax him to forsake the early love. To the last, until the summer morning twenty years distant when the bishops and dragoons drove him out, he was loyal to Fenwick. To his manse, in the August after his ordination, he brought his wife, Agnes Campbell, who was related in some distant way to Lord Loudoun. She was a woman of a gracious spirit. In after years, when death had snatched him from her only too soon, she wrote letters instinct with good cheer to the captives and sufferers of the Covenant whom she knew. But, from the outset, the mistress of the home had sharp experi- ence of the trials that invaded Presbyterian households in those distracted times. In 1648, her husband was present, with six other ministers, at the skirmish on Mauchline Moor. In 1650, he was with the defeated army at Dunbar. Agnes Guthrie had an anxious heart during these seasons of absence. At first, in- deed, she declared that he must not leave her to encounter such hazards ; but illness brought him, beneath his own rooftree, to the brink of death, and she saw that, by the hearth or in the field, she must intrust him to the safe - keeping of God. It would have been a bootless enterprise — the attempt to limit his participation in his country's affairs. Like his spiritual kinsfolk, he could not understand a piety which was divorced from patriotism and good citizenship. The minister of Fenwick, says James Stirling, preacher in the subsequent generation in the Barony Church of Glasgow, was " a great melancholiau," one of the sensitive and reflective SABBATH MORNING IN FENWICK 121 and brooding souls, whose thoughts plunge deep down, and whose eyes are accustomed to look out on men and the world through a mist of weeping. His frail body had much to do with the pensiveness of his mind ; all his life long he bore about with him a tormenting sickness ; and it would have been strange if one who never knew robust health had not sometimes been grave and sad. Yet, despite his serious moods, a blither heart than William Guthrie's never beat. He laughs out of court the caricature that the Covenanters were men jaundiced and fault- finding: he is a Covenanter full of merriment. His talk sparkled with humour. His nature delighted in friendliness. There were moments, he confessed, when his love of fun carried him too far ; and then he shed salt tears in secret over his quips and jests in company. But that was seldom. One day he and James Durham were together, in a gentleman's house, at dinner ; and he was so mirthful and vivacious that Durham, the most composed of men, caught the infection, and laughed again and again. Immediately after dinner, in accordance with the custom of the family, Guthrie was asked to pray. And such a prayer it was, burning with divine fire, opening the gates of heaven, and melting the spirits of the auditors. " 0 Will ! " Durham cried, as they rose from their knees, " you are a happy man. If I had been so daft, I could not have been in any frame for eight-and-forty hours." " It was often observed," Wodrow says, " that, let Mr. Guthrie be never so merry, he was presently fit for the most spiritual duty ; and the only account I can give of it," continues the minister of Eastwood, " is that he acted from spiritual principles in all lie did, and even in his relaxations." It is the true solution. There was no profane territory anywhere in this laughing and weeping man. He was a great angler. He knew the spots, and resorted to them frequently, where trout lit'low the blossomed tree Plashed in the golden stream. To carry a rod, and to cast a line, and to land a fish, were among his chief pleasures. He could have subscribed prattling 122 MEN OF THE COVENANT Izaak Walton's confession that " angling, after tedious study, is a rest to the mind, a cheerer of the spirits, a diversion of sadness, a calmer of unquiet thoughts, a moderator of passions, a procurer of contentedness." But his supreme work was that of fishing for men. ■ When he went to Fenwick, the spiritual condition of the place was as low as it could be. Some of his people lived six or seven miles distant ; the country was full of morasses ; there were no proper roads ; the majority never dreamed of attending the New Kirk, as it was named. They gave the Sabbath to amusement. They were rude enough, here and there, to close their doors in their minister's face. But he refused to be discouraged. In the cause of Christ he would not own the possibility of defeat. Stories are recorded of his ingenuity and strategy in com- pelling men, however stubborn they might be, to look the eternal things fairly in the face. He would disguise himself, and would get a night's lodging in a cottage, and would talk with the inmates. Once he transformed a poacher into an elder and a saint. The man said that, abroad in the fields with his gun, he had his best sport when his neighbours were safely shut within the church, and that, each Monday morning, he earned half a crown by the sale of his moorfowl and hares. " I will pay you the half-crown," Guthrie replied, " if you will come to the New Kirk next Sabbath." The bargain was struck ; but, when the offer was repeated, the bribe was re- fused. In God's house the poacher had heard what was of greater value than a bushel of half-crowns. He was never absent afterwards, and ere long, with the goodwill of all, he was enrolled an oiJice-bearer. There was another time when the minister persuaded a household into the observance of family worship. Dressed as a traveller, he found admission to the home, and was bidden stay. The hour came when " the Books" should be brought out; but there was no sign of them. The stranger inquired whether he might not join his hosts in their evening devotions; but the goodman asserted that he had no gift in prayer, and must not essay a task so high. " Nay, but you ought," the pertinacious guest insisted ; and soon he had them all kneeling on the kitchen floor. SABBATH MORNING IN FENWICK 123 " 0 Lord," cried the abashed aud stammering suppliant, " this man would have me to pray ' but Thou knowest that I cannot pray." It was a hopeful beginning, the confession of ignorance, the bewailing of the heart's penury and the mouth's cowardice. And afterwards, in this house, the altar of God was kept in good repair. William Guthrie had his recompense. Soon his parish became — what Jewish tradition calls the home of Obed-Edom, where God's Ark sojourned — the Field of the Blessed Man. The people turned his glebe into a little town, so desirous they were to live in the vicinity of the church. From every district of the west — from Glasgow, from Paisley, from Hamilton, from Lanark — crowds trooped to hear him. He had " a strange way of persuading sinners to close with Christ, and answering all objections that might be proposed." Then, too, he possessed " a gift, peculiar to himself, of speaking to the common people in their own dialect." And the Sacra- mental Sabbaths in the New Kirk were preludes of heaven itself. James Hutcheson of Killellan was assistant on one of them ; and, over and over, he would avow that, " if there was a kirk full of saints in the world, it was the Kirk of Fenwick that day"; the shining faces he had seen, and the ecstasies he had shared, were never forgotten while life lasted. We do not wonder that men high in rank said that they " would have been heartily content to have lived under Mr. Guthrie's ministry, though they had been but in the station of poor ploughmen." It would have been a wise exchange, and they must have gained more than they lost. The fruitful ministry liad its headquarters in Fenwick ; but its beneficence was widely diffused. The preacher travelled up and down all the western shires ; and, wherever he spoke, souls born into the liberties of the New Jerusalem followed him with gratitude. Wodrow has a tale of a Glasgow merchant, who, coming from Ireland, was forced to spend a Sabbath in Arran, and was annoyed witli the mis- giving that he would hear no sermon except in Gaelic. But, when he went to the church, Guthrie was in the pulpit. It was a day when tlic wind of tlio Spirit carried everything 124 MEN OF THE COVENANT before its unconquerable onset. " There was scarce a hearer without tears, and many old people, in particular, weeping." Christ's footfall accompanied His ambassador on all his pilgrimages. Thus it happened once, north in Angus, when he was journeying to the old home in Pitforthy. In the darkness he lost his way, and, after some hours, discovered himself in the policies of a gentleman whom he knew to be unrelentingly opposed to the Covenanters. He knocked at the door of the mansion, and was invited to enter. Soon he had to confess himself a minister ; and then he craved permission to pray. It was granted, although the master of the house "carried pretty abstractedly." But the prayer moved the three daughters of the home as they had never been moved before. Next day the curate had to stand aside, that the unexpected guest might preach in his stead ; " and these three young gentlewomen were converted at that sermon." Cures flowed from this man, as the clear water bubbles from the mountain-spring and refuses to be held back. And many, then and since, who never heard him speak, but have read his gracious and golden little book. The Christians Great Interest, are undyingly in his debt. It was published in 1659, and it is not obsolete even now. It is a guide to the heart which asks the road to God, or which wishes to be assured that the road it has been walking is the right one — a guide which does not leave the wayfarer in the least uncertainty. There are no mists in its pages, no ambiguities, no needless verbiage : all is plain and simple. Here is a crystal clearness of thought, an unfailing sanity of statement, a rich pithiness of phrase. " It is my vadc- mecum," John Owen said ; " I carry it and the Sedan New Testament still about with me. I have written several folios ; but there is more divinity in it than in them all." But the storm gathered. Guthrie never liad reposed much faith in Charles Stuart. Visiting, in 1660, in the house of Sir Daniel Carmichael, the Treasurer Depute of the Kingdom, he found everyone jubilant over the home-coming of the sovereign ; but, when he led the family in their devotions, this was his ominous forecast, " Lord, Thou knowest how soon SABBATH MORNING IN FENWICK 125 this man may welter iu the best blood of Scotland." Sir Daniel was " a little roughsome " over the half-treasonable speech; no doubt, he remembered it in the later months when its prophecy was receiving a fulfilment only too complete and tragic. For the minister himself there was a short respite. It was due in part to that beautiful courtesy which won for him, Protester as he was, a kindlier considera- tion than was extended to his fellows. " They that made Mr. Guthrie a minister," one of his elders said, " spoiled a good Malignant." Then he had two friends at Court, the Earl of Eglintoun and the Earl of Glencairn, the latter of whom could not forget his helpfulness when his own fortunes were at their lowest. For four years after the Eestoration Fenwick kept the man whom it revered. Glencairn and Eglintoun postponed the blow; but they could not avert it. The patience of Archbishop Fairfoul was at length exhausted; "he is a ringleader of sedition in my diocese," he answered when the noblemen appealed to him. In July 1G64, the familiar voice was heard for the last time. It was a Sabbath morning. On the preceding Wednesday Guthrie had held a congregational Fast, preaching from the regretful cry of Hosea, 0 Israel, tJiou hast destroyed thyself I Now, for his final message, he chose a softer word, the word of hope which follows, But in 3Ie is thine help. At four o'clock, in the cool and clear summer dawn, the congregation assembled. Twice over their minister mounted the pulpit, making an interval between his sermons, and in the end dismissing the people before nine. Sorrow and anger were in their spirits as they turned away. At noon the curate of Calder, the one man willing to perform the ungracious task, arrived with an escort of twelve soldiers, to suspend William Guthrie from his otiice, and to declare his church vacant. There was some conversation in the manse. The curate spoke of the leniency shown the Covenanting leader ; and he received the reply, " I take the Lord for party to that, and thank Him for it ; I look upon it as a door which God opened to me for preaching the Gospel." " I bless the Lord," this true bishop continued, " He hath 126 MEN OF THE COVENANT given me some success and a seal of my ministry upon the consciences of not a few that are gone to heaven, and of some that are yet in the way to it." By and by he turned to the soldiers. " As for you, gentlemen," he said, " I wish the Lord may pardon you for countenancing this man in this business." One of them retorted, " I trust we may never do a graver fault." " Well," was the response, an arrow shot at a venture, " a little sin may damn a man's soul." Then a blessing was asked, and refreshments were served by the persecuted to the persecutors ; and curate and horsemen went to announce to an empty church the eviction of its minister. But, though he could no more speak in his Master's name, he lived on in Fenwick for a few months longer. Nothing em])ittered the sweetness of his disposition. It is a quaint and quickening incident which John Howie recalls, in The Scots Worthies, of this period. The silenced minister and some friends had gone to the village of Stewarton, to hear a young man preach. Coming home again, they told him of their dissatisfaction with the sermon. " Ah ! " he said, " you are mistaken ; it was an admirable sermon." And then he proposed that they should sit down on the grass, and he would rehearse it to them. So, " in a good summer night, about the sun- setting," they " put up at God's green caravanserai," finding their sanctuary under the open sky ; and a second time the sermon was preached that day. But with what a different result ! " They thought it a wonderfully great one, because of his good delivery and their amazing love to him." We are enamoured of the man, who, instead of repining over his own misfortunes, took such pains to gain for a beginner the charity of judges disposed to be censorious. The end of life was at hand now. Pursued by ill health, he did not grow stronger with the revolving seasons ; he needed a draught from the river of healing in the Paradise of God. In 1665, the brother to whom he had bequeathed Pitforthy died ; and he went north to help in the arrangement of the family affairs. But his disease returned in an aggravated form. The pain was agonising ; again and again it made him delirious; "but," he said, "though I should die mad, 1 know 1 SABBATH MORNING IN FENWICK 127 shall die in the Lord." On the 10th of October, in the house of his brother-in-law, Laurence Skinner, one of the ministers of Brechin, he got his release from the troublesome world ; the faith was kept and the crown attained. William Guthrie was only forty-five, when he laid down his task and fell asleep. CHAPTER XL HOW COLONEL WALLACE FOUGHT AT PENTLAND. THE Earl of Middleton had gone, and the Earl of Eothes ruled Scotland in his stead. But to the Covenanters the change brought no escape from tyranny and no help for pain. On the contrary, they were plunged into rougher waters and sent through fiercer fires. The new Commissioner had his better qualities. His judgment was clear, Bishop Burnet says, and his apprehension quick. Occasionally an evanescent mood of compassion prompted him to show a little tenderness to the persecuted men — a mood to be traced largely to the influence of his wife, who had been Lady Anne Lindsay, a woman " dis- creet, wise, virtuous, and good." " I would advise you, my Lady, to keep your chickens in about, else I may pick up some of them," he would tell her, if he caught sight of any of the outed ministers in the neighbourhood of his mansion-house of Leslie. But such penitences were rare, and they vanished speedily. His administration was to be marked by a violence even ruder and more vulgar than that of his predecessor. In personal character he can only be described as a thorough- paced debauchee ; the bracing grace of self-mastery was un- known to him ; and his godly wife must have wept in secret over the unabashed scandals of her husband's conduct. He was illiterate too, in spite of that clear judgment and quick apprehension of his, " barely able to do more than make his mark"; when he wrote, he formed each letter singly, and between the several letters in a word he would put as great a distance as that between the words themselves. The Church and its defenders had nothing to hope for, and much to dread, from the ascendency of the Earl of Kothes. 12S WILLIAM GUTHKIE OF FENWICK. A Portrait prefixed to some editions of "The Christian's Great Interest." HOW COLONEL WALLACE FOUGHT 129 It was significant that, from the first, his chief adviser was the Archbishop of St. Andrews. If he was himself keen to amass plunder, James Sharp was as eager to inflict punishment on men whose constancy was a stinging rebuke to his own faith- lessness. Eothes was extortionate and brutal ; the I'relate was revengeful and persistent in his enmities ; with this duumvirate in authority the prospect for .the friends of the Covenant was gloomy as midnight. When Parliament broke up in the autumn of 1663 — a Parliament which, like one of the Kings of Judah, departed without heiiifj desired — it was well understood that its members were not to be called together again ; henceforward Scotland was to be managed by the Privy Council, a body more limited, more homogeneous, more unpity- ing ; and in the Privy Council Sharp and Eothes were supreme. It was at the instigation of the Primate that a new step in oppression was now taken. No congregations could be found for the curates ; in the west, especially, it seemed that the Church buildings were to be forsaken ; more and more the spirit of resistance was abroad. The Archbishop resolved to crush the daring spirit with an arbitrary hand. He went up to London ; and, on the plea that the Council must be relieved of some of its business, he persuaded the King to bring back the obsolete Court of High Commission, for the summary trial and conviction of all recusants. Of the re-established Coiu't he was to be President ; associated with him were nine prelates and thirty-five laymen ; and the tribunal had almost absolute powers bestowed on it. It could summon to its bar the " obstinate contemners of the discipline of the Church," the " keepers of conventicles," those who " preached in private houses or elsewhere without license from the bishop." Its verdicts were final ; frequently they were pronounced without evidence being adduced. It imposed exorbitant fines on men and women of rank who attended the field-preachings, or permitted them to be held in any corner of their estates. It imprisoned and banished the ejected ministers. Sometimes it ordered women to be whipped publicly through the streets. Sometimes it would have young boys scourged, and branded on the face with a hot iron, and sold as slaves, to labour at 9 I30 MEN OF THE COVENANT the forts in Shetland, or to till the plantations in Virginia and Barbadoes, where, as Governor Willoughby testified, they were the best workmen he had. It declared that it was sedition to give a morsel of bread to one of the hunted preachers. These were the frightful prerogatives of the High Commission Court, and its members felt no scruples about exercising them. The Covenanters were entering on that long and winding Valley of the Shadow of Death, from which they were not to emerge for a quarter of a century. For a time they submitted in silence, although there were flying rumours that the chiefs of the party were treating with the Government of Presbyterian Holland. It only required a spark, and the conflagration would be kindled ; but the spark was furnished neither by sympathisers in the Netherlands nor by the nobles at home. The insurrection had a humbler origin. What we know as the Pentland Eising was a movement unpremeditated and simple in its beginnings. Prom its sudden inception to its grievous close only two weeks elapsed. It was like the outbreak of a volcano in a West Indian island, unexpected, brief-lived, but leaving red ruin behind. Spontaneous and unsuggested, it was the protest of down-trodden men against taskmasters whose cruelties had become intolerable. Por eight or nine months Sir James Turner had commanded the King's troops in the district of Galloway, having his headquarters in Dumfries. Dugald Dalgetty is familiar to most ; and Turner sat for the portrait of the roving and loud- voiced soldier of fortune. He has written his own Memoirs, to clear his name from the reproaches which besmirched its lustre, and we can see him as he saw himself : the scholar, who "all ways tooke delight in the studie of humane letters and liistorie," and who had " read the controversies of religion betweene us and the Koman Catholickes " ; the adventurer, who had fought, now on one side and then on the other, in the wars of Gustavus and Wallenstein, having " swallowed without chewing, in Germanic, a very dangerous maxime, that, so as we serve our master honnestlie, it is no matter wliat master we serve " ; the lover and husband, who found in HOW COLONEL WALLACE FOUGHT 131 Ireland what he valued more than worldly riches, his " deare wife, Mary White," with whom he was " first acquainted and then enamourd at the Neurie." But the more impartial pages of history are scarcely so gentle towards his reputation. In Galloway, " a place and a people fatall to me," he harried the Covenanters. He protests his clemency, insisting that he was far from going to those excesses in extortion which were sanctioned by his instructions ; but the truth remains that hundreds of families were beggared by the fines he exacted. Some years later, the Privy Council itself forced him to answer for his high-handed procedure ; and matters must have been undisguisedly and flagrantly bad when a Court so friendly saw reason to interpose. " Proud, passionate, hastie, and furieous " he was " caractered to be," in Royalist as in Whiggish coteries. Before his accusers he acknowledged that he had been more grasping than there was any need : " to ease their Lordships of further trouble, and show them my oune ingenuitie, I wold charge myselfe with threttie thousand pounds Scots " — a sum which must be multiplied by three, or even by five, if the real condition of things would be known. Is it very extra- ordinary that the people, farmers and cottars, were goaded into revolt ? It was near the middle of November in 1666. From the Galloway hills four Covenanters, one of them the Laird of Barscob — gaunt men who had been hiding among the mosses — came stealing down, seeking food and the shelter for one night of a kindly roof, to the clachan of Dairy, not far from Loch Ken. But it happened that some of Sir James Turner's troopers were quartered there; and, when they entered the village, these soldiers were ill-treating an old man, who de- clared himself unable to pay the heavy fine exacted from him because of absence from the parish church. In their frank barbarity they threatened to strip him and set him on a red-hot gridiron. This was more than the four " honest men " could endure. Daring the troopers to do the wicked deed, they found that the villagers seconded their defiance. The thongs which tied the captive were loosed. Then the soldiers drew their swords, and, with the gleaming steel confronling 132 MEN OF THE COVENANT them, one of the Covenanters discharged his pistol. A corporal was wounded. " This," Wodrow says, " quickly made the rest yield, and the countrymen disarmed them and took them prisoners, and the poor old man was happily delivered." Out of the petty quarrel sprang unplanned a Eising, which had crowded into it a world of heroism and pathos and pain. The men, to whom pity and anger had called imperiously, realised that they must expect the vengeance of Government. They determined to continue in arms. With the aid of others they captured one or two little groups of soldiers. Then one of the landlords, John Neilson of Corsock, joined them ; and they resolved on a bold experiment. They would march rapidly on Dumfries, where Turner was living. There were now " above ninescore men, more than the halfe wherof consisted of horsemen, indifferently weill mounted, with suords, pistolls, and carabines ; the rest were afoot armed with muskets, pikes, suords, sithes, and forkes." On the morning of the 15th of November, between eight and nine, they entered the town. Sir James was unwell and in bed. Hearing the noise, he sprang up, and went to a window, and inquired of the intruders what they wanted. He was told to surrender, and he should have fair quarter. But he needed no quarter, he replied, and he could not be a prisoner, for the country was not in a state of war. " Prisoner you must be, or die," came the inexorable answer from the street. There was nothing for it but to let the ninescore invaders have their will, and King Charles's officer rode out of Dumfries their thrall. For the next fortnight, through all their marchings, he continued with them. He had, as Gabriel Sempill, one of their number, said, " been lifted up in pride, with insolency and cruelty over the poor people " ; but his captors treated him well. If a few of the wilder spirits muttered that he ought to be put to death, they were always overruled. His worst sorrow was the Covenanting grace before and after meat: he was "more overwearied with the tediousness and impertinencies of their graces " than he was with " the scarce- ness or badness " of his food and drink. Sometimes, too, Sempill, HOW COLONEL WALLACE FOUGHT 133 or young Robertson the probationer, or John Welsh himself, would deal seriously with him, assuring him that they sought the salvation of his soul. John Welsh prayed with him, " and honord me with the title of God's servant who was then in bonds, and asked for my conversion." But the soil was sterile and impervious. " To what they spoke of my con- version I said, it wold be hard to turne a Turner." From first to last, there was never a rough hand laid on the persecuting soldier. The heather was on fire now. News of the insurrection came to the Privy Council with a shock of surprise — to the Earl of Rothes more than any. So recently as September, he had sent to Lauderdale a rose-coloured picture, " All is offer," he wrote, in his egregious spelling, " as to anie other teumult or ffurdier trubell." It was the roughest of awaken- ings ; and in a few days an army of two thousand foot and five hundred horse left Edinburgh in haste. Its commander is a grim figure, a man with a lust for slaughter, whose " every sentence scents of blood." Thomas Dalzell's features have been depicted by Captain John Creichton, who was among his intimates, and himself, as Dr. Jonathan Swift certifies, "of the old Stamp"; and they are features to awaken astonishment rather than liking. "Among many other Officers, he was taken Prisoner at the unfortunate Defeat at Worcester, and sent to the Tower ; from whence, I know not by what Means, he made his Escape, and went to Muscovy, where the Czar made him his General. But, some Time after the Restoration of the Royal Family, repairing to King Charles the Second, he was constituted Commander-in-Chief of his Majesty's Forces in Scotland. He was bred up very hardy from his Youth, both in Dyet and Cloathing. He never wore Boots, nor above one Coat, which was close to his Body, with close Sleeves, like those we call Jockey-Coats. He never wore a Peruke ; nor did he shave his Beard since the Murder of King Charles the First. In my Time, his Head was bald, which he covered only with a Beaver Hat. His Beard was white and bushy, and reached down almost to his Girdle. He went to London 134 MEN OF THE COVENANT once or twice in a Year, only to kiss the King's Hand, who had a great Esteem for his Worth and Valour, His unusual Dress and Figure never failed to draw after him a Crowd of Boys, and other young People, who constantly attended at his Lodgings, and followed him with Huzzas, as he went to Court, or returned from it. As he was a Man of Humour, he would always thank them for their Civilities, when he left them at the Door to go in to the King; and would let them know exactly at what Hour he intended to come out again. When the King walked in the Park, and Dalzell in his Company, his Majesty bid the Devil take Dalzell for bringing such a Eabble of Boys together, to have their Guts squeezed out, whilst they gaped at his long Beard and antick Habit ; requesting him to shave and dress like other Christians, to keep the poor Bairns out of Danger. In Comphance, he went once to Court in the very Height of the Fashion ; but, as soon as the King had laughed sufficiently at the strange Figure he made, he reassumed his usual Habit, to the great Joy of the Boys, who had not discovered him in his fashion- able Dress." We are thankful to Captain Creichton for the lifelike portrait, even if it amuses more than edifies. But Scottish Whigs could not laugh like London gamins at the " long Beard and antick Habit," for they were worn by a man who scourged them with a lash of scorpions. " In Muscovia," Kirkton says, Dalzell "saw nothing but tyranny and slavery " ; and tyranny and slavery filled the cup he mixed for his countrymen. Out from Edinburgh Thomas Dalzell marched towards Glasgow, and up through Galloway came the insurgents into Ayrshire. Despite " the great rains and coldness of the weather," they increased as they came. At the town of Ayr Turner estimated that there were seven hundred ; in Lanark, he believes, they "are in their greatest strength, which never exceeded eleven hundred horse and foot, if they were so many." Their first leader, meantime, deserted the camp ; Andrew Gray was scarcely of the stuff of which campaigners are made. But at the Bridge of Doon they found a true captain, James Wallace of Auchans, a good man and a HOW COLONEL WALLACE FOUGHT 135 skilled soldier, who had fought for the Parliament in the Civil Wars. We can see him still, in his long cloak, with his montero, or huntsman's cap, drawn well over his brow, and his beard very rough. To his Koyalist prisoner his deportment was always courteous ; he is a gentleman to the core. Along with him other trained officers joined the tiny army — Major Learmont, and Captain Ainot, and Captain Paton of Meadowhead, all three men who, at Worcester, had stood shoulder to shoulder with Dalzell himself. Under the tuition of such instructors the undisciplined crowd was lifted into a company of capable foemen, so that, against his will. Sir James Turner was driven into admiration. At Lesmahagow they were put through their exercises ; and even " the ranks of Tuscany can scarce forbear to cheer." " I saw tuo of their troopes skirmish against other tuo, which I confesse they did handsomelie, I wonderd at the agilitie of both horse and rider, and how they had come to that perfection in so short a time." The force was small ; but it was far from being despicable. The Covenanters were at Lanark on the evening of the 25th of November; and, next day, crowding round the Tolbooth stairs, they renewed the Covenant and published a Declaration. It asserted their unchanged regard for the King; but it enumerated, too, their reasons for taking up arms. Had not the Solemn League been burned by the Government ? Had not Episcopacy been established ? Were there not fines, imprisonments, the quartering of soldiers, the inquisitions of the High Commission Court ? Unforeseen and impulsive as the uprising was, it could justify itself. But it was ordained to failure. Perhaps those were wisest, from the military viewpoint, who would have coaxed Dalzell to fight at Lanark, more numerous as his soldiers were. For then the army of the Covenant was at its best ; and every day that succeeded drained its vigour and diminished its hope. But the wish of the majority was to push on to Edinburgh, where friends, it was thought, waited to welcome them. Forward they went, to disappointment after disappointment. Two hundred turned back, alleging as excuse their disapproval of 136 MEN OF THE COVENANT the course which had been adopted. Comrades, whose help was counted on, lingered at home. Envoys came from Dalzell, suggesting questions and apprehensions. More formidable still was the pitiless weather; nothing could be wilder; the stars in their courses seemed to fight against the saints. " To Bathgate they came through pitifull broken moores in ane extraordinary dark and rainy night, and two houres after daylight was gone. No accommodation can they find there to men wett, weary, and spent ; and, about twelve o'clock at night, upon ane alarm from the enemy, they are constrained to begin their march toward the New-bridge, whither, when they were come in the morning, they looked rather like dying men than souldiers going to conquer. It would have pitied a heart to see so many faint, half-drowned, half-starved creatures betwixt their enemies behind and their enemies before." To complete their sorrows, they found no help in the Lothians. When, late on the 27th, they were within five miles of Edinburgh, they discovered that the city was arming to resist them, and that the Provost, Sk Andrew Eamsay, had devised a new oath, binding the townsfolk to defend the King's authority. The dirge had deepened every hour. But, in scorn of the torrents of rain, the cold, the fatigue, the hostile town, the regiments of Dalzell, they kept unshaken their courage. We may compare them to that statue of Fortitude, which Botticelli fashioned, and which Mr. Euskin described, not announcing themselves clearly and proudly, with tower-like shields and lion-like helmets, nor standing confidently ready for all comers ; no, but they are worn somewhat, and not a little weary, and their fingers play restlessly and even nervously about the hilt of their swords ; and yet how swiftly and gladly the playing fingers will close on the sword-hilt, when the far-off trumpet blows ! Their hearts might be unafraid ; but their eyes were opened. They saw clearly enough now that there was no hope. They were not unwilling to die, they said, for the cause of religion and liberty. Meantime, however, a retreat was necessary. So, early on the morning of November 28th, " a fair, frosty day " at last. Colonel Wallace led his men round SIR JAMES TURNER. From the Engraving by Robert White. Through the kindness oj Messrs. T. C. and E. C. Jack of Edinburgh. HOW COLONEL WALLACE FOUGHT 137 the eastern end of the Pentland Hills, and then along their southern slope, until they crossed a narrow defile which intersects the range. Here, on the incline, he posted them, either that they might rest for a little, or that he might ascertain what Dalzell's intentions were. He was soon enlightened. Through the pass, on the opposite side of the glen, the three thousand of the enemy appeared, the horsemen leading the way, A skirmish of the cavalry followed. King's men and Covenant men firing at first across the ravine ; but, coming to a level place, they discarded musket for sword, and grappled closely with each other. The Covenanters had the best of it, although they lost two of their band, John Crookshank and Andrew M'Cormick, ministers from Ulster with militant souls. But now General Dalzell's entire forces had been got into position. It was no child's task set them to fulfil. The nine hundred Whigs could not be easily dislodged from their vantage-ground; they had been drawn up with strategy and foresight. Twice over, the Eoyalist commander saw his Guardsmen turn and flee ; his opponents had resolved " never to break until He who brought them together should Himself break them." But when the whole strength of the King's troops was led into action, the Covenanters were over- whelmed by the sheer weight of numbers. " Being oppressed with multitude," Colonel Wallace says, " we were beaten back, and the enemy came in so full a body, and with so fresh a charge, that, having us once running, they carried it strongly home, and put us in such confusion that there was no rallying." The marvel is that, ill-armed and exhausted, they had behaved with such gallantry and had maintained their ground so long. Forty or fifty were killed, sixty or seventy taken ; but the larger proportion, favoured by the gathering twilight of the short November day, made their escape over the hills. John Howie has a Eembrandtesque story of the flight of Captain Paton. Dalzell saw him go, and, knowing his prowess, ordered three troopers to follow him. They came up with their quarry in front of a marshy pool, out of which, on the farther bank, three Galloway men were with difficulty pulling their horses. Turning, these Covenanters saw the plight of 138 MEN OF THE COVENANT their captain. " What will you. do ? " they cried.. He answered gaily that he had but three antagonists with whom to reckon. Urging his horse forward, he leaped the pool, and then, with sword drawn, faced about and waited for his enemies. One of -them came close behind, but " his doom was writ." . The captain's naked brand descended on his head, and cleft it in two. The poor cavalier's steed stumbled backwards into the morass, and carried along with it the other men who had leaped behind their comrade. " Take my compliments to your master," John Paton said to them, struggling there in the mire, " and tell him that I cannot sup with him to-night." Howie adds that he had himself seen the famous sword. " It was then counted to have twenty-eight gaps, which made his children observe that there were just as many years of the persecution as there were broken pieces in its edge." And as for the brave commander who would have trans- muted Pentland into a victory, if that had not been "an undertaking for a man of miracles " — his native land saw him no more. James Wallace fled to the Continent, where he wandered from place to place, chased by the vindictive rage of Charles's ministers. In the end of 1678, twelve winters after he had demeaned himself so valorously on Bullion Green, he died in Eotterdam, "lamented of all the serious English and Dutch of his acquaintance." But he escaped the sadder griefs dealt out to those who stayed in Scotland. The prisoners, the majority of whom were crowded into the " Haddock's Hole," a portion of the High Church of Edinburgh, had surrendered on a promise of mercy. But James Sharp presided at the Council ; and mercy was not a word in his vocabulary. Eleven men were dragged before the Criminal Court ; they pleaded the engagement that their lives should be spared. "You were pardoned as soldiers," the casuistic answer ran, " but you are not acquitted as subjects." They were condemned to be hanged at the Cross. After death, their heads and right arms were to be cut off; the former to be placed above the City gates, the latter — the arms which a few days previously were lifted to swear the Covenant — to be HOW COLONEL WALLACE FOUGHT 139 fixed to the prison doors at Lanark. The barbarous sentence was borne with unweeping eyes. And that was but the beginning. In Ayr seven others were led to the scaffold ; for Dalzell had gone west to " settle that country," a work which, he declared, " I am confident is not possible to do without the inhabetens be remouet or destroiet " : he, at least, is always consistent in ferocity. In Glasgow the- prisons overflowed with " meane beggarlie fellowes, but stubborn in their wicked and rebeleous way." Eothes writes despairingly about them, and their kith and kin, that " the Barbadoes does not in the least terrify them, damn'd ffulls ! " In ruddy lifeblood, the blood of men who asked nothing except freedom to worship God as their consciences bade, the Pentland Eising was choked and quenched. CHAPTER XII. EPHRAIM MACBRIAR OR SIR GALAHAD ? WHEN great talents are abused," — it is Thomas M'Crie who criticises Sir Walter Scott — " when they are exerted to confound the distinctions between virtue and vice, to varnish over oppression and injustice, and to throw ridicule upon those who resist these scourges of society, they ought not to screen the possessor from condemnation and censure. He is doubly criminal : he sins in patronising a bad cause ; and he sins in prostituting to its support those talents which, by the very law of his nature, he was bound to use for an opposite purpose." The verdict is uncompromising; and through the whole Revieiu of the Talcs of My Landlord the fencer uses a foil without the dulling button on its point. He has a wonder- ful mastery of his keen-edged weapon. The great magician, " whose worst," as William Hazlitt says, " is better than any other person's best," and whom it is not a joy only but a liberal education to follow, stands convicted of partiality and prejudice. He has allowed his antipathies to turn him into tortuous paths, and he merits the castigation meted out to him. If we may believe trustworthy witnesses, he winced under it, and was half-ashamed of some of the things he had written. The swordsman whom he had encountered was, in this instance, more perfectly equipped than himself. In the pages of Old Mortality — and, if it were juster in its portraiture of the blue-bonneted Whigs, it would rank among the supreme books of literature — there are three incidents in which the Eev. Ephraim Macbriar is chief figure. He, with those ridiculous brethren of his, Gabriel Kettledrumnde and Peter Poundtext and Habakkuk Mucklewrath, comes before EPHRAIM MACBRIAR OR SIR GALAHAD? 141 the reader as Scott's impersonation of what the ministers of the poor and disagreeable Covenanters must have been like. Poor and disagreeable indeed ! For, says John Graham of Claverhouse to Henry Morton, " there is a difference, I trust, between the blood of learned and reverend prelates and scholars, of gallant soldiers and noble gentlemen, and the red puddle that stagnates in the veins of psalm-singing mechanics, crack-brained demagogues, and sullen boors." Among the demagogues Ephraim Macbriar has the place of honour ; and Ephraim Macbriar is Sir Walter's delineation of Hugh Mackail. No doubt, Mackail had run his brief race thirteen winters before Drumclog and Bothwell Brig were fought; and it is round Drumclog and Bothwell that the persons and events of Old Mortality are grouped. But we offend against the liberties of the realm of imagination, if we demand strict chronology in the chapters of a romance. Hugh Mackail, there can be little question, was the original of the young preacher who pursues Jiis active and dogmatic and eloquent way through the engrossing and misleading tale. We are confronted first with Ephraim Macbriar after the Covenanters have gained Drumclog. Hardly twenty years old he is ; but already, though he is half an invalid, he has gone through the vigils, the rigours, the imprisonments of a veteran. He throws his faded eyes over the multitude and over the scene of battle ; and a light of triumph rises in his glance. His hands are folded, his face is raised to heaven, and he is lost in mental prayer before he addresses the people. His sermon follows, a sermon outlined not ungenerously. If he is not free from the coarseness of his sect, he is an orator who understands liow to compel masses of men. He paints the desolation of the Church. She is like Hagar, watching the waning life of lier l)oy in the fountainless desert ; like Judah, mourning for her Temple ; like Eachel, weeping for her children. He fans into new heat the souls of the men who have just returned from pursuing Claverhouse. Everyone's heart is to be as the heart of Maccabaeus, everyone's hand as the hand of Samson, every- one's sword as the sword of Gideon which turned not back from the slaughter. There are false notes here and there ; but 142 MEN OF THE COVENANT there is no deliberate injustice. We see the wounded for- getting their pain, the hungry their privations, as they hsten to truths which identify their cause with that of God Himself. It is different when we meet Macbriar again. He is a murderer, in effect and purpose, although his wicked intention is happily frustrated. We are in the house at Drumshinnel, after the rout at Bothwell ; and " the pale-eyed and ferocious zealots " are gathered in conclave ; and Henry Morton has unwittingly placed himself in their power — Henry Morton, who fought for them a few hours before, but whom they re- gard as a man spurning the light. There is no relenting, no gentleness, in their souls. It is Macbriar who pronounces the Laodicean's doom. " This is the Sabbath, and our hand shall not be on thee to spill thy blood upon this day ; but, when the twelfth hour shall strike, it is a token that thy time on earth hath run." Dr. M'Crie grants that a scene so gruesome might happen in connection with those less religious spirits who some- times forced themselves into the battalions of the Covenant — men hurried by suffering into desperation and madness. But it is a perverse caricature to ascribe such revenges to the Presbyterian ministers. The extremists among them would not have dreamed of staining their hands with Henry Morton's blood. Least of all, would Hugh Mackail, who was as humane as he was earnest, have stooped to the atrocity. One other glimpse of Ephraim Macbriar is given us. No fault can be found with it ; for the painter reproduces the facts of the history. It is the terrible and yet splendid recital of how Mackail was tortured, and bore his intrepid testimony, before tlie Privy Council in Edinburgh. When the scene becomes so lofty and so woeful, Sir Walter is a partisan no more ; none can be honester or more generous ; and we see him at his best. But we linger when we ought to be cultivating the friend- ship of the young Covenanter himself. The men who went to the scaffold for their share in the Pentland Kising are all worth knowing. Their courage was fed from a personal religion of the most vital sort. There is a kind of unstudied melody too, a rhythm and a cadence, in their EPHRAIM MACBRIAR OR SIR GALAHAD? 143 last utterances. Tlius Captain Andrew Arnot, one of ten executed on the 7th of December, sang his swan-song: "I confess that unexpectedly I am come to this place, though sometimes I have had some small thoughts of it; and I do account myself highly honoured to be reckoned amongst the witnesses of Jesus Christ, to suffer for His name, truth, and cause; and this day I esteem it my glory, garland, crown, and royal dignity to fill up a part of His sufferings." Or let us listen to Alexander Eobertson, probationer for the ministry, who ended his battle seven days later: "I bless Him that gave me a life to lose and a body to lay down for Him ; and, although the market and price of truth may appear to many very high, yet I reckon it low, and all that I have or can do little and too little for Him who gave Himself for me and to me." Or this is how a Glasgow merchant, John Wodrow, who is to suffer side by side with Mackail, writes on his dying day to his wife : " 0 my Heart, come and see, I beseech you ! I thought I had known something of my dearest Lord before. But never was it so with me as since I came within the walls of this prison. He is without all com]3arison. O, love, love Him! 0, taste and see! and that shall resolve the question best." Or it is John Wilson, who lauds his Friend of friends ere he goes to look into His face : " I assure you Christ is a good Master to serve ; if ye knew Him rightly and His Cross, it is sweet and easy ; for He maketh death to be life, and bringeth light out of darkness. I desire to follow the blessed Captain of my salvation through weal and woe." These men were poets in the moment and article of death. Every one of them sang unto the Lord a new song. But Hugh Mackail was prince of the little company. He was the son of Matthew Mackail, who was parish minister of Bothwell, until he had to leave his pulpit in 1662. From the first the boy was an exceptional child. There was a delicate beauty about his looks, which lie never lost, and which stirred the compassion of the spectators as he passed along tlie High Street to die. He had the instincts of the scholar. While he was only a lad, he could speak with a warm eloquence which touched those who heard. Better still, he was consecrated to 144 MEN OF THE COVENANT God from the beginning ; " all his heart was drawn above." There was about him the indescribable gift of charm. When he was taken all too early from the Church and land, verses were written in praise of this Lycidas of the Covenant. Some great thing sparkled in the bhishing face ; Integrity that lovely brow did grace. And, behind forehead and features, the mourners had descried endowments more desirable — A sprightly mind, and unacquaint with guile, Which with no baseness did itself defile ; A divine soul, not made to vice a drudge, A palace where the graces chose to lodge. Young Lycidas indeed, who " hath not left his peer." In 1661, when he was twenty, the Presbytery licensed him to preach. Previously he had been tutor, and he still con- tinued chaplain, in the household of Sir James Stewart of Coltness, one of the laymen to whom the cause of the Cove- nant was dear. The boy-preacher was not to have many opportunities of public address. His last sermon was spoken in St. Giles in September 1662. In it he denounced the states- men and prelates, who were robbing Christ's sheep of the shepherds whom they trusted. Some of his words were never forgotten by his friends, and never forgiven by his adversaries. " The fountain," he said, " whence violence flows, may be great power, which the Church cannot reach. The Scripture doth abundantly evidence that the people of God have been perse- cuted, sometimes by a Pharaoh upon the Throne, sometimes by a Haman in the State, sometimes by a Judas in the Church." Men and women were not tardy in assigning the names to the persons whom they fitted ; and that of Judas was instantaneously apportioned to James Sharp. But Sharp was an antagonist who, when he was angered, knew how to bide his time, and then struck his blow with fatal effect and once for all. Whether or no Hugh Mackail had in his mind such special applications of his words, he learned quickly that he must sutler the consequences of his temerity. A party of horsemen THE CKOWN OF ST. GILES. EPHRAIM MACBRIAR OR SIR GALAHAD? 145 was sent to Goodtrees, Sir James Stewart's house near Edin- burgh, to apprehend the chaplain. He escaped, " upon almost no more than a moment's advertisement " ; and, after hiding for a time with his father, he managed to cross the seas to the Continent. We have no certain information of his whereabouts for three years; but one may guess that his home was in Kotterdam, the city of Erasmus, and the shelter for most of the refugees from the moss-hags of Clydesdale and Galloway. Here he would be able to converse with John Livingston, and with Eobert MacWard, exiled for a sermon preached in the Tron Kirk of Glasgow, and with John Brown of Wam- phray, whose writings form a library in themselves. Here, too, he could worship on Sabbaths in the Scots church, with the congregation to which, twenty years before, Alexander Petrie had come from his Perthshire manse. These months were a growing time in Mackail's history. " During all this space," the quaint old Memoir avers, " he was most seriously exercised in the study of piety and true knowledge, wherein, as he greatly advanced above all his equals, so at length he became most eminent and exemplary." As Paul did in Arabia, and as John did in Patmos, he climbed steadily upward. He is back in Scotland, when next we light on him. Some- where in the west, he joined the insurgents who were marching to the reverse of Eullion Green. He was physically weak. There was always that hectic flush on his cheek which the victors at Drumclog saw on Ephraim Macbriar's ; and of late it had grown brighter and more prophetic. In Ayr, William Veitch says, " the worthy Hugh Mackail would have fallen off his horse, if one had not laid hold of him and kept him up." But on he pressed with the fated army, through the pelting rains, over the miry roads and sodden fields, when he should have been resting in some Chamber of Peace. At Colinton, however, before the battle began, he was compelled to give in ; the strain on his sensitive constitution had proved too terrible. Leaving the encampment, he was making his way across the open country to Liberton, where his father had found a tempor- ary home. But on the road he was taken prisoner. It looked as if, had he been desirous, he might have avoided the danger. 146 MEN OF THE COVENANT " It is indisputable that, had he but retained and observed the least of that advertency and caution wherein at other times he was known to be both ready and very happy, he might, without either hazard or trouble, have escaped." Doubtless there were divine reasons for another issue. " God did thus, by his simplicity and folly, prepare the way for His own glory and His servant's joy and victory." It was the faith of the Cove- nanters that nothing can fall out by chance. But they were scorching fires into which Hugh Mackail was cast. His friends had fought at Pentland, and had lost the day. The Earl of Eothes was beside himself with rage. The insurrection, he concluded, was part of a cunningly planned scheme of rebellion ; and he swore that he would probe the conspiracy to its roots. So, when the preacher was brought before the Council, he had recourse to a horrible expedient. He examined Mackail under the torture of the Boot. " The executioner," says Sir Walter Scott, " enclosed the leg and knee within the tight iron case, and then, placing a wedge of the same metal between the knee and the edge of the machine, took a mallet in his hand, and stood waiting for further orders. A surgeon placed himself by the other side of the prisoner's chair, bared the prisoner's arm, and applied his thumb to the pulse in order to regulate the torture according to the strength of the patient. When these preparations were made, the President glanced his eye around the Council as if to collect their suffrages, and, judging from their mute signs, gave a nod to the executioner, whose mallet instantly descended on the wedge, and, forcing it between the knee and the iron boot, occasioned the most exquisite pain, as was evident from the flush on the brow and the cheeks of the sufferer." Although it happened two centuries and a half ago, we read the record with almost a cry of indignation. It was not once only that the awful wedge was driven down. Displeased that he did not receive the information he wanted, Rothes kept demanding " one touch more." Eleven times the mallet descended, until the poor limb was shattered and shape- less. " I protest solemnly in the sight of God," the martyr cried, " I can say no more, though all the joints in my body EPHRAIM MACBRIAR OR SIR GALAHAD? 147 were in as great anguish as my leg." Then they carried him, bleeding and spent, to his dungeon. Endeavour after endeavour was made to secure his release. Highborn ladies pleaded for him with tongue and pen. His cousin, Dr. Matthew Mackail, sought out Archbishop Sharp, first in Edinburgh and then in St. Andrews, to entreat his pity for a life so young, so innocent, so full of promise. But the Archbishop recollected who had spoken about Judas in the church ; and, when he had read the letters which the doctor brought, he looked up and answered callously, " The business is now in the hands of the Justiciaries, and I can do nothing." " Can ! " Matthew Mackail might have retorted ; " nay, not can, my lord, but will ! I will do nothing." Technically his Grace of St. Andrews was right. After the infliction of the torture, the prisoner had been ordered to the Court of Justiciary, which ratified the decisions of the Privy Council ; but he was prostrated by his sufferings, and begged for delay. " I am," he wrote, " in a great distemper and fever, and am wholly unable to walk or stand." This was on the 11th of December. A week later, on the 18th, "being indifferently recovered," he was examined by Lord Eenton, the Justice Clerk, and by Sir William Murray. He admitted that he was " one of the afflicted party or persuasion called Presbyterians " ; that he had been with the insurgents in Ayr and Ochiltree and Lanark ; that, when he was captured, he had a sword in his hand. It helped him nothing to urge that he had left the armed men before the actual fighting took place. He was pronounced a rebel, and was sentenced to be executed at the Mercat Cross on Saturday, the 22nd. Through the lines of the Guards he was borne back to the Tolbooth, the people weeping over the pathos of his fate. But his own face shone. " Trust in God ! " he said — " Trust in God ! " Then, catching a glimpse of a dear friend, " How good news it is," he cried, " to be within four days' journey of enjoying the sight of Jesus Christ ! " Yet during these four days he was visited by two different griefs. One arose from an overscrupulous conscience. Had he not done wrongly, when he abandoned the wayworn troops 148 MEN OF THE COVENANT for whom disaster vviis waiting? And was it not doubly criminal that he should press his pusillanimous departure as an argument why he ought to be pardoned by his judges ? The "ayenbite of inwyt," as the old English has it, was sharp and troublesome ; but the self-accusations were wholly unmerited. The other pain was child of the affections rather than of the conscience. His father came to see him. The two loved without reserve. " Hugo," the older man sobbed, " I called thee a good olive-tree of fair fruits, and now a storm hath destroyed my tree and its fruits. I have sinned; but thou — what hast thou done ? " But the son could not hear the father charge himself with fault without bewailing his own misdeeds. "Through coming short of the fifth commandment," he confessed, " I have come short of the promise that my days should be prolonged in the land of the living. And God's controversy with thee," he added, " is for overvaluing thy children, especially myself." It is an instance of how the saints deal most unsparingly with their white and royal souls. These, however, were passing shadows. Before he listened to the death-sentence, Hugh Mackail had amused himself in his prison by composing Latin verses ; his were the recreations of the student. Now that he knew the worst that men could do, his speech rippled with humour. Someone asked how the outraged leg was faring. " Oh ! " he responded merrily, • " the fear of my neck makes me forget my leg." " I am not so cumbered about dying," he protested, " as I have often been about preaching a sermon." On the Friday night he went to bed a little after eleven, and his cousin the physician lay beside him, and related afterwards how well he slept. At five in the morning he rose, and awoke his comrade, John Wodrow, saying with a smile, " Up, John ! You and I look not like men going this day to be hanged, seeing we lie so long." Yet there were serious thoughts too. " Now, Lord," he prayed, " we come to Thy Throne, a place we have not hitherto been acquainted with. Earthly kings' thrones have advocates against poor men ; but Thy Throne hath Jesus Christ an Advocate for us. Our supplication this day is not to be EPHRAIM MACBRIAR OR SIR GALAHAD? 149 free of death, nor of pain in death, but that we may witness before many witnesses a good confession." The prayer had an abundant answer. Scottish martyr- ology can point to a hundred glorious deaths, but to none more glorious than the exodus of this confessor and conqueror of twenty-six years. When he reached the spot, "he ap- peared, to the conviction of all that formerly knew him, with a fairer, better, and more staid countenance than ever they had before observed." The sorrow was not on his side ; it was on that of his friends : " scarce was there a dry cheek in the whole street or windows at the Cross of Edinburgh." To the last he bore his testimony with a kind of glad defiance ; the persecutors might arrest the life of the body, but they could not modify by a hair's-breadth the convictions of the soul. " Although I be judged as a rebel among men," he said, " yet I hope to be accepted as loyal before God. Nay " — and the trumpet became more remonstrant as it proceeded — " nay, there can be no greater act of loyalty to the King, as the times now go, than for every man to do his utmost for the extinction of that abominable plant of Prelacy, which is the bane of the throne and of the country." But soon the note was gentler. " I praise God for this fatherly chastisement, whereby He hath made me in part, and will make me perfectly, partaker of His holiness." Then, after prayer, he raised himself to his full height ; and^ lifting the napkin from his face, he continued, " I hope you perceive no alteration or discouragement in my countenance and carriage ; and, as it may be to your wonder, so I profess it is a wonder to myself, and I will tell you the reason of it. As there is a great solemnity here, of a conflu- ence of people, a scaffold, a gallows, and people looking out at windows, so there is a greater and more solemn preparation in heaven of angels to carry my soul to Christ's bosom. Again, this is my comfort, that it is to come into Christ's hands, and He will present it blameless and faultless to the Father, and then shall I be ever with the Lord." Mr. Edmund Gosse has described what he calls "the Renaissance attitude towards death." In the best men of that time, he says, dying was boldly picturesque ; it was a piece of public tragedy, performed I50 MEN OF THE COVENANT with an intention half -chivalrous and half -hortatory. So Philip Sidney died at Arnheim, with the musicians playing his own poems at his bedside. So Bernard Palissy died in the Bastille, dramatically defending his beliefs against Henry the Third. So John Donne died in his deanery of St. Paul's, with the portrait of himself in his shroud keeping him com- pany for weeks. So holy George Herbert died at Bemerton, singing to his lute such hymns and anthems as he hoped to sing in heaven. Splendid captains in God's army these were ; but there seems something too elaborate and self-conscious in their home-going. Hugh Mackail had the better of them. His death was as powerful a sermon and as veritable a triumph ; but there was nothing in it deliberately decorative — ^its victory was spontaneous, natural, irrepressible, complete. His final words are famous. They were the Farewell and the Welcome which, in varying versions, the later martyrs frequently repeated. " Now I leave off to speak any more to creatures, and turn my speech to Thee, 0 Lord. Now I begin my intercourse with God, which shall never be broken off. Farewell, father and mother, friends and relations ! Farewell, the world and all delights ! Farewell, meat and drink ! Fare- well, sun, moon, and stars ! Welcome, God and Father ! Welcome, sweet Lord Jesus, the Mediator of the new covenant ! Welcome, blessed Spirit of grace, God of all consolation ! Welcome, glory ! Welcome, eternal life ! Welcome, death ! " Is this the Ephraim Macbriar of that hateful conclave in Drumshinnel ? Ah no, he merits quite another name — He looked as young ami pure and glad, As ever looked Sir Galahad. CHAPTER XIII. BLOT OUT HIS NAME THEN. COMMISSIONER ROTHES and Sir Thomas Dalzell, with James Sharp to instigate and encourage, had estab- lished their reign of violence and avarice. They followed Rullion Green with wickednesses which proved how strong their wish was to exterminate " the wandering and weather- beaten flock of Christ." Not only were the fines doubled and trebled, and not only were there in Edinburgh and Glasgow and Ayr the public executions of the ringleaders, but, up and down the country, when the survivors of the ill-starred rising were caught by the troopers, they were shot at their own doors. There was many a pathetic inci- dent in connection with " the evils, extortions, cruelties, and exactions" of the time. Thus we read, in Naphtali, of a country boy of sixteen, who was bidden renounce the Covenant which he had taken at Lanark. He had no skill in spiritual matters, no wisdom such as the more advanced scholars of Christ have reached, and no full assurance of his personal salvation. He fell into great anxiety, for he was not pre- pared to die, and yet he could not redeem his life with the price which the persecutors proposed. But, before the end, all the windows of his heart were opened to the day. After the prayers and conference of some who saw him in his prison at Irvine, he went to his doom " leaping and praising God." Through all the west, and over most of the Lowlands during the winter of 1666 and 1667, the Covenanters could never tell from what lurking-place swift death might spring out on them. But the tormentors went too far. The man who broke 152 MEN OF THE COVENANT the power of Middleton three years before, and to whom Eothes protested an unchangeable affection, was watching them. Lauderdale saw that, if he would keep his credit, the blundering policy of a merciless severity must be modified in Scotland. He detected, too, a movement against his own supremacy — a movement in which the Commissioner, despite his fervent assurances, and the Archbishop, who avowed his loyalty in obsequious terms, and DaLzell, and the Duke of Hamilton, all had their share. The prelates — for Alexander Burnet of Glasgow had his finger in the matter as well as his Grace of St. Andrews — and the military party both alike wanted to humble the lordly statesman, who meant to be the Grand Vizier of an autocratic King. Evidently it was time for Lauderdale to bestir himself. He did it with much effect. First he brought James Sharp in cringing humility to his feet. Aided by Sir Eobert Moray and the Earl of Tweeddale, men of honour in whom he could absolutely trust, and men of compassion who hated the unmitigated brutalities which had been in vogue, he frightened the domineering Churchman into abject submission. So completely did Sharp desert his ally Dalzell, that, one day, the " Muscovian beast " turned on him with a growl : " Whensoever the Bishops are stoned, you deserve to be the first." There were no limits either to the Primate's recantations or to his misgivings ; he was sure that the end of his pomps and plots had come. At length, when the humiliation had been carried sufficiently far, and the knave had "gotten the second sight through experience and not for nought," Lauderdale ordered him to rise from his knees. Even yet he was scared. Sir Robert Moray pleads laughingly that his master will induce the King to " write two lines to him with his own hand " ; for nothing less will " raise his heart, which is bemisted and lodged in his hose." So Charles, at Lauderdale's prompting, writes the two lines; and then the winter of the Archbishop's discontent becomes glorious summer. " His Majesty's hand," he says, " with the diamond seal, was to me as a resurrection from the dead." The whole transaction flashes a searchlight into the dispositions of the CHARLES I. From the Painting by Van Dyck. BLOT OUT HIS NAME THEN 153 men who were principals in it : Lauderdale, with quiet master- fulness, with perfect temper, with ready unscrupulousness ; and Sharp, who can be bullied and cajoled with ease, and who is certain to be found on that side which promises success to himself. Among the Church's oppressors, none is more to be dreaded than the first, and none more to be despised than the second. Eothes, with his coarse and glaring sins, had not the Primate's craven spirit. Yet Lauderdale had decided that he, too, must be rendered harmless. He persuaded the King to transfer the Earl from the position of Eoyal Commissioner to that of Lord Chancellor, vacant since the death of Glencairn three years previously. In his new office he would have a dignity quite as stately as in the old ; but his opportunities of working mischief would be at an end. Eothes himself was frankly averse to the change. When Sir Eobert Moray went to tell him about it, he had to talk for hours — " it was 8 a clock ere wee parted"; and, even then, the negotiation had made meagre progress. He had no abihty, the Earl declared, for such work as the Chancellor's ; he was not a lawyer ; he knew little Latin ; he was ignorant of statutes and precedents ; how could he state a question as it should be stated? He " opposed his youth, his humour, his way." And always, like the needle quivering back to the pole, he returned to his unwillingness, " which hee expressed to be high and in- superable." Moray had need that day of the cleverness and the patience with which he was dowered : " to every point hee said I found replyes, that still enervate them to my thinking." What purpose, he asked in the end, could there be in prolonging the resistance ? The King's resolution was fixed, and it were much handsomer that Eothes should yield at the first than at the last. Of course, there was but one termination to the debate, though it was resumed again and again. Eothes had to surrender. On the 24th of September 1667, he wrote himself to Lauderdale, laying down his Commissionership, and requesting the all-powerful Secretary to express to the King his " pasionat desayr to cis his hands." And who was to be tlic new Commissioner? Who, but 154 MEN OF THE COVENANT Lauderdale in his own person ? He would take the reins himself, and would vanquish the mettlesome and recalcitrant steed. Or let us adopt Lord Tweeddale's metaphor. " The news pleas me well," he said, " that the keyes shall hang at the right belt." For nearly a decade and a half Lauderdale governed Scotland with a proconsul's absolutism ; from Galloway to the Grampians his wish was law. We must look, a little more carefully, at the man who wielded a sceptre so potent. John Maitland, the Earl of Lauderdale, was a " lost leader." He deserted the allies of his early years. In the old days, none had seemed more zealous than he. When the Kirk had its highest honours to confer, he was one of its chosen. Back in the December of 1643, when he was in his gracious youth, Robert Baillie wrote with emphasis of " the very great sufficiency and happiness of good Maitland" as a Commis- sioner to the Westminster Assembly. It is true that he never had been a Protester, like his fellow-delegates, Paitherfurd and Wariston. He brought away the Engagement from the Isle of Wight ; but only mournful necessity, he explained, led him to meddle with such compromises ; he told his Covenanting associates " how sore against his heart he went the road now he was in." By and by, when the moderate men were broken at Preston, he expressed before the courts of the Church his penitence for having lowered that flag which he should have been proud to carry aloft. The leaders of Presbytery took him unquestioningly into their confidence again, and he remained their "loving friend." He was so, when, after Worcester, the English Government threw him into confine- ment, first in the Tower, and then in other southern gaols ; and, during the years of his incarceration, there was never a suspicion of his lealheartedness. From prison he sent to Scotland letters which spoke the dialect of Zion, letters full of tranquil courage and acquiescence in the will of God. His correspondents rejoiced in a helper so convinced and ardent. Was it a long drawn-out imposture ? Dr. Osmund Airy, who is at home in the Second Charles's reign as a man is at home in the house where he has lived for years, says Yes. Lauder- BLOT OUT HIS NAME THEN 155 dale, he believes, assumed this zeal, like a player putting on his stage accoutrements ; he hoodwinked the Kirk he dis- liked, until the opportunity came for escaping from the meshes of its net; he was a conscious hypocrite. One wonders whether that is the only solution of this problem in per- sonality with its " abysmal deeps." Perhaps there is another answer. John Maitland may have deceived himself as well as his brethren in the camp of the Covenant. Shrewd and sagacious men have sometimes misread their own souls, and he may have been of their fellowship. He may have dreamed that his Presbyterian comrades were right, when they assured him, in the plenitude of their faith and hope and love, that he would " go to the saints." But, however we interpret the early section of his biography, the Eestoration awakened Lauderdale, and led him out from the world of illusions to the world which was his own. The true man had full play now. There was nobody who enjoyed such intimacy with Charles, and nobody who kept the friendship unshaken through so long a period. Clarendon, to whom the King's debt was deepest, was disgraced ; but Lauderdale, of whom Clarendon felt an invincible distrust, remained to glory over his rival's abasement. An uncouth- looking favourite he was. " He made a very ill appearance," Bishop Burnet says ; " he was very big ; his hair red, hanging oddly about him ; his tongue was too big for his mouth, which made him bedew all that he talked to ; and his whole manner was rough and boisterous." His portrait, although Lely's consummate art has done for it everything which could be done, attests the accuracy of the gossiping Bishop's delineation. The forehead is low ; the cheeks are loose ; the lips are thick and insatiable ; the body is huge and brutish. The sovereign, well aware of his own ugliness, felt some satisfaction, it may be surmised, in the reflection that his confidant and boon- companion was uglier than himself. But, concealed behind the unlovely features, there was an alert brain. We are told that, in all companies, Lauderdale had much to say ; he was full of ideas and expedients. Buckingham's epigram, " He is a man of a blundering understanding," may have had its side of truth ; 156 MEN OF THE COVENANT but his was an intellect capacious and fertile and resourceful. He matured his plans with calm coolness, and he never lacked the courage required to carry them into effect. He was utterly cynical in his judgments of men and things, as hope- lessly cynical as his royal patron. Year in and year out his selfishness kept watch, and no fair words or plausible profes- sions lulled it into slumber. In his treatment of Middleton, and in his victory over Sharp and Eothes, we have seen how he could choose the psychological moment for winning a personal triumph. He showed keen penetration, also, in the agents whom he gathered about him; he knew, an intimate said, "how to make use of a knave." But yet there was a magnetism, which men higher in the moral scale than himself were forced to own ; he was helped by public servants who were " very perfit gentil knights." Bad or good, they found him a despotic master. He employed them just so long as they furthered his interests ; but, if they should contradict, he bade them good-bye without a regret and with no thanks. His King and himself — these were Lauderdale's deities, the Great Twin Brethren ; and they occupied thrones of equal dignity. He would take a cartload of oaths, he declared, as irreconcilable as it is possible to conceive, rather than forget His Majesty or forfeit his own power. The man is a medley, a bundle of opposing qualities. There were few scholars in Britain more versatile ; there was none in the precincts of the Court. To his " deare Eobin " — that Eobert Moray who, if he had allowed it, would have been his good angel — he writes from Holyrood in July 1663, and this is a sentence in the letter : " Send with him," with Lord Dunfermline, " my little octavo hebrew bible without points, which lyes in my little closet at Whitehall." Other things are to be despatched, too, which have a different aroma^" the glasses of spirit of roses which yow will finde in the middle drawer of my walnut-tree cabinet " ; but here is a student who shares John Milton's partiality for the Old Testament in the original tongue. He was as conversant with the Greek and Latin classics, and with ancient and modern history. He had a Scotsman's delight in theological discussion and speculation. BLOT OUT HIS NAME THEN 157 His weary imprisonment assisted him to accumvilate these stores of erudition ; but not one captive in a hundred would have compelled the years of durance to yield so rich a harvest. And yet, side by side with the culture, what spiritual de- generacy there was ! Lauderdale was as rank a sensualist as could be found in Charles's palace of misrule. His vices were notorious. It was difficult for him to speak without an oath or a lie. A frequent exercise of his humour was to make puns on the verses of Scripture, or to mimic the accents and gestures of the Covenanting preachers to whom he had listened in his more honourable youth. There was, moreover, an element of superstition, which all the intellectual attain- ment could not banish. He never liked James Sharp. He said to Lord Melville once, Wodrow relates, that he knew the Archbishop would come to a violent end. Asked why, he answered that he had detected infallible tokens of catastrophe in little tricks of gait and demeanour which he observed about the obnoxious priest — " happing, when he walked, like a pyet ; and winking with one eye; and keeping the thumb in his fingers when he spoke." "My lord," added the King's Secretary of State, " I never saw one that had these signs who died an ordinary death." Is he not a marvellous conglomerate — scholarly, capable above nine-tenths of his contemporaries, familiar with the truth, and yet the slave of passion and profaneness and credulity ? There is a word of the divine Teacher which is peculiarly applicable to John, Earl of Lauderdale. It is that word which smites like a sword and saddens like the Arctic winter. If the light that is in thee he darkness, hoiu great is that darkness ! The friends of the older time were aghast at the change. A few months before his own death, Robert Baillie, once so assured of Lauderdale's devotion, sent him a letter of brave and touching reproof. " My Lord, you ar the nobleman in the world I love best and esteem most. I think I may say and writ to you what I lyk. If you have gone with your hert to forsak your Covenant, to countenance the Eeintroduction of bishops and books, and strenthening the King by your advyse in thes things, I think you a prime transgressor and liable 158 MEN OF THE COVENANT among the first to answer to God for that grit sin, and opening a door which in hast will no be closit, for persecution of a multitud of the best persons and most loyal subjects that ar in the thrie dominions." It may be doubted, indeed, whether the quondam member of the Westminster Assembly approved of the bringing l)ack of Episcopacy. People said that to the close of his life he was a Presbyterian at heart ; and probably Burnet is right when he tells us that privately the Secretary urged Charles against the treachery. But in public he inter- posed no obstacle. If he "would never have advised, he forbore to curb " ; and that, in a man with his antecedents and his influence, was a crime. And, besides Baillie, there was another friend whom his evil behaviour cut to the quick. Eichard Baxter had hoped great things of him. His were among the books which the captive studied in his various dungeons, " reading them all, and taking notes of them, and earnestly com- mending them to his kinsman, the Earl of Balcarres." In fact, when his hour of glory came, Lauderdale, as we learn from the Reliquice Baxteriance, had desired to carry the author of The Saint's Best north to Scotland, and to give him a bishopric there ; and the great Puritan had difficulty in evading his importuni- ties. But now the preacher was filled with pity and indignation and fear. A noble letter survives, written about 1670, in which he begs the recreant to turn and live. " God forbid that you should lose in prosperity that which you gained in adversity ! and that He who was near you in a prison should be put far from you in a Court ! If our hearts once say to Him, Depart from us, it's a sad prognostick that we may hear from Him at last, Depart from Me." ..." My Lord, I am not persuading you for the securing of your soul to leave the Court, that you may escape temptations. I know, if all good men should do so on that pretence, they would but desert their trust and the commonwealth and the interest of Christ ; as cowardly soldiers that will quit the field for fear of being wounded, or slothful workmen that will quit the vineyard for fear of doing their work amiss. This were to give up all as deplorate. But, I beseech you. Watch, and Walk with God ! " . . . "It were a miserable life that should imprison your soul in smoky BLOT OUT HIS NAME THEN 159 vanity, and shut you out from your communion with God. This were to be debased below those poorest Christians, that in a cottage and in rags have daily access to Him in prayer and holy meditation. It were a miserable honour that should depress you, and a miserable gain that should bring upon you so great a loss." These are among the yearning sentences in an appeal, a concio ad cor, remarkable for its fidelity and its love. Lauderdale could not allege that he had received no warning of his declension and danger. The best men whom he knew followed him, as he went deeper and deeper down, with regretful eyes and with prayers that he would bethink himself before it was too late. But he never did. He was determined to be indispensable to Charles. He was as drunken and vicious as Eochester His wit, if it was heavier, was more mordant. He could talk in Latin, in Italian, in French, even in Hebrew. All these were endowments which commended him to the King. In London, from 1660 to 1667, he courted his master with such assiduity that no presence was so essential as his ; and by 1667 he was the real ruler of Scotland. Thus John Maitland, once the hope of the Presbyterians, mounted higher and higher in magnificence, and sank lower and lower in manhood and grace. CHAPTER XIV. THE BLINK. LORD LAUDERDALE had taken the control of Scottish affairs, because Rothes and his colleagues were spoiling everything by their vulgar violence. Odd as it seems to find any relaxation of their sorrows coming from such a source, it was to be expected, therefore, that the Covenanters would liave something of a breathing-space. And so it happened. The three or four years which followed are known in the literature of the persecuted by the quaint title of The Blink. Through the brooding clouds a few rays of sunshine forced their way, and the hearts of the down-trodden folk were warmed. In greater numbers than ever they met for worship on the hillsides and in the fields, crowding to hear the preachers who gave them the living bread and the water which has " refreshment for all thirst." The mercy, we shall see, was mingled with new misery; and fresh causes of contention sprang up among the faithful. But, for the time, there was an easing of their burden. One improvement was the removal from military command of two officers who had gained an undesirable repute. Of the two Sir William Ballantyne was the more savage ; he " hath all this time," wrote Moray to Lauderdale, "been exacting monney and bonds, driving cattle, and harassing the innocent as well as the guilty." His reign of extortion was terminated. He was fined and ordered to withdraw from the country. From Paris he sent an angry little letter to the King's Commissioner. " I intend to som place where I may have the occasion to ffoUow arms till yowr Lordship's displeasor be removed ; hoping such is yowr justice yow will not desire i6o THE BLINK i6i without cawse utterlie to rowine a poore gentleman." But death met him before he saw Scotland again. He was at the siege of a beleaguered town in the Netherlands; and, as he walked one day too near the hostile guns, a comrade called out to warn him of his risk. " Cannon-balls kill none but fey folk," was his contemptuous answer. The word had just crossed his lips, when a ball shot him throiigh the heart ; and his bravadoes were ended for ever. The other officer, whose tyrannies had a summary conclusion, was Sir James Turner, the author of the Pentland Eising and its attendant wretched- ness. In spite of his eloquent protestations that a punishment he did not deserve was inflicted on him, he lost his place in the army ; and, if he escaped exile, he had to live in privacy for the rest of his days. But the chief feature of these years of the Blink, when milder men and milder measures were uppermost, was the- granting of the two Indulgences — the earlier in June 1669, the later in 1672. The Indulgences had a kindly look; but they added immeasurably to the troubles of the Church. What was it that they did ? The parish churches, abandoned to the lifeless curates, were almost empty. The people discovered methods of listening to their own ministers, the friends whose adoption they had tried. But, if this state of things continued, one of three consequences must ensue : either the worship of God in the ecclesiastical buildings of the land would become obsolete ; or a system of persecution must be inaugurated, more unspar- ing in its sternness and more prohfic in its results; or else some degree of toleration must be extended to the Presbyterian preachers, and a way of return must be devised for them to the offices they had filled before Middleton's black Act of Glasgow drove them to proclaim their message under the open sky. The last was the course preferred by the governors of the country ; and thus the Indulgences came into being. They were a permission to the outed ministers to reoccupy their charges. Those who declined to go for sanction to the Bishops were not to have the stipend, but only the manse, and were to receive an annuity from the nation. The ministry of II i62 MEN OF THE COVENANT those who refused to attend the Episcopal Synods was to be restricted to the parishes over which they were set. None was to admit to the sacrament of Baptism or of the Lord's Supper anyone from a congregation outside his own parochial boundary. The Indulgences were thus the King's authorisa- tion to Covenanting ministers to take up afresh, under certain stringent conditions, their dearly loved work of preaching the Gospel of Christ. Again, if they chose, their voices might be heard within the walls of those houses of prayer that were hallowed by innumerable sacred recollections. But the Government would watch, would superintend, would control their language and their action. This State regulation was the fatal blot on the scheme, in the judgment of the majority of the men for whom it was designed. They had cause, they felt, to fear the Greeks, et dona ferentes. To their authors the Indulgences appeared politically wise, and they were granted with some graciousness ; but a freedom so cabined and guarded, a virtue so cloistered, was not what the Covenanters had suffered in order to secure. If they accepted it, they would allow to civic dignitaries the right of interference in the thrice-holy region of the Church : they would yield up to an external power the prerogatives which pertain to Jesus Christ alone. Nor was this likely to be the only melancholy result. Other harvests of mischief lay in the perilous seed. For example, who could prophesy to what lengths the intrusion of the State might go ? Having once invaded the spiritual realm, she would return with a demand for new benefactions, and would assert her domination in yet more offensive ways. Moreover, the Indulgences could not be welcomed without dividing the adherents of the Covenant. It was useless to expect that everyone would see in their niggardly promises a boon so rich that at any cost it must be coveted and grasped. There would be many soldiers of Christ too jealous of their Master's honour to reap comforts for themselves at His expense. And thus those who took the liberty proffered them would put a sundering chasm between themselves and their brethren. It was a contingency to be contemplated with dismay. There was yet another evil which could be foreseen. Compliance THE BLINK 163 with the King's proposals would only prove an incitement to Charles and his advisers to afflict the conventicles more mercilessly than before. What justification was there for conventicles at all, the statesmen would ask, when the doors of the churches had been thrown open, and Presbyterians were in the pulpits again ? Look at it in what light they would, most of the Covenanters saw something ensnaring in the bribe held out to them ; and they declined to profit by it. Singularly enough, Lauderdale found his first Indulgence vigorously condemned from the opposite side of the ecclesi- astical world. Alexander Burnet, the Archbishop of Glasgow, was a resolute High Churchman, much more zealous than James Sharp for the independence of the spiritual realm. That the Privy Council should arrogate to itself the power of admitting the ejected ministers to their old places was in his . eyes a wound inflicted on the Church ; for it was she who ought to be intrusted with such duties, and no Court of the nation could lawfully trespass on her domain. It was the favourite argument of the Protesters, the clear-sighted Commissioner averred, enunciated by a man to whom the Protesters were as the abomination of desolation. But Burnet — Longifacies is the nickname by which he is known in the coterie of Lauderdale's bosom-friends — won nothing but a mitigated martyrdom from his attachment to principle. At the Christmas of 1669 he was compelled to retire from his see. " I, Alexander, Arch- bishop of Glasgow," he wrote, " being sensible that my service in that province hath not beene so acceptable to His Majestic as I could have wished, and that I cannot expect my con- tinuance therein can be so usefull to the Church as the necessities thereof at this tyme require ; and intimation of His Majestie's displeasure being made to me by My Lord Commis- sioner, his grace the Earl of Lauderdaill ; I doe in all humility make a surrender thereof." Whether it were prelate or peer or presbyter who stood in the dictator's path, he was overtaken soon by chastisement ; and the autocrat went on his regal way undisturbed. There were forty-two of the banished ministers who availed themselves of the gate provided by the Indulgence i64 MEN OF THE COVENANT back into the churches from which they had been expelled. If, to borrow a phrase from Samuel Eutherfurd, they preferred the lower road of the valleys to the higher road of the mountains, it would be easy to speak too harshly of men wha were swayed towards compromise and concession by many appealing arguments. But the issues of pain and strife which their braver-spirited friends predicted revealed themselves only too quickly. Their conduct was condemned by the bulk of Presbyterian people, as an acceptance of conditions ruinous to the privileges of the Church and to the headship of Christ. Kirkton sums up the more consistent view in a single pregnant sentence; the Indulgence, he says, being derived from the King's authority, " was judged a bitter fruit from a bitter tree." Henceforward there was a new breach in the Covenanting host. It was sore enough to have Resolutioner and Protester regarding one another with suspicion, and winging their con- troversial arrows at each other instead of at the common foe. But now a second cause of heart-burning had arisen. Indulged and Non-indulged manifested a too scanty affection^ and were frequently engaged in verbal strife, during the years to come. A fatality clung, one sees, to Lauderdale's gifts, and the boon became a bane. But probably the intention was generous. For, during the Blink, he had for advisers three- men, whose names it is a gladness to recall, and who stand out in bright relief from the sordid crowd of needy nobles and ruthless soldiers and haughty churchmen. They lent character and refinement, for one or two quickly fleeting years, to the cause of absolutism. And they had within them what Middleton and Eothes and Sharp never had, or else had killed and lost — a heart of compassionateness and magnanimity. One of them was the Earl of Tweeddale. In the Parlia- ment which condemned James Guthrie to die, he had the courage to vote against the capital sentence ; " not but that I thought he deserved it, but some circumstances — as the disorders of the times, the general distractions of men's minds, and the fact that the restraining power of the laws was too- THE BLINK 165 sadly abated, and the execution of them loosed — did incline me to another punishment." For his boldness and humanity he was thrown into prison in Edinburgh ; and for nine months, from September in 1661 until May in 1662, the dungeon shut him in. Ordinarily a man is seen either at his best or at his worst in his own home ; and, if we subject Lord Tweeddale to this test, our liking for him is increased. In a delightful letter written to Lauderdale, whose one daughter was married to his son, he discloses most naturally and winningly his affection for children and grandchildren. He has returned to Yester after a period of absence — to Yester, " wher I found them all weal, and was qwikly encompassed with children striving who should be most mead of. Charles is grouen ane mighty kind child, and left all his frowardnes, and, I think, squints noe mor then he did. I asked Jhon if he knew me ; he said, ' Ay, ay,' and clapid my cheek, and kissid both of them, and asked for his grandfather at London. Ann is grouen a pleasant and bewtiful child. My littel dawghter Jean, when she saw me mak mor, as she thought, of the rest than hir, said, ' I am a bairn too,' " Such a letter opens a window into Tweeddale's nature ; and, when we look through the panes, we see what is inviting and tender. Another of Lauderdale's counsellors was Alexander Bruce, second Earl of Kincardine, a statesman of insight and of integrity. It was his wish from the first to deal liberally with the Kirk ; and if clemency could be shown, without seeming to be extorted through the alarm of the Government and the acknowledged strength of the Covenanters, he was prepared to show it. " I am, in my privat opinion, for a qualified toleration," he declared, "but I wold have it given and not taken ; and I thinke it is not to be given so long as they thinke themselves so considerable as to oblidge the grantting of it." It would have been a rich benefit to the distracted country if Kincardine, with his rectitude and kindliness, had remained longer in office. He did continue with Lauderdale, from whose guidance of affairs he hoped for many reforms, after the other two had been forced to go. But at length his patience was worn out ; and he broke with the Commissioner, whose i66 MEN OF THE COVENANT despotic exercise of authority and gross personal sins had grown repugnant to his own purer mind and sweeter temper. But the most attractive of the trio is Sir Kobert Moray. The wonder is that so chivalrous a gentleman, Evelyn's " deare and excellent friend," and the comrade of comrades to whom Thomas Vaughan, the Silurist's philosophic brother, left all his papers, because he knew no one else whom he could trust with such fidelity — the wonder is that he should be found in con- junction with the persecutors at all. In truth, it was against his will that he engaged in the drudgery of politics, and was dragged away from employments and companionships more congenial. He loved his books, his chemical retorts, his music, his medical researches, and those familiar intimates to whom he could unbosom his heart with none of the diplomatist's concealments and equivocations. He was happier in his Presidency of the Eoyal Society than in his toils and worries and disappointments as Privy Councillor. The Earl of Kincardine knew him well ; the two had been as brothers during their season of exile before the Ptestoration ; and no speck of cloud ever crept over the serene sky of their fellow- ship. One may read the beautiful letters which Moray sent to Alexander Bruce, while the one was in Maestricht and the other in Bremen; and whoever reads them will become a thrall to the enchantments of the fascinating scribe — they are luminous with wisdom, with humour, with wide literary culture, with unassuming religion. Experiment and scientific study are much more to the writer than all the intrigues of princes and parliaments. " Here I stopt," he says, breaking off in the middle of a story, " to blow the coals in the stove under my feet, though I be sitting at the cheek of a furnace will gar your eyn reel when you see it." He has unspeakable rest and comfort in his knowledge that there is not a jar, not a jealousy, not a disquieting element, in their most satisfying alliance. " I find it in my heart," he owns, " to set every word I get from you in diamonds." He describes, with the enthusiast's devotion, his " three fiddles hanging on the wall " ; but there, in the strange land, he can extract little satisfaction THE BLINK 167 from their melody : " to tell you truely, I am not much for cul- tivating of musick till God send me dayes of joy and mirth, if at least He hath markt out any such for us." His friend at one time lies ill of ague, and he reminds him of what is the secret of consolation : " you know whatsoever your kind, wise, good, and powerful Father sends to you, or does with you, is the very best that can befall you, how dark soever His ways be to your grief, or His touches to your relish." He talks of his own spiritual longings and strivings : " I shall tell you it hath been my study now thirty-one years to understand and regulate my passions ; the whole story of my progress in this, and God's dealings with me in it, will be as open to you as you would have it." In large measure, Robert Moray kept himself un- spotted from the world. If further proof of it were needed, there is the fact that another cherished and reverenced correspondent was his sister-in-law, Anna Mackenzie, Lady Balcarres, " exquisite alike in person and in mind " ; the man who could bind such friends to himself, and could hold them unchanged to the end, must have carried in him a crystalline soul. When 1660 came, and Charles and Lauderdale leaped from poverty to power, they compelled Moray, unambitious as he was, to give them his help. Let us remember it to His Majesty's praise, when the witnesses to his discredit are legion, that he felt an extraordinary regard for one who had nothing in common with himself, except the pleasure in chemistry and the brilliance in conversation which they both shared. As for the nobleman, he made Alexander Bruce's companion his own Secretary, and consulted him always. In the summer of the Restoration year he sent him across to France, to secure from the French Presbyterians an opinion in favour of moderate Episcopacy. And now, in his personal rule over Scotland, there was none on whom he leaned more confidingly, or who better deserved his trust. So long as such men got their will, there was little like- lihood of excessive tyranny. But the Blink, after all, was but a blink ; it was not confirmed and abiding summer. As early as 1670, there was a new bit of savagery, the outcome of the Indulgence of the previous year, to which Tweeddale i68 MEN OF THE COVENANT and Kincardine and Moray were somehow constrained to yield their consent. This was the Act against conventicles. The ministers who persisted in remaining without the Church were forbidden to pray and preach except in their own houses and among the members of their own families. If they dared to conduct a service of religion in a home not their own, they were imprisoned until they gave proof of their willingness not to offend in the like fashion again, and, if the proof were not forthcoming, they were compelled to leave the country. Those who had attended the service were heavily fined, the master or mistress of the house being required to pay a sum the double of that exacted from others. But the full weight of severity fell on the meetings held in the fields. The preacher there, or even in a building so crowded that some were standing out of doors, was to be punished with death and with the confiscation of his goods. Anyone arresting him was to receive a reward of thirty pounds, and to have a free pardon if, in performing his disagreeable duty, he had killed the minister or some of the obstinate and misguided listeners. Those who had been present at a field-preaching were liable to fines extravagant and crushing in their amount. And, under the terror of these exorbitant dues, the people were commanded to repair regularly to the worship conducted by the curates or by the indulged preachers inside the churches. It was the advent of winter once more — " no roses but only thorns to- day " ; and again the sons and daughters of the Covenant were out under a frowning heaven. It is almost inexplicable that high-minded and gracious men, like the three into whose faces we have looked, should have stained their consciences and tarnished their fame by agreeing to the unjust Act. We can only account for it by remembering the stronger will behind them, which employed them as its exponents and agents. In fact, their brief and clement mastership was soon to be ended. Lord Lauderdale and they were to part company and go their separate ways. It was a woman's hand which sundered the ruler of Scotland from his best friends. His first wife, poor Anne Hume, died in 1671. He had sent her to France, ostensibly for the benefit JOHN MAITLAND, EARL OF LAUDERDALE. After a, Painting by Sir Peter Lcly. THE BLINK 169 of her health, but more probably that he might enjoy the freedom which her absence would afford. Her last letter to him was written from Paris. It is a pathetic little epistle, asking him to see that a house which she owned in Highgate should be repaired, before it fell in ruins to the ground. He had filled the upper rooms with those multitudinous books of his, and it was unable to sustain so great a load ; for what was it but a slim and paltry erection of paper ? If he would not do so trifling a service for her sake, let him do it, she begs, for his own ; for the place would belong to his family when she was gone. " I have wreiten menei leters to you," she concludes mournfully enough ; " I shal deseir an anseur." Death came to rescue the Earl of Hume's daughter from the slights and sorrows of years, and to liberate her vmgentle husband from the trammels of a union of which he was tired. In 1672 he married again. His new bride was the Countess of Dysart, a woman with plenty of brains but without any heart, who had a bad history behind her, and who for the future was to play Herodias to his Herod. She did not love him; she used him as a convenient tool to bring her money and applause. If he had been overbearing before, he became tenfold more so under his wife's evil influence. He " lowered to her level day by day," until, as she was destitute of all that is holiest in woman, he lost all that is strongest and most righteous in man. It was a pitiful degeneracy ; but there seemed no chance of checking its progress. Lady Dysart's jealousy drove Eobert Moray from Lauderdale's side — Eobert Moray who had known how to touch pitch without being defiled. By and by there was a hopeless quarrel with Tweeddale. In a few years more, Kincardine, too, said his farewells. Then, with these ministers of conciliation and worth removed from the councils of the nation, " hard came to hard," and the Covenanters passed anew into an era of " boots, thumbikins, and fire-matches, the bloody rope to the neck, and bullets to the head." But the wise student of the time will be sorrier for their oppressor than he is for them. CHAPTER XV. A FIELD PREACHER. IT is a foolish, but not an uncommon, mistake — the notion that the men of the Covenant were all of lowly and plebeian birth. The dedicated army, with its banner of blue and its passion for the kingly rights of Christ, drew most of its recruits from the peasants and shepherds of the countryside and from the traders in the towns ; and these homely warriors, as they fought their spiritual battle, showed as fine a courage as any paladins of the Court. But there were men and women of higher degree proud to associate themselves with the cause of Presbytery. Some of the wise and mighty were called, and with promptitude they answered the call. John Blackader is one of the gentlefolks who rallied to the defence of the Kirk, He was the scion of a famous family. The original home of his kindred was in Berwickshire ; and among his forebears there were figures valorous and pictur- esque. In the middle of the fifteenth century, " the Black Band of the Blackaders," father and seven sons, each of them swarthy in complexion, had, time and again, beaten back the invading English ; " weakness was not in their word, weariness not on their brow." They did not restrict their exploits to Scottish soil and to the defence of their own castles and crofts. Like Job's warhorse, they scented the battle from afar. Those were the days when the southern kingdom was rent by the contentions of York and Lancaster ; and Cuthbert Blackader with his dauntless seven marshalled themselves under the standard of the Eed Eose. But, if they reaped renown in England, they found dule and death waiting for them too. On Bosworth field the veteran and three of his Black Band were A FIELD PREACHER 171 slain ; and the survivors came home grieved for the flowers of the forest that blossomed at their side no longer. Yet, because they had been so brave, James of Scotland granted them and their heirs the privilege of carrying on their shields the two Eoses, Ked and White. Their crest was a right hand holding aloft a broadsword, and their motto ran, " Courage helps Fortune." In later years a sea of troubles overtook the Blackaders. The Homes of Wedderburn were at feud with them, and in the strife they fared badly. Ultimately the Berwickshire branch lost its commanding position, and the honour of maintaining the household name passed to younger sons who had come by marriage into the estate of Tulliallan in Perthshire. Our field preacher is of the Tulliallan stock. He was born in the December of 1615. But, although he had "some claim to distinction," as his Memoirs say, because he was " the repre- sentative of an ancient and once opulent house," his was to be a different and a holier fame. He was, his student son Eobert wrote in 1686, when his father's race was run, "a good soldier and servant of Jesus Christ, who esteemed his Master's re- proaches greater riches than all the treasures and pleasures of this Egyptian world." Old Cuthbert Blackader, trusty as a tree, was not more unbending than John Blackader, the minister of the Covenant. After being trained under his uncle, William Strang, Principal of Glasgow College, where " Sion became the rival of Athens and Eome," he went up and down the country preaching the Gospel. One is at some loss to understand why he was so long in finding a charge of his own ; not until 1653, when he was a man of thirty-seven, was he ordained over the parish of Troqueer, in the Presbytery of Dumfries. But it was well that he came to his work in the maturity of his powers. His parish was sadly backward. The people were ignorant, some of them living in scandalous sin, many inclined to popish beliefs and ways. He had an uphill road to travel ; but in due time he gained the topmost ridge. First he reformed the eldership, and then gradually changed the face of the congregation and of the whole neighbourhood. 172 MEN OF THE COVENANT Twice every Sabbath he preached, and once, too, every Tuesday, "except in the throng of seedtime and harvest." In his sermons he explored and explained the whole territory of saving knowledge. All who could read he exhorted to provide themselves with Bibles, and those who could not were enjoined to seek out some family where, round the altar set up on the hearth, they might listen to God's Word. In spring, and again in autumn, he catechised his parishioners. It was a duty performed in no perfunctory style. He " took inspection into their behaviour." He had many a searching question. Did they remember secret prayer ? Morning and evening did they kneel together at the throne of their Father and their King ? Was the Sabbath a delight ? Did the parents instruct their children in the truth ? If they had servants, did they " curb profanity in any whom they found to miscarry " ? Somewhat rigid the old-time oversight of the flock may seem ; but it bore a salutary harvest. Troqueer and its minister and session may have been one of the places which Bishop Burnet had in his thoughts, when he penned his tribute to the Presbyterians of the Commonwealth : " They had brought the people to such a degree of knowledge that cottagers and servants would have prayed extempore ; they had a comprehension of matters of religion greater than I have seen among people of that sort anywhere." For nine years John Blackader pursued his calling, till the advent of Middleton's Glasgow Act; and he was among the faithful who could not bow the knee. On a November Sabbath, with the noise of sobbing heard through the church, he took his farewell. The dragoons from Dumfries were there ; but meantime they did not meddle him. During the week which succeeded, from sunrise until far in the night, he moved from family to family, praying in each farm -kitchen and cottage, and commending to God every separate soul. Then, on Saturday, he rode away to Glencairn, to seek a place of safety beyond the bounds of his presbytery. His wife and children were to follow. But no sooner was he gone than the soldiers returned. They attacked the manse, and behaved with cruelty and insolence to its defenceless inmates. One A FIELD PREACHER 173 of the boys never forgot the wild " Blew-benders," nor the adventures of the critical day. " Bag and baggatch, v^e who were the children were put into cadgers' creels, where one of us cried out, coming throw the Brigend of Dumfries, ' I'm banisht ! I'm banisht ! ' " The Troqueer ministry had an ending both sudden and sore. John Blackader did not commence at once to preach in the fields. If he was fervent of soul, he was cautious in action ; the epitaph on his tomb celebrates the balance and equipoise of his nature — Zeal warmed his breast, and reason cooled his head. As long as might be, he refrained from giving provocation to the authorities. And so there were some who held con- venticles before he went out to hillside and glen. There was Gabriel Sempill, for instance, also the son of a noble house. And there was John Welsh of Irongray. We must tarry over Welsh's name ; he is one of the kings of the time. His father and his grandfather were ministers before him ; he was himself the great-grandson of John Knox ; and he inherited the godliness and the manliness of his progenitors. He had been a co-presbyter with Blackader, and, like him, had been driven out by Middleton's folly. In his case, too, the importunity and the affection of the parish pursued the preacher, and would scarcely let him go. His horse waited for him at the Water of Cluden, and he had to dash into the stream and gallop rapidly away. Even then, through the wintry little river, men and women followed him, not turning back while he remained in sight. It makes us think of a similar scene in a different place and time. When Sir Henry Lawrence left the government of the Punjab in 1853, grief was written on every face. Old and young, rich and poor, soldiers and civilians, Englishmen and natives, felt that they were losing a friend. Strong men, like Sir Herbert Edwardes, might be seen weeping like children. A cavalcade of Sikh chiefs accompanied the departing ruler, some for five, others for ten, others for twenty or twenty-five 174 MEN OF THE COVENANT miles. It was a long, living funeral procession from Lahore nearly to Umritsur. None knew Sir Henry Lawrence but to love him. And it was the same with John Welsh. In one respect the members of his flock were happier than their neighbours at Troqueer. He continued their pastor in a sense, although he was not allowed to speak within the church walls. In defiance of every hostile edict, he returned again and again ; sometimes he was back, in valley or in wood or in meadow, once a week for successive months ; there was not a child whom he did not baptise ; often the familiar voice was heard proclaiming the familiar message. But now it might be said that he had taken all the Lowlands for his diocese. Summer and winter he was engaged in field meetings. " The boldest undertaker " — the most audacious lion-heart — " that ever I knew a minister in Christ's Church " : it is James Kirkton's tribute. " For, notwithstanding the threatenings of the State, the great price of £500 set upon his head, the spite of bishops, the diligence of all bloodhounds, he maintained his difficult task of preaching upon the mountains of Scotland, many times to many thousands, for near twenty years." " I have known," his biographer adds, " Mr. Welsh ride three days and two nights without sleep, and preach upon a mountain at midnight on one of the nights. He had for some time a dwelling-house near Tweedside ; and, when Tweed was strongly frozen, he preached in the middle of the river, that either he might shun the offence of both nations, or that two Kingdoms might dispute his crime." We catch glimpses of him, too, with a bodyguard of twelve gentlemen in scarlet, whom he had bound to himself in a loyalty as devoted as that of the Gittites to David, journeying hither and thither on horseback, through the green trees of the woods, and among the fields of the Lothians and Fife. There were the vivid colours of romance, and the charm of mystery, and the poetry of peril, about a minister's life two hundred and fifty years ago. John Welsh's word was with power. Once, when he was chased unrelentingly, he hardly knew where to flee ; but, relying on Scottish hospitality, he knocked at the door of A FIELD PREACHER 175 a landlord, bitterly opposed to the field preachers and to himself in particular, although he had never actually set eyes on him. The stranger, being unrecognised, was received with kindness. In the evening's talk reference was made to Welsh, and the host complained of the difficulty of capturing him. " I am sent," the visitor said, " to apprehend rebels ; I know where he is to preach to-morrow ; I will put his hand into yours." Overjoyed, the gentleman agreed to accompany his informant next morning. When they arrived at the appointed spot, the congregation had assembled. The people made way for the minister whom they trusted and for his comrade. Welsh desired his entertainer to sit down on the solitary chair which had been provided for himself, and, to his companion's utter bewilderment, took his own stand beside it, and rang out the story of sin and salvation. The Spirit of God was there ; and the landlord was heart-broken. When at the close, Welsh, fulfilling his promise, gave him his hand, that he might do with him whatever he wished, he said : " You told me that you were sent to apprehend rebels ; and I, a rebellious sinner, have been apprehended this day." But let us return to John Blackader. He continued in his Galloway retreat, until, by a fresh onslaught of persecution, he was driven forth into the wider sphere of work. Early in the winter of 1666, Sir James Turner and a party of soldiers came looking for him. Happily he was himself absent in Edinburgh ; but again wife and bairns suffered at the hands of the " rascally ruffians " ; and, again, we have the best account of what happened in the artless words of one of the children. He tells how, about two o'clock in the morning, the dragoons surrounded the house, " cursing on the Whigs to open the door " ; how, when they got in, they went to stools and chairs, and demolished them with their swords, to make a fire ; how they " stabbed through beds and bed-clothes," to find the man for whom they were in search ; how they " threw down his books from the press upon the floor, and caused poor me hold the candle till they had examined them ; and all they thought whiggish, as they termed it — and brave judges they were ! — they put into 176 MEN OF THE COVENANT a great horse-creel, and took away " ; how they " climbed up to the hen-bauks, where the cocks and hens were, and, as they came to one, threw about its neck, and down to the floor wi't, and so on, till they had destroyed them all." Glad at heart the boy of ten was, when he managed to elude his tormentors. "Naked to the shirt," he ran through the darkness to "the Brigend of Mennihyvie " ; and there, discovering that the in- habitants were still deep in slumber, he climbed to the upper- most step of the village Cross, and fell fast asleep. " Between five and six, a door opens, and an old woman comes out ; and, seeing a white thing upon the Cross, comes near it ; and, when she found it was a little boy, cries out, * Save us ! what art thou ? ' With that I awaked, and answered her, * I'm Mr. Blackader's son/ ' 0, my puir bairn ! what brought thee here ? ' I answers, ' There's a hantle of fearful men with red coats has burnt all our house.' ' 0, puir thing ! ' says she, ' come in, and lye down in my warm bed.' " And the child did as he was bidden, and it was the sweetest bed ever he met with. It was this rude visitation of Turner's soldiery which com- pelled Blackader into his larger bishopric. He tried no longer to conciliate masters who were so barbarous. He became one of the chiefs in the great conventicles of the time ; John Welsh and Gabriel Sempill and he were " the Three First Worthies." " He was another indefatigable Paul," says his soldier son. Colonel Blackader, " travelling through most parts of Scotland, except among the Highlanders, whose case he sadly regretted ; for I heard him many a time say he would be content to go a thousand miles on foot to have had the Highland language." The " intolerable craving " to save shivered through him, like a trumpet-call. We must think of him, in the years which ensued, having his headquarters in Edinburgh, but hastening everywhere on his divine errands. Through trustworthy channels messages were sent to him, to inform him that a crowd of those who were hungering for the Bread of Life proposed to meet at this selected spot or that other ; and then he and his good horse would sally forth in time for the gathering. Thus, in Sep- tember 1G68, " there came a man from Dunlop parish " to A FIELD PREACHER 177 iN'ewmilns, where the preacher was lodged for a few days. " So he rode about nine miles of very bad road, and came to the place very weary, expecting to have gotten rest that night. But the people had trysted the parents with their children, so he behoved to address himself to the work, and went about eleven o'clock at night to a great meeting ; where he preached an hour and a half; and thereafter baptised forty-two children, dividing them, the one half at one time, the other afterwards, because they could not get all conveniently stood together ; and, after this was done, it was hard on break of day." In January 1669, he is at Fenwick, with its memories of William Guthrie, where there has been no Presbyterian preaching since the defeat at Pentland. But, by his too abundant toils, he has made himself ill ; and for sixteen weeks he is imprisoned in the sickroom. No sooner is health restored than the work is resumed. At Bo'ness he establishes a new congregation. At Paisley he has a multitude of twelve hundred listeners. At a burnside, in the moors near Livingstone, where his text was the tender word. The Son of Man is come to seek and to save that which is lost, an assemblage from many parishes hangs on his lips. " The people seemed to smell him out in spite of his caution " ; like his King and Friend, he could not be hid. Living so much in the sun and the keen air, facing the weather in heat and cold, he discovered that his sight, employed hitherto in quiet reading and study, was being much impaired. But he did not grieve over the loss. " The eye in the heart that lies " grew clearer with every year. Some of the conventicles in which he played a principal part were very noteworthy. There was, for example, the gathering on the Hill of Beath, near Dunfermline, in the midsummer of 1670. It was a district where ignorance and profanity were prevalent ; and, " for the more solemnity and upstirring of a barbarous people," the preacher took a colleague with him. John Dickson was his companion. Having crossed the Firth of Forth on Saturday night, and having slept for a few hours at Inverkeithing without putting off bis clothes, Blackader rose early, and went in quest of the meeting-place, Abeady the con- gregation was there, for worship was to begin at eight o'clock. 178 MEN OF THE COVENANT First Dickson lectured, standing in the mouth of the tent, and addressing the crowd which thronged the braeside. Then John Blackader pi-eached from that favourite text of Cove- nanting ministers, He must reign till He hath put all enemies under His feet. It was eleven o'clock ere he finished ; and there was to be an interval of rest before the work of the afternoon. But there had been signs that those present were not all friends ; and now, when the preacher started anew, things looked threatening. A lieutenant of militia dismounted from his horse, and came in among the people massed on the minister's left hand. Fortunately Blackader's second discourse had the wooing note in it. It was " composing and gaining, holding forth the great design of the Gospel, to invite aud make welcome all sorts of sinners without exception." The lieutenant could find no fault ; he " stood a space, and heard peaceably." Yet there might easily have been a conflagration. For, when the officer lifted his foot to the stirrup to ride off, some tried to prevent him, and he thrust them back ; and there was prospect of tumult, and perhaps of bloodshed. But Blackader saw it, and interrupted his sermon, and went to the soldier's assistance. Calming the angry men with wise words, he spoke to the officer : " Let me see, sir, who will offer to wrong you. They shall as soon wrong myself; for we came here to do violence to no man, but to proclaim the Gospel of peace. If you be pleased to stay, you shall be as welcome as any ; but, if you will not, you are free to go." The lieutenant escaped scathless, and the services proceeded until late in the day. Very tired the minister was, before he reached his Edinburgh home next morning. At Queensferry he could not induce a boatman to row him over the Firth, and he had perforce to ride the long way round by Stirling. He was seven hours in the saddle, after all the mental and spiritual exertion of the memorable Sabbath. Were not his campaigns as exacting as those of his fighting ancestors ? The Dunfermline conventicle is worth remembering for another reason. It was one of the first to which many of the worshippers came armed. In 1670 the Blink was almost over, and Lauderdale's administration was again becoming pitiless. A FIELD PREACHER 179 So the Covenanters did what they had not done before, but what they repeated frequently in subsequent months — they carried sword and pistol with them to the hill where they sang their psalms and presented their prayers and hearkened to the Evangel of Christ. We cannot blame them for a precaution to which they were forced in self-defence, even if this conjunction of the weapons of a carnal warfare with " the melodies of the everlasting chime " seems in some degree incongruous. In desperate times the men are guiltless who resort to desperate measures. But more remarkable and more beautiful than the ordinary conventicle was a Communion in the fields. John Blackader will describe to us one of these, which he, in company with " Mr. Welsh and Mr. Riddell," superintended and enjoyed at East Nisbet in the Border country. After relating what means were adopted to shield from interruption and alarm those whose rendezvous, however fit it might be, was " by the lions' dens and the mountains of leopards," he goes on with his tale: " We entered on the administration of the holy ordinance, committing it and ourselves to the invisible protection of the Lord of Hosts, in whose name we were met together. The place where we convened was every way commodious, and seemed to have been formed on purpose. It was a green and pleasant haugh, fast by the waterside. On either hand, there was a spacious brae, in form of a half round, covered with delightful pasture, and rising with a gentle slope to a goodly height. Above us was the clear blue sky, for it was a sweet and calm Sabbath morning, promising to be indeed one of the days of the Son of Man. The Communion tables were spread on the green by the water, and around them the people had arranged themselves in decent order. But the far greater multitude sat on the brae face, which was crowded from top to bottom. " Each day, at the congregation's dismissing, the ministers with their guards, and as many of the people as could, retired to their quarters in three several country towns, where they might be provided with necessaries. The horsemen drew up i8o MEN OF THE COVENANT in a body, and then marched in goodly array behind the people, until all were safely lodged. In the morning, when they returned, the horsemen accompanied them. All the three parties met a mile from the spot, and marched in a full body to the consecrated ground. The congregation being fairly settled, "the guardsmen took their stations as formerly. They secured the peace and quiet of the audience ; for from Saturday morning, when the work began, until Monday afternoon, we suffered not the least affront or molestation from enemies : which appeared wonderful. The whole was closed in as orderly a way as it had been in the time of Scotland's brightest noon. And, truly, the spectacle of so many grave, composed, and devout faces must have struck the adversaries with awe, and been more formidable than any outward ability of fierce looks and warlike array. We desired not the countenance of earthly kings ; there was a spiritual and divine Majesty shining on the work. Amidst the lonely mountains we remembered the words of our Lord, that true worship was not peculiar to Jerusalem or Samaria — that the beauty of holiness consisted not in material temples. We remembered the Ark of the Israelites, which had sojourned for years in the desert, with no dwelling but the tabernacle of the plain. We thought of Abraham and the ancient patriarchs, who laid their victims on the rocks for an altar, and burned sweet incense under the shade of the green tree. "The ordinance of the Last Supper was signally backed with refreshing influence from above. Few such days were seen in the desolate Church of Scotland, and few will ever witness the like. There was a rich effusion of the Spirit shed abroad in many ; their souls breathed in a diviner element, and burned upwards as with the fire of a pure and holy devotion. The ministers were visibly assisted to speak home to the conscience of the hearers ; they who witnessed declared, they carried more like ambassadors from the court of heaven than men cast in earthly mould. The tables were served by some gentlemen and persons of the gravest deportment. The communicants entered at one end, and retired at the other, a way being kept clear to take their seats again on the hillside. A FIELD PREACHER i8i Solemn it was and edifying, to see the composure of all present ; and it was pleasant, as the night fell, to hear their melody swelling in full unison along the hill, the whole congregation joining with one accord. There were two long tables, and one short — across the head — with seats on each side. About a hundred sat at every table. There were sixteen tables in all, so that about three thousand two hundred communicated that day." It is a long quotation ; but it portrays a noble scene in noble words. The preacher, who could delineate the solemnity so fittingly, never halted in his missionary journeys ; for some fifteen years, except when illness chained him to his house, he expounded the counsel of God. We meet him and his pony in Fifeshire, in the Lothians, in Lanarkshire, in Carrick and Cunningham, in Annandale, among the hills of Galloway. Once he halts to baptise a poor man's child by the moss-side, and a crowd collects, and, as they appear to be poor innocents, who rarely hear his sort of preaching, he accompanies the ceremony with a short lecture. Once, in his old parish of Troqueer, he intends holding the meeting on a knoll amongst the trees ; but the day is windy, and there is such commotion of leaves and branches that the people cannot hear, and so they go to a green and open expanse near the Laird of Dalscarth's house. Once, at Dunscore, it is a time of deep snow ; and among the white snow a chair is set for the minister ; and the men and women pull bunches of heather, and sit hearkening on the moor. There are a hundred exhilarating incidents which cluster round the name of John Blackader. He missed no fruitful chance that came to him ; until, early on an April morning in 1681, his enemies seized him in Edinburgh, and sent him to close his toiling and suffering and rejoicing days in the prison on the Bass Kock. His fathers fought for the Red Eose, and won it for their crest. But surely his own crest was not the Red Rose so much as the White — the White Rose not, indeed, of York, but of Heaven. We recollect Martin Luther's words : " I took for the symbol of my theology a seal on which I had engraven a Cross, with a Heart in its centre. The Cross is black, to i82 MEN OF THE COVENANT indicate the sorrows, even unto death, through which the Christian must pass. But the Heart preserves its natural colour, for the Cross does not extinguish nature — it does not kill but give life. The Heart is placed in the midst of a White Kose, which signifies the joy, peace, and consolation that faith b-rino;s. But the Eose is white and not Eed, because it is not the joy and peace of the world but that of spirits." This was the flower, supernal and undying, which John Blackader carried on his shield and in his soul. CHAPTER XVL • ' HE SEEMED IN A PERPETUAL MEDITATION. TWEEDDALE and Kincardine and Sir Robert Moray had all helped to usher in the broken sunlight of the Blink. But there was another agent whose part must not be forgotten. He was not a statesman but a churchman, one of those churchmen who are innocent of craft, and round whose brows the halo of heavenliness shines. Kobert Leighton's name is already familiar, as one of the four bishops consecrated at West- minster in the last days of 1661. Being always most humble — did he not sign himself " one of the unworthiest caitiffs in the world " ? — he had selected the diocese of Dunblane, the smallest and quietest of the four. But about 1670, when Alexander Burnet had been compelled to resign his high position in Glasgow, it seemed desirable that Leighton should be sent to the west. The Covenanters had their head- quarters there, and there the most vigorous spiritual life was found ; and who was likelier to wield an effective influence in these surroundings than the Episcopalian leader who was a scholar and a gentleman and a saint ? This was the time, too, of Archbishop Leighton's Accommodation, as the peace-making and amiable scheme was called. He had ever been a lover of concord, and a friend at heart to the Presbyterians whom he had left. In Dunblane he had preserved the old machinery of the Kirk, and had opposed innovations in ritual. He would not permit any to address him as " My Lord " ; no right reverend father was he, but a brother perpetually aware of his shortcomings. He resembled one of John Knox's Superintendents rather than a diocesan ruler and prince. The same conciliatory temper governed him 183 i84 MEN OF THE COVENANT in Glasgow. No doubt, the politicians urged him to draw together the sundered factions ; but he needed no urging : this was the goal of all his prayer and labour. The Accommoda- tion simply gave embodiment to the yearnings of its author's charitable spirit. It proposed that the Church courts of former days should be retained, and that in them bishops and ministers should act in concert, the bishops having no dignity beyond that of constant presidents or moderators; that the Covenanting members should have liberty to declare that they tolerated the bishop merely for peace's sake; that ordinations should not take place without the concurrence of the Presbytery ; that, in every third year, provincial Synods should be held, before which the bishops might be arraigned and censured, if their administration had been negligent or arrogant or unworthy. That these Synods, with the spear of Ithuriel in their hands, were not unnecessary was Leighton's persuasion ; he knew that some of his brethren had little title to respect. " The truth is," he wrote to Lauderdale, " I am greatly ashamed that wee have occasioned so much trouble, and done so litle or no good, now these seven or eight years since your restitution of our order, and after so many favours heapt upon us by His Majesty's Royal goodnesse. . . . Hee that can sit down content with honour and revenue without doing good, especially in so sacred a function, hath, I think, a low and servile soul." The Accommodation was a genuine effort to reconcile those who were drifting more and more apart. But it failed. It could only fail, although an angel from heaven preached its value. Conferences were held with the ministers, whom Leighton was desirous to gain. But the ministers would have none of his charming. In the constant moderatorship they saw the embryo of all Prelacy. And they remembered that his colleagues on the Episcopal bench were wholly different from the dove-like man who brought the olive- branch ; they knew that most of them disapproved of the overtures of friendship. " No," they said, " we cannot receive your Accommodation. It is a cloak under which tyranny will pursue its way unsuspected. It is a drug to bewitch our own vigilance into sleep." Even yet Leighton did not lose hope. KOBEET LEIGHTON. The traditional likeness, the accuracy of ivhich is not indisputable. HE SEEMED IN A PERPETUAL MEDITATION 185 He chose six of the best preachers among his clergy, and sent them to the recalcitrant parishes — " the Bishop's Evangelists " men dubbed them. But either the people refused to hear them, or they showed that they understood their Bibles too well to be moved by their arguments. The peacemaker had been defeated, and his heart was sadder than ever ; he spoke of it as filled with the " peevish humors of a raelancholy monk." Less and less had he any faith in his fellow-prelates. " I beleev," he said, " 'twere litle damage either to Church or State, possibly some advantage to both, if wee should all retire." In a few years, worn out by what he described pathetically as "a drunken scuffle in the dark," he gave up his own archbishopric, and withdrew to spend " the remnant of his time in a private and retired life." The strife of tongues was abhorrent to Eobert Leighton. " Over all that noble face lay somewhat of soft pensiveness " ; and let us look into its gracious features. Bishop Burnet, who does not usually pierce far beneath the surface, kindles into the eloquence of the heart when Leighton is his theme. " He seemed to have the lowest thoughts of himself possible, and to desire that all other persons should think as meanly of him as he did himself." " He had so subdued the natural heat of his temper that, in a great variety of accidents, and in a course of twenty-two years' intimate conversation with him, I never observed the least sign of passion, but upon one single occasion." " He brought himself into so composed a gravity, that I never saw him laugh, and but seldom smile." " And he kept himself in such a constant recollection, that I do not remember that ever I heard him say one idle word." " His thoughts were lively, oft out of the way and surprising, yet just and genuine. And he had laid together in his memory the greatest treasure of the best and wisest of all the ancient sayings of the heathens as well as Christians, that I have known any man master of ; and he used them in the aptest manner possible." Thus the panegyric passes from point to point, doing honour to him who penned its enthusiastic sentences, but investing with yet higher glories him how could inspire a reverence so deep. i86 MEN OF THE COVENANT In Leighton's soul the master-power was the hunger for holiness. "Eeverend brethren," he wrote to his curates in Dunblane, " truly I think it were our best and wisest reiiec- tion, upon the many difficulties and discouragements without us, to be driven t'o live more within ; as they observe of the bees that, when it is foul weather outside, they are busy in their hives. If the power of external discipline be enervated in our hands, yet who can hinder us to try and judge and censure ourselves, and to purge the inner temples, our own hearts, with the more severity and exactness ? And, if we be dashed and bespattered with reproaches abroad, to study to be the cleaner at home ? " A passage like this discloses at once his defects and his grandeurs. It was his weakness that, in the confusions of the time, he felt himself paralysed ; he could wrestle with God in his chamber, but not with men on the fierce- fought battlefield ; the summons to energise and die in the con- flict was too hard a counsel for his neutral heart. But, on the other hand, there have not been many who, with Leighton's simplicity and continuousness, beheld the Father's face. The little notes, axioms and quotations and prayers, which he jotted on the margins of his books, are proofs that he never wandered more than a mile or two from his first Love. Now it is : Suavissima vita est quotidic sentire se fieri meliorem, " This is the sweetest life, to feel that daily I am becoming a better man." And now : Leve est sua relinquere, seipsum reli7iquere f/ravissimum, " It is easy to leave one's things, most arduous to leave oneself." And again : Qui veut vivre apres la mort, faut qu'il meure devant la mort, " Who wishes to live after death must die before death comes." Here we have all Professor James's visible and practical marks of saintliness : the asceticism, which prompts to self-immolation ; the strength, which lifts the man above personal motives ; the purity, which keeps character and conduct unspotted ; and the charity, which has shifted the emotional centre away from self to others. That Eobert Leighton was an expert in the science and art of holiness may be learned from the influence wielded by his writings. It would be vain to seek to enumerate the HE SEEMED IN A PERPETUAL MEDITATION 187 readers, whom his books have led into those ivory palaces which are fragrant with odours of aloes and myrrh and cassia. The dialect of absolute sincerity is heard in every sentence. He praises Christ, because the King has bound his own soul with unbreakable fetters. He bids us long for heaven, because all his nature is domiciled within it. He commands us to forget and forgive, and we are left in no dubiety about the thorough- ness with which he forgives and forgets. If we are not per- mitted to think of him as having already surmounted the white and rosy Alps, we see him pressing to them with a patience which never flags. It was his meat and drink, his business and pleasure, to do the will of God ; and he awakens in men and women who hearken to him the same absorbing purpose. One instance of his success will be remembered. Henry Martyn burned out for God with the intenseness and the rapid blaze of phosphorus. Each prayer of his soul was, what he said prayer ought ever to be, a visit to the invisible world. During the six brief years of his residence in the East, he was an unresting missionary, a translator of the Bible, a follower of Christ without rebuke. When, after his death, his portrait was sent to Charles Simeon, the preacher declared that, whenever he saw it, it said to him, " Be in earnest ! Don't trifle ! Don't trifle ! " And, next to God, there were two teachers who moulded Henry Martyn into his spiritual greatness. They were David Brainerd and Archbishop Leighton, To Leighton's Rules and Instructions for Devout Exercises, he confessed that he owed a debt which he could neither compute nor repay. "We may comprehend the older man's consecration, when we stand afar off and marvel at that of his son in the faith. But there is a vexatious mystery in Leighton's story. He was a traitor to the Church which for years he had been content to serve. His father was the unswerving Puritan on whom the Star Chamber inflicted horrors, the bare recital of which makes us shiver; we might have imagined that filial loyalty would prevent him from conforming to Episcopacy. He had himself been minister for eleven summers of the Kirk of Newbattle ; and, if he preferred to i88 MEN OF THE COVENANT preach to eternity rather than to the times, he swore the Covenant with his own lips, and he imposed it on his people. When the Midlothian parish was left, he had been Presby- terian Principal of the University of Edinburgh, prelecting once a week to the students in Latin, and imparting as much spiritual . blessing as intellectual stimulus. Then, with the Kestoration, he turned his back on the traditions bequeathed to him by his parent, on the Kirk whose spokesman he had been, on the Leagues and Covenants he had vowed to defend. He was in some respects more pliable than James Sharp, although he could have no intimacy with a man so worldly and sordid. For, when Sharp was disposed to stand out against the ceremony of ordination as a deacon and a priest, Leighton gave way, salving conscience with the verbal protest that, if he accepted such prelatic sanctions, the orders he had formerly received from his fellow-presbyters were not thereby annulled. It is a backsliding which puzzles us — a disappointment to rouse many regrets. We have found him kindly to the last towards the comrades whom he had forsaken ; perhaps, by and by, there were compunctions in his soul that he had severed his path from theirs. But why did he take the false turning ? Why, as the poet of The Bishops Walk states the question, " should a servant of God range himself on the devil's side, in the great conflict of the age ? " We cannot unriddle the problem ; but some of his reasons we may surmise. There was the sinister influence of his brother, Sir Ellis Leighton, the Mephistopheles in his Hfe-drama — Sir Ellis, the courtier, the pervert to Eoman Catholicism, the schemer who wished to promote his private ends when he introduced his relative to the King. There was in Leighton himself an inclination towards the out- ward beauty of Episcopalian worship — its liturgy, its ornate service, its seemliness. Deeper still was his recoil from the din of ecclesiastical strife, his craving for a place of rest and room. Probably, too, he had the hope, a hope which those rugged Presbyters were to shatter, that he might prove a reconciler, persuading the contending parties into goodwill. Then, also, being high-strung and cultured, he was apt to HE SEEMED IN A PERPETUAL MEDITATION 189 distrust the common people, and to look askance on their activity in the affairs of the Kirk; he had none of Ruther- furd's brave confidence in the democracy. Putting these things together, we discern some of the causes for conduct which, viewed from the vantage-ground of the later day, seems mistaken and wrong. Robert Leighton realised soon that, in a Church which James Sharp ruled, he could have no congenial home. It is related that, on the journey from London, at Morpeth, he left the coach which was carrying the four prelates to Edinburgh, Already he was wearied of the earthliness and the un- spirituality of his comrades, and he had no desire for the pomps which they anticipated with childish avidity. The breach widened with the years, until, in 1674, he laid down all his offices, and went away to live in the manor-house of Broadhurst, in Sussex, the dwelling of his sister, Mrs. Lightmaker, and of her son Edward. It was a hostelry on the road to Jerusalem; but Jerusalem itself was the magnet which allured his eyes and his spirit. " Therefore Good-night is all I add," he said at the ending of a letter ; " for, whatso- ever hour it comes to your hand, I believe you are as sensible as I that it is still night ; but the comfort is, it draws nigh towards that bright morning that shall make amends." Years before he retired to Broadhurst, death had entered the mansion in spite of the struggles of love to keep him out, and had called away a child altogether dear. Nothing could be tenderer than his words of solace to his brother-in-law, words which uttered the home-sickness in his own breast. " Indeed it was a sharp stroke of a pen that told me your little Johnny was dead. Sweet thing, and is he so quickly laid to sleep ? Happy he ! Though we shall have no more the pleasure of his lisping and laughing, he shall have no more the pain of crying, nor of being sick, nor of dying, and hath wholly escaped the trouble of schooling and all the sufferings of boys, and the riper and deeper griefs of upper years, this poor life being all along nothing but a linked chain of many sorrows and of many deaths. Tell my dear sister she is now so much more akin to the other world, and this will quickly igo MEN OF THE COVENANT be past to us all. John is but gone an hour or two sooner to bed as children used to do, and we are undressing to follow." There and not here, Leighton confessed, is the morning with- out clouds, and the perfect day, and the life which is life indeed ; and our Father unclothes us that he may deck body and brain with the better garment of everlastingness. In June 1684, he was persuaded to come to London on an errand of mercy. Lord Perth, as virulent a persecutor as any of the tribe, had arrived in the capital, to be invested with the dignity of Chancellor of Scotland, and, being troubled in mind, had spoken of his longing for an interview with one well fitted to communicate the consolations of God. Bishop Burnet arranged the meeting. " I was amazed," he writes, " to see the angelic man look so fresh that age seemed as it might stand still with him. His hair was still black, and all his motions were lively. He had the same quickness of thought and strength of memory, but, above all, the same heat and life of devotion." But, when his friend and disciple spoke of his own great joy at these appearances of unabated health, he was warned not to build his hopes on so un- substantial a foundation. " He told me he was near his end for all that, and his work and journey both were now almost done." The forecast was strangely accurate. Pleurisy set in that very night, and within two days Leighton was dead. He had been accustomed to say that, if he could have the choosing of a place in which to die, he should select an inn, for that seemed most appropriate to a wayfarer hastening to his true home. God allowed the predilection to be fulfilled. In the Bell Inn, in Warwick Lane, the pilgrim parted with staff and wallet and sandals, and awoke from the dreams of the present within the City to whose light and love he had panted for many a year. "When there was any overture or hope of peace" — few will forget the sentences in which Lord Clarendon depicts Lucius Gary, the young Viscount Falkland — "he would be more erect and vigorous, and exceedingly solicitous to press anything which he thought might promote it; and, sitting among his friends, often after a deep silence and frequent sighs HE SEEMED IN A PERPETUAL MEDITATION 191 would, with a shrill and sad accent, ingeminate the word. Peace, Peace ; and would passionately protest that the very agony of the war, and the view of the calamities and desolation the kingdom did and must endure, took his sleep from him and would shortly break his heart." The enviable tribute is as applicable to Eobert Leighton as to the good knight who fell at Newbury. Peace ! Peace ! was the wor4 he ingeminated as he looked across the distractions of Church and land, and none was more solicitous to press what might promote it : he carried concession to the very verge of surrender. He was baffled in his enterprise, and he erred in his public career. But, when we gaze backward on those evil times, we see him moving through them " attired in brightness like a man inspired." CHAPTER XVIL SPOKESMEN OF CHRIST. ROBERT WODEOW tells a story which has many a time been filched from his entertaining pages. Let us read it again in his own words : " I hear there was a certain merchant came from London to Saint Andrews in Fife, where he heard first the great and worthy Mr. Blair preach ; next he heard the great Eutherfurd preach. Next Lord's day he came to Irvine, and heard Mr. Dickson preach. When he came back to London, his friends asked him what news he had from Scotland. He answered, he had very great and good news to tell them. They wondered much what they could be, for he was before that time a man altogether a stranger to true religion. He told them he heard one Mr. Blair preach at Saint Andrews ; and, describing his features and the stature of his body, he said, ' That man showed me the majesty of God ' — which was Mr. Eobert Blair's peculiar talent. ' Then,' added he, ' I afterwards heard a little fair man preach ' — Mr. Eutherfurd — 'and that man showed me the loveliness of Christ. Then I came and heard at Irvine a well-favoured proper old man, with a long beard ' — which was famous Mr. Dickson — 'and that man showed me all my heart;' for he was most famed of any man of his time to speak to cases of conscience. And they say that Englishman became an excellent Christian. The whole General Assembly of the Church of Scotland could not have given a better character of these three men than that man gave." And perhaps we could not give a better character of the preaching of the Covenanters, first and last, than by contenting ourselves with the repetition of Wodrow's anecdote. The SPOKESMEN OF CHRIST 193 majesty of God, the loveliness of Christ, the sins and sorrows of the human heart : these were the central and commanding themes unfolded by the ministers of the Kirk in the seventeenth century. Whether they lived and died and got away home to their Master's presence during the happier years of Cromwell's ascendency, or were driven from their parishes after King Charles returned to change the face of everything, or must be counted amongst the hunted and indomitable Hillmen of the Killing Time, their sermons express a wonder- ing and worshipful adoration of the Lord who is high and lifted up, and mount into perpetual praise of the beauty and sufficiency of the Saviour, and bewail the poverty and condemn the disobedience of the soul of man. And he who has such subjects, and can speak of them with lips which God Himself has opened, now sounding a blast of warning, and then appeal- ing with urgency and tenderness to the conscience of his hearers, and by and by soaring into strains of reverent thanks- giving and delighted rapture — surely he scarcely needs any other topic; he has a message of tremendous moment and perennial interest and abundant variety. But, for a little, we may linger among the auditors of the old preachers, and may try to gain a somewhat fuller under- standing of their teaching. We must not expect too much from them. It is easy to ridicule the quaintnesses of their style, a style of homespun rather than of broadcloth. They rise, every now and then, into genuine eloquence ; and their sentences, leaving " the pains of prose," become psalms and hymns and spiritual songs. But, even in their loftiest moods, all is unstudied, spontaneous, unelaborated. As John Howie of Lochgoin says, with a tang of sarcasm in his remark : " Their language was never designed for the reflections of critics, nor calculated to please the taste of those who affect scholastic phrases and grammatical oratory, with flights of fancy and terms of art, pronounced in a South British accent." Un- questionably there is nothing of the Oxford manner about the ambassadors of the Covenant ; one cannot rightfully demand it from men who had " no well-furnished rooms and laro-e assortments of authors" — men "with little time to studv 194 MEN OF THE COVENANT anything, and ofttimes less to deliver what they had pre- meditated, being alarmed by the approach of a fierce, cruel, and bloody enemy." Surroundings such as theirs may impart an extraordinary intensity to the preacher's words. They will compel his admonitions and entreaties to blaze and burn. It " reminds us of rugged heart of oak, not a chip of white wood left on it," Thomas Carlyle declares of an Oliverian letter ; and the homilies of the field-preachers are not undeserving of the eulogy. But the environment was unfavourable to the graces of diction and prettinesses of rhetoric ; these are plants which refuse to blossom where the tropical sun of persecution is glaring its hottest overhead. Yet, if there is no South British accent, we catch many a pithy and axiomatic phrase ; the sermons are armouries filled with those kentra, sharp-pointed goads, which it was the aim of Pericles to leave rankling in the hearts of his Athenian listeners. In 1692, when King William was firmly established on the throne, and when there was toleration alike for prelate and presbyter, Kandal Taylor, near the Stationers' Hall in London, printed without its author's name that scurrilous satire of Eobert Calder's, which is eagerly sought after nowadays by the collectors of rare editions. The Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence, it was entitled, Or, The Foolishness of their Teaching Discovered from their Books, Sermons, and Prayers. It is the purpose of the vicious pamphlet, in which the reader has, packed into the space of one hundred and sixteen pages, the amplest quantity of mocking laughter and spiteful venom, to discredit in all possible ways the ministers of the Kirk — that " Proud, Sour, Inconversable Tribe, looking perfectly like the Pharisees, having Faces like their horrid Decree of Eepro- bation." Of course, this Lucian and Juvenal of the Covenanters derides unsparingly the homely nature of their public speech. We may believe that many of his instances are purely mythical; but, no doubt, there is a proportion authentic enough. Yet one does not find that they are so excessively amusing and so barbarously uncouth. The illustrations are chosen from among the " familiar matters of to-day " ; but wlien the speaker who desires some floweret of imagery to SPOKESMEN OF CHRIST 195 brighten his argument is given the opportunity ol' selection between the daisy and the clematis, does he not, in nine cases out of ten, prove his wisdom by preferring the daisy ? So, when Mr. Wedderburn, preaching in Irvine, says, " Lord, we have overfoul feet to come so far ben as heaven ; but yet as broken a ship has come to land," we acknowledge the bitter truth of the condemning simile, and we are thankful for the consolation of the comforting one. Or when Samuel Eutherfurd, speaking in the Border town near which he was born, cries in sorrow, " These years the grass is grown long betwixt Jedburgh and heaven," it is probable that other obstructed thoroughfares will forthwith present themselves to our minds. Once, in the Tron Church of Edinburgh, writes this scourge of the Presbyterians, Henry Erskine, the father of Ebenezer and Kalph, took for his text the words, Cry aloud, and spare not. He told the people that there were three sorts of cries : that of the mouth ; that of the feet, as when it is said, / will run the way of Thy commandments ; and that of the eye, as in the assurance. They looked unto Him, and were lightened. " If we would go to Heaven," Henry Erskine main- tained, " we must not only cry with our Mouth, but likewise with our Hands, Feet, and Eyes." But the bold and pictorial figure creates an impression which no commonplace statement of the truth could have made. A critic has said of Eaphael's wonderful cartoon, that the blind Elymas, whom the painter delineates, is not merely blind in the eyes, but blind in the hand, blind in the foot, and blind all over. We shall best escape the all-inclusive and fatal blindness by crying after that imperious and persevering and invincible fashion to which the Covenanting minister summons us. Leaving the preacher's manner, however, let us turn to the substance of his discourses. It is but a hasty survey, superficial and imperfect, which we can take of a subject both large and interesting. Face to face with his congregation the Covenanter was a soldier. There was a militant ring in his utterances. He felt that he was struggling for a momentous cause, and for a 196 MEN OF THE COVENANT Monarch peerless in His majesty and grace. The crown-rights of Jesus Christ — that was his watchword as he pressed into the strife ; and it is as good a watchword as any which has breathed bravery and patience into the fighter's heart. It was the distinctive, pecuHar, and pre-eminent glory of the Scottish minister of that bygone century, that he was prepared to a.ssert against all comers the claims of his heavenly Lord. In opposition to the sacerdotalists, eager to bring the Chm'ch under the thraldom of a haughty prelacy, he pealed forth his conviction that the only Ruler in the spiritual realm is He who died to win His subjects, and who lives and reigns to perfect their well-being. In opposition to the courtiers and King's-men, protesting that Charles Stuart was supreme arbiter in all causes civil and ecclesiastical, he advocated the sublimer royalty of Jesus over synagogue and senate alike. There was one Bishop of the soul. One only, to whom he swore allegiance. There was one Sovereign, who led him in triumph behind His chariot, and under whose benignant sway he longed to see all his countrymen enrolled. In Whitehall and in Edinburgh he found potentates usurping the throne of Christ, and imposing their laws and ceremonies where His statutes should be paramount. That must not be, the preacher said. In things both national and sacred, Jesus is the real King, governing with an authority as undeniable as that of David, when he directed the affairs of the chosen people from his palace on Mount Zion. And, in the sphere of religion, Jesus is the solitary King; over the conscience of man, and over the house of God, there can be no depute lieadship, of pope or primate or magistrate. These were truths for which the Covenanter contended through good report and bad — truths on behalf of which he was glad and proud to die. Andrew Melville belongs to the First Reformation, and not to the Second ; but the men of the Second were his sons, agreeing with his fearless enunciation of a principle to whicli they were always ready to witness. What Scot does not feel the blood move more quickly in his veins, when he reads the narrative of the interview in Falkland Palace in September 1596, at which Melville used such manly freedom with King SPOKESMEN OF CHRIST 197 James ? — it ranks in moral impressiveness and dramatic inten- sity with the greatest scenes in history. " Mr. Andro brak af upon the King in sa zealus, povverf nil, and unresistable a maner, that, whowbeit the King used his authoritie in maist crabbit and colerik maner, yit Mr. Andro bure him down, and outtered the Commission as from the mightie God, calling the King but ' (lod's sillie vassall ' ; and, taking him be the sleive, says this in effect, throw mikle hot reasoning and manie interruptiones : ' Sir, we will humblie reverence your Majestic alwayes, namlic in publick, but, sen we have this occasioun to be with your Majestic in privat, and the countrey and Kirk of Chryst is lyk to wrak, for nocht telling yow the treuthe, and gift'en of yow a faithfull couusall, we maun discharge our dewtie thairin, or els be trators bathe to Chryst and yow. And thairfor, Sir, as dyvers tymes befor, sa now again I mon tell yow, thair is twa Kings and twa kingdomes in Scotland. Thair is Chryst Jesus the King, and His kingdome the Kirk, whase subject King James the Saxt is, and of whase kingdome nocht a king nor a lord nor a held, bot a member. And, Sir, when yie war in your swadling-cloutes, Chryst Jesus rang friely in this land in spyt of all His enemies.' " Melville had many descendants prepared to echo these words, which are half battles; and they were not ordained ministers alone, but shepherds from the fields, and struggling shopkeepers in the towns, and young girls from quiet cottages in the country. Covenanting Scotland shared his jealousy of any diminution in the dignities of Christ, We encounter the same note in one of the sermons of William Guthrie of Fenwick. Speaking in the August of 1662, he said : " Always I thought it had been true loyalty to the Prince to have kept him in his own room, and given him his own due ; to have kept him subordinate to Christ, and his laws subordinate to the laws of Christ. Fear God and honour the King, I judged that had stood well in all the world ; but there is a generation now that has turned it even contrary. Fear the King and then honour God. I never thought that that was true loyalty yet. They make the rule all wrong that put the King in tlio first place; he will never stand well there." igS MEN OF THE COVENANT Those are avowals throbbing with magnificent courage; and they are as true as they are courageous. It is when we listen to such clear-sounding calls that we appreciate the lofty patriotism of the Covenanters. They would have been scrupulous in their fealty to the Stuarts, if the Stuarts had allowed them. But when the earthly laws clashed with the heavenly; when Charles's road deviated from the highway of another King, one Jesus ; they vindicated at any cost the prerogatives of the better Monarch. They hungered to see the country which was dear to them bound about the feet of Christ. Sovereign, nobleman, merchant, farmer, student, the lady in the hall, and the servant in the kitchen: they would have everyone kneel before Him, whose kingdom is not of this world, yet who must be followed through the world's throngs and temptations and vicissitudes and cares. Best by remembering God, say some, "We keep our high imperial lot ; Fortune, I fear, hath oftenest come, When we forgot— when wc forgot : the creed of the modern poet gained no countenance from them ; they clung to the " lovelier faith " that, whether fortune comes or goes, Jesus Christ is to be obeyed by the common- wealth no less than by the individual. At its core, and in its essence, the Covenant was simply the linking of the nation, fast and firm, with the Throne of the Lord of lords. But the Covenanting preacher was Temple - warden as well as soldier. One recalls the lofty boast of ancient Ephesus that she was Neokoros to Artemis, the sweeper of the iloors in the shrine which was the city's ornament and glory. The minister of the persecuted Kirk was Neokoros too, not to Diana but to Christ. Every stone of the Temple which he served was the object of his fervent affection. The Church was often in his thoughts. Again and again he would explain to his hearers what the Church is in itself, and who those are whom it embraces. On two truths he was accustomed to lay special emphasis. SPOKESMEN OF CHRIST 199 One bulked more largely in the public speech of the Scottish ministry in the earlier part of the Covenanting period. The other rose into prominence in the later and sadder section of the history, when the fightings without were fiercer and the fears and debates within had been redoubled. The former is the inspiriting truth of the unity of the Church. The thinkers and defenders of the Covenant were not narrow in their sympathies. They were large-hearted. They took wide views of the range and scope of that empire whose affairs are guided by Christ. It appeared to them to be a vast spiritual region, within which separate congregations and national religious bodies were like so many townships and provinces : over the whole region one blood-red banner flew, and throughout its various communities the statute-book of the same incomparable Kuler was sole authority. The Eeformed Church in Scotland had its own characteristics, which distinguished it from the Churches in France and the Netherlands and Germany ; but, for all that, it must not be conceived as pursuing its course in isolation, and, still less, did it stand in opposition to its neighbours ; it and they had one Lord, one faith, one baptism. This conception, as Dr. James Walker writes in his masterly lectures on Scottish Theology, enabled these i^reachers to "meet the Church idealism of Eome, in many ways so grand and attractive, with a nobler Church idealism. They could throw back the charge that Protestantism dismembers and breaks up the Kingdom of God upon earth, with the reply that Protestant unity is as much a reality as Eoman unity, only that the centre of it is in heaven, not on the banks of the Tiber." None prayed more earnestly than the Covenanter for the golden hour when, as there is one riockmaster, so there shall be but one flock. For proof of it, we may hearken to young George Gillespie, who died at thirty-five, twelve years before Charles came back, but who has left behind him an unforgotten name. His brothers would have said Amen to his short, decisive, wholesome affirmations. "There is but one Christ," he declares. "Is there so much as a seam in all His garment? Is it not woven throughout, from the top to the bottom ? Will you 200 MEN OK THE COVENANT have one-half of Israel to follow Tibni, and another half to follow Omri ? We shall be one in heaven ; let us pack up differences in this place of our pilgrimage the best way we can. Brethren, it is not impossible. Pray for it. Endeavour it." The other truth is that of the purity of the Church. There is no reason why it should not be maintained simultaneously with the doctrine of the Church's unity. But the pitiful fact is that frequently the two have seemed contradictory, and that those most zealous for the white stainlessness of the family of God have thought themselves compelled to forget, in theory and in practice, the brotherhood of the saints. It was so in Covenanting story. By and by divergences entered, suspicions crept in, strifes sprang up in the camp where there was utmost need for co-operation. The enemy offered the outed ministers the Indulgence, permitting them to return on certain con- ditions to the pulpits from which they had been expelled. But the Indulgence was an apple of discord. A few accepted it. And then, amongst the faithful who refused the bribe, the question arose : Was it right to have intercourse with men who had lapsed from the perfect standard ? Some chose the method of kindliness ; but others thought and said that fidelity must keep them apart from those who had parleyed with the foe. The melancholy divisions multiplied; for soon the enthusiasts for the Church's sanctity shrank from fellowship with the brethren of gentler spirit who could not wholly excommunicate the Indulged. The adoption of such posi- tions indicates a change of view. The idea of purity has been exalted, while that of unity is correspondingly lowered. There must be no sliglitest discord in the orchestral music, no speck of dark in all the firmament of blue. It ought to be possible so to publish the Church's catholicity that no hurt shall be inHicted on her holiness, and so to insist on her holiness that her catholicity shall yet remain unim- paired. The men who can give its due place to each of these essentials will be the best wardens of the Temple. The minister in Covenanting times was a teacher also. And it was a great field of truth, whose treasures, when he had first SPOKESMEN OF CHRIST 201 found them for himself, he displayed and commended to others. He led his people through the spacious country of the Bible, going down before them into its shadowy ravines and climb- ing its towering heights, shepherding the flock in the green pastures and by the side of the waters of quietness. Nothing, indeed, is more noticeable about these preachers, although it is a feature as marked in their Puritan contem- poraries in England, than their anxiety that the congregation should understand the Word of God, in the breadth of it and the length of it. They were expositors. They delighted to move patiently and leisurely through entire books of Scripture, chapter by chapter, paragraph by paragraph, verse by verse. They missed nothing. The stones thereof are the 2^l(f'Ce of sapphires, they would have confessed with the miner of whom Job speaks, and it hath dust of gold. There are Scottish libraries in which the favoured visitor may see whole sets of portly volumes in closely written manuscript, five of them or six, containing the pulpit commentary of a Covenanting divine on a single Gospel. It was a liberal education for the listeners to travel thus intelligently and carefully through some section of the Holy Land of revealed truth. Dr. George Adam Smith was right, when he said recently that such expository lectures, for which the pulpit of Scotland has been renowned ever since Keformation times, " could be sustained only upon a continuous tradition and habit of scholarship " ; and the instruction com- municated by the preacher made the auditors in the rough unpaiuted pews men and women who loved to grapple with the profoundest problems, and who, if they knew nothing of the fairy tales of science, were at home among the dee]* things of God. Much was necessarily wanting — the results of modern research, and the conclusions of a beUeving and reverent criticism. But, according to the standard of their day, the spokesmen of Presbytery were students and exegetes ; and they trained a generation whose members were well able to give a reason for the hope that was in them. This regular and pro- longed search into the contents of the Bible could not, of course, be carried forward when the fires of the Persecution were blazing most warmlv. It would be foolisli to look for it 202 MEN OF THE COVENANT at the conventicles and through the agonies of the Killing Time. Then the word of the preacher had to be swift as a flash of lightning, sharp as a two-edged sword, and sweet as the dropping honey in the forest which Jonathan sipped when he and his were fainting in the day of battle. But, ere those sifting years arrived, the people had been braced to meet their demands and sorrows by the wisdom and the strength they had accumulated from the Book of God. Calvinism was the system of truth which speaker and hearers found in the Scriptures they explored together, the Calvinism which teaches that the high decree and the regal sceptre and the majestic dominion of the Lord God Almighty extend to everything that happens in the universe. They made less of His Fatherhood than we do, and they lost by the omission ; but they made more of His Sovereignty, and they were energised by the remembrance. Calvinism, it has been said by one who is an impartial witness, "is a theory that might have been expected to sink men, crouching and paralysed, into the blackest abysses of despair ; and it has in fact been answerable for much anguish in many a human heart. Still it has proved itself a famous soil for rearing heroic natures. On the black granite of Fate, Predestination, and Foreknow- ledge absolute, the strongest of the Protestant fortresses all over the world were founded. Well might it have been antici- pated that fatalism as unflinching as this of St. Paul, Augustine, and Calvin would have driven men headlong into ' desperation, and wretchlessness of most unclean living.' On the contrary, it exalted its votaries to a pitch of moral energy that has never been surpassed ; and those who were bound to suppose them- selves moving in chains inexorably riveted, along a track ordained by an unseen Will before time began, have yet exhibited an active courage, a resolute endurance, a cheerful self-restraint, an exulting self-sacrifice, that men count among the highest glories of the human conscience." Little needs to be added to Mr. Morley's eloquent tribute, except this, that the Calvinistic training of the Covenanters helped them not only to heroism but to beauty of character. The theology which ascribes all good in man to the grace of God, which SPOKESMEN OF CHRIST 203 reveals the measureless distance between that which is born of the flesh and that which is born of the Spirit, which bids us sing, " Thou must save, and Thou alone," has certainly been the parent of princely and winsome lives. It did more than gird the souls that believed in it for Drumclog and the Grassmarket ; it clothed them in the splendid garments of children in the house- hold of the King, who is eternal and immortal and invisible. The preacher was bondman too — bondman of a Master without spot. We do him injustice if we denounce his religion as one of dry speculation, of metaphysical dogma, of mere political and ecclesiastical controversy. He was smitten with reverence for the Son of God. He bent low before the match- lessness of Christ. He was of one mind with Christina Eossetti : " 0 Jesu ! better than Thy gifts art Thou Thine only Self to us." His language winged its flight into the empyrean of rapture and poetry, when his Lord was his theme. Among the books of the Old Testament, The Song of Solomon had a singular fascination for him, because he spiritualised its vehement and affectionate verses, and saw in them, as in a mirror, the consummate face of Jesus. " When they speak of Christ," says the raihng scribe of The Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence, "they represent him as a Gallant, Courting and Kissing, by their Fulsome Amorous Discourses of the mysterious Parables of the Canticles" But the castigator had not that satisfying vision of the divine-human Lover which had captured the hearts of the ministers he ridiculed; if it had dawned on him, he would have understood them better, and would have sat humbly at their feet. " Christ's absence," cried John Welwood, " is so bitter that no earthly thing can comfort folk; no corn and wine and company. Nay, not only so, but duties and the fellowship of the godly can do no good. No, till He come, angels and apostles cannot comfort." Samuel Rutherfurd, the devotee of the " white and red " in the one only Eose of Sharon, tells us the same. " The wife of youth, that wants her husband some years, and expects he shall return to her from over-sea lands, is often on the shore; every ship coming near shore is licr 204 MEN OF THE COVENANT new joy ; lier heart loves the wind that shall bring him. home. She asks at every passenger news : ' 0, saw ye my husband ? What is he doing ? When shall he come ? Is he shipped for a return ? ' Every ship that carrieth not her husband is the breaking of her heart. The bride, the Lamb's wife, blesseth the feet of the messengers that preach such tidings. Rejoice, 0 Zion, put on Thy beautiful