I ^^.^^'fS. PRESENTED TO THE LIBRARY OF PRINCETON THEOLOGICHL SEMINHRY BY ]VIrs. Rle^iandcp Ppoudfit. I THE PROPHECIES OF DANIEL AND THE REVELATIONS OF ST JOHN, VIEWED IN THEIR MUTUAI. RELATION. ■WITH AN EXPOSITION OF THE PRINCIPAL PASSAGES. BY GAEL AUGUST AUBERLEN, DR. PHIL., LICENTIATE AND PROFESSOR EXTKAORDINAKIDS OF THEOLOGY IN BASIL. WITH AN APPENDIX, BY M. FR. ROOS. TRANSLATED BY THE REV. ADOLPH SAPHIR. EDINBURGH: T. & T. CLARK, 38, GEORGE STREET. LONDON : HAMILTON, ADAMS, & CO. DUBLIN : J. ROBERTSON, AND HODGES & SMITH. PHILADELPHIA : SMITH &. ENGLISH. MDCCCLVI. "TVheii this cometh to pass — lo, it will come! — Thtii shall they know that :i prophet hath been among them." EzEKiEL xxxiii. 33. ^.l•l;liAY ANT mm rniNirnp, kdiniuugii. PREFACE. I VENTURE to put these pages before the Christian and theolo- gical public, as a contribution towards the understanding of biblical prophecy. The substance of this book was completed in the year 1852, but it has been revised and re- written since, previous to its present publication. The Old Testament enjoys the testimony of more immediate Divine authority than the New, since our Lord Jesus and the apostles mention and quote it continually, and witli reverence, as the word of the living God. But the manner in which the Old Testament is treated among us, clearly shows that, in its whole mode of conception and representation — in its whole view of God and the world — it differs as widely from views current among us, as a majestic primeval forest contrasts with the busy thoroughfares of our metropolitan cities. Rationalistic criticism directed its first attacks against the Old Testament, and seems to maintain here its ground longest , for, while we may regard it as almost entirely conquered in the field of dogmatic and New Testament exegesis, w^e see yet a considerable number of dis- tinguished theologians influenced in their views of the Old Covenant, more or less, by the principles of that adverse criti- cism. Now, is there any book in the Old Testament, where this is so much the case, as that of Daniel, which shares, in this respect, the fate of the Revelations of St John, that book of the New Covenant, which combines, in a peculiar manner, the characteristics of the Old and New Testaments. The uiigenuine- VI PREFACE. ness of Daniel has become an axiom in modern theology, so that it is thought quite superfluous to adduce any proof for that assertion ; and the most recent commentator says, accordingly, in a very short and explicit manner, " no sensible man" can entertain any doubt on the subject. It is necessary, from the nature of our investigation, that we should start from the state- ments of Daniel, and this, moreover, with special reference to the question raised by modern criticism. And this for the two- fold reason, that this question is still occupying a prominent place in our present theology, and that the importance and value which are to be attributed to the apocalyptic prophecy of the Old, and, consequently, to that of the New Testament, depend on the answer given to that question. However, the converse holds equally true, and is of even greater importance. The answer we give to the question of criticism depends on our general views of prophecy and escha- tology. The real source, from which the present mode of treating Daniel and the Apocalypse springs, is, that the critic is not in possession of the key, which opens a deeper understanding of prophecy, and, consequently, he divests the sacred books of everything which, in divine sublimity, transcends his own horizon, of the fulness of its superhuman contents, in order to bring it within the narrow circle of traditional or self-invented conceptions and presuppositions. As soon as dogmatic shall attain a clearer insight into eschatology, criticism will view the apocalyptic books of both Testaments in a different light. At present, they are misunderstood and divested of their real meaning and majesty, but then they will be exalted and seen in the dignity which they possess, and in the unique place which they occupy in the Holy Scriptures as revelations given by God to be a guide and light to His faithful people. We do not, however, blame in this instance Rationalism exclu- sively. At an early period the Church began to see only indi- stinctly the view which the Bible gives of the kingdom, and she lost it in proportion as she conformed to the world. PREFACE. Vll The Reformation brought indeed truths of Scripture to light, which, if followed out consistently, furnish us with the key to prophecy; but the Reformation period did not proceed to this logical deduction. Of a theology, moreover, which has its vital roots in the world (1 John iv. 5), and is akin to it according to its distinctive peculiarity, we cannot expect it otherwise, but that it will be perfectly incompetent to enter into the depth, and height, and breadth, of the divine plan of the kingdom. Such a theology finds it necessary to assume the ungenuineness of Daniel ; but let it not be denied or ignored, this necessity is not a historical, but a dogmatic one. Once adopt this supposition of criticism, and you must of necessity adopt an exegesis, dilut- ing the text and divesting it of all strength and meaning ; the arbitrary and untenable character of which we shall endeavour to show in our remarks on the second, seventh, and ninth chap- ters of our prophet. The manner in which modern critics have treated this book, furnishes us with a striking specimen and il- lustration of that unevangelical relation in which these theolo- gians stand to Holy Scripture, and which we may regard as the very central seat of the disease of our Protestant theology Next to this, and in connection with it, we place the funda- mental views of our dogmatic, which are formed from the cur- rent opinions of the day. Starting from such principles, the books of Holy Scripture are subjected to criticism, and thus the critic proceeds, and only at this stage, to the exegesis of the text, and, of course, cannot and dare not, find in the word of God anything beyond what the dogmatics of our schools and criticism have left and apportioned to it- Whereas the natural and evangelical order of procedure is exactly the reverse. SchelUng says, in his preface to Steffens' posthumous works : " It is necessary to understand, first, the contents of the biblical books and their true meaning, ere we can form a sound and safe opinion regarding their origin." Hence it is high time that we read the Scriptures simply exe- getically, according to such fundamental principles as are laid VIU PREFACE. down in Matt. xiii. 23 ; John viii. 31, 32 ; 1 Thess. ii. 13. Too long has criticism schooled and often destroyed exegesis ; and yet what can the former be but at best a Martha, who busies herself with many things in the neighbourhood, and with refe- rence to our Lord, while they who, with exegetical faithfulness, endeavour to investigate, and to appropriate, the contents of the divine books, clioose the good part of Mary, who sits at the feet of the Divine Master to learn from Hira. The apostles and prophets have a claim and right, in virtue of the general im- pression of moral purity and truthfulness which they make on us and the best of our race in all ages, to expect that wc should take their writings as they offer them to us, that we should trust the testimony they themselves bear concerning their authenticity, and that our suspicion should not rest on them, but rather on a criticism which is only of yesterday. It is a thousand times more likely — oh, lamentable necessity to utter such a truism ! — that a critic should be mistaken, than that an author of these sacred books should have made an untrue statement. Speak of the Fraus pia in terms as lenient and exculpatory as you can devise, it is, and always must remain a lie, if I consciou.sly, and with a definite purpose, pretend to be another than I really am ; and, moreover, it is a lie of the blackest dye, if I speak of divine revelations which were never really vouchsafed to me ; indeed, according to the Old Testament, this is the very thing which constitutes the false prophet, and of such an one, the fun- damental law of prophecy says : But the prophet which shall presume to speak a word, in my name, which I have not com- manded him, even that prophet shall die (Deut. xviii. 20). It is of such prophets that Jeremiah speaks, in his emphatic warnings : The Lord said unto me, lies do the prophets prophesy in my name ; I have not sent them, neither have I commanded them, neither spoke I unto them ; they prophesy unto you a false vision and divination, and a thing of nought, and the deceit of their heart (Jer. xiv. 14, xxvii. 15, xxix. 9). And how is it possible that this distinction between divine revelation and human inven- PREFACE. IX tioii, between truth and falsehood, should have disappeared in later times, though, we do not deny it, the circumstances were different ? We do not ignore the slight difference which it is possible to draw between pretending to a divine revelation and interpolating a prophetical book. But, let us ask the simple question. Would not a true Israelite, without guile, — and that the author of the book of Daniel was such an one, is acknow- ledged even by our opponents, as the internal evidence cannot be gainsaid, — Would not a true Israelite shudder in his heart of hearts at the thought of inventing divine revelations ? Must he not have been aware that such inventions were denounced and condemned by the law of God? What have analogies from spheres, not biblical, to do here ? We know truth was weakened and obscured there. Let us not allow scientific terms, which have an appearance of erudition, and, perhaps, of recondite philosophy, to blunt our moral perceptions, and darken our reli- gious consciousness. Whei'ever the authors mention their name, the question is not merely one of dry scientific investigation con- cerning authenticity and ungenuineness, but one affecting the very conscience and character, the truth or falsehood of the author. If we assume the so-called ungenuineness of the book, we must change our whole view of that portion of revelation and holy Scripture in general. If we had a true and lively sense of divine things, such questions could not be treated with " objective calmness," but Avould be investigated with a much holier earnest- ness. But, in most of our exegetical works, and in almost all the critical works of our times, we find a deep-seated deadness of the mind to the real essential character of the divine word, a blind- ness which is incapable of seeing the pneumatic and heavenly character of Scripture, and it is only by remembering this sad fact, that one can comprehend how it was possible for criticism to subject the text to such cruel tortures, and that one can account for the cool indifference with which this criticism is regarded and approved of. And this spiritual darkness arises simply from tills, that the fundamental relations of the heart to God and X PUEFACE. divine things is not the right one ; that there is wanting fear and reverence before His holy majesty ; that light and darkness are not strictly distinguished, and carefully kept separate (Isa. Ixvi. 2). From olden times it has been thought a heinous crime to remove boundaries and land-marks ; but it is the boast and glory of our day to remove the holiest of all boundary-lines, that be- tween truth and lie, and to invent a something intermediate. Our fathers knew well what they said when they maintained that the testimony of the Holy Spirit was the first cfftion of Bible criticism. He who emancipates himself from this fundamental relation of the conscience to the Word of God, is not a biblical, but an unbiblical critic. Let us not separate, in any point, science and conscience, nor let us give way to any sophisms however specious, but let us adhere in theological questions of all kinds, to the moral fundamental point of view. This is especially an im- perative obligation in the case of those sacred authors to whom we are indebted for all the morality we may possess, and of whom we find throughout, that their sense of truth was strong and delicate in a most eminent degree (1 Tim. ii. 7 ; John xix. 35 ; 2 Pet. i. 16). It is by no means unscientific and narrow- minded, to proceed from such a starting point, but only according to common sense ; it is inward liberty from the thraldom of human autliority ; it is natural, sound, unsophisticated sense, which alone leads to a scientific understanding of the truth. "We have lost faith in the supernatural, not because we have gained, but chiefly because we have lost knowledge of nature and what is according to nature. Modern theological science stands chiefly in need to be reminded of the word : God made man simple, but he sought out many inventions. I know from the history of my own development, in which I was not spared the passing through the furnace of criticism, that it is the simple and fundamental trutlis, to which our consciences bear witness, that form the decisive and all-pervading element, and are able to refute the dazzling deductions of a science which is not willing to place itself in the light of God's holy and all-righteous countenance. PREFACE. XI In a time like ours, when not only the gospel of the cross, but even the most elementary views of God, of right and light, are foolishness to the Greeks, and often even to the noblest among tiiem, it is of paramount importance to be faithful in these simple truths, which, however insignificant they may appear, are the foundation of all the rest, and to give all the honour to truth, with manly moral and logical energy, not heeding the con- temptuous shrugging of shoulders of either friend or foe. In the present state of things it fills us with the greater joy to see what good beginnings are made on the other side, in the investigation of the biblical books, taking them simply as they offer themselves, and proceeding thus to the exposition of details, endeavouring thereby to seize the plan and connection of ideas in the book, and, finally, searching after the position and signi- ficance which are to be attributed to the book in relation to the whole organism of Holy Scripture. This is, moreover, the only right method of refuting false criticism. Our thirst for knowledge will not be satisfied by a refutation of individual objections ; but if we are able to gain a deeper, a more living, organic and historical insight, not merely into indi- vidual passages, but into whole books, and thus by degrees into the whole of Holy Scripture, an insight unattainable by that criticism which is incapable irvevfiariKms dvaKpivetv and nvevfiaTiKols m/evfiaTiKo. avyKpiveiv (1 Cor. ii. 13, 14), then it will become evi- dent to us, that the results of that criticism touch only the surface and the externals of the subject, and then light will conquer darkness. And, at the same time, the real gain which un- biblical criticism has brought, by suggesting many questions, by showing the great importance of the historical method, by many a salutary exhortation to a more thorough going investigation of the text, finally, also, by many acute observations and correct hints, will only, in this manner accrue, to the Church and theo- logical science. Let me here acknowledge my obligations to Bengel's school of theology. This school, more than any other, studied to view Xll PREFACE. the Bible as a whole, and naturally turned to the prophetic parts of Scripture as to the most neglected portions of the Divine Word. Though many individual parts in their apocalyptic systems have not stood the test of time, and though, in many points, we must differ from their views, yet we acknowledge freely, that it was chiefly the gift and task allotted to the Bengel school, to open again to the Church the understanding of pro- phecy. To speak for myself, I have not met anywhere with more profound and correct views. The reader will find, in the following pages, quotations, not indeed from Oetinc/er, but from Bengel himself. Boos, the two Hahn. Also the venerable Zurich theologian, J. T. Hess, though he stood more under the influence of the age he lived in than the men of God named above, wrote a history of the kingdom of God, which is perhaps a little too prosaic, but accurate and intelligent, and deserves our attention. But I was filled with astonishment at the grandeur of thoughts which I saw in Boos' book on Daniel, especially concerning the history of revelation. Besides the quotations introduced in this volume, passim, we have given a larger specimen of his work in the Appendix. These men must be regarded as true models, unequalled by modern theologians, not with regard to the ex- ternal scholastic form and scientific system (and yet they have a deeper insight into the organism of divine truth, than is to be found in many of the most elaborately perfected systems), but in the simple, clear, docile position, which they occupy, to the teaching of Holy Scripture, in the delicacy and persevering diligence with which they search its mysteries ; in the holy dis- cipline of truly scientific thought, and the spiritual and devout tone of their theology. Hence the depth and fulness of their knowledge, the solidity and abundance of sound theological fundamental ideas, their clear insight into God's ways, and the plan of His kingdom. In reading the works of these men, we feel as if we had entered a temple. Among modern theologians, I look upon Dr J. T. Beck, in Tubingen, as most closely allied to Bengel's school ; and to PREFACE. XIU liiiu, more tlian to any other modern divine, I feel indebted, as regards the fundamental views of the present work. It is well known, that the Reformers had only a partial insight into the Apocalypse and prophecy in general ; the task and gift allotted to them concerned another portion of Scripture truth. However, I consulted, to my edification and advantage, the commentaries of Luther and Calvin on Daniel. For, notwith- standing many difficult and obscure passages, the prophecies of this book are clear and distinct as to their essential meaning, so much so, that with all the defects of the older prophetical theology, there is scarcely a book of Holy Scripture, concerning the general import of which the Church of all ages has been so unanimous as this, until the last century affected also this book with its innovations. The reader will find, that the more important works of modern theology, bearing on our subject, have been used and examined conscientiously. And though polemics could not be avoided, I trust, that against whatever quarter our polemics are directed, the reader will see and feel, that our sole object and aim is the subject itself. The subsequent pages are written in a style so as to enable intelligent laymen to peruse them, with, perhaps, the omission of cei'tain portions. And, for this purpose, the refutation of the views of our opponents is given separately from the exegetical historical development, and treated in separate sections, specially chap. ii. of sec. ii. ; and sec. iii., chap, i., paragraph 2. In giving to the book this more popular character, I was in- fluenced not only by the conviction, that it would be for the benefit of science, as well as the advantage of the Church, if theologians would consider more the requirements of the con- gregation, in their exegetical labours ; not solely by a desire fo be of use to the numerous friends of divine truth, who seek to obtain a knowledge of the whole divine doctrine revealed to us, and to give an impulse to others to study and honour, reverence and love, the word of prophecy ; but my chief motive was the XIV PREFACE. deep conviction, that the times in which we live, render it espe- cially necessary that the Church of God should take heed unto the sure word of prophecy. In all periods, in which the world and the Church were passing through struggles and conflicts, the disciples of the Lord turned to prophecy, and were enabled to enter more deeply into its meaning. It is true, in more senses than one, that we have inherited the fruits of preceding centuries ; especially in reference to the development of the God-opposed power. Even De Wette says, in his preface to his Commentary on the Apocalypse, written in the year 1848, that he could not avoid recognising the Antichrist described by John, in the character of our times, though the external shape may be some- what different, and the aspect even more appalling. And, indeed, we know, that the spirit of lawlessness, which mani- fested itself in that eventful year, that power emanating from the bottomless pit, has only been suppressed for a time, but not really overcome. However, it would be ungrateful not to ac- knowledge, that the wheat is growing rapidly. But tares and wheat grow together until the harvest (Matt. xiii. 30), and the feeling is at present very general, that both armies are being separated more distinctly, and preparing and strengthening themselves for a final struggle. The apostasy of Christendom from her heavenly king, is manifest in the sight of all observers, and it has thei-efore become a common saying, that European humanity is growing old and feeble. A false Churchism is rising to power and assuming a threatening aspect in many a quarter. Lamentable self-sufficiency, blindness, and confusion, are spreading in high places and in low places, on the right side and on the left, among the godly and among the godless. Among the faithful people of God — and this is the most painful of the signs of the times — love is waxing cold. Among those who stand upon the same foundation, there is strife and confu- sion, so that they say, " Lo, here is Christ, or there." The salt is losing its savour, in many ways. Truth and falsehood are mixed up with ever-increasing subtlety and startling novelty, so PREFACE. XV as to deceive, if it were possible, even the elect. Therefore, let us exhort one another to remember and to obey the long-for- gotten word of our Divine Master : Let your loins be girded about, and your lights burning, and ye yourselves, like unto men that wait for their Lord ! Blessed are those servants whom the Lord, when He cometb, shall find watching. ERRATA Page 17, 14 lines froin tlie to [i, for Jehoiakim 7ead Jehuiacliin. '^ 76, last line of paKe,yc>r o-t6i%7« read irToi%!7«. '- 78, note, first line, for Anfioch read Antiochus. " 81, 27 lines from the top, /or a.\i.ri-^i; " 106, G ^ " for ^1i\vjji.a. read ^ht'Avyf^K. " 114, 25 " " i'ov furnish rea.i\furti:shes. " 124, first line of page,ybr into read with. " 144, 21 lines from the top,_/br 434 read 334. " 197, b rr /> for e'lTivsi read oiTivn. " 243, 27 ^ " for icctixaXC^lrt read a-rszaXiiipfiij " 246, 17 " '■ for ft.i'&ix.i read ■xila.;. " 249, G ^ " iox from read q/I " 302, 1 " " for name read names. " 330, 2\ " " for e-vvioici^iTiHai read truvioidiar.'^a " 439, last line of page, ybr Pharoah read Pilate. In the earlier part of the book, a few inaccuracies in the references have slipped into the text, which the reader will easily rectifj', by a reference to the Index of Texts given at the end. TABLE OF CONTENTS. Inteodttction — I. The Peculiar Character of Daniel, ... 1 II. The Testimony of Holy Scripture, ... 4 III. The Testimony of the Church, .... 6 IV. The Present Aspect of the Question, ... 9 V. The Present Task, . ... . . .1.1 FIRST SECTION. CHARACTERISTICS OF THE BOOK OF DANIEL. Chap. I. — The History of Revelation, or, the Starting Point, 1 .5 I. The Significance of the Bahj'lonian Captivity, . 1 5 I. The Position of Daniel— I. The Position of the Prophet at the Babylonian Court, ...... 20 II. The Position of the Book in the Hebrew Canon, 24 Chap. II. — Contents of the Book — I. Introduction and Division of the Book, . . 27 II. The First Part — The Kingdom of God and the Kingdom of the World in General, . . 31 I. The Second Chapter. The Four Monarchies and the Messianic Kingdom, . . . .31 b X\nn TABLE OF CONTENTS. Page 11. The Seventh Chapter, continuation, 35 III. Remarkable Events in Daniel's Life, . . 49 III. The Second Part — The Kingdom of God and the Kingdom of the World in their more Imme- diate Future, , . . . .52 1. The Eighth Chapter. Antiochus Epiphanes, . 53 II. Chapters X.-XII., continuation, . . .56 III. The Ninth Chapter. The immediate Fixture of the Messiah, ..... 66 Chap. III. — The Apocalyptic Form of Prophecy — I. The Object of Apocaltftic Prophecy, . . 70 I. In General, , . . . .70 II. The Apocalypses of the Old and New Testament Contrasted, . . . . .76 II. The Nature of Apocalyptic Prophbcy, . 80 1. The Subjective Form, the Dream, the Vision, . 80 II. The Objective Form, Symbolism, . . 83 SECOND SECTION. THE SEVENTY WEEKS.— Dan. ix., . . 91 Chap. I. — The Messianic View t^vken by the Church — I. The Prophecy in its Context and Contents, . 93 II. The Chronological Boundaries, . . .109 I. The Terminus a quo of the Seventy Weeks— Ezra and Nehemiah, . . . . .109 II. Analysis of the Seventy Weeks, . . . 131 Chap. II. — The Modern Interpretations, . . - .141 I. The Views of Ewald, Hofmann, Wieseler, and Hitzig, 143 II. Criticism OF THESE Views, . • .147 I. The Chronological Calculations, . . .147 TABLE OF CONTENTS. XIX PAGE II. Exposition of the Details, . . .154 m. The Character of the Whole Chapter, . .157 a. The Fundamental and Distinctive Characteris- tics of the Prophecies referring to Antiochns, 1 57 b. The Resemblance to the Prophecies referring to Antiochus, . . . . .160 THIRD SECTION. THE BEASTS AND MAN. Chap. I. — The Four Beasts and the Son of Man in Daniel, . 168 a. The Present State of the Question, . . 168 II. Ceiticism of the Modern View, . . .172 I. A General Comparison of the Visions of the First and Second Parts, . . . . .172 II. The Seventh and Eighth Chapters Compared, the Second and Third Monarchies, . . .18.5 III. The Fourth Monarchy, the Ten Horns, . .192 IV. Positive. TheBiblicalProphetical View of History-, 197 I. The Four Kingdoms of the World, . . 198 II. The Fourth Kingdom of the World, and its Relation to the Messianic Kingdom, . 2 1 (5 Chap. II. The Beasts and the Woman in the Revelation of St John, ...... 233 Exposition of Rev. XII., etc., . . . 235 I. Starting Point, ..... 238 II. Development of Church and World in History, 240 I. The Church and the Power of the World, . 240 a. The Woman and the Dragon, . . 240 b. The Beast with Seven Heads and Ten Horns, 263 II. History of the Church and the World-Power, 272 a. The Great Harlot Babylon, . . . 274 b. The Deadly Wound Healed, the Beast that is not, and its return, . . . . 296 c. The other Beast, the False Prophet, . . 305 III. Judgment of the Church and the World-Power, 313 2 INTRODUCTION. "Word of Jehovah which came unto thera," while in Daniel it is the rule without a single exception. It is only in Zechariah, who lived later, that the same form of revelation appears based on the precedent of Daniel ; yet even here, the other form is not ex- cluded, but prevails fi-om the seventh chapter to the end. The Revelation of St John alone offers a perfect parallel to our prophet, and for this reason the Book of Daniel may be aptly styled the Old Testament Apocalypse. With regard to the contents, there is a similar difference be- tween Daniel and the other prophets. All prophecy centres in the opposition between the kingdom of God and the kingdom of the world — Israel and the Gentiles. The prophet, standing within Israel, sees the future of the kingdom of God from an Israelitish point of view. The Church of God is ever in the foreground ; the Powers of the World come within the horizon, only in so far as they affect the immediate present or the near future of the people of God. That worldly power which threatens it at the time, Assyria for example, or Babylon, becomes to the pro- phet the representative of the kingdom of the world in general ; or else, as in Isaiah xiii., et seq., Jeremiah xlvi., et seq., Ezek. XXV., et seq., where the prophecies refer chiefly to the powers of this world, these powers appear separately and one by one, and the prophecies are simply announcements concerning the " Bur- dens" of Egypt, Syria, Tyre, Edom, Babel, etc., joined together without rigorous connection. In Daniel it is exactly the reverse. As he himself did not live in the Holy Land, nor among the holy people, but at the Babylonian and Persian courts, in the capacity of a high officer of state ; so it strikes us, at the first glance, that the great subject of his prophecy is the development of the kingdom of the world, while the kingdom of God appears only in the background, though a background, truly, of deep and abiding significance. While the other prophets looked out from Zion to the south, to the north, and to the east, as one or the other kingdom of the world came within the range of their prophetic vision ; Daniel, from the very centre of the power of INTRODUCTION. 3 the world, surveys its universal development ; and only after his glance has comprehended all its shifting forms, does it rest finally on Zion, beholding her affliction and visitation, but also her triumph and glory. It is no longer of individual co-ordinate powers of the world, of greater or less importance, that Daniel prophesies ; but the period of the universal monarchies has begun, monarchies succeeding each other in the exercise of universal sway, and in whose successive appearances, the worldly , principle, opposed to the kingdom of God, manifests itself with ]) ever-increasing power and enmity. Intimately connected with this peculiarity of Daniel is this other, that his prophecies, above all the rest, abound in historical and political detail. "While the other prophets, seeing both the near and distant in the same perspective, are wont to view the whole future from the eschatological point, and to represent it as the coming of God's kingdom ; Daniel views chiefly the future history of the world passing through that development which must precede the ad- vent of the kingdom. This accounts for that special character of prophecy peculiar to him alone. If prophecy is anywhere a history of the future, it is here. These strongly marked peculiarities of DanieP have been always recognised, even by the collectors of the Old Testament, who have shown their clear perception of them, by placing the book, not among the prophets, but among the Hagiographa. For this reason, Daniel presents peculiar difficulties to the in- vestigator of its historical meaning, difficulties for which modern critics have provided a very simple solution, by denying the genuineness of the book. According to the prevalent view, it was written under Antiochus Epiphanes, during the years 170-164 B.C. Its prophecies reach down only to this king, and it is a record of events which were already past. We designate this view as the prevailing one ; since, having appeared as one of the most solid results, not only of an extreme, but of a more ' Corap. with reference to these characteristics Lijcke, Versuch einer voll- standigen Einleitung in die ofl'enbarung Johannis. Second edition, p. 49. 4 INTRODUCTION. sober criticism, it exercises sucli a general influence, that even many earnest friends of the Divine Word, can no longer rightly enjoy this central book of prophecy. The raore important the word of prophecy becomes in our times, the more carefully we are bound to examine an opinion so generally held. But, before we enter on the consideration of this book, we naturally ask, first, what the Bible and the Church declare concerning it, in order to ascertain what historical right, divine and human, is on the side of the popular view? This is so much the more neces- sary, as the most recent commentator on Daniel insinuates, that the belief in its genuineness is only an arbitrary assumption of some modern critics, when he says : " The air of authority which the book has usurped from being associated with Daniel, a con- temporary of Nebuchadnezzar and Cyrus, it has been attempted by Hengstenberg to raise to historic reality ; a view which Hiiverniek and others have adopted from him."^ II. THE TESTIMONi' OF HOLY SCRIPTURE. We must consider, first, the testimony which the book bears to itself. Daniel introduces himself repeatedly as the author (vii. 1, etc.; viii. 1, etc.; ix. 2, etc.; x. 1, etc.; xii. 4). It may excite surprise that he does not put forth this claim in the first six, the narrative chapters, but only in the last six, which con- tain his own visions. This circumstance is not only unimportant, since the unity of the book is now acknowledged by all, even by those who impugn its canonicity ; but it may also be very well explained from the general character of the Sacred Writings. In the historical books of Holy Scripture, the authors are, as a rule, iMjt expressly mentioned ; while they are, for the most part, in the poetical and prophetical books of the Old Testament, and in the Epistles and Apocalypse of the New. And for this satisfac- ' Ilitug, Comuientary on Daniel, 1850, p. y. INTRODUCTION. tory reason. The latter class of biblical writings contain indivi- dual revelations and commissions from God, which are recorded in Holy Scripture. The revelation consists in that which is written ; it is a revelation of words to particular men. The authors are of importance not only as the persons who write, but as the persons who act ; for this reason they must mention their names. Not so with the historical books, which contain only accounts of the great revelation of God's deeds. The emphasis lies here, not on the words written, but on the events naiTated. The writer disappears behind his subject ; the authors, therefore, are generally anonymous. So Daniel, while he does not introduce his name as narrator, records it as prophet. What importance attaches itself to this self-testimony, may be con- cluded from the impartial decision of Hagenhach, who says : " In those cases in which the authors represent themselves as the persons under whose names they write, the judgment passed on the authenticity of the book decides also the canonicity." ^ But, we have not only the emphatic declarations of the book of Daniel itself, but the testimony of the other Holy Scriptures. We shall see afterwards that Zechariah, Ezra, and Nehemiah, but especially the Apocalypse, refer to the book of Daniel. And this is the more significant, as regards the three first-mentioned writers, since they are acknowledged to have lived centuries before Antiochus Epiphanes, and thus presuppose and establish a higher antiquity for our prophet. Apart from the Revelation of John, we find distinct allusions to Daniel in the New Testament (2 Thess. ii. 4 ; Heb. xi. 33, 34) ; the former passage giving apostolical confirmation to the prophetical, the latter to the narrative portions. But the gos- pels are of chief importance. Not only is it conceded on all sides, that Jesus referred to Daniel vii, 13, in that groundword (Gntnd- wort) by which he was wont to designate himself, viz. " the Son 1 Hagenhach. Encyclopaedia und Method, der Theol. Wissenschaften, 3d edit, p. 155 ; also Hengstenberg on the Genuineness of Daniel, p. 183. T. and T. Clark. 6 ' INTRODUCTION. of Man ;" but He alludes to this passage also in that solemn moment which decided his life (Matt. xxvi. 64), when the high priest adjured him by the living God. His chief declaration, however, is Matt. xxiv. 15, on which see Hengstenberg, in the passage cited, pp. 258-270. Though critics may occasionally have gone too far in the consequences they deduced from that saying of Christ, yet, no doubt, so much is matter of fact, that the Lord speaks there with reverence of Daniel, as of a divinely inspired man, who prophesied events which were yet future to him and his disciples, and, therefore, reach far beyond the time of Antiochus. Finally, we have to mention the passage, Luke i. 19-2G. There, there is the appearance of the angel Gabriel, who occurs nowhere else in Holy Scripture but in Dan. viii. 9 ; and for this reason Strauss, Bruno Bauer, and Ebrard, take occa- sion of these passages, in their respective works on the gospel narrative, to unfold their different views on our prophet. The first chapter of Luke confirms the objective truth of Daniel's angelology, against the supposition that it was a product of later conceptions, borrowed from Parsism. Thus, our book enjoys the express testimony of the New Tes- tament on those very three points which have been the greatest stumbling-block to modern criticism : the predictions, narra- tives of miracles, and appearances of angels, contained in it. .Tesus and his apostles looked on Daniel as a true prophet of God, and on his writings as recounting real and divine miracles and prophecies, and that in a sense severely attacked by modern criticism, and diametrically opposed to it. III. TUE TESTIMONY OF THE CHURCH. Until the seventeenth century, or, more strictly speaking, late in the eighteenth, Daniel enjoyed, for the above reasons, the unanimous recognition of its genuineness by the Christian Church, as well as by the Jewish synagogue. This led, in the INTRODUCTION. 7 former, to a correct interpretation of the chapters aiFected by the question of authenticity, ii., vii., and ix. The last mentioned prophecy was referred to the coming of Christ in the flesh, Avhile in the other two visions the four world-monarchies were under- stood to extend not only to Antiochus, but the fourth kingdom Avas interpreted to signify the Roman. On this account the remark of Mich. Baumgarten has more truth, even in reference to the historical state of the question, than the opinion of Hitzig, already quoted : — " It would never have been doubted that the fourth and last kingdom of the world means no other than the Roman, had not a critical science, which is opposed to the spirit of prophecy, usurped for a time the interpretation of prophecy."^ Thus, all preceding centuries stand opposed in this, as in so many other points, to the solitary last century, which has only one predecessor, and his alliance, moreover, is of a somewhat am- biguous character. We allude to the Neoplatonist, Porphyry, whose attack on the genuineness of Daniel forms only a part of his attack on revelation and Christianity in general. The twelfth of his fifteen books against the Christian religion, is directed against our prophet. And this work, or more properly, extracts from it, which Jerome has preserved in his polemical writings, has become the arsenal out of which modern criticism has drawn its weapons. Porphyry gives accurate, and, espe- cially with regard to the eleventh chapter, important historical references, showing how universally the prophecies of Daniel, up to Antiochus Epiphanes, had been fulfilled. From his point of view, as a heathen, he could find no other explanation of the cir- cumstance, than by supposing the prediction to have taken place after the fulfilment ; and for this reason, he was certain that the book was written so late as the time of Epiphanes in Judea. Quid- quid usque ad Antiochum dixerit, veram historiam continere, si quid autem ultra opinatus sit, quia futura nescierit, mentitum esse, thus Jerome represents the opinion of his opponent, in the preface 1 History of the Apostolic Church, vol. i. p. 264. (Clark's Foreign Theolo- gical Library.) 8 INTRODUCTION. to his commentary. The Church Fathers mustered against Por- phyry in great force. Methodius, Apollinaris, Eusebius of Cesarea, and otliers, -wrote Apologies, and also for Daniel. The Church had a vivid consciousness of the canonical worth and high value of this prophet. This is evident, for instance, from the judgment of Jerome : Nullum i)rophetarum tarn aperte dixisse de Christo ; and of Augustine : Neminem de regni coeloi'um praemio in Vet. Tcstamento scripsisse tam diserte.^ Thus, the conflict which faith in divine revelation has to carry on in our days against criticism, is only a renewal of that other waged by the Church Fathers with Porphyry. This is an instance of the general phenomenon in the history of the Church, that the struggles which the early Christian centuries — the times of the Apologies — had to maintain against their opponents without the pale of the Church, has been transferred in our days — the time of Apologetics — within the centre of the Church itself. We shall see afterwards, that this circumstance is connected with the entire predicted development of the Church. In this manner the history of our book verifies the word of prophecy. Luther can yet say, " The first kingdom is the Assyrian or Babylonian ; the second, the Median or Persian ; the third, that of the Great Alexander and the Greeks ; the fourth, that of the Romans. In this interpretation and meaning, all the world is unani- mous, awdi the book and the histories do mightily prove it." These words are taken from Luther's preface to Daniel, which well deserves to be read. It contains, in a few pages, an excellent compendium of the interpretation then prevalent in the Church, as he often refers to the consensus unanimity of " all former teachers." Nearly all the other reformers, Melancthon and Calvin, iEcolampadius and Bullinger, have published commen- taries of the same cnaracter, showing how deeply they were con- vinced of the importance and divinity of the book. The same view, tlie same appreciation of Daniel, was universal in the 1 Comp. Hiivornick, Einleitung' in das Alte Testa. II. 4i5. On the histbry of the objections brought against Daniel see Hengstenberg-, I. c. 1-10. INTEODUCTION. 9 Church up to the eighteenth century. We single out only the great interpreter of nature, Isaac Newton (1727), and the great interpreter of Scripture, J. A. Bengel (1752). In our subse- quent investigations, we shall often have to quote the latter and his followers. Newton, to whom the fundamental laws which regulate the divine government of the world and the kingdom, were of as much importance as those which rule nature, wrote "Observations upon the Prophecies of Daniel and the Apocalypse of St John." The apocalyptic numbers may perhaps have pecu- liarly attracted him ; and, speaking of the seventy weeks, he says, intensifying the judgment of the Church Father already quoted, "He who rejects' the prophecies of Daniel, undermines the Christian religion, which, as it were, is founded on the prophe- cies of Daniel regardino; Christ." IV. THE PRESENT ASPECT OF THE QUESTION. After the impulse given to criticism by Spinoza and Hobbes, the genuineness of Daniel was impugned by English Deism and German Rationalism. Critics were not able to appreciate the book, because they had lost sight of the relation it bears to the history of the kingdom, and therefore it was rejected. This appears vei'y clearly from Semler's opinion, who " does not see the gi'eat practical use proportional to the very peculiar means God employs." J. D. Michaelia, Eichom, and others, attacked especially the narratives of miraculous events. Chap. iii. 6 ; after- wards, the well-known naturalist, Corrodi, assailed the entire book. It is only in our century that this view of the subject has acquired a solid and important literature. This consists partly of essays, partly of commentaries. Bertholdt (1806, 1808) Ccesar von Lengerke (1835), Hitzig (1850), have developed this view in commentaries; with w^hom, compare ^M;a?c?(" Prophets of the Old ' Quoted from the German translation. 10 INTEODUCTION. Testament," p. 558, etc.), whose exposition, however, is confined to Dan. ix. 24, 27. The most remarkable of the treatises on the subject is that by Bleeck (in the " Theologische Zeitschrift von Schleierniacker, de Wette, and Lilcke iii. p. 171, etc.) He is fol- lowed by De Wette (Einleitung in das Altes Testament), Knobel (Prophetisraus der Hebraer), and Liicke (Einleitung in die Oflfen- barung Johannis, 2d Edition, 1848, pp. 40-60). The arguments of our opponents may be divided into three classes, dogmatical, exegetical, and historical. That the true argument of all others, even in modern criticism, lies in the dogmatic doubt of the reality of miracles and predic- tions, is manifest from a passage of Knobel, cited casually by De Wette : " Wherever we meet with numerous myths and legends in Hebrew history, as, for example, in the history of the Patriarchs, of Moses, Balaam, Samson, Elijah, Elisha, there we have always narratives Avritten down a considerable time after the events ; but wherever the facts appear natural, as, for example, in the books of Ezra, Nehemiah, 1 Maccabees, the composition took place, if not contemporaneously with the events, at least soon after. This is a historical canon of indubitable application. Hence it follows that, not Daniel, but a much later writer, is the author of the narrative before us, and, consequently, of the entire book."' So also, Hitzig does not deem it at all necessary to disprove the genuineness, but settles the whole question in a few lines, by quoting (p. ix.) the words of a profane historian, " the absurd view of Hilvernick, about the antiquity of the book of Daniel, cannot be adopted by any reasonable man." For us who believe with all our heart in the reality of miracles and prophecies, these arguments are not only devoid of all weight, but we can only feel indebted to the candour of criticism in thus laying bare the secret motives of its procedure, as we are now fully aware what we may expect from such a mode of treating Holy Scripture. We trust, however, we shall not be expected to ' Knobel, loc. cit. ii. 401. De Wette Introduct. Sixth edition, p. 383. INTRODUCTION. 11 believe that criticism proceeds without presupposition, and after a purely historical method. The sum and substance of the exegetical argument is, that the most natural, nay, even the only possible interpretation of the whole book, is obtained by referring it to Antiochus Epiphanes. We shall not anticipate the contents of the following pages, where this central position will be examined at length. Among the historical arguments, there is one of real historical importance, namely, the occurrence of Greek names for musical instruments (Dan. iii. 5, 7). But we may look on this very point as given up by our opponents. At least, De Wette says (p. 386), " It is possible, we must grant, that such instruments and their names were known at the time to the Babylonians," a possibility, moreover, which Hitzig (p. 44)^ is unable to impugn. The other arguments, which will be found collected by De Wette (p. 382, etc.), have either no conclusive force, like the argimientum ex silentio, that Sirach in his 49th chapter, in which he praises men of God and prophets, makes no mention of Daniel, or proceed palpably on suppositions, the correctness of which remains to be demonstrated, as, for instance, the argument from the occurrence of late chris- tological and angelological views, from the non-existence of Darius, the Median (Dan. vi. 1, 29 ; ix. 1), and the like. In this respect, Rationalistic criticism has been sufficiently answered by that which is grounded on faith in revelation. " The spuriousness of Daniel," justly remarks Ebrard, " has, for its sole support, only the theological doubts of the possibility of prophecy in general, and of a prophecy so minute in particular. The historical and philological arguments against its genuineness, have been suffi- ciently refuted by Hengstenberg and Hilvernick."' A reaction against this critical depreciation of the prophet was as inevitable in the church of the present, as it was in the ancient church. For what does the former view make of the ' Comp. Schulz, Cyrus der Grosse. Stud, and Kritiken, 1853, iii. 677. - Wissenschaftliche Critik der Evang. Geschichte p. 208. 12 INTRODUCTION. book ? It becomes not only a book of continual monotonous repetition, but a work interpolated for a specific purpose, though with no evil intention; not a work of divine inspiration, but pro- ceeding from human art and calculation, consisting, moreover, of fictitious legends of saints which lay claim to historic belief ; of narratives of events which appear in the deceptive mask of prophecy, but are of no value to us who know them better from other sources ; lastly, of enthusiastic expectations and false national dreams, which history has proved to have been tmreal. It was Hengstenberg who here also opened the struggle against Rationalism. The first volume of his contributions to the Intro- duction to the Old Testament (1831), which has been already quoted, is dedicated to the demonstration of the authenticity of Daniel, and the integrity of Zechariah. Soon after, in the second volume of his Christology of the Old Testament (1832), he attacked the modern views on exegetical grounds, by confirm- ing anew the church's interpretation of Dan. ix. 24-27. He was joined by Havernick, in his Commentary on Daniel (1832), in his New Critical Investigations, directed chiefly against Von Lengerke, as well as in his Introduction to the Old Testament (ii. 2, 1844, pp. 435-495). Since that time, the question has been treated in two more comprehensive works, in which it is viewed from the standpoint of faith in revelation ; exegetically by J. Chr. K. Ilofmann in his Weissagung und Erfiillung (i. 1841, pp. 277-316), critically by Keil in his Introduction to the Old Testament (1853, pp. 438-468). We cannot, however, deny that these labours, notwithstand- ing their high merit, yet leave much to be wished for. Heng- stenberg and Ililvernick, moreover, have not been quite able to oppose the pseudo-histoi'ical view of the Old Testament ; false, because taken from the standpoint of profane history, since they do not view it in relation to the history of revelation. They hold fast to the reality of revelation with praiseworthy energy ; but they do not give sufficient prominence to the historical interpretation of its successive development. Thus, they have INTRODUCTION. 13 refuted the separate objections with much acuteness and erudi- tion, and in this way have brought many questions to a final solution ; but they do not afford a positive, central, organic, and historical view of our prophet as a whole ; and the more lucid glimpses in this direction {e.g. Beitrage i., pp. 191-195), appear only as occasional and isolated remarks. And yet a subject like this requires, above all, a demonstration that the prophecies are an organic product of that particular form of revelation in which they originated. In this respect, Hofraann has done important service for Daniel, and has marked out some central points of view. V. THE PRESENT TASK. The present task, accordingly, is to recognize the position and significance of Daniel, in the entire organism of Revelation and Scripture, and so to arrive at a deeper understanding of the book, by the help of the book itself, and by apprehending its connection with the whole history of redemption. Our method will thus be a purely biblical one, and our task twofold. We have to show, first, that during the period in which our book, according to its own testimony, originated — during the Babylonian exile, a revelation, in form and contents like that of Daniel, was possible ; nay, that according to the holy and free necessity of the love of God to his people, the paths of which it is our desire to trace, we are entitled to say not only possible, but necessary. And in the second place, we shall have to view closely the two most important and most frequently assailed prophecies of our book, that of the four monarchies of the world (chaps, ii. and vii.), and that of the seventy weeks (chap. ix.). There is scarce another instance in which the intimate connection between exegesis and criticism is so evident and palpable, and where spurious criticism can be so easily overcome by correct exegesis. For the text itself furnishes 14 INTRODUCTION. the proof that these prophecies reach beyond Antiochus, and so removes the more plausible objection to the genuineness of the book, the supposition, namely, that its prophecies extend only to the supposed time of its composition, the period of the Maccabees. Thus, while starting from the supposition of its genuineness, we seek, on the one hand, to understand the book in its peculiar and unique form, we shall, on the other hand, demonstrate the genuineness from the character of the book, from the text, and the interpretation furnished by itself. The parallels to the Revelation of John will suggest themselves in their proper place. By pursuing this method, Ave trust that we shall be able, not only to treat the most important topics connected with the book, but that the truth, and, consequently, the genuineness of the book will become evident to the unprejudiced readers. To love and honour the divine, nothing is necessary but to look on it with a clear eye. Many, on whom the prejudices of our time exert too powerful an influence, should take to heart the words of Franz von Baader: "Only cleanse thine eyes better, come to this higher ground, this purer atmosphere, and thou shalt see the glory of God." Then shall we perceive that the Holy Scriptures, as they lie before us de facto, offer historical and moral problems which become only the more complicated the longer the unassisted reason attempts their solution ; then shall we feel that there is a great Spirit to whom reverence is due ; then shall we learn to think the wisdom of God great, and the wisdom of man small. And thus truth will gently exert on us her attractive and convincing influence, and taking all reason captive to the obedience of Christ, will endow us with true inward liberty (2 Cor. X. 5 ; John viii. 32). FIRST SECTION. THE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE BOOK OF DANIEL. CHAPTER I. THE HISTOKY OF REVELATION, OR, THE STARTING POINT. I. THE SIGNIFICANCE OP THE BABYLONIAN CAPTIVITY. In order to gain a correct understanding of our book, we must start from where the first two verses place us. We find there the opposition between Israel and the heathen world-power, and more particularly that power in the stage of its development which commences with the Babylonian exile. The exile forms the historical basis of Daniel's prophecies, as the prophet himself most emphatically asserts in the introductory chapter, which opens with a statement of the beginning of the captivity, and concludes by recording its termination (i. 1, f., 21 ; comp. ix. 1, 2). It will be useful to review briefly the previous development of the theocracy, in order to gain a clear insight into the im- portant relation in which this epoch stands to the whole history of revelation. 1 6 SKETCH OF OLD TESTAMENT HISTORY. In calling Abraham from out of the vast sea of the nations, God had separated to himself a family, like an island in the midst of the ocean (Dan. vii. 2), and had chosen it to be his own property, in order to make it the priestly mediator of his revelations to humanity, and so to restore that connection between heaven and earth on which the future of the human race depends (Gen. xii. 1-3 ; Ex. xix. 4-6). In Egypt the family of Abraham grew into a nation ; through Moses, the people received the law from God ; under David and Solomon, they reached the culminating point of their development in the Old Testament, in a well organised political life. The essential character of the theocracy, as opposed to the heathen religion and the heathen power, manifested itself during the reign of these two kings so fully, that Israel was not only independent of the heathens, but had subjugated the surrounding nations. The period of David and Solomon is, therefore, in a peculiar sense, a type of the Messianic; and the prophecies of that glorious epoch in which there would appear in fulness and reality, what was shadowed forth in the external types of the Old Testament, are henceforth connected with David. But the decay began so early as the time of Solomon. It began with the division of the Jewish kingdom of God into two kingdoms, thereby losing the inward strength and compact unity with which it had op- posed its foes. The northern kingdom of the ten tribes which had apostatised from the sanctuary of Jehovah in Jerusalem, and from the dynasty of the promise, sought strength at first in surrendering itself to heathenism. It joined Phoenicia and Syria ao'ainst Juda, and committed adultery with idolatry and the worldly power. But whenever God's people becomes unfaithful, and seeks the alliance of the world-power, he makes use of that very power to chastise it. " He that soweth to the flesh, shall of the flesh reap corruption" (Gal. vi. 8). Ephraim had to experience this truth when, in the year 722 B.C., the Assyrians destroyed its political existence. We find the same development in the kingdom of Juda, but SKETCH OF OLD TESTAMENT HISTORY. 17 here more gradual, because in proportion as it had remained more faithful to Jehovah, so the house of Judah produced from time to time God-fearing kings. But Judah also was led astray, and committed whoredoms, even as Ephraim. From about the year 740 c.c, when Ahaz, not heeding the warning of Isaiah against Ephraim and Syria, turned to Assyria (Is. vii.), this better kingdom also was drawn into the circle of the world's movements. It surrendered itself to the Assyrians, to the Egyp- tians, therefore God at last called Babylon to destroy the Theo- cracy altogether. Nebuchadnezzar made three incursions into Judah. The first, under Jehoiakim (GOG B.C.), reduced the Theocracy to a tributary of the Babylonian world power. Daniel was among the captives brought at that time to Babylon. At the second inroad (598), King Jehoiakim and the prophet Ezekiel were led into captivity. In the third (588), Nebuchad- nezzar destroyed at last the holy city, brought the last Jewish king, Zedekiah, in fetters to Babylon, and thus the kingdom of Judah came to its end. From this time tlie independence of the people of Israel departed for thousands of years, for even their return from the captivity did not restore it, and afterwards it was regained but once, and tliat transitorily. On the whole, the people remained in dependence on the monarchies of the world, each of which handed down the Jewish people to its successor, till, finally, after the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans, the Jews were dispersed among all nations. From the beginning of the Babylonian exile, therefore, there was no more a Theocracy on earth. And since in Israel the political and religious ele- ments are most intimately related, so the revelations of God, according to a necessary connection with the judgments which had begun to fall on the people, became ever less frequent, till at last there came a period of more than four hundred years un- illumined by the light of divine communications. Thus a new stage in the history of the development of the Theocracy begins with the Babylonian captivity (which we may reckon from the first invasion of Nebuchadnezzar), for the inde- 18 SKETCH OF OLD TESTAMENT HISTOEY. pendent existence of the Theocracy then terminated, a stage which may be designated as the rule of the powers of the world. The coming of this heavy visitation was itself a fulfilment of the word of prophecy. When the apostasy was spreading in both kingdoms, God raised up prophets to exhort the nation to re- pentance, and, should the people grow only the more hardened, to proclaim Ilis impending judgment. This was the work of the prophets from Joel and Amos down to Jeremiah and Ezekiel, who lived to see the exile. But, notwithstanding this terrible judgment, which only the most grievous sins had drawn down from heaven, Israel was, and remained, the chosen people, through whom God intended to execute His plans for mankind. The gifts and callings of God are without repentance (Rom. xi. 9), and for this reason lie commissioned His prophets to proclaim that a period of salvation and blessing — the period of the Mes- sianic kingdom — would follow the period of chastisement and judgment. Moreover, during the time of visitation itself, the people were not left without light and comfort from above. They received, by the mouth of Isaiah, words of the most refreshing, evangelical comfort (chap, xlv.-lxvi.), to strengthen their faith during the Babylonian captivity — words sent by that God whose bowels yearned within Him for His chosen servants, even while He afflicted them. Ezekiel, too, laboured among those who were carried away to the river Chebar. Thus Israel was not left in utter darkness at that time. But for the centuries that followed, yet further disclosures were received. The people of God were to pass through periods of still deeper affliction ; and when the glorious salvation they expected did not appear after the captivity — when the voice of revelation ceased in the land, the fear might easily take hold of them that the Lord had given up His work and kingdom on the earth, and that the powers of the world were to triumph. " It was a heavy trial," Calvin remarks, in the Introduction to his Commentary on Daniel, " when the Jews had to suffer an exile of seventy years ; but, after their return to their own land, God delayed their final deliverance seventy pro- SKETCH OF OLD TESTAMENT HISTORY. 19 phetic weeks, instead of seventy years. The delay was multiplied sevenfold. Surely, then, their hearts might fail them a thousand times, might even be nigh unto apostasy. For the promises of salvation, given by the prophets, were so glorious, that the Jews looked for the commencement of the state of perfect blessedness and salvation as soon as they should be delivered from the Baby- lonian captivity. Far from this, however, numerous calamities came upon them, and that, not only during a short time, but for more than four hundred years, while the captivity itself lasted but seventy, so that their redemption might well look like a ' mockery. It can scarcely be doubted, therefore, that Satan tempted many souls to apostasy, making them believe, as if God had been mocking them, by bringing them out of Chaldea into their own land. For these reasons, God showed His servant, in a vision, the numerous and heavy afflictions which awaited the chosen people " The servant of God, who was chosen to receive these new revelations, was Daniel. It seems to me that, among all commentators, Magnus Frederick Roos, " the great investigator of Scripture, full of quiet depth," as Delitzsch calls him, has recognised more profoundly and clearly than any others, the turning-point which the captivity forms in the whole history of the divine kingdom, and its bear- ing on the principles that ought to guide the interpretation of the prophecies of Daniel. When pastor in Lustnau, near Tubingen, in 1771, he published an excellent work. Interpretation of the Prophecies of Daniel, which reach to the times of the New Testament ; to which is added, a Comparison with the Revela- tion of John, according to Bengel's Exposition. In the very first paragraph of the Introduction, viewing " the kingdom of God, in connection with domestic and political institutions," he divides the history of the world into four great periods, 1. From Adam till the Exodus out of Egypt ; 2. From the Exodus till the beginning of the Babylonian captivity ; 3. From the captivity till the commencement of the millenium, or, as Roos erroneously assumes- (and Bengel likewise), the " two thousand years" (Rev. xx. 1-0) 20 SKETCH OF OLD TESTAMENT HISTORY. 4, From these two thousand years till the end of the world. It is to be observed that the third period, and its transitions to the fourth, is exactly the time embraced by Daniel's prophecy. This view of Roos may, at first sight, seem strange, but the proof and detailed examination which he gives in connection with this division, abound so much in suggestive views of Holy Scripture, that we cannot refrain from adding the entire chapter as an appendix. Compare, besides, on the importance of that period of the kingdom of God, which commences with the exile, Mich. Baumgarten, the Night Visions of Zechariah, i. p. 24, etc. II. THE POSITION OF DANIEL. 1. THE POSITION OF THE PROPHET AT THE BABYLONIAN COURT. The new revelation which the people of God required for the period beginning with the Babylonian captivity, was to teach tliem how to regard the powers of the world which they were to obey ; to teach them their nature and purpose, and then to show them the relation in which the work of salvation which was to begin in Israel, stood to them. A new subject was thus given to prophecy, which, in the nature of things, could not have been given before the captivity, but which now forced itself, as it were, by an internal necessity. But if, according to God's intention, a revelation was to be given concerning the powers of the world and their development, the prophet must needs take a different stand-point from his predecessors; for the Divine "Word has always a historical starting point, and thus, its organ, is made fit to receive the divine revelation. Revelation does not fall from heaven like a written book, which one has but to take into his hands and read ; but a man must first receive it into his living spirit, and afterwards write it down, so that it may be adapted to the necessities and the horizon of men. And, to qualify him for this work, his SKETCH OF OLD TESTAMENT HISTORY. 21 historical position must be such that the word from above is not altogether strange to him, such that his whole situation may be, so to say, the human question to which revelation proclaims the divine answer. As the subject of revelation now was no longer as it had been in the times of the earlier prophets, Israel in its relation to the powers of the world, but the powers of the world in their relation to Israel, so the man of God who was chosen to prophesy of this, could not have lived among his own people, but, necessarily, at the very centre of the heathen world-power. For only there could he gain such a clear insight into its nature and development, as would fit him for receiving the revelation from on high. Thus Daniel's prophetic watchtower was erected beside the throne in Babylon ; and, standing here, in and yet above the first world monarchy, he looked out into the farthest future, and discerned with prophetic eye, which God had opened, the changing shapes and events of coming kingdoms, in their relation to the people of God. From tender youth to extreme age, for more than seventy years, the prophet lived at the Babylonian and Medo- Persian court (i. 1, 6, 21 ; x. 1). But more than this, he took part in the government of the state, in which he occupied a high official position (ii. 48 ; v. 29 : vi, 29 ; viii. 27). He was thus enabled to gain an insight and knowledge of the organization of political affairs in the kingdoms of the world, and fitted to be the recipient of what, perhaps, I may be permitted to call, his political revelations. But he has likewise obtained the spiritual point of view. The experiences which Daniel made through the deep humiliation of Nebuchadnezzar, through Belshazzar's downfall, the rapid efflorescence, decay, and vanishing of the Babylonian monarchy, the miraculous deliverance of himself and his friends (chaps, iii.-vi.), all these events made on him a profound impression, — that the powers of the world are tran- sitory, and the glory of the kingdom of God eternal. Nor can we leave unnoticed the instruction he received in the wisdom of the Chaldean magi. For, it is evident, for example. 22 SKETCH OF OLD TESTAMENT HISTORY. from the Egyptian magicians who opposed Moses, that the knowledge and arts of the heathen were not altogether with- out value. "Was it not Chaldean magi who, led by the star, sought the newly born King of the Jews? a clear proof that they were not totally devoid of wisdom,^ and also suggesting the question whether there was not a tradition among them traceable to their chief governor Daniel, who had received such wonderful revelations concerning the King of the Jews, even to the very time of His coming (ix. 24, etc.). The circumstance that he was instructed three years in the wisdom of the Chaldees, tended, at all events, to develop the high prophetical gifts which he possessed by nature, and to familiarise his mind with those mysterious regions (i. 4, 5, 17). A similar school was thus provided for Daniel to that which his Egyptian education was to Moses, or which the study of philosophy is for the tlieologian of our own day. Materially, it is true he had learnt nothing from the Chaldeans, but soon excelled them ten times in all matters of wisdom and understanding (i. 19, 20; 1 Cor. ii. G, etc.). And let us diligently remember how faithfully and con- scientiously this true Israelite, in whom was no guile, kept him- self, from his youth, unspotted from all heathen contamination, and the sincerity and single-heartedness with which he served God in circumstances of extreme difficulty, surrounded by most alluring temptations, nay, in the face of death itself (i. 8, etc. ; vi, 1, etc.). He who is to receive or interpret divine revelation, must not feed on the dainties, nor drink from the intoxicating cup of this world. Daniel, Avith his three friends, stand out like an oasis in the desert, like a light in the darkness. This light shone bright with comfort to the people of God while they languished in exile ; and the prophet to whom they looked as their inward and outward support in this time of calamity, became as dear and venerable a name to his compatriots as ' Comp. Lutterbeck, die neutcstamentl. LehrbegriflFe i., p. 357, etc. SKETCH or OLD TESTAMENT HISTORY. 23 Noah and Job, who likewise stood alone in their godliness among a crooked and perverse generation, and in the midst of the judgments of God (Ez. xiv. 14, comp. xxviii. 3). But more than this ; the light condemned the darkness of the heathen. Daniel spoke the truth to Nebuchadnezzar with all boldness and earnestness ; and the powerful ruler humbled himself before the almighty and only true God, and to Him gave all honour (Dan. iv.). Yet, notwithstanding the high distinctions and honours he enjoyed at the heathen court, he clung to his people with his very heart of hearts ; and how entirely and inwardly he lived in the sufferings and hopes of his people, what nothingness all the world was to him in comparison to the kingdom of God ; of this the ninth chapter and the prayer it contains, are a most affect- ing witness. Such a man was suited above every other, to become a pure organ for the divine revelation needed at the time. His political position formed, so to say, the body ; the school of magicians in which he had studied, the soul ; his mind strong in faith and nourished by the writings of the earlier prophets (ix. 2), the spirit of his prophecy, which only waited to be kindled by the spirit of revelation from above. So divine providence prepares its organs for divine revelation. Daniel has been compared to Joseph, and justly. The one stands at the commencement, the other at the end of the Jewish history of revelation ; they were both representatives of the true God and His people at heathen courts ; both were exemplary in their pure walk before the Lord ; both were endowed with the gift of bringing into clear light the dim presentiments of truth, (' which express themselves among the heathen in God-sent dreams ; ' both were gifted with marvellous wisdom and insight, and, for this reason, highly honoured by the powers of this world. They represent the calling of Israel to be a holy people, a royal priest- hood among the nations. The final end of the Old Testament Theocracy, to lead to one universal, is clearly shown forth by their history. Thus, also, they are types of Christ, the true Israel, 24 SKETCH OF OLD TESTAMENT HISTORY. and types of the destiny of their nation, by which it would be a light to lighten the Gentiles, a destiny which we yet await in the fulfilment of the Apostle's words. Kora, xi. 12, 15. Hegel, in a well-known passage of his Philosopy of History, has pointed out, with great beauty and spiritual meaning, the significance of the two youths, Achilles and Alexander, the one standing at the entrance, the other at the end of Grecian history, and re- marks, that the whole nature and life of the Hellenic people is mirrored in these two characters. Joseph and Daniel present a similar phenomena in the sacred history of Israel. The latter, in every respect, more visibly blessed than the former, an Alexander compared to an Achilles, is the most prominent figure and the greatest character, in the last centuries of the Old Covenant; the most excellent example of a true Israelite. Such a man was called to be the Apocalyptic Prophet of the Old Testament. And since we know that the prophet of the New Testament was the disciple whom Jesus loved, the circum- stance that God has chosen two of the best men under the Old and New Covenant to receive and record his Apocalypses, must fill us with a deep reverence for their apocalyptic revelations. II. THE POSITION OF THE BOOK IN THE HEBREW CANON. "We have seen that the prophecy of Daniel differs essentially from those of the earlier prophets ; that, owing to his position, it must differ. In Daniel an entirely new world opens to our eye. " Even the student who has obtained an intimate acquaint- ance with the other prophets of the Old Testament, who has imbibed their spirit, who is familiar with their language, modes of conception, and various poetical forms, will feel himself here in a foreign land, and will find fruits which have ripened, not in Palestine, but in a totally different soil and climate" ^ And this accounts for the circumstance, that the collectors of the Old ' Eicliliorn, Eiuleit. iii's Alte Testament iv., p. 472. SKETCH OF OLD TESTAMENT HISTORY. 25 Testament Canon have not placed Daniel among the other prophets. His peculiar position in the heathen court is reflected in his peculiar position in the canon. Daniel is as essentially different from the other prophets, as the Apocalypse of John from the Apostolic Epistles. The pro- phetical books of the Old Testament have this in common with the epistles of the New, that they originated in the immediate wants of the people of God, and are therefore written primarily for their contemporaries. Prophets and apostles stand in the most intimate and real relation to Israel and the Church ; their writings are the expression of this fact ; they bear the impress of it. It is quite otherwise with Daniel and the apocalyptic writer of the New Testament. Far from being in immediate contact with the congregation, we find them isolated, the one at the court of a heathen power, the other on a lonely island rock (Rev. i. 9) ; they are alone with their God. They do not see and write exclusively, not even chiefly, for the Church of the time, but much more for future generations. This is manifest from their writings. They have a different purpose to serve ; they bear a different character from the other prophetic or apos- tolic books, as will be shown more at length. This difference, hinted already by the Rabbles, and more fully pointed out by Witsius, who attributed to Daniel the prophet's gift, but not his office, naturally found its expression in the position of the two apocalyptic books in the canon. In the New Testament we do not find the writings of John arranged together like those of Paul ; Daniel is separated from the prophets in the Old. As he lived among the heathen, he was not k''33 (prophet) in the strict sense of the word; and, at least in later Jewish theology, the nil rrxiiS of the D^K"'i3 was distinguished from the ;yTpn nn which was ascribed to the Clina, i.e., the spirit of prophecy divinely inspired in a wider sense, as it may be ascribed to the Psalms, etc.^ ' Hengstenberg, Beitr. i. p. 28. Oehler, Prolegomena zur Theologie des Alien Testaments, p. 93. 2fi SKETCH OF OLD TESTAMENT HISTOKY. Thus Daniel could be placed only among the Hagiographa. The remark of Hiivernick deserves consideration. " The book appears in a collection which contains no other prophet. Hence we conclude that this position was assigned to the prophet de- liberately. Were the book an interpolated one, it would, doubt- less, have been smuggled into the collection of the prophets. Consequently, the position of the book in the canon, and the general fact of its being still received, are proof of its genuine- ness."^ But, if we examine the canonical position of Daniel more closely, we find that it separates the historical books of the time after the captivity, that it is placed between Esther on the one side, and Ezra and Nehemiah on the other. Leaving out of consideration a more special reason which we shall afterwards mention, and which, probably, accounts for it, we conclude from this that the collectors regarded Daniel as the prophetic historian of the period of the kingdom of God, commencing with the cap- tivity. This is exactly the view expressed in modern times by Bengel, when he calls Daniel the politician, chronologer, and historian, among the prophets, a view which commends itself to us as the correct and necessary one, if we but consider the his- torical constellation that marked the appearance of Daniel. If the words of the great Bacon of Verulara find application any- where, it is here : " Prophecy is a kind of Historiography, but divine Historiography differs from human in this, that the narra- tive may either prevent or follow the events." We have now to show how fitly the book corresponds, both in form and contents, to this historical position, and the task it in- volved. Let us first look at the contents of the book. ' Conimcntar, p. 39. DIVISION OF THE BOOK. 27 CHAPTER II. CONTENTS OF THE BOOK. I. INTRODUCTION AND DIVISION OF THE BOOK. The propbet prefixes to the first chapter a historical and bio- graphical introduction, narrating bow be was cai'ried away into Babylon, his life at the Babylonian court, and the instruction he enjoyed for three years, in the wisdom and literature of the Chaldeans. The last circumstance is mentioned with immediate reference to the truth, that the only true God whom he faithfully served, vouchsafed to him an insight chiefly into dreams and visions, which far excelled all the sciences of the heathen magi- cians (v. 17, 20). Daniel appears here as the representative of his nation.^ The political servitude, the exile of Israel, is mir- rored forth in his position as an enemy led away into captivity ; while the clear illumination given to him, and to him alone, must be regarded as showing the infinite superiority which the covenant people enjoyed in regard to religion and revelation, over all heathen usurpers. For this reason, the prophet pur- posely mentions several events of this kind, in which he stands opposed to the celebrated Chaldean sages (whom he regards here as the representatives of the heathen religion and wisdom in genei'al), and in which they are utterly confounded before him (chaps, ii., iv., v.). Moreover, the fact that, by the divine wis- dom imparted to him, he soon attained to the highest honours 1 This answers the objection brought forward against the genuineness of out Book, from passages such as 1, 17-20, 9, 23, which contain praises of Daniel. Compare also Hengstenberg^s valuable answer with reference to the prophet's person. — Beit. 221. 28 DIVISION OF THE BOOK. and dignities, even in a worldly political sense, is a type that, in future, the kingdom, power, and might, will be given to the holy people of the. Most High (vii. 27). In this way, the personal history of Daniel forms not merely the historical starting-point, but the typical foundation of his prophecy. And for this reason, the following chapters (especially from iii.-vi.) contain several biographical notices of himself and his friends, inserted among the prophecies. "The prophets had always to experience, in themselves, and in their age, something of what they prophesied about future times ; just as David felt much of the sufferings of Christ in His own person. Comp. Hos. i.-iii. ; Joel i. ; Jonah i., etc. The prophets became also types. Their prophecies grew intensely pathetic, not delivered and written on paper with cool reflection ; and tribulation taught them to take heed of the word which came to them concerning the future.^ The remaining eleven chapters form the two parts of which the book consists. The first, embracing chapters ii.-vii., repre- sent the development of the powers of the world, viewed from a world historical point. The second (chap, viii.-xii.) shows us the development of the powers of the world, in their relation to Israel, especially in that future near the prophet's own age, and which preceded the coming of Christ in the flesh, foretold in the ninth chapter. This division of the book is of great importance to a right understanding of it. If we were to judge, from our present point of view, from which we can see only a partial fulfilment of the prophecies, we might be inclined to think that a full disclosure of the future was required only for the period preceding the advent of our Lord, since divine revelation was then to burst forth in new brightness. But, in the first place, it is a general characteristic of prophecy to look forward to the last days of complete fulfilment, since it is impossible to under- stand the individual facts in the organic history of salvation, except in their connection with the whole, — to understand them ' Koos, p. 44. DIVISION OF THE BOOK. 29 in their course, without regard to the final goal. Secondly, it must be borne in mind, that Israel, according to the words of the prophet, looked forward to the Messianic time, expecting not only what was realized at the first coming of Christ, but also the visible restoration of the kingdom, which even now we, too, are still expecting. What they needed, therefore, was primarily and chiefly a revelation concerning that time, and concerning so much of the history of the world as would elapse before it. The wliole period into which Israel entered at the commencement of the captivity, and which has not yet terminated in our days, the period of the dominion of the powers of the world, from the downfall till the final restoration of the Theocracy, was the period Avhich was to be revealed by the light of prophecy. The first coming of Christ introduced no material change into this period of the world's dominion, for the kingdom of Christ had not as yet fulfilled its destiny, and become the kingdom of the world (John xviii. 36; Matt. iv. 8; and, on the other hand, Rev. xi. 15). A general survey, therefore, of the nature, deve- lopment, and final destiny of the power of the world, had to precede the disclosures concerning the immediate future. Thus each of these two parts has its characteristic objects ; and it is evident, even at this stage of the investigation, why the pro- phecy must needs be more special in the second part than in the first. /' Daniel himself marked the two divisions very distinctly, by / writing the first in Chaldee, and the second, as well as the in- troduction (chap, i.), in Hebrew. In the first part he used the language of the worldly power under which he lived ; in the second, he used that of the people of God. Thus he signified that, in the one place, it was the history of the powers of the world ; in the other, the history awaiting the j^eople of God, which formed the centre of his prophecy. This not only accounts, simply and naturally, for the change of language, but it also strongly corroborates our division, and, consequently, our general view of the book. 30 DIVISION OF THE BOOK. Those who impugn the genuineness of our book, are, in the first place, unable to account for the circumstance of the two dialects, in general ; and, secondly, for their occurrence in these definite chapters. From the time of the exile, the Chaldee- Aramaic dialect became more and more general among the Jews, and, in the age of the Maccabees, was the prevalent language.^ An interpolator would certainly have written the whole book, in the holy language of the ancient prophets, in Hebrew. But, if he wished to write any portion in Aramaic, in order to be more easily understood by his contemporaries, he would much more naturally have chosen the second rather than the first part of the book for this purpose, as it had much more immediate and distinct reference to his own time, and was much more intended to influence the generation then living. But the distinct line of demarcation, which the change from one language to the other draws between the two parts, is of still greater importance. The common division of Daniel, ac- cording to its contents, is different from our own ; the division, namely, into two equal parts, each consisting of six chapters, on the ground that the first part contains history, the second, visions. For the dream of Nebuchadnezzar, in the second chapter, is re- corded in a perfectly historical shape, and has a parallel, in the second dream, of the same thing narrated in the fourth chapter. And if the seventh chapter, containing the first of Daniel's own visions, were joined to the second part, it would give some con- firmation to the view, according to which this, as well as the other visions of the prophet, refer to Antiochus Epiphanes, and this would naturally affect also the interpretation of the second chapter, so that the four monarchies would be regarded as ex- tending only to Antiochus. But, the author himself has removed all grounds for such an hypothesis, by writing the seventh chapter in Chaldee, and thus clearly indicating that it belongs to the first part. He thus shows, in a manner not to be mistaken, 1 Comp. Hengstenberg Beitr. 299, etc. THE SECOND CHAPTEE. 31 the method of his book, how it consists of two parts, different both in form and contents. II. THE FIRST PART. THE KINGDOM OF GOD AND THE KINGDOM OF THE WORLD IN GENERAL. I. THE SECOND CHAPTER. THE FOUR MONARCHIES AND THE MESSIANIC KINGDOM. The chief subject of the first part is, as we have already stated, the four world-monarchies, which, having succeeded each other, finally usher in the kingdom of God. This subject is presented to us in two visions, one of which opens (chap, ii.), the other closes (chap, vii.) the first part. It is important and characteristic, that the person who first beholds, in a dream, the entire future development of the king- dom of the world, is not the prophet Daniel (though he after- wards interprets the dream), but the world's ruler, Nebuchad- nezzar. It was from the first of its representatives, who had conquered the Theocracy, that the world-power was to learn its own destiny, and that it would in its turn be subdued, and sub- dued for ever by the kingdom of God. It may at first sight seenj strange, that the world-ruler should be chosen as an organ of revelation. But, though the power of the world, when viewed from the stand-point of eternity, is a mere nothing, which at the end of days shall disappear, without leaving a vestige behind, yet, on the other hand, the position of a king of universal do- minion is so important for so much of the history as lies on this side of the end, and for the world-historical realization of the Divine plan, that God calls him by the same names as are applied to the beginner and the finisher of the Theocratic king- 32 THE SECOND CHAPTER. dom — David and the Messiah : " my servant," " my shepherd," " mine anointed," " who fulfils all my work," " whose right hand I have holden" (Jer, xxv. 9 ; Ez. xxviii. 12-15 ; Isa. xliv. 28 ; xlv. 1). This serves to explain why a revelation from on high was vouchsafed to a king, who, moreover, as such, reflects the Divine Majesty (Ps. Ixxxii. 1,6; Rom. xiii. 1, etc.). And for a ruler who stands without the kingdom of God, a dream is the only fitting and possible form of "revelation ; as we find it employed in the case of Abimelech, of Pharaoh, and others (Gen. xx. and xli.) ; and, besides, we must remember that the heathen world looked much to the importance of dreams in general. Yet, it is worthy of remark, that the heathen prince only received the dream, but is unable to understand it, either of himself, or by the assistance of his wise men. On the con- trary, the dream but perplexes and torments him, and he cannot obtain tranquillity or clearness, until an enlightened Israelite offers him the key of interpretation. Thus heathendom is merely passive, while Israel remains active in divine things, so that here also power redounds to the " God of heaven," and his peculiar economy of revelation alone. Perhaps the powerful impression made by this revelation and its accompanying circumstances on the mind of Nebuchadnezzar, was intended to alleviate the sufferings endured by the people of God in their captivity. But the dream of the king, and its interpretation, opened up to Daniel a glance into the future of the kingdoms of the world, disclosed to him a whole circle of visions, and thus prepared him for the reception of further and more special revelations ; so that the event possessed for him the character of a preparatory edu- cation. But, to come to particulars. God caused the world-power, viewed in its totality, to appear to Nebuchadnezzar, under the figure of a colossal human form, whose head of gold represents the Babylonian, whose bi"oas.t and arms of silver the Medo- Persian, whose body and loins of brass the Greco-Macedonian, whose legs of iron, and feet, partly iron and partly clay, the THE SECOND CHAPTER. 33 Roman empire, with its Germano-Slavonic offshoots.^ In accord- ance with the general plan of the prophecy, those kingdoms only are mentioned which stand in some relation to the kingdom of God ; but of these none is left out. " The establishment of the kingdom of God is the aim of His creation, the end of His government of the world. The kingdom of God is the invisible root which sustains and supports the kingdoms of the world — the invisible power by which the kingdoms of the Avorld are smitten and crushed down. The duration, importance, and dig- nity of the kingdoms of the world, is fixed by their nearer or remoter connection with the kingdom of God. It would be utterly valueless to know beforehand the fate and history of all the kingdoms of the earth, which bear either a very distant or no relation whatever to the kingdom of God. For whatever history they may have, it is insignificant, since it exerts but a slight influence, or none at all, in delaying or advancing the last and final development of things, the crushing of the kingdoms of the world by the kingdom of God."- The entire image which Nebuchadnezzar saw was broken in pieces by a stone, which, springing out from a mountain cliff without the aid of human hands, increased till it became a great mountain, filling the whole earth, and typified the kingdom of God. The simple description of the last scene is of such divine grandeur and holy sublimity, that one feels it is no human 1 Luther ah'eady in his time thought the clay sugf^estive of the transition of the empire from the Romans to the Germans, and that those truly were " Spain, France, England, and other portions," into which the kingdom branches out, like the foot into toes. Whilst Calvin erroneously understands the stone that smote the image to refer to the first coming of Christ, Luther remarks, that the fourth kingdom must remain till the last day. Roos also conceives the clay to signify the nations at the time of the universal emigra- tion, and correctly infers, that the fourth empire is still existing. Comp. Preiswerk, IMorgenland, 1838, p. 33, etc.; Hofmann Weissag. u. Erfiill, i., p. 278, etc. ; Gaussen, Daniel le Prophete, 2d edition, 1850, i., p. 150, etc. The more detailed proof will be given subsequently. 2 Menken, das Monarchieenbild, Bremen und Aurich, 1809, p. 82. C 34 THE SECOND CHAPTER. thought, but a revelation from the sanctuary of heaven. "Then was the iron, the clay, the brass, the silver, and the gold, broken to pieces together, and became like the chaff of the summer threshing-floors ; and the wind carried them away, that no place was found for them : and the stone that smote the image became a great mountain, and filled the whole earth" (v. 34). AVhere, among all the poets and historians of antiquity and modern times, is there a passage which, for simplicity and majesty, can be compared with these words? Even prophecy, in the days of her fairest bloom, and in her sublimest visions {e.g. Is. ii. 11, etc.; xl. 15, 17), never spoke aught more ma- jestic. The return of the world-power is described in all its splendour ; but the colossus of metal stands on weak feet of clay. All the glory of men, which seemed so precious and enduring, is in truth as worthless and ephemeral as chaff. While the kingdom of God, — which, compared with the wondrous colossus, was as insignificant and unheeded as a stone on the ground, but which is yet compact in itself, and by its unity differs from the world-power, in the manifold succession of whose forms lies the symbol of decay, — the kingdom of God will, at last, in a future which even to us is still a future, put a speedy end to all violent commotions of the world, and establish itself upon the earth, filling all things with its glory (comp. 2 Thess. ii. 8 ; Matt. V. 5 ; Rev. xi. 15 ; xx. 4). The relation between stone and mountain is the same as that between the kingdom of the cross and the kingdom of glory ; at the same moment that the kingdom of God breaks in pieces the kingdoms of the world, it ceases to be regnum cruets, and becomes regnum gloriae. The oppo- sition in which the Divine view of the world stands to the human, the contrast between the biblical and the profane aspect of history (Matt. xvi. 23), is scarcely ever so strongly marked as here. As Jesus assumed the designation of His person — Son of Man — with reference to Dan. vii., so we can trace to our passage his fundamental ideas on the relation of the kingdom of heaven to the world, and see an express allusion to it in Matt. THE SEVENTH CHAPTER. 35 xxi. 44, " On whomsoever this stone sliall fall, it shall grind him to powder." II. THE SEVENTH CHAPTER. CONTINUATION. In the seventh chapter, Daniel receives a revelation on the same subject. The outward political hintory had been shown in general features to the worldly ruler ; for by his position he was peculiarly and almost exclusively fitted to receive a revela- tion of this kind. But the prophet obtains more minute dis- closures, especially on the spiritual and religious character of the powers of the world, and such as were best adapted to his position and his receptivity. This difference of character in the revelation easily explains the difference of images. While in the second chapter they are taken from the sphere of the inanimate, which has only an external side, they are chosen, in the seventh chapter, from the sphere of the animate. Farther, as Nebuchadnezzar saw things only from without, the world-power appeared to him in its glory as a splendid human figure, and the kingdom of God in its humility as a stone ; at first he beheld the world-power more glorious than the kingdom of God. Daniel, on the other hand, to whom it was given to penetrate further into the inner essence of things, saw that the kingdoms of the world, notwithstand- ing their defiant power, are of a nature animal and lower than human, that their minds are estranged from and even opposed to God, and that only in the kingdom of God is the true dignity of humanity revealed ; and, accoi'dingly, the king- dom of God appears to him from the outset, and in the very selection of images, superior to the kingdom of this world. For though the beasts excel man in physical brute force, and though measured by this standard he appears but a frail mortal, yet he has essential spiritual power. The colossal figure that Nebu- chadnezzar beheld, represents mankind in its own strength and 36 THE SEVENTH CHAPTER. greatness; but, however splendid, it presents only the outward appearance of a man. But Daniel, regarding mankind in its spiritual condition, saw humanity through its alienation from God, degraded to the level of reasonless animals enslaved by the dark powers of nature. It is only in the kingdom of God that man gains his humanity and destiny; it is only from on high that the living perfect Son of Man can come. Passages like the eighth Psalm, taken in connection with the history of creation (Gen. i. 2G-28), which forms their basi.^, show how vividly the Israelites were possessed with the con- sciousness of the superior dignity of our nature, and especially over the animal world, given to man by his covenant relation to God. And, as a counterpart to this, men are viewed as be- coming like the irrational beasts whenever they do not come to God and take heed to His ways (Ps. Ixxiii. ^2'1 ; xxxii. 9 ; xlix. 21). Humanity is impossible without divinity; it sinks down to bestiality. For this reason we find the obstinate heathen nations represented as beasts, even before Daniel's time (Ps. Ixviii. 31) ; the Egyptian monarch is called the great dragon that lieth in the midst of his rivers (Ezek. xxix. 3 ; xxxii. 2), the lion among the heathen ; comp. also Isa. xxvii. 1 ; li. 9. " An animal may be more powerful, strongei', and inspire more terror than any man, it may show much sagacity in its be- haviour, but it looks always to the ground, hears no voice of conscience, and knows no relation to God. What truly elevates man is his humility, and his power of knowing the will of God which raises him above earthly objects. But the moment he says, like Nebuchadnezzar (Dan. iv. 30), 'Is not this the great Babylon which I have built,' he loses morally his relation to God ; he exalts himself, and all that is really lofty in him is destroyed, he becomes a beast. He may be very strong and very mighty outwardly ; but what rightly elevates him, what is the noblest element \\\ his character, is indisputably his capacity to remain in communion with God. But God also must remain unchangeably God, /.c, if man is to retain his true dignity, he THE FOUR BEASTS. 37 must always feel himself subject to God. Whenever he ceases from this subjection, he yields his affections to objects lower than himself, and thus degrades himself."^ We can only throw out the suggestion, that most profound philosophical thoughts on the difference between the heathen and the revealed religion are concealed under this figurative language. Herder, Miinther, etc., have pointed out the peculiarly Babylonian character which the animal symbolism in Daniel bears, and the recent excavations among the ruins of Babylon and Nineveh, contain so many con- firmations of the book being written after the captivity, as they show shapes of animals by which we are involuntai'ily reminded of those occurring here, and which suggest the thought that an acquaintance with sculptures of this kind may have proved a psychological preparation for the visions in the seventh and eighth chapters. The discoveries at Nineveh have been recently applied for the elucidation of Nahum ;^ we hope and wish that the same service may soon be rendered to our prophet. The four world-monarchies appear in the seventh chapter under the images of four beasts. The three first are the lion, the bear, and the leopard ; the fourth is so terrible, that it can- not be compared with any single animal in nature. In those beasts to whose voracity Israel is delivered, there is a most striking fulfilment of the word which the Lord had spoken to His apostate people, by the mouth of Hosea: "Therefore I will be unto them as a lion ; as a leopard by the way will I observe them. I will meet them as a bear that is bereaved of her whelps, and will rend the caul of their heart, and there will I devour them like a lion : the wild beast shall tear them " (Hos. xiii. 7, 8 ; comp. Jer. v. 6 ; iv. 7 ; ii. 15). Many a time these words of God may have passed through Daniel's mind as he gazed on the Babylonian sculptures, which were, so to say, the ' Lectures on the Prophet Daniel, in nine evenings. Translated from the French. Diisseldorf, 1849, p. .32. * Nahumi de Nino Yatioinium explicavit ex Assyriis Monumentis Ulustravit. Otto Strauss. Berolini, 1S5.3.— [Tii.] 38 TEE FOURTH KINGDOM. ensigns of the power of the world ; and now he saw their fulfil- ment. So there would be not only a natural, but also a spiritual preparation for the vision. On the other hand, the kingdom of God, after judgment has been pronounced on the powers of the world, appears in the shape of the Son of Man, who comes from above on the clouds of heaven, while the beasts rise out of the depths of the sea (John viii. 23). If we look now at the monarchies separately, we observe that the second and third are briefly passed over, since they had to be described at length in the second part of the book. Nor was it necessary to say much about the first, for it was contemporary with the prophet, and a bare mention of its existence, such as he gives ii. 37, 38, was sufficient. The chief emphasis, therefore, falls on the fourth. But there is another and still deeper cause for this, which we must seek in the nature of prophecy itself For it is a general and characteristic feature of biblical prophecy, that it puts into the clearest light those phases in which the essence of things is revealed, in which their true and innermost nature comes into fullest manifestation. Prophecy dwells chiefly on the end of the powers and factors about which revelations are given, because it is there that a long-preceding development reaches its consummation, and for the first time unfolds its true nature. This is especially applicable to our seventh chap- ter, which purports to reveal the innermost nature of the world- power, and in which, therefore, most emphasis is laid upon the fourth kingdom (ver. 7, 8, 11, 10-26). For it is in the fearful shape of the last beast, that the world-power will fully manifest that its whole nature is opposed to God, and we are prepared for this climax by the order in which the metals are mentioned in the second chapter, where they are successively of a baser nature. But as the interest which attaches to the four monarchies is led rapidly over the first three to centre in the last, so, for the same reason, in considering the last we are led to its final shape. In accordance with the whole charactCT of this revelation, the second chapter treated of the historical and THE ANTICHRIST. 39 political development to take place within the fourth monarchy, for we find two periods distinctly marked, — the iron, and that of iron and clay. The last development of this kingdom had not as yet become an object of special attention, but was merely indicated by the ten toes. In the seventh chapter, however, where the central point is the religious element and not the political, we do not find that feature particularly mentioned which was pictured in the second chapter, by the distinction between iron and clay ; but the description hastens on to the representation of the ten horns (in which we recognise at the first glance the ten toes of the second chapter), and it introduces them merely to show how an eleventh has sprung up in their midst, a king in whom the full haughty hatred and rebellion of the world against God, His people, and His service, finds its representative. In the seventh chapter the distinction between iron and clay is omitted ; in the second chapter there is no men- tion of this last antichristian ruler of the world. In this descrip- tion of the last monarchy, the distinct and individual character of the two visions is most clearly manifested in the peculiar features to which each of them gives prominence. The essential nature of the kingdom of the world appears con- centrated in the fourth kingdom ; the nature of the fourth king- dom, in like manner, in its last worldly ruler. Thus it is only at the end that the peculiar character of the world-power, the mystery of iniquity, is unveiled, and we recognise in the eleventh horn no other than he whom Paul calls " the man of sin," and " the son of perdition" (2 Thess. ii). Here, for the first time in the development of revelation, the idea of Antichrist is clearly unfolded, because, here for the first time the entire course of the development of the godless and God-opposing world is clearly surveyed down even to its very end. It is worthy of notice, moreover, how we ai'e led in the descriptions of Daniel, to see in this man the complete evolution of the evil principle introduced by the fall. When his characteristic marks are men- tioned (ver. 8, 20), eyes like the eyes of a man — the symbol of 40 THE SON OF MAN. wisdom — and a mouth speaking great things, a mouth which gives most iniquitous utterance to the inward revolt against God, we are reminded of Gen. iii. 5, where the serpent promises to man that his eyes will be opened, and that he will be like unto God, if lie but rebel against the commandment. There we trace the beginning, here the consummation : — intellectual culture ; but the heart and being in the most daring opposition to the living God — self-apotheosis. But now, in the person of the Son of IMan, the kingdom of God appears to tnke the place of the kingdom of the world. We are met at once by the question, Who is the Son of Man ? Is he the people of Israel or the Messiah ? In favour of the former view Hofmann and Hitzig can adduce the explanation contained in the text itself (ver. 18, 22, 27), that the angel mentions only the saints of the Most High, or the people of the saints of the Most High. But we must bear in mind, that the expositions annexed to the visions do not purport to give a complete expla- nation, but are merely intended to throw light upon those points more immediately necessary for the understanding of the pro- phecy, and intended only to meet a present want. They are not to take the place of a diligent search into the word of prophecy (1 Pet. i. 11), but to guide us to the right path. This principle is acknowledged in the case, for instance, of the explanation given about iron and clay, in chap. ii. 41-43, an explanation which certainly neither contains, nor was intended to contain all that was symbolized by that image. Now, in the passage before us, the immediate object was to alleviate the sorrow which Daniel felt for the fate of his people ; and in the explanation, therefore, stress is naturally laid on that point. And even if we felt bound to adhere so strictly to the words of the angel as to consider the people to be intended, yet as Hofmann points out (p. 291), we could not conceive of them without their INIessianic King. King and kingdom are quite as identical here as in the world monarchies of which Daniel is commanded to say to Nebuchadnezzar, " Thou art this head of gold" (ii. o8). But THE SON OF MAN, THE MESSIAH. 41 this very parallel passage is much more in favour of the other view. The king is the representative of the kingdom, to whom the people are joined, and not he to the people. According to the biblical view, the head always takes precedence of, and includes the body, not the reverse. This applies particularly to the Messiah, who applies the name, Son of Man, to Himself. But our text contains two positions, which decide against the view of the two commentators we have mentioned. In the first place, the Son of Man came down from heaven ; for no one will understand, with Hofmann, His coming with the clouds of heaven to signify His being borne from earth to heaven (comp. Matt, xxvi. 64) ; nor will any one adopt Hitzig's view, that the people of Israel is to come down from heaven. In the second place we find the saints themselves mentioned in the vision (ver. 21); if they are introduced in person, they cannot also be represented by the Son of Man. We must take the expression Son of Man, therefore, to designate the Messiah, and to designate His people only secondarily, and as represented by Him (comp. Gal. iii. 16, 28 ; 1 Cor. xii. 12). In this particular, also, the idea Son of Man corresponds to that other : Servant of Jehovah, of which we shall presently have occasion to speak. It is quite in keeping with the universal horizon of Daniel's prophecy, that Messiah is not designated as the Son of David, but, in general, as the Son of Man ; no more as King of Israel only, but as King of the world. The prophetic hoi'izon has re- turned to its original extent, as it was in the Protevangel in Paradise. There, as now again here, all mankind — humanity — was within the field of prophecy.-"^ As we have already seen in ' This universal character of apocalyptic prophecy is imitated, in a very ex- ternal manner, in some apocrypha] apocalypses, in which the revelations are introduced as given to the pro-jeuitors of the human race before the election of the peculiar people, as, for example, to Adam (in the Book of Adam, translated recently by Dillmann) ; to Enoch ; to the Sibyl, said to be Noah's daughter-in- law, etc. Liicke advances this inq:enious hypothesis concerning Jewish Sibyj- listic (p. 81-89) : He reminds us that among the Greeks the Sibyls represented the general natural power of prophecy as distinguished from the positive 42 THE SON OF MAN AND THE SERPENT. the image of Antichrist, the final development and consummation of the principle of evil is shown, as in Gen. iii. ; and likewise, the Son of J\Ian here corresponds to the seed of the woman there, and as it is promised of that seed that it shall bruise the serpent's head, destroy the evil principle, so the Son of Man appears here as the victor over that cosmical power which is opposed to God, and embodied in the beast. In the former prophecy, the seed of the serpent and the seed of the woman ; in the latter, the beast and the Son of Man, are parallel antitheses. The connection of these two passages is more explicitly pointed out in the Apocalypse. For there the beast which, taken conjointly, corresponds to the four beasts of Daniel, and wliicli represents the power of the world as a unity, is expressly drawn as a picture of the great dragon, the old serpent, the devil, and Satan, who seduces the whole world ; and this is quite in accordance with that funda- mental view of John, that the devil is the prince of the world (Rev. xiii. 1, 2; xii. 3, 9; John xii. 81 ; xiv. 30; comp. Luke iv. 5, 6). Thus the beast which ascends from the sea, and reaches its full development in Antichrist, represents the devil, while the Son of Man, Christ, descending from heaven, repre- sents God. In assuming the likeness of a serpent, the devil as- sumed the form of a beast ; in the Son of Man, God appears in the form of man. Man, by following the serpent, has given place to the animal element, has become bestial. God, therefore, must become man, so that man may cease to be beast-like. But whoever rejects God's help, and follows the beast, will be judged priestly oracle. When the Eg'yptian Jews began to blend their ancestral reli- gion with Hellenic elements for the sake of apologetic and missionary interests, they adopted the Sibyl as a representative of prophecy of the Universal Ante- diluvian religion among the polytheistic nations. Then Hellenistic Universal- ism penetrated also into the sphere of apocalyptic prophecy, and referred it to the universal primeval era, in which Israel was not yet separated from the Gentiles, and in which, consequently, the Sibyl of the heathens may as well be quoted as the patriarchs mentioned in Genesis. This accounts, also, for the predilection of those syncretistic times for apocalyptic writings. As high as the canonical gospels stand above the apocryphal, so far do Daniel and St Joho tower above the productions of their imitators. SUFFERING AND VICTORY. 43 by the Son of Man, just because he is the Son of Man (John V. 27).^ But it now remains for us to view the picture of the Messiah presented by Daniel, in its relation to the prophecy which im- mediately precedes it. From the view .we have already given of the history of Israel, it will appear to the careful reader that, in the development of the Old Testament Theocracy, the Baby- lonian captivity is the exact counterpart to the epoch of David. This one epoch is the culminating point of the glorious exalta- tion of the people of the covenant, the other of their deepest humiliation. Hence the types with which the kingdom of David has furnished Messianic prophecy, disappeared at the time of the exile, which substituted others in their place.^ These types are twofold, as would be expected from the nature of the case. On the one hand, the sufferings of the people are reflected in the picture of the suffering Messiah ; and this is the basis of the prophecy of the servant of Jehovah, which Isaiah beheld in his visions (xl.-lxvi.).^ To this class, also, the ninth chapter of our book belongs. On the other hand, in this very time of suffering, the truth that in the kingdom of God the Cross is the only way to glory, shines forth more brightly than ever before, and there is a lively hope that after " the scattering of the power of the holy people " is accomplished (Dan. xii. 7), the kingdom of God will be set up among men with a power and extensive- ^ Comp. J. Richers, die Schopfungs-Paradieses-und Siindflthgeschihte, Leipzig, 1854, pp. 321, 333. 2 Comp. Stier, Jesaiah, nicht Pseudojesaiah, pp. xxxiv., xxxvii. * Compare fV. Hoffmann, die gottliche Stufenorduiig des Alt. Test, (deutsclie Zeitsch. fiir Clirist. Wisseiischaft, February 1854, p. 62). " Even before the exile there is a tone of suffering of the faithful servants of God, the prophets, pervading the prophetic word. The law is broken, the curse therefore im- pending, the law exercises now its last and most lasting influence, conviction of sin. Even the Servant of Jehovah, the highest Blossom of Theocracy, the Anointed One, cannot enter into glory but by sufferings. He bears the sins of His people, the old curse of the transgressed law, but He removes it by His vicarious obedience. The INIessiah is the Lamb of God; a prophecy till then almost unheard of in Israel." 44 SUFFERING AND VICTORY. ness previously unknown. This is the prophetic vision of the Son of Man (Dan. vii.). All these expressions are equally signi- ficant. Servant of God denotes zealous and patient obedience to God ; Son of Man refers to the ground on which man is to obtain again that original destiny and dignity as head of creation, which was conferred upon him (Gen. i. 26-28). Both designa- tions of the Messiah have taken the place of the Davidic type. The Slessiah is no longer represented as the Tlieocratic King coming to the covenant people, but He appears a centre of unity both for the covenant people and the Gentile world. We see here a similar progress to that which took place in the times of the apostles from Judaism to Christianity. It will be easily seen that this progress is intimately connected with the historical position of the people during the captivity. Even in the picture of the Messiah during the Davidic period, the two sides of suffering and victory begin to appear prominently. The Mes- sianic psalms are divided into psalms of humiliation and of triumph. And what we here see in its germ, we afterwards see fully developed at the time of the captivity. On the one side the atoning power of Messiah's sufferings is disclosed (Isa. liii., and Dan. ix.); on the other there is revealed that dominion of the Messiah which, in the development of universal history, is given to Him over the individual kingdoms of the world (Dan. ii. 7). Prophecy has thus gained not only in depth, but in breadth of view. Turning now from the picture of Messiah contained in our vision, we remark that, as regards the prophecy about the powers of the world, Daniel has a remarkable predecessor in the prophet Balaam. As Joseph is a type of Daniel in his political and religious position, so Balaam is a type of him as a prophet. As, at the commencement of the independent history of Israel, we see this prophet who predicted blessings against his will, and whose appearance is so exceedingly instructive for the psychological student of prophecy, so we see Daniel, in a period which concludes, for a time, the history of Israel as an independent /rheocracy. DAVID AND BALAAM. 45 Israel had but recently been delivered out of Egypt, and entrusted with the divine law. It had thus but recently become a people, and the people of God. As they pursue their journey to take possession of their land, they come in contact for the first time vpith heathen nations, Avith Edomites, Amorites, Moabites, etc. Balak, king of the Moabites, calls on this marvellous man, Balaam, to curse the people of the Most High. The prophet is an Aramaean, dwelling on the banks of the Euphrates, and thus placed, from the outset, in the land of Asiatic world movements. But, like Melchisedek, he is endowed with the knowledge of the true God, and he is at the same time gifted with extraordinary prophetic power. All these features reappear in the person of Daniel, and the same historical and personal situation forms a substratum for similar prophetic phenomena ; with the natural difi'erence that in Balaam we find only the germ and rude out- lines of what is spread before our eyes by Daniel in grand and finished pictures. Israel in conflict with the heathen world is the point round which the prophecies of both centre. Standing beside Balak on the summit of Mount Peor, Balaam looks down on the Israelitish camp (Num. xxiii. 28 ; xxiv. 2) ; he sees, by the Spirit which came upon him, a kingdom rising from this blessed nation which lies before him like a couching lion, a kingdom which shall " eat up the nations " (xxiv. 7, 9), " smite the corners of Moab," conquer Edom, take Amalek for a possession, waste the Kenites (ver. 17-22). Israel shall triumph over the surrounding heathen. But Balaam has recognised the signifi- cance of Israel for the heathen world, and his spiritual vision reaches into remoter epochs (xxiii. 8-10 ; xxiv. 8, 9). He sees the mightier woi'ld-powers of the future, of the East (Asshur, ver. 22, 23), as well as of the "West (Chittim, ver. 24). Nothing can stand before them. Eber, and with Eber Israel, shaU be afflicted of them. " Thus the eye of Balaam was opened to penetrate even into that depth of the future in which the people of Jehovah would be subjected and given over to the powers of the world." Nor does even this limit bound the horizon of his 46 DANIEL AND BALAAM. vision. lie sees also the end of these mighty world-powers. Ships from Chittim must afflict Asshur ; the West must afflict the East ; nor can the Western power itself escape its destined ruin. The prophecy of the heathen seer tragically closes with this glance at the wreck of all heathen power. He is not per- mitted even to predict clearly that Israel shall survive all the i-evolutions of the powers of the world, though this is plainly implied in the prophecy he had to utter before in ver. 8 and 9. Have we not here the basis and outline of the prophecies of Daniel ? The powers which Balaam designated by the ancient names of Asshur and Chittim (Gen. x. 11; xxii. 4), Daniel, the contemporary of Nebuchadnezzar and Cyrus, sees in the two Eastern and the two Western kingdoms, Babylon and Medo- Persia, Greece and Rome ; and he sees also before and after them, this Israel, " the people that dwell apart, and whom God hath not cursed." If the opened eyes of Balaam pierced so far into the future, how much farther the prophetic glance of a Daniel.^ We are thus led to sefe, in Daniel, not only a further develop- ment of the Messianic prophecies as they existed in the centuries immediately preceding him, but also a connection between him I Compare Baumgarten, Theolog. Comment, zum Pentateuch ii., 375-78. llofmann, Weiss, und Erfiill, i., 153. Iliivernick, Eiiileit. ins A. T. i., 2, p. 507-10. It is natural that criticism, which does not know and recognise the spirit of divine prophecy, should be sorely puzzled by the few concluding words of Balaam. The mention of Assyria might be managed, by assuming the whole passage to be written in the Assyrian time. But " the ships of Chittim, which in Maccabees are referred to Alexander the Great, are enigmatic." De Wette confessed formerly, that it seemed a real prophecy was contained here. Hitzig and Eicald, assuming the Assyrian date of the prophecy, refer it partly to in- significant events, the former to an incursion of the Greeks into Cilicia during tlie time of Sennacherib, the latter to a similar event during that of Salman- assar; both events being mentioned incidentally by Eusebius and Josephus. Much simpler are the expedients of Bertholdt, V. Lengerke, and Uleek, who main- tain that the verse is an interpolation, probably of the Maccabean times. Thus the resemblance with our prophet, the almost verbal coincidence with Dan. ii. 30, would be easily explained. THE POWEES THAT BE— OF GOD. 47 and times much more remote. What Balaam saw of the powers of the world, and their relation to Israel, in the commencement of the holy national history, found its consummation in the dis- closures vouchsafed to Daniel ; and in the revelations of Daniel concerning the Christ and the Antichrist is consummated the prophecy which God himself had spoken at the commencement of the history of the human race concerning the seed of the ser- pent and the seed of the woman. We regard this relation in which Daniel stands to his predecessors as a strong internal evi- dence of the genuineness of the book ; an external evidence, quite as strong, is aflforded by his successor,'Zechariah, who, soon after the time of Daniel, clearly presupposes a knowledge of the contents and details of Daniel's prophecies about the powers of the world. For Hofmann has conclusively proven, and Baumgarten has more fully elaborated his view, that the four horns and carpenters, as well as the four chariots of Zechariah's vision (Zech. i. 18-21 ; vi. 1-8), refer to the four world monarchies of Daniel ! It is only in the light of this con- nection that the prophecy concerning Javan or Greece (Zech. ix. 13, etc.), can be properly understood. Before we proceed further, we must make a remark about the kingdom of the world, although we must refer the reader to a subsequent part of the book for a fuller statement. "These kingdoms," Roos remarks (p. G5), " are of God (Dan. ii. 37 ; Rom. xiii. 1), and therefore legitimate and worthy of respect." But how can this be ? Is it not a contradiction, if holy Scrip- ture teaches with such emphasis, " that the powers that be are ordained of God," and yet distinctly opposes the chief em- pires of the world, the most important of the " higher powers," to the kingdom of God, and characterises them as the concrete manifestation of the God-opposed principle ? The Word of God is free from error in general, and free, therefore, from every illusion, every false and vain hope. It knows and pro- phesies clearly that all gifts of God, even the noblest, will be polluted and corrupted in the hands of fallen man. The world 48 THE POWERS THAT BE — OF GOD. itself is God's work, and exists continually in Ilim, for He upholds it, and yet this same world lieth in wickedness, i.e., in the devil (Coloss. i. 17; Acts xvii. 28 ; 1 John v. 18, 19). And what is still more startling, the Church of the Old, and even of the New Covenant, presents the same contradictory aspect. She is the wife of Jehovah and of Christ, and yet be- comes a harlot ! So it is with states and kingdoms on the earth. Their origin and nature are divinely appointed ; but they appear in history, and in the final result to which their development leads, in the service of sin, of destruction, of rebellion against God. Herein consists theinconceivable patience and long-suffering of the Ruler of the world, that He leaves His gifts for thousands of years in the hands of men, and yet beholds how they are con- taminated, defiled, caricatured by them, abused to purposes the most opposite to His intentions. He permits this for the sake of His elect. In His patience He suffers State and Church to endure, until, partly under the protection of these His economies, partly under the pressure of their own evil administrations, the congi'egation of His true children shall be gathered from among all nations, for those times of refreshing when the Lord himself shall rule and judge the nations, and the saints with Him. Daniel was taught, by tlie events of his own life, by what process the kingdoms of the world assume a character so hostile to God ; and in order that we also may be instructed in this, the wonderful and significant events of his life which we are now about to consider, ai'e interwoven with his prophecies. The world-power which has the sway over all that is visible, and which looks on the visible as the real, deifies itself, and re- bels haughtily against the living God and His saints. It is full of overbearing courage, and offends, imputing this its power unto its God (Hab. i. 11, 10). EVENTS IN DANIEL'S LIFE. 49 111. REMARKABLE EVENTS IN DANIEL's LIFE. CHAP. III.-VI. Between the visions of Nebuchadnezzar and Daniel, the first part of our book contains four narratives out of the life of the prophet. We read in the third chapter the wonderful deliver- ance from the fiery furnace, vouchsafed to his three friends, who would not worship the golden image of Nebuchadnezzar. The fourth chapter is an edict of Nebuchadnezzar, and contains a second dream which he had, a dream relating to himself, and fulfilled in himself. His haughtiness is punished by a visitation of insanity, and he sinks to the level of the beasts ; but after he has undergone his punishment, his human reason returns to him, and he attains to even greater power than before, for which he gives glory to the true God. The opposition between bestial and human life, which we meet in this chaptei", suggests important thoughts preparatory to the exposition of the symbolism of the seventh chapter, concerning the beasts and the Son of Man, and essentially serves to corroborate our view of that passage ; it throws light particularly on the remarks we made on chapter vii. 4, about the first beast. The fifth chapter narrates the haflghty pride of the Babylonian king, Belshazzar, at the ban- quet, the inscription which appeared on the wall, its interpretation by Daniel, and the quick fulfilment of his prophetic words in the judgment which burst upon the king on that very night. Finally, the sixth chapter concludes the series of wonderful events in the prophet's life, with the story of his miraculous rescue from tiie lions' den, into which he had been thrown because he continued, in spite of a royal prohibition, to pray to his God. It is easy to see that as chapters ii. and vii. go together, so do chapters iii. and vi., and iv. and v. And, indeed, these two middle pairs of chapters (iii. and vi., iv. and v.), have a symboli- cal significance independent of their historical value. The first pair shows us, by the example of Daniel and his three friends, how wonderfully near God is to His saints, especially when, 50 EVENTS IN Daniel's life. faithfully adhering to their Master, they seem to be crushed by the world-power. The second pair present the two kings of the first monarchy, as an example of how God can suddenly humble the world-power in the very height of its insolence and rebelli- ous scorn, and of how little reason the faithful have to dread its might, "We notice here, also, a progression from the fourth cliapter to the fifth, for the world-power advances from mere self-glorification in the former, to open and declared opposition to the living God in the latter. Nebuchadnezzar demands homage to be paid to his image (iii.) ; he boasts of his great power and glory (iv.), but in neither case does he exhibit any direct hos- tility to God. Belshazzar, on the other hand, blasphemes the Lord, by polluting the holy vessels from the temple of Jerusalem (v.), and Darius the Mede, forbids prayer to be oifered to llim. There is a similar, and most instructive progression, in the con- duct of God's believing people. We are taught, by the example of Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego, that we dare not yield positive homage to the power of the world, by worshipping the image of the world ; we are taught, by the example of Daniel, that we dare not yield negative homage to it by neglecting to worship God. In all these events the glorious power of the Most High is manifested against the world, and for His saints, and what is here represented in the narrow frame of individual historical sketches, the second and seventh chapters bring befoi'e our view in grand world-wide tableaux. Both serve to strengthen the faith of God's people, and to illumine the darkness of those times when the powers of the world prevail. And the wonderful charm which these narratives possess, and prove themselves to pos- sess, by the interest they excite in the mind of a child, is peculiarly fitted to form a substratum to the profound impression of the two visions, and to heighten their emphasis and effect. The true Israelite, and the believer in general, are to receive, during the entire period of worldly power, deep impressions of the nothing- ness of the world, and the glory of God and His saints, in their KEIL ON THE MIRACLES. 51 very tenderest childhood (comp. Gen. xviii. 19). If the super- ficial eye can detect but little vital power, either moral or religious, in the symbolic images of the visions contained in our book, it can see much less in the striking characters of Daniel and his friends, and the powerful instructive characters of Nebuchad- nezzar and Belshazzar. Keil's remarks on the miracles which occur in these narratives deserve attention : " The writers of Holy Scripture do not nar- rate every-day events. Their purpose is to testify of the revela- tion of divine grace and omnipotence. Accordingly, in the book of Daniel, only those events are recorded in which the God of Israel manifests His sovereign power to the proud heathen rulers of the world, to whom it has been necessary His own peculiar people should be delivered to be punished for their sins, events by which He forces them to confess and honour Him as the God of heaven and eai'th, to acknowledge that He (and not their idols), rules the world, that He has power to uphold His servants, to abase, and punish the pride of the high and lofty ones of the earth. The miracles are wrought for Daniel's and his com- panions' sake ; they tend to Daniel's glory. The reason of this is to be sought in the position which Daniel was called to occupy, viz., on the one hand, at a time when God could not manifest His glory in His people as a body, to represent that people, in his own person, before that King of Babylon who deemed him- self almighty ; and, on the other hand, to represent before the heathen, and at the highest court of the heathen world-power, the Theocracy which, outwardly, had fallen a prey to the power of the Chaldeans, as well as to labour, by his presence, for the preservation of God's people, and their retui'n to their own land. It was necessary that the miracles should assume a powerful and imposing character, in order to impress the powerful representa- tives of heathenism ; and that they served this purpose, is shown by the termination of the exile, and especially by the edict of Cyrus (Ezra i. 1-4), which does not limit itself to a bare per- mission to the Jews of returning to their own country, but 52 THE MORE IMMEDIATE FUTUKE. expressly ascribes honour to the God of Israel, as the Gofl of heaven, and commands the building of His temple."^ III.— THE SECOND PAET. THE KINGDOM OF GOD AND THE KINGDOM OF THE WORLD IN THEIR MORE IMMEDIATE FUTURE. The first part of our book throws a prophetic light over tiie whole future, as far even as that remote time when the people of God shall be gathered again and form a visible kingdom on the earth. But this lies in a far off distance ; the very first of the four world-monarchies was yet in existence. Israel, there- fore, must now receive disclosures concerning the events which more immediately await them, for these events will be a prelude of the final evolutions of their history. Antichrist, as well as Christ, has a more immediate future ; and it was particularly necessary that special prophecies should be given to the people of God for the times then approaching — the five centuries between the exile and the advent — since it was a period during which they would be given up for a pi'ey to the Gentiles, and in which salvation would not be fully manifested to comfort their hearts. These disclosures are contained in the second part of Daniel. We find liere, also, two visions which correspond with one another, one beginning, the other concluding this portion of tiie book (chap. viii. and x.-xii.). These visions describe the de- velopment of the power of the world and the Antichrist which would arise from it in the following centuries. Between them is inserted the ninth chapter, which reveals the future of tlie Messiah, and the people of the covenant at the end of the hall- millennium, in relation to those images of the world. 1 EinleituDg in das Alte Testament, p. 460. ANTIOCHUS EPIPHANES. 53 I. THE EIGHTH CHAPTER ANTIOCHUS EPIPHANES. The eighth chapter describes, by two new animal symbols — a ram and a he-goat — the third and fourth world-monarchies (ihe Medo-Persian, and Graeco-Macedonian), which were to rule over Israel after the downfall of Babylon — an event that Daniel ' outlived. Both are here mentioned by name (ver. 20, 21 ; comp. X., 13, 20 ; xi., 24), as expressly as the Babylonian kingdom previously (ii. 37-38). It is only the fourth monarchy, the Roman, which is not mentioned by name. Is not this cir- cumstance an unsought-for proof of the higher antiquity of our book? Daniel lived to see the Persian kingdom. It appears from the Greek names of musical instruments, which occur in our book, that even at that time Greece had become known to the East ; and, indeed, it is also evident from the entanglements between the Persians and Greeks, which happened soon after Daniel's death, and led, in the course of a few decennia, to Avorld- famed wars and battles. But the chief reason why the attention of Daniel and Israel had to be turned to Greece, was, that the Old Testament Antichrist was to proceed from that power. Thus, we can see why the angels in the passages quoted, men- tion the name Javan, while Rome, belonging to the West, which is put in the background of the vision, remains unnamed. For the same reason our vision gives more prominence to the Greek empire, and to the last shape which that empire assumes in the little horn, just as is the case with the Roman empire in the seventh chapter. There is but a brief description of the ram with his two horns, the Medes and Persians. The he-goat has at first only one proud horn, Alexander the Great, who comes to his end in a hasty triumphal march from West to East, to the kingdom of Persia. In the place of this great horn four smaller arise, the kingdoms of the successors of Alexander, Macedonia, Asia, Egypt, Syria. Out of one of these, the last namedjthere proceeded finally a little horn, a king, whose enmity 54 ANTIOCBUS EPIPHANES. towards the Most High, His service, and His people (the host of heaven), is described with features similar to those of Antichrist in the seventh chapter. This king is Antiochus Epiphanes. With a stubbornness ap- proaching monomania, he entertained the plan of introducing the worship of Olympian Zeus over all his empire, to which Pales- tine also belonged ; and " as he identified himself with that god, he wished ultimately to make his own worship universal" (comp. 1 Mace. i. 41 etc. ; 2 Mace. vi. 7).^ He tried to extirpate every other worship with fanatical, often with infatuated zeal ; and hence instead of Epiphanes, he was called Epimanes. He abolished the worship of Jehovah in Jerusalem, and substi- tuted the worship of idols. His enterprise was all the more dangerous in that he was met by a hellenising party in Israel itself, who had heathenish tendencies (1 Mace. i. 12, etc. ; 2 Mace. iv. 9, etc. ; comp. Dan. xi. 30, 32). Thus Antiochus Epiphanes, threatened the gravest peril to the holy people and to revealed religion, and, by consequence, to the existence of a Theocracy on earth. Nothing in the history of the sufferings of Israel from the power of the world, can be compared with the suffering inflicted by Antiochus. For none of the previous worldly rulers who had subjugated the people of the covenant, interfered essentially with their religious worship; but, on the contrary, as appears from the books of Daniel, Ezra, and Nehe- miah, had protected and honoured them in many w-ays in the performance of their national worship. As, for instance, Nebuchadnezzar (Dan. iv. 31-34), Darius the INIede (Dan. vi. 27, 28), Cyrus (Ezra i. 2-4), Artaxerxes Longimanus (Ezra vii. 12; Nehem. ii. 18), and according to Josephus (Arch. xi. 8), Alexander the Great also. It was therefore necessary that special prophetic announcement should prepare the people for Antiochus, so that they might be forewarned and forearmed against his attacks and artful machinations. Nor did these pre- ' Wieseler in Herzog's Realencyklopadie fiir protest. Theol. u. Kirche i., p. 384. THE OLD TESTAMENT ANTICHRIST. 55 dictions remain without fruit ; for we may regard the glorious struggle of the Maccabees, so far as it was a pure and righteous one, as a fruit of our book (comp. 1 Mace. ii. 59). Antiochus, in his " self-deifying fanatical haughtiness" (Wieseler), and his enmity against God and divine worship, is very properly the type of Antichrist — the Antichrist of the third monarchy, and of the Old Testament time. " All former teachers," says Luther, " have called and interpreted this Antio- chus a figure of the final Antichrist ; and they have hit the right mark." A clear light- is thus thrown on the relation of the second part of our book to the first, and more especially of the eighth chapter to the seventh. There is a similar typical relation between Antiochus and Antichrist, as between the destruction of Jerusalem and the coming of the Son of Man, in the eschatolo- gical discourse of Christ (Matt. xxiv.). The Antichrist of the Old Testament stands in the same relation to the Antichrist of the New, as the judgment on the Church of the Old Testament to that on the Church of the New. And this typical character is indeed according to a general law of prophecy, which is clearly illustrated in the two examples we have mentioned. In the same way as Jesus illumines the two events He foretells, by viewing one in the light of the other, so must the seventh and eighth chapters of Daniel be viewed together. The two pictures, of the enemy out of the third, and of the enemy out of the fourth monarchy, touch at many points, and illustrate each other ; so that the eighth chapter serves for the elucidation of the seventh, and the seventh again for the elucidation of the eighth. The people of God receive the most complete instruction about Epiphanes, in that single feature, to which prominence is given, that he appears as a type of the last Antichrist. Thus they are distinctly pointed to the magnitude of the threatening danger, and furnished, on the one hand, with an earnest warning of the deceitfulness of the seducer ; on the other, with the consolation that he cannot escape the judgment destined to overtake him. And in the same manner as Israel was enabled to understand 56 THE ANGELS. the type of the Antichrist by the picture of the Antichrist him- self (chap, vii.), we are justified in pursuing tlie reverse method, and in forming a clearer and more complete conception of the last enemy, whose coming we expect, from the delineation of Antiochus. We have here the example of the apostle for our precedent, who, in 2 Thess. ii. 4, paints the Man of Sin with colours which are taken from Dan. xi. II. CHAPTERS X.-Xll. CONTINUATION. The vision of the eighth chapter is described more fully and circumstantially in the second revelation, contained in chapters x.-xii. These chapters bear the same relation to the eighth as the seventh to the second. The prophecy itself is contained in the eleventh chapter, the tenth forming the prologue, the twelfth the epilogue. The tenth chapter opens to us marvellous glimpses into the invi- sible spiritual world, which forms the background of the world's history. Nor is this without analogy in Holy Scripture (Job i. 7, ii. 1, etc. ; Zech. iii. 1, 2 ; Jude 9 ; Rev. xii. 7, etc.) ; but no- where else are the revelations so clear and comprehensive. The general truth, that the angels are ministering organs of the Divine providence and government, is frequently, and in detail, asserted and proved by Holy Scripture, but above all, in the two Apocalyptic books, in which the curtain that hides from us the invisible Avorld is drawn aside. The Scriptures recognise the ellicacy of angels in the whole life of nature, even in ordinary and regular natural phenomena (John v. 4 ; Heb. i. 7 ; Rev. vii. 1-3, xiv. 8, xvi. 5). And not only in nature, but in history also, for which our chapter is the classical passage. "NVe see here individual angels standing at the head of individual king- doms of the world ; we see opposed to them, at the head of the Israelitish Theocracy, Michael, one of the first princes. In alliance with him, and opposed to the spirits of the world, there THE ANGELS AND HISTORY. 57 is another angel, whom Hofmann^ designates as the good spirit of the heathen world-power, whose object is to promote the realiza- tion of God's plan of salvation in the heathen world. It is natural that this angel should be sent to reveal to Daniel the ftite which the powers of the world were preparing for the people of God. He lets the prophet catch a glimpse of the invisible struggles between the princes of the angels, in which it is decided who is to exert the determining influence on the worldly monarch, whether the god-opposed spirit of this world, or the good spirit, whose aim it is to further the interests of God's kingdom. We are wont to speak in a spiritualising way of a struggle between the good and the evil spirit in man ; Holy Scripture teaches us to regard such a struggle as real and substantial (comp. 1 Sara. xvi. 13-15 ; 1 Kings xxii. 22). The Satanic influences of which we have more particular knowledge, through the language of Jesus and his apostles, are essentially not different from this. The liberty of human actions is not hereby taken away ; for the spirits exercise no compelling in- fluence on men's hearts, and their chief activity consists pro- bably in the arrangement of outward events. The question about the relation of the Divine government to human liberty, rather loses than gains in difficulty, Avhen we take the element of angelic ministry into consideration. That glorious angel who appears to Daniel, tells him, that for twenty-one days he struggled with the angel at the head of the Persian monarchy, and that finally, by Michael's help, he sub- dued him, and obtained superiority over the Persian king. But he informed him also, that he had to enter upon a further struggle with that Persian angel, and that this would be suc- ceeded by one with the Grecian, which, as he lets him dimly see, would not, for all the help of Michael, be equally victorious. These events in the world of angels will be better understood, when viewed in connection with the revelations concerning the 1 Weiss, u. Erfiill. i., p. 312. Schriftbeweis i., p. 287, etc. 58 PROGRESSION IN PROPHECY. future which follow in the eleventh chapter. While the Persian kingdom endures, the spirit of the world-power, hostile to God and His people, will be restrained and subdued, so that the Persian kings will follow the good spirit, and be favourable to Israel. But with the Greek kingdom there will come a change. During its dominion the people of the covenant will have to suffer much from the wars of the Ptolemies and Seleucidae ; and it is out of this kingdom that the arch-enemy shall arise. The prophecy of tiie eleventh chapter consists of thi'ee parts. There is, first, a brief description of the Persian and Greek monarchies, ver. 2-4) ; then follows a sketch of the most import- ant struggles of the Ptolemies and Seleucidae (ver. 5-20) ; while a detailed and circumstantial picture of Antiochus Epiphanes forms the conclusion (ver. 21-45). We see that all the visions which refer to the power of the world correspond to the outlines presented in Nebuchadnezzar's dream (chap, ii.), and are only a further development of the ground-plan there, carried out with ever increasing fulness and minuteness. The seventh chapter contains, first, a further description of the fourth monarchy, showing how the Antichrist proceeds from the ten toes or horns. While the preceding outlines are thus filled up, they prepare the way for the subsequent propliecies ; for the description of An- tiochus in the eighth chapter is based on the model of the Anti- christ delineated in the seventh. There is yet another relation, in refei'cnce to the third monarchy, in which the seventh chapter is a development of the second, and the eighth the final con- summation. The fourfold division of the Greek kingdom, whicli does not yet ap[)ear in the dream of Nebuchadnezzar, is sym- bolized in the four heads and four wings of the leopard (vii. 6), while it is still more distinctly revealed in the eighth chapter, in the four horns of the he-goat, which grow up in place of the one great horn. Tliere is thus a progress from the seventh to the eighth chapter, parallel to that we already saw from the second to the seventli, in the description of the Roman king- dom. For while in the seventh chapter the little horn of Anti- SYRIA AND ROME NOT MENTIONED BY NAME. 59 Christ appears between the ten horns of the fourth beast, which are identical with the ten toes in the image of Nebuchadnezzar's dream ; in the eighth the little horn of Antiochus rises out of the four horns of the he-goat, which are identical with the four horns of the leopard. Exactly in the same way the eleventh chapter is an enlargement of the eighth. The disclosures which the latter contains about Pex'sia and Greece, and the fourfold division of the great Greek kingdom, are only mentioned to be used as a connecting link and starting-point for the prophecy, which now unfolds the future of Egypt and Syria, the Ptolemies and Seleucidae, the kings of the South and the kings of the North. " Daniel," says Luther, " now leaves the two kingdoms of Asia and Grecia, and takes up the two of Syria and Egypt. For the Jewish country lieth between these two, and hath Syria on the nortli [towards midnight], and Egypt on the south [to- wards mid-day], and these two had an everlasting contest with each other. The Jews, therefore, placed thus between the door and the hinge, were sorely tormented on both sides. Now they fell a prey to Egypt, and anon to Syria, as the one kingdom or the other got the better ; and they had to pay dearly for their neighbourhood, as is wont to be in time of war. Specially when that impious man was king in Syria, whom histories style Antiochus the noble ; he assaulted the Jews most fiercely, and raged and slaughtered like a devil among them. It was on account of this wretch and cruel villan that the vision was given, to comfort the Jews, whom he was to plague with all kinds of plagues." It is, moreover, worthy of remark, that we do not find Syria and the individual kingdoms mentioned by name, any more than Rome. As yet these kingdoms lay quite beyond the his- torical horizon of Daniel ; the angel, therefore, could not desig- nate them by their names. Rome was separated from Daniel by space ; an independent Syrian kingdom, by time. Syria, already conquered by the Assyrians (2 Kings xvi. 9 ; Is. viii. 4 ; Amos i. 5), belonged afterwards as a province to the kingdoms 60 INCIDENTAL PROOF OF THE ANTIQUITY OF DANIEL. of Babylon, Persia, and Greece, successively,^ and was a very unimportant country in the time of Daniel. The angel desig- nated the Syrian kings by the general appellation of kings of the North, or Midnight, referring, probably, to the prophetical r/sus loquendi, by which the midnight region is spoken of as the land of darkness, of destruction, of the enemies of God and His people (Joel ii. 20; Jer. i. 13-15; iv. 6; x. 22; xlvii. 2; Zech. ii, 10), If our book had been written so late as the time of the Maccabees, it would be difficult to assign a reason why Syria is not mentioned by name as well as Greece ; nay, it might be expected that Syria should be mentioned, even though Greece was not. This circumstance must be regarded as one of those minute and fine features which, because of their very insignificance and secondary position ai'e, to the unprejudiced student, the most eloquent witnesses for the antiquity and authen- ticity of a book. It cannot be maintained by our opponents that the Maccabean authors omitted to name Syria for fear of Antiochus, since country and king for that time are so minutely sketched as to be unmistakable. We lay the more stress on this circumstance, as Egypt, whose princes are called in opposition to the Syrian, the kings of the South or Mid-day, is mentioned by name (ver. 8, 42). For this is not only the old monarchy well known to the Israelites, but at the time Daniel received this revelation it was still an independent and even flourishing king dom ; nor was it till ten years later that it was conquered by Cambyses and annexed to Persia.^ The designation, kings of the North and kings of the South, is given from Palestine being the stand-point. This is not only the stand-point of all pro- phecy, and of the whole Bible, but the return of the Israelites to their own country in the third year of Cyrus, had already commenced at the time of this prophecy. Thus, in its prophecies concerning the enemies of Israel, our chapter not only bears the specific character of Daniel's time, but evinces its genuine pro ' Conip. Winer's Reahvorterbucli. Art. Damascus, Aram, Syrien. * Conip. Lcpsius in Herzojj's llealencyklopiiJie, i. p. 150. SPECIAL CHARACTER OF PROPHECY. 61 phetic character in this, that it is mysterious notwithstanding its minuteness. And this, indeed, is the general character of the entire won- derful revelation which is here given to us. Of all the predic- tions contained in the Holy Scripture, this is doubtless the most special and minute, and in order not to be offended at this pro- phecy, it is necessary to believe in the omniscience and real re- velation of God in the prophetic word. Nay, we may assert, of this eleventh chapter, that it is essentially important as a datum for the doctrine of divine prescience in a system of dogmatics. The supposition of some theologians,^ that God has a prescience of the development of the world in its pure abstractness only, in its final end, and in tlie most essential points of its evolutions, cannot be reconciled with our passage. It is true, it stands by no means isolated. Significant and important analogies are fur- nished by the words of that man of God at Bethel (1 Kings xiii. 2), who mentioned the name of King Josiah more than three hundred ye.irs before that king's time, in Isaiali's prophecy of the sixty-five years during which the kingdom of Ephraim was to continue (Is. vii. 8), in the prophecy about Babylon and even about Cyrus (Is. xiii. 1 ; xiv. 23 ; xxi. 1-10 ; xliv. 28 ; xlv. 1), in Jeremiah's prophecy of the seventy years of exile (Jer. xxv. 11 ; xxix. 10) ; in the very circumstantial disclosures of Ezekiel concerning the destruction of Jerusalem (Ezek. xxiv. 2, 2.5-27); and many others. But the most important examples are given in the book of Daniel, and they assume the greater importance, since they are, at the same time, organic preparations for our present prophecy, in which they have their culminating point. We must also bear in mind that, as Hofmann reminds^ us, " this minute description was given to meet a want which had not been felt before," that it was intended to be a light unto the path of the people of the election, in the darkest centui'ies of their abandonment by God. And thus we come, lastly, to con- i Z. B. Rothe, theol. Ethik sec. 42. Marteuseii, Dograatik sec. 116. ' Weiss, u. Erfiill. i. p. 313. 62 PROPHECY SPECIAL, YET MYSTERIOUS. sider the character of the prophecy itself. As we have men- tioned before, its special minuteness is by no means of such a kind as to uplift, in a manner far from salutary, the veil which, in the wise counsels of the Almighty, has been drawn across the future, nor of such a kind as to unfold the future to the gaze of a profane curiosity. If we take the chapter and read it without consulting the historical elucidations afforded by the times of the Ptolemies and Seleucidae, it will seem full of dark enigmas. And naturally, this was still more the case when that history was yet future. These enigmas invited the faithful Israelite's investiga- tion to a careful comparison of the prophecy with the events of the day, and thus by degrees he obtained the key of interpreta- tion and received also the precious consolation that all the violence of the world under which the elect were now sighing, was predestined by God and prophesied to His people. He will understand this, who, in the dark days of the world's commo- tions, has experienced somewhat of the light and comfort of the word of prophecy. Comp. 2 Peter i. 19. And here we are allowed to see the reason for which such a special disclosure about the spiritual world, considered as the background of history, is joined to such a special prophecy. The tenth chapter is as peculiar a phenomenon in Holy Scripture as the eleventh, and these two remarkable phenomena, unique in their kind, are connected not only outwardly but also in- wardly. Their relation to each other is that of the future and the invisible. It strengthened and elevated the people of God to be permitted to view the future in a prophecy during their heavy afflictions ; but it was equally strengthening and elevating for them to have their eye directed to the mighty champions and allies which they possessed in the world of spirits. As Paul excites the Ephesians to an earnest struggle against sin, by reminding them that they have to " wrestle not with flesh and blood alone, but with principalities and powers," so Daniel was commanded to inspire his people with courage and perseverance in their struggle with the world, by showing them that not only THE BEGINNING OF THE CHAPTER. 63 they who are flesh and blood, but with them principalities and powers also are leagued against the world in its opposition to God. It is in the same spirit that Roos remarks (p. 13) : — " The name Lord of Sabaoth is nowhere mentioned so frequently as in the prophets Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi, who doubt- less sought to counteract by this name the fear which the Jews, as a poor and despised people, had of the power of the Gentiles ; and to prove to them that the God in whom they believed had hosts enough to protect them, though they should be devoid of all worldly might wherewith to defend themselves against their enemies." This general characteristic of the eleventh chapter may suffice, as the more minute explanation of its contents is to be found (and with essential agreement) in all, either learned or popular, com- mentaries of Daniel. We refer especially to Hdvernick and Hitzig, as well as to Schmieder's continuation of Gerlach's Com- mentary. There remain but two points for discussion, the beginning and the end of the chapter. Commentators have found it difficult to account for the cir- cumstance that the second verse concludes the series of the kings with Xerxes. For the three kings after Cyrus (in whose reign Daniel received the entire revelation) are Cambyses, Pseudo- smerdis, and Darius Hystaspes. The fourth king is Xerxes, whose riches are proverbial, and who had an attendant always crying to him, " Lord, remember the Athenians ! " In his reign, the Persian kingdom reached its highest point and displayed its greatest power against Greece. But it was subdued by Greece, and from this period dates its gradual decay. After the battle of Salamis, the centre of the world-history was no more in the second, but in the third, the Grecian kingdom. The second kingdom, therefore, disappears from view according to a law of prophecy which we shall describe more fully afterwards. The angel proceeds, in the third verse, to the Grecian kingdom, and this also he views at once in its world-historical culminating point, Alexander, in whose time it began to assume importance 64 THE END OF ANTIOCHUS. for the people of God, Thus prophecy, passing over the valleys, steps from height to height of human history, its light illumines the mountain tops, the heads and the horns. It is only in the fifth verse that it descends into the low ground, and that because Israel was, after a respite, drawn into the vicissitudes of the Syro- Egyi)tian struggles. The second point is the conclusion of the prophecy about Antiochus Epiphanes. In this passage we have, first, a descrip- tion of the earliest wars of the king with Egypt (ver. 21-27), then of his religious conduct, partly as it related to Israel (ver. 28-35), partly viewed generally (ver. 36-39), and finally of his last enter- prises and his end (ver. 40-45). From this general outline the reader will perceive that from the 3Gth verse the typical relation of Antiochus to Antichrist receives great prominence. For this reason the majority of commentators have referred verses 36-45 immediately to Antichrist. But Hiivernick has justly given up this interpretation as arbitrary ; for not only are the features of Antiochus' character drawn in verses 36-39 so accurately as scarcely to be mistaken ; but we find again, in verses 40-45, the opposition between north and south which runs througli the whole chaptei". We must mention, however, one ditiiculty whicii this last part offers, viz., that historians do not mention any- thing of an expedition undertaken by Antiochus against Egypt shortly before his death. Some expositors, and Hitzig also, suppose that the prophecy here goes back to earlier events, and embraces them all in this one final conclusion. But when we ex- amine the text in its connection, this seems nothing but a mere makeshift. It is probable that the statement of Porphyry re- peated by Jerome, deserves credit, according to which Antiochus undertook an expedition against Egypt in the eleventh year of his reign, consequently 166-165 B.C., and took Palestine on his way. The rumours mentioned in verse 44, which doubtless refer to the opposition and revolt of tributary nations, then led him towards the East. Porphyry remarks that Antiochus started from Egypt, took Arad, in the tribe of Juduh, and devas- THE EPILOGUE OF THE BOOK. G5 tated the entire coast of Phoenicia ; and this agrees well with the forty-fifth verse : " He shall plant the tabernacles of His palaces between the seas in the glorious holy mountain :" and that then he turned rapidly to check Artaxias, King of Armenia, who had raised up commotions. On this expedition he died in the Persian town Tabes, 164 B.C., as both Polybius and Porphyry agree. ^Ve shall subsequently refer to the conclusion of the angel's speech (xii. 1-3), and then offer an explanation. Here we may remark that the twelfth chapter (ver. 4-13) bears the charac- ter of a conclusion, not merely to this individual vision, but, as an epilogue, to the whole book. For not only do we find the book expressly mentioned in the fourth verse, not only does the angel finally take leave of Daniel in the thirteenth verse, but distinct reference is made in the sixth and seventh verses to chap. vii. 25, that is, to the time of Antichrist, while the subse- quent verses from the eighth to the twelfth, treat of the time of Antiochus, as is evident, more particularly from the eleventh verse, containing as it does, a plain allusion to chap. xi. 31. Thus, in the conclusion of the book, we see the two great periods of distress, for which it was more especially given, put together in a manner the most significant, and which throws light upon the whole prophecy. The extension of the view to the time of Antielirist, in a prophecy which refers chiefly to Antiochus, is caused by the mention of the resurrection (ver. 2, 3), which takes place immediately after the Antichristian period, and con- temporary with the coming of the Messiah in glory — the subject of the seventh chapter. It is to this period that the question of the angel has reference, when he asks (ver. 6) " How long to the end of these wonders — rriNbsnyp," in distinction from the question of Daniel (ver. 8), " what the end of these things — nnnx Tlhn." The angel's question refers to the wonderful dealings of God in general ; the prophet, who does not at once understand fully the disclosures about the last things (ver. 8), asks what will be the concluding issue of those things then in progress, and im- E 60 THE NINTH CHAPTER. mediately impending. The angel, with heavenly eye, sees into the far distant end of the world's history ; the prophet, with human interest, regards the more immediate future of his nation. III. THE NINTH CHAPTER. THE IMMEDIATE FUTURE OF THE MESSIAH. We have noticed above, that between the visions of the second and seventh chapters, there were some narratives inserted not immediately connected with them. In like manner, in the second part of Daniel, we find a prophecy (chap, ix.), with a character of peculiar individuality, inserted between the vision at the commencement and that at the close. In this chapter a most important event in the life of Daniel is narrated, but one which does not relate to the connection between him and the world-power, but between him and his God, and which closes with one of the most remarkable and special revelations in Holy Scripture. In this respect the ninth chapter forms an important preparation for the two succeeding, which have already come under our consideration. From the outset we here find ourselves placed on ground totally diflTerent from that on which we have hitherto stood. Daniel seeks to be enlightened about the seventy years, which, according to the prophecy of Jeremiah (chap. xxv. and xxix.), were to be the duration of the Babylonian captivity (ver. 1-3) ; and after he had offered up to God a fervent confession of his sins, and an ardent supplication for his people, this enlighten- ment was vouchsafed to him through the angel Gabriel, in the celebrated prophecy of the seventy weeks (ver. 20-27). The powers of the world recede quite out of view. Israel, and the promise of salvation given to it, are the exclusive subject of this revelation ; for it was natural, if not necessary, that the fulfil- ment of these promises, according to the previous predictions of the prophet, should be expected after the end of the captivity. THE IMMEDIATE FUTURE OF THE MESSIAH. G7 And thus this prophecy, which we shall afterwards consider minutely, refers to the redemption, and to the Person who brings it, the Messiah. It announces that His coming will not be imme- diately after the captivity ; but that, dating from the restoration and the rebuilding of Jerusalem, seven times seventy years must yet elapse. Nor would He even then come in His glory, as Daniel might have been led to expect, from the language of the earlier prophets, or even from the revelation he had himself received (chap. vii.). He would be put to death ; but thereby He would work out the atonement for sin, and confirm the cove- nant with many. The people of Israel, however, would, as a nation, reject Him, and then be itself rejected, and Jerusalem, with its temple, would be destroyed, and remain a desolation, till the consummation determined by God. The first part of Daniel exhibited the final victory of tJie Messianic kingdom over all the powers of the world ; the second predicted the heavy calamities and temptations which the powers of the world threatened to Israel in the more immediate future ; to complete the picture, the prophet received disclosures when and how salvation was to appear in that future. The first part treats of the last days, in which the coming of the Messianic kingdom coincides with the downfall of the hostile world-power ; both these events are, consequently and necessarily, viewed together in one vision, as well in the seventh chapter as in the second. This cannot be the case in the prophecy of the more immediate future. The first coming of Christ in the flesh is not imme- diately connected with the appearance of Antiochus Epiphanes : the two events, therefore, are kept separate in the prophecy. For we shall see, subsequently, that it is wrong to interpret the announcement of the resurrection (xii. 2, 3), as implying that the angel predicted that the dawn of the Messianic kingdom would immediately succeed the death of Antiochus. The Messianic prophecy of the ninth chapter, takes its independent place be- tween the two visions that refer to the Old Testament Antichrist, as a word of comfort for " the wise." But there were no more G8 DANIEL AND THE PROPHECY OF CHAP. IX. special disclosures required for the time between Antiochus and Clii'ist. For, during that period, there occurred no trial like that prepai'cd through Epiphanes. On the contrary, the Maccabean reaction against the tyrant kindled anew the zeal of the people for tlie religion of their fathers ; and history teaches us, that from that time the Jews adhered to the law with ever increasing tenacity. Christ and Antichrist, as they are the theme of the first, so they are also the theme of the second part of the book. It is difficult for us to decide how far the prophet had a clenr and distinct consciousness of the relation the Messianic prophec y of the ninth chapter bears to that of the second, both as to the time and nature of their contents ; whether he saw clearly the relation between the atoning death and sacrifice of the Messiah and Ilia glorious coming from heaven ; whether he discerned the relation, bound up in this, between the destruction of Jeru- salem (by the Romans), and the future universal rule of the people of God. But this does not affect the matter. For the words of the apostle Peter, which were probably written with direct allusion to Dan. xii. 8, etc. (1 Pet. i. 10-12), refer to our prophet more than to any other.^ > It is Daniel who prophesies of the sufferings of the Messiah, as well as of the glories to follow ; it is Daniel who prophesies, not for himself, but for the generations that come after him. It is Daniel who, more than any other prophet, had to search and inquire to what time, or to what manner of time, the spirit of the Messiah within him pointed. We may easily and safely conjecture, that the prophet thought much about the mighty contrast which the two prophe- cies unveiled to him, both as to the future of the Messiah and of his nation. We may regard as traces of such reflection, pas- sages like X. 2, xii. 8. But what, in this respect, may not have been fully granted to Daniel, we find revealed even in the Oid Testament and witli comparative clearness by Zechariah. This prophet, to whom it was given to gather together the rich 1 Comp. Ilengstcnberg, Beitr., p. 27"3. DANIEL AND ZECHARIAH. C9 harvest of all previous prophecy, unfolds before our eyes the picture of the INIessiah in His different aspects, in such a way that we see that " the contrast between the suffering and the glory, the first and the second coming of Christ, was distinctly appre- hended by his mind."^ And in this we see additional and corroboratory proof that Zechariah was acquainted with the prophecies of Daniel, an acquaintance, of which in a previous page, we traced such vestiges as can hardly be mistaken. ' J. P. Lange. Positive Dogmatik, p. 688. CHAPTER III. THE APOCALYPTIC FORM OF PROPHECY. I. THE OBJECT OF APOCALYPTIC PROPHECY. I. IN GENERAL. What has been already said may suffice, in the meantime, as to the contents of the book of Daniel. We trust we have shown that, in all their parts, they spring naturally and necessarily from the position in which the captivity stands to the rest of the history of revelation. The foi-7n of the prophecy is also inti- mately connected with the historical position. The book of Daniel bears the same relation to the Old Testa- ment, and especially to the prophets, as the Revelation of John to the New, and especially to the prophetic sayings of Christ and His apostles. Daniel is the Apocalypse of the Old Testament. Other books of the Old Testament as well speak of the great Messianic future ; other books of the New Testament as well speak of the second coming, or Parousia of Christ. But, while the other prophets bring only the particular situation of the people of God at the time into tlie light of prophecy, and while tlie apostles give disclosures on special eschatological points, as the wants and necessities of their readers demand them ; Daniel and the Revelation of St John are not so much called forth by a temporary want, and given for a special end, but they have the more general aim of serving as prophetic lamps to the congrega- tion of God in those times, in Avhicli there is no revelation, and in which the church is given into the hands of the Gentiles (Kaipo\ e'dvwv Luke xxi. 24). We have thus recognized Daniel as the DANIEL AND ST JOHN. 71 light which was sent for the comfort of those who were " wise," to lighten the darkness of the half raillenniura, from the captivity till Christ and the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans. And, in like manner, the Apocalypse of John was given to the saints of the new covenant, as a guiding star, to lead them on their pil- grim's journey through the world, from the first coming of Christ, or rather from the destruction of Jerusalem till His second coming, when He shall establish the kingdom of glory (comp. Tit. ii. 11-13; Rev. i. 7 ; xxii. 17, 20). The last days indeed form also the subject of Daniel's visions (chap. ii. and vii.), and there- fore we must necessarily expect an intimate connection between these chapters and the Apocalypse. But, while Daniel writes for Jews, and from the Old Testament stand-point, John, standing on New Testament ground, writes for Gentile Christians, a dif- ference, rich in consequences, as we shall afterwards have occa- sion to see. Such being the object for which the Apocalyptic books were given, it will easily be seen why there is, strictly speaking, only one Apocalypse in each Testament, though there are many prophets in the Old, and many prophetical disclosures in the New. There are two great periods of revelation, that of the Old, and that of the New Testament. And each of these is followed by a period without revelation ; that which succeeded the exile, and that which succeeded the apostles (the Church-historical period). The Apocalyptic books are the two lights which shine out of the former periods into the latter. And hence, each Apocalypse is among the latest works of its respective canon ; it is written at a time when revelation, about to lapse into silence, gathers once more its whole strength into a final effort. We are taught this by the very name Apocalyptic. It is an dnoKaXvyjns (Rev. i. 1), a revelation in a peculiar emphatic sense, needed for the times without revelation ; a guiding-star in the times of the Gentiles. There are two other features which must bo viewed in this connection. Whilst our books stand isolated in the canon, they 72 DANIEL AND ST JOPIN . have found the more apocryphal imitations; e.g., the Jewish and Christian Sybillines, the book Henoch, the fourth book of Ezra, the Anabatikon of Isaiah, etc. It is not to be wondered at that the times without revelation, but which bore, nevertheless, the fresh impress of revelation, should, in their desire of imitation, choose, with especial partiality, that portion of sacred literature of which they themselves formed the subject, and this the more, that they found here the most concentrated and wonderful form of that supernatural revelation whose loss they so painfully felt. The other phenomenon may be as easily explained. In a later period which, separated from revelation by length of time, no longer possesses a lively and inward understanding of it, criticism chiefly attacks the Apocalyptic books just because they are the most wonderful products of the spirit of revelation. For, as the critical misunderstanding of revelation consists chiefly in this, that the boundary-line between the canonical and the apocryphal is destroyed, and revealed history degraded to the level of pro- fane history, so we will find this true of the special case of the apocryphal books, and the want of a spiritual (pneumatic) under- standing of the canonical Apocalypses will manifest itself chiefly in the loss of the power of discriminating them from the apocry- phal, and in the rude effacement of the sacred and well-defined line of demarcation which separates divine inspiration from human invention. And this is what happened in modern times. Nor can we be astonished to meet such a method on apocalyptic ground, more than elsewhere, a method which must, in all strict- ness, be designated as unhistorical and uncritical, because it is incapable of viewing the historic forms in their individual and well-defined character, and, therefore, confuses them without reasonable discrimination. It is not without significance that the Revelation of John closes the New Testament. Such books are written only for those who have apprehended by faith, and spiritual understanding, the sum of what is taught in the rest of the divine word. Tliey are full ot stumbling-blocks to the common reader. The Apocalyptic DANIEL AND ST JOHN. 73 books are not for us so long as we are satisfied and rich in the world, so long as we do not yearn, with our inmost soul, after the more perfect, yea, after the personal coming of the Lord Himself. (Rev. xxii. 17, 20.) Only the Lamb that was slain could open the book with the seven seals ; none can read its mysteries but be to whom the world is crucified. (Rev. v. 1, etc.) Daniel and John fell to the ground in holy trembling and humble adoration, when these most intimate revelations were vouchsafed to them from the upper sanctuary ; nor is there any other way by which to enter into the understanding of the sacred pro- phecy. (Dan. viii. 17 ; x. 8, etc. ; Rev. xix. 10 ; xxii. 8.) This is the plain declaration of both books. They are particular to remark, that to penetrate their meaning requires not only a reli- gious frame of mind in general, but a special sanctification, purification, and trial of our stedfastness, chiefly in the heat of temptation and persecution. John, therefore, styles himself, in the title of his book, not only brother, but companion in tribu- lation, and in the kingdom and patience of Jesus Christ (Dan. xii. 10 ; Rev. i. 9). The times of the Gentiles ai-e altogether times of affliction, during wliich the servants wait for their Master (Dan. ix. 25 ; Luke xii. 35, etc. ; 1 Thess. i. 10 ; Phil, iii. 20) ; and this affliction will reach its highest point in the last troublous time. It is for this period and its precursors, that the Apocalyptic books were given ; it is then only that the seals will be fully unloosed, and the veil fully removed. And though the prophecy of John was not to be sealed like that of Daniel, since it was given in the New Testament time, and, as may be said, in the beginning of the last days, yet, notwithstanding, it guards with the greater emphasis against every misconception, and repeatedly asserts, that patience, and faith, and a mind that hath wisdom, are needful in him who would understand it (Dan. viii. 26; xii. 4, 9 ; Rev. xxii. 10, 18; xiii. 10, 18; xiv. 12 ; xvii. 9). We must, therefore, expect that but a very im- perfect appreciation of the book can be obtained in ordinary times, and by the application of ordinary means, and that those 74 PECULIARITY OF APOCALYPTIC BOOKS. who are careless a.bout considering the fundamental laws, and fulfilling the fundamental conditions which these books afford for their own interpretation, must necessarily abuse the gift thus vouchsafed to the Church. From the position and office of the Apocalyptic writings, we will be able to understand the peculiar characteristic differences be- tween their prophecies and those of the other prophets. It is not necessary that, in the times of living revelation, when one prophet is succeeded by another, and one apostle's doctrines complemented by another, so much should be condensed into one book. But the Apocalyptic books, in order to fulfil their proper object, and tothrow prophetic lighten the relation between the world and the kingdom of God for the benefit of the times that are destitute of immediate revelation, must both give a general view of the whole and enter into detailed description. And this can be effected only when God, who rules the whole course of the world's history, grants more special disclosures of the future than are usual in prophecy. The first-mentioned peculiarity of the Apocalyptic books, viz., the universal character of their survey, appears in the fact that they are resumes, divine compendia of the entire body of pro- phecy contained in their respective Testaments. In the Revela- tion of John, we find the scattered fragments of eschatological disclosures which occur in the discourses of our Lord and the writings of His apostles, gathered together into an organic unity ; so much so, that it is from it we learn to give the other separate passages their proper place in the development of the whole. It is in John, for instance, that a clear distinction is made be- tween the coming of Christ to found His kingdom (of a thousand years) on earth, and His coming to judge the world ; while the gospels and epistles contain many passages in which it may be doubtful to which advent they refer, or whether both are viewed simultaneously. Here we must remark, however, that commen- tators have hitherto been guilty of much error and neglect on this point, because, not recognising the pre-eminence and signi- ficance of the idea of God's kingdom on earth as preceding the PECULIARITY OF APOCALYPTIC BOOKS. 75 final consummation, an importance which it has in the teaching of Christ and His apostles, they have referred everything to the last judgment. In like manner, Daniel sums up all the essen- tial data of Old Testament eschatology, i.e., Messianic prophecy. And, as in the Revelation of John, the diflFerence between the second and third coming of the Lord appears with unambiguous clearness, so our prophet is the first who draws a plain distinc- tion between the first coming of the Messiah in the flesh and His second coming in glory. Nor is it merely the Messiah's coming, but also the course of the world's history up to the time of that coming, which is made the object of more minute revela- tion in the two Apocalyptic books ; while the prophets and apostles view the world-power in its form at the time simul- taneously with its final development, and so proclaim the Mes- sianic time to be nigh at hand. What prophecy sees in one and the same perspective, the Apocalypses separate into its indivi- dual phases and periods. Thus, the four universal monarchies in Daniel are the apocalyptic development of the one world-power which the prophets, according to their historical position, named Assyria or Babylon, etc. ; and thus, also, the Messianic pro- phecy of the ninth chapter is but the separate unfolding of the typical and antitypical salvation, of the temporary deliverance from captivity and the final Messianic deliverance, events which the prophets usually viewed together. In like manner, it must be regarded as one of the objects of the Revelation of John, among others, to proclaim to those Christians who, according to the twenty-fourth chapter of Matthew, expected the coming of Christ to take place contemporaneously with the destruction of Jerusalem, that the end was not come yet, and to afford them an insight into the times of the Gentiles which were to precede it. And this object is easily 'reconcileable with another, that the book was intended to serve, and to which we shall afterwards have occasion to refer. The other peculiarity of the Apocalyptic books in virtue of which they were to serve their appointed purpose, and which is 76 OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT intimately connected with the universality of their survey, is the special character of their prophecies. The Apocalypses give more historical and eschatological detail than prophecy. Con- sequently, we are not astonished that numbers appear more frequently, and that stress is laid on the chronological relations they express. We shall see a remarkable illustration of this peculiarity when we come to consider the seventy prophetic weeks. At present let us turn our attention to a characteristic difference which prevails between the Old Testament and the New Testament Apocalypse. II. THE APOCALYPSES OF THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS CONTRASTED. The people of God, under the Old Covenant, stood the more in need of special prophecy for the period without revelation, as they did not enjoy that consolation vouchsafed to us Chris- tians in the clear views we have of the inheritance that fadeth not away, reserved for us in heaven ; for then the power of death was not yet taken away, nor a personal entrance into the higher world of life and light yet opened to mankind. The Christian congregation, according to its central principle of life, is already transplanted into heavenly places, being taken out of this world. Its heart and treasure, conversation and citizenship, is in heaven with its transfigured Lord, and at the same time the cross of Christ has revealed the true divine light in which to view all the afflictions and temptations of this present time (Eph. ii. 6 ; Phil, iii. 20 ; Col. iii. 1-4 ; and especially 2 Cor. iv. 8-v. 8). In short, to those who are born of God, and are even now partakers of the eternal life, the relation of the present to the future, of the visible world to the invisible, is the reverse of that in which mankind before Christ, including even the Jews, viewed it. For Israel, also, was not yet raised above the elements of the world {(TToix'ia Tov KOTfiov) ', thc sanctuary of the Old Cove- APOCALYPSES CONTRASTED. 77 nant was yet an earthly sanctuary (ayiov Koa-fiiKov. Gal. iv. 3, 9 ; Heb. ix. 1). The eye of Israel could not (and it was ordered that it should not) be directed to the heavenly, but only to the earthly future ; for it was upon earth that He should appear in whom all the preparations and the purposes of God for His people should find their fulfilment. The sum and substance of Old Testament prophecy, therefore, is the doctrine of the king- dom of God upon>earth.^ But, if the heart of Israel was not yet in heaven, it stood the more in need of being armed against the temptations and as- saults of the world ; if, according to the purposes of God, its eye was to be directed to the earthly future, there was the more need that this future, until the appearance of Messiah on the earth, should be disclosed with particular minuteness. The minuteness with which the earthly destiny was foretold had to compensate for the absence of those views of the heavenly glory which prevails in the Old Testament. Thus, we find in Daniel, especially in the second part, which relates to the time imme- diately before and immediately after Christ, prophecies of such unusual detail — much more minute than those of John, both as regards the historical facts and the chronological dates. As re- gards the historical point, we consider the revelation of the eleventh chapter concerning the Syro-Egyptian struggles, with their battles, conquests, marriages, etc., to be the most special prophecy in Holy Scripture. Nor are the chronological details less wonderful both of the time of Antiochus and the time of Messiah (viii. 14; xii. 11, 12; ix. 24-27). The latter indicates the details for the entire period up till the fulfilment, even to the year ; the former for the time of the fulfilment itself, even to the day. And here we must notice a further characteristic difference between the Apocalypse of the Old and of the New Testament. Daniel is commanded to seal his visions (viii, 2G ; xii. 4). John ' Comp. Oeliler, VeterisTeit. sententia de rebus post moi tem/uturis, y. iJ4, etc. 78 OLD ^VND NEW TESTAMENT is commanded not to seal them (Rev. xxii. 10); and for this reason, that Daniel is told his prophecy refers to a distant time, and is, therefore, obscure for the future immediately approach- ing ; while John, on the contrary, was informed that the visions he was beholding, were to be speedily fulfilled, that the time was at hand (Rev. i. 1, 3 ; xxii. 6). We would have expected the revei'se, since the visions in the eighth chapter of Daniel, and from the eleventh to the twelfth chapter, where those commands are found, reach no further than to Antiochus Epiphanes.^ We must, therefore, look for some deep and holy reason, especially as Rev. xxii. 10 is manifestly a conscious and intentional con- trast to Daniel. The difference is grounded in the different pur- poses of the two Apocalypses, and we will endeavour, at least, to throw out a few leading thoughts upon it. In accordance with the special character of Old Testament Apocalyptic prophecy, we find that Avherever the fulfilment is not stated with chronological accuracy, as in the ninth chapter, some clue, at least, is given by which we may be led to form a general conception of the period referred to. This was the more necessary, as we know with what eagerness, during the times of afiliction, after the captivity at least, the people in Israel waited for the fulfilment of prophecy (contrast with this e.g. Zeph. i. 12-14), with what anxious impatience they sought after signs of the predicted period. Even the times of Christ and the subse- quent decennia show this. It was the object of prophecy to restrain such premature zeal. The New Testament, on the other hand, is the time of the end and fulfilment (1 Cor. x. 11 ; 1 Peter i. 20 ; Heb. ix. 26) ; and though the times of the Gentile Church may extend over a long period, yet, as the apostle of the Gentiles himself suggests (Rom. xi. 12, 15), they are viewed as rapidly-elapsing inter- ' The time of Antioch is called "the time of the end," Dan. viii. 17-19; 11, 40. (Comp. 12, 4.) But this must not confuse us, for it is the prophetic ex- pression for the time, which as the time of fulfilment is always seen at the end of the prophetic horizon. Coaip. especially Gen. xli.\. 1. Numb, x.xiv. 14. APOCALYPSES CONTRASTED. 79 mediate times in the course of the development of the kingdom which is the object of the prophetic vision, they are days of small things in the divine estimate of events, and it is in refer- ence to them that Peter alludes to the w^ords, a thousand years are with the Lord as one day (2 Peter iii. 8, 9). The Gentile Church, for which John wrote his Revelation, needs the more to be impressed with the shortness of this period, as it is inclined, owing to its Gentile origin, to conform to the world and to forget the coming of the Lord. As the Church of the New Covenant, it is true, it excels that of the Old in that heaven is opened to it in the spirit ; but in the flesh it is yet in the world, and doubly exposed to its temptations, because no longer outwardly separ- ated from it. And, although, owing to its perfection in Christ, it does not require such special predictions as the Old Testament Church, yet, because of the imperfection still cleaving to it in the flesh, it stands in need of being reminded of the transitory char- acter of this present world, and the near approach of the advent of the Lord, an admonition whereby it is comforted in the time of affliction, and roused to watchfulness in the time of slumber and worldliness. The Revelation points, on the one hand, to the coming of Christ as distant, for it shows the succession of the seven seals, trumpets, and vials ;^ on the other hand, it pro- claims, with upraised finger, " Behold, I come quickly." In this it but follows the example of the Saviour Himself, who distinctly said, that His second advent was a remote event, yet notwith- standing, and for that very reason, exhorted to watch and to wait (Matt. xxv. 6, 13, 19 ; Mark xiii. 32-37). 1 Comp. Baur iu his and Zeller's theologische Zahrbiicher, 1852, iv., 444. 80 THE NATURE OF APOCALYPTIC PROPHECY. II. THE NATUEE OP APOCAI.YPTIC PROPHECY. 1. TDE SUBJECTIVE FORM ; THE DUEAM, THE VISION. We may naturally expect that as the Apocalyptic books contain peculiar revelations adapted to a peculiar purpose ; so the mode in which they are communicated to the seers, will differ from the mode usual in other prophecies. We have now to investigate what that peculiar mode is. The name Apocalyptic (in the use of which we are justified by Rev. i. 1), already signifies that the divine communication and revelation are more prominent in the prophet than the human mediation and receptivity ; for (moKoKvy^is (revelation) signifies a divine, — npo(f)r]Teia (prophecy, Weissagung), a human activity. Comp. Dan. ii.22, 23, where it is said of God, that " He revealeth (avros airoKakinrTei, Ixx.) the deep and secret things ; He knoweth what is in the darkness, and the light dwelleth with Him ;" and Eev. i. 1, 2, where the supernatural fact is three- fold. God gave the revelation to Jesus Christ, and He, through His angels, signified it to John for the purpose of further spreading it. All biblical prophecy, of course, is based on divine revelation, so that these two words designate, the one the subjective, the other the objective side of the same thing (see 1 Cor. xiv. 29, 30), and are sometimes used indiscriminately, as wlien John calls his Apocalypse, which is styled "the revelation of Jesus Christ" (Rev. i. 1), "the words of this prophecy" (Rev, i. 3). For this reason, however, a distinction is likewise made between the two expressions, and they are used as two distinct species of the same genus, according as the objective revelation, or the subjec- tive prophetic inspiration, is more prominent. Thus St Paul distinguishes them in 1 Cor. xiv. 6, " either by revelation or by prophecy. The prophet stands in connection with the outer world. He THE PROPHET AND THE APOCALYPTIC. 81 addresses words to the prince and the people, as in the Old Testament, to the congregation, as in the New, words with which the Spirit of God, pervading the human spirit with His mighty influence, supplies him. But whilst the prophet speaks in the Spirit (comp. 1 Cor. xii. 3, eV nvevfxaTi Qeov XaKwv), the apocalyptic seer is m the Spirit, in his whole person (Rev. i. 10 ; iv. 2). The united activity of soul and body which forms tlie link between man and the outer world, recedes altogether into the background, so that St Paul, speaking of such a state from his OAvn experience, can say he does not know whether he was in the body or out of the body (2 Cor. xii. 2, 3). It is the spirit only, that which connects us with God and the invisible Avorld, which is active, or rather recipient, in the apocalyptic state ; for all proper human activity towards God can consist only in I'eceiving. Here, where the object is not so much to influence the immediate contemporaries of the seer, as that the seer may re- ceive disclosures for the benefit of all succeeding generations, he is alone with God, while He reveals Himself, and perceives only what is disclosed to him from above, as the veil which hides the invisible world is drawn from off his spirit (aTro — KaXi;7rreij'). " The heavens were opened," says Ezekiel (i. 1), "-and I saw visions of God." This state is therefore called a trance [ecstasy] (Acts X. 10 ; xi. 5 ; xxii. 17), a being taken out of the relations of earthly life, a being snatched away out of the world and trans- ported into heaven (apTrayrjvai els ovpavov napadeiaou, 2 Cor. xii. 2, 4). And this explains the titles of the apocryphal Apocalypses, such as Ascension, dva^ariKov, dvaXrjTra-is, and the like. For the same reason, the subjective psychological form of the Apocalypse is either the dream — since in dreaming we are taken out of connection with the external world, and introduced into a new world of images and representations — or, in a higher degree, the vision, the sight (das Gesicht). St Paul characteristically places together visions and (in them) revelations of the Lord (2 Cor. xii. 1), " The apocalyptic state, in its lower degree, is of the nature of a dream, and the revelations are imparted to men 82 PROGRESS IN DANIEL. partly in dreams of the night, 8ia Bflmv ovfipuTuv ; in its higher degree, the ecstasy comes on in a waking state, Kaff vnap ; but in both cases it is a state in which earthly consciousness, logical thought and its gnosis, recede into the background, words and conceptions vanish, and the human spirit, overpowered by the divine, loses itself in the contemplation of divine things."^ In the dream or vision a whole history unrolls itself before the irmer eye of man, and hence these psychological forms of revela- tion are specially fitted for the special disclosures which we have seen were necessary for the purposes, the Apocalyptic books have to serve. A beautiful and remarkable progress may be traced in this respect in the book of Daniel. We have already directed the reader's attention to the circumstance, that the interpretation of Nebuchadnezzar's dream was of importance to the pro{)het him- self as a preparatory education. But, in the subsequent revela- tions as well, each forms a preparation for the following, both in form and contents, and thus we are able to trace clearly the gradual steps by which God educated the prophet to be a fit recipient of His disclosures as these became ever more special. When Nebuchadnezzar first dreams, Daniel is simply the inter- preter (chap. ii. and iv.) ; afterwards Daniel himself has a dream, but as yet it is only a vision in a dream of the night (vii. 1, 2) ; this is followed by a vision in the Avaking state (viii. 1-3) ; and finally we see that in the last two revelations (ix. and x.-xii.) the ecstatic state is apparently no longer neces- sary to the prophet, who, now a feeble and trembling old man (x. 8, etc.), is already almost transplanted out of the earthly world. Now, in his usual state, he sees and hears angels speak like men, whilst his companions do not see the appearances from a higher world, and are only seized with terror like as those who accompanied St. Paul to Damascus (ix. 20, etc. ; x. 4, etc. ; comp. Acts ix. 7). It is clear that the progression in the ' Liickeloc. cit. p. 28; comp. also p, 17. SYMBOLISM. 83 form of prophecy corresponds to a similar one in the contents. At fii'st we see only general outlines, sketches which are afterwards filled up with minuteness and circumstantiality. The two last prophecies, the ninth chapter with its chronological, and the eleventh with its historical details, are by far the most special. We do not notice, in the Apocalypse of John, the same progres- sion and variety in the form of revelation as there is in Daniel ; but John received his revelation on one day and in one form (i. 10 ; iv. 2), a form which resembles the highest attained by Daniel, as we find it in the eighth chapter. Those unecstatic visions, or, more properly, auditions, which v^e meet with in Daniel ix.-xii., are without analogy in the Revelation of John ; for the Apocalyptic prophet of the New Testament had not to receive revelations at all so detailed. It is, however, only in accordance with the spirit of the New Testament, that th& re- velation is communicated, not in dreams and visions of the night, as is the case so late as Zechariah, but in the highest form of ecstasy, in waking visions, bright and clear as the day. II. THE OBJECTIVE FORM : SYMBOLISM. Our remarks, hitherto, have reference merely to the subjective form of Apocalyptic prophecy ; we shall now briefly consider the objective, the object of the dream and vision in which the truths of revelation are sensibly embodied in a concrete way, that they may be perceived by the mind's eye of the seer. In prophecy, the Spirit of God, who inspires the human organ of revelation, finds His immediate expression in words ; in the Apocalypse, human language disappears, for the reason given by the apostle (2 Cor. xii. 4) : he " heard unspeakable words, which it is not lawful for a man to utter." A new element appears here which corresponds to the subjective element of seeing, the vision. The prophet's eye, for the Apocalyptic writer is a prophet, in a 84 SYMBOLISM. wide sense, is opened to look into the unseen world, he has in- tercourse with angels ; and as he thus beholds the unseen, he beholds also the future, which appears to him embodied in plastic symbolic shapes, as in a dream, ^ only that these images are not the children of his own fancy, but the product of divine revela- tion adapting itself essentially to our human horizon. Every divine unveiling of truth is at the same time relative, a veiling of truth from profane eyes : one need only be reminded of the parables of Jesus and His own declaration concerning them (Matt. xiii. 10-15). It is so also with the Apocalypses. " Tl:e relation of man to history is not to be destroyed," even by these circumstantial details of the future which it is their peculiar office to communicate. Man is to know the future, and yet not to know it, in order that the events prophesied may be objects both of faith and hope to him, and that he may not see the future as clearly as the past. " The Lord," remarks Preiswerk, " has ahvays represented the events He announced by the prophets in such a manner that they were sufficiently clear for him, who approached with reverence and careful thought, and yet sufficiently dark and veiled as not to limit the freedom of human action. For, if the unchangeable decrees of the Eternal were presented to our eyes in unveiled features, what would become of the responsibility of man, of the free movements of human life, what of courage, and hope, and joy ? Standing opposed to an iron necessity we would be discouraged and paralysed, as we sometimes observe in the case of men who believe in the inevitable fulfilment of a sooth- sayer's predictions about them."^ It is for this reason that the form peculiar to Apocalyptic prophecy is the symbolic, which may be regarded as a parallel to the parabolic form of the dis- courses of our Lord. Symbols as well as parables are holy enigmas to arouse our attention ; they disclose heavenly mysteries to him who is willing to attend and receive instruction ; but ' Comi). Schubert's Symbolik des Traums. 3 Comp. Liicke, p. 40'5. Nitzsch, System fler Chiistl. Lelire. 5th edit. Pp. 87, 92. Preiswerk, loo. cit. p. 209. SYMBOLISM. 8 5 they shut the hardened heart and close the slumbering eyes. The powers which prevail in the course of history are not intro- duced into Apocalyptic prophecy unveiled, but only under certain images of stones, plants (Dan. iv.), beasts, men, and so on, which, like the parables of our Lord, require themselves an exjx>sition. And when angels give us leading views to help us to an understanding of these symbols (Dan. vii. 16, etc.; viii. 19, etc. ; Rev. xvii. 1, etc., 7, etc. ; xxi. 9, etc.), these do not purport, as has been already remarked, to be complete interpre- tations, but only finger-posts and hints to aid our faith in its investigation, and so they are of such a nature as to leave pro- phecy an object of faith and investigation, even in the time of its approaching fulfilment. For since they are intended to be intelligible only to the wise, they would frustrate their object if a clear interpretation were annexed. And how perfectly this end has been achieved, the partial obscurity, namely, arising from the symbolic form, is most evident from this, that in our own times no questions in exegesis meet with such different answers as those concerning the Apocalypses ; that, in reference to Daniel, there are two views prevalent, diametrically opposed to each other, while, after innumerable interpretations of the Revelation of John, we are yet seeking for the correct one, and only gradually and slowly finding our way to it by the light of the progress of its fulfilment. As the subjective form of Apocalyptic prophecy is the vision, the corresponding objective form is the symbolic. There remains- yet much to be done for the elucidation of Apocalyptic sym- bolism, especially that of the Revelation, Avhere, as is generally known, it is not easy to decide between w^hat is symbolical and what purely literal. And here it is important to distinguish between the invisible, but now already existing in heaven, and the future, "what is and what shall be hereafter" (Rev, i. 19). It is natural that the future should be represented in .symbols, though even here there remain some obscurities ; but where, as in Rev. iv. and v., the real passes into the symbolical, a more 86 SYMBOLISM. minute examination is necessary. In this investigation it is necessary to consider the sum total of philological and exegetical results which liave been gathered from the study of Holy Scrip- ture, and of prophecy in particular. Nor ought analogies, which lie beyond the sphere of the Bible, to be neglected, though they must be kept carefully separate and be clearly placed in a secondary position. This alone is the true historical and critical method of investigation. What is biblical is from above ; what is extra-biblical is from below : however they may resemble each other outwardly, this essential difference separates them. We attempted to throw light on the symbolism of men and beasts which occur in Daniel, from this point of view ; and in the same spirit we shall consider the symbolical figures of the Revelation of John, as far as they offer parallels to those of Daniel. It is only thus that the interpretation can be founded on clear, firm principles, and that an end can be put to the arbitrariness which has been heretofore so prevalent. The sym- bols of the Revelation of John may also be classified into symbols in human and symbols in bestial shape. W^e have, on the one side, the two beasts and the dragon, on the other, the woman and the whore. We are already familiar with the bestial nature from Daniel, but we shall have to notice the peculiar modification with which this symbolism occurs in the Revelation. On the other hand, the shapes of the woman and the harlot, which correspond to the Son of Man in Daniel, are new. Here also we must treat of the difference between the male and the female, and therefore we shall have to investigate what Holy Scripture, and especially prophecy, intends to desig- nate by woman and by whoredom. Any one at all acquainted with biblical language Avill at once reply : The woman signifies the Church, and whoredom, her unfaithfulness to her divine Lord and husband. This, according to our opinion, is a simple and decisive interpretation of these two symbols, and places the passage about the two witnesses (Rev. xi.), which however, does not fall within our province, in its true light. SYMBOLS AND PARABLES. 87 In the symbol, as well as in the parable, the lower is used as a picture and sign of the higher, the natural as a means of re- presenting the spiritual. All nature becomes living ; it is a revelation of God and of the divine mysteries and laws of life in a lower sphere, as much as the kingdom of heaven is in a higher. There is a deep fundamental harmony and parallelism between the two grand spheres of cosmic being, that of nature and that of spirit ; or, as the latter is twofold, both psychical and spiritual, between the three kingdoms of nature, history, and revelation. It is on this correspondence that symbolism and parabolism are grounded. The selection of symbols and parables in Scripture, therefore, is not arbitrary, but is based on an insight into the essence of things. The woman could never represent the king- dom of the world, nor the beast the church ; but, as we found that the essential nature of the kingdoms of the world is bestiality, so we shall find, in the nature of the woman, the reason why it is used as the symbol of the Church. To obtain an insight into the symbols and parables of Holy Scripture, nature, that second, or rather first, book of God, must be opened as well as the Bible.^ Having thus considered the intimate relation between ' Comp. A. Bram Blicke in die "Weltgeschiclite und ihren Plan. Strass- burg, 1835, p. 16 : " Though there are many regions and gradations of created beings, yet the Divine will has established the same fundamental laws in all of them. Thus, there is only one Word of God, who worketh in the world of Nature and Spirit ; for example, except a corn of wheat fall into the ground and die, except the external parts are dissolved, it cannot bring forth fruit ; and, in like manner, every new spiritual life and progress must be preceded by a dying, a denying of the subordinate, and much more of the inordinate and sinful. (Comp. John 12, 2-i.) The knowledge of Nature is propsedentic to that of tlie Bible, and discloses to our eye its deepest meaning. We do not know and perceive in the be;;inning, the deep truth and inward harmony which pervades the Divine Word, because we live too little in the atmosphere of this essential truth and reality ; only, after we have learned to believe the true God upon His simple word, we awake gradually to a sense and understanding of this characteristic of the Bible. But when once we have gained an insight into this truth, we feel how unspeakably true are the symbolic language and parables of the Bible ; we are struck by the frequency with which the Bible speaks of certain beings and phenomena; we begin to trace from the spiritual interpretation which the word gives to phenomena in the world of Nature and 88 SYMBOLS AND TAEABLES. symbolism and parabolism, let us now inquire into their charac- teristic difference. Their starting-point and direction are mutu- ally opposed. Jesus, coming down from heaven, seeks, in His parables, to clothe divine things in an earthly di'ess, and thus to introduce them into the very heart of human life. The parables are, so to say, a parable of Christ Himself. As in Him God became flesh, so He clothed the mysteries of God's kingdom in the events of human and natural life. For this reason, He starts from the daily wonted life of man, and selects out of it events, actions, and stories, that He may make them the memorials of things eternal. The Apocalyptic seer, on the other hand, looks from below upwards. He does not speak to the people ; he speaks for the wise and prudent. His object is not so much to imprint the spiritual in the natural, as to fashion of the natural a transparent garment for the spirtual. The earthly is viewed not so much in its positive as in its negative relation to the heavenly. Hence, individual shapes, and not connected acts, become the expression of the spiritual idea ; symbolism is not so much at home on earth as parabolism. The actions which are introduced in symbolism, are limited to the most general out- lines : e.g., the ram overcomes the he-goat, the dragon perse- cutes the woman, the beast with its horns hates and devours the whore. Nor do the shapes themselves retain their simple natural attributes, but in their symbolical meaning are charac- terised by special additions and combinations ; the lion receives the wings of an eagle, the leopard four heads, another beast ten horns, the woman is clothed with the sun, etc. Thus there is as intimate a connection between the symbolic form and the con- tents and spirit of Apocalyptic prophecy, as between the para- bolic form and the person of Christ. Tlie parables correspond to the first appearance of Christ in the flesh for the salvation of the world ; the Apocalypses refer chiefly to His second coming to judgment, and they show how all that is natural must die, in of man, an inward connection, hidden order and laws, thus disclosing to us, as it were, a new spiritual world." SYMBOLISM. 89 order that the glory of the true essential spiritual life may burst forth. It is thus that, in the Apocalypses, the natural proves in- adequate to express the spiritual, and the symbols must modify and enlarge the shapes offered in nature, while the parables give prominence to the divine element, which is couched and expressed in the natural phenomena as such. If we apply these general remarks to Daniel, we perceive that his last two revelations are a partial exception also in this respect. They were received, not in an ecstatic, but in an ordinaiy state ; and thus the words have more prominence than the symbolic shapes, yet not as ordinarily the words of the prophet, but words out of the invisible world, words of an angel. " When Daniel was younger, he saw the future in images which needed to be explained ; but when he was old, the angels revealed in common language, as one relates a narrative."^ It is- now possible, to bear the words which are otherwise " unutterable," and in this narration of future things, coming from a heavenly world, they are revealed in their reality, and without their symbolic dress ; even the most minute disclosures are now possible. We find here applied to an entire series of future events, the same mode of revelation which we meet elsewhere only in connection with some leading events in the kingdom of God {e.g.., the prophecy of the birth of Christ and of His forerunner). Yea, the same angel Gabriel who announces to Mary the birth of the Messiah, predicts His advent more than five hundred years before, and with the nicest chronological accuracy. It is as if divine revelation wished to show, on this the summit of Old Testament prophecy, how that she from her holy height can mould that highest form of prophecy which borders on prediction, yet does not overstep the boundary. For even in these words, care has been taken to veil the prophecy relatively, as we have shown above, in regard to the eleventh chapter, and shall have occasion to show, more fully, in regard to the ninth. ' Roos, Daniel als ein reclitscliaffener Hofmann. 2d eJit. Stuttgart, 1779 ; cited in liis Fusstapfen des Glaubens Abrahams, Tiibingen, 1838, p. 394. 90 THEOPHANY, PROPHECT, APOCALYPSE. This mode of prophecy, the Apocalyptic, though altogether new, did not appear without being prepared by the earlier pro- phets, as has been already shown, and only reached its full deve- lopment in Daniel, who exerted, in this formal respect also, an inllueuce on Zechariah, as is evident from the first six chapters of that prophet. There are, as may be expected, many points of transition andconnecting links between prophecy and Apocalypses, Avhich, however, we cannot consider at present. AVc have now only to point out, that the progress of the development of reve- lation, both in the Old and New Testament, finds its consumma- tion in the Apocalyptic prophets. In the patriarchal, and even in the Mosaic period, the invisible world, God and the angels, came down outwardly and visibly to the earth. Among the prophets, the inward character of revelation is more prominent. But the consummation is, that now the prophet looks up from earth into the unseen world, and that there the images of the future are shown to him by angels' hands, and explained to him by angels' tongues. Theophany is the first form of Old Testa- ment revelation, Prophecy, the second, and the Apocalypse, the third and final. In the New Testament there is a parallel pro- gression ; first, the coming of God in the flesh, then the spiritual activity of the apostles, lastly, the Apocalypse ; a progression which, while inward, yet expresses itself also outwardly in the three parts of the New Testament canon, — the Gospels, the Acts of the Apostles and Epistles, the Revelation of John. In both Tes- taments the first form and ground of revelation is objective, and is mediated through God the Son, who reveals Himself visibly to man ; the second is subjective, and is mediated through the Holy Ghost, who inspires man inwardly ; the third is a vision of the Son in His future Advent, procured through the Spirit. Thus, while the Apocalypse is a kind of prophecy, it is yet so peculiar a kind, that in its outward objectivity it has something in common with Theophany or Christophany. It is the higher unity of Theophany and Prophecy, of manifestation and in- spii'ation. SECOND PAET. THE SEVENTY WEEKS. DAN. IX. We turn now to the separate consideration of those chapters of Daniel, the exegesis of which decides, as has been shown at the close of the introduction, the whole question which criticism has raised concerning our book. If we are successful in showing that the modern views of these chapters are untenable, we have gained so powerful a testimony to the genuineness of the book, as to leave scarce any weight to the remaining arguments of our opponents. We begin the series with the ninth chapter, because the sub- ject of this prophecy is a period which has long since elapsed, while the second and seventh chapters refer to an epoch future even to ourselves, and may therefore be more naturally viewed in connection with the Apocalypse of John in the New Testa- ment. We shall first develop the contents of the angelic revela- tion Avhich this chapter records, as it was understood by the Church of Christ in all ages, which was unanimous in regard to the main and essential points, though the opinions concerning minor details offer some diversity. That this was the case i)2 HAVERNICK ON DAN. IX. appears from the following remark with which Hiivernick felt himself justified in concluding a survey of the exegetical history of our passage down to the second half of the last century (Commcntar, pp. 393-395) : — " It was generally conceded, not- withstanding all minor diiferences as to the details of this pro- phecy, that the central meaning of the seventy weeks was to be sought in the life of Christ ; and the diversities in the interpreta- tion of details may all be reduced to those that How from three sources, a diiference in the starting-point, a difference in the chronology of the life of Jesus, a difference in the chronological methods selected by the various commentators as a basis." We shall first present our own view of the chapter, and then proceed to criticise the modern expositions. A detailed philo- logical exposition does not lie within the sphere of our proposed task, and we therefore refer the reader for information in this respect to Hengstenberg's Christology of the Old Testament (ii. pp. 401-581), as well as to the Commentary of Haveruick. CHAPTER I. TfiE MESSIANIC VIEW TAKEN BY THE CHURCH. I. THE PROPHECY IN ITS CONTEXT AND CONTENTS. Our chapter places us in the first year of Darius the Mede. If, as is still more probable, we are to understand by this Darius, Cyaxares II., in whose name his nephew, son-in-law, and suc- cessor, Cyrus, as commander-in-chief of the entire Medo-Persian army, conquered Babylon, 538 B.C., then the date of our chapter would fall about the year 537 B.C., nearly a year before Cyrus gave the Jews permission to return from their exile, and sixty^ nine years after Daniel had been carried away to Babylon at the commencement of the captivity, GOG B.C. We can easily understand why the pious Israelite, who so sin- cerely loved and clung to Jehovah and his nation, should feel him- self moved at this time to make the prophecy of Jeremiah concern- ing the seventy years, which were to witness the desolations of Jerusalem, the object of his investigation and earnest reflection. But he investigated the Scriptures with prayer. He poured out his heart in ardent supplication before the God of the Covenant, and cried to Him to vouchsafe His mercy to the people who were called by His name, and to restore the sanctuary and the city. This is one of those biblical prayers where we feel that it is not by human exposition that we can enter into its meaning, depth, and significance, but that the words must explain them- selves in our own hearts. Daniel, the just and faithful servant of God, enters so deeply into the guilt and sin of his people, in 'Ji DANIEL A TYPE. the consciousness of his priesthood he identifies himself so entirely with it, he repents so heartily in the name of all Israel, that we feel here a presentiment, as it were, of what happened in the inner sanctuary of the atoning suhstitution, and our view is home aloft from the chamber of Daniel to the prayerful sacrifice of Geth- semane and Golgotha. As we have seen above that, in general, the prophet's own life forms the typical substratum for his pro- phecy, so also in this particular case his own experience forms the typical starting-point of the prophecy concerning the perfect atonement for sin. In this prayer of repentance, Daniel is a type of that highest Priest who was to be cut off (ver. 26), and should thereby cause the sacrifice and the oblation to cease (ver. 27), because He Himself has made i-econciliation for iniquity and brought in everlasting righteousness (ver. 24). Daniel was especially prepared to receive this revelation of the New Testa- ment priesthood, at the very time when he himself had appeared before God in his priestly olfice. And can this prayer, which it is not possible to read without deep emotion in the very heart of hearts, be a cunning deception ? It only shows how much our criticism is devoid of a deep and earnest sense for religious truth and truthfulness, when to such questions it attaches so little importance. Before we proceed to consider the revelation which was vouch- safed to the prophet in answer to his prayer (ver. 24-27), let us remind the reader, first of all, that these four short verses contain angelic language ; they are in the style of the upper sanctuary. Hence it is so difficult for us impure men (Is. vi. 5) to enter into their meaning; and hence there is no interpretation which has completely overcome the difficulties and thrown clear light on the obscurities in this angelic message. The answer naturally refers to the question, the favour shown to the petition offered ; though the divine answer extends far beyond the human question, and the divine favour transcends all that we can think and pray for. "We must endeavour, there- fore, to enter vividly and fully into the thoughts and feelings Daniel's prayer. 95 which form the basis of Daniel's prayer, in order to understand as far as possible the words of the angel. Daniel prays for the liberation of Israel, and for the rebuild- ing of the city and the sanctuary. He prays for this manifestly in view of those great promises, whose fulfilment was connected with this event. For in all the prophets, especially in Jeremiah, who is more especially present to his mind (Jer. xxxi.), the fulfilment of the Messianic hope was inseparably connected with this restoration.^ The revelation which Daniel himself had received in the second and seventh chapters, showed him doubt- less that the Messianic kingdom was not so immediately near, in its glory at least, since but one of the four universal monarchies had passed away. But this made it the more necessary that some explanation should be granted him concerning the prophe- cies of the earlier prophets, in whom he saw an intimate connec- tion between the deliverance from captivity and the Messianic salvation. The revelation now vouchsafed to him has for its purpose to analyse into its successive parts that which the pro- phets, according to the law of prophetical perspective, have hitherto seen together in one, viz. the redemption from captivity, and the full Messianic redemption. It had indeed occurred more than once in the Old Testament, that there were relative fulfilments of earlier prophecies, and that it became necessary to warn the people not to trace in them the highest and absolute fulfilment. The pious servants of God under the Old Covenant, who longed for the consolation of Israel, and who, like Noah's father (Gen. v. 29), hoped many a time that now the Comforter of their afHictions was nigh at hand, have to wait from age to age, and to view the preceding fulfilments only as pledges and earnests of the coming of Him whom they desired so earnestly to ' Comp. J. Chr. K. Hofmann die 70 Jalire des Jeremiah u. die 70 Jahr- wochen des Daniel. Niirnberg, 183G, p. 60, comp. Heim and W. Hoffmann, grossen Proplieten, erbaulicli aus gelegt aus den Schriften der Reformatoren, p. 864. Hess Geschichte der Regenten Juda uach dem Exil. Tubingen, 1792, p. 191. 96 THE angel's answer. see (Matt. xiii. 17); just like those Christians who believe the coming of their Lord to be near, but are ever expected to con- tinue waiting. Thus David comes as a relative fulfilment of the older promises, but Nathan the prophet was sent to announce to him that he was not to build a house to God, for that God would build a house to him, and that his seed was destined to be the mediator of Jehovah's true dwelling among His people (2 Sam. vii.). In like manner in our prophecy — and we know that this is in accoi'dance with the essential characteristic of the Apocalyptic — Daniel receives the intimation of a long period of seventy prophetic weeks instead of seventy years, at the end of which the expected salvation would come ; and thus the time is indicated which would elapse between the nearer and relative fulfilment, and the further and absolute, from the issuing forth of the commandment to restore and to build Jerusalem, till the time of the Messiah. As the Lord answered Peter's ques- tion, "Is it enough that I forgive my brother seven times?" with, " Not seven times, but seventy times seven" (Matt, xviii. 21, etc.) ; so the angel here answers Daniel, not seventy years, but " seven times seventy years are determined upon thy people, and upon thy holy city." His words run thus : — Ver. 24. Seventy weeks are determined vpon thy people, and vpon thy holy city, to Jinish the transgression, and to make an end of sins, and to make reconciliation for iniq^nty, and to bring in everlasting righteousness, and to seal vp the visioti and prophecy, and to anoint the Most Holy. Ver. 25. Know therefore, and understand, that from the going forth of the commandment to restore and to hdld Je^-usalcm, unto the Messiah the Prince, shall be seven veeks, and threescore and two weeks: the street shall be built again, and the ivall {and these only), even in troublous times. Ver. 2G. And after threescore and two iceeks shall Messiah be cut off, but not for himself: and the people of the prince that shall come shall destroy the city and the sanctuary ; and the end {of the THE MESSIAH A SIN OFFERING. 97 sanctuary) thereof shall he with a flood {of tvar), and unto the end there is tvar, desolations are determined {by God). Ver. 27. And he shall confirm the covenant with many for one week : and in the midst of the week he shall cause the sacrifice and the oblation to cease., and for the overspreading of abominations, he shall make it desolate, even zmtil the consummation, and that deter- mined {the curse) shall be poured upon the desolate. The twenty-fourth verse belongs to the most profound and glorious passages in the Old Testament ; and if anywhere these have a Messianic signification, it is here. The angel wishes at first to give the prophet the general impression that his hopes and prayers for the Messiah will be fulfilled in a much later period than he expected. The seventy years of exile were in- deed, as he had confessed in his prayer, a punishment for the sins of the people, yet not a perfect satisfaction for them before God. God would certainly visit Israel with His redeeming mercy, but the full atonement and forgiveness of sin, the eternal and everlasting restoration of the normal state between God and sinners (piS, SiKaioavvr], righteousness), would come only after seventy prophetic weeks. The sacrifice by which this atone- ment for sin would be made is pointed out in the twenty-sixth verse by the expression, n'i3^ (" Messiah shall be cut off"), which reminds us of the sacrifices of animals at the striking of covenants (n''*ii ni3) ; with this also is connected the expression in the twenty-seventh verse, " He shall confirm the covenant with many," nm I''i3ni, and the prophecy, that the sacrifices of the Old Testament, both with and without blood (" sacrifice and oblation"), shall cease. Thus the angel presents to the prophet in these expressions a connected chain, each link of which bears, upholds, and explains the other, and which, taken aggregately, represents the Messiah as the perfect sin-ofi^ering of the covenant, a revelation which Daniel, an earnest investi- gator of Scripture, could find more fully explained in the fifty- third of Isaiah. In this time of salvation, Gabriel continues, not only the 98 TWENTY-FIFTH VERSE. prophecies of Jeremiah, but likewise all visions and prophecies in general will be fulfilled (Luke xvi. IG; 2 Cor. i. 20); and not only will a new sanctuary be dedicated as Daniel prayed, but a most holy place where God would dwell with His people in a peculiar manner (John ii. 19-22). It is not necessary to consider the D>u;Tp iPTp to be masculine, as Luther does: the Most Holy One, although the word, especially when con- nected with m2;)3, refers so distinctly to the Messiah, that this reference has been acknowledged even by Jewish commentators, as Aburbanal, and others. The most prominent thought is this : Even as, and because at that time the perfect sacrifice will be offered as an atonement for sin, the holy presence of God will likewise be perfectly manifested (Ex. xl. 9, 34). For only when sin is altogether taken aw^ay can God be really and perfectly present. And, for this reason, the cover of the ark of the covenant, on which, over the cherubim, Jehovah sat throned in the holy of holies, was, at the same time, the outward symbol of atonement, kot f$oxT]v i^Ckaa-Trjpiov Rom. iii. 25). What is here represented typically would be fulfilled in the Messianic times. Thus the fundamental idea of our verse is, that the seventy years of exile are only a type of the farther seventy prophetic weeks, and that the redemption from captivity at the end of the seventy years is, in like manner, but a feeble type of the full Messianic redemption at the end of these seventy prophetic weeks. The three following verses purpoi't to give a minute description of these seventy weeks, selecting those of their lead- ing events which are of importance in this connection. The general prophecy of the twenty-fifth verse receives the more particular explanation, that the advent of the Messiah would not be immediately after the exile, as Daniel had hoped, and thus coincide with the restoration of the people and the rebuilding of the city ; but that 7 and 62 = 69 prophetic weeks were previously to elapse. Within this time Jerusalem is to be restored and rebuilt, not indeed in that Messianic and divine TWENTY-FIFTH VERSE. 99 splendour as was prophesied, for example, by Isaiah (liv. 11 ; Ix.-lxii.), but only in an earthly, external, and humble manner, with streets and trenches. It will be a troublesome time, better than the exile, but yet by far less rich in grace and salvation than the Messianic time.^ Thus the prophet's eye was turned away from the end of the exile and fixed on the end of the sixty-ninth week as the time of the Messiah's coming. He is not to regard the time preceding that advent ; he is not to set his heart and hope upon it. For the fate of the people and city, which fills him with solicitude, is entirely dependent on the position they will take in reference to the Messiah. And, therefore, in the two following verses, there is such emphatic prominence given to the life and fate of the Messiah, while the fate of the city and sanctuary is mentioned only in the second half of the verses, and in dependent connec- tion with the former. There is here, however, a twofold pro- phecy to be revealed. The Messianic future has a negative as well as a positive side. The Messiah is set for the fall and rising again of many in Israel, and for a sign which shall be spoken against (Luke ii. 34). It is in this twofold aspect, as announcing both salvation and judgment, that the Messianic prophecies are revealed throughout the Old Testament from Joel (iii. 1-5) to Malachi (iii. 1-6; 19-21), even to the aged Simeon and John the Baptist (Luke ii. 29-35 ; iii. 7-18). "We meet this twofold aspect of the facts of salvation in our prophecy also, and with an individual definiteness such as was naturally added by the fixed and distinct reference to the first advent of the Messiah in the tlesh, and to the fate of the people and the city dependent on their reception of Him, and fulfilled in the destruction of Jern- ' Hofmann Schriftbeweis, I. 44, expresses the meaning of our passage, when he says : It was necessary that Jesus should appear among the people of Israel, that among them the perfect communion between man and God should be restored. Hence it was necessary, that the dissolved Jewish polity should be restored again, but only in a manner that would both be sufficient for this par- ticular object, and serve as a type of the perfect restoration of the nation. 100 TWENTY-SIXTH VERSE. salcm by the Romans. The negative aspect is represented in ver. 26, the positive in ver. 27. Ver. 26. The negative aspect is the rejection of the Messiah on the part of Israel. He was killed, and His people esteemed Him not. As a punishment for this crime the city and sanctuary are destroyed by a foreign prince. Jesus Himself, when He was led to the cross, had "felt in His heart," to use an expression of Roos, the causal connection of the two events of His death and the destruction of Jerusalem, and had repeatedly expressed it during the passion-week (Luke xxiii. 28-31 ; Matt. xxi. 37-41 ; xxiii. 37, 38). The last part of the verse gives a more detailed description of the destruction, and of the afflictions that were to precede it. The city and sanctuary are at last overwhelmed by a stormy, frightful deluge of war ; for there is to be war even to the end (comp. Matt. xxiv. 6 : wars and rumours of wars), desolations determined by God upon the land. How this was fulfilled in the Jewish war is well known. These two events, the putting to death of the Messiah, and, in consequence of that, the destruction of the city and the sanctuary, are the points of decision for the people in general in that Mes- .sianic time which began with the close of the sixtj'-ninth week. For this reason they are put in the foreground, and are men- tioned without any more special chronological particulars, than that they were to take place after the sixty-ninth week (the text has it, " after threescore and two weeks ;" for the seven weeks, as they naturally precede the sixty-two, do not need to be mentioned again). Tiie leading idea of the twenty-sixth verse is, therefore, the paramount importance of these two events, and their causal connection, Daniel, and the Israelitish readers of prophecy, would naturally expect that, immediately after the expiration of the sixty- two weeks (ver. 25), the Messiah should establish His kingdom of glory, to which tlie hearts of all Israel were specially directed, and which the prophet had himself beheld in the visions of the second and seventh chapters. In order, from the very outset, to counteract this expectation, which was not to be TWENTY-SIXTH VERSE. 101 fulfilled, Gabriel drops for a moment the chronological connection (to resume it in ver. 27), and inserts here, with the general intima- tion, " after threescore and two weeks," those leading events which were best calculated to rectify that erroneous hope, — the death of the Messiah and the destruction of Jerusalem. It is not hence to be inferred that these two events should coincide exactly with the close of the sixty-second week. We are told, on the con- trary (ver. 25), that the coming of the Messiah was to be at the end of the sixty-second week, which, therefore, could not be marked also by His death. Nay, His death, as we shall see in (ver. 27), is half a week after, and the destruction is much later still. This last event is still indicated in the Messianic time as its negative judicial side, just as Christ Himself represents the destruction of Jerusalem as His Messianic coming (Matt. xvi. 28). The meaning of the angel therefore is : You must give up not only the hope that the Messiah will come immediately after the captivity, but also that other expectation, that immediately after His coming He will establish His kingdom of glory. It will be quite otherwise. Messiah will be put to death by the unbelieving people, and, therefore, they will not attain to glory and power, but, with the city and the sanctuary, will be delivered into the hands of the Gentiles. This is the view vouchsafed to Israel as a people, into the more immediate Messianic future. These remarks will account for the change in the name chosen for the Messiah. He is introduced in ver. 25 as MascMach Nagid {'■'■ the Anointed, the Prince"); in ver. 2G, this complex idea is analysed, and the Messiah is called simply Maschiach, while the appellation Nagid is applied to Titus, the Roman prince who should destroy Jerusalem. All this is characteristic and full of meaning. The best explanation of MascMach Nagid is that of Hofmann,^ that the Maschiach refers to the Messiah as King of Israel, as the Spiritual Prince anointed by the Spirit, while the Nagid refers to Him as King of the Gentiles, ruler of ' Die siebenzig^ Jahre, etc., p. 67. 102 MESSIAH AND NAGID. the world. The passage of Scripture in proof of the first is, Ps. ii. 2 ; of the second, Is. Iv. 4. Daniel, who had (chap, vii.) seen the Son of Man ruling the whole world at the head of His holy people, required to receive this twofold characteristic of the Messiah. But at the death of the Messiah (ver. 2C), it is evident that He is not yet the real actual ruler of the world, the world was then still under the fourth monarchy ; the name Nagid is given, therefore, to its representative. It was the confession of Christ that He was Maschiach (Matt. xxvi. 63, etc. ; comp. John xviii. 33-37), that brought Him to death, and, for this reason, it was written over His cross in literal fulfilment of our prophecy : Jesus of Nazareth, the King of the Jews (Matt, xxvii. 37, 42).^ In some respects EhranTs view of the passage is even more plausible than Ilofmann's. He likewise refers the Nagid to Christ, in favour of which it may be adduced, that Christ Himself, as we have already mentioned, designates the destruc- tion of Jerusalem as His Messianic coming. " The Kedeemer is called the Anointed where His sufferings and rejection by his people are spoken of; He is called the Prince when the judgment w'hich He sends is spoken of; Maschiach denotes His calling and dignity; Nagid., His power and strength. A people sent by this Prince will destroy the city and temple ; this forms the grandest contrast to tb ^>N. He will be cut off and be no more at all, and yet He is the Prince who is to come, and whom all nations of the earth are to obey."'"^ But these two sad events, the violent death of the Messiah, and the destruction of the city and temple, are neither the only nor the last things which the angel has to communicate to the prophet. He can add something positive and joyful. The Messiah brings a week of revelation and salvation, and this is the subject of ver. 27. This time of mercy is not indeed im- proved by the people as a whole — to the people apply the words "lb ^^N1 (ver. 2G) — but yet by many to whom the Messiah ' Luther had the words n'r*; r"r" engraved on one of his table things. 3 Die Off. Joh., p. 70. TWENTY-SEVENTH VERSE. 103 Strengthens and confirms the covenant, while judgment and de- struction are gathering above the rest. By establishing a new- economy, in which the old sacrifices no longer prevail, He brings the faithful into a nearer and firmer covenant relation to God, a thought which was contained already positively in the promises of ver. 24, and negatively in the announcement of the destruction of the sanctuary, ver. 26 ; and we have already re- marked that it was possible for Daniel to have a presentiment of the sacrifice of the New Covenant, through which the Old Testament sacrifices were to cease, when he heard the prophecy of the death of the Messiah (ver. 26). But in the desolated city and the destroyed temple there should remain, the angel con- tinues, a curse, on account of the abominations committed by the unholy people against the Holy One, until the time of consum- mation determined by God. In these last words lay a gleam of hope for the city, and the people in general, especially if Daniel connected them with the earlier revelations he had re- ceived. And thus the prophecy in the ninth chapter concludes, carrying us back, by a slight allusion, to the seventh chapter, where it was revealed to the prophet that, in the time of con- summation, every world-power would be judged, and dominion would be given to the people of the saints of the Most High.^ We annex here some explanatory remarks on this difficult verse. The confirmation of the covenant is also mentioned else- where by the prophets, as a Messianic office. Thus, the Messiah is called (Is. xlii. 6) the Covenant of the people (i.e., He in whom the covenant between Israel and God finds its personal expression;^ comp. Luke xxii. 20: The New Testament in My blood, i.e., in My person offered up as a sacrifice), the Angel of the Covenant (Mai. iii. 1), while in Jer. xxxi. 31, etc., the New Covenant of the Messianic time is described at length. The expression D^i'ib (to many) recalls Is. liii. 11, and the 1 Comp. Ewald, die Propheten des Alten Bundes ii., p. .571. ' Comp. Schmieder on this passage (Das Alte Test, von. O. von Gerlach iv. i., p. US.) 104 TWENTY-SEVENTH VERSE. same word also refers (Dan. xi. 33) to the faithful adherents to the covenant, the conception is equivalent to that of "the remnant," and " the seed," whereof Isaiah and other prophets have spoken, the Xe'tufxa kut (KXoyi)v xaptros (Rom. ix. 27, etc. ; xi. 5, etc.). In the Old Testament these elect are many, but in the New Testament they are few. The first clause of our verse, "//e shall confirm the Covenant with many for one week" is intimately connected with the follow- ing, " And in the midst of the week He shall cause the sacrifice and the oblation to cease." There cannot be a covenant without sacri- fice, as is evident from the very term employed to designate the making of a covenant (n^Ti ma). It was thus the covenant of God with Noah, with Abraham, with the people of Israel, was ratified by the oifering of sacrifice (Gen. viii. 20-ix. 17 ; xv. 9, etc. ; Ex. xxiv. 3-8, comp. Heb, ix. 15, etc. ; and again Luke xxii. 20 : the New Testament in My blood). But here there is a time promised for the confirmation of the covenant, in the midst of which, notwithstanding, all sacrifices should cease ! This could not but appear strange to the prophet, and it was so intended. What did the angel intend to signify by this startling juxtaposition? Evidently this, that the New Covenant would be of a different nature from the Old, and from all previous covenants of God with man. The first clause of the verse re- presents the New Covenant as a continuation of the Old, the second clause points out its contrast to the Old. In his prayer, Daniel's heart turned with holy longing towards the holy mountain (ver. 16), and the temple, with its sacrifices and divine services, which, in Babylon, he so painfully missed. Now Ga- briel, indeed, promises to him the restoration of the city and the sanctuary ; but we know that he is anxious, at the same time, to lead the mind of the prophet away from these preparatory in- stitutions to the time of the perfect salvation. Daniel, and every true Israelite with him, must now rest contented with the out- ward shadows of the sacrifices, which would be restored after the exile, but must wait in faith (npoa8(xofi(vos, Luke ii., 25, 38) THE SACRIFICES. 105 for the time of the promise, when sin should be perfectly atoned, the covenant of God surer than ever, and when, nevertheless, the old sacrifices should have ceased to exist. It is well known that the Psalms and prophets contain clear indications, at an early date, regarding the insufficient character of the sacrifices of the Old Testament. We are more immediately reminded of the profound Messianic passage — Ps. xl. 6—11, which begins, " Sacrifice and offering" (nn3)2l mt) Thou didst not desire" and thence proceeds to proclaim evangelical righteousness (pT2(), thus declaring, in inverted order, the same message as our prophecy, which (ver. 24) promises the restoration of eter- nal righteousness, and then traces it in our verse to the cessa- tion of the sacrifices and oblations. When, therefore, the Levi- tical institutions were approaching their end, and actually ceased, in the exile, the time had come for Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Daniel, to oppose, and with ever-increasing clearness, the eternal spii'itual (pneumatic) nature of the New Cov^enant, to the cosmical sanctuary of the Old. This is done in the prophecy before us in its positive aspect, ver. 24, and in its negative by the announcement of the cessation of sacrifice. Ezek. xi. 19-21; xxxiv. 23, etc. ; xxxvi. 25, etc.; Jer. xxxi. 31, etc.; iii. 16, are all passages where, in analogy with that under con- sideration, it is said, that in the times of the Messiah the ark of the Old Covenant should be remembered no more. Gabriel gives prominence to the sacrifices, because that, like the ark, they are intimately connected with the idea of the Covenant. But there is a special reference intended, which will be pointed out more properly when we speak of the significance of our passage for the time of Antiochus. Our translation of the second part of ver. 27 is as follows : — " A nd on account of the desolating summit of abominations, and till the consummation which is determined, it will pour on the desolated" The cmwn D^JJIpu; ?133 byi, Hengstenberg, and many others, trans- late : '' The destroyer cometh over the summit of abominations." But the following arguments are in favour of connecting D72"ni;)3 106 ^ THE ABOMINATIONS. with r|33, as an adjective, as is done by Evrald and others : — 1. The analogy of DttU'n >>1pu;n (xi. 31 ; comp. xii. 11), im- peratively requires such a connection. 2. It is only thus we avoid the supposition of superfluous repetitions of what is con- tained in ver. 2G. 3. It affords the only justification of the translation /SSeXu/^a rrjs ipr^fiaxreas which is given, not only by the Septuagint, but likewise by our Lord Himself (Matt. xxiv. 15). It is the acme (summit) of the abominations committed by Israel, " which draws down the]desolation, nay, which is the deso- lation itself ;"i and this is entirely in accordance with the principle Avhich Christ applies to this case : " Whei'csoever t/ie carcase is, tliere will the eagles he gathered together" (Matt. xxiv. 28), and still more with the exact analogy of passages like Ezek. vii. 22 (comp. ix. 7), where it is said, with reference to the destruction of Jerusa- lem by Nebuchadnezzar : " My face will I turn also from the?n (the Israelites), and they shall pollute My secret place ; for the Gentile robbers shall enter into it, and defile it." The worship of the people who, according to ver. 26, have, in their unbelief, murdered the Anointed of the Lord, who are only growing more obdurate in their self-righteousness and hardness of heart, who have betaken themselves to serve idols — a people which has so sinned against the Most Holy, is full of &^::ipty» These are the same abomina- tions of whoredom which we meet again in apostate Christendom CRev. xvii, 4, 5). Even Isaiah has already to cry out to godless Israel : ^^ Bring nomorevain oblations ; incense is an abomination unto Me" (Is. 1. 12 ; comp. Jer. vi. 15-21 ; Amos v. 21, etc. ; INIicah vi. 6 ; Ps. li. 18, etc.) ; and Ezekiel had to speak of the D>^"ipTi; of the people, who had broken the covenant, and thus brought upon themselves the judgment of the first destruction of Jeru- ' Stier, on Matthew xxiv. 15 (Sayings of the Lord Jesus ii., 549), comp. Hengstenberg, Christ, ii., 495. Wieseler die 70 Wochen und die G3 Jahrwochen des Propheten Daniel 4, Gottingen 18;39. " The sacrifices of the Jews at that time, Wieseler says in reference to Matt. xxiv. 15 (page 129), are called abomi- nations, not because they were performed according to the heathenish rite, but though the form was strictly Mosaic, yet the spirit of the worshippers was, not devotional, but heathenish. THE ZEALOTS. 107 salem (Ez. v. 5-11 ; xviii. 21). And, in the time when our prophecy was fulfilled, we find parallels, to mention only a few instances, in the rebukes and proclamations of judgment uttered by Jesus over unbelieving Israel (Matt. xxiv. 15), which have distinct reference to this prophecy, and in the sayings of St Stephen and St Paul (Acts vii. 51-53 ; Rom. ii. 22-25 ; 1 Thess. ii. 15, 16). After the crucifixion of the Messiah, abomination was heaped upon abomination, till, shortly before the destruction of Jerusalem, they reached their height — in the devastation of the temple by the Zealots, who were specially meant by the pro- phecy of Jesus, as Eisner already saw, and of whom Josephus says, with evident reference to our passage (bell. Jud. iv. 6, 3) : " They thought that the prophecy against their country Avas approaching its fulfilment ; for it was an old prediction, that the city would be destroyed, and the sanctuary, according to the usages of war, be burned down, when a revolt would break out, and native hands desecrate the temple of God, The Zealots believed this, and offered themselves as the instruments of its fulfilment." The eui to Upou in the common text of the Ixx., which Christ explains more fidly by iv totto) ayim is contained, as may be seen from the instructive parallel passage in Mark (xiii. 14) : oTTov ov Set, not in the word r|aD (which cannot be founded on the accidental analogy of nrepvyiov (Matt. iv. 5) ), but in D^:aip'U;, whicli refers, not only to abominations in general, but to religious abominations, things which polluted the sanctuary ; and for this reason the Ixx. (e.g. Ezek. v. 11), consider that ra aytd fiov ijilavas is a Sufficient translation. As regards the trans- lation of the words, therefore, which have met such difl^^'erent in- terpretations, and especially as regards the difficult expression ']3D, we agree in the main with Ewald, who renders them : On account of the frightful height \ji\imm\i] of abominations. We do not connect them, however, as he does, with the preceding words, whereby he himself feels the difficulty of the i (loc. cit. p. 571), but with those that follow. The byi forms a paral- lellism with the Tjri, which is, for the most part, overlooked: 1 08 TWENTY-SEVENTH VERSE. the one designates the beginning, the laying of a foundation, the other, the consummation, the end of the Divine judgment on Israel. The following words, nifinai nba-Tjri Phil. Matt. Hahn explains thus : " And till the consummation, that is, till what is destined (till the appointed end of the destruction comes, and the promised kingdom of God dawns), it will pour on the desolated (land, citj', and temple)."^ These words are interpreted in our book itself by the expression, yS3 rribaa U'Tp'Dyi^ " when he shall have accomplished to scatter the power of the holy people" (xii. 7). Whether the rrb3 is taken in the sense of niba, consummation, which is mo^t probable (comp. Wieseler, p. 43), or in the sense of yS2 nibD, complete destruc- tion, as most commentators do ; in either case a boundary line of the descending curse is marked, and moreover, is represented as one destined and fixed by God Himself (Ixx. : ewr ti]s avureX- eias Kaipoii). It is necessary, that to fulfil its whole aim, and to correspond to its whole context, the prophecy should conclude with a gleam of hope for Israel, and not with a picture of terrors (comp. "Wieseler, p. 48). The impersonal -jnn must be taken in connection with ver. 11, where Daniel had prayed : " there/ore the curse is poured upon us, and the oath that is written in the law of Moses ;" and thus, in these last words, we can see a connection between the revelation of the angel and the supplica- tion of the prophet. This view alone enables us to do away with the supposition, that the second half of ver. 27 is a mere repetition, and to per- ceive in, it, on the conti-ary, a progress from the second half of ver. 2Q. In the one the destruction of the city and sanctuary is prophesied, in the other the continuance of its desolation to the time determined by God. Thus we perceive a clear and simple relation between the twenty-sixth and twenty-seventh verses. The first clause in each speaks of the Messiah, the second of the ' Vermischte Theologische Schriften of an Anonymous Student of Scripture. Winterthur, 1779, vol. ii., 329. See Roos, 52. SURVEY OF THE WHOLE PROPHECY. 1 09 city and the sanctuary. The twenty-sixth verse pictures the dark side of the Messiah's history, His murder by the unbeliev- ing people, and the night that, on account of this crime, falls over them, through the destruction of Jerusalem. The twenty- seventh verse describes the bright side in the Messiah's his- tory, the salvation which He works out, the new covenant which He founds. In harmony with this, a corresponding light cannot be immediately brought in on the city and sanctuary, but the curse which is still hanging over them must be emphatically mentioned (" it will pour on ike desolated"). And in order to bring the reasons for this clearly before us, the sins of the ])eople (" on account of the desolating summit of abominations") are once more placed in juxtaposition with the blessed work of the Messiah, which is appropriated by many individuals. But even here the angel is permitted to point out that this night of judg- ment will come to an end (" till the consummation tvliich is deter- mined"), and that after it is past a new morning will dawn on the people of God. Finally, to take a brief survey of the entire prophecy, the prophet has indeed received strength and consolation only for the near future, which was the special object of his intercessory prayer. It is true that Jerusalem will be rebuilt, and that the people will be permitted to return from the captivity; but this restoration is merely temporary, and is succeeded by many cen- turies of affliction. For the more distant future, Daniel receives, on the one hand, a consolatory disclosure concerning the appear- ance of the Messiah, who brings unto many the full salvation of the new covenant ; but, on the other hand, disclosures concerning the destruction of the city and the sanctuary, because Israel rejects its Messiah, and which must affect him deeply and pain- fully. The restoration of Jerusalem will not, therefore, be of long continuance, but on the contrary, a new exile is to be expected. Yet, for the far distant time, the angel does not leave the prophet without a ray of hope for Israel and Jerusalem. Thus he received in some measure the consolation he had sousht no THE TERMINUS A QUO. in his prayer regarding the future of his people. Gabriel begins the twenty-fourth verse with exceedingly precious promises, and from behind the dark clouds of night which cover the horizon, a glimmering ray of light shines through in blessed presenti- ment. II. THE CHRONOLOGICAJL BOUNDAEIES. I. THE TERMINUS A QUO OF THE SEVENTY WEEKS. EZU.4. AND NEHEMIAH. "We have thus traced the connection of the thoughts in our prophecy. In its chief points it is as grand as it is simple. The words of the angel stand in such beautiful and natural connection with the prayer of Daniel and with each other, that we would have been inclined to take the view we have adopted, even if the calculation of the seventy prophetic weeks, or 490 years, presented greater difficulties in the exposition of the details, than is really the case. For this is the peculiarity of our pro- phecy, that it has also a chronological aspect, which, now that we have considered the general import of the angel's message, demands our investigation and calculation. The first point to be considered is naturally the terminus a quo, from which to calculate the 490 years. We might expect that ver. 25 would mention, as such, the termination of the seventy years of Jeremiah, or the return of the people from the captivity, or perhaps the rebuilding of the sanctuary, but, as the whole chapter took its starting-point from the " desolations of Jeru- salem" (ver. 2), as it was for the restoration of the city that Daniel lifted up his heart in earnest supplication (ver. 16, 18, 19), so the time from which we have to calculate the prophecy, is " the going forth of the commandment to restore and to huild Jeru- salem." Let us first examine Avhat is to be understood by " the going forth of the commandment," and afterwards, what is meant by " the restoration and building of Jerusalem." THE GOING FORTH OF THE COMMAND. Ill When the angel says "in N^n, we must understand by it, in common with almost all modern interpreters, the going forth of a divine decree in analogy, with the *iiT N^f* of ver. 23, but not, however, a prophet's word, as most suppose. This very parallel in the twenty-third verse is against such an interpreta- tion. For this verse speaks not of a revelation vouchsafed to a prophet, but a decree made known by God at present only to the angels. The angels must afterwards accomplish what is necessary ; and Gabriel, for instance, has to reveal the divine decree to Daniel. In like manner, the twenty-fifth verse refers primarily to a future decree of God. But this must naturally find its historical and tangible realization ; for only a historical fact can form a clear terminus a quo. The angel, thus we may simply express it, from his heavenly stand-point, denotes histori- cal events as divine decrees ; for from thence he looks into the divine mechanism of history, and to the divine government of the world, to the organs of which he himself belongs. Comp. iv. 17 : " This matter is by the decree of the watchers, and the demand hy the word of the Holy One : to the intent that the living may know that the Most High ruleth in the kingdom of men., and givetJi it to whomsoever He ivill." The tenth chapter gives us some vei'y remarkable glimpses into the manner in which divine decrees are executed in his- tory, by the ministration of angels. These disclosures, which we have already considered, afford us also the necessary light for our present case. For if we seek a historical fact through which the divine decree of the restoration and rebuilding of Jerusalem was effected, we are necessarily led to the court of Persia; for Israel remained under the supremacy of this, the second universal monarchy, through two centuries. It is from it that permission was granted, through Cyrus, for the Jews to return from captivity, and to build the temple — an event which Daniel lived to witness ; it is from it that permission was granted to restore and rebuild Jerusalem. That angel, of whom we are told before that he had a victorious struggle with the angel of 112 EZRA AND NEHEMIAH. Persia (Dan. x. 12, 13), a struggle commanded by God, and who was the representative of Israel to the Persian kings, must have been the same who in consequence of a fresh command from God, which is meant by the expression *i:n (ix. 25), obtained the permission of the King of Persia to restore and rebuild Jerusalem. The older commentators, who referred " the going forth of the commandment" to a Persian royal edict, were materially, though not philologically, right. And even in a philological respect, we must notice the ambiguity of the expres- sion, which may be understood as well of the issue of a royal edict as of a divine decree. In Esther (i. 19), the very same words are employed to designate a Persian royal edict : im n^* niibn. The command which went out from God is fulfilled in a command going out from the king ; comp, Ezra vi. 14 : " They fmilded, and finished it, according to the commandment of the God of Israel, and according to the commandment of Cyrus, and Sarins, and Artaa;erxes, King of Persia." Thus much about " the going forth of the commandment." But now the second question presents itself, where and when did this commandment take place? by what King of Persia was the edict for " the restoration and rebuilding of Jerusalem" given ? We must turn for information to the books of Ezra and Nehemiah, for they contain the history of the covenant-people after the cap- tivity. We must, therefore, for our object, examine them some- what more closely. As Ezra and Nehemiah worked together personally at Jerusa- lem, their books also form a complete whole according to the nature of their contents, and " were regarded by the Palestinian and Greek Jews as one, or as two parts of the same book."' If we come to this book from our present chapter of Daniel, we find ourselves at once on familiar ground in the first verse, which starts from the same prophecy of Jeremiah as Dan. ix. For we read thus in Ezra i. 1 : " Now in the first year of Cyrus, King 1 Do Wpttf. Einl. in's A. T. § 195. EZRA AND NEHEMIAH. 113 of Persia, that the word of the Lord, hy the mouth of Jeremiah, might be fulfilled, the Lord stirred up the spirit of Cyrus, King of Persia," etc. Both books, that of Ezra as well as that of Nehemiah, may be divided, according to their contents, into two parts. The first part of Ezra describes (chap. i.-vi.)the return from the captivity under Joshua and Zerubbabel, and the building of the temple ; the obstructions made to it by hostile neighbours ; its advance, through the influence of the prophets Haggai and Zechariah (v. 1, 2 ; vi. 14), and its completion in the sixth year of Darius Hystaspes, 516 B.C. (vi. 15). A long period is here passed over, and with the general formula, " now, after these things," the second part of the book (chap, vii.-x.) makes a transition to the narrative of the immigration of Ezra from Persia to Jerusa- lem, in the seventh year of Artaxerxes Longimanus, 458-457 B.C. (vii. 1, 7). A more detailed account of this event is given in the seventh and eighth chapters, and the activity of Ezra is described in the ninth and tenth, his purification and restoration of the holy nationality, by removing the foreign wives, whilst his numerous company brought fresh strength to the weak colony (chap. viii.). The book ends without a conclusion, and with a register of those who had married foreign wives. The book of Nehemiah begins Avith a separate title. The fir>t part of it (chap, i.-vii.) naiTates the immigration of Nehemiah in the twentieth year of Artaxerxes, 445-444 B.C., and his operations in his fatherland — the re- building of the city, especially the gates and walls, and the formation of various useful institutions connected therewith. The second part of the book (chap, viii.-xiii.) describes the combined activity of both of these servants of God, Ezra and Nehemiah (viii. 1, 9, 13 ; xii. 26), and here the restora- tion of the law, by Ezra, is brought prominently forward (chap, viii.-x.). This sketch shows that the first part of the book of Ezra forms a whole by itself with regard to its historical contents, while the second part is closely connected with the book of Nehemiah, and, together with it, presents a complete historical picture. Two 114 EZRA AND NEIIEMIAH. periods of the history after the captivity are here brought before our view ; what lies between them, what follows after them, has no Theocratic significance, and is therefore no object of sacred liistoriogi'aphy. The book of Esther, and it alone, still found a place in the canon, for it desci'ibcs the state of the exiled nation in Persia, and thus forms n pendant, a complement to the nar- ratives written by Ezra and Nehemiah, of what took place in the Holy Land, and characterises, besides, that other side of the history of the people of God after the captivity, the scene of which lies in the kingdom of the world. The two periods to which we have referred are distinguished and placed in juxta- position with each other, even in the book of Nehemiah (xii. 47 ; corap. ver. 26). The first is the time of Prince Zerubbabel and the high-priest Joshua, who were aided by the prophets Haggai and Zechariah. The second is the time of the priest Ezra, and the governor Nehemiah, assisted by the prophet Malachi.' In both periods we see royal, priestly, and prophetic men at the head of God's people. We might designate the first as the period of the building of the temple ; the second as the period of the restoration of the people and of the rebuilding of the city. The former is the time of religious, the latter of political, restoration. The former embraces a period of twenty years (53G-516 B.C.). We cannot say with certainty how long the second lasted, as neither the book of Malachi, nor the conclusion of Nehemiah, furnish us with chronological data. The general opinion is, how- ever, that it embraced nearly half a century. It commenced, therefore, with the immigration of Ezra, 457 B.C., and we can trace distinctly the first twenty-five years, for Nehemiah came into the Holy Land thirteen years after Ezra, and remained there as governor for twelve years (Neh. v. 14; xiii. 6). Then he travelled back to the court of Persia (432 B.C.), but returned after the lapse of an unknown time (d^13> ypb, interpreted by some, but without sufficient reason, " at the end of a year") to • Conip. Havernick, Einl. in's A. T. ii. 2, p. 431-434. EZRA AND NEHEMIAH. 115 his native land. Prideaux and Winer (bibl. Realworterbuch, 3d edit. ii. p. 147) render it probable that this return of Nehe- miah did not take place before the eleventh year of Darius Nothus (4:14-413 B.C.). How long Nehemiah lived and laboured in Palestine after this, we ai-e not told ; but even if, as Joseph us reports, he reached an advanced age, it could not have been many years after the last period referred to. We may thus safely as- sume that the revelation of the Old Testament terminated with the death of Nehemiah and Malachi in the last decennium of the fifth century before Christ. Already Josephus gives utterance to the consciousness that the second period of restoration by the favour of Artaxerxes, was the last evening-red of the Old Testament day. In a well-known passage (contr. Apion i. 8) he says, " Many things have been written fi-om Artaxerxes' time to our own, but the same religious authority is not yielded to them as to the former (jricTTfcos ovx oymiuis ti^lcotm), because the sure succession of the prophets exists no longer (the chain of revelation is broken off). It is characteristic of the people of God, that the first period of the restoration after the captivity, was exclusively devoted to the rebuilding of the temple ; first, the things that are God's had to be rendered unto God, then the things of the people to the people. For this reason, that first period, under Joshua and Zerubbabel, was far from being the perfect restoration. Only a small colony, of about fifty thousand Jews, settled with these two men in Palestine (Ezra ii. G4, etc.), and even these became intermingled again with the heathen who dwelt around them, and led a sad existence, sinking, as it seems, ever deeper "in gi'eat affliction and reproach" (Neh. i. 3 ; Ezra ix. 6-15), especially during the sixty years which Ezra passes over in silence. For this reason, a second and more thorough restoration became necessary, — a restoration which should mould the national life into a genuine Jewish form, and this was the calling given by God to Ezra and Nehemiah. Not merely the restoration of the temple, but also of the holy nationality of the law and of the holy city, was requisite, if Israel was to become a 116 EZRA AND NEHEMIAH. people of God in the full sense of the word. So long as one of these elements was yet wanting, the people had no assured and no vigorous existence. The inner work of restoration was en- trusted to Ezra the priest ; the purification of the nation from heathenish elements and re-introductions of the law, while Nehe- miah, the royal cup-bearer and governor, assumed the control of the external work, the rebuilding of the city and the political institutions. Thus it is only with Ezra that the full revival of Israel, after the captivity, can properly be said to commence, and the consciousness of this has taken very deep root in the nation. For, as is well known, Ezra, the restorer of the nation and law, is held among the Jews for a second Moses. At the first, Moses, the second time, Ezra, founded the existence of the holy people. The question now arises — and to which the answer is clear from our preceding remarks — in which of the two periods of the sacred history after the captivity, we have to seek for the terminus a quo of the seventy iveeks of Daniel ? As it is said in ver. 24, " Seventy weeks are determined tipon thy people and upon tliy holy city," and as the tei^minus a quo is more particularly defined in ver. 25, '■'■from the going forth of the commandment to restore and to build Jerusalem," there cannot possibly be a more distinct reference to the second period. And though Calvin, 'fT^colampadius, Kleinert, and others, take as the commencement of the seventy weeks the edict of Cyrus, 536 B.C. (Ezra i. 1-4), though Luther, in whose exposition there is much confusion about the Persian kings ; Bengel, who in accordance with his Apocalyptic chronology, understands by a prophetic week T-ls years, and others, take the edict of the second year of Darius Hystaspes 520 B.C. (Ezra vi. 1-12); we may regard these interpretations as sufficiently refuted by our previous analysis. The edict of Darius, moreover, is of no extraordinary importance, nor can the edict of Cyrus have been meant, as we may under- stand from the book of Daniel itself. For we find tiie prophet, in the third year of that king, in deep affliction for his people (x. l~^V), and we see from this how little the restoration of Israel, TERMINUS A QUO. 117 consequent on the edict of the first year, corresponded even to those hopes which the revelation in the ninth chapter had yet left for the period after the exile. Both edicts, that of Cyrus and that of Darius, refer solely to the building of the temple ; and though Jerusalem is mentioned (Ezra i. 2, etc.; vi. 3, 5, 9, 12), and though, in the nature of things, houses must have been there at the time in order to the building of the temple (comp. Haggai i. 4), yet we cannot trace the slightest vestige of a royal permission to restore the people and rebuild the city. On the contrary, this is expressly prohibited by the same Artaxerxe? Longimanus, who afterwards granted it, and he withheld it, owing to the slanderous reports of the Samaritans (Ezra iv. 7-22) ; for it is not Smerdis but Artaxerxes who is meant in this passage, and everywhere else in the books of Ezra and Nehemiah, when the name Arthasastha (Nnnu?U;nn"iK) is in- troduced.^ If we consider how strong Jerusalem was by natural position if its restoration were once earnestly begun, and what efforts the seige of it cost Nebuchadnezzar, and, at a later period, Titus, we can easily understand the policy which we meet in the edict of Artaxerxes, already quoted. It is evident that the Persian kings hesitated to give up such a point of advantage to the Jews, who were suspected of revolts and tumults. We find, therefore, the city still unbuilt in the days of Ezra and Ne- hemiah (Ezra ix. 8 ; x. 13 ; Neh. i. 3 ; ii. 3, 5 ; iii. 34 ; iv. 1 ; vii. 4). Though a religious toleration might be willingly granted to the Jews, it was difficult for them to obtain a political one.^ It was as late as the seventh year of Artaxerxes Longimanus (Ezra vii. 1, 7), that the affairs of Israel took a more favourable turn, and made a more important progress. It is then that the commandment to restore and rebuild Jerusalem must have gone ' Comp. Schultz in the Studien u. Kritiken, 185.3, iii., pp. 686-698. ^ What Vaihinger says about a buildino^ of the walls of Jerusalem by Mor- decai, etc., and a destruction of the same by Meorabyzus (Stud. u. Kritik. 18-54, i., 128), is only hypothesis. 1 1 ^ TEEMINUS A QUO. forth from God ; it is then, that in consequence of it, that angel achieved a new victory over the representative angel of the Persian monarchy, and gained the precedence over the ruler of the world. From this time Artaxerxes shows himself pe- culiarly favourable to the covenant people, and makes them far more important concessions than even Cyrus and Darius. In the seventh year of his reign he allows Ezra, furnished with royal letters of high importance (Ezra vii. 11—20, espe- cially ver. 18 and 25), to go to Jerusalem; in the hrevfieth year of his reign, he accords Nehemiah the same favour, and furnishes him with the express permission to rebuild thy city (Neh. ii.). And thus the question is reduced to this, which of these two years, the arrival of Ezra or that of Nehemiah at Jerusalem, is to be viewed as the terminus a qvo of the seventy weeks. In modern times, Ilevgstenherg and Hdrernick, follow- ing the example of some Church fathers, have decided in favour of the twentieth year of Artaxerxes, and their view has been generally adopted by believers in revelation, and has also passed into several popular Bible commentaries (comp. Sack. Apolo- getik, 2d edit., p. 335 ; Heim and Wilhehn Hoffmann, die grossen Propheten, p. 864, etc.; Handbuch der Bibelerklarung, published by the Calw Society, vol. i., p. 891; Das A. T. von 0. von Gerlach, continued by Schneider, iv. 2, p. 66). Calovivs, Neu'ton, Geier, Bnddeus, Pride.anx, Sostmann, Deyling, Preiswerk (IMorgenl. 1838, p. 257, etc.), Gaiissen (iii., p. 340), and others, opposed to this view, take the seventh year of Artaxerxes as the starting- point for the calculation of the seventy weeks. In accordance with our preceding analy.sis, we can adhere only to this second view. We have arrived at the conclusion that the time of Ezra and Nehemiiih formed one continuous period of blessing for Israel, and it would be, therefore, contrary to our natural expectations, if it wore not the fimdamental beginning of this period which is meant, but a second terminus from which nothing es.«!entially new is dated, but only a further development of the work begun TERMINUS A QUO. 119 by Ezra. This secondary importance of the edict relating to Nehemiah, is indicated in the holy narrative itself by the simple circumstance, that it does not mention the edict at all (Neh. ii. 7, 8), while the royal letters to Ezra are communicated at once (Ezra vii.). Again, if we regard the world-power from which the execution of the divine commandment takes its earthly and historical beginning, it is the same king Artaxerxes who sends away Ezra and Nehemiah. His heart, therefore, was favourably inclined to Israel in the seventh year of his reign ; the angel, and, consequently, the good divine influences, had even then gained the ascendancy over him. The consciousness of this is distinctly expressed by Ezra himself, who, after recording the royal edict, continues, " Blessed he the Lord God of our fathers, which hath put such a thing as this in the kiny^s heart, to beautify the house of the Loi'd which is in Jerusalem ; and hath extended mercy unto me before the king and his counsellors, and before all the king's mighty princes" (Ezra vii. 27, 28). We see here plainly a con- sciousness that the world-power w^as influenced by God in favour of Israel. Ezra and Nehemiah likewise act in the consciousness that as those who are executing a divine decree, they stand under the peculiar guidance and protection of God, and hence those beautiful words which recur so often in their diaries ; *' according to the good hand of the Lord my God upon me " (Ezra vii. 6, 9, 28; viii. 18, 22 ; Neh. ii. 8, 18). But all these arguments would lose their cogency, if the words of the angel (Dan. ix. 24, 25), compelled us to take the express permission to rebuild tlie city, given to Nehemiah, as the start- ing point for our calculation. This, ho"wever, is not the case. Neither the words themselves necessitate us to think merely of the external building of the city, nor was Nehemiah the first to receive this permission. The commission of Ezra, to begin with the second point, is so extensive as essentially to include the rebuilding of the city. He himself says so clearly and distinctly when he says, in his prayer of repentance (Ezra ix. 9), " Our God hath extended mercy unto us in the sight of the kings of Persia, 120 , TERMINUS A QUO. to give tis a reviving, to set up the house of our God, and to repair the desolations thereof (of our God), and to give us a wall in Judah and in Jerusalem" (lia an encircling wall, not merely the building, but also the fortification of the city). Thus Ezra ex- pressly includes in his commission what was afterwards executed by Nehemiah, according to a new permission of the king. The entire narrative of the grant of this later permission (Neh. ii. 1, etc.), is of such a kind that we see it was no longer so novel and important a concession as it had been in Ezra's time ; it is not now so much the thing, but chiefly the person that is considered. Nehemiah is the king's cup-bearer, and requires, therefore, to be discharged from his ol'ice, a favour which the king and queen graciously bestow on him. There is no mention made here, as there was in the case of Ezra, of a turning of " the king, and his counsellors and all the Icing's mighty princes ; " it is not an ofiicial act of royalty, but a personal favour of Artaxerxes. So secondary is the importance of the mission of Nehemiah com- pared to that of Ezra. But the words of the angel do not refer merely to the external building of the city. It is surely improbable that the event which is to form the terminus a quo of the seventy weeks can be merely external, and, therefore, more or less accidental. It must be invested with deeper significance. The words of the angel (ver. 24) are not simply : " Seventy weeks are determined upon thy holy city," but " upon thy people and thy holy city." The building of the city is thus viewed in profounder connection with the restoration of the people, and we have already seen that the former was the mission of Nehemiah, the latter, of Ezra. And when the terminus a quo is described more fully (ver. 25) as " the commandment to restore and to build Jerusalem, the latter ex- pression suggests not only gates and walls, towers and houses, but the entire noXis and cioitas ; and Jerusalem means, as it was expressed in the preceding verse, both people and city. The two verbs, besides, which are employed, " restore" and " build" may be similarly explained as "city" and " people ;" before the TERMINUS A QUO. 121 restoration, the inward renovation of Jerusalem was the work of Ezra ; the " building of streets and walls," the outward restora- tion, was the calling of Nehemiah. We may adduce in favour of this view that Jerusalem is here taken in a deeper and fuller sense, the general iisus loqiiendi of the prophets, from which it will appear that this explanation is not only possible but abso- lutely necessary. It is the same also in a worldly sense, that the whole character of a people is represented in the metropolis of their country. We need only instance Nineveh, Babylon, Rome, and in modern times, Paris. If the metropolis is taken or destroyed, the people is subjugated. But this may be said of Jerusalem in a far higher sense, for it was not only the political centre, but owing to its temple, "the city of the great King" (Matt. V. 35), the dwelling-place of Jehovah, the centre of all which made Israel the only and chosen people of God. Hence in our passage (ver. 26-27) the angel, and in after times the Lord Jesus (Matt, xxiv.), comprehends the entire prophecy about Israel in a prophecy about Jerusalem. The judgment on the city is the judgment on the people ; death consists in the dying of the body. But the city is the body of the congregation, as the congregation is the soul of the city ; and thus Jerusalem stands as the representative of both congregation and city. Throughout Holy Scripture we see the connection between men and their dwelling-place, or tracing it up farther, between nature and spirit, comp. Gen. vi. 11-13 ; Levit. xviii. 24, etc. ; Deut. xxviii. 15 etc. In the first of these passages, which refers to the whole human race, it is likewise the whole earth, in the other two passages where Israel alone is placed in the light of revela- tion, it is only the holy land, to which God's word, threatenings and promises, are directed. From the time of David, Zion and Jerusalem became the two most prominent places in the Holy Land ; the house of David the most prominent family among the people (Ps. Ixxviii. 68, etc.), and this prominence runs through all the prophetical books. In this sense we find the city of God spoken of as the appearing, or the representation of the congrega- 122 THE REBUILDING OF JERUSALEM. tions, as early as in the Psalms (xlvi. 5, xlviii 2,etc., Ixxxvii. 2-3, comp. ver. 5). Parsing on to the prophets and limiting ourselves to Isaiah, we find the same view in the very first chapter : " Hoio is the faithful citjj become a)i harlot !" (ver. 21); and the sixtieth and sixty-second chapters describe the New Jerusalem, with its gates and walls (Ix. 11, 18, Ixii. 6, 10), in such a manner that it is evident the city is at the same time a living thing, the spiritual building of God, the restored people. This extends into the Revelation of John, in which the adulterous church appears identical with the city of Babylon, the transfigured church identical with the New Jerusalem (comp. Delitzsch das Ilolielied p. 231). Just as the Apocalypse treats of the end of the New Testament history (chap. xxi. 22), so in our passage the restora- tion and rebuilding of Jerusalem stands for the last concluding epoch of the Old Testament history. Jerusalem, in the Revela- tion of John, is the transfigured congregation of the New Covenant, transfigured in its natural organism ; here the congregation of the Old Covenant with its organism, Israel, appears as Theopolis, as civitas Dei with its temjile, its external legal institution, and its holy city. The history of salvation in the New Testament finds its consummation in the appearance of the heavenly Jerusalem ; the same history in the Old Testa- ment, in the restoration of the earthly Jerusalem which is to wait, though in soiTow, for its bridegroom, the Messiah, as a bride adorned for her husband. After these remarks Ave cannot but think it too outward a view of the words of the angel regarding the restoration and reb'iilding of Jerusalem, as a misunderstanding both of their essential con- tents and of the essential character of the history after the captivity, when Kengstenbergand others commence their calcula- tions of the seventy weeks with the return of Nehemiah ; and we may now state as the result gained by our investigation, and con- firmed by all collateral considerations, that the return of Ezra to Jerusalem, 457 B.C., is to he viewed as the terminus a quo of the seventy iveeks. In this event the renewed and increased favour of THE RETURN OF EZRA, 457 B.C. 123 the Persian world-power towards Israel is represented, and with it begins the new prosperity of Jerusalem. The external rebuild- ing of the city stands in the same relation to the commencement of the seventy prophetic weeks of Daniel, as the external destruction of the city, bears to thecommencement of the seventy years of Jeremiah. These begin as early as the year 606 B.C., and therefore eighteen years before the destruction of Jerusalem, for at that date the kingdom of Judah came under the Babylonian sway, and ceased to exist as an independent Theocracy. In like manner the seventy weeks begin thirteen years before the rebuild- ing of the town, because then the re-establishment of theTheocracy began. Only by our \aew, therefore, can a perfect parallelism be obtained between the type and the antitype. We can observe a repetition of those phenomena at the end of the seventy weeks. They extend until the year 33 a.d. From this date Israel was at an end, though the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans did not take place till the year 70 a.d. Thus, we see here a universal law of the divine government of the world, and of the kingdom of God, a law whose operation we may observe even in Paradise. Adam and Eve became subject to death on the very day they sinned ; yet it was centuries after that they actually died (Gen. ii. 17, V. 5). It is said by Hosea(Hos. xiii. 1, 2) speaking of the kingdomsof theten tribes; " When Ephraimoffendedin Baal, he died; but now they sin more and more, and have madethem molten images,^'' etc.^ In like manner, we have seen that the kingdom of the Persians is (Dan. xi. 2) viewed as dead from the time of Xerxes, in whose reign it was conquered by Greece, and that from this date it is no more considered, though it continued to vegetate long after. And similarly Isaiah, in the second part of his pro- piiecy, lives, as it were, altogether in the captivity, though he preceded it by more than a hundred years : for the abominations of Israel were themselves the desolation, sin is itself death (Matt, viii. 22). This is that divine glance which penetrates from with- 1 Comp. Schmieder on this passajje. 124 CALVIN AND NEWTON ON CHAP. IX. out with the very essence and reality of things, which sees into the heart, and of which it is said : " It seeth not as man seeth ; for man looketh on the outward appearance, but the Lord looketh on the heart" (1 Sam. xvi. 7). If, in order to gain certainty both of the fulfihiient of the pro- phecy and of the correctness of our interpretation, we look from this point of view to the end of the seventy weeks, we shall find the most accurate coincidence in the calculation. The 490 years extend to the year 33 a.d., a final date which we tfhall aftei- wiirds consider. The fixed chronological point from which to calculate, we find in the death of the Messiah, which, as we hiive ulready shown, falls in the middle of the last week, — that is, three and a half years before the end of the whole period, consequently the year 30 a.d. But it is in this very year that, according to the soundest chronological investigations, and the most generally adopted reckoning, in which Bengel and Wieseler, for example, coincide, that the Lord Jesus was cru- cified (comp. Wieseler's Chronologische Synopse. p. 485). Calvin is therefore right when he remarks : " How clear and sure a testimony we have in Daniel's prophecy, when he counts the years till the advent of Christ, so that we may, with boldness, oppose Satan and all the scorn of the ungodly, if it be but true that the book of Daniel was in men's hands before Christ came ! Those wlio do set themselves against the truth of God must at last yield to the conviction that Christ is the true Redeemer, whom God hath promised before the foundation of the world, seeing that He hath not revealed Him witliout such trustworthy evidence, as no mathematician can bring forward the like." We are reminded here of the saying of Newton, quoted in the intro- duction. Modern times have scarcely produced men of more acute mind than the Reformer of Geneva and the Mathematician of Cambridge, and we see how they regarded this ninth chapter. Hengstenberg, placing the commencement of tlie seventy weeks so late as the twentieth year of Artaxcrxes, has, consequently, to oppose the current chronology, and endeavours (Christ, ii. pp. hengstenberg's view. 125 541, etc.) to show, with great acuteness and erudition, on the evidence of Usher, Vitringa, and Kriiger, that this king com- menced to reign about nine years sooner than is generally sup- posed, and so obtains the year 455 B.C. as his terminus a quo. Hofmann (die 70 Jahre, etc., pp. 91, etc.) and Kleinert (Dor- pater Beitrage, ii., pp. 1-232) have attacked and successfully refuted Hengstenberg's criticism, and its result. Wieseler (die 70 Wochen, p. 79) and Hitzig (p. 172) agree with the treatise of the last-mentioned learned writer. As far as I can see, Heng- stenberg has done more harm than good to the cause of the general result of his interpretation by his chronological supposi- tions. Those who are either willingly or unwillingly ignorant of the history of exegesis, and the remarkable unanimity of former commentators on the chief points of this prophecy, may be led to imagine that the orthodox interpretation stands in need of every kind of artificial support, and as if the Messianic exposition of the ninth chapter were disproved if Hengstenberg's chronology were refuted.^ For my own part, I must confess, that having been formerly an adherent of Hofmann's view (which will be considered below), though not blind to many difficulties it pre- ' Ebrard (Offen. 6; Joh. 74, etc.) is even bolder than Hengstenberg, and as- sumes (l)the text to be corrupted, and wishes to place, instead of the seven weeks (ver. 25), seventy-seven. This violent stroke (2) leads to him to the still worse assumption, that the seventy weeks in verse 2-1:, are not an accurate chronologi- cal intimation, and are therefore rendered more special (and more correct, con- sequently) by verse 25. For, according to Ebrard, there were to elapse seventy- seven prophetic weeks between the edict of Cyrus (538 b.c.) and the birth of Christ (according to Ebrard 6 B.C.), and sixty-two weeks between the real build- ing of the city, under Nehemiah (445 b.c), and the birth of Christ. Hence, he declares (3) the usual and natural analysis of the seventy weeks into 7 -j- 62 -f- 1 , to be a " delusion ;" and (4) he has to suppose two series of years, mostly run- ning parallel to each other, a supposition unnecessary and improbable ; (5), he has to insert arbitrarily a new terminus a quo after the Athnach, verse 25 ; (6), after all this, his calculation does not turn out exact ; (7), he gives an arbitrary exposition of the last week, by making the first half to embrace 30—40 years from Christ's death to the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans, and the second half, the many centuries from the destruction of Jerusalem to the con- version of Israel, a future event even to us. 126 PREISWERK AND SACK QUOTED. sented, Hengstenberg's exposition impressed me so strongly at first sight as essentially true, that I felt that this ancient exposi- tion required only to be apprehended more correctly, and proved more thoroughly. Meanwhile, the judicious words of Preiswerk, upon this question, claim our earnest attention (loc. citat., p. 286) : " We ought not, considering the uncertainty of ancient chrono- logy, to lay much stress on calculating the exact year. For, though the calculation be very successful, yet so soon as another interpreter follows another chronological system, what has been so laboriously reared up, is apparently thrown dovvn. But if we grant, from the outset, that ancient chronology is uncertain, and be content to point out a mere general coincidence of the pro- phetical with the historical time ; if we show that possibly even a minute coincidence took place, and, at least, that no one can prove the contrary, we shall have done enough to prove the truth of the ancient prophecy, and our work cannot be overthrown by others." Let us consider likewise the remarks of Sack (Apolo- getik, p. 33G), "It could not have been within the power of the ordinary reader of Scripture to be an accurate student of chron- ology ; hence those who could know the terminus a quo only in a general way, as falling within the time of the commandments and permissions given by the Persian kings, could, consequently, know the time of the Messiah's appearance only in the same general but sufficiently accurate way ; it was sufficient to strengthen their faith, and to keep their expectation alive. And, in like manner, it may be said of Bible readers now-a-days, that though the means and results of learned chronological investiga- tions are inaccessible to them, yet, from the simplest knowledge of history, they may arrive at a conviction that prophecy is ful- filled in Christ. It is but right, however, that the Christian Church should endeavour to approach, by scientific investigation, to a perfect chronological understanding of prophecy." Though, after our investigation, we can no longer be doubtful of the ierrninus a quo from which to calculate the seventy weeks, it may yet seem, for a moment, startling that that point lies in a OBSCURITY OF THE PROPHECY. 127 period distant by a century from the year in which Daniel re- ceived this reveUition, and a point, too, which is not so clearly described by the angel as to preclude the uncertainties which have at all times prevailed regarding it. To throw some light on this difficulty, we subjoin the following remarks : — With regard to Daniel himself, the object was not accurately to fix to him individually the year of the Messiah's coming. As he lived several centuries before the event, this would have had no interest for him. We have seen, previously, that he is raised up and endowed with the prophetic gift, not for himself, but for future generations. He was therefore not to be enabled to cal- culate the time exactly ; the object of the revelation was rather to show him, in general, that the Messianic salvation was not so near as he thought, but separated from him by about half a millennium. Even for the people of Israel, to whom the message of Gabriel was sent, the calculation of the seventy weeks could not be clearly and plainly laid down. We know that it is an essential feature of prophecy to reveal and at the same time to veil the future : It does not purport to be a history, much less a chronology, of coming events ; it does not put them as clearly before our eyes as the past ; this would destroy man's ethical relation to the future. And, for this reason, the present prophecy needed to be veiled in some obscurity, however clearly it might contain the intimation that 490 years would elapse from the permission to restore Jerusalem after the captivity to the time of the Messiah. It is its very clearness in the main, which renders necessary this obscurity. The fulfilment of the eternal decree of God must not be a mere arithmetical problem, which the profane understanding also may calculate by simple arithmetic, but a holy enigma, which shall stimulate to a faithful observation of the ways of God, to a dili- gent study of the history of His people. " iVowe of the wicked shall understand ; hut the tvise shall understand" (Dan. xii. 10). In an instance like this, where the chronological intimations are clear and uumistakeable, such a relative veiling of the truth 128 OBSCURITY OF THE PROPHECY. could be accomplished only by concealing the starting-point, and, as we shall see, the terminul-point of the seventy weeks, in a certain obscurity, and by connecting it with facts which can be recognised in their full significance by the faithful student of Scripture alone. Thus, pious Israelites of the time after the captivity, who meditated on the prophecy of Daniel and longed for its fulfil- ment, might seriously ask themselves at each of the edicts of the Persian kings, Avhether this was the commencement of the seventy weeks foretold by the angel. The " wise" who lived at the time of the edict were to consider the signs of the times, and they who lived later were to search in the Scriptures when the period spoken of by the angel began. The faithful of the Old Covenant had the same task, with regard to Daniel, in the cen- turies unillurained by revelation, as we have now with regard to tlie Apocalypse (comp. Matt. xvi. 2, 3 ; xxiv. 33). And that they were earnest in this search we may learn from the well- known story of Josephus (Arch. xi. 8, 5), according to which, Alexander the Great, on his arrival at Jerusalem, was shown the prophecies of Daniel that referred to him.' The plurality of the edicts afforded some room for uncertainty, as is proved by dif- ferent Christian expositors choosing different edicts as starting- points ; and hence Hess (i., p. 196) remarks, "It seems to me that we are not forced to understand the angel's words as refer- ring only to one of these edicts, but that they refer to the whole period during which such edicts were given, revoked, and re- newed. Here we remind the reader also of the remark of Sack, already quoted, that to strengthen faith and keep alive expecta- tion, it was sufficient to have only a general conception of the time. And history makes it manifest that prophecy entirely fulfilled this object. For it is a well knewn fact, that at the time of Christ, the expectation of the Messiah had spread exten- ' Comp. ou tlie credibility of this account, corroborating the geiiuii.eness of Daniel, Hengstenherg Beitr. 277. J. J. Hess. loc. cit. ii. 28. JOSEPHUS, TACITUS, SUETONIUS. 129 sively, not only among pious Israelites (Luke ii. 25, 26, 38 ; xxiii. 51), but also generally among Jews and Gentiles, as we learn from Josephus and the well-known passages of Suetonius and Tacitus. Our prophecy especially must have contributed much to this. It is evident from Matt. xxiv. 15, and several passages of Josephus (comp. as above, p. 106), that at that time Daniel was much studied by the Jews, and that the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans was distinctly understood as contained in it. Hengstenberg (Beitr., p. 265 ; Christol., p. 576), Havernick (p. 389, etc.), and Wieseler (die 70 Wochen, p. 148, etc.), give further particulars. The difference in the Messianic expectations is moreover characteristic. The believers hoped, in accordance with our passage, for the consolation of Israel, namely, redemption in Jerusalem, and salvation by the remission of sins (Luke ii. 25, 30, 38 ; i. 77) ; they recognised in the Messiah the Lamb of God which beareth the sin of the world (John i. 29). The others, carnally minded, were blinded, so that they did not see the inward essential conditions of salvation, and applying hastily Messianic passages, such as Dan. ii. and vii., dreamed only of the political world-wide supremacy of the Jews. Josephus (bell. Jud. vi. 5, 4) : " What gave them courage to fight was a saying found in the Holy Scriptures, that about that time (Kara Tov Kaipov e'/ceti/of) one of their nation was to obtain the govern- ment of the world," Tacitus {hist. v. 13) : " Many had the con- viction that it stood written in their ancient priestly books, that just about that very time (eo ipso tempore) the East would rise up in great power, and men from Judea obtain the government of the world." Suetonius ( Fes/5. 4) : "The old and common opinion was spread through all the East, that it was destined by fate, men of .Judea should obtain at this time the government of the world." "We have seen that the revelation of the angel could accom- plish its essential purpose, notwithstanding a certain latitude of interpretation ; at the same time, it was also possible for the Israelites, as it is for us at present, to find the true starting-point, 130 EZRA AND NEHEMIAH IN RELATION TO DANIEL. and hence to form an exact and accurate calculation. The books of Ezra and Nehemiah lay also before them ; they had even better means of understanding them than we. Perhaps they saw clearly what we see only as probable, that these books were written with express reference to the ninth chapter of Daniel. We have already pointed out, that in all probability Ezra and Nehemiah were acquainted with our prophet and studied him. We have likewise shown that the book of Ezra starts from the same point of view as our chapter, the prophecy of Jeremiah con- cerning the seventy years of the captivity. The book of Nehe- miah, in like manner, begins with distressing accounts of the affliction, which still continued, and of the desolation of the holy people and holy city, which lead us back to the fundamental views of Dan. ix. We have pointed out also that Ezra and Nehemiah, though they received no direct revelation from on high, yet wrote in the consciousness of a special divine commission, of a divine decree concerning them, which shaped their whole life. We refer here especially to the prayers of these two servants of God (Ezra ix. 6, etc. ; Neh. i. 5, etc.), which breathe so much the spirit of Daniel's prayer of repentance, that Hitzig also (p. 144) remarks, that the ninth chapter of Daniel bears so much affinity to the first and ninth chapters of Nehemiah, that the one author must have written in dependence on the other. Tliere is nothing more natural than that men like Ezra and Nehemiah, who belong to the late births of the Old Covenant, and are not so much produc- tive as reproductive and restorative, should study and should edu- cate themselves by the prophets, and that prophet above all others, whose important revelations refer to the times after the captivity, which was also their own. Thus the books of Ezra and Nehemiah are an evidence for the genuineness of Daniel, similar to that adduced by Hofmann in favour of our book from Zechariah, and are at the same time an evidence in favour of the correctness of the general view we advocate concerning the prophecy of the seventy weeks. Ought we not also to find here the reason why the collectors ANALYSIS OF THE SE^^NTY WEEKS. 131 of the Old Testament canon placed the book of Daniel imme- diately before Ezra and Nehemiah? We merely propose the question ; we make no assertion. And if Ezra himself made the collection, the circumstance would be still more striking.^ Perhaps he placed the book of Daniel immediately before his own, be- cause he felt that he himself brought about and described the commencement of the fulfilment of those prophecies which the angel had announced (Dan. ix). II. ANALYSIS OP THE SEVENTY WEEKS. The seventy weeks are mentioned by Gabriel, not only as a continuous whole (ver. 24), but they are separated into thsee very unequal parts (ver. 25-27) : 7 + 62 + 1. This reminds us at once of a similar analysis which we find vii. 25 ; xii. 7 ; a time, times, and a half. We see that Apocalyptic writings de- light in such chronological divisions. But this general remark only leads us to inquire why this analysis is made here. The text itself leads us to consider the last week first, for it is not only the most minutely characterised, but the most distinctly separated from the rest. While the seven and the sixty- two weeks are mentioned together in ver. 25, and in ver. 26 we are merely told what is to take place after them ; the seventieth week is prominently brought forward in ver. 27. We have already seen that it is a time of confirming the Covenant, more particularly a time of the revelation of the New Covenant at Jerusalem, where the Messianic salvation is to be ofiered to the people of Israel. As the Sabbath dedicated to God succeeds the working days and concludes the week, so the seventieth week is the consum- mation of the preceding days of small things. To the period of the sixty-nine weeks is allotted the task of restoring and building Jerusalem, and thus preparing a place for the Messiah where He can accomplish His work (ver. 25, 26^. This is a working day's ' Keil, Einl. in's A. T., p. 549, 132 THE FIRST SEVEN WEEKS. labour when compared with the Sabbatic work of confirming the Covenant. The Messianic time is the holy festival and Sabbath- day of Israel's history, in »which God yet once more offers to the people all His mercies, but in which also the history of Israel comes to its temporary conclusion. This parallelism between the seventy weeks and the seven days of a week, is suggested and indicated by the text, in which the whole is viewed from the idea of weeks (tSTliy). It is more difficult to discover the reason for the separation of the first seven weeks. The text assigns them no peculiar char- acter, but mentions them together with the sixty-two weeks, as a time of restoration and of the rebuilding of Jerusalem. Heng- stenberg takes the tabiyiT" niDlbi i"'U;nb (ver. 25) to be parallel to the T^i3 n^U^S'iy and as terminus i/dermeclius in this way, that the angel meant seven weeks until the rebuilding of the city would be finished, and from that time till the Messiah, sixty-two weeks. He endeavours to prove from Herodotus and other profane writers, that Jerusalem was restored to be a large city after above forty-nine years, or, according to his chronology, in the year 406 B.C. But apart from the precarious and unsatis- factory character of this mode of argument, such a solution of the question is impossible, on purely exegetical grounds, as has been clearly pointed out, for example, by Wieseler. For not only would the use of b be unintelligible in this connection, but li*T also would be meaningless, unless the i^U^rrb etc., were to be taken twice, as seems indeed to be Hengsten berg's inclina- tion, but which is most unnatural. All the arguments which, with his usual tone of confidence, he advances in defence of his explanation (Christol., p. 454), have so little cogency, that we can only expect to see here again the right view of the prophecy made assailable to the enemy by unneeded violent proofs (Hit- zig, p. 172). On the contrary, we must admit that the text contains no material reason for the first portion of seven weeks. They are, to speak generally, brought forward as the fundamen- tal part of the period of restoration. If we wish to understand THE NUMBER SEVEN. 133 more about them, we must turn to the consideration of the in- ward significance of the number seven, which at the time of his Christology, Hengstenberg neglected, while in his more recent works, he exaggerates the symbolism of numbers. The last week may give us a hint for understanding the reason of the especial prominence given to the first seven. As the seventieth week is separated from the rest as a period of revelation, so it may like- wise be with the seven weeks. And this conjecture will derive confirmation, if we bear in mind the inward dignity of the number seven to which we have already directed attention in our remarks on the week of salvation. The analysis of the seventy weeks is based on the principle of the number seven. They end with seven years ; they begin with seven times seven. The number seven, it is well known, has a mystical and symbolical significance throughout Scripture, and especially throughout pi'ophecy, which, however, in no way lessens its chronological value. It is the sum of the number of God, three ; and the number of the world, four, and is thus the number of the divine in its relation to the world, of the inward perfection of God, as manifested and viewed in His manifold works and judgments. Where this number prevails, there God is revealed, and vice versa. The inward objective foundation of this law lies in the seven spirits of God, who are the mediatoi's of all his revelations in the world (Rev. i. 4, iii. 1, iv. 5, v. 6). The outward manifestation of the dignity of this number begins as early as the first book and first chapter of the Old Testament, where the work of creation is divided by it,^ whilst it prevails throughout the whole of the Apocalypse, the last book of the New Testament. Ten, again, is the number of what is human, worldly ; it represents the fulness of the world's manifold activity and development. We may illustrate this by examples taken from our book, where the world-power issues in ten heads and ' Cicero styles the number seven rerum omnium fere nodus {Somn. Scip. 5). Comp. with the above remark on the symbolical numbers, e.g. Hoftnann, Weiss, u. Erfvill. i., p. 85. Delitzsch. Genesis, p. 412, 134 THE LAST WEEK. ten horns (ii. 41, 42, vii. 7, 24). The number seventy is ten multiplied by seven ; the human is here moulded and fixed by the divine. For this reason the seventy years of exile are a symbolical sign of the time during which the power of the world would, according to God's will, triumph over Israel, during which it would execute the divine judgments on God's people. And in the seven times seventy years, or seventy weeks, the world- number ten is likewise contained ; the people of God is as yet under the power of the world ; it is as yet, for the most part, a time of affliction and distress (o^nyrr pl^, ver. 25); but the number of the divine is multiplied by itself, and so receives an essential increase of strength ; God's people and kingdom in the world, experience in this time a revival. And yet more than this. God reveals Himself still more immediately and fully in the seventy weeks ; for, in the beginning, a period of seven times seven years is specially mentioned, in the end a period of seven. As we find the revelation of the New Testament plainly promised in the latter, so that of the Old Testament, then still in progress, is signified in the former. We have pointed out above, that the revelation of the Old Testament concludes with the restoration of the Israelitish Theopolis, which had now but to wait for the coming of the bridegroom, the Messiah. "We have further pointed out, that the restoration was effected by Ezra, Nehemiah, and Malachi, whose lives and labours extend over a period of about half a century, that is, seven weeks (comp. Preiswerk, p. 278). The three men just mentioned were the last whose writings were received into the canon of the Old Testament ; with them, sacred history, the history of revelation under the Old Covenant, ceases — a fact which was well known to the Jewish people, as we saw from the passage of Josephus, already quoted (c. Ap. i. 8). Lest it should seem, on account of these relations of numbers, that because the seven weeks contain the number seven multiplied by itself, whilst in the last week this number occurs only in its first power, therefore the final period of THE LAST WEEK. 135 revelation under the Old Covenant is invested with a higher dignity than that of the New ; the angel at once dispels such an illusion, first, by hastily passing over the seven weeks, while he enters into a minute description of the last week ; and, secondly, by taking the seven weeks into conjunction with the sixty-two, as belonging to the time of distress, thus making the seventieth week, both by its prominent position and the minute picture of its events, stand out clear, in sublime and unrivalled dignity. On the other hand, we see the seven weeks plainly separated from the sixty-two weeks, in order to show the peculiar funda- mental character of the time of Ezra, Nehemiah, and Malachi, as distinguished from the centuries that followed ; to point out the difference between the last remnants of the revelation of the Old Testament and that period which enjoyed no revelations at all. The AthnacJi may have had that place, where we are astonished to find it, in order to point out the marked distinction more strongly, to heighten the emphasis which lies on the seven weeks, and to arrest the reader's thought and attention. This accent is often found, not at the chief division of the verse {e.g. ver. 2), where it separates between the verb and the object, but (namely, Dan. xi. 5 ; Ezek. xxxiv. 19 ; Ps. xxxvi. 8, Ixxxiv. 3 ; Prov. vi. 26) where it separates between the verb and the subject, in order that stress may be laid on the latter, and a kind of antithesis gained (comp. Hengstenberg, S. 464). However, we advance this opinion on the Athnach in our passage only as a supposition ; we are, moreover, not bound by the accents, and especially in a chapter concerning the Messiah, where a false accentuation may have sprung from erroneous views of the passage, and from Jewish prejudices of the Maso- rites. But, however this may be, so much is expressed by the passage, that the revelation of the Old Testament, in its last two shoots, would, on the one hand, be far below the glory of that of the New, and on the other hand, essentially above that of the period without revelation. "We find here, at the same time, an indication of the typical relation between the first 136 THE LAST WEEK. seven proplietic weeks and the last — between the preparatory salvation after the captivity and the full Messianic salvation — an indication which, it is well known, has been further deve- loped by the prophets after the exile. But, as we remarked before, the sixty-two weeks intervene as a time without revela- tion, and full of trouble ; for sixty-two is a number altogether without relation to the significant fundamental numbers, and thus designates, and at the same time in contrast to the two divine numbers bj which it is enclosed — a period insignificant, and without divine i*evelation. The relation of the seven weeks, the sixty-two, and the one to each other, is like that of the evening red, the night, and the clear day — a day, it is true, to be suc- ceeded for Israel by a yet darker night. Yet even into the first night there falls a time of great affliction, the time of Antiochus Epiphanes. "NVliat a marvellous and keenly penetrating glance do these words of the angel throw into the succeeding centuries ! How wonderfully do they unveil the most decisive crisis of the development of the kingdom of God, even by the mere sym- bolism of numbers ! The history of salvation is mysteriously governed by these holy numbers. They are, so to say, the skeleton, the scaffolding, of the organic edifice. It belongs to our task, to the task of prophetic theology, to enter into their deep significance. The offence taken at the chronological inti- mations of our chapter, and of Daniel and the Apocalypse in general, will vanish when they are seen from this point of view. They are not merely outward indications of time, but indica- tions of nature and essence. Not only nature, but history, is based in numbers. Scripture and antiquity put numbers as the fundamental forms of things, where we put ideas. Mathematics is also philosophy and metaphysics.^ Doubtless, we will be ' Roos, Introduction (Einl. in die bib, Geschichten, p. 85) : " All things visible are arranged by God wisely, according to times and numbers. He has applied most wisely arithmetic and geometry in the inanimate world. If so, what must His government of rational creatures be ? Surely pure righteousness, perfect THE LAST WEEK. 137 astonished, some future day, to discover how simple, after our complex and far-fetched systems, are the fundamental lines on which are based the relations and development of the world. The ancients, with simpler minds, saw deeper into the essences of things. But, in truth, we must believe in revelation, in the full, objective, superhuman sense of the word, before we can understand a prophecy like that under our consideration. Numbers occur, most frequently in that form of revelation, where the supernatural, the immediately divine, is in the fore- ground, viz. in the Apocalypse. The most supernatural reve- lation leads us the furthest into the natural, and furnishes us with the clearest hints concerning the mysteries of nature and history ; for the God of revelation is no other than the God of creation, the preserver and ruler of the world. A clear light is thus thrown on the analysis of the last week into two parts. That last time of salvation for many in Israel, during which the old sacrifices and the Old Testament economy in general, is to cease, was brought about, as we know, through Jesus Christ and His apostles. By the division of the week into two halves, Daniel is reminded of the period of three and a half years already known to him (vii. 25). He knows from this source, that this is the time in which the power that op- poseth itself to God arrives at its culmination, during which " the saints of the Most High are given into the hands of the enemy." But this number does not, like ten, designate the power of the world in its fulness, but a power opposed indeed to the divine (which unfolds itself in the number seven), yet broken in itself, powerless, and whose highest triumph is at the same time its defeat. For, immediately after the three and a half times, judgment falls on the victorious powers of the world (vii. 25, 26). This is the wonderful character of the last week, that, though God reveals Himself in the fulness of His covenant order. Everything is necessarily measured out and proportioned according to its essential value and dignity, and the moral character of beings. Behold the divine Mathesis ! " 138 THE RENDING OF THE VEIL IN THE TEMPLE. mercy, yet the world is in power. The Holy One of God is in the world, not in glory, but as one given into the hands of the world-power; He is there as MascAiach, but not yet as Nagid. As long as He is on earth, He is tormented by the sin and enmity of the world, and, in the end, He is delivered into the hands of sinners, who put Him to death. But while the world thinks it has triumphed, judgment has passed on it, its power is broken (John xii. 31). The death of Jesus falls in the middle of the last week ; His prophetic life, including the time of His precur- sor John, who ushered in the Messianic period, lasted about three years and a half. If, as is just, the work of the Baptist be taken into account,^ we shall not make the fulfilment of prophecy depend, as Hengstenberg makes it, on uncertain chro- nological data. That the Old Testament sacrifices and economy were abolished by the offering up of the New Testament sacri- fice on the altar of the cross, was tangibly shown by the rending asunder of the veil of the temple, for it stood in most intimate connection with the sacrifices ; as the door leading into the Holy of holies — the dwelling of Jehovah — the blood of the sacrifices of atonement was sprinkled against it, and on the great day of atonement, had to be carried through it (Lev. iv. 6, 17 ; xvi. 2, 15).^ We regard this event as a fulfilment of our prophecy, just as earlier we claimed in that sense the supei'scription over the cross. Sacrifices and oblations ceased in fact and essence from that day; though they were outwardly brought for a few decen- nia after the death of Christ. The heavenly eye which we see ' Thus Bengel, in the first edition of his " Harmonie der Evangelisten," in which he advocates a view, quite coinciding with ours ; he calculates the seventy weeks (each 7 years) from the seventh year of Artaxerxes, and the last week from the beginning of John the Baptist's public life. Afterwards, influenced by his erroneous Apocalyptic Chronology, he made the prophetic week equal to 7§| years. In this case, calculation would have been impossible just in the very period for which the proiihecy was particularly given. ' Bdhr, Symbolik des Mos. Cultus, II., §39; Martensen, Cliristliche Dogmat., 2d edit., 356 : " When the Redeemer cried on the cross, ' It is finished,' the curtain in the temple was rent in twain ; because now the whole former ser- vice of sacrifices was abrogated." TERMINUS AD QUEM. 139 throughout that the angels possess, and which sees into the heart of things and men, regarded the service of the hardened, stiiF-necked, and self-righteous people, as becoming more and more an idolatrous abomination. Here we find that law of a supernatural estimate, an estimate of events according to their essence which we have met already, and shall presently meet again. That this law does not interfere with the accuracy of our earthly chronology, has already been proved.^ We must seek the second half of the last week, and thus the final point of the seventy weeks, in the apostolic age, between three and four years after the death of Christ. This point appears at first sight still more vague and obscure than the terminus a quo. And here we observe again, the necessarily enigmatical character of prophecy, which we have already shown the dignity of reve- lation demands, and without which prophecy would be degraded to the level of prediction and soothsaying. As we found the beginning of the seventy weeks connected with an important event which the word of God itself points out to the careful investigator, so, in like manner, shall we find the end. A period of about from three to four years — we have no chronological data of greater accuracy — must have elapsed after the death of Christ, during which the gospel was preached exclusively to Jews, and during which the congregation of Christians stood in favour with all the people (Acts ii. 47 ; v. 13, 14). But then persecutions broke out on the side of Israel against the apostolic church; Stephen fell as the first martyr (Acts vii.). The respite given to the people after the three years' active ministry of Christ, was now at an end (Luke xiii. 6-9), and the Jews made the measure of their sins, which they had already filled by the murder of the Messiah, flowing and running over (Matt, xxiii. 32-38). The last and highest revelations of mercy were to be vouchsafed to Israel before judgment could overwhelm them ; not merely the Son of God, but the Holy Spirit was to visit them ^ ' Against "Wieseler, p. 84. 140 RESULT. (comp. Matt. xxi. 33-41, with xxiii, 34). But when the people rejected Him also, it was inwardly dead ; from that day, as it was with our first parents from the day of the fall, it was already an accursed fig tree, a branch cast away and waiting only for the fire of judgment, a carcase round which the eagles must of necessity soon gather (Mark xi. 12, etc. ; John xv. G ; Matt. xxiv. 28). Thus the Acts of the Apostles, and it is worthy of all notice, turns away from the Jews after the chapter which records the death of Stephen (viii.), and describes how the gospel passed over gradually to the Gentiles. This remarkable book is thus, by its entii'e historic view, which Michael Baumgarten has so beautifully developed in its holy and deep symmetry, an eloquent witness for the fulfilment of our prophecy, and serves the same purpose in regard to the terminus ad quern, as Ezra and Nehemiah serve for the terminus a quo. The angel mentions also the execution of the decree of the divine judgment in Israel by the Roman world-power under Titus, but this does not strictly belong to the seventy weeks, and is also not narrated in the New Testament. The absence of this narrative in both places is to be explained by the same reason. Israel, after having rejected salvation, ceased to be the subject of sacred history, and became that of profane history alone. The ninth chapter — such is our result — reaches, with its pro- phecy of both salvation and judgment, till the close of the first Messianic period, till the rejection of Christ by Israel and the consequent rejection of Israel by Christ, " till the temporary interruption of the history which began in Abraham, by that judgment on the people of the covenant which Titus was called to execute."^ From this time the kingdom of God is taken from Israel and given to the Gentiles (Matt. xxi. 43), until the second coming of the Messiah, when the covenant people will be con- verted, and take its place at the head of humanity (Matt, xxiii. 30; Acts i. 6, 7; vii. 3, 19-21; Rom. xi. 25-31, 15). This ' Kurtz. Gesch. des Alten BunJes, i., 2 AuH., S. do. MODERN INTERPRETATIONS. 141 second coming of the Messiah in glory, and the restoration of the kingdom of Israel connected with it, Daniel beheld in the seventh chapter. The intervening period between the two Messianic epochs, or between the destruction of Jerusalem and the conversion of all Israel, which forms for the people of the covenant a great parenthesis, filled up by the fourth monarchy, is veiled from Daniel in considerable obscurity, on account of his Old Testament and Israelitish standpoint. And it is this very parenthesis which we shall see filled up by the Apocalypse of St John. SECOND CHAPTER. THE MODERN INTERPRETATIONS. If our investigation has thus established the correct view of the seventy weeks, which is no other than that ancient one which has prevailed in the Church, modern criticism has received a death- blow on the purely exegetical field. The chief support which that criticism derives for its hypothesis concerning our book, the hy- pothesis, namely, that it extends no further than to Antiochus Epiphanes, is undermined. Whether this accurate chronologi- cal prophecy was given two hundred or six hundred years before its fulfilment, whether under Antiochus or under Darius, its mi- raculous character is not affected. Of course, however, no one who arrived at the true interpretation of the book, doubted its genuineness ; for such an one is altogether free from the ration- alistic terror of special prophecies. In this respect the ninth chapter, rightly interpreted, is of great importance in relation to the eleventh, which abounds in disclosures distinguished by minute historical detail, and which on that account, has frequently presented difficulties even to orthodox theologians. We have already seen, from different points of our investigation, how closely these two revelations are 142 J. en. K. HOFMANN. related in their form. Both, it seems, were received by Daniel in a waking state, and after long prayer and fasting. Both were given to him by the mouth of an angel, simply and without .symbols ; and in this way the most special disclosures are not only possible, but, when we consider the hiuts throughout the book, concerning the important influence exercised by angels on the affairs of the world, and of which we have already spoken,^ it seems natural that they should be given through this agency. Both revelations are the last of the entire book, and we know that there is a progress in individual prophecies towards increas- ing minuteness. If in this respect we compare the eleventh chapter with the ninth, the question at once occurs: Is the chronological detail in the latter more easily comprehended, and less wonder- ful, than the historical detail in the former? The quantity, larger or smaller, of the communications, cannot, of course, decide tlie question. The right view of the ninth chapter will enable the consistent thinker to free himself from all the diffi- culties which the eleventh chapter may have caused him. This, however, renders it only the more imperative on us to examine carefully the arguments of our opponents, and to see whether they can defend their calculations from our text (which is certainly full of difficulties), or whether they give more satis- factory solutions of the problems than our own. And this task becomes the more important, when we consider that in the rank of our opponents there is a scholar who strenuously defends the genuineness of Daniel, and with whose general views of the prophet we cordially sympathize : — J. Chr. K. Hofmann in Erl- angen. After the publication of Ilengsten berg's Christology in the year 1832, in which he treated at length the prophecy of ' How much Daniel viewed events as connected with tlie world of angels, appears also from the circumstance that he often puts the third person plural, to which you must supply, as subject, "the angels," as is done by Abenesra; in our German translation we render it impersonally (" man "), comp. 2, 30, 4, 13, 28, and IlUziy on the last passage. In like manner, the Lord Jesus says, rr,t •vt-ux'ii' *■«" arxmvffif iro rev, translated by Luther, " thy soul will be required of thee." Comp. also Job vi. 19 ; vii. 3; and Rev. xii. 6. WIESELEE, HITZIG. 143 the seventy weeks, and confirmed anew the Church's interpreta- tion of them, there appeared, besides other less important essays (comp. Hitzig, p. 153), two monographs on the same subject in 1836 and 1839, both of which we have had repeated occasion to quote, the first by Hofmann,'^ and the second by Wieseler.^ These two theologians oppose Hengstenberg, and agree in many essential points with each other. Both have taken up the subject again. Hofmann confirming his former views in his "Weissagung and Erfiillung," Wieseler modifying his former views in his critique of the well-known work of the Duke of Manchester, "Times of Daniel" (Gdtt. gel. Anz. 184G, S. 113, ff). It is, therefore, only this last exposition of Wieseler's views that we shall have to consider. To these must be joined Hitzig in his " Commentary." Ewald in the second volume of his " Propheten des Alten Bundes," as well as Hengstenberg in his Christology, have expounded in detail only the present passage out of the whole book of Daniel (pp. 569-572). We see that the brief paragraph of four verses which is the subject of our investigation, has attracted an unusual share of attention ; for the whole question on Daniel is intimately connected with it. We may pass over the earlier opponents of our interpretation, as they have been already considered by Hengstenberg, and after him by Havernick. — comp. Hitzig, p. 173 ; Wieseler, die 70 Wochen, etc. p. 69, etc. I. THE VIEWS OF EWALD, HOFMAJJN, WIESELER, AND HITZIG. These four commentators agree in this, that like Bertfwldt, Eichhorn, von Lengerke, and others, they take the last week to mean the time of distress, which Israel experienced in the days ' Die 70 Jahre des Jer. nnd die 70 Jahrwochen des Dan. zwei exeget-histor. Untersuchungen, Niirnb., 1836. ' Die 70 Wochen und die 63 Jahrwochen des Propheten Daniel, etc. Got- tingen, 1839. It is remarlvable that Wieseler has made no remark on the work of Hofmann, published three years before his own. 144 ewald's view. of Antioclius Epiphancs. But their views of the seven, and of the sixty-two weeks, are very different. Eivald stands here quite isolated from the rest, in that he acknowledges what should never have been denied, that the seventy weeks form a continuous whole, and that their component parts must succeed each other in the same order as is mentioned in the text, first the seven, then the sixty-two, and lastly the one week. The terminus a quo described in ver. 25, is, according to Ewald, the fourth year of Jehoiakim, or the year G07 B.C.; an opinion which he founds on Jeremiah xxv. 1, for this prophecy he conceives to be the " going forth of the command." From 607 he calculates the first seven weeks down to Cyrus (536), who, according to him, is the Maschiach Nag'ul ; the sixty-two weeks he reckons from Cyrus down to the year 176, which is marked by the violent death of the predecessor of Antiochus Epiphanes, Seleucus iv. Philopator, who, according to Ewald is the Maschiach ; finally, the last revolt is the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, who is conse- quently the Napid from 176-166. Ewald himself confesses, that this exposition makes neither the seventy weeks as a whole, nor the individual parts, agree with history. For, instead of 490 years, he obtains 441 ; instead of 49, 71 ; instead of 334, 360, and instead of 7, 10. This of itself is a complete answer to the ex- position, and it is scarcely necessary to point out that the year in which Jeremiah xxv. was spoken, cannot possibly be taken as the terminus a quo, for the subject of that divine message is not the restoration, but on the contrary, the destruction of Jerusalem ; thus forming the foundation and substratum of our passage, as is admitted by Hitzig (158, 174). We therefore agree with Ewald only in so far as he justly opposes the other interpreters, assert- ing what the text clearly demands, that the seven weeks are to be taken as immediately preceding the sixty-two. For Ilofmann, Wieseler, and Hitzig, all agree in separating the first seven weeks from the rest, and in dating, though for different reasons, the commencement of the sixty-two weeks, or 434 years from about the same period, namely 606 or 605 B.C., which is IIOFMANN, WIESELER, HITZIG. 145 Evvald's terminus a quo for the wliole calculation, thus bringing the end of the sixty-two years to 171 or 170, when the sufferings of Israel, through Antiochus the Nagid, which form the contents of the last week, begin. By the Anointed, who is killed after the sixty-two weeks, they understand the high priest Onias iii,, in whose assassination Wieseler and Hitzig, and in whose deposition Hofmann see the fulfilment of the n*iiV The la?tweek extends to the death of Antiochus Epiplumes in the year 164; in the middle of that week the service of God (" sacrifice and oblation") was abrogated by this king, and the service of idols was in- troduced. Thus these three commentators apply the sixty-two weeks and the one week to a period which, according to Ewald, embraces the wliole seventy. By this the foi'mer avoid the chronological dilJiculties, which render Ewald's view inadmis- sible, and obtain an exact chronological coincidence of fulfil- ment. These commentators are essentially agreed in their exposition of the sixty-three weeks, but in that of the seven weeks they differ very widely. Hitzig, agreeing chiefly with Eichhorn, understands by the going forth of the command (vei*. 25) the oracle Jer. xxx. and xxxi., which, he argues from xxxi. 15, was given in the year of the destruction of Jerusalem ; and he understands the Maschiach Nagid to refer to Cyrus. He thus commences the seven weeks with 588, and brings them to 539, when, he says, Cyrus first came within the horizon of Jewish history. Thus the seven weeks, according to him, fall within the sixty-two, and form part of them. AVieseler and Hofmann admit, that the Maschiach Nagid refers to the Messiah. Wieseler wishes to annex the seven Aveeks to the end of the sixty-three, and begins from the year 164 B.C., which leads to this conclu- sion, that the Messiah " ought to have come 115 years before Christ. But the words were scarcely meant to be so rigorously applied. The meaning is rather general ; in a time not very distant — in about seven times seven years — in a spiritual year of jubilee — the Messiah will appear." Hofmann finally refers the 146 llOFMANN, •SVIESELEK, HITZIG. whole, not to the first advent of Christ, which is past, but to His future, His second advent ; — the going forth of the Word, the terminus a quo for the calculation of the seven weeks is, according to him, a divine call of God to Israel — a call, as yet, in the dark future, to rebuild Jerusalem, and the end of the seven Aveeks is the completion of the New Jerusalem, under its ])rincely King. AVe admit, that the exposition which these three commenta- tors give of the sixty-two weeks and the one week, is, at first sight, pleasing and jdausible. This is the reason also why com- mentators, who on other points differ so widely as the three mentioned, yet agree in this. But although the striking coinci- dence and agreement of years inclines us for a moment to look favourably on this \ iew, we have only to consider the calculation of the seven weeks, to see at once that we have here one of those cases of frequent occurrence in apocalyptic exegesis, in which men of undoubted acuteness are blinded and led astray by striking, yet purely accidental coincidences. For, it would be hard to say which is the most unfavourable aspect of these interpretations ; — if compared with each other, the immen.se difference in the calculations of the seven M'ceks produces an effect almost comical ; Avhile, viewing them singly, their arbi- trariness in explaining this period prefixed by the angel is palpably manifest, as well as the forced and unnatural manner in which they look for some plan and means to interpret the inconvenient seven weeks. These views of the forty-nine years were thus proved to be mere makeshifts of necessity ; and this is decisive from the outset against such a mode of interpreting our prophecy. For, not to take into account the special contents of the angelic message, so much is clear, that in all these expositions there is only room for sixty-three weeks, and consequently the nerve and emphasis of the number seventy is lost. These commenta- tors, therefore, looked for every possible method to account for the seven weeks. Whilst, in the text, the seven belong simply to CRITICISM OF THE MODERN VIEW. 147 the sixty-three, and precede them, they either put them within, or at the end of the sixty-three, or separate them entirely, anil make them take place centuries alter. The only variety which is left, would be for some ingenious .man to discover, that they are to be found some thousand years before the sixty-three. From the stand-point of our opponents, Ewald's view is evidently the only textual one ; and no one would ever think of separating the seven weeks at the beginning, were it not that Ewald's view is too palpably refuted by every number without exception men- tioned in the text. But we proceed to an examination of the details. II. CRITICISM OF THESE VIEWS. I. THE CHRONOLOGICAL CALCULATION. We begin with the point to which our attention has been last directed, the calculation of the seventy, or rather the sixty- two, relatively sixty-three prophetic weeks. We have a two- fold objection against this calculation, plausible as it is, and shall add a third to the general view taken by our opponents of the seventy weeks. I. With regard to the terminus a quo of the calculation, the commentators, though from very different motives, agree in the year 606 — 605 b. c. This divei'sity in the mode of proof, is of itself not calculated to promote our confidence in the result, but rather to give rise to the suspicion, that the year was fixed upon because it suited the calculation, and that the reasons were looked for afterwards, one commentator lighting upon one reason, another upon a difierent one. But none of the reasons can bear criticism. Hofmann thinks (Weiss, u. Erf. i., S. 296), that the whole prophecy presupposes in the reader certainty concerning the 148 THE TERMINUS A QUO, HOFMANN. terminus a quo ; and that this point, according to ix. 2, cannot be found in any other year than that in which Jerusalem was made a " desolation." Thus the destruction of Jerusalem would be the commencement of the sixty-two weeks ; but that event according to Hofmann's peculiar mode of calculation, falls in the year 605 B.C. We will not urge here, that Hofmann makes the whole matter depend on the uncertain result of his peculiar chronology, in which he has followed the precedent set by Hengstenberg, but will only remind the reader, that Hofmann's view, that the destruction of Jerusalem took place as early as 600 B.C., and not, as is usually supposed, 588, has, as far as we know, found even fewer adherents than Hengstenberg's con- jecture about the date of the accession of Artaxerxes. And even if Hofmann's chronology were correct, his view regarding the commencement of the sixty-two weeks would not be tenable. Hofmann thus explains ver. 25 : From the issuing of the Divine command to build Jerusalem (which is, even for us Christians, a future event), till (the second coming of) the Messiah, are seven weeks ; and (from the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebu- chadnezzar) the city will be rebuilt in sixty-two Aveeks. But after Daniel has prayed for the restoration of the city, who would be inclined to think that the answer vouchsafed to his supplication should refer, by the words, " the going forth of the command to restore and to build Jerusalem," to anything else than a Divine command concerning the rebuilding of the city, in the immediate future ? It was impossible for Daniel to understand by it a second, much later command of God ; and further, in the words, " from the going forth of the command to build Jerusalem," we have a tcnmnus a quo most distinctly given, and who could therefore imagine, that he ought to supply a new point of commencement, totally opposed to one so clearly indicated, and a commencement of which no trace can be found, either in the words themselves or in the context ? And who can imagine, that the first mentioned terminus a quo is to be supposed later than the second, which is not mentioned in THE TERMINUS A QUO, WIESELER. 149 the text, but in Hofmann's exposition ? And who can imagine that the words, " to restore and to build," Avhich occur twice, without any difference, in tlie same verse, describe two different buildings, separated in time by at least two thousand five hun- dred years ? Hofmann's exegesis is certainly nowhere more violent and bold, than in this passage. Wieseler (p, 124-126) arrives at the same result, 606 B.C., by an exposition totally different. He acknowledges that " the going forth of the command to build Jerusalem," is the point at which the calculation commences; but, like Ewald, he under- stands by this command the oracle Jer. xxv., which, according to ver. 1, falls within that year. We have seen why this sup- position of Ewald is untenable, and as such it has been recog- nised also by Hitzig. But the further treatment of the text of the twenty-fifth verse by Wieseler, in order to remove the seven weeks from the commencement, and to put them to the end of the sixty-three, is not less erroneous and impossible. He tries to show that the words oblUl"!^ — KUn-p are closely con- nected with the preceding words b3U;ni ynni, and would make a longer pause after dbu^llV The prophet's object is " to em- phasize the terminus a quo of the seventy weeks, by the addition of '73'll7n*i yTm, which is absolutely necessary for the correct under- standing of the passage." But even if we grant this, where does Wieseler obtain the right to throw the following words out of the text, and add them as a conclusion to ver. 27, ny n^iyn 1^33 DTiiy nrmy ; at the same time, quietly taking the 131 Nliwin from the 131 rr>u;)3 and inserting it before the D">ju;i cu;!:; cyiUJl. Hitzig justly remarks against this bold operation : '• The right of transposing the seven weeks from the beginning to the end, has not been demonstrated (Hitzig, p, 174)." Now, with regard to Hitzig himself, he does not even take the trouble to show why the sixty-two weeks are to be calculated from the year 606. He makes the " pseudo prophet" count backwards, and calculate in arbitrary confusion, just as a modern commentator does when he is hard pressed (see espe- ] 50 niTZiG. oially p. 169). "We must protest in general, in the name of evangelical theology, against the undignified manner in which Hitzig treats the Old Testament, especially this book of Daniel.^ "\Vc can only turn with righteous indignation from a criticism so devoid of all reverential feeling for the holy text, that, for example, it can apply the expression, " the Tvpmrov -^ivhos of the calculation" (applicable enough to itself), to the words of the ])rophet, or rather of the angel. This exposition has laid bare its own falsehood, by speaking of the existence of a y^evbos, and that too in these very seven weeks. Hitzig's words, p. 170: "The TTpcoTcv yj/fiibos in the calculation, is the seven weeks for which tlie author had to find some place," only confirms the remarks we made above in relation to this. II. "We have considered the difficulties which attach to these interpretations separately ; we shall turn now to one, which they have in common. In ver. 25, the text says, according to Hitzig's own translation, that " Jerusalem Avill be restored and rebuilt during sixty-two weeks," or, according to Ewald, " for sixty-two weeks." Supposing now the sixty-two weeks commence with the year fiOG, then the whole time of the exile, during which, it is to be ob- served, Jerusalem lay desolate, as our chapter most emphatically ])oints out, would be included, withotit distinction, in Vie time of the building of the city, which is absurd. Hofmann feels the force of this objection, but his attempted refutation (die 70, Jahre, S. p. lOG ; "Weiss, u. Erfull, S. 302), will scarcely convince any one, especially when he remembers the fundamental views from which our chapter starts. ' Specimens, )). 1C8: "Die Ausle;?er siiid hier sclbst mit allerlei S"u'pr in (lie ^Voc•llen gekonimeii," p. 17 spcakinp of Daniel (cliap. ii), " The combina- tion of four metals shows little taste, and, besides, the treatment of the whole contains many things offensive, and altojrether cannot be called successful," etc. AVhat the critic says about the book Daniel would, in most cases, be true of the book Hitzig. GENEEAL VIEW OF THE SEVENTY WEEKS. 151 III. We have hitherto confined ourselves to the consideration of the terminm a quo, and the view of the sixty two weeks derived from it. We must now glance at the general vieiu of the seventy prophetic iveeks taken by these commentators. For, after all, this is the touch-stone of the whole. The chief objection to Hof- mann's view is, that according to him there is an indefinite gulf between the sixty-three and the seven weeks, which takes the main stay from the whole calculation and the whole prophecy, and renders the words prefixed as fundamental to the whole predic- tion of the seventy weeks, utterly illusory. The exposition is just as if one should say; the old Roman empire, which existed from 752 B.C. till 476 a.d., lasted between 700 and 800 years; 240 years from the beginning till the expulsion of the kings ; and then again, about 500 years from the commencement of the empire to its end ; the intervening period of the republic is not to be taken into consideration. This is somewhat like Hofmann's distribution of the sixty-three and the seven weeks, with this difference, that his violent separation is still more forced. The period between 164 b.c. and a future, which is even for us distant and indefinite, is simply cut by him out of the calculation. In vain we ask by what right ? An interven- ing period might perhaps be passed over, if the point where the first period ends, or is bi'oken off, were one of decisive import- ance for the development of Israel, as, for example, the destruc- tion of Jerusalem by Titus. There, it might be said, commence the x.a.iqo\ i^vuu ; a grand parenthesis as regards the history of Israel, which will be concluded in the future by the restoration and convei'sion of Israel. (This view is taken to some extent in the lectures on Daniel already quoted (p. 106), the Calwer Bi- belerklarung, and other works, which refer the last week to the times of antichrist). But it is impossible to see a reason why the prophecy concerning " the people and the holy city " should be interrupted by the death of Antiochus Epiphanes, especially, as, owing to the prophecies contained in Daniel (chaps, viii. and xi.), the danger which then threatened Israel 152 GENEKAL VIEW OF THE SEVENTY "NVEEKS. passed over without inflicting essential injury, and the nation maintained its existence as it had previously done, for more than 200 years. If Antiochus Epiphanes had, for instance, destroyed Jerusalem, we might be able to conceive how the prophecy might have passed on from this event, to a new command of God to rebuild Jerusalem. But, as it stands, it is clear why the prophecies of the eighth and eleventh cliaptcrs conclude with the death of Antiochus ; it is not comprehensible that a revela- tion, which, according to Hofmann's own admission, concerns also the more remote history of Israel, should break off at this very point. The prophecy would, in that case, pass over in utter silence events of far greater moment, such as the first coming of the Messiah, and the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus ; and this is yet more improbable than the sufliciently great improbability, that the sixty-two weeks devoted to the rebuilding of Jerusalem, should include likewise the period of its desolations. What views of history the angel must have had, if Hofman's interpretation be true ! Compared with this exposition, Wieseler''s view has the advantage, that he regards the seventy weeks as a continuous whole. But we have already pointed out that the transposition of the seven weeks from the begiiming to the conclusion, cannot be reconciled with the words of the text. And we may add, at this point, that Wieseler himself, in his first treatise, rejects the view he afterwards adopted (and which had been previously advanced by Corrodi in his Critical History of Chiliasm, i. p. 247), in the following short and striking words : " The arbitra- riness and untextual method of such a transposition is palpably manifest." This is quite true, and, moreover, this view of Wieseler-Corrodi, is refuted by the extraordinary want of con- gruity between the prophecy thus understood, and its historic fulfilment. AVliat is the meaning of the assertion that Christ ought to have come 115 years B.C.? Does Wieseler, who is a master of biblical chronology, seriously believe that the Bible is so deficient and inaccurate in chronology? And must he not GENERAL VIEW OF THE SEVENTY WEEKS. 153 since have given up a view, according to which prophecy re- sembles a ball, to which a feeble hand gives an impetus so weak, that, unable to overcome some accidental obstruction, it is stopped before it reaches its destined goal ! Turning lastly to Hitzig, the forced and far-fetched way in which he tries to show historically when " the going forth of the commandment" took place, strikes every reader. He felt corx'ectly, that Jer. xxv. was not intended by Daniel, and, there- fore, he looked for some passage in that part of Jeremiah, in which the rebuilding of Jerusalem is spoken of. The thirtieth and thirty-first chapters occurred to his mind. But, unfortunately, this revelation is without a chronological date, and, therefore, does not seem very well suited to be a chronological terminus a quo. But, in this distress, some expedient will offer. In tlie fifteenth verse of the thirty-first chapter, which speaks of Rachel lament- ing over her fallen sons, Hitzig finds a hint that these chapters were written in the year of the destruction of Jerusalem. Now, it is difficult to say which part of this procedure is more arbi- trary, the fixing on this particular prophecy for a purpose which ten others, with the like contents, might serve as well — the deduction of the chronological date from chap. xxxi. 15, or the supposition that the historical hint, whicli is, at all events, but obscurely implied in the verse, was intended for the terniinus a quo of the seventy weeks. And, as regards the exegesis as a whole, it is so palpably irreconcileable with the text, to insert the seven weeks among the sixty-two, that a further refutation is unnecessary. If this exposition be right, what reason or excuse is there for speaking of seventy weeks ? It is a blunder against the first rules of addition, and is just as if a man were to say, the word Daniel consists of eight letters, D a n i e make up five, I makes six, but then you must count a and n a second time, which makes in all eight, Q.E.D. It is manifest that this view altogether destroys the meaning of ver. 24, one of the deepest and sublimest Messianic passages of the Old Testament. According to Hitzig, the promises of this verse may be reduced 154 MAScniAcn— ONiAs. to the " great event, contemporary with the autlior, the consecra- of a new altar for burnt sacrifices " (1 Maccabees iv. 54, 56, 59). (Hitzig, p, 157.) After this survey, we think we noay confi- dently remind the reader of our exposition as given above, and simply leave it to his judgment to say on which side there is greater simplicity and ease of calculation, closer adherence to the text, and less chronological difficulty. The views of our opponents are certainly incapable of interpreting the cardinal point of the whole prophecy, the centre round which everything else revolves, the seventy prophetic weeks themselves, which must form as continuous a whole as those of Jeremiah. Their calculation is, therefore, radically false. II. EXPOSITION OF THE DETAILS. We have considered the outer chronological frame ; we turn now to the picture itself, which the prophecy unfolds before us, as our opponents represent it, and which differs widely from that which we ourselves have seen. We must first, however, consider some detaiL<, and leave the impression of the whole to form the subject of the following paragraph. We can state our views with brevity, as we had occasion to speak of chronological calculation in connection with ver. 2-i and 25, and single out only the most important points in ver. 26 and 27. I. The expression Maschiach, is decisive. Formerly Hitzig and others, and Ewald even now, referred it to one of the Seleu- cidie, the precursor of Antiochus Epiphanes, but they had to relinquish this view, because, as we have seen above, his death took place several years too soon to suit the calculation. Here again, the change of opinion betrays the unsatisfactory character of the view. At present Ililzuj, Ilofmann^ and Wicscler, are unanimous in referring the Maschiach to the high priest Onias, and yet, even here, they do not agree in reality. One could SECOND CLAUSE OF VER. 26. 155 possibly refer the word to Oiiias, if one could understand the ni3"' to mean, as Hofmann interprets it, a degradation or deposi- tion of the high priest ; from which event it is true, according to 2 Mace. iv. 7, etc., the pernicious influence of Antiochus upon Jewish affairs, dated its commencement (Weiss, u. Erfiill, i. S. 295). But nobody will agree with Hofmann, that m^^ can be applied to anything except violent death; at least the formula m3> ah which he adduces, proves nothing in our case. And for this reason Wieseler and Hitzig retain justly the translation generally adopted : " an Anointed one shall be killed." But the murder of Onias, years after his deposition, is in itself a fact devoid of importance, and the less suited to be prominently mentioned in this prophecy, as Antiochus showed himself on this occasion in a more favourable light than usual (2 Mace. iv. 38-38). The expression lb ^>N"l, also, loses its real meaning if this view is adopted, nor can we see what connection subsists between the gi-eat distress spoken of in the second clause of the verse, and the murder of a high priest who has been deposed from his office. If we bear in mind the deep and mighty meaning which these verses possess, according to the Messianic interpretation, and the connection of ideas so pregnant and sug- gestive, which binds together the individual parts of the prophecy, the modern exposition will then appear to place the central point in such an artificial and uncertain light, and, at the same time, degrade it to such trivial, puny dimensions, that it is not difficult to decide in the choice between the two expositions. n. The second clause of ver. 26, contains several things utterly irreconcileable with the view, that the acts of Antiochus Epiphanes alone are here set forth. Thus, for instance, it would be difficult to show that n>nu;n, where it has for its object city and sanctuary — it is different in viii. 24 — does not mean destruction, but merely confusion, as Hofmann translates it. The word occurs e.g., Gen. xix. 14, descriptive of the fate of Sodom. But, in our passage, its meaning is unambiguous, owing 156 THE COVENANT CONFIRMED. to its opposition to the rebuilding. We shall consider the expressions T^iji and ")2{p below. III. In ver. 27, the words nm ■i>a3n offer insurmountable difficulties to the modern interpretation. The explanation given by Hofmann, Ewald, and Wieseler, that Antiochus was to make a firm covenant with many Jews, has been refuted in a masterly manner by Hitzig, p. 1G4, and he admits that rf^i can only refer to a covenant of God with the people. But he substitutes an exposition equally untenable, by inventing, to meet his pre- conceived opinion, the indefensible meaning of " making heavy" for "i"«aarT : " the covenant of God weighed heavily upon him, from the time that he and the people were attacked because of it." It would have been easier to make i>:iin mean violare. Here we can leave the views of our opponents to judge and correct each otUer. As Hitzig is right in refuting the three others concerning rTilia, they justly refute his view of *i^lin. It is impossible to translate the words, except as follows : "one week confirms the covenant with many;" ascribing, as is often done, to the time, the event which happens in it ; and this is done in our passage with a special purpose. We have seen above, that yili'U;, as a time, containing the number seven, is a time of Divine revelation. The subject has thus in it an indication of what is more fully described in its effects by the verb and its object. The time of God, and the confirmation of the covenant, are necessarily connected. IV. And this leads us to another point, in which all the views of our opponents prove themselves defective ; that they are not able to explain in any way the symholiccd importance attached to Vie numbei^s — an importance so clearly and expressly pointed out by the angel. And this defect appears in the strongest light in the last Aveek, when, according to the exposition given by them in common, the signification of tlie sacred number is turned into its very opposite. For the number seven, whicli is well known CHAP. IX. AND CHAPS. VIII. X.-XII. CONTRASTED. 157 to be symbolic of the Divine, becomes, according to their view, the symbol of what is opposed to God. "We are astonished that Hofmann especially, who in other places has a deep insight into the meaning of biblical numbers, could have so completely over- looked and passed over this point. We are thus confirmed by our consideration of ver. 26 and 27, in the remarks we made at ver. 25. Modern exposition agrees as little with the words and individual features of the text, as it corresponds to the chronological frame of the Avhole. In the sequel we shall have occasion to consider, in this respect, ver. 27 also. But the words in ver. 26, tf^n n*i3V are ever of central importance. Here also the stone of olience is the cross of Christ. 111. THE CHARACTEE OF THE WHOLE CHAPTER. a. The fundamental mid distinctive cliaracteristics of the prophe- cies referring to Antiochiis Ejnphanes . We turn now to the consideration of the relation in which the four verses of prophecy stand to the whole chapter in which they occur, and then to the relation in which the ninth chapter stands to the book of Daniel ; and shall likewise see here what insurmountable difficulties the modern exposition has to encoun- ter. It can neither be reconciled with the context of our pas- sage, nor with the general mode in which Daniel speaks of Antiochus. The whole circle of ideas in which the ninth chapter places us, is entirely different from that which relates to Antiochus — the starting-point, the leading ideas in our chapter, cannot be brought into harmony with a prediction concerning Antiochus. Daniel's prayer refers to the return from exile, the rebuilding of the city, and in connection with this, the salvation of the people, and the fulfilment of the Messianic prophecies. What 158 CHAP. IX. AND CHAPS. VIII. X,-XII. CONTRASTED. has all this to do with Antiochus Epiphanes, who exercised no important decisive influence, especially concerning the city of Jerusalem, whose future, next to the number seventy, forms the very centre and burden of the prophecy (comp. particularly l>i'rr ver. 2G). The sixty-two weeks, i.e., the years G05-171 B.C., are said to stand for the time of the rebuilding of Jerusalem ; but as little as this event can begin in the year 605, i.e., before the destruction of Jerusalem, so little can one imagine a reason why it should end with 171, or why the time of destruction should commence here. Thus the modern interpretation is incapable of explaining the very central points, round which, according to ver. 2, the whole prophecy turns, the number seventy, and the rebuilding and second destruction of Jerusalem. But let the reader, free from prejudice, read the first nineteen verses of the chapter, and endeavour to realise the situation there described, and he will find, that a mention of Antiochus would be entirely out of place, nay, would disturb and offend our feelings and our train of thought ; whereas the course of ideas traced by us is not only natural and easy, but stands in necessary connection with the Avhole. We can easily conceive how those commentators, who are forced by their preconceived opinions to refer everything in our book to Antiochus Epiphanes, feel this necessity also in our chapter. But we cannot comprehend the reasons which force Hofmann to adopt this view. This is one of the cases (which indeed are not very rare) where his praiseworthy striving for a historical view keeps him in fetters to a lower stand-point, resembling the rationalistic mode of conception, which in other places he has overcome and refuted in a manner so profound, masterly, and happy. His correct view of the relation subsist- ing between the first and second parts of our book, should of itself have led him to the conviction, that as the first prophecy concerns the development of the kingdom of God, as Avell as of the God-opposed power of the world, even into times the most remote, so the second part would contain not merely the CHAP. IX. AND CUArS. VIII. X.-XII. CONTRASTED. 159 development of the world-power, but also that of the kingdom of God, would reveal the more immediate future of salvation. And this vieAV is hinted by Hofmann himself (die 70 Jahr., p. 108), when he expresses the opinion, that the a priori expecta- tion of finding somewhere in this universal book, mention made of the first appearance of the Messiah on earth, was justified and legitimate. But it is not only out of harmony with the starting-point and purpose of our chapter, to refer it to Antiochus. It must be further observed, that the character of the passages which undoubtedly treat of Antiochus (chap. viii. and xi.), are alto- gether different from the way and manner in which our chapter (according to our opponents) speaks of him. In the other pas- sages he appears throughout in connection with the development of the world-poAver, as the head of the third monarchy. Here, however, we stand upon theocratic, Israelitish ground ; and Antiochus would form an isolated phenomenon, introduced merely ab extra. What difference is there between the indefi- nite designation oi Nagid, which suggests at once the expression, ^^Xp, xi. 18, designating also the chief commander of a state or a general of the Romans, and the minute and terrible descrip- tion (chap. viii. and xi.) of Antiochus, as type of Antichrist. When Gabriel apjieai'S unto Daniel, the prophet shows distinctly (ix. 21), that the angel was known to him from the previous vision (viii. 16). And should Antiochus, who formed the chief subject of the previous vision, be introduced as a person alto- gether unknown, not even an article intimating, that he has occurred previously ? And how can one escape seeing, that the chapter stands out isolated and unique, while the chapters ii. vii. viii. x.-xii. are of a homogeneous charactei', through which they are related to each other by an unmistakable con- nection ? Whereas the latter visions are beheld from the stand- point of the worldly power, our prophecy proceeds altogether from that of the covenant people. The thought is naturally and involuntarily suggested to our mind, that accordingly the subject IGO CIIAr. IX. AND CHArS. VIII. X.-XII. CONTRASTED. of our prophecy will be peculiar and different from that of the other chapters. This single point of itself raises a very strong presumption against those commentators who refer everything in Daniel, without distinction, and by any tortuous method, to Antiochus Epiphanes. Bearing this in mind, we will see that an objection brought fonvard, and with great emphasis, against our view of Dan. ix., by Wieseler (70 Wochen, p. 83), loses its force, and is rather a confirmation of our exposition. He says, that " a Messianic in- terpretation of our passage is rendered impossible by the general consideration, that, according to it, Daniel, when he spoke of the sixty-two weeks, would have passed over in silence the op- pression of the Jews by Epiphanes, which it was a chief object of our book to predict." This is rather the chief excellence of the Messianic exposition, that it is not forced to refer this unique chapter by violent interpi-etations to Antiochus. But it will seem natural, that in this prophecy Antiochus is not spoken of in conjunction with the Messiah, that his time, though falling within the sixty-two weeks, is passed over in silence, if we bear in mind the occasion, and the purport of the whole revelation, as we have developed it in the first chapter. The very object and significance of the ninth chapter is to present Christ as op- posed to the antichrist of the more immediate future, who was sufficiently characterised in chapters viii. and x.-xii. — The other objections brought forward by Wieseler, Hofmann, and Hitzig, against the Messianic view, have found their refutation, we trust, though they are not mentioned expressly in the first chapter of this part. There remains only one other point to which, how- ever, our opponents attach most importance, and which we shall consider in the following paragraph : — b. The resemblance to the prophecies that refer to Antiochus. Our opponents think that thfe relation in which the ninth chapter stands to the eighth and eleventh is the strongest proof APPARENT PARALLELISMS. IGl that the former refers to Antiochus. Our opponents present to us full and long enumerations of expressions, turns of thought, and data, which are, or are affirmed to be, common to these visions. Thus, for example, Hofmann, die 70 Jahre, etc., p. 97. We do not at all intend to deny this coincidence, we even regard it as intentional, and as standing in intimate connection with the whole aim of our book. Only let us carefully distinguish between real and mere apparent agreement, or a coincidence resulting from erroneous exegesis. To this latter category we refer, for instance, such a resemblance as is found between p|t!U;:a "i^Jpl ver. 26 and -iiU?> T" DSNi viii. 25, both containing, as is said, a description of the death of Antiochus ; at all events the similarity of the thought is but very general; the prefix in "lijp could be referred grammatically to iijJ, but logically the con- nection scarcely permits such a reference ; for when it is said : the people of the pi'ince that shall come, shall destroy the city and the sanctuary, and then i2Jpi immediately follows ; every one will think of the end of the thing destroyed, and not of the destroyer, and so much the more, as in the sequel a continua- tion of the description of desolations is given. As little is it legitimate to compare the xin T"-:): Di* n^niy^ lyipni in^ni ver. 26 with the D>u;np-Din CJii:;}]? n^mym viii. 24; for a closer investigation of the passage renders it perfectly clear, that not only the objects, but also the signification of the verbs are different ; religious corruption and seduction of the people is something else than the destruction of the city and sanctuary. But least of all, should a parallel be instituted in the chronolo- gical intimations. There are three data given in our book in reference to the period of Antiochus, the 2300 days, viii. 14; secondly, the 1290 days ; and thirdly, the 1335, xii. 11, 12 ; for the three times and a half, vii. 25, refer to the time of antichrist, as also those mentioned in xii. 7, which point back purposely to the former ; and this is evident from the exposition which vii. 25 gives of the words iTTp-Dyn^ V23 niboa saying: "the saints shall be given into the hands of antichrist, and he shall L 162 CHAP. IX. 27, AND VIII. 13. wear out the saints of tlie Most High." The more manifest it is that the chronological intimations given concerning Antiochus, are accurate even to a day, the less are we entitled to bulk things, and to say, that the 1290, or also the 1335 days, correspond generally (and roughly) to the half week (ix. 27), and the 2300 days to the whole. The angel's calculation shows that the one statement is as erroneous as the other ; the last number espe- cially is wrong, by hundreds of days. And should this be a matter of indifterence to a prophet, who lays such prominent stress on the difference of forty-five days ? But if the 2300 days are reduced to 1150, as Hitzig and others do, as Bengel has done (in his ordo temporum, 372, etc.), then there is not only an analogy for the " one week," in the chronological statements concerning Antiochus, but also instead of half a week, we have a third, and still less coincident number of days. We cannot thus see any parallelism between the ninth chapter and the eighth, tenth, eleventh, and twelfth, but we do not deny that such an analogy exists in other respects. The most striking instance is the expressions in ver. 27, D^JJlpU^ ^1:3 DmUJia which, on the one hand, refers us back to viii. 13, and on the other and more distinctly, to xi. 31, where the expression D)3U;t3 i>"ipu;n is an allusion to it, and to xii. 11, and its essen- tially identical expression of D)3iy yipU'* But this, as we shall soon see, is not the only point in which these thi'ee visions meet. How are we to account for this startling fact, considering the unique character of the ninth chapter ? By a simple considera- tion of the object of our book, and especially of the second part. In the seventh chapter, the coming of the Messianic kingdom is foretold to comfort the church of God, in the prospect of, and during the times of distress that shall precede that advent ; and, in like manner, the Messianic salvation in the more immediate future, and connected with it the judgment on those who violated the covenant, is to be revealed to the faithful, to be a comfort and light to them in the approaching dark days of temptation. The ninth chapter has likewise a purpose in refer- ANTIOCHUS AND MESSIAH. 163 ence to the times of Antiochus. We know from our previous remarks, that this king stands in the same relation to the first advent of Christ as antichrist to His second coming, and we have, therefore, called him the Old Testament antichrist. "We liave likewise shown, how and why, in the first part of Daniel, the fury of the antichrist and the appearance of Christ in glory, are viewed and united in the vision ; and that this simultaneous viewing of both was impossible in the second part, where the impiety of Antiochus is placed in opposition to the coming of Christ in the flesh. But, if the relation and opposition of Antio- chus to the Messiah was to be clearly pointed out, it could only be effected by unmistakeable allusions and references occurring in the prophecies concerning the one, to those which predict the coming of the other, just in the same manner as we point out the relation in which the two kings stand by the terms Christ and antichrist, furnished by the New Testament, By the striking parallelism in expression and thought which subsists between the two prophecies, the consoling expectations of the time of Messiah, were intended to be suggested to the believer, who looked forward in faith to the time of antichrist (Antiochus), and since the ninth chapter could not be united in one vision with the eighth or eleventh, the suggestion of looking from one revelation to the other, was to be afforded. The parallels are thus accounted for by this antithetical relation between the two pi'ophecies. They centre in the twenty-seventh verse, which treats of the Messianic week ; direct reference to this verse is made in the description of the hostile attacks of Antiochus on the Theocracy mentioned xi. 30-35 (comp. also viii. 10-15), and it is to this relation that all the similarity between the visions of the second part may be reduced. We can observe the antithetic relations between the name of Christ and antichrist, in the very first Avords of ix. 27 compared with xi. 30, 32. The import of the Messianic weeks, is the confirmation of the covenant to many, Ci^ib nm "i^n^n. Here, as in the times of Antiochus, the nm ^ify and "'i-'-iyiTD 164 END OF SACRIFICES. nm prevail ; they stand in favour with the king, and are the leading persons in Israel, while the faithful and prudent,^ the true Israelites, who are also called here D^inn (ver. 33, comp. xii. 10), have to suffer severely, partly from the persecution of enemies, partly from the unfaithfulness of false friends (ver, 33-35). But it is for these very " faithful and prudent" tliat the book is written, in order that the time of suffering may be blessed to them as a time of sanctification and purifi- cation (xii. 10; xi. 35). In the very midst of the abomina- tions committed against the covenant of God, the comforting prophecy of the Messianic times, in which the covenant shall be confirmed to many, was to strengthen their faith ; now the covenant of God is grievously and ignorainiously trampled upon, then it will be confirmed and raised to greater stability and glory than ever. The expression, " and in the midst of the week he shall cause the sacrifice and the oblation to cease," which occurs in the second clause of ver. 27, and which forms the remarkable description of the Messiah's sacrificial death, and of the end of the Old Economy, can only be properly understood when Ave recognise the allusion it contains lo the time of Antiochus, an allusion which decidedly infiuences the choice of expressions. Here it is easily seen that the expressions used concerning Antiochus, T>)3nn C'ln viii. 11, and concerning his hosts and followers, TiTann i-riDn xi. 31 (while it is said of the Messianic week nn^ni n:ir rfi;!;''), do not designate, as is maintained by our opponents, the same thing. For the temporary abolition of the holy sacrifice is something quite different from the total abolition of sacrifices and oblations, and, consequently of sacri- fices in general. i>Dn is not the same as D^iwrr, nor is n-innn the same as rrn3)3i nnr. But a certain resemblance between the times of Christ and antichrist was to be pointed ^ Roos (266) : " To be wise means to believe ; what is to be wise but to have the mind of Christ, to have the same mind dwelling in us which was also in Christ Jesus? What is opposed to this — is unwisdom." Comp. Hebr. 11, 26. THE APOSTATE ISRAELITES. 165 out here, that so a gleam of comfort might ilium mate the dark afflictions of the children of God. They were to be taught to look forward to the time when the covenant of God, and with it sacrifice and worship, were trodden down, to that time when salvation would come, and the covenant be confirmed, and yet the sacrifices of the old dispensation be abolished. It was to calm and support them in that period of heavy trials that the temple service, which was then taken away from them, was not absolutely necessary, that they could be the true congregation of God, even though they did not offer sacrifices to Him, since in the time of the Messiah, which was approaching, sacrifices were to cease alto- gether. This is quite the same consolation, which, as we have shown above, Jeremiah and Ezekiel gave, under similar circum- stances, to God's faithful people. For, when the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar was impending, and in connec- tion with it the interruption of the service of God, these prophets were sent to prophesy of the New Covenant, which should l>e another covenant than that of their fathers, in which the ark would be remembered no more, and God's laws be written on their hearts (Jer. iii, 16; xxxi. 31 ; Ezek. xi. 19). The most distinct allusion to D72U^?D □"'jilpu; p)33 ix. 27, is, in the words D)3U?70 y")p^n xi. 3J, xii. 11. In the former of these last mentioned passages it is wrong to take the apostate Israelites as the subject of the sentence, as Hengstenberg (Chris- tology, p. 498) does in a forced manner, by referring the "130)3 to rm:i, in order to be able to translate : mighty ones arise out of the people of the covenant: but the words iTj^y^ 13)3)3 DTlf are to be taken, as almost all commentators so take tliem, as re- ferring to the hosts of Antiochus. On the other hand, we cannot affirm that the apostate Israelites, are not part of the subject to be supplied to the following words i:n3i ibbni "I'l'-Dm, for the verse immediately preceding (ver. 80), concludes with a mention of the confederation which the king would form with those who had left the holy covenant (1 Mace. i. 12, etc.), and it naturally follows that the latter joined the king's followers in desecrating 166 THE THREEFOLD COMFORT. the temple, in abolishing the service, and in introducing the abominalions of idolatry. And thus, as partakers of these abominations, they are called in ver. 32, no longer ^iry but n>-ii ^y^iyin as it is emphatically said of them, that they are now turned complete heathens (p|>3n^).^ And this is the great- est pain for the faithful and sledfast adherents to the covenant, that members of their own nation take part in the abomination of desolations perpetrated by the heathens, and are, moreover, in consequence, invested with honour and dignity. The first problem of the Old Covenant, the success of the godless and the affliction of the godly, aopears here in its climax. While we must succumb, shall the abominations of the impious and apostate remain unpunished ? This was the question which the portion of the people that remained faithful had to address to their God. And, besides, to this question the words in chap. ix. 27, are an answer. The abominations (D>:!i"ipTi;) must first reach their highest climax (^133), the measure of iniquity must first be full, then about the same time that confirmation of the covenant, and strengthening will be brought to the faithful by the Messiah, judgment also will descend on the ungodly for their iniquity. This judgment on transgressors is also elsewhere predicted, as connected with the Messianic times {e.g. Mai. iii. 14-21; Matt, iii. 12), and especially in the prophet Malachi the connection of ideas is the same as has been here developed. A threefold comfort was needed by God's people in the time of Antiochus : 1st, Concerning the covenant of God. Is it destroyed for ever ? 2d, Concerning themselves. Are we the true church of God, though we cannot serve Him in His temple, and offer sacrifices unto Him ? od. Concerning the apostates. Are they permitted to commit the abominations with impunity ? This threefold comfort for the time of antichrist is given (ix. 27), by directing the people to the time of Messiah, and the wise took heed to it (xii. 10). And we may now ask ' Roos (22')) : " If you compare ver. 32 with rer. 30, jou will see how both Antiochus and the apostate Jews advanced in wickedness." RESULT. 167 the reader, is it not taking a merely superficial view, if, from the resemblances existing between our chapter and the eleventh and eighth, the inference be drawn, that our prophecy I'efers to Antiochus Epiphanes ? Hei-e Ave conclude our criticism of the opponents' views, and also our investigation of the ninth chapter of Daniel. We trust that the latter paragraphs have been successful in dissipating any remaining doubts or difBculties of the reader, in connection with the orthodox view held by the church in all ages, and adopted by us. For to the unprejudiced eye, thus much must be clear from our remarks, that all the other expositions given of the angelic message referring it to Antiochus Epiphanes, are wholly untenable, and that the modern view of Dan. ix. is with- out foundation, and must be given up. And thus our chapter proves a shield for the defence of our book and its genuineness. We hope we shall be able to prove the same of the second and seventh chapters. THIRD PAET. THE BEASTS AND MAN. CHAPTER I. THE FOUR BEASTS AND THE SON OP MAN IN DANIEL. a. The Present state of the Question The exegetical question which divides critics concerning the universal monarchies of the second and seventh chapters, is essentially the same as that concerning the seventy prophetic wrecks. Following the precedent of some older commentators, especially of Ephraem Syrus and Grotius, modern critics assert that these prophecies extend only to Antiochus Epiphanes, whilst we have already confessed our adherence to the view of the Church, according to which the fourth monarchy is the Roman empire, and of which Luther could say, that all the world was unanimous in this opinion and interpretation.^ We have spoken at length in our First Part of the second, and espe- cially of the seventh chapter, and need not, therefore, enter here into a minute development of their contents. We refer the reader to that chapter for a general view of the subject, and for the exposition of the details to HdvemicUs Commentary, and ' Comp. Wieseler, die 70 Wochen, 146, who considers also the oldest history of the excffcsis of our subject. Josephus also refers the fourth kingdom to the Roman. BERTHOLDT, VON LENGERKE, HITZIG. 169 especially to HofmanrCs Exposition/ with the essential points of which we most cordially sympathize. H. L. Reichel, in his short essay " On the Four World-Kingdoms of the Prophet Daniel,"^ gives correct general views, specially for the criticism of modern interpretations. We shall here consider, first, the views of our opponents, and after having refuted them, shall give such positive hints for the clearer understanding of the prophecy, as shall prepare our way for the consideration of the Beasts of the Revelations, the first of which is a combination of the four seen by the prophet. Even on this point our opponents are not united, but may be classified under three heads, represented by the Commentaries of Bertholdt, von Lengerke, and Uitzig, the most important commentaries of those that adopt the modern view. If we exclude the Roman monarchy, there remain, strictly speaking, only three, the Babylonian, Medo-Persian, and Greek ; and the object of our opponents is to convert these thi-ee into four, to do which they have recourse to various means. Bertholdt refers the first monarchy to Babylon, the second to Medo-Persia, the third to the kingdom of Alexander, the fourth to that of his successors. His expedient is thus to ana- lyse the third into two separate kingdoms. Lengerke leaves the third as it is, and divides the second. He understands by the first kingdom the Babylonian, by the second the Median, by the third the Persian, and by the fourth the kingdom of Alexander and his successors. As if to exhaust all possibilities, Hitzig takes the only mode which is thus left, and understands the first kingdom to be that of Nebuchadnezzar ; the second that of his successor, Baltasar (Belshazzar) ; the third the Medo-Persian ; and the fourth that of Alexander and his successors. However, he maintains this only of the second chapter, and gives a diffe- rent interpretation of the seventh. Because Daniel received this vision after the death of Nebuchadnezzar, and under the government of Belshazzar, Hitzig concludes, that the first king- ' Weiss, u. Erf., p. 278-291. 2 Studien und Kritiken, 1848, iv., p. 9i3-962. 170 HITZIG. dom stands for that of Belshazzar, the second for the Median, the third for the Persian, the foui'th for that of Alexander and his successors. John preceded Hitzig in giving different exposi- tions to the two chapters, hut found no follower. Such a sepa- ration of the two revelations is so violent, and so opposed to the impression of every unprejudiced reader, that we do not think it necessary to detain our readers with a refutation of Hitzig's view. He developed his view of chap. ii. as early as 1832, in the Ileidelberger Jahrbuch, and it was adopted by Kedepenning •} but it is sulficiently answered by the simple observation of Lengerke, which Hitzig has not refuted (p. 33), that in the second, seventh, and eighth chapters of Daniel, king and king- dom are represented as one, in such a manner, that nowhere do we find more than one king of the same kingdom mentioned ; but wherever prominence is given to a king (as in ii. 37, 38, to Nebuchadnezzar, and in viii. 5, to Alexander), he appears, without exception, as the representative, the personification of the whole world-kingdom. In the second chapter Hitzig regards as one the Medo-Persian monarchy ; in the seventh he sepa- rates the Median from the Persian, thus evincing his exegetical arbitrariness — an arbitrariness based on his disbelief that the sacred book has a reasonable and consistent plan ("comp. p. 98), and which thinks no inconsistency and improbability of inter- pretation too great if it but serve the result, so firmly precon- ceived, that the prophecy extends only to Antiochus Epiphanes. With this exception, the variations of the exegesis of Hitzig and von Lengerka have too little foundation and importance to be treated of separately ; they agree against Bertholdt in the chief point, that Alexander and his successors are to be taken toge- ther as forming the fourth monarchy. And for this reason, the view of the last mentioned scholar may be regarded as anti- quated, since it is unanimously given up by the more recent representatives of the modern general view, among whom we > Stud. u. Krit., 1833, S. 8G3. THE DOMINANT VIEW. 171 reckon also Eimld} It is universally felt, that it is untextual and out of proportion to refer the fourth monarchy, the most terrible of all, which shall devour the whole earth, and shall tread it down and break it in pieces (vii. 23), to the kingdom of the Diadochoi, comparatively so weak and insignificant. Hengstenberg has given a full refutation of Berthold's view in his Beitriige, p. 203, etc. Thus the dominant view of our opponents is the Lengerke, Ewald, and Hitzig view, which is adopted also by De Wette (p. 381), Lilcke (p. 45), and others, and according to which the first kingdom is that of Babylon, the second the Median, the third the Persian, and the fourth that of Alexander and his successors. It is this view which we shall consider in the subsequent pages. Our refutation of this view is difficult, from the circumstance, that owing to reasons explained above, the text of both chapters passes rapidly over the second and third monarchies, which are of chief importance here (ii. 32, 39 ; vii. 5, 6, 17) ; while, on tlie other hand, we enjoy a great advantage, in the fulness with which the second part of Daniel treats of these very monarchies (chap. viii. x. xi. xii). This furnishes us with a ground above all doubt on which the subject must be discussed. We begin, therefore, with a general comparison of the visions referring to the world-power, as contained in the first and second parts of Daniel. ' With a few unimportant modifications, loc. cit. 558. EwalcTs hypothesis furnishes again, unintentionally, an arjjument in favour of truth. He supposes the author of Daniel to understand by the four kingdoms, those of Chaldea, Media, Persia, and Greece ; but the Median and Persian form one, as the author himself indicates, by combining them in chap, viii., under the symbol of / a he-goat with two horns ; hence Ewald infers, that the author made use of a book in which the four kingdoms stood for Assyria, Chaldea, Medo-Persia, and Greece. In this there lies virtually the admission, that the text contains a fourth monarchy, in addition to the three last mentioned. But in order not to let the prophecy extend beyond Antiochus, any expedient, however arbitrary, is adopted, and (against 2, 37, 38) the fourth monarchy is prefixed, instead of being added to the third. 172 THE CONCLUSIONS OF THE VISIONS. II. CRITICISM OF THE MODERN VIEW. 1. A General Comparison of the Visions of the First and Second Parts. The modern view of Daniel does not recognise the difference which we have pointed out between the first and second part of the book — between prophecies which refer to the whole, or such as concern the more immediate future. According to this criticism, the second and seventh chapters, as well as the eighth and eleventh, refer only to Antiochus Epiphanes ; they are all Vaticinia post eventitm, and repetitions of the same events under different forms. We have shown, in the beginning, that insipid monotony is thus found in the book. And let it not be objected, that we cannot deny that the^seventh chajDter_is_a_ repetition of the second, and the eleventh of the eighth ; for there is not only a great difference between saying the same thing twice, and four or five times, but, as we have seen, the seventh chapter is not merely a repetition of the second, and the eleventh of the eighth, but these chapters contain other aspects and further developments of the same subjects, which is not the case, for instance, in the eighth chapter, viewed in its relation to the seventh. We now turn our attention to the essential difference between the first and second part, and will thence show the incompatibility of the view of our opponents with the text of the first part. I. To begin with the clearest and most evident point, the conclusion of the visions. Both in the second and seventh chapters, the Messianic kingdom appears after the four universal monarchies, and as a judgment upon them ; in the one under the figure of a stone, which breaks in pieces the metal image ; in the other under the figure of the Son of Man, to whom is siven the government of the world. AVc do not meet with this THE CONCLUSIONS OP THE VISIONS. 173 in the eighth, eleventh, and twelfth chapters. The former con- cludes simply with the death of Antiochus (viii. 25) ; and this difference between this vision and the two former must surely have struck the prophet as remarkable. Again, after the judg- ment passed on the enemy of God's kingdom, described in chap, vii., the Messiah appears to take for ever the government of the world into his hands ; after the death of the enemy, described in chap, viii., and in whom we all recognize Antio- chus, the Messiah does not appear. How then is it possible that the two enemies can be identical ? But our opponents appeal to xii. 2, 3 ; there, they say, it is distinctly prophesied, that the resurrection, and consequently the beginning of the Messianic kingdom will commence after the death of Antiochus, and after the time of distress, which is brought upon Israel by this king (xi. 45 ; xii. 1). But this very feature is characteristic. This chapter speaks only of the resurrection ; that is, of the event which has reference to the single individual, while the second and seventh chapters speak of the overthrow of the kingdoms of the world by the kingdom of the Messiah. In those chapters, something referring to indi- viduals, is mentioned with great emphasis ; an individual import- ance, which is marked by the expression □'•iT concerning the resurrection, xii. 2. But here, an event of universal character is prophesied, and in both chapters, ii. and vii., in a similar manner, while the resurrection is spoken of in chapter xii. but not in chapter viii. If, as we certainly know, but only from the New Testament, both events, the revelation of the Messianic kingdom and the resurrection, are contemporary, it is very clear and manifest why the first event is mentioned in the second and seventh chapters, with a quite different degree of importance from that attached to the second event in the twelfth chapter. But this will become still more evident, if we take a closer view of the relation in which the announcement of the resurrec- tion stands to the prophecy of the eleventh chapter, which refers to the whole, and precedes the former ; ami if we compare it 174 WHY THE RESURRECTION IS MENTIONED. with the relation which, in the second and seventh chapters, is shown to subsist between the dawn of the Messianic kingdom and the development preparing and preceding it. The D'^boiyn xii. 3 allude to the t:^^^!!?^ xi. 33, 35; the D>2-in ^pni'n to the D>llb 13^:1'' xi. 33. This explains to us why the resur- rection is mentioned at all, namely, for the purpose of distinguish- ing between the resurrection unto eternal life, and unto eternal confusion and shame. It is not for the purpose of intimating a progress in the development of history, but to point out the eternal retribution which was awaiting the Israelites, according to their conduct during the great time of temptation under Antiochus ; those who break the covenant are eternally lost ; those who remain faithful, and especially those who strengthen their brethren, and show unto them the path of life, ai*e saved and raised to eternal glory. We have here a parallel to the epistles to the seven churches, in the revelations of John, which contain promises for those who overcome, threats for those who fall away. To show the causal connection between the behaviour of the individuals during the time of probation and their eternal state — this is the sole purpose for which the resurrection is intro- duced ; as to the chronological relation between the time of dis- tress and the resurrection, not the slightest intimation is given. ^ It is worthy of remark, in relation to this point, that the phrase, "at that time," occurs twice in xii, 1, while no time is fixed in ver. 2 and 3. The angel has hitherto prophesied the develop- ment of history, without adding any remark or exhortation ; he thus concludes his predictions, by adding the strongest imagin- able incitement to faithful perseverance. And this incitement must necessarily have the stronger effect, as the resurrection, though traces of a knowledge of this fact may be found in earlier ' Hence, properly speakinff, there is no necessity to refer liere, as Hengsten- berg (Beit. 1. 4i>7), and Uofniann (Weiss, u. Erl'Ull, 1, 314), do to proplictic per- spective ; or to refer the time mentioned, .\ii. 1, to the whole jieriod up to tlie Parousia, as is done by Illivernich and Ebrard (Revel, p. 85). — comp. the an- alogy of Matt, xxvii. 2I-L'9. RESULT. 175 prophets (Isaiah xxvi. 19, 21 ; Ezek. xxxvii.), had never been brought forward so distinctly and powerfully as here, and espe- cially had never been shown in its connection with retribution. We may see what fruits this I'evelation produced in the case of the Maccabean mother and her sonsj who suffered themselves to be killed, while they confessed their faith in the resurrection, in words similar to those of our verses (2 Mace. vii. 9, 14, 23). Let us turn now to the second and seventh chapters ; the object hei'e is to prophesy the course of history objectively. After the fourth kingdom, the fifth or Messianic kingdom is mentioned, as succeeding and putting an end to the fourth, and the fourth suc- ceeded and put an end to the third, etc. One has simply to put the question : Does the resurrection in xii. 2, 3, put an end to Antiochus Epiphanes in the same way, as the appearing of the Stone or Son of Man, puts an end to the kingdom of the world? And one will see clearly the immense difference between the re- velations of the first and second parts. Hence, it is clear, that the mention of the resurrection, xii. 2, 3, is something quite different from the coming of the Messianic kingdom in the second and seventh chapters, and its prophecy serves a different pur- pose ; the two prophecies cannot, and must not, be placed in any sense whatever, in the same category. The prophecy of the eleventh and twelfth chapters is therefore of the same nature as that of the eighth. And we are thus led to the important result : the prophecies of the second part (those under consideration), conclude with the death of Antiochus ; those of the first part with the overthrow of the power of the world by the kingdom of the Messiah. Thus an important difference subsists between the two, at least as regards the final point. The second part does not extend so far into the future as the first. For, since the enemy described in the seventh chapter is the last, after Avhose overthrow the Messianic kingdom is established, it follows, necessarily, that the enemy spoken of in chapters viii. and xi. preceded him. The Greek monarchy, the culminating point of which is Antio- 176 THE STARTlNG-rOINTS. elms, must therefore precede the fourth and last, which was revealed to Daniel in the vision of the seventh chapter, II. But we must notice that not only regarding the conclud- ing part of the visions, but also as regards the starting point and the powers of the world spoken of, there is a considerable difference between the first and second part of our book. It is certain that the second and seventh chapters both speak of four kingdoms of the Avorld, tlie eighth and eleventh only of two, namely, the Medo-Persian and Greek (viii. 20, 21 ; xi. 2). It is conceded, on all sides, that the first part still includes likewise the Babylonian empire, according to ii. 37, 38. Now, holding the views of our opponents, it cannot be under- stood why the author, whom they suppose to have lived in the time of the Maccabees, took so much trouble with the king- doms of the world, which had perished long before. For if he intended to encourage and strengthen his suffering and struggling compatriots,^ he certainly displayed in his book a very useless amount of historical erudition. This has especial force when we consider the eleventh chapter, which, on the supposition of its being a vaticinium post eventum, is in truth still more inexplica- ble, than when we view it as it stands, and in the character it professes. The uninspired author could scarcely have chosen a form less adapted to his purpose, , which was to kindle the enthusiasm of his nation for the decisive moment, than by developing in such a lengthy and historical manner, events for the understanding of which those who lived after them, required to gather varied information by laborious and tedious research. If such was his purpose, would he not rather have chosen the impassioned language of earlier prophets, which, as is evident from the prayer of the ninth chapter, was equally at his com- mand? How was it possible that, in such a period, he could expect his countrymen to believe in a new and unprecedented ' De "VVette, Einl. in's A. T., p. 390. THE MODERN VIEAV IMPOSSIBLE. 177 species of prophecy? At such a time, the object was to strike tirae-hallovved patriotic chords ! What hope coukl he entertain of inspiriting the people of God by such human inventions of a laboriously framed poem? Truly, if the Israelites had to learn and to study this book for the first time in the prospect of per- secution, if it had not been tliat long before they had appro- priated its words as their spiritual nourishment, the book would have profited them nothing. This whole view, like the corresponding hypotheses of modern New Testament criticism, bears distinctly the stamp of the region whence it originated. It is perfectly devoid of all natural vigour, healthiness, and soundness of historical vision. The critic, sitting in his study, imagines the author, who lived 'in a time of mighty earnest conflicts, during which it was treason not to take part in a struggle so holy, to have been a man sitting in a study like himself. Imagine a Jewish patriot, as our oppo- nents generally style the author, sitting at his desk to write antique prophecies, instead of taking up his sword or inspiriting his people by the power of his words ; imagine him seeking help in his own artistic productions instead of the living God. When shall we cease transferring the languor and sickness of our age, the age of the Epigonoi, to the early grand times of hero- ism ? Such views are only possible as long as they are viewed in their negative polemical aspect, but, try to realise them, and they dissolve into nothing. It cannot even be imagined at what period, according to this theory, the author wrote the book. If he wrote before the death of Antiochus, how is it that he was so intimately acquainted with all the circumstances preceding thai event, that he predicted it to the very day ? If he wrote afte; his death, how could he possibly connect with this eveni his Messianic dreams ? But in either case, the book, with its Messianic prophecies, would have been rejected soon after its appearance, on account ol the evident falseness of its predictions. How, then, can it be accounted for, that it attained canonical dignity ! 178 THE MODERN VIEW IMPOSSIBLE. And even granted, for argument's, sake, tliat the author was a mere writer and composer — how clumsy was his contrivance ! If it was his object to comfort his copatriots in their heavy affliction, by showing them, that the worldly powers which op- pressed God's people, Avere always punished and finally over- thrown, he would naturally lay stress and emphasis on their fall, to render thereby the destruction of Antiochus probable. But he by no means does this. On the contrary, critics wonder (comp. Hitzig, p. 16) that, according to the representations given in the second and seventh chapters, it seems that the earlier kingdoms are not destroyed till the last is overthrown (ii. 34, 35; vii. 11, 12). Thus the author would pass over the very central point, which it was of chief importance to mention. Instead of inferring the overthrow of Antiochus from that of the former kingdoms, it is the reverse. From Antiochus' over- throw, the inference is to be drawn concerning the preceding powers ; and if so, why, according to our opponent's view, were the former kingdoms mentioned at all ; what purpose do they serve ? They say, moreover, that everything refers to Antiochus Epiphanes. But why has the author not given the least indi- cation of this in the first six chapters ? Avhy has he not given the least hint of Antiochus, especially in the second chapter, which, as is admitted by all commentators, contains the outlines of all the visions occurring in the book ? The image of the monarchies ends in ten toes ; but we can discover no vestige of a last king, who would correspond here to the little horn arising from between the ten horns in chapter vii. How signally the author would have defeated his object, by placing at the head of the entire series of visions, just that one in which was altogetlier wanting — the chief point for which the book was composed. Such a procedure would certainly have led the reader astray, and diverted his attention from the main object. Surely the zealous patriot has given himself superfluous trouble, by occu- pying himself, in a time full of extreme danger to his fatherland. THE MODERN VIEW IMPOSSIBLE. 179 with so many foreign kingdoms, that had perished long before ; and it is quite unpardonable in him to put in the most promi- nent place, which is meant to serve as the introduction and foundation of the whole, such superfluous, unnecessary, and adventitious matter alone, and completely to forget the object of his writing. According to the views of our opponents, it seems that even in ancient times the scholar supplanted the Patriot and Man ; and erudition took the place, not only of the heart, but even of common sense ! We see that the view of our opponents is incompatible, in the most essential points, with the text itself; it is not capable of entering into the manifold inches and depth, especially of the first part of the sacred prophecy. The fulness of Scripture cannot be bounded and circumscribed by so narrow and meagre a scheme. And this will appear yet more evident, when we consider the individual features of the monarchies. If the modern view of our book and its object is not capable of accounting for the full and lengthy mention made of the world- kingdoms in general, it is still less able to account for the manner in which the individual kingdoms are treated. In the first place, our opponents cannot explain, why the first and second parts are at all different — why the supposed writer, from his Maccabean stand-point, looks back to different epochs : in the second and seventh chapters to the Babylonian kingdom, in the eighth only as far as the Medo-Persian, in the seventh no further than the Persian. They cannot explain why, in the first mentioned two chapters, there are four, in both the others but two monarchies enumerated ; and in connection with this, as we shall show more at length subsequently, they cannot give a satisfactory reason why the eighth chapter speaks of the Medo- Persian kingdoms as one ; while, in the second and seventh chapters, according to their view, it is analysed into two. Taking the book as genuine, and as what it asserts itself to be, we have a simple and natural answer to all these questions, in the different times in which the revelations were vouchsafed, and ISO WHY ASSYUIA AND EGYPT AKE NOT MENTIONED. ill tke ditf'erent objects of the first and second parts. The reve- lation ol" the eighth chapter took place in the third year of Belshazzar, a time in which the Babylonian empire was decay- ing so rajtidly, that it neither required nor deserved a more minute consideration. The revelations of the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth chapters, were given to Daniel in the third year of Cyrus, and thus neither the Babylonians, nor even the Medians, needed to be mentioned ; consequently, the kingdoms here spoken of, are Persia and Greece, x. 13, 20, xi. 2. We have already dwelt largely on the different purpose, which the two parts of the book were to serve, and the consequent difference in the extent of field surveyed by the prophetic eye. But even if we admit that the author might go back to ancient kingdoms, in order to attain to a certain fulness and complete- ness in his enumeration of previous world-kingdoms, we must find it strange, as is hinted by Ewald, that he did not mention also the Assyrian, perhaps even the Egyptian, kingdom. A man living in the days of the Maccabees, looking back on the previous sufferings which Israel had to bear from the world-power, had ;io particular reason for chosing to begin with the Babylonian kingdom first, as little reason as to leave it out in the later chapters. But who can avoid seeing, in this very circumstance, that the Babylonian kingdom is mentioned as the first — a new and im- portant proof that the date of our book is that of the Baby- lonian exile, and that on the supposition of the genuineness of Daniel, a multitude of phenomena actually lying before us, and which must remain unaccounted for and unintelligible to modern criticism, are seen to have a rational basis. In the Apocalypse of St John, which contains indeed a retrospect from a later stand-point, we will find Eyypt and Aasijria also sketched, though dimly, in the back ground. We have seen in our first chapter, that the reason why Daniel begins with the Babylonian king- dom, was not merely his external, personal, and historical position, but an inner reason, related to the whole development of the history of revelation. For it was from the beginning of THE BOOK PROPHETIC AND CANONICAL. 181 the Babylonian exile that the existence of an independent Theocracy on earth ceased, and is not restored even to this hour ; the empire of the world-powers still endures. Our opponents admit, that the author was aiming at a certain completeness in the enumeration of the monarchies of the Avorld contained in the second and seventh chapters ; but it is impos- sible for them to seize the real meaning, the deep significance. and the grand circle of the survey of the text. And, at this juncture, the whole material importance which attaches to our difference from the view adopted by modern criticism, comes to light. According to the latter, the book of Daniel furnishes us merely with a fi'agment of political history from Nebuchadnezzar to Antiochus Epiphanes ; according to our view, that is, accord- ing to what the book says of itself, it intends to represent some- thing infinitely deeper and more sublime, namely, the relation of the two fundamental powers of universal history^ the kingdom of God and the kingdom of the world, from the time when the kingdom of God ceases to exist as a separate state, till the time when it shall be re-established as such in glory. And thus our book becomes truly a prophetic, and hence a canonical book, since it places all detail and individual history in the light of the whole development of the divine plan of salvation, and the government of the world, and reaches even unto the end of time.' ' Historiae philosophiam vere divinam extremis lineamentis libor Danielis depingit, is one of the Tlieses advanced by Bruno Bauer, in his Dissertation, Berlin, 1804. Comp. Liicke, p. 39. The antithesis we speak of is strikingly described bj' Richard Amner (Essays on the Prophecies of Daniel, translaltd from the English, Halle, 1779, p. 5) : — " According to the great Isaac Newton and others, the prophecies of Daniel are a sacred calendar, and the great almanac of prophecy ; or, in other words, a prophetic chronology, beginning with the succession of the four great monarchies, from the commencement of the Jewish captivity till the mystery of God shall be fulfilled ; while, on the other hand, Grotius and his followers are not able to discover in them anything else except bygone persecutions of the Jews." Amner himself, however, agrees with the latter. He explains, page 66,-the passage xii. 2, .3, to refer to the Jews coming out from the subterranean caves and hiding-places, where they had been concealed during persecutions ; and by the tifth kingdom, which now 182 DIFFERENCE BEWTEEN FIRST AND SECOND PART. If it extend only to Antiochus, it would be without the stamp of that divine illumination, which gives universality to the horizon of view, and an insight into the fundamental essence of things. It would, consequently, be destitute of canonical dignity and authority. Nor can it be said, that the Messianic passages of the second and seventh chapters are not affected by the modern view. This makes things only worse ; for, on this supposition, these Mes- sianic prophecies were not fulfilled, and thus showed themselves to be vain dreams. Neither can it avail our opponents to appeal to the former prophets, who likewise expected the Messianic kingdom, for instance, after the fall of Babylon, or, as our author, after the fall of Antiochus ; for the prophetic perspective view of a seer, inspired by God himself, is entirely different from the historical, chronological assertion of a "Jewish Patriot," of a philosophising author. We can here see the importance of the completeness of the enumeration of the universal monarchies, and the grounds of difference between the first and second parts, viz. that in the one there are always four, in the other always two kingdoms men- tioned. Daniel had received disclosures in the first part of his prophecy concerning the course of the {)Owers of the world in general ; in the second part he is to receive revelations concern- ing the development of this power from his time to that of Antiochus, and therefore the number of the kingdoms is of no importance, and is therefore not mentioned anywhere with emphasis, as, in general, the number two has no peculiar sig- nification in Holy Scripture. The view here is a purely histo- rical one, and moreover, refers to a special period of history. The first part has for its object the whole period of the supre- macy of the powers of the world. It is necessary, therefore, to every one refers to tlie times of the Messiah, he understands, as Grotius does, the Roman, wliich luivinj;- become Christian, was to last for ever, pajje 93. The Son of Man, in contrast to the beasts, is, according to him, meant to symbolize the Roman Republic, contrasted with the monarchies ! THE XUMBEKS THREE AND FOUE, SEVEN AND TEN. 183 give not only a comparatively, but even an absolutely, complete enumeration of these kingdoms, extending even to the end, to the overthi'ow of the world-power. Hence the number is of importance ; the number four which is brought forward promi- nently in both chapters (ii. 39, 40; vii. 7, 17, 19, 23). We took occasion, previously, to speak of the significance of the numbers seven and ten, and we saw that the former symbo- lizes the revelation of the divine, the latter the development of the worldly. A similar relation subsists between the numbers three and four. Four and ten are numbers of the world. Three and seven numbers of God. As numbers of the world, four stands in the same relation to ten, that three stands in to seven as numbers of God. " Three is the number of God, and sym- bolizes God in the unity and perfection of His Being ; four is the number of the woi'ld, and symbolizes the world in the unity and consummation of its development."^ Therefore the power of the world is exhausted in the four kingdoms of the world. The ground and reason of this signification of four lies, as may be seen, from Daniel vii. 2, 3 (comp. viii. 8), in the four winds and regions of the world, which represent the world exhaustively, so to say, in all its directions and parts. That four and ten are nearly related numbers of the world, may be also seen from this, that the third monarchy is divided into four, the fourth into ten kingdoms ; as soon as the occidental kingdoms come to be divid- ed, the division is made by these two numbers. Moreover, the whole system and essence of the world is represented in the fourth kingdom, which again resolves itself into ten kingdoms. The four beasts mentioned in Daniel are likewise counterparts and caricatures of the four that occur in Ezekiel. The yi*iN DVn of Ezek. i. 5, assume, with Dan. vii. 3, the Chaldean heathenish form of ^vn mN. Ezekiel's vision took place in the fifth year of the captivity of King Jehoiacin (Ezek. i. 2), consequently 593 b. c. Daniel saw his vision in the first year ' HofmauD, quoted by Delitzscli, p. 412. 184 EZEKIEL AND DANIEL. of Belshazzar (Dan. vii. 1) ; hence, at all events, after the death of Nebuchadnezzar, which took place 563 B.C., and conse- (juently more than thirty years after Ezekiel. It is quite possible that Daniel had read and digested the vision of Ezekiel, as we had previously occasion to remark, that Ezekiel knew of Daniel. This gives us a beautiful glimpse into the communion of the captive people and its prophets. The four beasts or cheiubs of Ezekiel represent the life of the world in its highest phase, directed towards God, and thus becoming an organ of divine revelation ; the four beasts of Daniel are the opposite of this, its caricature. They represent the life of the world, alienated from God, {ailing ever deeper and deeper, and becoming finally the organ of the devil. The living creatures of Ezekiel are composed of man, lion, bull, and eagle ; those of Daniel are the lion with eagle's wings, the bear, the leopard, and a fourth beast not named. The first of Daniel's beasts, the noblest of all, evi- dently alludes to those of Ezekiel ; the others are, in the nature of the thing, of a less noble character than those of Ezekiel. Thus, as we saw the substratum of the seventy prophetic weeks of Daniel in Jeremiah, so we find, though not expressly, yet scarcely less distinctly, a relation to Ezekiel, and in both cases these relationships are indicated through significant numbers. To return to our immediate subject, we see from all this, that Daniel introduces the four kingdoms of the world, with the con- sciousness and intention of representing by them the totality of the power of the world — a point which the modern view is in- capable of understanding, because it refera the latter visions only to Antiochus Epiphanes, and cannot tell why the former visions begin witli those particular kingdoms. The hypothesis, which does not distinguish between the first and second part, is in- capable of exphiiuing the book, and is incompatible with the most essential points of the text, both as regards the kingdom of God and the kingdoms of the world, both in reference to the whole, and in reference to particulars. The following special compari- CHAPS. VII. AND VIII. COMPARED. 185 son of the seventh and eighth chapters Avill place this yet in a still more striking light : — IL TUE SEVENTH AND EIGHTH CHAPTERS COMPARED ; THE SECOND AND THIRD MONARCHIES. Our opponents are fond of appealing to the resemblance between the seventh and eighth chapters ; in both, they say, the whole development of the heathenish world-power ends in the hostile king, who is represented as a little horn growing, from among the other horns ; it is evident, they infer, that the little horn must signify the same thing in the one case as in the other ; consequently, also, in the seventh chapter, reference must be made to Antiochus Epiphanes. At first sight this representation looks very plausible, but only then. But a closer examination shows, that the strongest proofs against the modern view, and in favour of ours, are furnished by a comparison of these two chapters. In the following remarks, we shall endea- vour to show, first negatively, the inferences deducible from such a comparison against the modern interpretation of the four beasts, and then positively, those in favour of the explanation given at all times by the Church. I. The very circumstance, that both chapters represent the world-power as culminating in a little horn, seems to us to speak more against, than in favour of, the modern view. For, if we suppose our book to contain lofty ideas, and a deep systema- tic order, it must appear improbable, that such a simple repeti- tion should occur in it. However, this is a point on which we would not insist. But a second glance at the passages shows, that all the preceding and subsequent elements in connection with the little horn, are diffei'ent in the two chapters, and that consequently the two horns cannot be identical. We have spoken already of the subsequent part, after the overthrow of the little horn, in chap. vii. The kingdom of the Messiah follows ; in 186 CHAPS. VII. AND VIII. COMPARED. chap. viii. it is not succeeded by anything. But we turn now, to look at what precedes the little horn, and first the other horns, and then the beasts, out of which the little horn springs up. In the seventh cliapter, we find ten horns, from between which the little horn arises ; and in the eighth verse four, and the little horn arises from one of them. Thus, not only the number of the preceding horns is different, but also the relation in which the little horn stands to them ; in the seventh chapter an independent eleventh horn, in the eighth not an independent fifth, but only a new horn, which, with its bi'anches, arises out of one of the four existing, and thus belongs and is annexed to it. We merely point out this striking circumstance here, leav- ing the interpretation of the horn to a subsequent paragraph, in which we shall treat of the subject at length. If possible, still more striking and startling is the contrast between the beasts of the seventh and eighth chapters, which, according to the modern view, must be proved identical. Can the light fleet he-goat, who flies over the Avhole face of the earth, without touching the ground, be identical with the terrible fourth form, which devours and breaks in pieces the whole earth, and for whose terrible and exceeding dreadful appearance, the prophet cannot find a corresponding beast (vii. 7, 19, 23)? Let him who is determined and is able, believe it. Does not the he-goat rather remind the reader at once of the leopard of the seventh chapter ? Turning now in the eighth chapter from the he-goat to the ram preceding it, we find it interpreted in the twentieth verse, to mean the Medo- Persian kingdom. What corresponds to it in the seventh chapter ? According to our opponent's view, the bear stands for the Median, and the leopard for the Persian, kingdom. Accordingly, in chap, viii., the ram represents in one shape, what is analyzed in chap. vii. into bear and leopard. This does not seem probable from the context ; and, a jmori, we should be inclined to prefer an explanation which avoids such a startling difference between two adjoining chapters, and does A MEDIAN UKIVEKSAL MOXAECHY — AN INVENTION. 187 not reqviire us to separate in the one what is joined in the other. We naturally expect and presuppose, that the same harmony shall subsist between chapters vii. and viii., as we found to exist between chapters ii. and vii. But even if this were not the case, it would be more natural to expect the reverse of what modern criticism finds, viz., that the eighth chapter, -being more circum- stantial, than the general and extensive seventh, should contain in minuter analysis, what the other represents in compendious unity. Leaving this, however, out of consideration, it can be shown, that it is quite arbitrary to separate the Median kingdom from the Persian, and that our book knows as little about a special Median universal monarchy, as the rest of history.^ History is totally ignorant of such a kingdom, and thus the prophet is made to commit a great historical error in speaking of a Median kingdom, as having possessed the same universal historical importance, as the Babylonian, the Persian, and Grecian. But this universal monarchy is not the invention of Daniel, but solely of the commentators, to rescue them out from their diffi- culty, and enable them to enumerate four world-kingdoms, besides the Roman. The prophet speaks, both in the historical and prophetical portions, of the kingdoms of the Medes and Persians, as of one whole (viii. 20, v. 28, vi. 8, 12, 15) ; it is this kingdom, and not a Median, which succeeds the Babylonian (v. 28). The first king of this kingdom is Darius the Median (vi. 1, ix. 1, xi. 1); the second is Kores, or Cyrus the Persian (vi. 28). But because from Cyrus onwards, the rulers on the Medo-Persian throne were Persians only, it is naturally spoken of subsequently as the Persian kingdom (x. 1, 13, 20, xi. 2). Daniel not only speaks nowhere of a separate Median king- dom, but even under the reign of Darius, the kingdom is desig- nated as that of the Medes and Persians (vi. 8, 12, 15). This is the state of things as shoAvn by exegesis ; aod it is clear to 1 Comp. Hengstenberg, Beitrage, p. 199-201. 188 XENOPHON. the very weakest intelligence, that in the whole of our prophet, from first to lust, there is no vestige of a Median universal monarchy. The fiction was repeated by one modern critic after another, none being able to propose a better expedient, and after passing through so many books, this theory shared the fate of other modern learned myths, and attained to historical au- thority.^ The historical facts, as far as it is possible for us to know them from Xenophon's statements, and those of other historians, are probably the following: — Babylon was conquered in the year 538 B.C., in the name of the Median Darius, by Cyrus, who was at that period still a dependent king of Persia, and com- mander of the Medo-Persian army. In the expression *jap J, 12) likewise represent kings, still future. Now it were, in- deed, possible, that tie ten Syrian kings, if such ever existed, POSITIVE PART. 197 would stand as types of kings of the last time, as Antiochus is a type of antichrist. But the Apocalypse makes a special addi- tion, as if on purpose to render all reference to the past im- possible. The ten horns are ten kings, oitiv<;s ^aa-iXtiau ouVw eXa/Soi/, which have received no kingdom as yet, chap. xvii. 12. We see, that John considered that the ten kings had not yet appeared, up to his time. He who attaches authority to the self-interpretation of divine prophecy, will find in this an addi- tional reason of the impossibility of referring the ten horns of the fourth beast to the Syrian kings. This overthrows the whole modern view of the fourth beast, and of the four beasts in general ; it overthrows, hereby, secondly, the theory, that the prophecies of Daniel are limited to the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, and it overthrows, conse- quently, thirdly, the chief argument brought forward against the genuineness of our book. IV. POSITIVE. THE BIBLICAL PROPHETICAL VIEW OF HISTORY. "We have now solved one part of our problem, by proving from the sacred text itself, the impossibility of the modern Rationalistic critical view of the book of Daniel. Questions of criticism, however, though important, are only preliminary ; the chief thing is the inward living spiritual understanding of the divine word. We hope that our polemical remarks have contributed towards this chief object, although it can only have been incidentally. Before we bring our remarks on Daniel to a close, we will offer, resting from the warfare of polemics, some positive observations, on the wonderful visions of the second and seventh chapters, in connection with points not prominently dwelt upon by commentators, and with a view to introduce and prepare for the consideration of corresponding passages in tlie Revelation of St John. We shall speak first of the four kingdoms of the world and their succession as a whole ; and afterwards more especially of l'J8 THE FOUR KINGDOMS. the fourth, since it presents the greatest difficulties, and also the deepest interest, for it reaches even into our present and our own future, while the three first belong to the distant past. In our consideration of these points, we will attain to some general views, which will prove important for the interpretation of pro- phecy, as also the biblical prophetic mode of conceiving history and time. I. THE FOUR KlNGrOMS OK THE WOKLD. In the general characteristic of tlie dream-vision, described in the second chapter of Daniel, whicli we gave in our first section, it was necessary for us to point out, that the antithesis between tiie divine and the human mode of conceiving history is deve- loped here throughout, in all its details. This appears from the value attached to the world-power. To outward appearance, it is splendid, and strong as gold, silver, iron, etc., but in truth it is like chaff. This appears, moreover, in the way in which the single kingdoms, in their succession, are characterised, by the metals and by the parts of the body chosen. For there is evidently a progressive decrease in tlie value of the metals, gold, silver, brass, iron, clay ; and in like manner in the body of the image there is a gradation from a more important position and value of the parts to a less : head ; breast and arms ; belly and thighs ; legs and feet. It cannot be denied, that those two features, when combined, are intended to indicate the pro- gressive deterioration of the world-power, and in ver. 39 it is expressly stated, of the second monarchy, as an index for the rest, that it was less than the first. This cannot be referred to the decrease of outward power, as is manifest from the circum- stance, that the fourth kingdom is represented, both in the second and seventh chapter, as the most powerful one (ii. 40 ; vii. 7, 10, and 23) ; and comnientators, not seeing this, and starting with the supposition, that the Persian kingdom was, properly speaking, greater and mightier than the Babylonian, have found difficulties here, which they have endeavoured to BIBLE VIEAVS OF HISTORY. 109 overcome, partly by artificial expedients.^ The decrease is not so much in external power, as in internal worth and solidity. Holy Scripture, surveying from its eminence the course of the development of the world, speaks of a progress, not in advance, but towards decay, even as whole nations have, like individuals, their times of increase and decrease. Nor is this view confined to Daniel, but it lies at the founda- tion of the whole divine word of the Old and New Testaments, especially of all that Scripture says of the beginning and end of the human race. The commencement of man's development, accoi'ding to Holy Scripture, is formed by a paradisaical, a golden age, such as has never been attained since. Sin is a poison, which spreads gradually, during the course of centuries, and penetrates ever deeper into the organism of natural humanity, decomposing and destroying it. Not that gross darkness and clear light appear at once fully and perfectly developed ; but here, likewise, the Bible reveals to us an organic process, a gradual development from the one point to the other, as has been noticed previously, from the fall of Adam to the coming of antichrist. We have but few hints as to the state of the world before the flood, but most Bible students are agreed in this, that we must conceive there was then a mightier, more vigorous, and higher life, than in the postdiluvian time, the term of human life is of itself an indication of it. After the flood, the building of the tower of Babel forms an epoch from which men fell ever deeper into disunion, corruption, and heathenism. In this Babel, Nimrod, the hunter (the revolter), founds the first kingdom of the world (Gen. x. 8-13). From this epoch Holy Scripture leaves the human race in general to its own paths, and confines itself to the covenant people. We see the result of this separate development in Daniel, who brings us back to the same Babylon ; his Babylonian world-power takes up, as it were, the thread interrupted at the building of the tower and the kingdom of Nimrod. In the former event, all ' llengstenberg on Daniel, p. IGI. T. and T. Clark. 200 PAKADISE— JUDGMENT. humanity then living united in opposition to God. With the Babylonian kingdom begins the time of the universal monarchies, and these likewise strive after a God-opposed union of the whole human race. Babylon thus became, and appears also thu? in the Revelations of St John, the constant type of the God- opposed world. Our prophecy shows us the gradual develop- ment of the power of the world into evil, beginning with the Babylonian kingdom, till it reaches its full manifestation in the God-opposed antichrist. Thus we notice a progressive descent from paradise to judgment. The manner in Avhich the Bible describes the result of human development is in essential agree- ment with this, as also the final state, which is to conclude the history of the world. Scripture describes it as a state of apostasy, impenitence, false security, godlessness, which must necessarily draw down judgment from on high (Matt. xxiv. 37-39 ; Luke xviii. 8 ; 1 Thess. v. 3 ; 2 Tim. iii. 1 ; 2 Peter iii. 3 ; Rev. ix. 20, xvi. 9-11). The very fact, that the history of the world ends with judgment on the world.^oints out the fun- damental view which the Bible takes of the history of humanity. At first sight, this view does not seem to be a point of a strictly religious character, and even hone.st Christians think they may here adopt the current views of the day. But a closer and more thoughtful examination shows, that if we wish to think according to Scripture, to be ca.st altogether in the mould of God's thoughts, we must look this question earnestly in the face, especially in our days, when the answer given to it will powerfully influence, not only our whole view of history, but our life and practice. It is not a matter of indifference, whether the thinking Christian view nature as dead or as living, and capable of miracles, and in the same way his philosophy of his- tory is important. For Nature, History, and Revelation, are the three great kingdoms of the divine Development of Life, and the last and highest necessarily presupposes the other two. The Bible has its own philcsophy of nature and of history; to un- derstand the latter is of utmost importance for the study of the BAUMGAETEN ON HISTORY. 201 book of Daniel, which contains the outlines of that philosophy of history. In former times, this was acknowledged, at least externally, but in modern times it is denied, both inwardly and outwardly. " Darnel," Baumgai'ten says in his Apostolic History, vol. ii., p. 172 (Eng. Trans.), " has made known to us the epochs and eras of nations as they are an-anged and' fore-ordained by God, both col- "^lectively and individually, and has thereby fixed the whole view of decisive turning points in the history of the development of the human race (Acts xvii. 26), as connected with the history of revelation. The Christian view of the world originally adopted that conception of universal history which was therein hinted at. The apprehension and delineation of the history of the world, on the scheme of the four wiiversal empires prevailed in Germany down to Gatterer. Since, however, this theory, by slavish and merely mechanical adherence to the scheme derived from the book of Daniel, did not allow free scope and full justice to the manifoldness and realities of the relations of the world and of nations, the time arrived for an emancipation from such a pupil- age under sacred authority. Historical investigation entered upon the discovery, and a representation of particular branches in such wise as totally to forget the unity and progression of uni- versal history. Certain it is, that this tendency to investigate detail rendered material service, and is still doing so, and that thereby a foundation, previously wanting, is being laid for a complete conception of history. Nevertheless, to find satisfac- tion in these separate treatises of history, is only possible so long as the feeling of novelty is still fresh. That historical investi- gation and conception of history, whicli originally started from the impulse of the Christian view of the world, must invariably come back to the search after a totality, such as St Paul pre- sented to the minds of the Athenians. And this return from the tendency to isolated studies to the investigation of the whole, has already taken place, but much remains yet to be done. Johannes von Midler, guided by his biblical studies and theo- 202 MODERN VIEW OF HISTORY. logical reminiscences, has cast many a profound glance into the inner meaning of historical events, and, occasionally, he rises to thoughts of a character truly befitting universal history ; but in the main, in his view of the total development of history, he re- mained a disciple of Gatterer and Schlozer. That a profound truth is involved in that view of history, which makes the people of God the centre of all movement and development, Barthold Niehuhr divined, but from a respect to such a view to the adoption of it, and the introduction of it into practical application, there is naturally a great step to be taken. Lastly, it was the immediate object of Heinrich Leo to make a real be- ginning on that path of development, which has here beea marked out. . . . And yet he was unable to see anything more than " a good tact" in that division of universal history into the four periods of the great empire. . . . At present universal history has not got beyond the position taken up by Herodotus^ for although it does overlook a more extensive field, and recognises higher aims, still the sphere of vision remains all the while limited by national and individual considerations. It is, therefore, quite consistent, that Herodotus should be desig- nated the father of history, whereas, in truth, it was not Ilero- dotus, but Moses, who was the first to sketch the true ground lines of universal history." But what has not been accomplished by historians, philosophy attempted to do, and has thereby exer- cised a considerable influence, but in a spirit not only inde- pendent of the disclosures of Daniel and the prophetic word, but directly opposed to the divine Scriptures. The current philo- sophy of history, as it is developed systematically, for instance, by Hegel, and forms the foundation of modern thought and his- toriography, views the development of man as having taken place from a lower to a higher state ; i)resupposing, as the be- ginning, a half-animal rude state of nature, and placing, as the goal or termination, general civilisation, liberty, humanism. How must such men regard Daniel, who represents the Oriental kingdoms as the representatives of classic civilisation ? They CIVILISATIOX. 203 must deem it a hard saying, when lie places our age with its culture and science far below them, under the fourth kingdom, and towards the end of it, when the mystery of iniquity (2 Thess. ii. 7), of the God-opposed beast-nature, is beginning to unfold itself with ever-increasing vigour. But what shall we say ? Do not the Greeks and Romans stand higher than tlie Oriental nations ? And the Christian nations higher than either? With regard to the Christian na- tions, we shall have to consider them more minutely, when speaking of the fourth monarchy and the Revelation of St John. The question cannot be answered, without further explanation, in the negative. Nay, in a certain sense, we cannot but give u^esitatingly an affirmative answer. But it all depends on the point of view from Avhich we consider the subject. The modern view starts from the antithesis of nature and spirit, and since spirit, according to that view, means essentially only the spirit of man, this antithesis is identical with that of nature and civilis- ation. Also Holy Scripture, we may say, reduces the whole development of the world to the antithesis of nature and spirit, but in a different sense. And this is, truly, one of the chief evils of our time, that words representing fundamental ideas, as " spirit," " light," etc., are now-a-days used in quite a different sense from what they bear in the word of God. False prophets come to us in sheep's clothing, and are thus in appearance like the Lamb (Matt. vii. 15; Rev. xiii. 11); hence arises that energetic, effective power with which error is possessed, making ) people believe a lie (2 Thess. ii. 11). Holy Scripture — mark tlie chai'acteristic difference ! — says not nature and spirit, but spirit 2av\ flesh. The antithesis to nature is not civilisation, but divine grace. The whole movement of history, from a state of nature to a state of civilisation, falls, according to the biblical view, within the sphere of the flesh, the life of unrenewed, natural humanity (Col. iii. 11). Spirit, in the Bible, is not the mere human spirit, but the Spirit of God from on high, the gift of grace descending from a supernatural world. This Spirit 204 CIVILISATION. effects something greater than a mere life of civilisation and humanism, which is only refined, formed, but not transformed, and hence life of the flesh. He works essential Spirit-life, a pneu- matic hfe, from and in God, which belonirs not to this world, and which, in its highest form, is life of transfiguration, life of resur- rection in the glory of a spiritual body. Transformation, which the Bible speaks of (Rom. viii. 17-24) is essentially different from culture. And because the Bible, from its lofty watch- tower, keeps continually in view these final culminating points of the eternal plan of God (1 Cor. iv. 7-10; Ephes. i. 9, 10), its estimation of our development of civilisation differs from that which the children of men form, who cleave to the dust, and of whom it is said, " He that is of the earth is earthly, and speak^Ki of the earth" (John iii. 31). Herein consists the gigantic lie and little narrow-mindedness of our generation, that civilisation is thought to be the highest thing, and is looked upon as a sub- stitute for grace, for regeneration by the Spirit of the living God. Civilisation is the idol of the modern world. Concern- ing it the voice of Scripture says : " Behold, is it not of the Lord of Hosts, what the peoples have laboured must be burned with fire, and for what the nations have wearied themselves must perish ! For the earth shall be filled with the knowledge of the glory of the Lord, as the waters cover the sea (Habakkuk ii. 13, 14 ; comp. Matt. xiii. 44-4G). What Daniel represents in his four world-kingdoms, is in reality nothing else but the deve- lopment from a state of nature to a state of refined civilisation, from a natural, vigorous, solid mode of existence to a life of re- finement and intellectualism ; wdiich latter he represents more especially by the symbol of the wise eye of antichrist (Dan.vii. 8). To use an expression of /. P. Lanr/e (Apostol. Zeitalter i. 206), the prophet describes to us the kingdoms of the world and the civilisations of the world. The first metals — gold and silver — are nobler, more valuable ; but the latter — brass and iron — are infinitely more important to the cause of civilisation and culture, yea, they are the proper representatives and bearers of it ; with scriptuke's estimate of civilisation. 205 the artificers in brass and iron commenced the first development of human civilisation (Gen, iv. 22). And, finally, clay, which is the most flexible and plastic material, represents the Germanic element. Thus, Scripture acknowledges the correctness of the modern principle of viewing history, and likewise regards the development of humanity as a progression from nature to cul- ture. How could it be otherwise in those cases where Scripture speaks of the liistory of kingdoms and states of the world, that is, of the history of the world in general ? The life of the world, as it manifests itself in states and kingdoms, the life of the world-history is civilisation. The state, civilisation, history, are ideas intimately connected with each other. Only such nations as are organized in kingdoms of some constitution and order, are historical nations ; and, moreover, for this very rea- son, that having left the rude state of nature, they have besun a life of civilisation. Hence the development of the world- kingdoms is the development of civilisation, and the prophet, therefore, describes the latter. But observe, the prophet, in harmony with the whole word of God, judges and estimates this development in a manner diametri- cally opposed to the prevalent one. Scripture nowhere denies that the Greeks stand higher than the Persians or Babylonians, and the modern nations higher than those of antiquity, that is as regards culture; but Scriptui'e does deny, that this position is in reality a higher one, that it is a progress in that which really and pro- perly is the essence and destination of man, genuine, eternal humanity; that humanity, which manifests itself in the Son of Man, contrasted with the four beasts. What constitutes man is his being in the image of God, and his living in communion with God ; the true Son of Man can only come from heaven (Dan. vii. 13). But it is an undeniable fact of history, that as civili- sation progresses, it leads man further away from communion with God. It enlarges the world-consciousness and self-conscious- ness of man ; and since these, from the time of sin entering the world, are opposed to the consciousness of God, as lust of the 206 CIVILISATION AND G0DLESSNKS8. world and love of self, — this, likewise, is only an historical fact — this enlargement of the world — and self-consciousness is mostly accompanied by a weakening and decrease of the consciousness of God. As we said before, people now-a-days put civilisation in the place of divine grace ; culture drives away the " life in God ;" thinking that it can render it superfluous ; and as it is now in the end of days, so it was in the beginning. It is a significant fact, that the beginnings of civilisation were among the children of Cain (Gen. iv. 17-24), even then the children of this world were wiser in their generation than the children of light (Luke xvi. 8). Thus, alienation from God drives man to Avorldly culture, as our previous remarks showed the reverse to be the case, they exert on each other reciprocal influence;^ not that civilisation, per se, is a thing evil or sinful; it is necessary, and permitted and willed by God for our actual sinful state, even, in like man- ner, as the bearer of civilisation — the state — it also maj' be sanctified in the service of God's kingdom. But while the children of light live in God, and have their life in the world without setting their affections on the things below, because they know that the fashion of this world passeth away, and that God alone has eternal life (1 Cor. vii. 31); the blessings of civilisation belonging to those " other things" which are added to them, since godliness has both the promise of this life and that which is to come, and because all things are theirs (Matt, vi. 33 ; 1 Cor. iii, 21 ; 1 Tim. iv. 8) ; the children of the world, on the other hand, live altogether in the world of sense, endea- vouring to take the greatest amount of pleasure and advantage 1 Delitszch, in his remarks on Gon. iv. 17 : " The observation supfgested hy this most ancient historical bepinning', that civilisation increases in extensive- ness and refinement, in proportion as man progresses in his estrangement from God, is corroborated by universal hi.story." Compare with this NHi:ch (System of Christian Doctrine (English Trans.), sec. 115), who emphasizes the converse truth : " The view, according to which a still greater deteriora- tion is to be expected, rather than an improvement, from every species of civi- lisation, which is based merely on the excitement and co-operation of the natural powers possessed by the Ada:iiitic race, is true and correct." HELLENISM. 207 from tlie outward, visible, temporal objects. Thus, they strive to attain to a truly human God-like existence working from below upwards, w'hile the children of God attain the same ob- ject, beginning, on the contrary, from above. The world, whether consciously or unconsciously, strives to become like God, not by a spiritual renewal from on high, and sanctification by God's Spirit, but by a cultivation and development of the natural gifts and endowments of man, which is essentially only a repetition of the fundamental principle announced by the ser- pent in paradise : Man is to attain of himself, without God's assistance, and in opposition to God, to the highest knowledge (intellectual civilisation), and thereby to being like God (Gen. iii. 5). This principle found its colossal manifestation in the Tower of Babel, which, viewed from this point, appears in a new aspect, a work of human art, which was to reach from earth to heaven, and which forms the commencement of heathen- ism. The same principle began from that time to develop itself in the nations and states, that were now left to themselves, in the world-kingdoms, concerning which Daniel prophesies, and which are generally designated the nations of civilisation (Culturvtilker), in contradistinction to the people of Israel, the nation of religion. This development of natural humanity and its gifts, has found its artistic " transfiguration" of the flesh (the progression of humanity from below^ upwards), chiefly and pre- eminently in Greece. For this reason, the Greeks appear in the New Testament as representatives of heathen civilisation (Rom. i. 14-16 ; 1 Cor. i. 22-24), and more generally as repre- sentatives of heathenism as opposed to Judaism. Herein, also, seek the reason why our modern culture is so much attracted by Hellenism, which is often idealized, and that eri'oneously, while, on theother side, Israelis looked upon with antipathy, the law and the prophets treated with neglect. And, moreover, this accounts also for the fact, that the first great enemy of the kingdom of God, described in the eighth and eleventh chapters of Daniel, proceeded from the Greek kingdom. AntiochusEpiphanes, that fanatical ad- 208 ANTICHRIST, A CHRIST WITHOUT CROSS. mirer of Hellenic civilisation,^ wished to [)lace Zeus Olympics in place of Jehovah ; and thus arose the first conflict between the two grand universal historical principles, between heathen civilisation, which is from below, and revealed religion, which is from above. And as Hellenic civilisation produced the Jli-si, so modern heathen civilisation will produce the second, more general, more God-opposed antichrist. Very significant is his name, Aiitichristus, for, to use again Baumgwtert's expressions, Apos. Hist. i. 305,- " To this horn are assigned eyes, as the eyes of a man, and a speaking mouth, therefore a mouth also resem- bling that of a man. These points of resemblance to a man in a svrabol, which is throughout brutish (ver. 7), and which, even by this brutal-like character, is designed to represent the inter- nal character of this empire of the world, are so much the more important, as the empii'e which is opposed to it is described as the empire of man (Dan. vii. 13, 18, 22). Accordingly, this horn, with the eyes and the mouth of a man, intimates, that this fourth empire will assume such a form as that, without losing its peculiar character, it will work itself under the guise of a kingdom of God." Antichrist promises the very same things which Christ brings His people, only in a way quite the oppo- site, tcithout cross ; this is the delusion and charm by which, as we are told in the Apocalypse of John, he seduces nations and kings. He promises transfiguration of the flesh without crucifixion of the flesh ; transfiguration of the world, without judgment of the world. He is a Christ without cross, and, therefore, in everything a caricature of Christ, the anti-messiah, the pseudo-son of man ; even as the apotheosis of man is nothing but a caricature of man's being created in the image of God. He promises man, a truly human, God-like existence, "heaven" ' He possessed an extraordinary love of art, which expressed itself in praiid architectural undertakings, especially tem])les ; and his devotion to heathen worship was fanatical. Wieseler, in Ilerzoy's Itealcncyclopiidie, i. 384. » I. 3i0, English Translation. T. and T. Clark. DETERIORATION OF THE KINGDOMS. 209 upon earth, the millennium.^ But flesh and world have to h& judged, because the curse is resting on them, and if the judg- ment of God is not accepted, and man does not surrender him- self into Christ's death, then God sends eternal judgment, with its teri'ors. It is the same crucified Saviour who appears then as Lord of lords and King of kings ; and behold the splendour of this world is as chaff which the wind scattereth away from the face of the earth ; then shall the millennial kingdom really com- mence (Matt. xvi. 27). From this point of view, it is clear that, and in what manner, our prophecy places the ancient kingdoms of the world over the modern, those of the East over those of the West. In outward civilisation, refinement, and embellishment of life ; in political institutions, arts, sciences, inventions, there is doubtless an im- mense progression. But there is indeed something much higher than these goods of life, something which, according to Holy Scripture, though not according to the views of modern times, is the chief thing, and of which experience as well as his- tory proclaims distinctly enough, that it is in truth the invisible, vital root of nations and kingdoms, as it is also of individuals. This is the original, tender, mysterious connection between man and God in the conscience " Pietas," the natural, almost instinctive reverence for the divine fundamental institu- tions of life. " Righteousness exalteth a nation" (Prov. xiv, o-i, 37 ; comp. xvi. 12 ; Isaiah xxxii. 15-17 ; Jer. xxii. 3-5). This righteousness shows itself principally in man's reverence for things sacred, in obedience of subjects to rulers, in re- spect of children towards parents. These are the fundamental ' Can it be denied, that tlie political, socialistic, and communistic tendencies of modern times — these monstrous births of the coming anti-christianity — are impregnated witli the grossest Chiliasm?" ATar/en^eH, Dogmatic 553. Comp. The Door of Hope for Britain and Christendom ; Loudon, 1854 : " The world is at present full of false Christs, though people little imagine it. But the worst of all false Christs are they who promise man deliverance from curse, without confession and hatred of sin, which is the mother and cause of the curse resting on humanity." O 210 DETERIORATION OF THE KINGDOMS. pillars of man's life ; upon these religion, the family, the state, are built. They are the essential powers which render a social state possible. They are, so to say, the merciful gifts of creation, given to man by God, irrespective of revelation, or any particular religion, given by God, or rather left by him to man, in order to render an organised existence and development possible. Let these essential fundamentals of natural religion and morality be shaken or destroyed, and all arts and sciences will be found un- availing ; the most refined civilisation will prove ineffective to save such a nation, as is clearly proved by the times of decline of Greece and Rome, and the history of our own day. Nay, the highest blossom of civilisation is itself the beginning of the inter- nal decay, because the essential fundamental relationships of life are criticised, analysed, and attacked by the enlightened generation. This is the tragic fate of humanity, living under the bondage and curse of sin. The further we go back into history, the more vigorous and healthy we find those original, natural fundamentals of life ; they must have been much stronger in the East than they are now in our western world. For example, it cannot well be denied that the Babylonian and Persian religions presuppose more real truthfulness, more saci'ed reverence of things divine, in the nations among whom they took rise, than the Hellenic, which ismuch richerand more beautifu41y developed ;' as little as it can be denied, that the more ancient Greeks and Romans were a much more vigorous, manly, pious generation than the highly civilized Greeks and Romans of the later cen- turies before tiie Cliristian era, during which the government of the world came into the hands of these nations. Man only sees what is outward, and forms his judgment from that ; but God, 1 Compare, for example, Th!ersch,iie Kiichc im Apostolischeii Zeitalter,p. 12. " The ascetic earncsttie^s of the East had a Jeep insight into the moi-iil antithesis in man, and the discord, whicli has entered into his whole life, an insight which was altogether wanting to the Greek world." Niigelsbach, der Gottmensch i., 128. In civilisation, there is a progress from a lower to a higher degree; not so as regards natural gifts. As art increases, nature decreases ; this is the law of the development of human civilisation. NEBUCHADNEZZAR. 211 who weighs men and nations in the bahince of eternity, beholds that hidden essential kernel of things, the heart (1 Sam. xvi. 7) ; hence, divine views and judgments are so different from those formed by us. The prophecies of the seventh and eighth chapters offer some very characteristic views on this subject. With regard to the first monarchy, it is said, chap. vii. 4, that Nebuchadnezzar received a human lieart, because he gave honour to the living God. For, without doubt, Roos, Preiswerk, Hofmann, and others, are right in referring the changes which are told of the lion to the nar- rative of the fourth chapter, about Nebuchadnezzar. The eagle wings of haughtiness, with which he soared so high, were taken from him ; he humbled himself before God, and thus was freed from the nature of the beast, and again elevated to the dignity of man. While yet in his proud state, it was announced to him, chap, iv. 16, that his heart will be changed from man's, and a beast's heart be given him ; but when he repented, it is said of him, a man's heart is given him. Our whole chapter is based on the contrast between the nature of beast and man ; the God-opposed world power is bestial ; he who stands in communion with God is human. The " heart of man," of Nebuchadnezzar, forms a remarkable contrast (comp. 1 Sam. xvi. 7, Roos, p. 14G) to tlie human eyes of antichrist, the pseudo Son of Man, which, as we have seen above, are symbols of intellectual culture and of v/isdom, while heart and mouth blaspheme God. How much higher, then, in a religious vieiv, does the first monarch of the world stand than the last ! Though, of the second monarchy, the book does not mention so much good as of the first, yet it does not specify anything evil. Whereas the third monarchy produces an antichrist, and the fourth an antichrist even more violent. A similar deterioration may be noticed in the external political development of the individual kingdoms. The first is as yet a whole, an organic unity ; the second begins to be divided into 212 CHAKACTEll OF THE LAST KINGDOM. tlie Median and Persian element (viii. 3) ; tlie third branches off into four, and the fourth into ten kingdoms. Nor must we leave unnoticed the faithful and accurate man- ner with Avhich prophecy has marked the grand world-historical difference of east and west, by connecting the two Oriental and the two Occidental kingdoms, characterising the former by nobler, the latter by baser metals. The system of division and indivi- dualisation is peculiar to the latter, and it is they who produce the tAvo great enemies of the kingdom of God. All these pheno- mena are intimately connected with, and find their explanation in, the general principles we have developed above. Finally, we would direct the reader's attention to a point which appears as a result from a comparison of individual prophecies among them.>elves, and with their fulfilment. We have seen that the events of history are measured differently by God and his word, than by our common mode of viewing history. What appears great, according to our view, is insignificant according to the other ; what is overlooked in profane history, what seems to be merely natural in the course of events, is regarded, on the other hand, as of decisive importance. This remark is suggested chiefiy by Antiochus Epiphanes. He was one of the Syrian kings, and does not commence a period in history. In the same way, in Jewish history, the troublous time of sixty-two weeks was not characterized by any outward remarkable event ; the persecution, by Antiochus, followed naturally after the mani- fold sufferings and oppressions which the Jews had to endure, owing to the perpetual struggles between the Ptolemies and Seleucidaj. And yet it was during this short period that the ex- istence of God's kingdom was in more imminent peril than ever before ; and yet it is this period which, for the reason stated, is most emphatically and circumstantially foretold by prophecy. Thus we see that events of great importance in the kingdom of God may be prepared, and may take place in the ordinary, regular, historical course of things, without any remarkable or niiraculou:; incidents. Tn this I'cspect, likewise, Antiochus is a type CHARACTER OF THE LAST KINGDOM. 213 of antichrist. He, as the former, is originally a little horn, growing gradually till it is greater than all the rest (vii. 8, 20 ; viii. 19). Quite in correspondence with these intimations does the New Testament describe the time preceding Christ's advent. They eat, they drink ; they marry and give in marriage ; they buy and sell ; they build and plant ; the world goes its accustomed regular way. Wealth, trade, arts, culture in the highest bloom, nay, people expect even more prosperous times, and say, " Peace and safety" (Luke xvii. 26, 30 ; 1 Thess. v. 3), and although the most striking judgments are sent from on high, yet their eyes are blinded that they do not see them as judgments, and precur- sors of judgments to come, and do not repent (Rev. xvi. 9-11). Then sudden destruction cometh upon them, as travail upon a woman with child, and they shall not escape. The day of the Lord is described in the New Testament under the ever recurring image of a thief in the night ; thus the Lord Jesus himself de- scribes it ; in the same manner, Paul, Peter, John (Matt. xxiv. 43 ; 1 Thess. v. 2-4 ; 2 Pet. iii. 10 ; Rev. iii. 3, xvi. 15.) We saw above, Israel was a carcase, and dead, and judged, in the sight of God, decennia before the actual destruction of Jerusalem. The people itself, it is true, had a different estimate of their own state. It was during this period that false Messiah after false Messiah arose, that the poor deceived nation dreamed of a new political and religious revival ; of a regeneration of the people ; of the morning-red of a bright day ; a hope to which the zealots clung so tenaciously, that even seeing the flames of the temple, they did not relinquish it. Who knows but divine sentence is already passed upon our generation I Roos remarks (p. 32), " Bear in mind, that many things have a different shape, beginning, end, value, when viewed in the invisible world, and by God, from what they have among, and in the eyes of mortal men. Most distinctly can this be seen in the coming of Christ from the Father, and in His going again to the Father. Only faith perceives the transcendent import- ance of every work and act of suffering in the life of the Saviour ; 214 THE JEWS AT THE TIME OF ANTIOCHUS. the natural eye of man was not capable of seeing it. But there are other works of God, which occur in such a manner, that their dignity, beginning, and end, can only be discerned by the Spirit, who knows all things. For example, who would have thought that the wanderings of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, were of greater importance than the wars and lives of a Sesos- tris or a Semiramis? And yet Holy Scripture describes the former, and not the latter. The subjection of Jehoiakim to Nebuchadnezzar (Dan. i. 1) seemed something unimportant, and would have been so, if it had been only of short duration. But now we see it as the commencement of the captivity of God's people. Often the divine deliverance has a small beginning, nay, it is often imperceptible to the eye of man, but well known to God. A scaffolding of the devil falls to the ground ; the first beginnings of its decline were unobserved, but even then the fall commenced. If special Satanic powers assist human wicked- ness, it is observed by very few men, and yet this circumstance i?< grand and essential. Therefore let us not expect too much from our knowledge of the history of the world. We can see from it the fulfilment of prophecy, but at the same time not so clearly and accurately as the day that will reveal all things shall show it. It is prophecy which throws light on history ; human accounts of history, compared with God's history, are very imperfect, shallow, and vain." And further, the same author says, p. 213, " As there is a typical resemblance between the Greek and the Roman anti- christ, let us mark attentively, for our own warning, and that of our children, what were the sins and transgressions in Israel, which gave ris-j to the Greek antichrist, and his tyranny and fury. And it was this : that some Jews began to adopt the manners and customs of the heathens (1 Mace. i. 12-14). They erected in Jerusalem heathenish theatres — houses in which voluptuous and entertaining plays and gymnastics were per- formed, which attracted much peo|)le. And there were priests, who neglected the sacrifice and the temple, but went into the THE JEWS AT THE TIME OF ANTIOCIIUS. 215 theatres to see the spectacles and exercises there exhibited (2 Mace. iv. 19). Moreover, there were Jews who apostatised from the covenant, gave up circumcision, lived as heathens, and fell into all kinds of gross and shameful vices. Nor must it be imagined, that all such people divested themselves of the out- ward forms of religion ; for some of them belonged to the priest- hood, or were otherwise connected with the temple service. Menelaus and Jason were high priests ; Simon an officer of the temple ; otliers were common priests. These people had learned from Greek philosophy, that all religions were good enough to keep the mass in check, and that the Supreme Being did not require of us circumcision, or acts and ceremonies of that kind. They sacrificed at Jerusalem, because such was custom, and respectable ; but they sent also money to bring sacrifices to Hercules, in order to gain the king's favour (2 Mace, iv, 19). I dare say, they believed neither in Jehovah nor in Hercules ; a king Avho would give them earthly prosperity was their God, Probably they believed neither in angels, a spiritual world, resurrection, or judgment after death. The theories of Greek philosophy accorded well with their profligate life, and were afterwards propagated by the Sadducees. These strong spirits were opposed to the pious Jews, who were looked upon as a separate sect, and called the Pious (2 Mace. xiv. 6). They were also unfaithful to each other, as, for instance, Menelaus, who forced himself into the place of the high priest, Jason (iv. 24). They both purchased the dignity of high priest with money ; and the treasures of the temple were sent by Menelaus to the king. The commonplace class of the Jews, who had not sufficient cleverness to become altogether forts esprits, joined the party of Menelaus, or Jason, or the king himself and his heroes, and boasted that they were adherents of these wise men and great heroes, and had learned from them, that 'the temple in Jerusalem was not more sacred than any other place, and that one religion was as good as another. Behold, this was the state of Israel, when Antiochus, the 2 1 G THE MESSIANIC KINGDOM. Greek antichrist, came and raged. Let this serve as a mirror to the world of to-day." 11. THE rOUUTU KINGDOM OF THK WORLD, AND ITS RELATION TO THE MESSIANIC KINGDOM.. We must first examine the views of those commentators who agree with us in the general interpretation, that the fourth king- dom is that of the Romans. As this view is commonly repre- sented in modern times, especially by Ilengstenberg and Iltiver- nick, we can only consider it as correct and exhaustive as far as the beginning of the kingdom is concerned, but not as regards the terminating conclusion. The chief point, which it is neces- sary to recognise distinctly and to express simply, is, that the commencement of the kingdom, spoken of in the second and seventh chapters of Daniel, is nothing else but the second coming of our Lord Jesus Christ, which we are still awaiting, to found His so-called millennial kingdom on earth. This is evident from the following considerations : — 1. The commencement of the kingdom is to be preceded by judgment on antichrist (chap, vii.) But antichrist is yet to come. 2. The kingdom is described in both chapters as a kingdom of glory and dominion ; whereas hitherto the kingdom of God on earth, as we all know, has been a regmnn crucis. 3. By the " people of the saints of the Most High," to whom dominion is then to be given (Dan. vii. 18-27), Daniel evidently could only understand the people of Israel, as distinguished from the heathen nations and kingdoms, which were to rule up till then (ii. 44) ; nor have we, according to strict exegesis, a right to apply the expression to any other nations ; hence we cannot apply it immediately to the church. In this point Roos (280), Pi-eisiverk, Hofmann, agree with Hitzig, BcrthokU, and others. The prophet's words refer to the re-establishmcnt of the king- LUTHER AND CALVIX. 217 dom of Israel, concerning which the disciples asked our Saviour immediately before his ascension ; and our Lord, though refusing to reveal to them the date or chronology, did in no way nega- tive the subject matter of the question, and thereby confirmed it (Acts i. 6, 7). We shall resume this point in our subsequent discussion. This promise, then, has not yet been fulfilled to Isi'ael, and awaits its fulfilment in the millennium. If the pro- phecy of the ninth chapter, in which Christ is described as the suffering Messiah, is compared with the second and seventh chapters, it will be seen, that the latter chapters do not refer to the first coming of Christ, which they suppose to be long past, but that they describe the Messiah as King of kings and Lord of lords, who overcomes the beast with its ten kings (Rev. xvii. 12-14, xix. 16), so that then it can be said with full truth, "The kingdoms of this world are become the kingdoms of our Lord and of His Christ, and He shall reign for ever and ever" (Rev. xi. 15). Luther's interpretation, according to which our chapters refer to Christ's last appearance to judgment (which may seem sug- gested by vii. 9, 10), is as decidedly wrong as Calvin's view, which refers them to Christ's first advent. In this we agree with Roos, who says, pp. 176, 178, " The judgment from heaven, described vii. 9, is connected with the end of the four universal monarchies, and the destruction of antichrist. This alone suffices to show, that the judgment here spoken of is not the last judgment ; for at the last judgment there will be neither beast, nor kingdom, nor antichrist upon earth, but heaven and earth will then have passed away." The parallel passage in Revelation decides the question. Kurtz (Lehrbuch der heil. Geschichte, 4 Auf., p. 271, 279), following older commentators,^ places antichrist after the mil- lennium ; but this is erroneous. Gog and Magog are not to be confused with antichrist and the beast. It cannot be objected, 1 Comp. Beugel erkliirte Offenb. neue Ausgabe. Stuttgart, lS3-t. Pp. 6G3, etc. 218 THE KINGDOM YET TO COME. that since the kingdom is called, in ii. 44, vii. 27, an eternal kingdom, wliich cannot be destroyed, it cannot be referred to the kingdom of a thousand years. Daniel saw the whole time of perfection collectively as one period ; while b}' the clearer light of New Testament prophecy we are able to distinguish in that period the kingdom of the millennium and the time of the new heaven and the new earth. As Roos strikingly remarks (184), " The dominion of the Lord Christ is eternal, and His kingdom as such cannot be destroyed. No power of this world can destroy it. Not even the last judgment shall put an end to it, but only give it a new and more glorious appearance ; for after the last judgment, the New Jerusalem shall come down from heaven, and the throne of God and the Lamb will be in the midst of it." Now, if the kirrgdom of the Messiah, spoken of in the second and seventh chapters of Daniel, is that of the millennium, and consecjucntly still in tlie future, then it follows necessarily, that the fourth kingdom, as we have already seen, is existing at pre- sent, and includes all developments of Christian world-history, comprehending, therefore, not merely the old Roman empire, but also the history of those nations who were brought into connec- tion with it by the migration of nations. Roos saw all this with perfect clearness ; not so Henystenherg and his followers. Though they have to acknowledge, on the one hand, that, the " ten kings" and antichrist are yet future (Beitriige, 211, Havernick Com- mentary, 241 ; Reichel, loc. cit., 959), yet they always speak of the kingdom of the Messiah as having come already. Hcng- stenberg (p. 212) understands by it, " The spiritual kingdom of God, viewed however in conjunction with its future visible manifestation at the end of time ;" but he distinctly cautions the reader not to " confuse this visible manifestation with the millennium." According to Hdvenitck (5G1), the object of the second and seventh chapters of Daniel is simply " to give some general views of the life and character of the ancient world (p. 560), as contradistinguished from the newly beginning THE PAPACY. 219 economy, the Church." Reichel says (p. 9G1), " The kingdom of Christ overcomes the Roman empire with its spiritual weapons ;" and therefore he represents the image of the monarchies " gra- dually" destroyed by the stone, which is directly opposed to the express words of the text, since it says, ii. 35, then was the iron, the clay, the brass, the silver, and the gold, broken to pieces together, thus excluding the idea of a contemporaneous existence of the kingdom of the world and the kingdom of God. These specimens may suffice to shoAv, that the text is treated in an unsatisfactory manner ; and one need only read the last page oi Haver nick's Commentary (p. 569), to see how uncertain, obscure, and confused the views are, which commentators of this stand-point have on this eschatological question. What is wanting to Hengsteuherg and his school is, as we shall have frequent opportunity of showing, a scriptural Chiliasm, without which, it becomes clearer every day, prophetic theology is only a mutilated torso. ^ We now come to consider those commentators with whom we agree in the main view concerning the character and time of the Messianic kingdom. Here we have to point out a miscon- ception. Some find in the fourth monarchy also a prophecy of the Papacy. This view was naturally suggested by the fact, that the Papacy is likewise Roman. It arises, however, like the vievv refuted above, from an unwillingness to admit that Christianity and the church are not at all mentioned prior to the ' Compare Delitzsch, die biblisch prophetische Theologie, p. 131-139. The author characterises it as an essential progress in prophetic theolog-j-, made during the last century, by Bengel and his school (Crusius, Roos, Otinger, and others), and in the present by Hofmann, Baumgarten, etc., that the following three ideas are recognised in their intimate connection : — 1. Israel in pro- phecy is not merely a type of the church ; 2. That Israel has yet a future ; and 3. That before the last judgment there shall be a time of a glorious king- dom of God. Roos says (Fuss-Stapfen, ii. 397), " The prophets speak frequently, and the apostles still more frequently, of the kingdom of Jesus Christ. He that has no knowledge of this kingdom, understands neither the Old nor the New Tes- tament." 220 THE ROMAN EMPIRE. millennium, and from a desire to find some intimations con- cerning the cliurch before the millennium, in tlie prophecies of Daniel. This may be designated as the English and French view. Gaussen (i. 174, etc.) refers the clay in the second chapter to Popery ; as Preisicerk (Morgenland, 1838, p. 4G) the little horn, in the seventh. Many objections may be brought against these opinions ; but we limit oui'selves to directing the reader's attention to the most important point, viz., that the Papacy, with all its worldliness, can never be represented as a product of the political world-powers, as such, but must surely be viewed as a church become worldly. But Daniel, the states- man of Israel, did not prophecy concerning the church ; it was to John that revelations concerning her were vouchsafed. This question will therefore be resumed again in our remarks on the Revelations, especially on the Babylonian harlot, which will, we trust, contain the simplest refutation of the above views of Daniel. After these preliminaries, we now proceed to a more minute, positive consideration of the fourth kingdom. Its national and political component parts are delineated in chap, ii., in a manner which has become normative for all subsequent views of history : first, the old Roman universal monarchy, in its solid iron char- acter (ver. 40), then the plastic material of the Germanic and Sclavonic tribes, through the migration of nations mixed with the Roman iron, and finally the division of this Roman-Ger- manic empire into smaller kingdoms, which in the final period will terminate in ten kingdoms — these are the grand outlines of history, as tlie table of contents in any modern manual of history shows us. Notice also the wonderful truth of this reve- lation, in regarding this development of two thousand years, enabracing elements so different, as a whole, and forming an unity. It is a fact that the Roman empire is essentially still existing in history — a fact which is very instructive, when viewed by the light of our prophet. The old Roman empire never thought of representing itself as a continuation of Alexander's universal THE ROMAX EMPIRE. 221 monarchy ; but the Germanic empire knew no greater honour than to be a holy Roman empire of a German nationality. And even before it was dissolved, Napoleon had taken up the idea of the Roman empire ; his universal monarchy was essentially and avowedly Roman; his son was called King of Rome; his nephew, in order to found his power, distributed among the French army " Roman eagles." The Roman empire is the ideal, which exerts fascinating power on the rulers of the world, which they are ever striving to realize, and will doubtless succeed in realizing. Of all phenomena of history, none bears more essential resemblance to antichrist than this demonic Napoleonism, which from the outset identified itself with the idea of the Roman empire. In like manner, is it the aim of the Czar's policy to surround his throne with the splendour of Constantinople and the eastern empire. But the Roman character is existing and manifesting itself in a more spiritual and internal manner. The Romans, conquered by the Germans, are the teachers of their victors ; Roman civilisation, Roman church, Roman language, Roman law became the chief elements of Germanic civilisation. The Romanic nations are monuments, showing how deeply this in- fluence has penetrated into the life-blood of modern humanity ; " they shall mingle themselves with the seed of men," ver. 43. But they shall not cleave one to another; the Roman element again and again strives against the Germanic. The contest between Romanic and Germanic elements is the moving principles of modern history ; we remind the reader only of the conflict be- tween empire and papacy in the middle ages ; of the Reforma- tion, with its consequences, extending down to our own time. Thus the fourth monarchy has, on the one side, a tenacity truly Roman — a vigour and firmness surpassing the other kingdoms, '' There shall be in it of the strength of the iron," ver. 41 ; " partly strong," ver. 42 ; but on the other side, since the introduction of the Germanic element, in the mixing of iron with clay, it is divided (ver. 41), and its component parts very changeable and fragile (partly broken or brittle, ver. 42). The Romanic element, 222 TOE ROMAN EMPIRE. as Gervinus, among others, has pointed out in his "Introduction to the History of the Nineteenth Century," strives toward uni- versal empire, while the Germanic represents the principle of individualisation, division. Hence we see ever renewed attempts to establish world monarchies, either in a spiritual shape, as the papacy (whicii may be viewed in this aspect), or in a worldly, as Clmrleraagne, Charles V., Napoleon. " But they shall not cleave one to another;" the diilerent nationalities assert, again and again, their rights ; Romanic, Germanic, Sclavonic ele- ments oppose each other in political and religious questions ; nation shall rise against nation, and kingdom against kingdom (Matt. xxiv. 7), till antichrist succeed in producing a demonic union (Dan. vii. 20, 24; Rev. xvii. 12, 13, 17). Thus it is possible, even now, to trace with considerable accuracy the fulfil- ment of the prophecy concerning the fourth monarchy. It may be thought startling, that while the first three monarchies taken together, embrace scarcely some centuries, the fourth alone ex- tends over millennia. There must be something peculiar about this fourth monarchy. And so there is, as Daniel himself shows us. The emphasis and circumstantiality (compared with the thx'ee preceding kingdoms), with which it is introduced in the second, and specially the seventh ciiapter, is significant. Even though we should attach no importance to the circumstance, that the whole lower half of the image is referred to the fourth monarchy, it is of importance to notice, that while the other kingdoms consist only of one material, this consists of two ; upon which fact tlie px'ophet lays great stress (ver. 41-43). Com- pare with this the intimations of the seventh chapter. The first three monarchies appear in the shapes of certain beasts — lion, bear, leopard ; the fourth, however, is not so rejiresented. This is of decisive importance. The last empire is too terrible, its power too gi'eat and extensive, as that it can be represented by any beast known to us. "What is thus expressed concretely, is afterwards explained in words, and confirmed by the tlirice repeated expression (ver. 7, 1 9, 23), " it was diverse from all the THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 223 beasts that went before it." Moreover, the peculiar importance of the fourth beast is shown by the prophet's opening the de- scription of it with the full formula : " After this I saw in the night-visions, and behold," a formula, which has its analogies only iu ver. 2, and in ver. 13, thus dividing the whole vision into three parts, the first of which embraces the three first king- doms, the second the fourth and its overthrow, the third the Messianic kingdom. The difference between the fourth monarchy and its three pre- decessors is indicated in the 2od verse, and consists primarily in its more unlimited universalitv. During the first three kina;- doms, there was some world-history independent of them ; Greece stood beside the East — Rome beside Greece ; they were not universal monarchies in the full sense of the word, there were always other nations possessed of vigour and of a world- historical future, unsubdued, and soon in their turn subduing other powers. Hence these monarchies had only a short dura- tion, and hence it was not possible, that the God-opposed principle should find its full development in them. Whereas the fourth monarchy includes the whole olKovnevrj, evei'ything of world-historical importance is concentrated in it. Even ancient authors were conscious of this. Thus Herodian says, ii. 11,7: " There is no part of the earth under heaven where the Eomans have not extended their empire." Dionysius of Halicarnasse, in a passage strikingly suggestive of our prophecy, compares the Roman empire with the preceding world-powers, the Assyrian, Babylonian, the Persian, and the Greek. He says — " These are the most celebrated kingdoms up to our time, and such are their duration and power, but the empire of the Romans is established in all parts of the earth which are accessible and inhabited by man ; its rule extends likewise over the whole ocean, and it is the first and only empire which has made the east and west its boundaries. Moreover, its power has lasted not a short period, but longer than that of any other kingdom." This universal character is peculiar to the fourth monarchy 224 THE ROMAN EMPIRE. up to our time. All history moves within the circle of Romanic, Germanic, Sclavonic nations ; and we know from the prophecy of Daniel, that before the second advent of Christ, no other nations shall be called to be centres iu the history of the world. The fourth monarchy represents universalism externally ; Christianity represents universalism internally — the one striving from below to be what the other is, coming from above. Therefore, it is possible, it is necessary, that anti-Christianity be born here — a type which we have in the Koman emperors. It is possible that here, as in the building of the Tower of Babel, the whole race should rise against God : Rome becomes Babylon fully developed. The fourth monarchy is the world-power corre- sponding to Christianity, and therefoi'e contemporary with it. Tlie existence of the Roman universal empire is justly enume- rated among the events constituting the " fulness of times," in which God sent his Son (Gal. iv. 4; Mark i. 15); there was thus given to universal religion, freeing itself from the limitations of the Jewish nationality, a possibility to take the world as its field (Matt. xiii. 38).^ The planting and spread of Christianity has brought new^ vital elements also to the world-power, which is the real reason why the fourth kingdom has a so tauch longer duration than the preceding ones. We may add this now from our stand-point, witnessing the fulfilment, though Daniel himself saw neither the long duration nor the cause of it. Whilst truth manifests its highest revelations, its antagonist, the Lie, which the kingdoms of the world are serving, likewise unfolds itself fully : the fall of the last kingdom is deeper than that of all the others, both the sin and apostas}', and the decay and judgment. The result of the develoi)ment of this period is the antichrist, in whom all world-power and world-civilisation is united, in whom all enmity ' The Evangelist Luke has carefully pointed out, that the coming of the heavenly King into this world, coincides with the first act of supremacy over Judea on the part of him, in whom the Roman woi'ld-power was first reiiresented in a person. Luke ii. 1 ; Bauuigarteu, Apostolic History, vol. i., p. 303. ANTICHRIST. 225 against God, His people, and His service, is concentrated (ver. 8, 11, 20-24, etc). There are chiefly three attributes mentioned in connection with antichrist — 1, The highest degree of wisdom, cultivation of the intellect, worldly civilisation ; 2, The uniting of the whole civilised world under His dominion ; 3, Atheism, antitheism, and autotheism, developed to the highest power, comp. 1 John ii. 22. The God-opposed character and power of the world reaches thus both internally and externally its culmi- nating point, and therefore not only is power taken from the fourth beast, as was done in the case of the first three, ver. 12, but God sends terrible judgment on it, and the world-power in general, judgment as awful as it is final (ver. 11 and 26). This judgment is described with great solemnity, as issuing imme- diately from God (ver. 9 and 11), thus showing that political revolutions and events are now at an end ; but that the history of all nations, and the whole world, is now summed up by the living God himself, and the result of its total development pronounced by the Divine Judge. And His judgment is, that the beast must be slain and given to the burning flames (ver. 11). Also at this point, prophecy comes into collision with the views current among many Christians and theologians concerning the history and the destiny of Christianity in the present period of the world's history. In our former paragi-aph we contrasted the prophetic and the current views of the history of the world. We must now contrast the two views on church history, which falls altogether within the time of the fourth monarchy. What sti'ikes us as peculiar and startling in Daniel's representation of the four monai'chies is, that the first coming of Christ, — His Chui'ch and her influence on the development of the world, are left altogether unnoticed and unmentioned.fThe fourth mo- narchy, though Christianized for a millennium and a half, is not distinguished either from the preceding heathen monarchies as such, or from its own heathen portion ; on the contrary, it is re- presented as the most terrible and as the most God-opposed of p \ ^ 226 THE ROMAN EMPIRE ONLY OUTWARDLY CHRISTIAN. all kingdoms. God thus speaks of the world-power in its Christian period, without mentioning at all its Christianity, only its final adherence to antichrist is spoken of. Why is this? Because Christ's kingdom, as it was established at his first ad- vent, is not of this world (John xviii. 3G), and Daniel was to prophesy the course of the world-powers ; hence the kingdom of God enters his horizon at that point where it begins to be a real and external power of the world ; that is, at the second advent of Christ. But we may learn from this a very important lesson, viz., that even during the Christian period of the world's history, the old character of the world is essentially existing ; that the outward Christianity, which the kingdoms of the world have adopted for fifteen centuries, is very far from real Christianity ; but that the kingdom of God is a hidden and suffering one, till the Lord Jesus conies again (Col. iii. 3 ; Rom. viii. 17; 2 Tim. ii. 11, 12). Roos remarks, p. 70 : "The Ro- man empire was worldly as long as it was heathen ; it has remained worldly, though it has become Christian. Daniel does not stand isolated in this view, but the whole New Testament bears Avitness to the same truth. From this point of view, we can understand why the apostles looked forward with such ardent desire to the coming of Christ ; why they constantly look to that event, and put it into so much closer relation to all their actions and feelings, than we are wont to do. They also, although living after the first advent of Christ, view quite in the same manner as Daniel the present aeon, as contrasted with the future aeon, beginning with the parousia of Christ, as an evil and essentially heathenish age of the world, whose god is the devil, and which we cannot love, and to which we cannot con- form without denying and forsaking the cause of Christ (Gal. i. 4 ; Eph. ii. 2 ; 2 Cor. iv. 4 ; 2 Tim. iv. 10 ; Rom. xii. 2, comp. 1 Cor. i. 20 ; ii. 6, 8 ; iii. 18) ; they also know with Daniel, that the fashion and essence of the world pasi^eth away, and the object of Christianity is, according to them, not .so much to Christianize even now the present world, but rather to save THE PRESENT AEON. 227 souls from the present evil world-course, lest they be con- demned with the world. It is thus that the very apostle, who proclaimed most distinctly and powerfully the unlimited universal character of this gospel, describes the object of Christ's coming and of Christianity (1 Cor. vii, 31, comp. 1 John ii. 15, 17 ; Gal. i. 4 ; 1 Cor. xi. 32). It is as yet not the time for Chris- tians and Christianity to rule and to possess the kingdom ; this forms truly the object of our hopes and desires (1 Cor. iv. 8 ; 2 Tim. ii. 12). In the present aeon, our Lord is looking not so much to the whole as to the individual, not so much to the ex- ternal as the internal, not so much to what is great and exten- sive, as to what is low and humble ; the gathering together of a congregation, which will be called to rule with Him in the millennium (Matt. xix. 28; v. 5 ; Luke xii. 32; xxii. 28-30; Rom. V. 17 ; 1 Cor. vi. 2 ; Rev. i. 6 ; ii. 26-28 ; iii. 21 ; xx. A). All external Christian institutions of Church and State are only means subservient to that end, means for the gift and preserva- tion of which we ought to feel gratitude, and which to keep vital and spiritual, ought to be our active aim ; but, with regard to which, we must never forget that they are not essential, but a passing form, which shall give way to a more perfect one, promised by the Lord.^ The congregation of the faithful, the invisible church, is even at present the salt of the earth and the light of the world ; scattered throughout all lands, she spreads ' Roos, speaking' of the relation between State and Church during the fourth monarchy, says, among other things, p. 123, — " After the Reformation, tlie Protestant rulers took again to themselves ecclesiastical rii^hts, with the con- sent of the congregations, and have since then exercised them, through their consistories, and with such government every member of the Church may rest satisfied at this present time. But such church government is not yet what ought and is to be. It is a vain attempt to found the rights which worldly rulers exercise in Church matters during the fourth monarchy, on declarations of Scripture. They have no other foundation, but the present defective and distressed state of the Church. The best church government is described, Isaiah xlix. 7, 2-3; Ix. -3,10-12. — Behold then the Church of God's saints will be free, and exercise her royal rights upon earth as the Bride of the Lamb." Such is also the hope of Spener. 228 THE PRESENT AEON. everywhere the blessings of Christianity, so that the birds of the air may come and lodge under the branches of this divine Tree of Life (Matt. v. 13-16 ; xiii. 32). For even they who are merely nominal Christians, and only members of the outward visible church, partake in some of those blessings which Chris- tianity has brought into the present age of the world — general morality, purer humanity, blessings of secondary importance, — while the true Christians are seeking the invisible and future, their better part, their spiritual life being rooted in the future heavenly world (Ep. ii. 6 ; 2 Cor. iv. 18 ; Col. iii. 1, 2 ; Heb. xiii. 14 ; Phil. iii. 20J. In a general and secondary sense, one may speak of a Christian state, Christian art, Christian culture and civilisation. Only let us guard against the idea, that it is either possible, or that it is destined that Christianity is to Christianize in the real spiritual sense, or as the expression is often erroneously used in this connection, to transfigure the world during the present pei'iod of the world's history. Chris- tianity exerts an ennobling influence on all spheres of life ; but a transfiguration in the correct sense of the word must needs be preceded by a regeneration, a palingenesis ; first, there must be death and resurrection, even as our Lord had to pass through this path to His transfiguration. The kingdoms of this world — this is the simple and clear meaning of our prophecy — must first be destroyed^ then only is it possible that rising in a new form, they will become kingdoms of God and his Christ. State, art, civilisation, will be truly Christian in the kingdom of the mil- lennium. Nor is even this the last and proper transfiguration, because even then the natural corruption is not perfectly exter- minated. After the millennium, another apostasy and judgment must take place (Rev. xx. 7-15), in which judgment the world of nature is destroyed and renewed, as the^orld of history was before the kingdom of the millennium (2 Pet. iii. 10-13), and it is only then, tiiat full, real perfection comes, with a new earth and a new heaven (Rev. xxi. 1). Thus the progression in God's ways is slow and gradual (comp. 2 Pet. iii. 8, 9); the most im THE PRESENT AEON. 229 portant things God has not given to our charge, but reserved for His power ; and the apostles and prophets were wise in looking constantly to the parousia of Christ, and in representing the Christian always as one waiting (1 Thes. i. 9, 10 ; 2 Pet. iii. 11, 12, 14; Luke xii. 35,36, 40-46; Matt. xxv. 1-23; Mark xiii. 33-37) ; even our divine Lord is waiting for His great future, " from henceforth expecting till His enemies be made His footstool." — Heb. x. 13. And, therefore, it is, that Daniel does not speak of any change in the world-power prior to the millennium, and does not speak differently of the world- power during the church historical time, than of the preceding kingdoms. Politics are based on spiritual laws, and the voice of history proclaims distinctly, that even in our Christian era, politics are as much ruled by the worldly spirit of egoistical and material interest, as was the case in the old heathen empires ; nay, that this antichristian spirit is gaining every day more the ascendancy. This view of tlie world and our times is founded on the word of God, and is alone able to give true comfort, rest, and light, amid the outward and inward confusions of the present. The following passages, from the writings of contemporary theologians, will show how necessary it is to bring forward these truths of Scripture with all possible distinctness and force. The supposition on which these quotations rest is, that not He who sitteth on the throne, but man, will renew all things by his ad- vancing political wisdom, civilisation, and piety.^ " God grant," says Likke (Loc. cit. xvii), " that all princes and statesmen would listen in these our times, to the apocalyptic voices, trumpets, and vials of wrath, and divine judgments, take them to heart, and thus rule the nations, that State and Church may evermore build themselves up to become like that city of God from heaven, spoken of Rev. xxi." And, in like manner, Schenkel in a sermon on Rom. viii. 19-23 1 Forgetting Dan. ii. 34, (Luther's version) " "Without hand of man I" 230 THE PRESENT AEON. (das Trostwort der Iloffnung zwolf Predigten, Schaifhausen, 1851, p. 108). " All creation will become free. The inert shapes, which are now dead, will be gradually penetrated and illumined by the Spirit. The solitary places and deserts, which are now desolate and barren, will gradually be changed into fertile fields of God. The dark powers, which at present are either ruling unrestrained or slumbering undeveloped, will be taken ever more and more into the service of divine wis- dom, and thus be redeemed. Nature will become spirit, and the life of the creation be transfigured into life spiritual. There will be a new heaven and a new earth, all old things will then have passed away. But, and if some ask, where are the traces of such a transfiguration of the Avorld, of such progressive sancti- fication and perfection of the life of creation and the human race upon earth? Doth not nature pursue, without intermission, her wonted course? And as to man, is he not rather always be- coming worse instead of better? The kingdom of darkness, doth it not ever extend its dominion? Are not all things pressing forwards to a battle of decision, in which we can scarcely hope the cause of the righteous will be victorious ? ye of little faith, we may exclaim, with our Lord, have you not eyes to see ? How is it that you do not understand the ways of tlie Lord, and cannot interpret aright his leadings? Be not like the Pharisees of old, who .saw not the signs of the times. Dotli not rude matter see itself compelled to carry with lightning speed human thought from one end of the earth to the other? Must not inert metal carry man as on wings of storm from place to place, and thus increase immeasurably man's living personal inter- course with one another ? Is not all nature stepping down to man to free him from his heaviest burden, and to labour, thougli unconsciously, in the service of spirit ? Natural science, in our day is not merely science, but projjhecy. And is it true, what those atlirm, who are of little faith and weak, that man is be- coming worse ? It cannot be true, Avere it only for this, that tlien tlie prince of darkness, and not the God of Light, would BAUMGARTEN AND HOFMAXN. 231 achieve the victory. But deeper thought and consideration will lead us to a different result. Do we not see how the messengers of the gospel penetrate into the furthest corners of the earth ? Is not the cross, in spite of all ignominy and persecution it has to bear upon earth, the highest object of human veneration, achieving ever new and glorious victories ? Doth not Christian soberness and righteousness stand out like a rock in the midst of the raging sea, in the flood of pernicious immorality ; and must not even they, who hate it, bow before it in reverence ? Did not a new life of faith awake among the nations, so that the un- believers are beginning to be ashamed of their infidelity, and will soon be looked upon as the " one-sided, and narrow-minded, and antiquated," while the faithful are gaining in public respect as well as in heavenly strength. The history of the world is not only the judgment, but also the transfiguration of the world." Contrast with this the words of biblical soberness and truth uttered by Baumgarten (Acts ii. 2). — " The Church may succeed to make the worldly caricature of the kingdom more resembling and approaching the divine model which we possess in the history of Israel and in the promises of prophecy, aye, even to renew some features altogether ; only let us never allow ourselves to imagine, that the Church, by thus forming herself according to her model, in the midst of this world, interrupts the secret and increasing continuousness of the world-kingdom. Holy Scripture teaches us, that this will be efiected in a totally different manner.'-' In like manner, Ilofmann expresses himself (Weissa. u. Erfiill. ii. 295). — " The expectation of the man of sin does indeed not accord with the hope of the increasing Christianization of our political and social life ; but who is it that causes us to enter- tain such a hope of a world, in which the mystery of iniquity is unceasingly active ? The more observing eye cannot fail to observe, that this external Cliristianity of social and natural life of which we boast so much, is only to be regarded as something 232 DANIEL AND ST JOHN. intermediate, which will disappear, and be succeeded by heathen- ism, after having fulfilled its temporary use." To these negative statements we add the positive one of Kurtz (Loc. cit. 278). — " In the millennium it is, that Chris- tianity will obtain a complete outward victory, unconditional recognition from all potentates and governments, the most glorious development in all relations and situations of life, art, and science ; when all relations of life, the highest as well as the lowest, will be based on divine love and consecrated to God." After these remarks, the reader will not fail to see the reasons, why the first coming of Christ, and the events connected there- with are passed over in the second and seventh chapters of Daniel ; and it will appear even less strange, if we bear in mind that Daniel's primary object was to prophesy to his own nation, and he viewed, therefore, necessarily, the whole period from the destruction to the re-establishment of the kingdom of Israel, as one period ; and the last remnant of astonishment must disappear, when we remember, that in the ninth chapter, most minute pre- dictions are given concerning the first coming of Christ, and its importance for, and effects on, the ancient people of the covenant. But it is manifest, that the New Testament Church, Avhich was transplanted from Israel into the Gentile world, stood in need of further and more minute disclosures concerning the time of the fourth monarchy, the times of the Gentiles (Luke xxi. 24). The starting-point in such a revelation will needs be the first advent of Christ and the first Christian church (a starting-point not necessary in Daniel's prophecy concerning the kingdoms of the world), and its chief subject, therefore, will be the relation of this chiefly Gentile Christian church to the heathen world-power. Thus it is the period between Christ's death and Jerusalem's destruction, and the second coming of Christ — a period Avhich Daniel saw only dimly in its great general outlines — Avhich falls now chiefly within the light of apocalyptic prophecy. We know that the apocalypse of John is in the New Testament and to the DIFFICULTY OF THE TxVSK. 233 Christian Church, what Daniel was in the Old and to the ancient covenant people. SECOND CHAPTER. THE BEASTS AND THE WOMAN IN THE REVELATION OF ST JOHN. In attempting to offer our remarks on the Apocalypse of the New Testament, we do not conceal from ourselves the difficulties of the task to explain this book, which calls itself, in a peculiar sense, the Revelation of Jesus Christ, which God gave unto Him (i. 1), and which abounds so much in mysteries, that centuries, and the most enlightened men of God, have laboured in vain to ex- plain it satisfactorily. The following remarks lay no higher claim than to be an attempt, offered for examination to those who, like Daniel (ix. 2), search the Scriptures. All students of the Apocalypse, who view it in a spiritual way, experience, at every new interpretation, what the Queen of Arabia experienced, with regard to what she had heard about Solomon : " Behold, the half was not told me ; thy wisdom and prosperity exceedeth the fame which I heard. Happy are thy men, happy are these thy servants, which stand continually before thee, and that hear thy wisdom (1 Kings x. 7, 8). This will also be the case with our exposition. It lies in the nature of the case, that the great task cannot be solved by one man, or even one generation, for the book has been given to the whole church of believers, throughout all centuries, till the second coming of Christ ; and since fulfilment only brings the full exposition of prophecy, it is natural, and necessary, that we are only advancing in our approximation to the true interpreta- tion. But it is just on account of the difficult nature of the task, that attempts may, and ought to be, made again and again to solve the holy problems, and that, in these new attempts, we should avail ourselves of the results gained by our predecessors, 234 ANALOGY OF SCRIPTURE. while we separate carefully the impure and erroneous elements they contain. The views prevalent at present on the Apocalypse contain so much of what deserves to bo cast aside, that many have thereby lost altogether their faith in the authority and im- portant position of this book, and, for this reason, \xe venture to make a new attempt. We are encouraged, in our undertaking, especially by the circumstance that we know our view of the Revelations to be in harmony with the other prophecies of Holy Scripture, not only with Daniel and the other Old Testament prophets, but also with the prophecies contained in the New Testament, with the view of the world and of history, which Christ and his apostles are represented to hold. The analogy of Scripture, this fundamental principle of exegesis, is of double im- portance in the case of a book, which, as is generally admitted, forms the concluding consummation of all biblical prophecy. As we kept this constantly in view during our investigations of Daniel, we shall adhere even more strictly to this method in our remarks on St John, hoping that our work will gain thereby, in convincing force as well as in interest. Here, where we are speaking of parallel passages correspond- ing to Daniel, we have not to view the whole book of Kevela- tions, but the most important part of it, which decides the understanding of the whole, namely, the section beginning with the twelfth chapter. For, it is beyond doubt, that the explanation given to the symbols, occurring in this portion of the book, the woman, the harlot, and the two beasts, forms the key to the ex- position of the whole book. As the correct view concerning the formal arrangement of the book has now been generally adopted, it is the more easily possible to select and separate such an indi- vidual portion. We saw, in the case of Daniel, that the same subject is spoken of in the second and seventh chapters, and in the eighth and eleventh, though light is thrown on it in different ways. Something similar do we meet in the Apocalypse. The introductory and concluding parts, chap, i.-iii. and xx.-xxii., show us first the stand- point and time of the prophet, and secondly, STARTING-POINT. 235 the final completion of the whole counsel of God ; the time between these two termination-points, or, as we may say, speak- ino- in a general way, the time between the first and second coming of our Lord, is the period spoken of in these groups of prophecy, in Avhich it is viewed in its diflerent aspects ; the seven seals (iv.-viii.), the seven trumpets (viii.-xi.), and the seven vials (xii.-xix.). Each of these groups has an addition peculiar to itself, which is placed in the two first groups, between the sixth and seventh seal, and between the sixth and seventh trumpet (chap, vii.-x., 1-11, 14), whereas, in the case of the third group, it does not interrupt the succession of the seven vials, but partly precedes them (xii.-xiv.), partly follows after them (xvii.-xix.). Our special task demands the consideration of the last group, and chiefly of chapters xii.-xiii., xvii.-xix., and this will lead us to consider the twentieth chapter, which forms a parallel to the Messianic kingdom of Daniel. We shall pursue our former method (in Section II.), and give first our own exposition, and then a representation and criticism of the most important views of the Apocalypse, which differ from ours, and bear on our question. EXPOSITION OF KEVELATION XII., ETC. I. STAKTING-POINT ; JOHN'S POSITION IN THE HISTORY OF REVELATION. This is not the place to discuss, at length, the difficult question about the time in which the Apocalypse was written. Without wishing to speak on this point in too decided a tone, we may shortly premise that, notwithstanding the weight of the testi- mony of Irenaeus, in favour of the time being under the reign of Domitian, the evidence contained in the book itself is more in favour of the view held unanimously by Guericke, Ikierscfi, Lnt- terbeck,"- Lilcke, Baur, and others, that it was written shortly 1 Die neutestamentlichen LehrbegrifFe II., 256. 236 ST JOHN AND DANIEL. before the destruction of Jerusalem. The remarks of Thiersch, on the historical constellation from which the book of Revelation proceeded, are very successful, though they are not perfectly clear in detail.' However, the following remarks will apply, in all essential respects, equally, thougii the other view should be adopted, which has been recently represented by J. Chr. K. Hof- mann, Hengstenberg, and Ebrard. The situation of the king- dom of God on earth, in which, and out of which, the Revelation of St John originated, bears the strongest resem- blance to that out of which the prophecies of Daniel took their rise. In the one case, it was the Old Testament church scattered among the heathens ; here it is the church of the New Testament ; there we see Jerusalem destroyed by Nebuchadnezzar, here by Titus ; there the great question is, What has Israel to expect from the hands of the powers of the world ? here the same question is of paramount importance as regards the congregation of Jesus Christ, which is likewise placed within the sphere of those kingdoms. Both Apocalyptics look into " the times of the Gentiles ;" but Daniel sees in the first centuries of these times, a restoration of Israel and .Jerusalem, which, however, is in troublous times, and ends with a terrible destruction of the holy city (Dan. ix. 24-27). This destruction is immediately before St John, and he, therefore, sees the kingdom of God without any external stay — without a home on earth — it was transplanted already, by the instrumen- tality of St Paul, into the Gentile world; the Jews even oppose it with decided hostility (Rev. ii. 9 ; iii. 9) ; the seven congrega- tions of Asia INIinor, to whom the Apocalypse is directed (chaps. ii. and iii.), are chiefly Gentile Christians, and yet representatives of the whole Church. Thus, every external distinction between the kingdom of God and the kingdoms of this world, has been removed, and this accounts for a characteristic difference, which distinguishes the stand-point of St John from that of Daniel. Both agree in representing the Son of Man descending at the end of ' Die Kirche im apostolischen Zcitaltcr, p. 230-253. , ST JOHN AND DANIEL. 237 the times of the world to judge the antichristian power, and to establish his own glorious kingdom ; but Daniel sees only beasts prior to the end ; John, on the other hand, beasts, and cdso the ivoman, who, according to the almost unanimous interpretation of commentators, represents the Church of God. It was not necessary that the Church should be symbolically represented in the visions of Daniel, because, Israel was sufRciently distinguished from the heathen world by external national boundary-lines ; whereas now, when the congregation of believers is moving like the powers of the world in the sea of nations, when outward dis- tinctions have been removed, it is necessary that the internal essential antithesis between church and world, should be marked and emphasized, and, for this reason, the woman is opposed to the beasts. And, for this reason, as we shall notice subsequently, we are told at once concerning the woman, that she passes from Israel to the heathen world. Such being the case, the twofold question arises, first, How are we to understand the promises of glory given of the king- dom of God ? and, secondly, What relation will now subsist between the kingdom of God and the kingdom of the world, seeing that the former has passed over into the latter ? To this twofold question our present age has furnished the answer — the same answer which is intimated throughout the book. The times are even now, we remark in the first place, during which the powers of this world rule upon the earth, and oppress and keep under the kingdom of God (comp. ii. 10, xiv. 3, 10). True, Christ has taken His throne in heaven, in the glory of King and Judge, as Head and Protector of His congregations (xii. 20) ; but it is necessary to be in the spirit, in order to see Him (ver. 19), for as yet His life is hid in God ; the hour is not come yet, when He shall take to Himself great power, and shall reign and give reward to His saints, and destroy them which destroy the earth (Rev. xi. 17, 18) ; still have the martyrs to cry out, " How long, O Lord, holy and true, dost Thou not judge and avenge our blood on them that dwell on the earth" (vi. 9, 10). The Church 238 THE CORRUPTION IN THE CHURCH. is still a Church militant and suffering ; she has experienced this in the persecution of Nero, in which the world-power con- centrated all its bestial fury on her. On this dark back-ground does the book of Revelations rise, and thus it becomes a book of com- fort for the congregations of Christ's believers, in all the struggles which may yet have to be fought with the powers of the world. But even as Daniel's view was not confined to Nebuchadnezzar, or even to Antiochus Epiphanes, even so is .John's view not limited to Nero and the Roman iraperators : this would be too limited a horizon for " the revelation of Jesus Christ." The beasts of Daniel are of universal signification ; still more may this be affirmed of the beast in the Apocalypse. But the Church has experienced, in another manner, that she is still in the ungodly world. The kingdom of this world has not only oppressed her from without, but the essence of the former has penetrated into her own sphere. Of this the seven epistles to the churches contain but too ample indications. We see that coldness crept into the spiritual life of the congregations themselves, so that the Lord has to address to many of them the solemn word, " I have against thee !" and to blame in particular several of them — Ephesus, that it has left its first love ; Sardis, that it has only a name — that it liveth, and is dead ; Laodicea, that it is neither cold nor hot — that it sayeth, I am rich, and increased with goods, instead of knowing its misery, poverty, and blindness (ii. 4, 5 ; iii. 1-3, 15-19). But this is not all ; but error and seduction have passed over from heathenism, and its false gnosis has insinuated itself into the Church, through the Nicolaitanes, the followers of the doctrine of Balaam, and the false prophetess, Jezebel, who seduced the faithful to heathenish conformity to the world, and licentiousness, to fornication (ii. 6, 14, 15, 20-27).^ ' The indications of Judaising heresies, which may bo traced in the Apoca- lypse, are not quite unambiguous. Perhaps only the apostles, wliich were found to be liars (ii. 2), belonpf to tliat heresy. Those who had the name of Jews, but were the synagogue of Satan (ii. t) ; iii- 9), were real Jews, hostile to the STARTING-POINTS OF THE APOCALYPSE. 239 We must consider the internal state of the Church at the time of John, as well as the external persecutions, in investigating the historical background and starting-point of the Apocalypse. As Paul and Peter (1 Tim. iv. 1 ; 2 Tim. iii. 1 ; 2 Pet. ii. 1 ; iii. 3), so John foresees the further development of the corrup- tion within the Church ; hence his prophecies concerning the harlot and the false prophet, with which prophecies are con- nected several passages in his epistles (1 John ii. 18, 22 ; iv. 3 ; 2 John 7). In this respect we may regard the Apocalypse as a book of warning to the Church, against conformity to the world, and against false doctrine. We find an analogy to this in Daniel, in the apostasy of so many Israelites from the covenant of God, which he foresees to happen in the time of Antiochus xi. 30-32 ; xii. 10), and in the even greater apostasy of the whole nation at the first coming of the Messiah (ix. 26, 27). Moreover, this view, as is natural, is not so prominent in his prophecy ; as he does not represent the woman, he does not mention the harlot. We shall find a preparatory analogy to the false prophet in the cunning eyes of antichrist. The three points in the age of John, from which the revela- tions given by the spirit of prophecy, or rather the Lord Jesus Christ, the Saviour exalted at the right hand of God, start — are, 1, The Cliurch has passed over into the world of Gentiles, and is making continual progress in that sphere. But in doing so, she is, 2, persecuted ; and, 3, seduced, as heathenism passes over into her sphere. These fundamental views prepare, in the meantime, a general understanding of the principal symbolic figures of our book, the woman, the beast, the harlot, the false prophet. We have now to show the future development of world and Church, as described by prophecy, starting from the points we indicated. Christian Church. Comp. de "Wette's and Hengstenberg's remarks on those passages. 240 THE WOMAN AND THE DRAGON. II. DEVELOPMENT OF CHURCH AND WORLD IN HISTORY. I. THE CHURCH AND THE POAVER OF THE WORLD.' The twelfth and thirteenth chapters contain characteristics of the conflicting powers ; they describe the woman on the one side ; the dragon, tlie beast, and tlie false prophet, on the other. All these powers are described in the universal spirit of the New Testament, according to all their relations to the history of the world and the kingdom. Tlie vision refers not merely to the future, but, for the sake of giving the characteristics distinctly, also the present time of the writer, and the past, as is required by the circumstances of the case (com p. Rev. xvii., enea-av. ecrrcv ovna ^'K^ev). John first speaks of the woman ; let us consider now^ his prophecies concerning her. a. The Woman and the Dragon. 1. Woman and beast form manifestly the same contrast, as in Daniel the Son of man and the beasts. This is indicated, even by the locality where the two seers beliold these visions. As the Son of Man is seen by Daniel to come from heaven (Dan. xii. 1), so the apostle sees the woman in heaven (xii. 1) ; and as the beasts in Daniel rise out of the sea, in like manner the beast in the Apocalypse (xiii. 1). In both cases it is the human which is opposed to the bestial, only with Daniel in male, with John in female shape. We know, that herein the contrast between the kingdom of God and that of the world is symbolized. Daniel beholds the IMan, the Bridegroom, the Messiah ; because he looks into the time when Christ shall reappear visibly and establish His kingdom upon earth. John, on the other hand, within whose horizon lies, to speak at present only in a general way, the time before the second advent, beholds the woman, the bride, the congregation of God in the world. He beholds her THE WOMAN. 241 in the figure of a woman, and this symbolism is not confined to the Apocalypses, but is a consummation of the whole iisus loqnend'i of the Old and New Testaments. It begins in the Pentateuch, in which the apostasy of the people of Israel from God to idols is represented as fornication, while the holy earnest- ness of God is spoken of as jealousy — expressions which have for their foundation the view of a marriage relation between God and Israel, in which the Lord is the Husband, the people the wife (for example, Exod. xxxiv. 15 ; Lev. xvii. 7, xx. 5, 6 ; Numb. xiv. 33, xv. 39 ; Deut. xxxi. 16, xxxii. 16, 21). We find a further development of this view in the writings of the prophets, who apply the image in a great variety of ways — time of espousal, marriage state, adultery, divorce, widowhood, etc. (Isa. i. 21, 1. 1, liv. 1 ; Jer, ii. 2, 20, 23-25, iii. 1 ; Ezek. xvi. and xxiii. ; Hos. i., etc.) In the New Testament the same expression is used by John the Baptist, who designates the Lord Jesus, the Messiah, as the Bridegroom, whose is the bride (John iii. 29). Thus from the very outset Christ is introduced in the place of Jehovah ; in the time of fulfilment Jehovah became Jesus Christ, as His name manifests 6 Kvpios, the Lord. He Hjmself calls Himself the Bridegroom (Matt. ix. 15), and has developed this comparison in His parable of the ten virgins, the royal marriage, and similar sayings. We meet the same view in the apostolic epistles. Paul, in his epistle to the Ephesians (v. 23-32), has developed this image, and shown its deep foun- dation, in pointing out how the original institution of marriage in Paradise (Gen ii.),^ was a type of Christ and His Church. All this the Apocalypse sums up in the one word, woman (xii. 1). The characteristic of woman, in contradistinction to that of man, is her being subject (Eph. v. 22-24), the surrendering of herself, her being receptive. And this is in like manner the characteris- tic of man in his relation to God ; if he is to correspond to his nature, he can only live in subjection to God, and receiving ' Comp. Dclitzsch, Hohelied, p. 1S6. 242 THE WOMAN. from Ilim. All autonomy of the human spirit is an essential reversion of his relation to God. It is this receptive, woman-like position of man towards God and divine things, which the IJible calls faith, and on Avhich, according to her teaching, all reception of divine life and strength depends. Faith is also a child-like relationship to God ; by it we become God's children (Gal. iii. 2G). In connection with this, take the sayings of our Lord about becoming again like children, and the teachings of the New Testament about adoption. The individual soul is a child of God ; tlie children collectively are viewed as the woman (Isa. liv. 1—3 ; Ezek. xvi. 20). Thus the term woman does not merely sum up all previous expressions used in connection with this comparison, but in general every thing that has been taught in Scripture concerning the fmuhunental relation of man to God. Humanity, in so far as it belongs to God, is the woman ; therefore it is said emphatically of Christ, the Son of the woman (Rev. xii. 5), that He is a Man-child, a Son. True, He is born of a woman, and under the law (Gal. iv. 4) ; He is the true result and product of the Old Testament Church, and hence subject to her law and order of life ; but at the same time. He is the Son of God, and as such His relation to the Church is that of hus- band to wife. The husband, says the apostle Paul (1 Cor. xi. 7), is God's image and glory ; but woman is the glory of her hus- band. Hence it is a further characteristic of the Son, that He rules with an iron sceptre ; He is Ruler and Shepherd of the Hock, as He is Husband of the woman. This is the simple meaning of the addition male to son, apparently pleonastic.^ As Son of the woman, He is, as He calls Himself, Son of man ; as vios (ipprjv, He is the Son of the living God, who becomes, in the name of God, Bridegroom and Husband of the Church, because He has received of the Father to have life in Himself (John V. 2G). Beside Him no man dare call iiimself male — no man dare deny his receptive, woman-like position ; for they who ' Tlie English translatiou is man-uliilJ, the original uii>i k^ftm, Mauulicher Shou. — Tr. THE WOMAN. 243 imagine to have life in themselves, who separate themselves from God, rise against Him, and, trusting to stand in their own strength, sink to the level of irrational beasts. The proud nature-strength of man is not of a manly, but of a beastly kind ; it is nothing but the brute force of the beast. We refer to our remarks on the beasts in Daniel. We see thus in the contrast of beast and woman, not only expressions of individual and accidental features, but they represent the two fundamental ten- dencies of mankind, the children of light and the children of tliis world. There is nothing intermediate ; we must belong either to the woman or the beast. This is only a symbolical expression of the antithesis, which we meet everywhere in the Gospel and the Epistles of John — God and world, light and darkness, truth and falsehood, life and death. The one is, as we shall see afterwards, clothed with the sun of God, the other is an image of the devil ; this renders the parallel more distinct. Nor is the choice of symbols accidental or arbitrary, but based on the essential characteristics of woman and of the beast. If this be true, we will naturally expect, that woman and beast designate the kingdom of God and the kingdom of the world, not only in this or that period of their development in time ; but also in general universality. And this is, moreover, quite in keeping with the stand-point of New Testament Apo- calypse, to which the whole mystery of the divine counsel of God is opened through Christ, the full universality of the retro- spect and prospect, as Paul says, that the mystery of Christ is now more fully revealed dnfKaAv(p8r) unto His holy apostles and prophets by the Spirit (Eph. iii. 5). We shall therefore have to go back to the time when the antithesis of the kingdom of God and the world commences to manifest itself in history, that is, when Israel is separated from among the nations. The text shows clearly, that " woman" must be understood in this general sense. If we do not put any violent meaning on the expression, " birth of a male son," it can only apply to the historical fact of the birth of Jesus Christ of the Virgin Mary, only He, as Ave 244 THE WOMAN. have seen, can claim the predicate apprji/. This is confirmed by the unambiguous prominence given to the two circumstances which commence and conclude the life of Christ, the birth and the devilish councils of murder, plotted by Herod against the new-born child (ver. 4) ; and secondly, by the ascension to heaven, and His sitting on the throne (ver. 5 ; corap. iii. 21). There lies a grand contrast in this : the child, instead of being devoured by the devil, is caught up unto God and His throne. AVe see, that hereon is based the victory over Satan, of which ver. 7 speaks more at length. But the woman of whom Jesus is born, represents the conyregation of God in its Old Testament shajye. And what more appropriate symbol of the Old Testament Church, than a woman travailing in birth, and pained to be deli- vered (ver. 2) ? The most ardent wish and longing of the ancient patriarchs, the germ of a higher, man-like divine life, which lay hid in the old covenant, developing itself and becoming ever clearer to the consciousness of the Churchy to which all things in the Old Testament dispensation were subservient and pre- paratory, was nothing else but wliat Isaiah expressed in the words : " To us a child is born, unto us a Son is given, and the government shall be upon His shoulders, and His name shall be Wonderful, Counsellor, the Mighty Lord, the Everlasting Father, the Prince of Peace." And thus even Micah saw in spirit the daughter of Zion as a woman in travail, Avhom pangs have taken (Micah iv. 9, 10 ; v. 3). Finally, we are led to think of the Old Testament Church by the emblems which are mentioned in ver. 1, in connection with the woman: She is clothed with the sun, and the moon under her feet, and upon her head a crown of twelve stars, for tliese three details remind us of the dream of Joseph (Gen. xxxvii. i), 10.) Jacob himself interprets (he dream to refer to himself, his wife, and sons, consequently, to the Old Testament Churcli in the fundamental form, in which it then existed, and which afterwards appeared again in the twelve tribes. But this only shows us the historical point, from which the choice of emblems starts, it docs not sufficiently ac- SUN, MOON, STARS. 245 count for them. We have to investigate what is meant by the woman being clothed with the sun, why tlie moon is said to be under her feet, and a crown of twelve stars upon her head. It is evident, that sun, moon, and star have a symbolical meaning. The sun is the heavenly light which disperses the darkness of the lower world. Thus, God himself is called the Sun ; and of Christ's countenance it is said, that it shineth like the sun (Rev. i. 16 ; Psalm Ixxxiv. 11). And, in like manner, those who love the Lord are described (as early as .Judges v. .31) to be as the sun when he goeth forth in his might ; and Jesus promises to the righteous, that they will shine as the sun in their Father's kingdom (Matt. xiii. 43). Thus, the clothing with the sun symbolises the congregation of God as the bearer of super- natural divine light in this world ; the same symbol, according to which the churches are represented as lights, candlesticks ; the seven churches being the church universal — the woman. It is said of God, " He covereth Himself with light as with a garment" (Psalm civ. 2) ; so, in a secondary sense, the same is predicated of the woman, who, with Christ, is called the light of the world (Matt. v. 14 ; Jolin viii. 12). On the other side, the moon is an earthly light, and not capable of overcoming the darkness, though shining in it. The cosmological relationship between earth and moon is recognised in antiquity, especially in the mythologies, where we find generally a female principle, goddess of moon and earth, opposed to the male principle of heaven, the god of the sun.^ In the Apocalypse, we find the worldly element represented by the three terms, sea, earth, moon — in opposition to the kingdom of God, — heaven, the sun. Sea and earth stand opposed to heaven (Rev. xii. 12 ; John iii. 12, 31) ; the moon in same manner to the sun. The sea is the mighty, troubled ocean of nations (peoples and multitudes, and nations, and tongues) (Rev. xvii. 15 ; comp. Psalm Ixv. 7 ; Ixxxix. 10,11 ; Isaiah viii. 7-9) ; out of it the beast arises (Rev. xiii. 1 ; Dan. vii. 3). The earth means the consolidated, ' Comp. Koster, Nachweis der Spuren der Triuitiitslehre vor Christus, p. 7. 246 SON, MOON, STARS. ordered world of nations, with their civilisation and learning, they produce the false prophet (Rev. xiii. 11), whose wisdom is earthly, opposed to that which is from above {a-o(f)ia enlytios, James iii. 15). The moon stands above sea and earth, she is a light in the heavens ; but yet she belongs altogether to earth and earthly relations : she is not capable of dispersing the dark- ness and changing it into day. She thus represents the rela- tions of the world in its essential spirit to the supernatural world ; she represents heathenism, the cosmic religion. We see, therefore, the world, with its physical power, wisdom, and reli- gion, represented by the three symbols, sea, earth, moon. Now, the woman is clothed with the sun, and the moon is under her feet ; hereby the church is represented as the bearer of true heavenly light, of the divine revealed religion, which has, under it, as vanquished and conquered, the false, worldly religion, heathenism, even as all Christ's enemies are to be put under His feet (^v7roTr68iou Tcov noowv OV vnb roi's fiudas, Psalm CX. 1 ; Matt, xxii. 44 ; 1 Cor. xv. 25 — L'TroKaTu) tcou nodcov, Rev. xii. 1 ; comp. Rom. xvi. 20 : God wU bruise Satan under your feet). Finally, tlie stars, as we know from the Apocalypse and Daniel, stand for the bearers of divine light ; hence their position contrasts with that of the moon ; tliey are about the head of the woman ; for this reason tlie devil's efforts are directed chiefly against them (Rev. xii. 4). The angels of the churches are called stars (Rev. i.20); in Dan. xii. 3, eternal brightness of stars is promised to the teachers ; while Israel, who has the Lord of Hosts for its God, is called in the same propiiet (Dan. viii. 10) the starry hosts of heaven. The twelve tribes of this Israel are the twelve stars, which ar3 as a crown round the head of the woman. And this holy number, " twelve," meets us again in the twelve apostles, who form the foundation of the New Testament Church, and who are placed in connection with the twelve tribes of the covenant people, not only in Matt. xix. 28, but in the book of Revelations itself The Lord speaks of them in the former passage as the future rulers over the twelve tribes of Israel ; in WILDERNESS. 247 the latter passage, they correspond to the names of the twelve tribes, which are written on the gates of the New Jerusalem, the twelve apostles of the Lamb, who stand at the foundation of the citv of God. This last passage forms a simple exposition of our text. For, since the New Jerusalem is also called the wo- man (Rev. xxi. 2, 9, 10); the woman with the twelve stars signifies the same as the city with the twelve gates and foundations ; the one is the exalted and transfigured church, the other the church militant. In referring the twelve stars also to the twelve apostles, we have expressed implicitly, that the woman represents the Church of God, not only in the Old Testament, but likewise in the New Testament form. From our remarks, it will be evident, that it is equally impossible to understand by the woman only the Old Testament Church, or Israel, as it is to refer the expression merely to the New Testament Church. For we know, that Israel ceased soon after the ascension of Christ to be the con- gregation of God (Dan. ix.). And yet in Rev. xii. 6, 13, the woman is spoken of subsequently to that event. Tlius the text referring both to the past and future, our former view is con- firmed, that the expression woman, relates to the congregation of God in this world, generally and universally, and cannot be limited to any particular pei'iod or epoch. The first thing we read of the woman after the ascension of Christ, is ver. 6, that she flees into the wilderness. Wildertiess ? Evidently a sym- bolical expression ; let us see what is meant by it. Let us con- sult the context and the parallels of Scripture. It is by flight that the woman comes into the wilderness. If we remark whence she flies, we shall find also whither. It is before the persecutions of the devil, through Herod, and in general through the Jews. But whither does she fly ? Where did she take her refuge after Christ's ascension ? Undoubtedly from the Jews to the heathens. Therefore it is, that in this passage, the attribute given to Christ elsewhere, that He will rule the heathen with an iron sceptre (ii. 27 ; xix. 5 ; Ps. ii. 9), is expressly mentioned. From 248 wiLDEnxESS. the time of His ascension, the heathens are given to Him as His field; thither His Church, persecuted by the Jews, takes her refuge (from Acts viii. onwards). There God has prepared a place for hertobeshelteredand nourished(Rev. xii, 6, 14). Thus the wilder- ness and the land of the heathens mean the same.^ This significa- tion appears as yet only as a supposition, based on the context ; let us see whether itis corroborated by the prophetic nsus loquendi. We know that Canaan, as the seat of all temporal and spiritual blessings of God, is called the land of glory, of pleasantness, etc. (Jer. iii. 19 ; Ezek. xx. 6, 15 ; Dan. xi. 16, 41 ; viii. 9). The land of the heathen, on the contrary, is a wilderness, because for- saken by the fulness of divine life and strength. As God dwells and reveals himself in the land of glory, the demons dwell in the wilderness (Matt. xii. 43 ; Mark i. 13 ; Lev. xvi. 21, 22 ; Isa. xxxiv. 14) ; they are the rulers and princes of the heathen world (1 Cor. x. 20 ; Rev. ix. 20). Hence, when Israel is exiled to Babylon, it is said to be in the wilderness (Isa. xl. 3 ; xii. 17-19; xlii. 10-12; xliii. 19, 20, etc). This ttsus loquendi in the second part of Isaiah is based on a passage in the first, which is of utmost significance for our purpose. The burden over Babylon, which Ave read, Isaiah xxi. 1-10, is entitled: The burden of the desert of the sea.^ Thus the Babylonian king- dom of the world is called here a desert of the sea ; or, in accordance with the signification given above to the symbolic expression sea, desert of the nations. The heathen world, not- withstanding all its glory and splendour, is yet in its essential nature a wilderness and desolate place ; because, without God, and against God ; because it is only natural and deserved when it is laid waste, and the prophets often dwell on this with great emphasis (Isa. xiii. 19-22 ; xiv. 22, 23 ; xxxiv. 1-15 ; Ezek. xxix. 3-12 ; xxxv. 3-5 ; Mai. i. 3, 4, etc.). The passage Isaiah ' In German the same expression denotes wilderness, and heathen country, hciden land. * Comp. Drechsler, Isaiah ii. p. 108, and Schmieder (Propheten i. 87) on Isaiah xxi. 1. WILDERNESS. 249 xxi. is of the greater importance, as the Apocalypse refers to it in other places, as it has taken from it the expression fallen, fallen is Babylon (Rev. xiv. 8 ; xviii. 2), and we shall see, that in the wilderness, in the world of heathens, the woman herself becomes Babylon, a harlot. Thus the flight of the woman into the wilderness is nothing else but the passing away from the kingdom of God, from the Jews, and its introduction among the Gentiles (Matt, viii. 11, 12 ; xxii. 43 ; Actsxiii. 46, 47 ; xxviii. 25-28). There subsists a similar difference between the country of glory and the wilderness ; as the Lord describes in the parables of the great supper and the royal mai-riage, when the invitation is first directed to the respectable people living in their rich possessions, the Jews ; and, when they were unwilling to come, to the poor, and blind, and halt, and lame on the streets, yea, even to the people on the roads and hedges without, that is, the Gentiles in their wilderness (Luke xiv. 16—24; Matt. xxii. 2-16). Finally, our view is confirmed by the manner in which the woman's flight into Egypt is mentioned a second time in Rev. xii. 14. Instead of saying, she fled into the wilderness, it is said here : " To the ivoman luere given two tvings of a great eagle, that she might fly into the wildex'ness." This reminds us at once of Exod. xix. 1-4, where Jehovah says to the people of Israel brought out of Egypt into the wilderness : " You have seen what I did unto the Egyptians, and how I bare you on eagles' icings, and brought you unto myself." Thus the eagle flight is from Egypt into the wilderness, to the place prepared by God. What is to be understood in the Apocalypse by Egypt, is evident from the passage, xi. 8, the only one in our book where it occurs. The place where Christ was crucified, that is, Jerusalem, is there spiritually called Sodom and Egypt, in the same manner as the unfaithful church is afterwards called Babylon. Thus it is Jerusalem and Israel itself, which has become Egypt by its re- jection of Christ ; out of her the true Church of God has to be bi'ought, even as of old the Old Testament congregation out of the real Egypt ; and as in future God's people shall hear the 250 WILDERNESS. call, to come out of Babylon (Rev. xviii. 4). The flifjht of the Church into the wilderness is therefore her delivery from apos- tate Israel. For it is clear, from the words of the text, that the flying into the wilderness, xii. 4, and her flying with two wings, xii. 14, are not two separate facts, but only different designa- tions, or perhaps gradations, of the same fact, in the history of the kingdom. Time and place arc in both passages the same ; in both, the passing of the woman into the wilderness is spoken of, where she is nourished in the same place prepared for her by God for the space of 12 GO days, or three and a half times (years). The attention of John was diverted from the woman by the victory over the dragon, which he beholds and describes, ver. 7—13 ; but he returns once more to the wilderness, as the transi- tion of the kingdom of God from Israel to the Gentiles is an ex- traordinary and important event. Instead of saying she fled, he uses the expression, two wings of a great eagle were given her to fly, and by this change of expression he intends to mark the more emphatically, that this deeply important turning-point in the history of the world and kingdom, is not to be viewed as arising out of human arbitrariness, or much less, out of human fear and despondency, but out of God's decree and His direct providence (Acts ix-xi.). The first expression refers, as to a type, to the flight of Mary with the child Jesus into Egypt (Matt, ii. 13), the other to the delivery of Israel out of Egypt. But when the expression does not merely say, in general, that the woman was taken into Egypt, but that she has a place prepared for her by God in the wilderness, this indicates that only a certain portion of the heathen world is destined to be received into the Church of God. We can only form a supposition from Daniel's statements, as to what place is meant, but we are told more dis- tinctly in the course of the Revelations, it is the fourth king- dom of the world, which has its seat in the Babylon of that time, in Rome. The Acts of the Apostles gives us a grand comment upon this in the description it contains of the church's migration from Jerusalem to Rome. This was the object of tlie WILDERNESS. 251 whole activity of the Apostle Paul ; as it is most forcibly ex- pressed in the Epistle to the Romans, and in the Protection, which Roman government and institutions gave to him person- ally.^ Moreover, let us attend to the expressions in our passage. The heathen world is not to nourish the Church. What nourish- ment could the wilderness offer ? But the wilderness offers merely an outward shelter ; with regard to nourishment, how- ever, we have in ver. 14, only indefinitively the passive o-nov rpe0erat ; ver. 6, Iva eKf'i Tpicpaxnv avTj)v. We have met the use of the third person plural in Daniel, and know that it refers to heavenly powers. The Church's life is nourished by the kind ministrations from on high ; she lives in the wilderness, even as Israel, on manna from heaven ; and like her Lord, from the word proceeding out of the mouth of God (Matt. iv. 4, comp. Rev. xii. 11, Sia rov \6yov ttjs fiaprvplas avrojv), SO that the devil's at- tempts are as unavailing in her case as in that of the Saviour (aTro irpocruiTTov Tov os dpoKpivoiievr], viewed with spiritual eyes, measured by God's standard, Sodom and Egypt, that is, she has become like the godless and doomed world-city and world-power, because she rejected the Lord and crucified Him. In like manner, is MYSTERY. 275 the New Testament Church, is Christendom called (after the world-city) Babylon, Eome, because she has forsaken Christ, and given her love to this present world. To the expression, npevfiariKas, Corresponds, in this respect, another word, which is Avritten upon the harlot's forehead, the word Mva-TfjpLov, Mystery. This word occurs only once in the New Testament, in the mouth of our Saviour (Mark iv. 11); but it is used by Paul, and in the Apocalypse. It always, and without exception, designates a subject, which is hidden to the unassisted reason and eye of man, and can only be seen by a special divine revelation (conip. Rom. xvi. 25 ; 1 Cor. ii. 7-10 ; Eph. iii. 3-5 ; Rom. xi. 25 ; 1 Cor. XV. 51). Thus it designates, in the Revelation of St John, in contradistinction to the objects of outward perception (i. 20), or the objects perceived by unassisted reason (x. 7), something deeper, which was in the spirit's mind, and is there- fore understood only by the spirit of man, when illumined from above, by the mind which has received the wisdom from on high. Hence we meet here, and in connection Avith the word mystery, a third expression, by which the Apocalypse itself points out a spiritual mystical interpretation of her image. " Here is wisdom" (xiii. 18, xvii. 9). We find these three ideas connected in like manner by Paul, when he says (1 Cor. ii. 7, 10), XaXoC/xev ^€ov aot which is in xix. 1, 9, between the harlot and the wife of the Lamb. The same great voice of much people in heaven, which praises God CORRUPTION OF THE CHURCH. 281 (v. 1-5) on account of the judgment on the heathen, rejoices in ver, G and 7, that now the marriage of the Lamb is come, and His wife hath made herself ready. After the false church, which was arrayed in purple and scarlet colour, and dressed with gold and precious stones and pearls (xvii. 4), is judged, the true Church of God is clothed with the white garment, which, by its splendour (Xa/xvpoi') symbolises the triumph of him that overcometh, by its purity (Ka^apw) innocence, and righteousness. The Kplpa of the harlot is the StKaiojjua of the woman (Comp. the same contrast Rom. v. 16-18); the saints who condemned the harlot, and prayed for judgment on her (xviii. 20), who would not partake of her sins, and remained faithful even unto death (xviii. 24 ; xix. 2), are now justified, are now in possession of their right, which was hitherto unac- knowledged and violated, but which is now manifest before all the world, of the righteousness with which God invested them, that crown of righteousness, as Paul (2 Tim. iv. 8) expresses the same thing, under a different figure (Comp. Delitzsch, Hohelied, p. 227, etc.). As long as the false church existed, the true Church could not be manifest ; now the harlot has fallen, the woman triumphs. Nothing could be expressed in a clearer manner than the meaning of the harlot is. Add to this, eighthly, our remark on the meaning of the word mystery, which the harlot has inscribed on her forehead. Let us now turn to the consideration of the prophecy itself, viz., the prophecy concerning the corruption of the Church, and her conforming to the world. The numerous analogies in the Old and New Testament will render our understanding of the prophecy easy. Our Lord Himself, to begin with the New Testament, has given no obscure intimations in the parables which refer to the history of the church (Matt, xiii.), that when once the gospel, according to its destination, shall have the whole world for its field, when the kingdom of God shall be like a net cast into the sea of all nations and peoples, the Church would not be pure, but mixed, consisting of good and evil. 282 OLD TESTAMENT ANALOGIES. The twenty-fourth chapter of Matthew, Christ's eschatological words, in which He views simultaneously the destruction of Jerusalem and His Parousia ; and hence judgment upon Israel and Christendom is based upon the fundamental view that the New Testament Church will become as much a wicked and adulterous generation as the Old Testament congregation, and the Lord dwells upon some symptoms and characteristics of this adultery, as distrust and suspicion ; hatred, treachery (ver, 10-12), divisions into parties (2o-2G), false doctrine (vii. 24). In the light of this chapter the apostles looked into the future of the Church. Paul, Peter, and John declare with ever-in- creasing distinctness, especially in their more advanced age, when they witnessed the heathenish, gnostic element insinuating itself into the church, tliat, in the future, and especially the last days (fV varepois Katpois, I Tim. iv. 1 ; 2 Peter ii. 1-3, iv itrxa- Toty Tjfjifpais, 2 Tim. iii. I ; iv. 3 ; 2 Peter iii. 3 ; comp. 1 John ii. 18), there would come heavy times of apostasy and sedi- tion. Paul compares those that resist truth, to the Egyptian sorcerers, Jannes and Jambres (2 Tim. iii. 8) ; Peter with Sodom and the heathen prophet Balaam (2 Peter ii. 6, 15) ; comparisons which we find again in the Apocalypse (xi. 8 ; ii. 14), and which form the substratum for the representation of the apostate church as world city. In speaking of the historical starting-jjoint of the book of Revelation, we alluded to this analogy of the apostolic prophecy, and pointed out, that the Apocalypse itself contains a description of the corruption which was creeping into the church ; in the seven epistles, which designate the corruption as forni- cation and adultery ; and it is only this view more fully de- veloped which meets us in the " Babylonian harlot." We have also occasionally referred to Old Testament ante- cedents and analogies, which the apostle Peter points out (2 Peter ii. 1). The reason and occasion of prophecy itself is the fact, that Israel, the spouse of Jehovah, has become a harlot. The prophets are sent to oppose the corruption of the nation. Repentance, judgment, redemption — these are the great topics OLD TESTAMENT ANALOGIES. 283 of prophecy. Hence the three great prophets and the first of the twelve minor prophets, begin with describing the whoredom of Israel (Is. i. ; Jer. i.-iii. ; Ezek. ii. ; IIos. i.-iii.). But Israel's unfaithfulness is of a much older date than the time of prophecy. It is as old as the nation itself; even in the wilderness, Israel went after strange gods ; and, as has been remarked, the expression, " to commit fornication," precedes historically the ex- pression, " woman." The heinousness of sin is expressed in this comparison, its awful magnitude, which is only surpassed by the mercy of Qod (Rom. v. 20), who condescends to sinners so vile, and does not even spare His own Son to redeem them. The harlot is as old as the Avoman, even as the invisible and visible Chui'ch were never altogether identical. Isi'ael had a time of first bridal love, of which Jeremiah speaks (ii. 2, 3): The time of their going out of Egypt, and their first days in the wilderness. In like manner, there was a time of first love in the Christian Church (Rev. ii. 4), the apostolic, especially during the first decennia, which are the Egyptian times, and the times of the wilderness, according to Rev. xi. 8 ; xii. 6, 14. But soon, very soon, commenced the Church's whoredom. Israel, as a nation, fell from God, and became a harlot ; and the little flock of genuine, faithful Israelites, the woman, was always concealed and hidden, like a kernel in the shell. The Apoca- lypse itself leads us to this view, for, in xvii. 9, the harlot is re- presented as sitting on all the seven world-kingdoms, and this refei's, as does the woman, to Old Testament times as well. In the passage quoted above, the prophets (especially Ezek. xvi. and xxiii), give us a description of the shameful whoredoms committed by Israel with the most ancient kingdoms of the world — Egypt, Assyria, Babylon. We see the same thing in the New Covenant. In the twelfth chapter of Revelation, the first period of the Christian Church is described, when apostate Israel was the harlot, and the young congregation of Christ tlie woman, that time of first love among the Christians, in whicli almost the whole church was faithful to the Lord. But soon 284 STATE AND CHURCH. fornication crept into the Church itself, so that, as a whole, she appears in the seventeenth chapter no longer as the woman, but the harlot, the great Babylon, which contains, however, con- cealed, the true people of God, the woman (xviii. 4). We see here a fundamental idea of God's plan, of which we spoke in general on a previous occasion, arid which is of great importance for the understanding of all prophecy and history. God has given to humanity, as a race, two essential forms of social life for its development and growth : State and Church. The latter in a twofold shape. In the Old Te.'jtament form, where Church and State are connected, and in the New Testa- ment, spiritually free (geistesfreien). State and Church are pre- cious gifts of God. The one, a gift of nature and creation ; the other, of revelation and spiritual grace. But the original pur- pose of both institutions is realised only in a small number of men ; as a whole, both are desecrated and disfigured by sin ; thus, states become to be of the nature of the beast, the church becomes a harlot. Yet, notwithstanding this, they exist, and are preserved by the Divine patience until their object is ful- filled, which is, that under the protection of the State, under the nurture of the Church, and also under the oppression of the evil administrators in both, the congregation of the elect is gathered, the faithful, chaste wife of Ciirist. The woman is the kernel, beast and harlot serve as shell, as scaffolding for the temple of the Lord. But whenever tlie kernel is mature, whenever the cdiiice is complete, the shell is tlirown off, the scaffolding de- stroyed, and what does not belong to the temple must perish amid the falling ruins. Thus, when judgment will come upon Babylon, a voice from heaven will say, " Come out of her, my people" (Rev. xvii. 4). Thus it was, that out of the ruins of Israel and Jerusalem, came forth the first congregation of Christians, when the Old Testament people of God were judged (Matt. xxiv. 18). And even in more remote times can we trace analogies. For in the antediluvian world, the antithesis of world-kingdom and God's kingdom, existed, though in a diffe- THE REMNANT. 285 rent form. There was then neither church, as in the New, or Theocracy, as in the Old Covenant, opposed to the world, but family against family. The Cainites were the beast, the Sethites the woman. But even the families of Sethites became the harlot ; only Noah, with his house, was a just man, and perfect in his generation, and walked with God. Therefore judgment came on both Sethites and Cainites, and only Noah and his family v/ere saved. The remnant thus saved is always the seed of a new time and world ; thus Noah, for the history of the world, the Jewish Christians, headed by the apostles, for the history of the Church ; the congregation of the Bride, which shall come out from Babylon for the kingdom of the millennium (Rev. xx. 4). But there is a gradation and progress in humanity thus saved from judgment ; in the first case it is natural, in the second, spiritual, in the third, transfigured humanity. This is the fundamental idea of the history of the kingdom which Peter develops, 2 Pet. ii. 5. Peter adds Lot to Noah ; in his going out of Sodom the same grand law manifested itself on a small scale, and therefore our Lord also (Luke xvii. 26) connects Noah and Lot. The same fundamental idea is expressed in prophecy by Shear-jashub (Isaiah vii. 3 ; x. 20-23 ; vi. 10-13 ; i. 9 ; Zephan. iii. 12, 13), and the same idea is resumed by Paul in Rom. ix. 27-20 ; xi. 1-10), when he speaks of the seed and the remnant, according to the election of grace, which alone is to be saved, even though Israel were as numerous as the sand of the sea ; it is the same fundamental idea, with which tl e O'.d Testament concludes, and the New Testament begins (Mrl. iii. 16-21 ; Matt. iii. 12); the chaff, which is round the whe. t, is burned with fire, but the wheat, that has life and strength, is gathered into God's garner. These considerations will facilitate our understanding of the descriptions of the apostate Church, contained in the seventeenth and eighteanth chapters of the Apocalypse. Only let us con- stantly bear in mind, that from the outset, the chief object is the judgment of the living and holy God on the Church ; and 286 WORLDLINESS OF THE CnURCH. this juflgmont is not according to human, but according to the divine standard, which is so ranch higher than man's, as the heavens are higher than the eartli (Isaiah Iv. 8, 9 ; Rom. xi. 33j. It is a spiritual judgment, wufvuaTiKas (1 Cor, ii. 13-15); what belongs spiritually to Sodom, Egypt, or Babylon, is con- demned. God, who has shown to the Church the fulness of His grace, and purchased her with the blood of his Son, can and must require of her pure, perfect surrender, and a total renunciation of the world (comp. Heb. xi. 7, 8ia Tfjs iria-Ttwi Nwf KartKpve Tov Koa-fiop). Hence, in proportion as His love was great. His wrath is great ; as liberal and generous as His mercies are, even so severe and awful are His judgments. We, especially in these times, are not accustomed to the idea of an absolute separation of light and darkness, kingdom of God and world, woman and beast, which exists in the mind of God. Hence we find it difficult to understand the Apocalypse. The key to the book is the cross, as we see from ver. 9, the cross by which I am crucified to the world, and the world to me, Gal. vi. 14. But the fundamental error of our Christian theory and practice is, that we confuse kingdom of God and world — the veiy thing the Bible designates as whore- dom. Hence it is we do not understand God's zeal against it. Our eyes are dim to perceive the sins of the Church, and of Christendom, and our own sins ; and therefore it is, that we think the awful words of the seventeenth and eighteenth chap- ters cannot refer to the Church, but must apply to the world city. Uh that our eyes were opened, that we might see as the prophets, the apostles, the Lord Jesus himself, the Friend of Sinners, saw the Church of their times. We know that the Pharisees were not such bad men, and had a kind of zeal for divine things, and yet with what awful earnestness does the Lord reprove them. The prophets appeared mostly in the reigns of excellent kings, as Ilczekiah and Josiah — and yet what powerful sermons of repentance and judgment were uttered by them. The teachers of false doctrines and seducers, with whom tile apostles had to do, were not of such a dangerous kind, per- THE CHURCH — THE HARLOT. 287 verting the very foundations of truth, as the teachers of error in our own times ; and yet how strongly do Paul and John, Peter and Jude, testify against them ! Sin appears more sinful in the eyes of God, than in ours ; but the most heinous of all sins is the sin of those to whom God has shown His saving grace, who have God's word and know it, who are called to serve Him (Luke xii. 47-48). The worldliness of the Church is tiie most woi'ldly and profane of all worldliness. Hence it is, that in the description of Babylon, the Apocalypse unites not only the chief features of Israel's sins, but also of the sins of the heathens, as we find them delineated in the prophets. And, for the same reason, the seer dwells longer on the description of the abomi- nations and judgments of the harlot, than on those of the beast ; and for this reason, likewise, the wliole section, beginning with chap, xvii., comes within the range of judgment on the harlot ; and, finally, for this reason it is, that there is most special joy in heaven at her downfal, more than over the downfal of the two beasts (comp. xviii. 20-xix. 5). The word harlot describes the essential chai'acter of the false church (xvii. 1). She retains her human shape, remains a M oman, does not become beast ; she has the form of godliness, but denies the power thereof (2 Tim. iii. 8). Her rightful lord and husband, Jehovah-Christ, and the joys and goods of his house, are no longer her all in all, but she runs after the visible and vain things of the world, in its manifold manifestations. 'I'his whoredom appears in its proper form, where the church wishes to be itself a worldly power, uses politics and diplomacy, makes flesh her arm, uses unholy means for holy ends, spreads her dominion by sword or money, fascinates the hearts of men by sensual ritualism, allows herself to become " Mistress of Cere- monies" to the dignitaries of this Avorld, flatters prince or people, the living or the dead, — in short, wliore the church, like Israel of old, seeks the help of one worldly power against the danger threatening from another. But, indeed, though whoredom be not committed in this gross shape, the word of the Lord applies 288 THE HARLOT JUDGED. liere also : Whosoever looketh on a woman to lust after her, hath committed adultery with her already in his heart (Matt. v. 28). Whenever the Church forgets that she is in the world, even as Christ was in the world, as a bearer of the cross, and pilgrim, that the w^orld is crucified to her, and judged ; whenever the Church regards in her heart the world as a reality, and acknow- ledges her as a power, whose anger she endeavours to avoid, with whom she tries to make some compromise, whose pleasures and enjoyments seem to her desirable, with whose wisdom, education, science, spirit, though opposed to God's truth, she coquets ; whenever such is the case, adultery is committed in essential reality. Herein consists the essence of whoredom, in leaning, and listening, and conforming to, and relying on the world. Hence, there could not be a better description of it than that given, xvii. 3, 7, 9 ; the woman sits on the beast. The church, the woman clothed with the sun, ought to let her light, the nature of which is to spread light, shine into darkness ; it ought, as a leaven, to penetrate and pervade the whole mass of human- ity, " not by might, nor by power, but by my Spirit, saith the Lord of Hosts" (Zech. iv. G) ; this is her motto and watchword. But the harlot is the very reverse of this. Instead of cleaving to Christ, and Him alone, as to her royal head, she trusts to the heads of the beast (ver. 9) ; instead of the heavenly splendour of the sun, she is arrayed witli the earthly adornments of purple and scarlet, gold and precious stones, and pearls, ver. 4 ; in- stead of drinking of tlie ciip of suflTering of her Lord, she has a golden cup in her hand, iiiU of abominations and filthiness of her fornication (ver. 4). And they who rejoice over such a church, and lament her downfal, are not the true living Christians, the saints of God, but the gi'eat and the rich of this world, tlie kings who committed fornication \. itii her, the merchants of the earth, and the shipmasters who were made rich by her aboiuinations. Rev. xvii. 2 ; xviii. 3, 9-19. How mightily does this contrast with Paul's observation ? For ye see your calling, brethren, how ),liat not many wise men after the flesh, not iri.ny mighty, not BLOOD-GUILTINESS OF THE HARLOT. 289 many noble, are called. God hath chosen the weak things of" this earth (1 Cor. i. 26 ; James ii. o). What a contrast between the world's lamentations at the downfal of the harlot, and the world's rejoicing over the death of the two witnesses, as it is written, Rev. xi, 10, "and they that dwell upon the earth shall rejoice over her, and make merry, and shall send gifts one to another, because these two prophets tormented them that dwelt on the earth." The harlot church did not molest the kings and mighty ones of this earth ; she did not reprove their sins, but made their way to heaven smooth and easy ; she was of service to them as a bridle, to keep in subjection the nations ; she offered herself as a means of restoi'ing their authority, and re-establish- ing order and safety ; and her help was accepted, and found use- ful. Hence, no wonder that the kings mourn over her fall, xviii. 9-10. Also the merchants, shipmasters, found the church useful as preserving order and peace, and under her protection com- merce pi-ospered, and their gains increased (xviii. 11, 13). And not only this, but she did not lift up her voice to witness against worldly-mindedness, against luxury and effeminate refinement, — the sources of the merchants' gains, — but rather conformed her- self to the world, and partook of her joys and pleasures ; instead of caring for the sheep, she cared for the wool ; instead of being clothed with the spirit and power from on high, pointing ever to the heavenly prize, and the future city which we are seeking, she cherished the flesh, and pleased herself in her harlot ornaments ; instead of opposing and lessening, she promoted and increased the sinful life and decay of the world by her own earthliness, allowing the salt to lose its savour (xviii. 14-19 ; xix. 2, e(pBfipe TT}V yrjv). But the saints, the true witnesses of Jesus, the apostles and pro- phets, and all heaven, rejoice at the fall of Babylon ; they have long prayed to God to send this judgment, for of their blood the harlot v as drunken (xvii. 6 ; xviii. 20; xix. 2). The harlot of the New Covenant has the same blood-guiltiness as that of the old ; for e'. en Old Jerusalem killed the prophets, and stoned them that T 290 UNIVERSAL CHARACTER OF THE HARLOT. were sent to lier ; and the Jews put the Lord Jesus and His dis- ciples out of their synagogues, and put them to death, thinking of doing thereby God service (Matt, xxiii. 29-37 ; xxi. 35-39 ; John xvi. 1-4). Nor must we confine our thoughts here to cases like those of IIuss, the AValdenses, the Huguenots, the British Martyrs, etc., or the martyrs which are yet future ; but bear in mind the words, Whoso hateth his brother is a murderer. 1 John iii. 15. Wherever true faithful Christians are neglected and oppressed by the rulers of the Church, from avowed or secret antipathy to God's truth, where a false theology and science robs youth of its faith ; where a pastor neglects, and keeps at a distance, the true living Christians in his flock, on account of the signum crucis which they bear ; wherever we refuse, or are ashamed to bear the reproach of Jesus Christ, our heavenly Master, even as He bore it, there we commit murder against the saints of God. Such is the character of the harlot ; and it is not only a church here and a church there ; it is not only the Chui'ch in its individual manifestations, that is meant here, but Chris- tendom as a whole, even as Israel, as a whole, had become a harlot. The true believers are hidden and dispersed; the in- visible church is within the visible. It cannot be said, here or there is the harlot, and here or there she is not ; as little as it can be said, Lo, here is Christ, or there (Matt. xxiv. 23). The boundary-lines which separate harlot and woman are not local, are not confessional (denominational) ; they cannot be drawn at all externally, iv ypa/xfian, it must be spiritually discerned and judged. To separate externally wheat and tares is God's, who shall do it in judgment. This universal character of the hai'lot is indicated in the Apocalypse by the expression, " the harlot sitteth upon many waters," waters .signifying nations, and peoples, and heathens, and tongues, or by the expression, " all nations were made drunk by the wine of her fornication," and she corrupted the earth with her fornication (xvii. 1, 15 ; xiv. 8 ; xviii. 3 ; xix. 2). This external, extensiveness over BABYLON AND JERUSALEM. 291 tlie whole world, and her internal conformity to the world ; thi? worldliness, both in extent and contents, is symbolized by the name of the world-city Babylon. It is the Lord's will, that the seed of the gospel should be sown throughout the world ; that all nations should be made disciples by baptism and preaching (Matt. xiii. 38 ; xxviii. 19) ; as the sun shines on all the earth, thus the woman clothed with the sun is to let her light and life penetrate to the uttermost ends of the earth. AV^hat we have spoken of previously, and shall consider more fully subsequently, is revealed to John very clearly, viz., the outward Christianizing of kings and nations. But this Christianization is merely external ; t!ie woman, in influencing the whole world, permits herself, at the same time, to be influenced by it, thus committing adultery ; and, for this reason, her universality and catholicity is not like that of Jerusalem, which we hope for, according to God's promise (for example, Isa. ii. 2-4) ; but it is the universality of Babylon. Jerusalem and Babylon (compare on the latter, specially the fiftieth and fifty-first chapters of Jeremiah) are the two grand world-historical conflicting powers, which find their concrete manifestation in these cities. We saw, in our i-emarks on Dan. ix. 25, the significance of Jerusalem. Also in the Eevelation of St John, Babylon is opposed to Jerusalem, not merely to the earthly, but also to the new, heavenly, transfigured Jerusalem. In the times of the New Covenant, the woman has no city on earth, because it seeks the future one (Heb. xiii. 14), it has only a place in the wilderness (Rev. xii. 6-14). Whereas the harlot has a comfortable and secure residence on earth, even as Cain, who built the first city (Gen. iv. 18), and not this or that city, but it is the very world-city of which she has taken possession. The deeper the Church penetrated into heathenism, the very heart of it, the more she herself became heathenish ; she then no longer overcame the world (1 John v. 4), but suffered the world to overcome her ; instead of elevating the world to her divine height, she sunk down to the level of the worldly, fleshly, earthly life ; as the heathen masses came into the Church unconverted, 292 TYKE AND SIDON. .so, in like raanner, the heathenish AvorlcUy spirit passed over into the Church, without passing through the death of the cross. Thus it was, that the heathen Jezebel and Balaam, instead of turning to the God of Israel, seduced God's people to idolatry. The application of these cases to the Church of Christ in the Epistle contained in the second chapter of Revelation (ii. 14-20), prepares us for the expressions " harlot," as well as that of " Babylon." As another preparation for this designation, we adduce the passage considered before, in which Jerusalem is called spiritual Sodom and Egypt. In connection with this, take St Paul's comparison of the seducers and false teachers to Jannes and Jambres, that of Peter to vSodom and Balaam, in all which expressions we find the sinking of the Christian to the low levol of iiic lieathenish. In the same spirit are tlie words of oui Lord Himself, and of the prophets of the Old Covenant, when they repeatedly tell Israel that it had become worse than the heathens, than the world cities Tyre and Sidon, Nineveh, Sodom and Gomorrah (Matt. xi. 20-24 ; xii. 41 ; Isaiah i. 10; Jer. ii. 10 ; xviii. 13 ; Ezek. v. 5-7 ; xvi. 45-52). This entirely robs the argument, which might be brought against our view, from the circumstance that Tyre and Sidon are also (in an exceptional case) designated by the name harlot, of its weight. In the last quoted chapter of Ezekiel, which, as we saw before, is of great importance for the understanding of the term harlot, we find a Strong and striking analogy to the de- signation of Babylon in ver. o, where it is said of Jerusalem : " Thy birth and thy nativity is of the land of Canaan ; tlry father was an Amorite, and thy mother an Ilittite." These remarks will render it perfectly clear, whj' the Apostate Church l>ears the name of the world-city. If we now turn to consider the question, how has this pro- phecy been fulfilled in the history of the Church ; we can neither lind the Babylonian harlot exclusively in the Roman Catholic church, as has been thought, from a one-sided Protestant point of view, or exclusivelv in the Established State Churches of THE HARLOT IS CORRUPT CHRISTENDOM. 293 Christendom, as has been imagined by separatists and sec- tarians We Protestants have indeed cause enough to be humble, and remember our own sins ; but, notwithstanding, we do not leave our Church, applying in a hasty and unwarranted manner, the command given, Rev. xviii. 4, " Come out of her my people ; even as our Lord Jesus did not leave the Jewish Church of His day ; for not even the smallest sect can keep hei'self free for any length of time from the sin of the harlot. Christendom, as a whole, in all its manifold manifestations of churches and sects, is the harlot ; and here again, let us strive to enter into the spirit of the watchword of the Apocalypse, " Here is patience and faith of the saints." As John Michael Hahn says (Briefe u. Lieder iiber die Oifenbarung, in his works, vol. v., sec. 6, Tii- ingen, 1820). — " The harlot is not the city of Rome alone, neither is it only the Roman Catholic Church, to the exclusion of an- other, but all churches and every church, ours included, viz. all Christendom that is without the spirit and life of our Lord Jesus, which calls itself Christian, and has neither Christ's mind nor spirit. It is called Babylon, that is contusion, for false Christendom, divided into very many churches and sects, is truly and strictly a coufuser. However, in all churches, parties and sects of Christendom, the true Jesus-congregation, the woman clothed with the sun, lives, and is hidden. Corrupt lifeless Christendom is the harlot, whose great aim and rule of life is the pleasure of the flesh, the welfare of the beast-like sensual humanity, who is open to the influence of all false spirits and teachers, and is governe 1 by the spii'it of nature and tlie world." Notwithstanding this universal character of the harlot, it re- mains true, that the Roman and Greek Churches arc, in a more peculiar sense, the harlot, than the evangelical Protestant, Babylon, in the times of St John, became Rome; and it is clear, from Rev. xviii. 7, that we are intended to bear this in mind. ' The original is literally churches of the State and of the masses. — Tr. 294 ROME AND THE REFORMATION. Not merely the outward, historical, and geojrraphical Rome is referred to, but as is indicated by the mystic name Babylon, Rome in a prophetic sense, as centre of the world-power, and re- presentative of the world-city. But it is this very spirit of the Roman world-kingdom, which penetrated into the Church, and changed her in the west into a Church State, striving after an external, unreal, world-power, having its centre in Rome ; and in the east, into a State Church, fettered by the world-power, having its centre in Byzantium ; in both places into a world- church, fallen from the invisible spiritual essence of the gospel, and sunk into the elements of the world. Gal. iv. 9 ; Col. ii. 20. The Roman Catltolic Church is not only accidentally and de facto, but in virtue of its very principle, a harlot ; she has the lamentable distinction of being the harlot kut fioxfjv, the metropolis of whoredom, the mother of harlots (Rev. xvii. 5) ; it is she, who, more than others, boasts of herself: I sit a queen, and am no widow, and shall see no sorrow, xviii. 7, whereas the evangelical (Protestant) church is, according to her principle and funda- mental creed, a chaste woman ; the Reformation was a protest of the woman against the harlot.^ * It is very natural that Evanjjelical Protestants, wlio rejoice in the divine truth of their confessions of faith, should loolf for an intimation of the great event of the Reformation in the projihecies of the Apocalypse. But such an intimation cannot be found, at least not a direct one; for the object of John was not to write church history, but rather to sketch the features and principal tendencies of that history. However, as we are continually reminded of the parallelism subsistinj^ between the Old and the New Testament development iif the kin^'dom of God, it is possible to form an estimate of the position and importance which attaches to the Reformation, with reference to the whole liistory of the Church. The analojry in the Old Testament is, we conceive, to be found in the post-exilian Keforniation of Israel, under Zerubbabel and Joshua, Kzra and Nehemiah ; before the exile Israel had fallen into fornication, and was therefore {jiven into captivity. In like manner, the Church, during the niidille ages, and hence the expression, " the Babylonian cajjtivity of the popes," and the title of Lutlier's work on the Babylonian Captivity of the Church. After the exile Ezra restored the Bible, it was not a new original revelation which was now given, but a revival of the original word of (3od given by Moses. In like manner, the Reformation went back to tiie New Testament FALSE CATHOLICISM. 295 As yet the mystery of Babylon is not fully developed, and we do not know what evolutions of the false Chui'ch are in the future, till it reaches that culminating point, when it is ripe for judgment. But Bengel, who, notwithstanding all the mistakes in the details of his exposition, was endowed with a wonderful intuition, which was increased by his study of the prophetic word, was probably correct in his expectation, that Rome will once more rise to power. It is probable, that the Greco-Russian Catholicism will likewise become of importance. The adulter- ous, worldly elements, in all churches and sects, lean towards that false Catholicism, and pave the way for its progress. And thus it may attain again to power. But not only here, but everywhere, let us take heed to the signs of the times, to the confusion of truth and error, worldliness and Christianity, in and apostolic Christianity. The Israelitish Reformation was retarded and attacked by the former inhabitants of the land, the Samaritans, of mixed Jewish and heathen blood. Who is not struck by this resemblance to the Roman church opposing the Reformation ? Yet the Old Testament Reforma- tion succeeded under the protection of the world-power. The Jews were now in possession of the entire and pure word of God ; they were the witnesses for Divine truth at that time, and among' them were always faithful souls, who kept the law of God, and waited earnestly for the consolation of Israel. But, on the whole, the centuries before the coming of the Lord were poor and troublous times ; the spiritual leaders of the people were divided into parties of would-be orthodox Pharisees and Rationalistic Sadducees, and the great mass of the nation was without spiritual life. Is this not a picture of the Protestant Church ? The Samaritans, who mixed Jewish and heathenish ele- ments, human and divine, and were backward, both in intellectual aud spiritual life (comp. John iv. 1.':.'), stood in the same relatiitn to the Jews, as formerly the kingdom of Israel to the kingdom of Judah, as at present the Roman Catholics to the Protestants. But both had been guilty of fornication, and judgment was sent equally on both. For it is clear, that not every thing depends on purity of doctrine and soundness of creed, for our Lord testifies of tlie Phari- sees, that their doctrine was correct, insomuch as He tells the people, whatso- ever they bid you that you observe, observe and do (Matt, xxiii. 3), and yet He adds the most earnest denunciation against them, A similar turning-point is represented in the antediluvian time by Enoch, the .seventh from Adam, who, though not receiver of a new revelation, walked as an example of faith, and was an earnest preacher of truth, Gen. v. 21-2i ; Juile ver. 14, 15. 296 THE DEADLY WOUND. manifold shapes and forms, and let us not partake of it. This we know for certain, that in the moment of their triumph, the powers of the world and their allies shall crumble together, while the people of God shall be exalted to safety and victory. Christ's cross and Christ's resurrection are our pledge and warrant. h. The Deadly Wound Healed — the Beast thai is not, and its Return. In like manner as the woman, the beast also appears in the seventeenth chapter in a different shape than before, and we must thei'efore consider it again, and in this connection : the heast also has passed, during the ages of the Christian Church, through different phases of development, and is now ripe for judgment. Let us see whether prophecy gives us any disclosures concei'ning this development. For this purpose we must turn again to the thirteenth chapter ; in the same way as the seven- teenth chapter threw light on the thirteenth, with regard to the heads of the beast. And here it is, that the question left un- solved in our chapters on Daniel, finds its answer, the question namely, whether prophecy takes any notice of the Christianiza- tion of the world-power, as we find it de facto in the Roman empire. We have passed hitherto unnoticed a feature in the picture of the world-power, which is repeatedly and emphatically men- tioned in the thirteenth chapter. St John beholds " one of the beast's heads, as it were, wounded to death, and his deadly wound was healed" (xiii. 3, 12, 14). This deadly wound of one of the world-kingdoms reminds us of what Daniel saw (Dan. vii. 4), with regard to the king of Babylon, " I beheld till the wings thereof (of the lion) were plucked, and the king received the upright posture and the heart of a man." We know that hereby the humiliation of Nebuchadnezzar's high soaring haugliti- EXTERNAL CHRISTIANISATION. 297 ness is indicated, and his subsequent conversion to the living God. A similar change passes over one of the apocalyptic heads of the beast. It is not changed into a human head, but it receives a wound to death, and is thus rendered innocuous. The kingdom of the world, for which this head stands, does not truly turn to the living God, so that its beast nature is changed into a human one, as was the case with Nebucliadnezzar ; but it does not develop its beast-like, brutal, God-opposed character, so fully as the six others ; for a time it divests itself of its anti- christian character. It appears wy i as that of the Church was depicted in the simple THE SEVENTH KINGDOM. 299 change of the expression woman into harlot. Both develop- ments correspond to each other. ^ The world-power gives up its hostility, and accepts Christianity externally ; in like manner as the beast gives up its God-opposed character, the woman gives up her divine one. Both parties meet each other half way ; world and Church make mutual concessions ; the beast carries the harlot (xvii. 3, 7). Christianity has become worldly, the world has become Christianized ; this is the fundamental type of the Christian era. The gainer in this process is, after all, the world ; for the Church, whose life comes from the Father and the Son, can only be the loser by thus mixing with the world. Hence, though the state of the Christian world may appear satisfactory in the eyes of man, yet, in the sight of God, the present Christianity of the world is by no means genuine. The Lord Himself must first create something altogether new, before the kingdoms of this world become really and truly king- doms of our Lord and His Christ. Scripture attaches only negative, not positive importance to Christian politics and civi- lization ; it characterises them as a deadly wound of the beast ; their object is to keep down and subdue for a season the anti- christian element, but not really to overcome and spiritually to transfigure the world. The history of the world is by itself neither transfiguration nor judgment of the world. Notwith- standing, this parenthetical non-existence of the beast is a state for which we must be grateful, and which we must anxiously endeavour to prolong ; only let us not imagine that we can prevent the return of the beast. The essence of the world is doubtless the same as ever, and the heavenly powers of the Holy Spirit have by no means yet really penetrated the world ; and although the antichristian character has been laid aside for a ' Compare the remarks on State, Congregation, and the State Church, pro- duet of the Christianizatioii of the world and world-conformity of the Church, .IS the three factors of Christian history, which the historian must keep in view, according; to the prophetic word, in de Liefde, General History for the Pe()i)le, (neue reformirte Kirchenzeitung, March 1854, pp. 72-74. f 300 APOSTASY. time, and externally, it shall manifest itself with its wonted, yea, even increased violence. For this reason it is that Daniel did not perceive any change in the world-power effected by Christianity. John sees such a change ; but it is only tempo- rary, unessential. Thus there is a perfect harmony between the Old and New Testament apocalyptics. The one only supple- ments the other ; and, as lies in the nature of his New Testament position, gives further details of prophecy. The deadly wound is always mentioned in connection with its being healed up ; the non-existence of the beast in connection with its reappearance. The deadly wound is thus healed; the beast, which received it, recovers life and returns, but now not only from the sea, but out of the abyss, tlie bottomless pit, whence it drew new antichristian strength of hell (xiii. 3, 12, 14 ; xvii. 8 ; xi 7). The Lord Jesus has expressed the same progression (Matt. xii. 43-45). The Christian Germanic world apostatises from Christianity ; the old, God-opposed and anti-christian beast-nature asserts itself with new power, and gains the ascendancy ; a new heathenism breaks in upon the Christian world. A heathenism which is worse, more demonic, more of the nature of the bottomless pit, than the ancient one, for it, as represented by the first heads of the beast, was only an apostasy from the general revelation of God in nature and conscience (Rom. i. and ii. 14), whereas this heathenism is an apostasy from the full revelation of divine love in the Son (Corap. Matt. xii. 41, 42) ; it is refined, inten- sified heathenism, to which the words shall be addressed : " Re- member from whence thou art fallen I" (Rev. ii. o.) This prophecy is not confined to the Revelations ; it is the same apostasy {anoaTaala) of whicli St Paul speaks in his second epistle to the Thessalonians, ii. 3, and which he sees culminate in anticiirist, the man of sin, the son of perdition. And in de- scribing the evil times of the last days (2 Tim. iii. 1), the apostle delineates tlie character of the men whicii shall live then, in a manner which reminds us of his characteristics of the heathens (Rom. i. 29) ; thus, he foresaw a new heathenism within Chris- THE THIRD PART. 301 tendom. For it is evident, that he speaks of Christendom ; his expressions : apostasy, 2 Thess. ii. 3 : Some shall depart from the faith (1 Tim. iv. 1 ; comp. 2 Tim. iii. 5, and iv. 3, etc.), plainly show it. What is peculiar to the Apocalypse is the clear juxtaposition of the harlot and the returning beast. The Lord Jesus (Matt. xxiv. 4, 5, 11, 23-26) and the apostles speak of false doctrine, seduction, apostasy, more in general terms, whereas the Apocalypse distinguishes between two kinds of apostasies, Jewish and heathenish, of the Church and of the world ; the pseudo-Christianity of the harlot, and the Anti- christianity of the returning beast. The latter is the world, di- vested of all Christianity ; the former, the world, adopting Chris- tianity, or Christianity adapting itself to the world. Both are thoroughly opposed to the true essence of Christianity, the chastity of the woman ; and these adulterous aberrations are the more dangerous, as they have the semblance of a divine Chris- tian character. In our present time, some people see all danger, as coming from Rome, others as coming from infidelity and Radicalism. The one is as erroneous as the other ; on both sides Ave are surrounded by enemies, who are victorious at pre- sent, but over Avhom w^e shall triumph gloriously in the end. The kingdom belongs neither to the one on the right extreme, nor to those on the left extreme, but to the little flock of Christ. " And it shall come to pass, that in all the land, saith the Lord, two parts therein shall be cut off and die, but the third shall be left therein. And I will bring the third part through the tire and will refine them as silver is refined, and will try them as gold is tried ; they shall call on niy name, and I will hear them. I will say, It is my people, and they shall say. The Lord is my God." (Zech. xiii. 8, 9.) Let us now examine more closely the beast returning into existence. It is said, that when the beast ascends again out of the bottomless pit, all the children of the world will render unto it admiration and homage (xvii. 8, ^avixdcrovrai, comp. xiii. 3, 4. They wonder and worship). They rejoice, that at last the 302 THE BEAST CHANGED. fetters of Christianity are tlirown oft', and tliat the power of this world, of wiiich it could scarcely be hoped that it would triumph, which seemed to be totally defeated, shall triumph now in great glory (oTt ^v Koi ovK i'cmv Kcil napearai).^ The beast itself is changed in several respects ; it is now scarlet-coloured ; a symbol of its blood-guiltiness, delight in murder and persecution, the name of blasphemy formerly writ- ten only on its horns (xiii. 1), cover now its whole body, as a sign, that its opposition to God is now to manifest itself per- fectly. The crowns, which were formerly on the ten horns, have now disappeared (xvii. 3) ; is this circumstance intended as an indication, that the ten kingdoms into which the Ger- manic Sclavonic woi'ld is to be divided, will lose their monarch- ical form in the end? The expression (ver. 12), "receive power as kings," speaking of the power which they are to receive along with the beast in the last time (jui'ai/ apav), seems to be in favour of such a supposition. In the beginning of the birth- pangs preceding the Messianic kingdom, the 'Qhlvfs, which prepare the TraKiyyevea-la (Matt. xix. 28), there are wars, earth- quakes, famines, also dKaraaTaa-ia and rapaxal disturbances, re- volts, revolutions (Luke xxi. 9 ; Mark xiii. 8). It is in this manner that the Antichristian kingdom comes into existence. But because we have here not merely the healing of the wounded head, not merely a restoration of the world-power to the state and condition of the preceding kingdoms, but a new kingdom, in which all the beast's opposition to God is con- centrated, and raised to a power, such as it had never before ; therefore, we read of an etyJd/i, tchich proceeds from the seven, and is the full manifestation of the beast-nature {r6 BrjplovKal avros oyboos — scil. Baaikevs — cVti koi e'/c ruv (Trrd ea-riv (xvii. 11.) We saw, in the prophecy of Daniel, that the fourth beast had a special horn, which represents Antichrist and his kingdom ; and in like manner, in the llcvelation of St John, the seventh ' Tliis re.ailinff lias been generally adoptcil since Beiigel, instead of *a.Tt; \e-T,v Corup. Uciigstenberg aud Du Welte on this passage. ANTICHRIST A PERSON. 303 kingdom passes over into an eighth, which is not merely one of the seven, but is brought forth by them, and proceeds from them, as a consummation of them all, as the beast that has reached the culmination of its development. This is the nntichristiati kingdom in the strict sense of the word, and the individual small kingdoms, the ten horns, give unto it their power and strength (ver, 12, 13, 17). That three of them are humiliated in doing so, is mentioned in Daniel, and is not re- peated, but presupposed, by John. In the fourteenth verse, we have a simple description of the Antichristian character of the kingdom of the ten horns, as it will make war with the Lamb, and this war ends in its total defeat. But before the end, the Antichristian kings are called to execute judgment on the harlot (ver. 15, etc.), which is fully described in the eighteenth chapter, and of which we shall speak subsequently. It cannot be proved with absolute certainty, that 3i peisonal Antichrist -KiW stand at the head of the Antichristian kingdom, for it is possible that the eighth, like the preceding seven heads, designates a kingdom, a power, and not a person, and the same may be said concerning the Antichristian horn described by Daniel, when compared with the ten horns. But the type of Antiochus Epiphanes is of decisive importance, for this personal enemy of God's kingdom is described in the eighth chapter of Daniel, as a little, gradually increasing horn, just as Antichrist is spoken of in the seventh. And this is corroborated by the apostle Paul {'2. Thess. ii.), who describes antichrist (ver. ■4) with colours evidently furnished by Daniel's sketch of Anti- ochus, and who calls him, moreover, the man of sin, the son of per- dition, which, if explained naturally, must refer to an individual (compare John xvii. 12, where the same expression 6 vios Tqs (mcoXeias, is used of Judas). In fovour of the same view may be adduced, likewise, analogies in the history of the world ; the previous world-kingdoms had extraordinary persons as their heads, as Nebuchadnezzar, Cyrus, Alexander the Great. The spiritual and universal character does not exclude individual personal re- 304 HEALING OF THE WOUND. presentativcs. Every spiritual tendency has its distinguished representatives, and when it lias reached its perfection, produces its representative kut i^oxrjv. Hence Antichristian tendencies produce different antichrists, and it is a sober historical view, when Chx'istianity maintains that these separate antichrists shall, some future day, find their consummation in an individual, far excelling them in the intensity of his evil character (Lange. 1. o. 374). In conclusion, we must not omit to mention, that Paul and John agree in speaking emphatically of the destruction of Anti- christ (aTTwAfia), comp. also the words of the apostle Peter (2 Pet. ii. 1, 3). His triumph is but of short duration, judgment speedily overtakes him. The man of sin is of necessity a child of death, the son of perdition. John immediately adds, after mentioning the ascent of the beast, that it goes into perdition (xvii. 8, 11). If we now ask, how was this pi'ophecy fulfilled, we have intimated before, that the non-existence of the beast embraces the whole Germanic Christian period. But who can doubt, that the healing of the wound has commenced already ? The i-eturn of the beast is represented, or at least prepared, in that jjrinciple which, since 1789, has manifested itself in beast- like outbreaks, and has since then been developed both ex- tensively and intensively. This principle has appeared in various forms, in the Kevolution, in Napoleon, despotism sanc- tioning revolution, proving, at the same time, that the beast, even in this shape, can carry the harlot, in Socialism and Communism. But we may yet expect other manifestations. At present, it is the endeavour of churches and governments to keep down this monster, but it has shown its teeth more than bnce, and given unniistakeable signs that it is regaining life and strength. How long its development shall last, whether it is to grow up rapidly, through what different phases it has yet to pass, at what period the seventli kingdom shall pass over into the eighth, is not known to man, God alone knows it. It is not for us to know the times or the seasons, which the Father hath put in Ilis own power (Acts i. 7), but it is for us, to take to heart the THE FALSE PROPHET. 305 word of our Lord : Can ye not discern the signs of the times ? (Matt. xvi. 3.) c. The other Beast, the liaise Prophet. The beast has a spiritual ally in another beast, which is de- scribed in ver, 13-18 of the thirteenth chapter, immediately after the description of the first beast, and which is likewise mentioned in chap. xvi. 13, in connection with the first and the dragon, and which ultimately (xix. 20 ; xx. 10) shares its awful doom. In the three last-mentioned passages, the second beast occurs only under the name of the false prophet, a name which we do not find in the thirteenth chapter ; however, from a com- parison of xix. 20 and xiii. 13, there can be no doubt that the second beast and the false prophet ai"e identical. The reason why we speak of the false prophet at this stage is, because his influence is expressly spoken of as coinciding, in point of time, with the healing of the deadly wound of the beast, and its com- ing again to life (xiii. 12-14). It is true, that there were false prophets and teachers in the very earliest times of the Church (Many false prophets are gone out into the world (1 John iv. 1). That woman, Jezebel, which calleth herself a prophetes.*, to teach and to seduce my servants (Rev. ii. 20). Corap. 2 Pet. ii. 1) ; but in like manner as the apostles, John, Paul, and Peter (as we saw above), recognised, in the gnostic false teachers ot their days, prototypes and precursors of that most dangerou;? development of error and seduction which is to come in the last days, so the Apocalypse predicts the false prophet to exert powerful influence in the ea-xdrais T]ixepais, the days of the return of the beasts, in perfect accordance with the teaching of our Saviour, who speaks of the same phenomenon in the times of the last troubles, denoting the manifold character of the fal^^e prophecy, by using the plural ttoXXoI \j/fv8o7rpo(j)^rai eyephrjo-ovTai (Matt. xxiv. 11, 24). We saw that the Danielle four beasts are presented to our view in the first apocalyptic beast. There is 306 PARALLEL IN DANIEL. no beast mentioned in the prophecies of Daniel corresponding to the false prophet. But the antichristian horn he describes possesses not only a mouth of blasphemy, a feature which we found again in the first beast of the Revelations, but it has like- wise " human eyes ;" and there is nothing in the first apoca- lyptic beast corresponding to this. What is symbolized by the human eyes, is cunning, knowledge, intellectual culture ; and this attribute we find expressed in the New Testament Apoca- lypse by the false prophet. The reader will now understand better why we laid such great stress on this feature in our remarks on Daniel ; it is of such importance, that in the Revela- tions of St John it is symbolized by a separate second beast. The first beast is a physical, political ; the second beast is a spiritual power, the power of doctrine and knowledge, of intel- lectual cultivation, of ideas. The name itself shows it (comp. 2 Pet. ii., ^€v8onpo(f)jJTai = ■\lrev8u8i8daKakoi) ; and besides, it is evi- dent from this circumstance, that the first beast ascends out of the waves of the sea ; the second arises from the cartli, wiiich we know represents the civilized, consolidated, orderly world. But both are from below, both are beasts, therefore they are I'aithful allies ; the worldly antichristian wisdom stands in tire service of worldly antichristian power. As the Lord Jesus is the Truth and the Life, so Satan is the murderer and the liar (John viii. 44). The dragon is both lion and serpent ; " great might and subtle cun- ning are his armoury."^ The second beast has two Itunis like the lamb — that is, two horns, which, in their shape, resemble the seven horns of the lamb (ver. G), and are consequently ditferent from the ten horns of the first beast ; but it sj)euks as the drayon. This feature re- minds us most strikingly of the description given by the Lord in his sermon on the Mount, when he says of the false prophets, They come in shet'p's clothing, but inwardly they are ravening wolves (Matt. vii. 10). This general contrast of sheep and wolf is more circumstantially described in the Apocalypse ; the lamb ' Luilier. — TV. THE FALSE PROPHET AND THE HARLOT. 307 opposed to the dragon is Christ opposed to Satan . Herein con- sists the peculiar danger of anticliristian wisdom, that it comes in a Christian garb, and under a Christian name ; that it pretends to be a support to Christianity, such as the advancement of the age renders necessary ; that it pretends to be the rational, spiritual mode of viewing Christianity, and, in short, to be Christianity purified and perfect. Hence arises a confusion {irXava ver. 14) ; stand-points innumerable, opinions, tendencies, opposing and crossing eacii other, so that many do not know where to look to, and what to believe.^ Thus the false prophet and the harlot have this in common : as the former is from below, and yet, notwithstanding his perfectly worldly nature, pretends to be of divine nature (Lamb), so the harlot, though her nature is originally that of the woman hence of God, sinks to the level of the world. In both cases, the worldly and divine elements are mixed, though in totally different manners. The Avoman starts with what is from above and Christian, and is zealous for it, but because she looks also to the things of this world, eternal and sacred things become merely means to an end, empty forms, outward decoration ; while possessing Christian forms, Christian doctx'ine, a Christian name, she denies the inward power and dis- cipline, spirit and essence of the truth. On the other side, the false prophet is, and remains a beast ; the character and starting- point of all his thought, are essentially and thoroughly earthly, psychical, God-opposed, devilish (James iii. 15). For this reason, the false prophet asserts that the forms and doctrines of Christi- anity are of no importance ; that everything depends on the fundamental ideas. Under which specious pretext, however, he ' Chr. H. Zeller in the Mouatsblatt von Beuggen 1846, p. 9 : The apostasy will commence in a way which will be imperceptible to most people ; it will have an appearance of Christianity and its outward form, as there are weeds which look hke wheat; yea, in some cases, the apostasy will pretend to be pure, ' and the only genuine Christianity. But, by degrees, the more it spreads the more powerful it becomes in numbers and worldly influence ; it will unfold, with increasing distinctness, its antichristian character, and finally betray, sell, oppose, and persecute the truth, fall away from it openly, and reject it. 308 THE FALSE PROPHET OF THE EPISTLES. gfcta rill ofeverything in Christianity which is from above and against this world, the supernatural facts of redemption, the divine radi- cal beginnings of life, and heavenly aims of life, in short, Christ the divine essence of Christianity. While the harlot invests the worldly element with what is apparently from above, but has become a mere semblance and a lie, he converts what is divine into what is earthly and worldly. These two forms of apostasy may, under peculiar circumstances, meet and unite, thougli, in their essence, they are different poles, as, to give a rough example, priestcraft and Voltaire, who makes this very priestcraft the subject of his mockery. Here again let us care- fully observe that the Apocalypse analyses minutely, where the other prophecy of the New Testament gives a more compendious and general view. It was very natural that these two elements should be viewed simultaneously by the apostles, because the •Judaising gnostics, such as the apostle Paul speaks of in his later epistles, combined really the two elements in their own persons. Their Judaism, wiui its external forms and outward observances, was a pi'ototype of the harlot ; hence, some commentators have thought that the forbidding to mai-ry, and to eat certain things, which the apostle predicts as a sign of the false teachers, contains a prophecy of Romanism, 1 Tim. iv. 1-3; Col. ii. IG; xvii. 20-23; whereas their Gnosticism, with its spiritualistic and idealistic evaporising of the solid essence of Christianity, which derogates from the dignity of the Saviour, as God-man, either in the ebionitic or docetic way, which represents the resurrection as having happened already, and such like, is distinctly and clearly a pre- cursor of the false prophet in liis modern shape (Col. ii. 8-10, 18, 19 ; 1 Tim. vi. 20, 21 ; 2 Tim. ii. IC, 18; 1 John iv. l-Sy It is of great importance that we are thus permitted to see the root common to all the different manifestations of apostasy ; yet 1 Baur, in liis " Cliristliche Gnosis," has shown this by the parallel lie draws between the old gnostic sjsuni and the modern speculative ones. Thiersch, in his " Versuch zur HersteUiing des historiscben SUind-punkts," has only en- larged and applied this idea. THE WORK OF THE SECOND BEAST. 309 it pleased the Lord to give His Church disclosures of a more minute character, that she may know tlie dangers which threaten her from difiFerent, naj'-, even opposite sides, and these more special revelations are contained in the Apocah'pse of St John. Let us now turn to consider the work of the second beast. We find it always following the first beast, and constantly aiming. by its spiritual influence, to bring men to worship and deify it. The dragon has given his external pov/er to the first beast (xiii. 3) ; to the second he gives his spirit, so that having this spirit it speaks as the dragon (ver. 11). Thus, it is the dragon's seed which is sown here, and in a'l children of unbelief, v.ho pay homage to this false wisdom ; it is the devil wlio has his work in them (comp. xii. 12 ; Eph. ii. 2). Hence, the false prophet asserts his influence more powerfully at the time that the world-power gains its highest, most demonic intensity, when the beast comes again into existence in the last times. Then it is that he seduces all that are earthly minded, roiis KaroiKovvTas em rrjs yJjyjas it is expressed in verses 12 and 14, in a term repeatedly occurring, which de- notes very characteristically that they have taken their abode, planted themselves, taken root, and become at home upon earth ; a thought which John denotes elsewhere by " being of the earth, from below, of this world" (John iii. 31 ; viii. 23 ; 1 John iv. 5), in contradistinction to " Being born from above, and dwelling in heaven" (John iii. 7 ; "Rev. xii. 12 ; xiii. 6). The false prophet seduces the inhabitants of the earth to icorship the beast, and he is successful with the great majority (ver. 12, 14). The image which the false prophet causes the inhabitants of the earth to make to the beast (ver. 14), and the historical substratum of which is, doubtless, to be found in the statues of the Roman emperors, to whom divine worship was paid, designates the deifi- cation of the world and the world-power. It is then that the civilisation of genius shall reach its culminating point. And when we are told that the false prophet breathes spirit into the image, so that it speaks (ver. 15), this is a striking description of the fact that the false doctrine is capable of giving a spiritual. 310 THE LAST PERSECUTIONS. rational, philosophical appearance to the foolish idolatry andapo- theosisof the creaturclj; the spirit of the world with his revelations is that idol, dead and yet life-breathing, which all the world worships, and which shall be personified by antichrist. This is the new heathenism sunk back into deification of nature and humanity, and of which it cannot be predicted what forms of folly and beast-nature it shall yet assume. We are told, more- over, that it is to be endowed with miraculous power ; both the Lord Jesus and the apostle Paul intimate this (Matt. xxiv. 24 ; 2 Thes. ii, 9). These passages refer not merely to the wonders of power over nature which the spirit of man has attained, and which he abuses to the deification of the creaturely, because he takes to himself the honour and glory ; but we are led to expect all kinds of demonic miracles, extraordinary mysterious effects of the powers of darkness, such as we see in the instance of the Egyptian sorcerers. Thus, the future seduction will be one of great danger ; but there shall be added, moreover, the external violence which was prefigured in the persecutions of the primitive Chris- tians, and which shall consist in this, that all public intercourse will be on condition of receiving the mark of the beast, and that all who do not pay homage to the antichristian power will be killed (ver. 15—17). Here we have a plain prophecy of a perse- cution of all true believers in the last times, and more particu- larly, that they will be given over into the hands of antichrist, as has been intimated by the prophet Daniel (vii. 21, 25), and the Lord Jesus himself (Matt. xxiv. 9). Whenever the kingdoms of this world reach a certain point in the process of divesting themselves of Christian elements, the Church of Christ will be in the same position in which she was during the first three centuries, when the world-kingdom was yet heathenish. She will then be a free Church ; but, at the same time, ex- posed to all the enmity and cruelty of the world. Only the enmity of the last days will be of a more subtle and refined character than it was during the apostolic ages ; the pseudo- prophet is described as bearing, unmistakeably, the characteris- THE FULFILMENT BEGUN. 311 tics of fanaticism (ver. 12, etc.). The representatives of anti- christian ideas will rejoice that at last they can have their revenge on the Christians who, for so long a time, opposed and tormented them (xi. 10). "Whereas the Church of Christ is thus in her final probation ; it behoves her to be perfected through suffering, like her divine Lord and Master ; she must descend into the deepest humiliation ; give up even her life and blood ; but after that dark passion-week, will come an exceedingly bright easter-morn. It will not be denied by any one who views the events of the two last centuries with enlightened eyes, that also this prediction of the false prophecy has begun to be fulfilled. Unconverted Paganism passed over by degrees into the Church during the first centuries, and this mixing of Christian and Pagan elements produced Roman Catholicism. Then came the Reformation, dissolving this illegitimate union, and restoring pure Christianity; and hence, it was natural, that in the succeeding centuries. Heathenism should likewise appear more naked, undisguised, and decided, and should attack Christianity again, but at first only with spiritual weapons. The antichristian element, which before was under a Christian guise, now came forward with in- creasing openness, and manifested itself as the false prophecy, as false doctrine, as the spiritual power of seducing ideas, which are based on a view of the world, radically false and opposed to God, but which spread and eat as a canker, under the name of philosophy, enlightenment, and civilisation (2 Tim. ii. 17). It is a fact, that the beast's coming to life again, and its new power, whereof we spoke above, is called forth, accompanied and strengthened by the influence of the false prophet, exactly as it is described in Rev. xiii. 12, etc. It is evident and palpable, that the philosophic principle of the autonomy of the human spirit, and the corresponding theological principle of Rationalism, that Idealism and Materialism, Deism, Pantheism, and Atheism, are all the products of the same spirit, the essence of which is apostasy from the fundamental principles of Christianity, aliena- 312 OUR TIMES. tion from the living and holy God, deification of the creaturely, is exactly wluit is meant in the Apocalypse by worshipping the beast. Indeed, even in a literal sense, in the present day, " bestiality is the ideal of thinkers." But even where this ex- treme point lias not yet been reached, tlie false propliet is power- ful enough. What is bringing thousands from Christianity, and preventing others from coming to a belief in a full and true Christianity, is nothing else but respect for these intellectual powers which rule in these days, for mudern science and culture. But the worst thing is, that scarcely any one sees the depth of the evil. For even in the Old Covenant the chief and most active aim of the false prophets was, to make the people believe that their state was not so bad, and that the judgments of God were not near. Therefore, the fundamental and often-repeated charge against them was : they heal the hurt of, my people slightly, and say, it is peace, it is peace, when there is no peace ; and hence, Jeremiah especially, who lived to see judgment com- ing upon Jerusalem, had to oppose the false prophets (iv. 9 ; vi. 13-15 ; viii. 10 ; xiv. 13 ; xxiii. 9-40 ; compare, likewise, Ezek. xiii.) It is not good that our modern theology scarcely ever views the present time in the light of Biblical prophecy. In all histori- cal works, or philosophical remarks on the times, much is said about modern antichi'istianity ; and there is no instruction given to the laity, how to view this phenomenon in connection with divine prophecy. The apostles have left us a different example. But nowadays it is decried as " unwissenschaftlich," unscientific, to call things by their true name ; it is thought scientific, how- ever, to forni an alliance with the ideas of the false prophet. Many things against which prophets and apostles did not know how to raise their testimony sufficiently strong and loud, are acknowledged by many, with astonishing coolness and calmness, to have at least a theoretical right to exist. Indeed, who of us feels it as deeply as he ought, what spiritual poverty and folly Pantheism presupposes, how deeply an age must have fallen and OUR TIMES. 313 degenerated, which looks upon Pantheism as the highest wisdom, the result and sum total of the world's entire development. And even among those that are more right-minded, how much of the spirit of the false prophet has insinuated and lodged itself in their views. Many ideas of this false prophecy have become almost axioms in the most various spheres of life and thought, so that it is often difficult and almost impossible to get at the root of error, to distinguish between truth and falsehood. Especially there is wanting the beginning of wisdom, the fear of God and reverence for His word (Isa. Ixvi. 2). Intimately and natu- rally connected with this, we see that the most tender and funda- mental functions of conscience are disturbed and destroyed. People's conscience becomes blunt against the offences com- mitted against the majesty of the Most High, which He has threatened to punish severely ; moral judgment loses its power and acuteness. Even Christians mistake often secondary things for the essential, and imagine, that they have thoroughly plucked up the weeds, while they have only cut off what appears above ground. The atmosphere in which we live, is pregnant with poisonous elements. Blindness may happen to a whole genera- tion. The prophets speak of a spirit of sleep and heaviness which is to be poured over the whole nation of Israel, even upon the prophets, and rulers, and seers, and that as a punishment in- flicted by the Lord (Isa. xxix. 10). The Lord Jesus and the apostle Paul prophesy of strong delusions which God shall send to them that receive not the love of (to) the truth ; and by which, if it were possible, even the elect will be deceived (Matt, xxiv. 24 ; 2 Thess. ii. 10-12). Hence, as the first beast is to be met by patience and faith (Rev. xiii. 10), the second beast must be opposed by true wisdom (Rev. xiii. 18). III. JUDGMENT OF THE CHURCH AND THE WORLD-POWER. The revelation which the Lord Jesus Christ Himself vouchsafed from His heavenly throne to His disciple John, shows us the sad 314 FUNDAMENTAL FORMS OF APOSTASY. and dark result of the history of the Church and of the world, viz. : that the Church becomes the harlot, the political powerof the world, the antichristian beast, the wisdom and civilisation of the world, the false prophet. This is a hard saying, and every one of us feels it such ; but it is a fact, and our less gloomy views of the world and its history are of no avail. This little book of the Apocalypse is intended to and must produce in us the same eflFect as it did in the apostle : " as soon as I had eaten it my belly was bitter" (Rev. x. 9, 10). The antichristian element manifests itself in a threefold shape — in the perversion of the three offices which Christ bears ; for it is not difficult to see, that the first beast is the false kingship, the harlot the false priesthood, the second beast the false prophet. We may also say, that the beast is the bodily, the false prophet the psychical, or so-called intellectual, the harlot the spiritual power of antichristianity. There is nothing of an accidental character in the prophecy ; but it contains the essential and necessary fundamental forms of apostasy. This is the internal evidence of the divine truth of our book. The Revelations offer likewise new points of view and dis- closures, as regards the philosophy of history. The antichris- tian powers succeed each other, and give a character to the different periods of Church history. The old Church stood still under thepower of the beast, the heathen world-power; the Church in the middle ages, under that of the harlot ; in modern times the prophet predominates. But in the last days, all these God- opposed powers, which have succeeded each other, shall co-ope- rate, and raise each other to tlie highest, most terrible, and intense power of their nature ; the false prophet causes men to worship the beast, and the beast carries the harlot. Thus the antichristian element manifests itself in a threefold manner ; on the other side tliere is a gleam of comfort in the thought which this revelation of the essence of the world-histo- rical powers suggests, that the three fundamental forms of apos- tasy are reducible to two. For the false prophet is also a beast ; THE FINAL APOSTASY. 315 and the two beast?, as different manifestations of the same prin- ciple, the beast-like, stand opposed to the harlot. Thus we liave the same contrast as we saw in Daniel, beast and man, kingdom of the world and kingdom of God. Even the king- dom of God, the Church, has become worldly ; the woman has become a harlot. But the beasts, according to their nature, look to the earth ; their god is the world. Of this thoroughly worldly principle the first beast represents the outward physical, the second beast the inward spiritual aspect. Both are as essentially connected as body and soul, and for this reason they are always mentioned together, and finally judged at the same time ; whereas separate judgment falls upon the harlot. Thus the apostasy may be reduced to two principles — the apostate Church and the apostate world, pseudo-Christianity and anti- christianity, the harlot and the beast. The old discussion, whether apostasy in its last stage will be more of a pseudo-Christian or antichristian character,^ is de- cided very simply by these views. It will consist in the union of the pseudo-Christian and antichristian elements, which the Apocalypse expresses by the harlot sitting on the beast. Chris- tian history ends in a state of deep untruth and falsehood. The nations have invariably fallen away from Christianity, but the Church has nevertheless been able to gain outward recognition, and leaning on the worldly power — which in its turn makes use of the Church to achieve her own objects — she rules over the nations. Such is the picture of Christendom, ripe for judg- ment — such are the features distinctly sketched in Rev. xvii. 3. This is apparently impossible ; but the Napoleonic France of our own day is well calculated to teach us that it is possible. But it is not necessary to conceive this lie as manifesting itself so pal- pably in this ecclesiastico-political shape, but in less open, more subtle, spiritual forms. pseudo-Christian and antichristian ele- ments, superstition and infidelity being mixed in all the difl:erent ' Compare Liicke Comnientar. iiber die Briefe Johannis, pp. 190, etc. 31 G HARLOT AND BKAST. spheres of life, and Satan representing himself as an angel of light. (2 Cor. xi. 13, 14). Nor is this alliance of liai-lot and beast a perfectly new phe- nomenon ; it takes place at the end of the New Testament period ; but we know, that it likewise aj)peared in the conclud- ing period of the Old Testament. Apostate Israel, which was at that time the harlot, disguising its unbelief under the sem- blance of a holy zeal, formed an alliance with the heathen world-power against the Lord Jesus and Ilis apostles. " And the same day Pilate and Herod were made friends together; for before they were at enmity between themselves (Luke xxiii. 12). Paul saw, that the congregation of believers was beti'ayed by Jews into the hands of the Gentiles (Acts xvii. ;>-[)) ; and it is not improbable that this fact, in which we have a manifest exemplification of the sitting of the harlot on the beast, forms the basis of the celebrated passage in the Second Epistle to the Thessalonians (ii. 7), in which Paul speaks of the mystery of ungodliness as " already Avorking," thus showing an entire agreement with the views given in tlie Apocalypse.^ The abominations committed by the Jews, drew down the destruc- tion of Jerusalem by the Eomans, that is, the judgment of the harlot by the beast (Dan. ix. 26, 27) — an exact parallel to the future judgment of the harlot by the beast. ' Comp. Baum-jarten, Apostolic History, vol. ii. p. 385. A comparison of the statements of tlie Epistles to the Thessalonians, and of the pastoral Epistles of Paul (to Timothy and Titus), which bear on this subject, is very strikinirTr,rotTxi, 1 Tim. iv. 1). But in the Epistles of the Thessalonians, which are of an earlier date than the pastoral, when cor- ruption haii not insinuateil into the Church itself, the Irstorical back}jround on which the prophecy of the apostasy rises, is the unbelief and apostasy of the Old Testan)ent conj.cre<,'ation which the apostle perceived (1 Thess. ii. 14-16). Whereas in the pastoral epistles, this prophecy is introduced in connection with the Gnostic seduction, which had at that time gained entrance into the New Testament Church. THE IIAKLOT JUDGED FIRST. 317 For if we ohuice at the description of judgment contained in tlie Revelations (chap, xvii.-xix.), we are struck by this remark- able difference, that the harlot is judged first by the beast and its kings, and tliat afterwards the beasts and their allies are j\idged by the Parousia of the Lord Jesus himself. It is our special task, to view attentively the fundamental ideas contained in the chapters mentioned ; we may pass over the details there more rapidly, as the preceding remarks contribute towards an understanding of them, and as a minute explanation is impossible before their fulfilment. 1. The Harlot is judyed first. — This is not only in accordance with the general principle, that judgment must begin at the house of God (Ezek. ix. 6 ; 1 Pet. iv. 17), but the object here is a restoration of actual trutli. For the only reality, or sup- posed realit)', at that time, will be the world ; even the Church, which goes a whoring after it, seeking its favour, looks on it as the only reality. Therefore the Church has no right to exist any longer ; an end must needs be put to her lie and hypocrisy. Against such a Church the world is in the right, and must attain its right ; therefore it is the beast and its kings, and not the Lord Himself, by whom the harlot is judged (Rev. xvii.13, 16, 17). This is quite in accordance with the fundamental law of God's kingdom, which we meet so often in the Old Testament, that the congregation of God is given over into the hands of tliat very world-power with which it committed adultery. Egypt is a broken reed to Israel, whereon when they lean, it goes into their hand and pierces it ; Avhen they take hold of it, it rends all their shoulder ; when they lean on it, it makes all their loins to be at a stand (Ezek. xxix. 5, 6 ; Isa. xxxvi. 6). Thus Israel's whore- doms with Assyria and Babylon were punished by the Assyrian and Babylonian captivity ; its whoredom with Rome by the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus, and the dispersion of the nation among the heathens. And in like manner the Church, who, instead of witnessing against the apostate world-power, committed fornication with her, shall be judged by that very 318 THE HAKLOT JUDGED FIRST. world-power. The time will come, when worldly rulers will no longer think it necessai'y to use the Church as a means to their end, when they will shake off the yoke, which in their hypocrisy they bore, give free vent to their pent-up hatred, and they shall make the harlot desolate and naked, and shall eat her flesh and burn her with fire {ras adpKas avrris, plur.), to designate the iulness of carnality into which the Church is sunk (xvii. 16). This judgment on the harlot is described more minutely in its various aspects (xviii. 1 ; xix. 5), first by an angel " having great power," then by another voice from heaven (ver. 4-20) ; after this, thirdly, by a mighty angel (ver. 21-24) ; and this is succeeded by " great voices of much people in heaven" (xix. 1-5), who praise God for the judgment executed. It is impos- sible to say anything definite on the details of the judgment, which lie in the mysterious future. The verses 6-10 of the nineteenth chapter, which we con- sidered before, and which describe how the Judgment of the harlot prepares the justification and marriage feast of the woman, form the transition to the subsequent prophecies. For with the judgment of antichrist (ver. 11-21), and the dawn of the mil- lennial kingdom(xx. 1, etc.), begins the marriage-feast in which the Lord betrothes Himself fully with His congregation, that blessed event of which He himself spoke so often in the days of His humi- liation (for example, Matt. xxii. 2 ; xxv. 10 ; Luke xiv. 16 ; xxii. 18, 30). On hearing this glorious promise given to the believers of Jesus, the apostle is transported with thankful adoring, joy on account of such delightful prospects, and he fell at the feet of the angel, who spoke to Him (xix. 10). The same occurs again under circumstances very similar, after the New Jerusalem and the eternal glory of the Cliurch are revealed to him (xxii. 8). In both cases, the apostle's falling at the feet of the messenger is preceded by a glorious promise given to the Church, which is confirmed in both cases, by the assurance, " These are the true sayings of God," and by the angel's pronouncing them blessed who keep these sayings (xix. 9 ; xxii. 6, 7). This expression of THE ANTICHRISTIAN POWER JUDGED. 319 deep emotion of gratitude and joy forms a characteristic contrast to the feeling of wonder and astonishment mentioned, chap, xvii. 6, of which we spoke above. It is impossible lor the Apocalyptic prophet to repress his sympathetic feelings, when the history of the Church of God is unveiled to him ; he wonders and is amazed when he sees her deep fall ; he adores, when he beholds her future glory and brightness. 2. A second law in the government of God, which we find throughout the Old Testament prophets, is that the world-power, after having served as God's instrument of punishment, is itself judged. Thus Zephaniah, in whose short book a survey of the whole plan of the divine kingdom is given, speaks in his first chapter of the day of wrath against Judali and Jerusalem ; in the second, of the punishment of the heathens, the enemies of the people of God. In like manner does Jeremiah conclude his book, the chief contents of which is the judgment on Jerusalem, ihi'ough Babylon, with the majestic announcements of the fall of Babylon itself, which are to be found in the fiftieth and fifty- first chaptei's. And in accordance with this law, the Apocalypse shows us, the judgment of the harlot succeeded by that of the antichristian world-power. However, the advent of Christ to judge antichrist, and to glorify His Church, does pi'obably not take place, in point of time, immediately after judgment on the harlot is executed ; but this judgment is succeeded by a short intervening period, the period of the triumph of the antichristian kingdom, in the strict sense, that time in which earthly pleasure, worldly-mindedness, and security shall reach their highest point, and which is so fre- quently described by the Lord Jesus and His apostles, as imme- diately preceding the coming of the Lord. Here Daniel again coincides with the prophecies of the Revelations, for the judg- ment of the harlot, and the healing of the deadly wound of the beast, which manifests itself in that judgment, conclude that middle portion of Apocalyptic prophecy, which is peculiar to the Kew Testament, and is wanting in the Old Testament Apuca- 320 PURIFICATION OF THE CHURCH. lyp.se. Tlie last intensified manifestation of the antichristian power in the last days is also foreseen by Daniel ; he describes them as the tirae and times, and the dividing of time (vii. 24, 25), which we are inclined to think identical with the " three days and a half," durinn; which the two witnesses are to be given over to death. For this period is at the same time characterised by the most violent persecutions of Christians (Rev. xiii. 15-17). The true people of God, the woman, did not perish in the death of the harlot ; but before the judgment took place, she was commanded to come out of Babylon, lest in the last culminating period of sinful abomination, she be polluted by Babylon, and thus fall into her destruction (xviii. 4). In like manner, our Saviour com- manded His disciples to fly, when they shall see the abomina- tion of desolation in Jerusalem and the temple (Matt. xxiv. 15, 16). Herein consists the first justification of the woman, she is distinguished from the harlot, and not judged with her. But this is only a negative justification, the positive, real glorification has yet to be gained by a severe struggle ; here also it behoves her to enter, through much tribulation, into the kingdom of God. This last and greatest affliction, through which the bridal Church has to pass, is not a judgment, such as fell on the harlot, but a time of purification, during which she is cleansed perfectly of all the dross of earthliness, which is still cleaving to her. It is now, when all visible might is against her, that she is taught to place her confidence in the invisible Lord alone, she becomes a voice of prayer, longing for His coming ; and in the furnace of affliction, she is inwardly prepared and made meet for the ap- proaching glory. The martyrdom of the last days is the way to transfiguration, nay, it is transfiguration itself in its com- mencement (Rev. XX. 4). What the Lord Jesus, in the gospel of John, testifies about His own glorification, and His going to the Father, the Apocalypse testifies of the Church and for the Church. In the times of her last suflering, she also may lift up her eyes, as the Lord Jesus did, and lift up her head, because her "ademption draweth nigh (Luke xxi. 28). THE JEWS PERSECUTED. 321 But not merely the Christians will be persecuted in those days, but also the Jews. Foi', as we saw before, they are meant by the expression the saints of the Most High, against which antichrist makes war, and changes their times and laws (Dan. vii. 21, 25). It is natural, that a true Israelite, who is faithful to the truth delivered to the flithers, cannot join in the idolatry of worshipping the beast, and hence the true Israelites shall be the object of Antichristian fury as well as the true Christians. -Xhe Old Testament a jid-the-Ijew Testame nt_peoglej3f God are here standing together, as opposed to the new heathenism ; the distress, common to them both, will bring them into closer contact, and open the heart of Israel. The Christians will rejoice over this, not only because they love the people, of whom is salva- tion, but also because they see in the new life, which commences to arise among Israel, a pledge of the near approach of the ful- filment of prophecy. For these events, though they do not im- mediately effect, yet prepare the conversion of the nation of Israel, which the apostle of the Gentiles himself has so clearly led us to expect (Rom. xi.). This is that lowest humiliation of Israel — that complete scattering and breaking of the natural power of the holy people, xii. 7, which, according to the testi- mony of all prophets, is to precede its exaltation, and which itself, as we saw, in the case of the Christian Church, is the first step of her exaltation. For, in the depth of this distress, they seek their God and their King, the Messiah, and when they se^ Him coming with the clouds of heaven, they salute Him as also their Saviour, and say : " Blessed is He who cometh in the name of the Lord" (Matt, xxiii. 39). But of this we shall speak at length subsequently. 3. When the security of the w^orld-power, and the distress of the people of God, have reached the highest point, then, as a thief in the night, the Lord Jesus Christ shall appear frovi heaven., put an end to the whole course of the world, and establish His kingdom of glory upon earth. This coming of Christ must be carefully distinguished from His coming to the final judgment. 322 THE PAROUSIA VISIBLE. It is this coming, which both the Apocalyptics Daniel and John, describe (Rev. xix. 11-21 ; Dan. ii. 34-44 ; vii. 9-14, 26, 27); it is this coming, by which all shall be fulfilled, which the pro- phets of the Old Testament have prophesied concerning the Messianic time of peace and prosperity ; it is this coming, which the Lord Jesus refers to in His discourse, Matt. xxiv. 29, etc., as distinguished from that spoken of in Matt. xxv. 31 ; to this advent the apostles always looked forward with longing hope. The expression, Parousia of Christ,' denotes, in the New Testa- ment, this advent, and it alone ; and this second coming of Christ, viewed in connection with the kingdom established by it upon earth (the millennial), occupies a much more prominent position in the biblical mode of conception, than in that of the modern Church. Passages like Matt. xxiv. 27-31 ; Acts i. 11 ; Rev. r. 7, leave scarcely a doubt that this appearance of the Lord will be visible. Moreover the great, and of this there can be no doubt, visible changes, which are thereby produced in the Avhole form of the world, render it probable ; while the funda- mental importance of this coming of the Lord, consists, according to the declaration of St Paul (Col. iii. 3, 4), in this, that Christ and His Church shall become manifest and visible, even as be- fore they are hid in God. The advent of Christ has a twofold object — to judge the world-power — and to bring to the Church redemption, transfiguration, and power over the world. Leaving the consideration of the positive aspect to the following part, treating of the millennium, we offer, in conclusion, the following remarks on the judgment : — Christ appears as the Judge and King, who fulfils faithfully ' The expression trafovrU does not occur in the Apocalypse ; in tlie gospels, (inly Matt, xxiv., in the question of the disciples, ver. 3, and the reply of our Lord (ver. 27, 37, 30), who always adds tlie genitive, nu uicv t»v kt^^uxtiu. On the other hand, the word occurs in the general epihtles (except Jude) ; in the Pauline epistles, with the exception of 1 Cor. i. S ; xv. 23, where the Ta{oy