^W OF PRlNCf^ DISSERTATION ON ST. PAUL'S VOYAGE FUO-M C^SAREA TO PUTEOLI; AND ON THE APOSTLE'S SHIPWRECK ON THE ISLAND ME LITE. BY WILLIAM FALCONER, M.D., F.R.S. TEiyxxti lEBition, WITH ADDITIONAL NOTES BY THOMAS FALCONER, Esq., {One of the Judges of County Courts.) liaKKov Tpdnovrai. — Thucydides, i. 20. " So indifferent to the multitude is the search after truth that they prefer to take up with what is rt-ady at hand." " The highest ethical law of science is the love of truth, the conscientious search for truth, even when it is opposed to the opinions we have learned to cherish." LONDON: WILLIAMS AND NORaATE, 14, HENRIETTA STREET, COVENT GARDEN, A^D 20, SOUTH FREDERICK STREET, EDLSBURGU . 1872. [The First Edition uas iiuhlished in 1817.] LONDON : PRINTED Iir WILLIAM CLOWES AKD SONS, STAMFORD STCEF.T, AND CHARING CROS& X II L* ^ - ^ • TN this Third Edition a continuous form is given to the arguments which in the Second Edition were largely contained in notes imperfectly connected. This is done for the convenience of the reader and it will aid in making the object of this publication clear. The additions of T. F. are placed within brackets marked with these initials and some argu- ments taken from Mr. Bryant's work are marked B. The authorities cited are given very much in ex- tenso, in order to enable the reader to form his own conclusions correctly and to estimate the value of those expressed by former writers on the Shipwreck. T. F A 2 EERATA, &c. Page 40, line 20, for " Gosselin," read " Gossellin." „ 44, line 1, for " Ambarcio," read " Arabracio." „ 51, line 11, for " Italy," read "Sicily." „ 55, line 8, after the word "alive" add "about." „ 76, line 22, for " prow of " read " prow by." „ 98, line 12 from bottom, for " stadia;," read " stadia." " Tullius et Cicero Tironi sua S. P. D. [Epist. ad Familiares, lib. xvi.' Epist. 9]. Nos a te, iit scis, discessimiis a. d. IV. Non, Novembr. \_Nov. 2]. — Leucadem [^Santa Maura] venimus a. d. VIII. Idus Novembr. \_Nov. 6], a. d. VII. \_Nov. 7] Actium : ibi propter tempestatem a. d. VI. Idus [Nov. 8] morati sumus. Inde a. d. V. Idus [^Nov. 9] Corcyram [^Gorful bellissime navigavimus. Corcyra? fuimus usque a. d. XVI. Kalend. Decembr. {Nov. 16] tempestatibus retenti. — A. d. XV. Kalend. Decembr. {Nov. 17] a portu Corcyra?orum ad Cassiopen {Cape St. Catherine, Corfii] stadia cxx pro- cessimus. Ibi retenti ventis sumus usque a. d. IX. Kalendas {Nov. 23]. Interea, qui cupide profecti sunt, multi naufragia fecerunt. Nos eo die cenati solvimus, Inde Austro [S.] lenissimo, ca^lo sereno, nocte ilia et die postero in Italian! ad Hydruntimi {Otrantol ludibundi pervenimus eodemqiie vento l»stridie — id erat a. d. VII. Kalend. Decembr. {Nov. 25] — hora quarta Brun- dusium {Brinclisi] venimus." Cicero continued his voyage, and sailed to Otranto. If he had been at Malta, and not at Cassiope, the south wind which carried the ship from Corfu to Otranto could, in an equal space of time, have carried it from Malta to Syracuse. A voyage at the end of November or in the winter from Meleda to Syracuse was dangerous. Caesar, writing on the departure of Octavius from the Illyrian coast, called the people of Dalmatia "barhari'' — "Sed post discessum Liburnarum ex lllyricis M. Octavius cum lis, quas habebat, navibus Salonas {Spalato] pervenit: ibique concitatis Dalmatis, reliquisque harharis, Isam {Lissu'] a Cresaris amicitia avertit." — De Bello Civili, lib. iii. ch. 9. UsK, Monmouthshire, October 1, 1872. DIS.SEKTAT10N ST. PAULS VOYAGE." ST. PAUL having been accused before Festus, the Roman Acts xxv. 7. Governor of Judaea, by the Jews, of divers crimes, availed liimself of liis privilege, as a Roman citizen, of appealing unto the Emperor in person, or of claiming to have his cause heard ver. n. and adjudged before the imperial tribunal at Rome. In con- sequence of this claim being admitted, it became necessary that he should be sent to that city ; and he was accordingly, ver. 12. together with several other prisoners, delivered in charge to Julius, a centurion of Augustus's band, in order that Julius Acts xxvii. 1. might convey them to Rome. The centurion so entrusted put his prisoners, and accompanied *■»■ eo. them himself, on board a ship of Adramyttium,^ then lying at * The present work was originally designed to accompany a new edition of some of the tracts in the ' Geographi Minores,' and consisted of twenty-four Images. The third edition of the work of James Smith, Esq., of Jordan Hill, entitled Tlie Voyage and Shipiureck of St. Paul, 1866, is referred to in the additions to this essay. Philippi Cluveri, Sicilia Antiqua cum minoribus Insulis ei adjacentihus. Lug. Bat. ex officina Elsiviriaua, fol. 1619, p. 425. This book is useful for its citations from the works of early ^\Titers ; otherwise it gives no assistance. Dissertations on the Wind Euroclydon and on the Island Mtlite, printed in a work entitled ' A New System, or an Analysis of Antient Mythology,' by Jacob Bryant, Esq., 3rd edition, vol. v. 8vo, 1807. Georgius Ignatius : D. Paidus A2Wstolus in mari quod nunc Venetus Sinus dicitur naufragus et Melitai Dalmatensis insulaj post naufragiuni hospes. 4to, Venet. 1730. Bochart, Samuel, of Rouen, born 1599, died 1667 : Opera, 3 vol. folio. Lug. Bat. 1712. GeograiMa Sacra, vol. i. ch. 26. His argument on the Voyage is fully cited by Bryant. " Adramyttium nearly retains its ancient name, being still called Adramyti. It is situate in a small gulf that bears the same appellation, opjiosite the island of Lesbos, in nearly 39° 35' N. lat. and 27° 2' E. long. [Thessalonica, the Roman capital of Macedonia, at the head of the Thermaic B ( 6 ) Caesarea," and, as we may infer, preparing to return homewards. It appears that they who conducted the ship meant to sail on Ver.2. their return by the coast of Asia. Accordingly, the next day, after they set sail, they touched at Sidon,'^ a noted city on the ver.3. coast of Coelcsyria, lying in 33° 34' N. lat„ 35° 21' E. long., and about a degree to the north of Casarea,^ with some little deviation to the east. Here it seems tliey stayed some days ; but how long we are not informed. On their loosing from Sidon, they found that their intentions of continuing their ver. 4. voyage along the coast of Asia Minor Avould be frustrated by contrary winds, which obliged them to pursue their voyage^ Ver. 4. under or on the southern side of the island of Cyprus, instead of the northern, as, according to their plan of sailing along the coast, they had at first proposed.^ Gulf, is nearly on the same latitude, being 40° 38' 47" N. lat. and 22° 57' 22" E. long. It was the chief station on the Via E(jnatia between the Adriatic and the Hellespont. Its distance from Amphipolis (Acts xvii. 1) is sixty- seven miles. The western termination on the Adriatic of the Via Egnatia was Dyrrachium, and the common passage-port on the other side of that sea was Brundusixmi. — T. F.] ■= Mr, Bryant thinks, but without foundation, that they set out from Ptole- mais (Acre). The foregoing chapter ends with what was transacted at Cjesarea, and no account whatever is given of their journey to Ptolemais. They might have reached Sidon in one day from Cajsarea, as well as from Ptolemais. * [The anchorage at Sidon is very much exposed to all winds that have westing, and there is generally a swell, which makes riding bad outside for large ships. Sidon is built on a hill close to the sea. The country about is beautifully cultivated. — Sailing Directions, p. 522, by Findlay, 1868. T. F.] " Ca^sarea is five miles to the southward of Tantvlra anciently Dora. It was once the principal seaport of Samaria, and is now only to be distinguished by the ruins that surround it. [See note on Ctesarea by the Eev. Dr. Traill (Translation of Josephus, p. liv. ed. 1868). "Almost engulphed in the sea, and half entombed by sand, nothing but the unstoried remains of barbarous times now rescue the site of splendid Csesarea from utter obliteration. In advancing from this spot towards Carmel I noticed many not-to-be-niistaken evidences of the existence in former days of a great population ; the face of the limestone rock, which for the most part walls-in the shore, is hewn into innumerable tombs." — Mr. Tipj^ing, 1842. T. F.] ' vnen^eiaafiev. — Acts xxvii. 4. viroTtKea, to sail under, ^ [The island of Cyprus is called by the Turks Kupris, and is situated between the latitudes of 34° 32' and 35° 41' north, and longitudes 32° 16' and 34° 38' east : it lies in an E. by N. and a W. by S. direction, being 41 ( 7 ) The word referred to, literally translated, implies that thoy sailed under Cyprus, the North jioint being accounted to be uppermost'' in ancient as well as in modern geograjthy.' Their course, after doubling the western point of the Isle of leagues in length, and 11 in breadth. The rainy seasons arc March, April, November, December, and January ; in the winter, a sort of tornado, attended with hail, is nut uni'rcquent. The most prevailing winds are W. and S.W. during summer, and N. during December and Janiiarj'. — Bailimj Directions, by Findlay, p. 50C. Mr. Smith marks out on his map his assumed tacking of the vessel on the north side of the island. They sailed " under Cyprus." "Lee" is that part towards which the wind blows, as opposed to that from which it proceeds. — Ogilvic's Dictionary, " 'Lee,' a place sheltered /ro??i the wind by an intervening object, as a bluff: the side of anything opposite to that from which the wind blows." — Dana ( Worcester's Dictionary). There- fore, they did not go north of the island, for they desired to be sheltered from the wind, which was opposed to their coasting to the north. — T. F.] '' This mode of expression was probably derived from the visible elevation of the North Pole of the heavens in northern latitudes. See what is said on this subject in the following part of this Dissertation, of their sailing under Crete, which undoubtedly means on the south side of that island. ' [When St. Paul sailed in a vessel of Adramyttium, though it stopped at Myra, it may be presumed to have been on its course to Adramyttium. The intended journey, then, would have been across Macedonia to Dyrrachium. If so, the distinction between the Sea of Adria and the southern or Ionian Sea must have been as perfectly well known to the company on their route to Rome. It may be said, however, the vessel, when hired, was known only to be about to sail along the coasts of Asia, and that, therefore, a change to another vessel was expected, and the whole route was intended to be by sea ; or, the land route might have become impracticable in the advanced season when they reached Myra. Mr. Smith thought they sailed north of the island — 1. Because, in the fifth verse, the translation of the word BiawXevaavTes is not sailing "over," as interpreted in the Authorized version, but "sailing through the sea of Cilicia ; " and that they would have avoided this sea if they had sailed south of the island. The correct meaning given to the word in Liddell and Scott's Dictionary is, " sailing across" 2. That there is a constant current westward from Syria to the Archipelago (Beaufort's Asia Minor, p. 39), and that by going north they might have been favoured by this current and a northerly land-wind. These were very feeble and idle suggestions. Having touched at Sidon, the probability is that they were prevented going further up on the coast, north, and so went south of Cyprus. The current would be in their favour. What occurred to prevent their going north disappointed them — i.e. something imexpected — that is, if they intended to go north, they were checked by bad weather, namely, " the winds Avere contrary." By going from the west side of Cyprus to Myra they would have " sailed across the sea" of Cilicia and Pamphylia. See the Map of Asia Minor, published by the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge, which was corrected by the late Admiral Beaufort himself. — T. F.] B 2 ( 8 ) Cyprus, must hate been 36° to the north of the west point, ver. F. crossing both the western part of the Anion Cih'ciiis and the sea which bounds Pamphylia to the south. Following this ver. 5. course, they arrived at Myra,^ a sea-port on the coast of Lycia, situated in about 36° 9' N. lat. and 29° 52' E. long. How long they remained at Myra does not appear ; probably not long, as they found an Alexandrian ship there, which was bound to Italy, and, as it seems, to Puteoli. The season of the year being advanced, it may be presumed that they would not wait longer than was necessary. As Myra lies nearly under the same meridian with Alexandria [31° 11*5' N. lat. and 29° 51-5' E, long.], it was, from the facility of reaching it, the usual place for the Egyptian corn-ships to toucli at in their way to Italy. In the state of navigation at that time it could scarcely be sup- posed that they would accomplish the voyage from Egypt to Puteoli, A\ ithout some supplies on the way, both of necessaries, and also of information respecting their course and situation. Their course from Myra appears to have been at first nearly west, with a small deviation to the south, and probably coasting until they came over against or into the meridian of Cnidus, a maritime city of Caria, lying in 86° 41' N. lat. and 27° 24' E. lonsr.i ^ [There is a view of Myra in Travels in Lycia, Milaris, and Ciharatis, by Capt. T. A. Spratt, e.n , f.r.s., f.g.s., and Professor E. Forbes, f.g.s., 1847, vol. i. " The ruins of Myra are most interesting, but are well known. The theatre is situated at the western edge of the plain at the foot of the mountain, and close to a fine group of rock tombs. It is an immense building, the diameter of which, according to Mr. Cockerell, is 360 feet." — Neivto7i^s Levant, vol. i. p. 342.— T. F.] ' [An interesting account of Eliodes, with views and an excellent map, are to be found in Newton's Travels in the Levant. See also Cramer's Asia Minor, vol. ii. p. 224.— T. F.] [The distance from Myra to Cnidus is estimated at 153 geographical miles. Cape Krio, the ancient Triojnum Promontorium, is the extremity' of an exten- sive promontory, projecting from the mainland of Caria. It is in latitude 36° 40' 56" north, and longitude 27° 24' 0" east. Within Cape Krio \_Telcir'] are the extensive ruins of Cnidus ; these are situated on the side of a mountain, rising gradually from the sea to the height of 400 feet; they are called by the native Greeks, Phrianon. The peninsula of Cape Krio consists of lofty moun- tains, sloping steeply upwards from the port ; but to the westward, facing the sea, it presents a craggy, perpendicular face of rock, from 100 to 300 feet high, and utterly inaccessible. — Sailiwj Directions, p. 324 ; and see Newton's Travels, Ver. 1. ( 9 ) So far they liad followed the coast as nearly as seems to have been convenient ; Init here tliey met with a contrary wind, pro- bably from a northerly quarter," which drove them southward towards Cape Hamonium, or Salmone, the eastern promontory of the isle of Crete, and in latitude 35° 9' N. and in longitude vcr. 20° 19' E." This promontory they passed in sailing to the vol. ii. p. 168 ; and the article " Cnidus " in Smith's Dictionary of Qreek and Romnn Geography. — T. F.] " [" Cape Sahnoiie, the eastern jioint of Candia, lies in latitude 35° 7*2' north, and longitude 26" 19' 25" east. It is high land, Avhich continues southward to Cape Xarco. This forms the IS.E. point of Candia. The southern coast of Candia is altogether high and steep, being in some ])laces inaccessible. From Cape Gialo to Cape Matala, 34° 55' N. lat., 24° 45-2' E. long., the course and distance are W. by N., nearly 65 miles. Within this space there is no harbour or place of shelter for shipping to run into. W. \ N. from Cape Matala, distant 32 miles, is the Island Gozo (Clauda), being 4j miles in length, and not 2 in breadth. It is elevated, and the shores are all rocky ; but there is deep water close in, and no danger. From Cape Matala to Cajie Krio the course and distance are W.N.W. I N., 64 miles. Neither the Bay of ^Messara nor the Port of Spakia affords either safety or shelter. Cape Krio, the S.W. extremity of Candia, is in latitude 35° 15' 45" north, and longitude 23° 32' 35" east. The channel between Cape Buso and the island Cerigotto is 18 miles wide, with very deep water in it, but free from danger. Tt is, therefore, the most common and best passage into the Archipelago." — Sailing Directions. " The island of Great Gozzo (Clauda) is very high, and may be seen about 40 miles. Thei'e is water near the N.E. part of the island, and a dangerous shoal lying off the south point. The cliffs on the w'estern part appear to be perpendicular to the sea-coast, and at least 700 feet high." — Findley's S. D. 276. Dr. Pocock, in 1739, stated that the road for shi])ping was to the north. (Travel.% vol. ii. p. 240.) Capt. Spratt says the island is higher than Malta, its altitude being nearly 1000 feet. The south coast is straight and high, forming a continuous precipice. Capt. Spratt, also, says, " The i.sland has been generally dreaded by the mariner, from its supposed outlying dangers, but the south shore is quite free, being bold and precipitous. It has probably arisen from the passage in Acts xxvii. 17, when the sailors apprehended falling into quicksands. No other danger than the rocks above described exist around it, and none certainly of the nature of quicksands. Nevertheless, the natives have a tradition a shoal was known to their ancestors." The island may, therefore, be boldly approached, and the shelter of its lee, or the anchorage its roadstead affords, be taken advantage of during a south-west or westerly gale." — Sailing Directions of the Coast of Candia, by Capt. Spratt, 2nd edition, revised by Capt. Penn, 1866. Printed for the Hydrographic Office, Admiralty. —Crete, vol. ii. p. 275. T. F.] " [Mr. Smith (p. 76) held the Aviud to have been between W.N.W. and N.N.W., or what, in common language, would be termed North-West. He says, " That with north-west winds the ship could work up from Myra to ( lo ) southward, and perhaps not without some difficulty," or danger, and arrived at the Fair Havens,^ situate on the southern side of the same island, nigh whereunto was the city of Lasea.'^ Cnidus, having the advantage of a weather shore, under the lee of which she would have smooth water and the westerly current ; that when at Cnidus these advantages ceased, and unless she had put into that harbour, and waited for a westerly wind, the only course was to run under the lee of Crete." — T. F.] ° "ftdXisre TrapaXeyofievoi avTTjv — earn £egre praitervecti." — Schleusneri Lexi- con. " Adversis ventis usi essemus, tardeque et incommode navigassemus." — Cicero ad Famil. lib. xiv, epist. 5. ■" [Dr. Pococke, who was in Candia in July, 1739, stated that there is a small bay about two leagues east of Matala, which was called by the Greeks \ifivfer. u. was nevei'theless desirous to gain a more commodious harbour Ver. 12. to winter in, and undertook to carry the vessel as far as Phoenice, a port described by both Ptolemy and Strabo, lying on the southern coast of the island of Crete, and opposite to the small island of Gaudos, or Clauda, [Ptol. iii. 17. 611; Mela, ii. 7 ; Plin. iv. 12, s. 20, now called Gozzo ;] latitude 34° 47' 12" N., longitude 24° 35' E., and about 50 miles west- ward of the Fair Havens. A place in Crete opposite to Gaudos is found in Pochette's IMap of Greece and the Archipelago, called Finichia,^ which was undoubtedly the Phoenice mentioned by St. Luke. It is not easy to determine the exact import of this passage. The words in the original are Ai/xeva ^Xeirovra Kara Al^a koL Kara Xa)pov, which implies, " open to both those quarters of the Down went the helm, and putting the vessel round, we stood in close, wore, and hove-to. Mr. H. Tennant and I landed immediately, just inside the Cape to the westward, and found the beach lined with masses of masonrj'." " Above we found the ruins of two temples, &c." " Some peasants came down to see us from the hills above, and I asked them the name of the place. They said at once Lasea, so there could be no doubt." Mr. Tennant had sailed, in fact, straight to it. This statement of the Rev. George Brown is contained in a letter dated January 15, 1856, and is printed by Mr. Smith, third edition, 1866, p. 260. Peasants, on their landing, were immediately met with who identified the ancient ruins, and gave the name of the place, which was unknown to the priests of a neighbouring mouasterj', and unknown to the natives of whom inquiries were made three years before, when the ancient site of Lasea was ascertained by Capt. Spratt. Instruction must have spread since Capt. Spratt had been there. Mr. Smith also (p. 82) stated that a view taken by Senor Schranz, who had accompanied Mr. Fashley, enabled Messrs. Tennant and Brown to identify " The Fair Havens." There is a remarkably pretty view of " The Fair Havens," and of the site of " Lasea," in the second volume of Capt. Spratt's Crete, which proves how easily " The Fair Havens " can be identified. — T. F.] ' ["Ab AiDoUoniade ad Phoenicem, stadia 100 : urbs est cum portu et insula. A Clauda ad Phoenicem stadia 300 ; habet urbem et portum." Anonymi Stadiasmus sive Periplus Maris Magni. — Geographi Grceci Minores, vol. ii. p. 496. Parisiis. 1828. T. F.] ( 12 ) Leavens from whence these winds proceed," and of course un- sheltered from the force of these winds. According to Pliny's arrangement of the winds, this port was exposed to blasts from the 8.VV. by W. i' W. to N.W. by W. J W., comprehending 80 degrees, or more than seven points of the compass. If reckoned according to the arrangement of Vitruvius, it com- prehends 105 degrees from S.W. to N.N.W. ^ N., being nearly nine points of the compass.^ It might require some explanation why those who navigated the vessel in which St. Paul was a passenger, chose to pass round to the soutli of Cape Salmone, and that not without some difficulty and hazard, rather than to attempt to put in at some port on the northern side of Crete. But this question ' [St, Paul, be it observed, did not reach Phcenice. Mr. Smith (p. 86) has thiis cited the above passage : " Dr, Falconer, a man of undoubted learning, admits that it is not easy to determine the exact import of this passage; but suiiposes it to be ' open to both quarters of the heavens from whence these winds proceed, and, of course, unsheltered from these winds.' He then observes : ' This would, according to Vitruvius, leave 105° open to the west.' Such a harbour would not be commodious to winter in, and tuould not have war- ranted the attempt which was made to move to it." These last words in italics are cited as if they were taken from the text above, and then there is an argu- ment to confute the assumed statement by showing that the port of Lutro, or PhoBnice, would have been a commodious port. Mr. Smith was not an accurate writer. All difficulty has been removed since Capt. Spratt, k.n., in 1858, surveyed Lutro. The Rev. George Brown says, " the land [at Lutro] cannot have risen materially since the Christian era." Capt. Spratt, in Sailing Directions for the Island of Crete, 2nd edition, 1866, p. 28, says, " A Turkish schooner of war lay here during a part of the winter of 1858, and found that the squalls with N. and N.E. gales were the most to be appre- hended and guarded against. The south winds, as above stated, sent in only a swell, and never fetched home. The vessel bearing St. Paul with her 276 men might thus have wintered in safety in Lutro, as was intended, and this fact confii-ms it as being the ancient Phcenice of the Acts, which the captain of the ship hoped to reach after starling from Fair Havens or Kalos-Limniones. In those days, also, the depths witliin the bay must have been two fathoms greater, and its shore came in a few yards wider and deeper; for notwith- standing my assertion of an elevation of its coast to that amount has been disputed, I am enabled, by a still more recent visit, to re-assert the fact, and to maintain it. H.M.S. Cambrian lay two or three days in this port in 1827." " Phoinice urhs est cum portu et insula." This island, close upon the port, with access to the port on either side of this island, and the line of the channels of navigation, each open to a different quarter, give the solution of an old diffi- culty.—T. F.] ( 13 ) is resolved by the account of Enstatliiiis/ who on anotlier occa- sion mentions that there were no good ports on the northern side of tliat ishind." The propriety of the caution given by St. Paul was, however, verified in the attempt of those who navigated the ship to sail from the Fair Havens to Phocnice. For in this short passage, although the weather appeared to be favourable at their setting out, they were soon assailed by a ver. u. violent tempest from the south-east quarter.^ At what time of the year this happened, and ^^ hat was the nature and direction of the wind which occasioned it, will be the next subject of inquiry. It has already been observed, that on their arrival at the Fair Ver. 9. Havens they found much time had been spent, to which the slowness of their passage from Myra^ to the meridian of Cnidus had no doubt contributed ; that the Fast was already past, and sailing become dangerous. The word -rjSr}, which we translate already, bears in this place, I think, a more extensive significa- tion. It probably means that the Fast had been over a con- siderable or at least an indefinite time, and that sailing had likewise been (as I infer from the repetition of the word i]S'r]^) for a considerable time, dangerous. The Fast alluded to was undoubtedly the Jewish Fast of Exj^iation, which was observed on the tenth of the month Tisri, or the twenty-fifth of Sep- tember, the day on which the autumnal equinox'' was then computed to fall. Stormy weather at sea was usual about this ' AutrXt/xeVor rj KprjTrj Trpos ttjv ^oppav. Eustath. ad Odyss. t'. Unde Lucanus : "... Boreaque urgente carinas Creta fugit." — Lib. ix. " [Mr. Smith (p. 81) sa3'S that this reason fails, because " there are two excdlent harbours on the northern side of Crete, namely, Souda, [35° 30' N. lat. and 24° 4' long.] and Spina Longa" [not named in Eaper's maritime posi- tions]. He says " that Eustathius, who lived at the beginning of the fourth century, has misled writers." — T. F.] "^ [Capt. Spratt thinks the wind blew N. by compass, that is, N. 10° W. true : being the invariable direction of a gale in that locality, both in winter and summer. — Crete, p. 18. But a good authority objects to the word " invariable " as being opposed to his own experience. — T. F.] ^ Audriace, the ancient port of Myra, was recognized by Admiral Beaufort to be at the Bay of Andraki. — Travels in Lydia, by Capt. Spratt and Professor Forbes, vol. i. p. 134. " " rjbq c praiterito significat rem paratam et peractam sine termiiio." — Schleusneri Lexicon. — " by this time ;" "before this;'" " some time before this." • Colum. lib. xi. cap. 2. ( H ) season ; but I am of opinion that the time of this Voyage, and of course of the Shipwreck, was considerably later in the year than the Fast, and probably took place towards the end of November, or the beginning of December. It appears from Joseplms,^ that navigation was accounted dangerous among the Jews from the time of the Feast of Tabernacles, October the first, to that of the Dedication of the Temple, December the ninth ; and in this interval both the Voyage and Shipwreck probably took place. Vegetius assigns the third of the Ides'" (November the eleventh) for the day on which navigation was interrupted; and we are informed by the Calendar of Geminus, and by Theophrastus, that stormy weather at sea may be expected about that season. The day above specified had, I think, elapsed some time before they left the Fair Havens, which would nearly correspond with the cos- mical*^ setting of Orion (November the ninth), a time of year remarkable^ for stormy weather in the seas the vessel which carried St. Paul was then traversing. Some days more might pass between the time of the delivery of the caution given by St. Paul and their setting sail. Fourteen or fifteen days more were, we know, spent in the Voyage, which brings the time, without any strain on the narrative, to the end of November, or the beginning of the succeeding month. [Cicero (b.c. 50) sailed from Patrae, a town of Achaia (38° 14' N. lat. and 21° 44' E. long.), on November 2, and reached Cor- cyra on the 9th, but he did not make the coast of Italy (retenti ventis) until November 24, when he reached Hydruntum (Otranto), and on the next day (25th) was at Brundusium : being a detention of many days before he could cross the sea. (Ad Fam. xvi. 9. Long's Decline of the Boman Empire, vol. iv. p. 429.) The duration of the bad weather of St. Paul's Voyage was fourteen days.^ '' See Wetstein's note on this passage. [J. J. Wetstein was born at Basle, in 1693, and died at Amsterdam in 1754. " His edition of the Greek New Testament was regarded to be the most elaborate and valuable of all critical editions."] " " Ex die igitur tertio Iduum Novembris, nsque in diem sestum Iduum Martiarum, maria clauduntur.'" — Veget. iv. c. 39. " Plin. xviii. 31. » Virg. ^neid, vii. 719. ' Mr. Grcswell_ mentions the instance of Aristides (the orator) being driven ( 15 ) The Emperor Augustus, towards the winter, on bis passage to Italy, met with two violent storms, tlie first between the pro- montories of Peloponnesus and yll]tolia, and the other about the Ceraunian mountains, in both of which part of his Liburnian squadron was sunk ; the tackling (armamenta) of his own ship was carried away, and the rudder broken. — Suetonius, " Cxsar Aiigustus" ch. 17. At the time when Titus Csesar besieged Jerusalem, Vespasian (a.d. 69) embarked in a merchant vessel, and crossed over from Alexandria to Rhodes. From thence he sailed, and touched at all the towns in his course, and being everywhere cordially received, he passed from Ionia into Greece, and thence from Corcyra to the lapygian promontory, whence he pursued his journey by land. — Josephus, Hist, Traill's trans., bk. vii. ch. 2, p. 475, ed. 1868. He had waited at Alexandria for the periodical return of the summer gales, and for settled weather at sea. — Tacitus, Hist. bk. iv. ch. 81. When Titus Cassar returned from the East, he arrived first at Rhegium, and from thence sailed in a merchant ship toPuteoli. — Suetonius, " Titus," ch. 5. Josephus speaking of Herod, says that, " deterred neither by the circumstances that it was the depth of winter, nor by the disturbed state of affairs in Italy, he set sail from Alexandria for Rome. Being in danger near Pamphylia, he with difficulty and after throwing out the greater part of the cargo, reached Rhodes, which had suffered severely in the war with Cassius. He was kindly received by his friends, Ptolemy and Sapphinius, and having, though in want of money, fitted out a trireme of the largest class, he and his party em- barked in it for Brundusium, whence he hastened to Rome." — Josephus, Hist, Traill's trans., bk. i. ch. 15, p. 126. They coasted, as St. Paul did, towards Pamphylia, then were driven through stress of winter storms to Rhodes, and in another ship sailed to Brindisi. " So late as the year 1569, Venice prohibited her vessels, under heavy penalties, from attempting to return home between the 15th of November and the 20th of January." — Admiral Smyth on "The Mediterranean," p. 255, 8vo, 1854. fourteen days and nights during a gale in the ^gean Sea. — Dissertations, vol. iv. p. 197. Terrapfs ttoXlv avToi irpos rais f]p.epai 8eKa Koi vvkt€S )(fi(JLa>vo£ KVKkoi 8ia naPTos tov TreXdyovs (fxpop-evav, — See Smith, 146, n. ( i6 ) The following notices appeared in 1869 in the public papers : " Ministere cle la Marine, Bulletin Meteor ologique du 29 no- vembre 1869, 1 heure apres-midi. — Fortes tempetes dans la Mediterranee, produites par le vent de sud-onest. Le baro- metre a baisse de 1 a 9 millimetres. II a plu dans quelques stations." " Ship and Mail News. — Brindisi, Dec. 2, 1869. — The steamer ' Brindisi,' from Alexandria, has arrived here. She experi- enced severe and contrary winds." It is, therefore, evident that for nineteen hundred years at least the November weather, on the eastern coast of the Ionian Sea, has remained subject to the same influences. — T. F.] THE WINDS. I shall now speak a few words respecting the wind which caused this tempest. The Latin Vulgate translation, that of Castalio, and some others, render the word " Euroclydon " by " Euro-aquilo" ^ a word found nowhere else, and inconsistent, as I think, in its construction with the principles on which the names of the intermediate or compound winds are framed. Euronotus is so called, as intervening immediately between Eurus and Notus, and as partaking, as was thought, of the qualities of both. The same holds true of Libonotus, as being interposed between Libs and Notus. Both these compound winds lie in the same quarter or quadrant of the circle with the winds of which they were composed, and no other wind intervenes. But Eurus and Aquilo are at 90° distance from one another ; or, according to some writers, at 15° more, i.e. at 105°; the former lying in the south-east quarter, and the latter in the north-east ; and two winds, one of which is the East car- dinal point, intervene, as Coecias and Subsolanus. The Carbas of Vitruvius occupies a middle point between Eurus and Aquilo in his scheme of the winds ; but this never had, nor could have, ^ See Eev. Dr. Shaw concerning this wind (Travels, 3rd ed. p. 131). He says that haziness of the atmosphere, or a great accumulation of clouds which, to use the mariners' phrase, frequently hang, without dissipating, for several days together in the East wind's eye, are common to " Levanters." ( 17 ) the appellation of Eiiro-aquilo, as it lies in a dilTerent quarter, and the East point is interposed, which could scarcely have heen overlooked in the framing a compound appellation. Tiie word Euroclydon is evidently composed of Eurus, or E5/jo9, the south- east wind, and kXvScov, a wave, an addition highly expressive of the character and effects of this wind,*' but probably chiefly *" [The most remarkable modern illustration of the Voyage of St. Paul is to 1)0 found in the Travels aud Researches in Crete, vol. ii. p. 11, 1865. The professional and scientific knowledge of the author, Capt, Spratt, e.k., c.b., F.R.S., entitles his opinion to be received with the utmost respect. It appears tliat, being at the " Fair Havens," a gale from the south-east (Eurus) compelled him to put to sea, and to remain in the offing for twenty-four hours till it had veered round, as usual, to the south-west, when the sea abated, and he returned. He put to sea again when it was apparently calm enough, tempted by a calm morning, in order to reach the Bay of ]\Icssara. Part of his "course" was just that which the captain of St. Paul's ship desired to steer in making for the ix)rt of Phffinice to the south-west of Crete (against the advice of St. Paul), since, to reach this port, it was necessary to sail rather close to the Cretan coast. " When the south wind blew softly," supposing they had obtained their pur- pose, " loosing thence they sailed close by Crete." " Thus the captain of the Alexandrian ship being dependent on fair tvinds in those days (as ai-e the junks of the Chinese in the present, — which his ship must have somewhat resembled in rig and form), he was tempted to loose from ' Fair Havens ' on experiencing a light southerly wind in that port, and to proceed on this route for Phcenice — exactly as we were also tempted b}' a calm and still morning after a southerly gale to sail from it for the head of Messara Bay." Capt. S. then describes light cat's-paws on the sea, sometimes from the north and sometimes from the south, the sky being bright and clear, the rising of the storm on getting round Cape Littinos into Messara Ba^^ until it blew a perfect hurricane from the north ; the white spoon-drift occasionally covered the bay as a sheet of foam, or rose as a whirling column of spray, dashing over the bows and bulwarks, and wetting all, fore and aft, the wind blowing direct from Mount Ida to Cape Littinos. — Crete, vol. ii. p. 14. "We had in all probability, under nearly similar circumstances, in respect to the character, force, and direction of the wind, encountered 'a Eiiroclydon,' — the very wind which proved so disastrous to St. Paul's ship on attempting to cross the bay for the western harbour of Phcenice, and which has given rise to so much difficulty and to so many learned dissertations upon the meaning of the term by scholars aud commentators ujion the voyage and shipwreck of the great Apostle, most of whom have concluded that the direction and not the character of the wind was intended by the word ' Euroclydon ' in St. Luke's record of its effect on the ship, [Capt. S., when he printed this, had not seen the above text of the Dissertation.] The impres- sion that we were encountering this very wind naturally struck me at the time, for a long experience of the winds of the Levant enables me to state that, as in most other places, this locality (that is, the Greek Archipelago and Crete) has its peculiar local winds, the most violent and the most constant being from ( i8 ) applied to it when it became typhonic' or tempestuous. In- deed, the general character under which Eurus, or the South- East wind, is described agrees with the description of the effects of the wind which caused the distress related in the account of this voyage. [In fact, even if it be held to have been an error of the tran- scriber, " Euroclydon " was a very appropriate term, and the combination of words in " Euro-aquilo " is perfectly inexpli- cable from the distance from each other of these two points of wind (see Table of Winds), unless expressive of a changeable state of winds. The Very Eev. Dean Howson {Life of St. Paul, ed. 1868, vol. ii. p. 346) says : " We have a strong impression certcain points only. The ' meltem ' [a local term known throughout the Archi- pelago, among Greek and Turkish Levantine sailors, for a violent northerly- gale] is one of them : it generally rises very suddenly, without many clouds to warn the navigator, some few mountains only being capped by them as monitors of its coming to the experienced local navigator. It is especially dreaded for the violence of its squalls on the leeward side of high lands : for they have the character of what nautical men call ' white squalls,' for giving little or no warning until felt, and are truly ' tyj)li07iic ' in effect from the whirling columns of wind and spray they lift from the surface of the sea." Capt. S. got shelter in Eremopili Bay, but " the 'meltem' lasted three whole days with unabated fury " (p. 20).— T. F.] ' Typhon is described by Pliny as " prsecipua navigantium pestis, non antennas modo verum ipsa navigia contorta frangens." — Plin. ii. c. 48. [He says, also, that the wind Aquilo does not cause it : " Non fit autem Aquilo- nius typhon." — Lib. ii. ch. 49. T. F.] ["Navigabimus a Cassiopa Brundisium MAEE IONIUM violentum et vastum et jactabundum. Nox deinde, qufe diem primum secuta est, in ea fere tota ventus a latere saBviens navem undis compleverat. Tum postea complo- rantibus nostris omnibus atque in sentina satis agentibus, dies quidem tandem inluxit. Sed nihil de periculo neque de sa^vitia venti remissum, quin turbines etiam crebriores, et ca;lum atrum, et fumigantes globi, et figuraj qusedam nubium metuenda^ quos * typhonas ' vocabant, impendere imminereque ac depressurte navem videbantur." — Auli Oellii Nod. Att. lib. xix. ch. 1, p. 219, ed. Martin Hertz, Leipsic, 1853, Teubner. Aulus Gellius lived a.b. 117-140, and was, therefore, as well as Appian, contemporary with Ptolemy. " The wind Euroclydon," says Bryant (but not citing his authority), "was certainly a hurricane. These winds veer round, and blow from every point of the compass ; but at last settle to one particular station from whence they often rage with no less violence, but more steadfastness, for a long time." Mr. Smith (p. 101, n.) omits the first sentence when referring to the above passage of Aulus Gellius. AVere the words " Mare Ionium" " a Cassiopa Brundisium " too instructive ? — T. F.] ( 19 ) that Eiiroehjdon is the correct reading. The addition of the words ' which was called ' seems to us to show that it was a name popidarly given by the sailors to the wind : and notliing is more natural than that St. Luke should use the word wliich he heard the seamen employ on the occasion. Besides it is the more difficult reading." The Kev. Dr. Shaw, Regius Professor of Greek, Oxford (Travels, vol. ii. p. 131, 3rd ed. 1808), also wrote: "We are told this tempestuous [typhonic] wind was called ' Euroclydon ; ' the expression seems to suppose it not to have been one of the common winds, such as were entirely denominated from their site and position, but such a one as received its name from some particular quality and circum- stance which over and above attended it." It is the word "called" which shows " Euro-Aquilo " may not be a correct reading.— T. F.] [The readings of the MSS. are : — ^vpaKuXcov, evpaKvXcov. Codex Alexandrinus, London, 1860, p. 293. evpvKkvZwv, evpaKvScov. Codex Vaticanus, London, 1859, p. 288. The lectio Vaticana Birchii is evpaKvXcov; and the question has been, whether or not the uncial letter was A or A. Dr. Tregelles and Dean Alford say the true reading of the Vatican ]\ISS. is A ; but either reading only in a small degree affects the argument, unless it can reasonably be inferred the typlionic storm in question was not accompanied with the presumed usual changes of wind. In the Italian version the word is " Euroclidone ; " in the Spanisli, " Euro-aquilon." The Vatican MS. has been tampered with. Some critics say " 'EvpaKuScov " was the original reading. Tischendorf says " 'EupaKvXcov " was the original. " Error," he says, "might be expected from the fact of the corrector sub- stituting the word * evpvKXvBwv ' for ' evpaKiiXcov,' altering ' A ' into ' A,' and adding ' A ' after * K.' " The explanation given is unsatisfactory, and a photograph of the words is desirable. It ( 20 ) ^ 8 s 5^ o « on I— 1 s w r* 1^ l=H ^ !S 00 c '^ S^H «: o !n ?J V s C « >e 00 s o Si o Cy< o^ 00 ID s 1 ss s ^ CO H ,^ fC i:n Ph ^ « O Fh 00 !^ ^ U ''^ H l:^ Ki 7! bs e 0 B 0 0 0 w 0 n §■ K- k- 0 2 0 PQ 3 s s us 3 < 0 1-] 0 t- 05 a > Lfi 3 S 8 s 8 0 §- 0 00 H n w < w ^ 0^ pr C3 8 ^ < 0 0 1 S 8 s 0 0 l> 0 Q- 8 s §- 0 0 m <: w < w H z 1 •s S P 8 8 CI. 8 S p- 3 < p- 0 0. 0 0 0 CO t; 8 *: a S 0 < < m w < w W 2; (^ i a 8 a. 8 8 h 3 1/1 0 0 p 0 0 IC 0 Q_ s- Q. Q. h B {: 0 8 1= s 3 0 c- < m ^ < U H •Z CO 1 (^ 0 8"S t: CD 0 '3 0 m 0 c3 0 '3 8 0 ■p 0 P 5lg 0 p 12; 05 0 I— 1 1— 1 CO 10 0 00 ^ H m ( 21 ) M ;; «- N b> o f a ■3- ■e- < N < o » on <) •d- s <5 N w ^ (■ en B «> o o OQ. -^ b S a. < < SI © ro 1 o MJ. 5 © S < < ■e- C3 m o o ;^ o to. < •^ < o §- •©- N B 5 b a © ■*! O is <<1 o §- •©- N 0 1(2 In S 'J to 3 3 s M 1 g < a o > 03 P o O 1 1-4 ^ j^ o o Irt o lO o 05 (>) -+< t^ 00 o CO tH w rH (M 0^ (>) c s Tl •'-• Fi C<1 ■^ r2 O " , ts rjq s ~u t5 ■" o -• " ^ i^ " .^ r^ 9 - 'S - ^ S. ^ .2 s s o s o >- is > cs ^ H -a ^ ^ ^ o g ^ m f^ I* 9 3 3 ^ ( 22 ) is said, also, that ' A ' was converted into ' T,' and after ' K ' was inserted ' A,' and then the Greek uncial letter A was converted into A. How was the space found for the ' A ' which follows ' K ' ? But let it be admitted the word is " Euro-aquilo," what wind does this word represent ? If the reader will turn to the Table of the Winds (p. 20), he will see that the writers of autho- rity, named in the table, place the wind Aquilo, north-east, and the same writers place the wind Eurus some 30 degrees south of east. What wind can such a combination as Euro-aquilo denote ? E.N.E. or N.E., say some persons. This would be an Aquilo wind, and the wind Eurus — south of east — would be suppressed. The word Aquilo, without Eurus, would give a similar result. But even an E.N.E. wind was not enough to satisfy Mr. Smith's theory, and therefore, said Mr. S., the sea- men set "storm sails" (pp. 110, 113). Without sails on the vessel his explanation of the word Euro-aquilo would be of no avail, for how otherwise could his E.N.E. wind have driven the vessel, in a direct course, east to west, from Clauda to Malta ? The necessity of sails being admitted, in order to sustain the interpretation founded on it, is self-destructive of the argument, for we are not authorized to make this addition to the narra- tive, though we may make probable inferences. The proposed addition would be contradictory of what is said by St. Luke. Mr. Bryant (vol. v. p. 352, ed. 1807) argued this question exceedingly well. It is said, that Euro-aquilo means an E.N.E. wind, or, in round terms, a N.E. wind. Construe it so, and see what sense can be made of it: — "In a short time there beat upon it a typhonic wind called a N.E. wind." The species (the typhonic wind) is said to be denominated by the genus, — the " north-east wind." The fact of the designation being simply particular and not general is especially marked by the use of the word " called." A general denomination does not specify or distinguish. The N.E. wind may blow at any time, but a N.E. wind is not "called" or known as a " typhonit^.flvind. A par- ticular and unusual tempestuous or " typhonic " wind, when it blew, was called " Euroclydon." It is not said, that when the usual wind called "north-east" blew, it was "typhonic or tem- pestuous." Those who affirm that the true reading is Euro- aquilo, are also obliged, for their purpose, to manipulate the word, and to make it "Aquilo-euro." Even then, they are in a ( 23 ) difliculty, for the word "Eurus" did not designate the east but a south-east wind. " Aqiiilo," also, is not a Greek name, and it alone denotes a north-east wind. Yet it is inferred that Greek or Latin seamen compounded a Latin general term designating the north-east with a general Greek term designating the south- east, in order to designate a particular and typhonic wind. The compound term " Eurodydon " is free from all difficulties. The word " Euroclydon " may have been in an early manuscript. It certainly correctly describes the effect of what occurred, namely, a typhonic storm, and itself explains why the word " called " wns used. Probably the wind, in the first instance, came from the south-east, and then became variable, as is said to be the case in typhonic storms whi'-h Pliny stated, " the N.E. wind (Aquilo) did not cause." — T. F. and B.] I. Eurus raises great waves. Virgil, in his account of the storm which destroyed a part of the fleet of -i$]neas in the same seas, enumerates Eurus among the winds, qui "... vastos volvmit ad llttora fluctiis." — ^neid, i, 86. Again : " Aut, ubi navigiis violentior incidit Eurus, Nosse, quot losii veniant ad littora fluctus." Virg. Oeorg. ii, 107, lOS. " Quam multi Libj-co voWuntur marmore fluctus, Sajvus ubi Orion hibernis conditur undis.'"' "... ubi uubifor Eurus [S.E.] Naufragium spargens operit freta." Silius Italicus, x. 323, 324. Horace mentions the effects of this wind in terms nearly similar. " Niger rudentes Eurus, inverse marl, Fractosque remos differat. Insur^L'at Aquilo [N.E.], quantus altis montibus Fui^git trementes ilices." — IJorat. JEpod. x. 5. Particularly in the Sicilian and Italian seas. "... Eurus Per Siculas equitavit undas." — Carm. iv. 4, 43. ^ /Eneid, vii. 718, 719. The sword of Orion begins to set on the 22nd of Scorpio (Nov. 9). — Ph'n. xviii. 31. c 2 ( 24 ) "... quodcunque minabitur Euriis Fluctibus Hesperiis." — Garm. i. 28, 25. II. Eiirus brings dark cloudy weather. It is called " uiger Eurus " by Horace, who also says, " Nee sidus atra nocte amicum appareat, Qua tristis Orion cadit." — Horat. Ejwd. x. 9. III. A combination of Eurus with Notus seems to have been very destructive in the Mediterranean Sea. " Una Eurusque [S.E.] TSTotiisque [S.] ruunt creberque procellis Africus" [S.W^—Virg. ^neid, i. 85. " Ut horvidis utrumque verberes latus AusTER, memento fluctibus ; Niger rudentes Etjrus, inverso mari, Fractosque remos diflferat." — Horat. Epod. x. 3. •' Inter utrumque fremunt inimani turbine venti Nescit, cui domino pareat, unda maris. Nam modo purpureo vires capit Eurus ab ortu : Nunc Ze2)hyrus sero vespere missus, adest, Nunc gelidus sicca Boreas ' baccliatur ab Arcto, Nunc Notus adversa proelia fronte gerit." Ovid. Trist. lib. i. El. ii. 25. " Saepe per Ionium Libycumque natantibus ire Interjunctus equis omnesque assuetus in oras Cajruleum deferre j^atrem : stupuere relicta Nubila, certantes Eurique Notique sequuntur." Statu Thebaid. lib. vi. 307. IV. The south-west wind in winter was a wind that was feared : " Africus furibundus ac ruens ab occidente liiberno." Seneca, Nut. Qucest. 5. " Luctantem Icariis fluctibus Africum Mercator metuens." — Horat. Carm. i. 1. ' [Arrian relates that soon after setting sail from Athena; Pontice, the wind Boppas calmed the sea. A similar effect is ascribed to it by other Eastern writers. Thus it is said in the Book of Job (ch. xxxvii. 22) that "fair weather cometh out of the North ;" and in the Proverbs that, " The North wind driveth away rain." Boreas is called by Homer {Iliad, xv. 171 ; xix. 358; Odyss. v. 296) AldprjyeverTjs, or ser en itatetn inducens. Hi[ipocrates, who may be regarded much in the same light with Homer as an Oriental writer, says, "the North-wind produces fair weather and clears the air." — Dissertation on Arriaris Voyage of the Euxine Sea, by W. Falconer, M.D., p. 39, 1805. — T. F.] • ( 25 ) V. South or south-east winds were prevalent in the I\Iediter- ranean at this season of the year: "Quinto Idus Novembris *" (Nov. 9) hiemis iuitium, Auster aut Eurus." It appears from Cohimella," tliat the stormy weather at this time of the year came mostly from a Southern quarter. Nov. G Soutli or west wind. Nov. 17 South wind. 8 South-east wind. 18 Stormy. 9 South-east wind. 20 Soutli wind. 11 16 Setis dangerous to sail on. South wind. Dec. 7 South or south-east wind. VI. Southerly winds were particularly distressful to those who navigated the Adriatic Sea. " Qua tristes Hyadas," nee rabiem Noti ; Quo non arbiter Adrice Major, toUere seu ponere vult freta. Quem mortis timuit gradum Qui siccis oculis monstra natantia Qui vidit mare turgidum et Infames scopulos Acroceraunia ? " — Horat. Carm. i. 3. " Me quoque devexi rapidus comes Orionis niyricis Notus obruit undis." — Hid. i. 28. "... neque Auster Dux inquietl turbidus Adrice" — Ihid. iii. 3. In another place he alludes to a person driven into the Adriatic Sea by the south wind : "... lUe Notis actus ad Oricum,P [Erikbo] Post insana Capraj sidera." — Ihid. iii. 7. YII. The cnsmical setting of Capra was, according to Columella, on the tenth of the Calends of January (Dec. 23), and indicated stormy weather. The Greek Calendar of Geminus*^ foretells storms about the same time, and, as it would seem, from a southerly quarter. ^ Columella, xi. 2. ° Ibidem. ° The Hyades set, according to Columella, Nov. 17 and 19 ; according to Geminus, Nov. 21. '' [See in a subsequent page the notice of a similar event in the case of Mr. Gait. iEmilius Paulus embarked his troops at Oricum for Italy after his cruel campaign in the year B.C. 167. The name of the harbour was Panormus. Between ApoUonia and Oricum was .Anion {Avlona). — T. F.] '' Petav. Uranoloii. ( 26 ) 2 Stormy weather. Dec. 26 5 South wiiiil. 31 G Storms of thunder, &c. 2 11 Stormy. 4 20 Stormy. 6 21 Stormy. 15 Doc. 2 Stormy weather. ;j Dec. 26 Stormy. South wind. Storms at sea from south. Storms at soa from south. South wiutl. Stormy. [It is tbonglit to be advisable for tbe convenience of tbe reader bere to interj)obi,te, as supplementary to tbese accounts of tbe weatber given by ancient writers, tbe modern notices of tbe winds and currents of tbose portions of wbat is now gene- rally called tbe " Mediterranean Sea," wbere tbe sbip may bave drifted. Wlien tbis Dissertation was written, sucb information was very partially obtainable. 1. As respects tbe currents of tbe sea. On tbe map of Malta and Gozo of A. F. G. de Palmeus, 1799, tbese words are engraved : — " Tbe currents at tbe entrance of tbe Cbannel on tbe N. West side set almost constantly to tbe East-Soutb-East, and on the East-Soutb-East side, tbey set to the East" Tbus tbe current would carry any vessel drifting in that quarter towards the east: not from' the east to the ivest or towards Malta from tbe east. Tbis fact is very important. Tbe modern sailing directions also state tbat tbe current " most commonly sets soutbward and eastward." ' 2. Winds and Tides. — As respects tbe Adriatic, it is said, {Findlay, S. D., 1808, p. 222) : " In tbe Ionian Sea, tbe prevalent winter winds are from tbe soutb-soutb-west to east-soutb-east." {Admiral Smyth, *' The Mediterranean" p. 261.) "Tbe commencement of tbe Bora, like tbe Uach squall, is generally indicated by some dark clouds, wbicb rise up witli great velocity from tbe mountains." " Tbe Bora generally continues tbree days ; and, in an ad- vanced season, it will very often last nine, fifteen, or even so long as thirty days, many times subsiding at intervals ; during wbicb cessations it would he highly imprudent for any vessel to "■ [Mr. William Turner {Journal of a Tour in the Levant, 1820, vol. iii. p. 31), when near the island of Ossoro in the Adriatic, Jan. 23, wrote, "All night was a dead calm; but we were carried along by a strong current (that always runs in this sea from the straits between the islands) from twenty-five to thirty miles." — I am told, however, the ordinary current on the Ragusa coast up the Adriatic, is a little more than at the rate of one mile an hour ; but the current runs up to and past Meleda. — T. F.] ( 27 ) make sail until the before-mentioned symptoms have entirely disappeared." — Findlay, S. D., 1S()8, p. 222. , " The S.E. is a wind which blows with considerable force in tlie Adriatic, creating an extremely high sea, and is accompanied witli heavy rains ; but then there is this advantage attending it, that vessels at all times will be able to gain the anchorages which the eastern coast affords. During winter this wind will often last a long while ; it usually hlows alternately with the Bora, and during tlie intervals light and variable breezes may be expected." "After the third day the S.E. wind becomes most dangerous; because the swell of the sea whicli it raises, running in the direction of the Adriatic, progressively acquires a new force, and ends by becoming tremendous. If, from the haziness of the weather, the coast should not he distinguishahle, then your ves.sel would be in great danger of being driven upon it." " TJiis S.E. wind is commonly preceded by dark clouds, which cover the summits of the mountains and the isles, by a greater rise of water, and by the air being more temperate than usual. The south wind is also announced by similar appearances, and produces the same effect." *' Vessels are dangerously situated when, after having entered the Adriatic, they happen to be driven towards that part of the coast which lies between Avlona and Bagusa ; for here are no roadsteads in which protection can be readily found. The S.W. and W. winds are not so much to be dreaded, nor the N. and N.W. winds, since they [N. and N.W.] do not create so great a swell of the sea ; and besides, if it should not be possible to gain a port, with these winds you can readily run to the southward and out of the gulf." " In summer it will be of advantage for vessels which leave the Adriatic to keep to the N.E. coast, as it generally is subject to heavy N.W. winds, which, during the night and part of the morning, leave light breezes at east. On the contrary, those who enter the gulf ought, during the summer, to keep over the Italian shore, as there are along that coast, during the night and part of the morning, some light land breezes, to which a S.E. wind generally succeeds." Admiral Smyth says, " the coming on of the Bora may for- tunately be known some hours beforehand by a dense, dark ( 28 ) cloud on the liorizon, with light fleecy clouds above it, a rather lui'id sky ; and it ^is immediately preceded by a breathless but speaking stillness. Its general source is between north and north-east, and its most usual continuance about iifteen or twenty hours, with heavy squalls, and terrible thunder, lightning, and rain, at intervals ; but the Bora most feared, and with justice, is that which blows in sudden gusts for three days, then subsides, and then resumes its former force for three days more. Ships caught in it generally let fly everything to receive the first blast ; then immediately bear up to southward, to seek safety in any port they can fetch, or remain under bare poles till it is exhausted." — " The Mediterranean^' p. 256. I have been told, however, that the Bora frequently comes on without notice. No doubt it comes on suddenly, apparently suddenly, if not watched for. There is a very descriptive account of the raging of the Bora, p. 258 of *' The Mediterranean," by Admiral Smyth.— T. F.] 3. [Currents. — The repeated observations of the pilots, and the numerous experiments made for obtaining the right sound- ings on both coasts, and in the middle part of the Adriatic, clearly prove at all times the existence of a general current, which, running in at the Albanian side, takes a N.W. direction alo7ig the eastern coast, turning to S.E. at the bottom of the sea, and running out of it, always sweeping along the Italian shore." Eespecting these currents more will be said hereafter under the title " Meleda."— ;S'a^7. Bir. Norie, p. 124 ; Findlay, 223. The stormy character of a winter in the Adriatic might most certainly have detained the " Castor and Pollux " at Meleda. — T. r.] 4. [Mr. Findlay (p. 166) says : — " The Sirocco, or Sciroc, which at times prevails in a different season of the year, has been noticed as follows by Mr. Gait in his lively volume entitled, Letters from the "Levant. He sailed from Malta [35° 54' N. lat. and 14° 31' E. long.] in a Greek polacca belonging to the island of Petza, or Spetzia [37° 15' N. lat., 23° 8' E. long.], in the Gulf of Nauplia, 18th January, 1810, for the purpose of proceeding to that place; but on the next forenoon, he says that a Levantine sciroc arose, and continued to increase for ( 29 ) twenty-four hours, while, however, the vessel worked onward. On the morning of the 21st (third day) it blew a perfect hurri- cane ; and the polacca bore away before the wind for a j)ort in the Adriatic. At noon the sky appeared to be involved in a thick tumultuous smoke ; and the vessel was suspended, as it wore, on the curl of a vast wave; and, although there was as little of the foresail spread as possihle, slie drove at a prodigious rate. When in sight of Corfu [39° 40' N. lat., 19° 41' E. long.] the ivind shifted to another quarter, and shelter was at length found in the harbour of Valona or Avlona " [the ancient Aulon,« in lat. 40° 27']. William Falconer [Mr. Findlay adds] in his Shipwreck, has )iot less accurately than finely described these gales, and it Avould be unwise to reject his description merely because it is in verse. The 'Britannia' on the way between Egypt and Venice, touched at Candia [the north side of Crete], was turned out of the bay, and attempted a passage to the northward: — " Fair Candia now no more, beneath her lee Protects the vessel from the insulting sea : Eoimd her broad arms, impatient of control, Roused from their secret deeps the billows roll ; Sunk were the bulwarks of the friendly shore. And all the scene a hostile aspect wore. ' [It has been asked, If St. Paul's ship had been driven in a similar manner, where would it have been at the end of fourteen days? "... Ille Notis actus ad Oricum Post insana Caprfe sidera." " The Bay of Avlona is separated from the Adriatic by a rocky promontory, which forms the extremity of the Acroceraunian range, and terminates in a 2)oint, 2290 feet high, anciently called ' Glossa' and now ' Linguetta.' . . . The ancient port town was ' Oricum ' at the bottom of the bay, where some scattered ruins called 'Erico' still attest its site and name. . . . Ascending from the valley between the ranges of Longarra and Chika, one enters Khimarra by a narrow plateau called 'Kiafe' (head) which overlooks the sea, and being exposed, to the north, south, and west winds, is always approached with apprehension, for sudden squalls, in all seasons, sweep over it with a force neither man nor horse can withstand. Here, also, electric clouds are frequently arrested in their course, and discharge their contents with an etfect which shows that the name of ' Acroceraunia ' (thunderbolt-point) is no poetic fancy." — Major R. Stuart on Epirtts, Geogr. Soc. Jour. vol. xxxix., 1869, pp. 277, 278 ; and see also Lear's Journal in Albania and lUyrica, pp. 210-213. — T. F.] ( 30 ) The flattering wind that late with promis'd aid From CandkCs hay the unwilling sliip hetraifd. No longer fi-iivns beneath the/ah' disguise. But like a ruffian on his quarry flies."* — Line 221. " But see ! in confluence borne before the blast Clouds roU'd on clouds, the dusky noon o'ercast ; The black'uiug ocean curls ; the winds arise ; And the dark scud in quick succession flies, While the swol'n canvas bends the mast on high, Low in the waves the leeward cannon lie. " Still blacker clouds, that all the skies invade, Draw o'er the sullied orb a dismal shade. A squall, deep low'ring, blots the southern sky, Before whose boisterous breath the waters fly. It comes resistless and with foaming sweep, Upturns the whit'uing surface of the deep ; With ruin pregnant now the clouds impend. And storm and cataract tumultuous blend." 5. *' And when the south wind blew softly," verse 13 : " But sickening vapours lull the air to sleep. And not a wind awakes the silent deep ; This when the autumnal equinox is o'er, And Phojbus in the North declines no more : The watchful mariner, whom Heaven informs, Oft deems the prelude of approaching storms." From these notices of the winds it is utterly impossible to believe that the vessel, when off Crete, was struck "with a point wind — that is, an E.N.E. wind blowing steadily from one point — and that no change took place in its direction during the remainder of the voyage " {Smith, p. 101). The true con- clusion must be, that from such storms and winds as usually blow at the season of the year when the Voyage occurred, and from the expressions used by St. Luke, no person, seaman or * [I have before me a note and presentation copies of the Shipwreclc, and of the Marine Dictionary, which accompanied it, from Mrs. Jane Falconer the widow of the author, to Dr. William Falconer. The Shipwreck contains a map of the course from Candia to Colonna, where the vessel was wrecked. The first entry on the map, after the storm began is, " Ship tears away before the squall." The second entry is, " Again hauls her wind 2 reefed topsails : 3 points lee-way. Wind S. by W." This storm began from the south-west. -T. F.] ( 31 ) not, can affirm wliat particular wind or winds blew during the fourteen days. — T. F.] A circumstance little noticed should be mentioned, wliicli is, that St. Tjukc's words imply that this tempestuous wind drove forcibly ["E/3aXe Kar avTf]<; ave/MO. iv. ch. 11.) In respect to the Upper Ionian, Strabo intimates that it was properly called '16vlo<; /coXtto?, as originally })0ssessing the whole smws, but that in his time it was esteemed but as a part of the Adriatic ; nay, the Adriatic had, in a manner, engrossed the ( 51 ) wliole. As to the notion of Bochart that the 'Sinus' and ' I\Iare A'h-iatieum ' were distinguislied from each otlier — the one being witliiu the 'Sinus' and the other far without— it is a ground- less supposition ; nor is there the least shadow of authority for such an opinion in any author from Herodotus to IMiny." — b. DIODORUS SICULUS. [He was born in Sicily, and it is said to be highly probable he wrote his great work after the year B.C. 8. His place is within the early years of the Christian era. He called the sea between Carthage and Panormus (Palermo), that is, the sea south of Italy, the " Libyan Sea " (book ii. eh. 2), and the expanse of sea to the east of Sicily "-The Ionian." " Dionysius, tyrant of Syracuse," he wrote, " determined to jestablish cities in Adria fur the purpose of having in his power the passage called * Ionian,' so that he might be secure in crossing to Epirus, and have cities of his own as stations for his ships." (Book xv. ch. 13.) We have, therefore, his authority for limits of the Mediter- ranean Sea by his use of names, which exclude Malta from the Adriatic Sea. The "Ionian passage," said Mr. Bryant, was so called, '• because the Eoman armies as well as private persons passed from Brundusium to Epidamnus, and to the opposite continent," The sea, therefore, south of the Ionian passage, could not have been even popularly known as the Adriatic, for the sea north of this passage was Adria, and at Borne this must have been well known, and, also, at Thessaloniea in Macedonia. — T. P.] LUCIUS ANNi^US SENECA. [He died a.d. 65, and was very probably in Rome at the time St. Paul arrived there. He wrote : — " Iladriam, et Ionium ^Egeumque." — Epist. 1, lib. xiv. The Adriatic, the Ionian, and the Egean, are names Avhich preclude IMalta from having been regarded by him to have been in the Adriatic. The following verses afford the same conclusion : — ( 52 ) ..." qu£E ferarum imnianitas, Qufe Scylla, quas Charybdis, Ausonium mare Siciilumque sorhens, qufeque anhelantem premens Titana tantis iEtna fervescit minis ? " — Medea, act iii. 408. Again: — " Non Eunis rapiens mare, Aut saevus rabidus freto Ventosi tumor Adrite, Quem non lancea militis, Non strictus domuit cbalybs " [gladius e Chalyhe], TJiyestes, act ii. 362, edit. Amstel. 1662. To this passage Thomas Farnabius adds this remark : — " Maris Adriatici procellis otnoxii, utpote ventis, maxime Noto expositi."— T.F.] FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [He was born at Jerusalem a.d, 37, and died a.d. 93. He says that Pompey fled beyond the " Ionian Sea " (Hist, book i. ch. 9, sec. 1), and that when he (Josephus) was on his way to Eome, the vessel foundered in the Adriatic. (Life, ch. 3, sec. 2.) Therefore, according to this writer, the Ionian Sea was distino-uished from the Adriatic. This obvious inference is an answer to the cool statement of Mr. Smith (p. 168) that the ship- wreck of Josephus could not have happened in the Gulf ! " — T. F.] ARISTARCHUS, The Macedonian of Thessalonica. [We are clearly entitled to place the companions of St. Paul among those who had an accurate knowledge of the general limits of the sea as popularly known, or called by contemporary writers, by the name of " Adria." His means of knowledge are indicated by his being described as of Thessalonica, a city at the eastern termination of ^ the great Egnatian Way, from the city of Dyrrachium, situated at the western termination of that road, and opposite to Brundusium, a city on the Adriatic. Philippi, also, was on the Egnatian road, 33 m.p. from Amphi- polis, and 21 m.p. from Acontisma. As St. Paul twice visited Pliilippi (Acts xvi. 12-40 and Acts xx. 6), it cannot be pre- ( 53 ) sumcd that tlio Apostlo himself was ignorant that this road, Avliicli lie liad in part seen and perhaps traversed, led to the Adriatic. St. Luke deliberately writing, after the Voyage had ended, was the companion of those who must have known that if they reached Illyrian IMeleda, it was no great distance from Dyrrachium on the Adriatic Sea, and the difference between an island in the Adriatic Sea and an island in the African Sea cannot have been unknown to them.' Not one single contemporary authority has been cited in contradiction of Pomponius Mela, Strabo, Lucan, Seneca, Pliny, Diodorus Siculus and Josephus. Antecedent authority also confirms the nominal distinctions between the seas of Adria, Ionian and African. ScYLAX, who is supposed to have lived B.C. 350, and who is mentioned by Aristotle, says, sec. 23 : — "Et insula marilima3 huic regioni propinqua est, cui nomen Melita [_MeIeda]. Yicina huic est et alia insula, cui nomen ' Corcyra Nigra ' \Curz6la\. Et phirimum recedit [uno] promontorio ha3C insula ab maritiraa regione : altero vero promontorio spectat versus Naronem [Na- renta K.] fluvium. A Melita abest [Corcyra] stadiis 20 : a maritima regione, stadiis 8." — Kat vrjao'i Trj<; Trapaktaf %&J/oa9 €yyv<;, f] ovofxa, MeXiV?;' kciI erepa v)](to<; kyyiKi TavTT]'^, y ovo/jua KepKvpa 7] ' jj^eXaLva. Kal eppe-^et Trepl to aKpcoTtjptov vrjao<} avTTj tP]<; TrapaXlaf; ^(opa he erepco aKpwrrjplw Ka6i]Ket iirl Tov Ndpcova Trorafxov. 'Atto Be t?}? MeXirT;? a7re;^et ardSia K. T?}? Se 7rapa\La^a(0 signifies expando, as well as demitto." — Schleusner. ^ It is usual in the present age for the Egyptian vessels to tow shallops or large boats after them, in their passage down the Red Sea. Niebuhr says that the vessel on board of which he embarked at Suez towed after her three large shallops and one small. ( 78 ) very reasonably, that this Alexandriau ship was like a modern Egyptian saique, of 320 tons bnrden, and capable of carrying from 24 to 30 guns ; and this computation of its size is not at all incredible. Niebuhr describes the vessel in which he took his passage from Suez as being much larger, and able to carry at least forty guns. But to come nearer to the date of this transaction, Lucian describes "^ an Alexandrian corn- vessel of 180 feet in length, more than 45 feet wide, and 43|- feet deep. The tonnage of such a ship, according to the usual mode of calculation, would be 1938-6 tons.^ At this crisis of the voyage, those on board again lightened the ship by casting out the lading of the wheat into the sea ; which part of the cargo appears to have been spared when they before threw some of the lading overboard. When the day came fully on, it appears that they were still ignorant of the place on which they were likely to be stranded ; but discovering a small creek with a beach, they purposed to thrust the ship into it, and thereby to facilitate their escape on shore. In consequence of this intention, they weighed their anchors, or cut them off or slipped them, loosed the rudder- bands, hoisted the artemon^ ["a small fore-sail" — T. F.], and made towards the land. *= ' Navigium seu Vota.' *■ According to the English foot ; but if measured according to the Roman foot it amounts to 1751 tons. [Mr, Smith properly corrected this estimate. The calculation, founded on the length given by Lucian, is extreme, being more than the length of the keel, which is not given. Reasonably excluding from tlie length given what maj' have been more than the length of the keel only, he concludes the tonnage to have been less than 1300 tons. — T. F.] • *•■ [The word " artemon " is mistranslated in the Authorised version " main- sail," and the word " main-sail " contradicts the narrative. (V. 19.) It means " a small fore-sail." Wyclif called it " a litil sail." The Latin version has " levato artemone." In White and Riddle's Dictionary it is said to have been " a small sail put upon the mast above the main-sail," citing Jabolenus, Dig. 50, 16, 242, who hvcd about a.d. 138. Henricus Florez, in his work ' Medalias de las Colonias de Espana,' Madrid, 1757, gives a copy of a medal of Ibera Ilcrcanovia (pi. 28, num. 10). It reijrcsents a ship with a rudder having the main-sail set ; and in front of it, on the prow, a small sail. Mr. Smith has printed illustrations of this fore-sail of ancient vessels. Juvenal (Sat. 12, lib. iv.), only briefly cited by Mr. S. — frightened perhaps by the winds Eurus and Auster (which he omitted from the citation), and his own storm-sails ( 79 ) St. Luke next informs us that, in tlio attempt to run the ship aground, they fell into a place where two seas met ; "' by which we may luiderstand an eddy or surf, which beat on the stem of the vessel while the head remained fast aground ; ' in which situation it was to be expected, and indeed it so happened, that the ship should soon fall to pieces ; but the proximity to the shore, and the assistance afforded by the broken pieces of the wreck, providentially brought them all safe to land. Ver. 44. When they had reached the shore in safety, they discovered ^^ts xxvui. 1. that the island on which they were cast was named Melite. MALTA. It has been a subject of much difference of opinion among the commentators whether the island here specified was the noted island of Malta, on the southern coast of Sicily, formerly called Melite; or an obscure island in the Adriatic Sea, which was formerly called by the same name, and which is now know^n by the name of Meleda. I am of opinion that the island Meleda, last mentioned, is the one here alluded to. being forgotten [ante 29] — represents a vessel tossed about in a storm, the tlirowing overboard of many articles, and finally the cutting down of the main- mast. Then, the storm lulling : "fatum valentius et Euro et pelago''' : "... Modica nee multum fortior aura Ventiis adest : iuopi miserabilis arte cucurrit Vestibus extentis, et, quod superaverat imum, Vdo prora suo ; jam deficicntibus Austria, Spes vita; cum sole redit." — Juv. lib. iv. Sat. 12, 1. 6G. And the Scholiast adds : " Id est, artemone solo velificaverunt." — T. F.] '' [The words of verse 41 are : Trepnrea-ovTes 8e ds ronov SidaXaa-aov eVe- KeiXav TTjv vavv. Mr. Bryant was of opinion that tottos didciXaaaos described the natural barrier of a harbour such as a headland, which they endeavoured to get round, and failed ; and he commended the meaning given to the words by Beza, " une langue de terre entre deux mers." — T. F.] ' [The Vatican version omits the words " of the waves." The reading may mean " by the violence " — i. e. of the concussion — the tempest having ceased. At the southern extremity of Meleda the broad channel of Meleda is on one side, and the main sea on the other. — T. F.] ( 8o ) My reasons are as follow : The island of Meleda lies confessedly in the Adriatic Sea ; which situation cannot, without much strain on the expression, be ascribed to the island of Malta, as I have before shown. Meleda lies nearer the mouth of the Adriatic than any other island of that sea, and would, of course, be more likely to receive the wreck of any vessel that should be driven by tempests towards that quarter. The manner in which Melite (Meleda) is described by St. Luke agrees with the idea of an obscure place, but not with the celebrity of Malta at that time. Cicero speaks of Melite {Malta) as abounding in curiosities and riches, and affording employment to the weavers of women's garments. Fine linen was made in the island. The Temple of Juno there, which had been preserved inviolate by both the contending parties in the Pimic wars, possessed great stores of ivory ornaments, particu- larly figures of Victory,'^ " antique opere et summa arte per- fectse." [" Melite," says Cicero, anno B.C. 70, " is an island separated from Sicily by a wide and dangerous sea, with a town in it of the same name. Verres was never in the island, though he employed, for his own purposes during three years, the weavers there of women's garments. On a promontory not far from the town is an ancient Temple of Juno, which, throughout all time, was considered so sacred that it ever remained inviolate and respected, not only during the Punic wars, which were carried on in those parts chiefly by naval forces, but even continued so in the midst of a thieving multitude. It is recorded, moreover, that when the fleet of King Masinissa put in there, the Koyal commander removed from the Temple some ivory tusks of an enormous size, carried them to Africa, and presented them to Masinissa. The King, it is said, was at first pleased with the " Oratio in Verrem, lib. iv. sec. 18 et cli. 46, sec. 103. See Val. Maximus, lib. i. ch. 20. At one time Cicero proposed to himself to retire to Malta : " Mea causa atitem alia est, quod beneficio vinctus ingratus esse non possum, nee tamen [nie] in acie, sed Melit^e aut alio in loco simile [oppidulo] futurum puto. Nihil, inquies, juvas eum, in quem ingratus esse non vis. Immo nimis fortasso voluisset. Sed de hoc vidcbimus. Exeamus modo, quod ut meliore tempore possimus, facit Adriano Mari Dolabella, Fretensi Curio." — Epist. ad Atticum, lib. x. ep. 7, a.u.c. 705 scripta in Cumano. ( 8i ) gift, but, when lie litul learnt from whence they eame, returned them immediately by a special vessel, and heneo the reason for the inscription on the tusks, in the Punic character, to this effect : — ' Masinissa received these inconsiderately ; on heing informed of the facts he restored thon.' " There was there, also, a large store of ivory, carving in ivory and figures of Victory in ivory, of ancient and most skilful work- manship. All, in short everything, this man on a sudden, and with sudden demand, removed and shipped off by the agency of servile and thieving collectors despatched for the pur[)0se. Immortal Gods ! whom do I accuse — whom do I thus judicially prosecute — what is the character of the man on whom you are to pass judgment? This is what the deputies from Melite say : — ' The Temple of Juno has been plundered. In that most sacred place he has left nothing remaining. Where the fleet of an enemy often came, where pirates were wont, yearly almost, to winter — that which no practised robber had ever profaned and no enemy had ever placed his hands upon, this man singly has so stripped and spoiled that not a vestige is left.' "] ^ " Malta," says Diodorus Siculus,™ " is furnished with many and very good harbours, and the inhabitants are very rich ; for it is full of all sorts of artificers, among whom there are excellent weavers of fine linen. Their houses are very stately and beau- tiful, adorned with graceful eaves, and pargeted with white plaster. The inhabitants are a colony of Phoenicians, who, trading as merchants as far as the Western Ocean, resorted to this place on account of its commodious ports and convenient situation for a sea trade ; and by the advantage of this place, ' [In Verrem, act ii. lib. iv. '46, 103 : " Dicunt legati Meletenses publics spoliatiim templum esse Junonis : nihil istum in religiosissimo fano reliquisse, quem in locum classes hostium sa3pe accesserint, tihi pirutoi fere quotannis hie mare solent, &c." This speech was not delivered : the first oration against Verres was in August, b.c. 70. The descriptions of Malta given by Cicero and Diodorus have been tolerably well suppressed by some writers on the Voyage, and the words used by Cicero have been passed over in the Life of St. Paul as simply " well known." Would they have been suppressed if they had been thought to favour the arguments on the Maltese side of the question ? Is not the suppression censurable if it were desired that truthful ojnnions only should prevail?— T.F.] " [Diodor. lib, v. c. 1, Booth's translation. Diodorus is supposed to have written his work after the year B.C. 8. — T. F.] ( 82 ) the inhabitants presently became famous both for their wealth and merchandise." [Or, more literally, " The inhabitants are wealthy ; workmen of all kinds are foimd there, but they are especially distinguished for the manufacture of linen garments remarkable for their lightness and softness of texture. There are considerable houses, ambitiously decorated with cornice mouldings, and particularly with stucco-work. The inhabitants are a colony of Phoenicians, who, extending their commerce to the Western Ocean, adopted it as a place of refuge on account of its harbours and its position far from the mainland. The inhabitants profiting in various ways by the presence of traders, rose in their style of living and increased in reputation."] ° It is difficult to suppose that a place of this description could be meant by such an expression as " an island called Melite ; " nor could the inhabitants, with any propriety of speech, be under- stood by the epithet " barbarous." [" If, therefore, I know not the meaning of the speech, I shall be a barbarian to him that speaketh, and he that speaketh will be a barbarian to me." — 1 Cor. xiv. 11. Dean Alford converted the expression into " natives." Its meaning is doubtful, and any conclusion from it may be neglected. — T. F.] But the Adriatic Melite perfectly corresponds with that description. Though too obscure and insignificant to be par- ticularly noticed by the ancient geographers, the opposite and neighbouring coast of Ulyricum is represented by Strabo as agreeing with the expression of St. Paul. [" As in Italy, the climate is warm and the soil productive of fruits — olives, also, and vines grow readily, except in some few very rugged places. Although Illyria possesses these advantages, it was formerly neglected, through ignorance, perhaps, of its fertility; but it was principally avoided on account of the savage manners of the inhabitants and their piratical habits."] [Cluverius (p. 435) describes, on the authority of Fazellus (alive A.D. 1560), the greatness of the Temples of Juno and Hercules at Malta, the remains of which were extensive. He cites, also, on the subject of these buildings, Fazellus de " The two most ancient settlements in Malta appear to have been at Krendi and Bengamma. ( 83 ) rebus Siculis, Quintiuus, and Jacomo Bozio (lib. v. par. 3, p. 90). Mr. Bryant, also, cites an inscription, first mentioned by Guulthcrus (Rerum Sicularum et adjacentium Insul. tahulm Maltanie, 1C25), and afterwards by Spon {Miscell. Ervdit. Aniiq. p. 191): CHRESTION AVGVST. L PROCVRATOB INSVLARVM MELIT. ET GAVL. COLVMNAS CVM FASTIGIIS ET PARIETIBV3 TEMPLI DEAE PROSERPINAE VETVSTATE RVINAM IMMINENTIBVS (mINITANTIBVS ?) RESTITVIT SIMVL ET PILAM INAVBAVIT. Mr. Bryant thus translates the above: — " Chrestion, a freed- man of Augustus, Procurator of the islands of Malta and Gaulos, repaired the pillars, together with the roof and walls of the temple of the goddess Proserpine, which through age were ready to tumble down, and he likewise gilded the ball." The history of Rhodes shows that the military knights of Malta were no respecters of antiquities, and they probably destroyed all ancient monuments at Malta. An inscription once existed which named a " Protos Meliten- sium " (ch. xxviii. v. 7). It supplied no date. The word Protos, in the plural, is to be found — Luke xix. 40, '' the chiefs of the people ;" Acts xiii. 50, " the chiefs of the city ;" Acts xxviii. 17, "the chiefs of the Jews." That there should not have been a chief man in the island of Meleda is improbable. — T. F.] [These matters are noticeable : 1. That Ptolemy, who was alive a.d. 161, mentions, as well as Cicero, the " city of Melite," likewise the " temple of Juno," and also adds to these the " temple of Hercules." The temple of the goddess Proserpine was, no doubt, of a much later date. Dio- dorus Siculus, also, describes the prosperous state of the island. 2. The notices of Malta by these writers present an important and unanswerable difficulty: St. Paul departed in a ship of Alexandria which had wintered in the island, whose sign was " Castor and Pollux " — not said to be one of other ships. It was an Alexandrian ship, and its seamen must have known Malta if they wintered there. In what bay or port did they winter, and from whence did they sail ? It was impossible for them to have ( 84 ) wintered in what is called " St. Paul's Bay." The city of Melite was close by, and the safe harbour of Malta was accessible, where even pirates wintered, in order, no doubt, to avoid the winter dangers of the Greek islands. Is it credible that St. Luke, if they parted from the harbour of Melite, or from the neighbour- hood of the city of Melite, would simply have said this ship — an Alexandrian ship — " wintered in the isle " [iv rfj v^a(p] ? St. Luke named in the Narrative the towns of Sidon, Myra, Cnidus, Lasea, PhcBnice ; but the city of Melite he does not name. They reached and they left " an island," and yet the harbour of Melite was their only place of departure if they were at Malta. Tlie simple word " island " was a perfectly appropriate expression as regarded Meleda, and they arrived at an island " called " Melite : not apparently at an island " et urhs cum portu " — as Scylax describes Malta. The words on MeXirr} r) vrjaof; KaXet- rai, seem also to express the insignificance of the island. Mr. Smith, notwithstanding every effort of his imagination, could not give his own testimony to favour what he contended for from anything he saw in Malta. L What is the present state of the Bay of St. Paul ? Answer, pp. 149 and 166 : " Perhaps there is no surface, of equal extent, in so artificial a state as that of Malta is at the present day ; and nowhere has the aboriginal forest been more completely cleared ; but it by no means follows that this was the case when St. Luke wrote." In a few words, Mr. Smith could not see what would confirm his opinion : the surface is " artificial," and an " aboriginal forest " is gone ; but, he said, it was probably there " when St. Paul landed ! " A very intelligent friend of mine has sent to me what I have no doubt is a most accurate drawing of the bay. He says, " You will see by the drawing I made on the spot, that the little insignificant passage between the mainland and the Salmonetta Island cannot be called ' a place where two seas met ; and ' two seas ' would probably mean two appearances of the sea much alike, such as would have been the case had they landed near the end of any island of the sea. The conjecture that Malta was once wooded is, I think, untenable. I have been over the whole island, and I walked from one end of it to the other ; a great part is bare rock. On the eastern part of it there are several palm-trees, and here and there a carouba-tree ; but ( 85 ) the western part would appear to have been in former times altogether uninhabited. I had no companion with me, but had I had one he would have smiled if it had been suggested to hira that trees of any kind had flourished there. The single palm- tree that is now seen in the bay is, of course, of recent date, and it is quite on the shore, where it has found sufficient earth for its growth : in the district beyond and around no trees could grow. When I arrived at IMalta it had not rained for two years sufficiently to fill the reservoirs. The construction of an enormous tank in the rock, in Citta Notabile, was undertaken in consequence of a long drought. Tlie garrison and the inhabitants dei-ived tlieir supplies from the tanks built by the knights, and from those which are constructed underneath the houses. The droughts are of long continuance, and then vegetation languishes." This ought to dispose of any doubt respecting the supposed existence of an " aboriginal forest " in the time of St. Paul. A very great authority, also, on Maltese questions, Avrites thus, " In 1867 the drought was so serious as to create a deficiency of water for the population, except under a restricted allowance from the public tanks and aqueducts, which are both dependent on local rains. I have known two such droughts. In one the shipping had to go to Sicily for water, but now the navy condense their fresh water from the sea as a general practice,. and are thus made independent of a local supply at Malta." Captain Spratt discovered in the island the fossil remains of a remarkable class of pigmy elephants, of which an adult could not have been larger than a full-grown hog. (See Dr. Hugh Falconer's Falieontological Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 292.) Did Mr. Smith's " aboriginal forest " and the existence of these animals cease at the same time ? (!) ° " lu Januaiy, 1870, Dr. A. A. Caruana discovered the bones of fossil elephants in a fissure at Is-Shantin, at the entrance of the quarry of Micabidda, in the island of Malta, " This fissure is said [Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society, vol. xxvi. April 13, 1870, p. 435] to raise the number of localities in Malta in which elephant remains have been found in abundance to five, namely, the cave at Casal Zebbus;, discovei-ed in 1859 by Captain Spratt ; two caves at Tal-Maghlak, in Casal Kreudi, discovered hy Dr. A. Leith Adams in 1861 ; the Grandia fissure, within the limits of Micabidda and Casal Siggeni, exca- vated in 18G5 by Dr. Adams and Dr. Caruana ; and the Is-Shantin fissure, at the entrance of Casal Micabidda. These localities are all in the denuded dis- G ( 86 ) Secondly; the next admission of Mr. Smith is a very im- portant one. He says (pp. 173 and 239) : " We tnusi not only have a twenty-fathom depth and a fifteen- fathom depth, with such a distance between them to allow then- standing on, till they had time to prepare for anchoring with four anchors from the stern ; they must, at this depth, have had good holding ground, with a creek, with a sandy beach to the leeward of their anchorage ; and this creek must have been in a place where two seas meet. ... I admit there is no longer a creek having a shore or beach on which a ship could run ashore ; but every geologist must know that it must have had one, and that at a period, geologically speaking, from the dip of the beds, by no means remote" ! ! " The shore from Salmonetta Island to the Mestara Valley is now girt with miu-al cliffs, where a ship could not he stranded with safety ; but there is a creek, in this line of cliff, now without a heach, but which we know, from the form of the land, must, at one time, have had a heach, which has heen worn away, in the course of ages, by the wasting action of the sea. The degrada- tion of the lands actually taking place at this point of the sea is proceeding with more than usual rabidity, owing to the incli- nation of the beds and the tendency which large fragments of tricts of the eastern half of the island ; and in this direction there is abundant evidence of the existence of many similar ossiferous fissures. From the mode of the occurrence of these bones it is inferred that, at the time of their depo- sition where we now find them, that part of the island was exposed to the impetuous wash of continuous and rapid currents of fresh water." — " These mammalian remains are of unusual interest, comprising the Eippopotarmis Pentlandi, an animal about as large as the existing Nile species ; the ElepJias melitensis of Falconer, or Pigmy Maltese Elephant, not more than 4^ feet in height ; the still smaller Elephas Falconeri of Busk, the average height of which at the withers could not have exceeded 2 5 to 3 feet ; a new large species, named by Dr. Adams, from the place of its discovery, Elephas Mnaidrce ; the Gicfantic Fossil Dormouse, Myoxus melitensis, described by Dr. Falconer to be ' as big in comparison to the living dormouse as the bandicoot rat to a mouse,' and the Hollow-jawed Dormouse, Myoxus Cartel, another new species detected by the author. Conspicuous among other vertebrate remains are those of the Gigantic Swan, Cygnus Falconeri; another large swan; several other species of land and water birds, at least two species of fresh-water turtles, and a lizard." —Nature, vol. v. No. 119, Feb. 8, 1872, p. 280 ; a notice of Notes of a Naturalist in the Nile Valley and Malta, by Andrew Leith Adams, M.B. [Edinburgh, 1871.] ( 87 ) the rock have to fall over when undermined by the sea. I, there- fore, think it is not improbable that the beach existed at the time of the shipwreck. If so" &c. Therefore, this admission is, that the present state of tlie slioro aflfords no evidence that the vessel could have been stranded in safety where it is alleged to have been stranded. At page 241, Mr. Smith also says : In that branch of the harbour of Valetta works of art are not found more than six or eight feet below the present bottom of the sea ; " hut the dejJosit there must he much more rajnd than in any part of St. PauVs Bay." Therefore, it may be inferred the ancient features of the bay are unobliterated or little changed ; i. e. that what " must have been " did not exist in tlie time of St. Paul. If the bay is changed, any modern soundinps to identify it are unimportant ; as, indeed, they would be under any circumstances after the lapse of 1812 years. " When neither the sun nor the stars in many days appeared, and no small tempest lay on us, all hope that we should be saved was taken away." Then St. Paul addressed his companions, and, having exhorted them to be of good cheer, said, " Howbeit, we shall be cast on a certain — 'some' — [rtt-a] island" (v. 26). In the next verse nva is translated " some." — " When the dark morning of the fourteenth day was come, as they were driven up and down in [' through '] Adria, about midnight the shipmen deemed that they drew near to some [rti/a] country " [pirevoovv ol vavrai Trpoadyeiv nva avrol'^ ^j^^copai^.] It is not said, they then first saw or discovered land, but that it was " nearing them." If they were in the Adriatic, where even Ptolemy places Meleda, Alexandrian seamen must have known the coast to abound with islands. That on some one of the islands they might be wrecked was probable. They were approaching some country [regie]. Upoa-dyetv is to move towards, and it seemed " some country was nearing them." This being written by St. Luke, necessarily after the event, he selected the word %ft)/3a. Mr. Smith (p. 118) saw the difficulty suggested by the expression when he said, " The word X<^PC'^ evidently means land distinguished from the sea." But St. Luke wrote accurately. If the word means something more than vijaa, the argument that Malta was the scene of the ship- wreck is at an end, for there there is no mainland to be seen dis- G 2 ( 88 ) tinct from the island. Malta, if reached, would only be afier- ivards correctly described as an island, and the word %copa would not have been the expression so accurate a writer as St. Luke could be expected to have applied to it. He used this word after he knew tliey ha' I been wrecked on an island. Darkness had not pre- vailed all the time of the storm, for the words are, " in many days," that is, several of the fourteen days, neither sun nor stars appeared (v. 20), but when the fourteenth day had come they drew near to " some^' country [^ojpa]. When it was day they knew not the land [y^v] (v. 39). Then they fell " into a place where two seas met " (v. 41), and if it were Meleda they would have had the broad canal of Meleda on one side and the expanse of the Adriatic on the other. "When they escaped they — ' we ' — knew the island [v')jao<;, not %(w/5a] was called Melite" (xxviii. 1). At a distance — applying tlie words of the Dean of Chester used in reference to Salamis — " the view of the island might not have been disentangled from the coast." Meleda is a very woody island. The word TrpoadyeLv is expressive of the ship drifting on the swell and the current of the sea. It is not what St. Luke, when he wrote, knew to have been an island which was thought to be " nearing them," but that " some country " (regie) was "nearing them," which they once believed to have been only such. And the expression is consistent with their having seen, and being aware they were coming to, the coast of some country, but what region or what particular country " was nearing them " was unknown. The use of anchors would have been needed in consequence of the known force of the current and the swell, after a storm, in the Adriatic Sea. They chose their place of landing. At first (v. 29) " they were fearful lest they should fall into dangerous or rocky places " \_(j)ol3ovfxevol re fiTjirco Kara 'rpa')(el<; TOTTOf? iKjreacofiev]. As the vessel was deliberately stranded, it appears to be a fair inference that there were only the swell usual in this part of the sea after a storm, and the current [said to move ordinarily about a mile an hour] which moved the vessel towards laud. The seamen were accustomed to strand vessels, and when they wished to thrust this vessel into some creek, it is not to be inferred they designed to wreck it, or that, in the midst of or after a storm and at anchor, they abandoned their anchors and deliberately ( 89 ) drove the vessel among breakers, after having selected their ph\ce of hinding ! They observed a certain creek with a beach, into which they determined, if possible, to run the ship [^koKitov he TLva Karevoovv e'yovra alyiaXou, eiV ov i^ovKevovro, el BvvaLvro, e^ioaai to ttXoIov, v. 39]. These words especially show that the storm had abated, for, if it had not, they could not have ex- pected to have beached the ship in safety ; nor could they have expected, having the power to choose the place into which to have thrust the ship, that it would have so struck the shore as to have fallen to pieces. If the storm had not passed it would have been otherwise, and the anchors would not have been slipped. Tlie words " of the waves " [v. 41] are not in the Vatican version, but little or no importance is to be attached to this fact. ]\[ay we not, then, reasonably conjecture, in addition to what the narrative expressly states, that land had been seen when St. l^iul addressed his companions, for he first alludes to the harm and loss caused by leaving Crete, and then assures them that every man's life shall be safe — as if there were something before them suggesting this assurance — ending with the statement that they should be wrecked on some (not " a certain ") island [^70-09], and the word "some" implies one of several islands, which the word " certain " does not. On the fourteenth day they drew near to " some " country [%ft)pa]. If it is clearly established — and it seems to be beyond all doubt — that the expanse of the ]\Iediterranean Sea, according to the authority of all writers con- temporary with St. Luke, was not called " Adria," and that the term " Adria " meant what we now call the " Adriatic," the high land of the Illyrian coast must have been distinctly visible before and when the storm abated, and necessarily afterwards when they must have been approaching the island Meleda. The number of men who landed would have enabled them to command the island, and the events of the three months they wintered at Meleda (Melite Adriatica) would have been mono- tonous, though the Castor and Pollux also wintered there, and there would have been nothing to record. What would have been their position if they had been in or near the city of Malta (Melite Africana) ? Is it probable there would have been no occurrence to relate as having happened in three months ? At all events, the words, that " some country " was " nearing ( 90 ) them," represent " drifting " by a current. They do not repre- sent the ship to be then driven by the force of the storm towards the land. No current could have carried the vessel, coming from the east towards St. Paul's Bay at Malta, for no current there runs in this direction to the bay from the east. If this meaning of the words, " nearing them," is correct, this other conclusion is a necessary one, namely, that they were at Meleda, where only there could have been such a current as could have drifted them towards land. There is nothing in the Narrative opposed to this conclusion. On the contrary, the Narrative favours it. It is frequently assumed that they did not see the coast because no mention is made of the Dalmatian mountains ; but the very form and matter of the Narrative preclude our requiring any such notice. We are not authorised to conclude that the mountains were unseen ; on the contrary, as they were in Adria, they must have been seen.^ When St. Luke mentioned Cnidus, he was silent respecting the scenery of the lofty mountains of Cape Krio. At this time they were ev rm 'ASpia. > These are also the words of Ptolemy [ante, p. 56), when speaking of the Gulf only of the Adriatic, and the w^ords so used by Ptolemy are unconnected by the word " sea," or with the name of any border sea. If, also, they were in the Adriatic, %co/3a was a correct word to have used. — T. F.] MELEDA. [It has been denied that the vessel could have been driven to Meleda. The passage from Horace " ille Notts actus ad Oricum " (ante, p. 25), has already been cited. A similar case was that of Mr. Gait (ante, p. 28), who, leaving Malta in a polacca, intended to reach Spezzia, some 424 miles in a straight line east of p [Mr. G. Long, in his History of the Decline of the Eoman Empire, vol. iv. p. 4, gives a remarkable instance of the brevity of ancient writers. Cajsar mentions his journey from Geneva to Italy, and his return over the moun- tains with new troops and their arrival in the territory of the Segusiani, in eleven lines ! — Bell. Oall. i. 10. My admiration of Mr. Long's work can be best expressed in the words of a writer in the ' Saturday Eeview': — '■'■ Incor- rupta fides, nudaque Veritas, — indefatigable research, impartiality worthy of stoic of the strictest sort, and learning abundant and accurate." ( 91 ) Malta, anrl only 1° 21' north of Malta, wass driven to Avlona for refuge in the direction of the wind, in latitude 40° 27' N., being 353 geographical or about 400 English miles northward of Malta, and obtained shelter in Adria. Procopius'* (De Bello Gothico, lib. iii. 40) relates the following as the effect of a storm which occurred about the year a.d. 510, on a fleet sailing from the Adriatic or eastern side of the Mediterranean to Sicily : " Not long afterwards Artabanes was in Cephalonia, and when he heard that Liberius had left and had sailed to Sicily, he also left, and immediately crossed the sea [7r€Xayou. — Greek Epigram, ' Calend. Constantiui Magni, a.d. 325. — Petavii Uranologion, p. 112. Calendaria duo vetusta, quorum in Grutero reperiunda exemplaria. II I I02 ) weather,^ was likely to be introduced as the protectress of navi- gation. Lucian and others speak of the moon as having the power to raise or to compose tempests ^ at her pleasure. A writer in the Theological Rejiository ' has brought an argument in favour of the opinion that the island here in question was the island of Malta, " from," as it is expressed, " St. Paul's calling at Syracuse, in his way to Ehegium, which is, he says, so far out of the track, that no example can be produced in the history of navigation of any ship going so far out of her course, except it was driven by a violent tempest." This argument tends principally to show that the author had a very incorrect idea of the relative situation of the places to which he refers. The ship which carried St. Paul from the Adriatic Sea to Rhegium, would not deviate from its course more than half a day's sail by touching at Syracuse ; and the delay so occasioned would probably be but a few hours more than it would have been had tliey proceeded to Syracuse in their way to the Straits of JMessina from Malta, as the map will show. Besides, the master of the ship might have, and probably had, some business at Syracuse, which had originated at Alexandria, from which place it must have been originally intended the ship should commence her voyage to Puteoli, or it needed supplies after its detention during the winter ; and in this course tlie calling at Syracuse would have been the smallest deviation possible. The difference, then, on which this writer places so much dependence, is too insignificant to merit further notice. Again, supposing the ship to have come from Malta, it must have been on account of some business, probably commercial, that they touched at Syracuse in their way to Puteoli, as Malta is scarcely more than one day and night's sail from Syracuse ; ^ whereas there might be some reasons respecting the prosecution of the voyage had the ship come from Meleda, which is more than five times that distance,' and probably a more uncertain navigation. ■ See Long's Astronomy on the Metonic Cycle, vol. ii. sec. 1333. '' JaLlonski, Pantheon ^gyptiacum, lib. iii. cap. i. sec. 6. ' Theological Repository, vol. iv. " Malta is seventy-eight nautical miles, or ninety English miles, from Syracuse. ' Meleda is distant from Syracuse 350 nautical miles, or 403 English, in a ( 103 ) After three days' stay at Syracuse, they sailed for the Straits vor. 13. of IMessina, " and i'rom thence we fetclied a compass and came Vor. is. to Rhegiura," ™ and after, as it should seem, one day's stay at llhegiuni,tlie south wind blew and brought them on tlie ensuing day to Putcoli. This must bo understood as a voyage of two days' sail, as the distance is near 1900 stadia, or more than the extent of tln-ee degrees of latitude, which, with a fair wind, as it seems they had, might bo performed in two days and a niglit. Thucydides," speaking of the usual computation of sailing, says that a ship will pass from Nai)les to Sicily in two days and a night. Now, Naples is close upon Puteoli, and Rhegium lies on the strait that divides Sicily from Italy. A fair wind, as in the present instance, might accelerate the voyage a little above the usual calculation. [On the sailing of ancient ships, Mr. Smith (p. 209) has an important note, viz., " Pliny tells us that the prefects Galerius and Babilius made quick passages from the Straits of Messina to Alexandria; the former arrived on the seventh and the latter on the sixth day. That in the following summer Valerius IMarianus made this passage from Puteoli on the ninth day * lenissimo flatu.' Pliny also mentions passages from the Straits of Hercules to Ostia in seven days ; from the nearest port in Spain in four ; from the province of Narbonne in three ; and from 2\frica in two {Plinii Nat. Hist. lib. xix. Prooem. ed. Lug. Bat. 16G8, p. 527)." Mr. Smith further added, " Upon these passages Admiral Beechy offers the following remarks : ' It does not appear that there is any mistake in the numbers here men- tioned by Pliny; for the instances are all of them. consistent with each other, one being below 140 M.P. per day, and another 143 M.P. ; two examples afford 160; two 175 and 185. The lowest of these rates of sailing may be reckoned at between six straight line ; and if we consider that the course from Meleda requires a largo circuit, and that from Llalta very little, it will make the difference of distance more than SCO English miles than the distance of Malta. But, for the purpose of comparison, it may be noted that the distance from Malta to Avlona is 358 miles. " [There is an excellent drawing of Rhegium (Reggio) in Mr. Leai"'s Southern CrtZr<6ri«, 1852.— T. F.] " Thucydid. lib, vii. c. 50. H 2 ( 104 ) and seven IM.P. per hour, and the highest at eight — giving a mean of seven M.P. per hour, \vhich would be reckoned a good one for ships of the present day.' (Appendix to Travels in Africa, p. 38.)" The distance, it is added, from Ehegium to Pateoli is about 172 miles, and that if the ship, " Castor and Pollux," sailed seven miles an hour, the space was sailed over in twenty-five hours. Scylax (about B.C. 350) estimated the distance from Sardinia to Libya or Africa to be one day and one night's sail. (" A Sardinia vero in Libyam diei noctisque est navigatio." — Scylacis Feriplus, cura J. F. Gail. Parisiis, 1826, vol. i. p. 239.) Ptolemy mentions 1000 stadia, or 114 English miles, as the distance a ship will sail in a day and a night. Dr. W. Falconer, in his Discourse on the Distance ivhicli Ships of Antiquity usually sailed in twenty-four hours, [translation of Arrians Voyage round the Euxine Sea. Oxford : 4to, 1805, p. 133,] came to the conclusion, in opposition to Major Rennel, who considered thirty-seven miles to be the average, that Ptolemy was correct in putting 1000 stadia, or 114 miles, as the average distance a ship of antiquity sailed in a day. The ship of Adramyttium, which was to sail by the coasts of Asia, after leaving Caesarea, touched the next day at Sidon, and the distance between these two places is sixty-seven geographical or seventy-seven English miles. We know, how- ever, the capacity of the " Castor and Pollux " to sail, and if it did sail seven miles an hour, it would have sailed eighty-four miles in twelve hours. On leaving Ehegium " after one day [that] the south wind blew, they came the next day [the second] to Puteoli," having sailed a hundred and seventy-two miles. In what time, then, could this ship have sailed from St. Elmo to Syracuse ? An answer to this question will solve the other question, namely, can it be inferred the vessel wintered three months at Malta ? What is the distance ? Lat. N. Mer. P. Long. E. Syracuse 37 3 .. 2396 .. 15 16 St. Elmo, Malta.. .. 35 54 .. 2311 .. 14 31 1° 9' = 69' 85 0° 45' Diff. Long. 45' log. .. 1-653213 Course, 27° 54' sec, 10-053663 M.P. 85' log 1-929419 Lat. diff. 69' log. .. 1-838849 Tan. 27° 54' .. .. 9'723794 78 miles .. .. 1-892512 ( 105 ) These 78 miles geographical or nearly 90 English miles [Becher's Tables, No. 22], was the distance which it is indispntablo this particular ship could have sailed and may have sailed in thirteen hours. Can it be believed it was delayed with a perishable cargo in sailing to Syracuse during throe months, if it were at JMalta ? The month of December at IMalta is said to be a known month of fine weather [see Meteorological Returns]. Any long delay there could not have been involuntary. It is also not to be disregarded that the Queen Amelia Adelaide left England in October, 1838, for Malta, and remained in the island until May, 1839. It is not an island where an enforced residence for three months, on account of bad weather or the apprehension of storms during the wiuter months was probable in the instance of a vessel bmind to Puteoli. The stormy character of a wiuter in the Adriatic might most certainly have detained the ship " Castor and Pollux " at Melcda. At Malta it certainly could not have wintered in what is called '' St. Paul's Bay ;" nor does there appear to have been any necessity for much delay in pro- ceeding to Sicily if they had reached Malta." — T. F.] There was a considerable trade between Alexandria and Puteoli for other articles besides corn. " Forte Puteolanum sinum prsetervehenti, vectores nautfequo de navi Alexandrina, quae tantum quod adpulerat, candidati, coronatique, et thura libautes, fausta omina et eximias laudes congesserant : 'Per ilium sevivere: per ilium navigare: lihertate atque fortunis ]}er ilium frui.' Qua re admodum exhilaratus, quadragenos aureos comitibus di visit : j usque jurandum, et " " At Malta, which is near two hundred miles distant, [Malta to Etna is 110 miles. — T. F.,] they perceive all the eruptions of Etna from the second retijiou, and that island is often discovered from one-half of the elevation (10,874 feet) of the mountain." — Travels in Sicily and Malta, by Brydone. Catania, May 29, 1770. " I am surprised to find that Mount Etna, though at a distance of about one Imndi'ed and ten miles, is distinctly visible from the island in clear weather. I have seen it twice from the roof of our hotel. It appeared like a white cloud on the horizon, but with a perfectly clear and distinct outline, and, with a tele- scope, I could distinguish the black crater and dark shadows of the sides of the mountain." — Letter's from MdUa and Sicily, by George "Waring, p. 104, London, 1843. [This author says he has " not seen the observations of Dr. Falconer, but believes they are little more than a repetition of the arguments of Bryant"!!] ( io6 ) cautionem exegit a singulis, non alio datam summam, quam in emptiouem Alexandrinarum mercium, absumpturos," — 8ueton. Csesar Odavius Augustus, ch, 98, ed. Lug. Bat. 1751, p. 334. Puteoli was the port at which the corn ships from Egypt (Alex- andria) usually touched and landed their cargoes. [Various authors, says Bryant, speak of Alexandrian ships, particularly : — Cicero. Pro C. Rabirio Postumo Orat. ch. 14, " ductae naves Postumi Puteolis sunt : auditfe, visa3que merces fallaces quidem et fucosae chartis et linteis et vitro dilatse: quibus quum multse naves refertsB fuissent, una non patuit parva atque arta." Suetonius. In Nerone, ch. 20, " captus autem modulatis Alexandrinorum laudationibus qui de novo commeatu Neapolim confluxerant." Nero died a.d. 69. Seneca. Epist. Mor. lib. x. epist. 1 [77]. " Subito hodie nobis Alexandrine naves adparuerunt quae prsemitti solent et nunciare secutura? classis adventum, Tabellarias vocant. Gratus illarum Canipanice adspectus est : omnis in pilis Puteolorum turba consistit et ex ipso genere velorum, Alexandrinas, quamvis in magna turba navium intellegit. Solis enim licet supparum intendere, quod in alto omnes habent naves. Nulla enim res 8eque adjuvat cursum quam summa pars veli: illinc maxime navis urgetur. Itaque quoties ventus increbuit majorque est quam expedit, antenna submittitur: minus habet virium flatus humili cum intra vere Capreas et promontorium, ex quo ' alta procelloso speculator vcrtice Pallas ' ceterae velo jubentur esse contentae : supparum Alexandrina- rum insigne (indicium) est." Strabo, who was himself in Egypt [lib. ii. ch. 5, sec. 12, and lib. xvii. ch. 1, sec. 13], mentions the trade of Alexandrian merchants in his day to India, and the wealth derived from the general commerce of the city of Alexandria. The trade carried on was immense. The chief commodity was corn, which was exported annually to Italy to a great amount. This freight was of such consequence that laws were enacted, under different emperors [later than the Voyage], for its regulation and despatch. Mariners, particularly, were under great restrictions, being obliged to use their utmost diligence, and were liable to capital punishment if they unnecessarily went ( I07 ) out of their course [Cod. lib. ii. tit. 4, " Quis fiscales," &:c.]. The magistrates and commissaries on slioro suffered total confiscation of their estates if tliey were convicted of mismanagement [Cod. lib. xi. tit. 1]. And "Judices qui in portibus dicecesios suae onusta navigia cum prosperior flatus invitat suh proetextu hjemis immorari })ermiserint una cum municipibus et corporatis ejusdem loci fortuuarum propriarum feriantur dispendiis. Naucleri prge- terea poenam deportationis excipiant si aliquid fraudis eos admisisse fuerit revelatum." In short, no delay was allowed. Imperial Eome, the mistress of nations and the pride of the universe, was often in want of bread ! No city suffered at times greater scarcity ; nor was there any gratuity to the people more acceptable than a donation of corn. Augustus, when he reduced Egypt to be a province, opened the canals of the Nile which had been obstructed and spoiled, and exacted, by way of tribute, a certain quantity of wheat to be annually sent to Italy. The amount of this impost was incredibly great. If we may credit Aurelius Victor [Epitome de Vita et Morihus Imp!\, who lived a.d. 373, it was t\\enty millions of Roman modii, A\hich, in our mea- sure, is above one hundred and sixty thousand tons — an amazing quantity. This was originally brought over in ships of great burden. At the same time there were imported drugs, spices, silks, tapestry, glass, and, in short, all the produce and mer- chandise of the East. Ships generally set out together, forming a large fleet, called Commeatus AJexandrinus, and were consigned to Puteoli as a harbour, drawing too much water for the river Tiber. Before them went some light vessels, called " Prsecur- sores et TaheUarix" to give notice of their approach. They were Avelcome on account of their freight, and had the privilege of entering the harbour with their supparum, or topsail, displayed — an honour allowed to no other ships. Puetoli was in those days the great emporium of Italy. Its mole is represented to have been a wonderful structure, the foundation being formed of a particular cement which hardened in the water. It was of great circumference, and. a large navy could ride securely within its barrier. There was a Pharos, or lighthouse, near Puteoli, in respect of which Alexandrian vessels paid toll in common with other vessels. It is alluded to by Statins : " Teleboumque domos, trepidis ubi dulcia nautis Lumina uoctivagos tollit Pharos jcmula luua)." — Bryant.'] ( 108 ) [The Narrative of the Shipwreck claims the most unbiassed and indifferent consideration of its related facts simply. It almost forbids any effort to express any particular conclusion which does not involuntarily present itself to the mind from legitimate sources of reflection and from illustrations which are so free from dispute as to be undeniable. — T. F.] Latitude N. Longitude E. LiSSA o 43 3 o 16 10 MELEDA 42 47 17 8 Gulf of Dein 41 37 19 28 Dteeachium 41 18 19 26 Beindisi 40 39 17 58 AVLONA 40 27 19 26 Sasseno Island 40 29 19 14 COECYEA 39 37 19 55 Adeamyttium 30 35 27 2 Cephalonia 38 28 20 33 Napoli di KosiA 37 33 22 48 Spezzia 37 15 23 8 SYEACUSE 37 3 15 16 Cerigo 36 23 22 57 Passaeo (Sicily) 36 41 15 19 MALTA, KouRA Peom 35 56 14 25 Ditto, St. Elmo 35 54 14 31 Candia 35 21 25 8 C. Crio 35 13 23 34 CLAUDA Island 34 47 24 7 Kalos Limnxones 34 55 24 49 Clauda to Malta, 477 miles. St. Elmo to Avlona, 358 miles. Malta to Syracuse, 98 [English] miles. Malta to. Etna M. (Admiral Smyth) 110 [English] miles. Avlona to Meleda, 151 miles. Avlona to Syracuse, 283 miles. Meleda to Syracuse, sailing six miles an hour, would be less lliuu four days' sail, giving a large margin of time for deviation. 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» a S^ a " i a "^ a ^ bIjO ^ 'Sao 03 -^ rj -ja :g « 3 ^ ° Cl. '3 *i HH _ 3 O) 73 « -^ ^-^ CO "' S-^' <^ a a o o o , n 2 m -^ g a &-2 g m ^ V Ol "g I'd' _2 73 «u § a o -a *- .^ 'a-a b .a o a> "^ ^ a ,a o ^ a , eg ::s f^ -^ ♦^ ^ a c) ^ 73 « .a >- ^ 03 CO 1> OJ _-' • m s s- a i 1=^03 a-^ I o c« <" a a J2 a « cS P O (S a -^ ^ a CO tn CS o ' 73 73 ~ Oi CD S t. S ^ C3 -!-• , ^.S 5 . 73 is "tS a. s -a S'S -- O; in qJ' CD ^ at: cc A , .i3 ^a •« -a .2 c s 5 r2 "^ 3 t^ 00 ^1 ~; 73 '^ =« c3 r^ p: ft S -s.S "^73- O c3 o S2 ^ ' S s: ? ^ O) C5 CO ; _S 73 ^ ~: 03 f-; '■ i' >"• 1^ > 0) o is OS ^ oT 5 &i .£ .5 o>i ( 115 ) S5. a " s c -t: o c B-« S 2 *^ ' -^ ,* J3 ) o 5 _H ?, <" 2 « S -S c-^-i r* « o c t^ o ^ gcu B -3 o is a CI O" I — I o -ij > O -^ P-H ,irf ^ g * (S gj-^ -2 _fl I ;^ " U iS M 3 _ *^ _ _^ ^- ^ -^ J^ g ^ f3 JO o -^ "^S "U "* o C CI C o o s cs y •* M o if li a5 u g .£3 s .2 'So o 1 £ g o rC 3 Oh P c ba „, VI p "3 Q — -^ S ^ o »r — CJ ^ o c ^ , "^"^ o '*~' ^ e: c3 fe «- . t3 a ^i^ ^ -^ 0-5 «s "^ cfi s fri -S -^s « ■H- S2 * S 5.1 o •— u "o &•« C b cs -»- =t- B ? <: ^ o t< =<-l si f^S r~ -M S B ■+; :s t: ?:-z( s^-^ e ¥ ^ -§ ^ -3 ■=- S-< 6 M^ ^ c3 P 3 es & . « o."^ S a> OS o "2 I ( ii6 ) MALTA. Latitude 35° 53' 54" N. Longitude 14° 30' 30" E. NOVEMBBB. 1864. 6 A.M. 1869. 9 A.M. 1869. Wind. Miles. Anemometee. 1869. 1 w. E. 82 G3 Fine; cloudy 2 S.E. N.E. 67 85 Gloomy 3 S.B. E. 237 23 Fine 4 S.E. W. 42 24 Fine 5 S.E. N.W. 157 22 Fine 6 S.E. N.W. 113 70 Fine 7 s.w. W. 23 62 Fine 8 E.S.E. W. 36 91 Fine 9 N.W. N.E. 10 86 Fine 10 W. N.E. 55 71 Fine 11 S.W. N.W. 51 94 Fine 12 s. N.W. 88 47 Fine 13 S.E. N.E. 255 84 Fine 14 N.W, N.E. 214 27 Fine 15 S. N.W. 46 89 Fine 16 S.W. N.W. 66 71 Fine 17 N.W. N.W. 37 41 Fine 18 N.W. N.E. 143 23 Fine 19 N.W. E. 296 81 Showery 20 N.W. E. 200 87 Showery 21 W. N.W. 35 10 Fine 22 W.N.W. S.W. 65 49 Showery 23 N.W. N.W. 102 87 Fine 24 W. S.E. 58 25 Fine 25 s. S.W. 200 78 Fine 26 s. N.W. 66 69 Fine 27 w. N.W. 61 89 Fine • 28 N.W. N.W. 67 79 Fine 29 N.N.W. ] N.W. 121 83 Fine 30 W.N.W. N.W. 170 35 Fine J i ( 117 ) MALT A — continued. Dbcbmbeb. 1861. 6 A.M. 1869. 9 a.m. 1869. Wind. MiLfa Anemometeb. 1869. 1 N.N.E. S.W. 58 66 Fine 2 W. S.E. 187 06 Fine 3 W. N.W. 139 73 Fine 4 N.E. S.W. 41 55 Fine 5 E. E. 133 38 Fine 6 E.N.E. E. 213 70 Fine 7 S.W. E. 142 28 Fine 8 S.W. S.E. 84 40 Fine 9 W.N.W. E. 39 67 Fine 10 W.N.W. S.E. 56 45 Eainy 11 S.E. N.W. 32 57 Fine 12 S.E. S.E. 72 46 Rainy 13 S. N.W. 147 28 Fine 14 s. N.W. 42 08 Fine 15 s. N.E. 57 10 Fine 16 w.s.w. N.E. 131 73 Fine 17 w. N. 78 IG Fine 18 S.W. N.W. 94 15 Fine 19 S.S.W. N.W. 111 83 Fine 20 N.N.W. W. 79 50 Fine 21 N.W. N.W. 55 25 Fine 22 S.W. S.W. 109 10 Fine 23 S.W. S.W. 82 94 Fine 24 w. S.E.' 70 51 Fine 25 S.E. S.E. 224 37 Flue 26 S.E. S.E. 19 56 Fine 27 S.E. S.W, 140 19 Fine 28 S.W. S.W. 156 01 Fine 29 S.W. N. 60 86 Fine 30 N. N.E. 115 21 Fine 31 w. N.W. 119 99 Fine I am indebted to the Committee of the Meteorological OfiSce, and to the courteous assistance of Robert H. Scott, Esq. (Director), for the above Tables of Winds.— T. F. LONDON : PRIKTED BT WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, DUKE STREET, STAMFORD STBEET, AKD CHARING CBOSS. THE FOLLOWING WORKS WERE PUBLISHED BT WILLIAM FALCONER, M.D., F.R.S. 1. Dissortatio Medica Inauguralis, " De Nepbritide Vera." 8vo. Ediuburgh. 17()G. 2. An Essay on the Batb Waters. In four parts, containing a Prefatory Intro- ductiuu on the Study of Mineral Waters in general. " Neque vero inficiautur cxixirimcnta quoque esse ueccssaria : ne ad ha^c quidem aditum fieri jMjtuisse nisi ab aliqua ratione, contendunt." — C'elsus. Loudon. Printed for T. Lowndes, Fleet Street. 1770. 3. Observations ou Dr. Cadogan's Dissertation on the Gout and all Chronic Diseases. 8vo, pp. 115. London. 1772. 4. An Essay on the Bath Waters. In four parts, containing a Preparatory Introduction on the Study of Mineral Waters in General : — I. An account of their possible impregnations. II. The most approved means to be used for the discovery of their contents. • III. Experiments on the Bath Waters, with an application of the foregoing rules to the discovery of their contents. IV. On the eflects of the Bath AVaters on the human body, and the propriety of their use in Medicine, with an application of the experiments to Medicine and Pharmacy. 8vo. Loudon. 1772. [Second Edition of No. 2.] 5. An Essay on the Bath Waters : on their External Use. In two parts, — I. On Wanu Bathing in General. II. On the External Use of the Bath Waters. Svo. N.D., qy. Bath. 1774. 6. Observations and Experiments on the Poison of Copper. " Neque interesse an initio pleraque explorata sint, siaconsilio tamen coeperunt." — Celsus. 12mo, pp. 11(3. London. 1774. 7. An Essay on the Water commonly used in Diet at Bath. " Oportet autem neque recentiores viros in his fraudare qu;v! vel repercrunt, vel recte sccuti sunt, et tamen ea qua? apud antiquiores aliquos positi sunt, authoribus suis reddere." — Cclsits. 12mo. Pp. 180. London. 1776. [Dedicated to Dr. Fothergill, at whose desire the work was undertaken It contains an analysis of the various cold-water springs round Bath.] 8. Experiments and Observations. In three jmrts — I. On the dissolvent power of water impregnated with fixible air, compared with simple water, relatively to medicinal sub- stances. II. On the dissolvent power of water impregnated with fixible air, on the Urinary Calculus. III. On the antiseptic power of water impregnated with fixible air, and a comjiarison of several antiseptic substances with one another relative to this quality. Firat EdUioit. London. 1776. ( I20 ) 9. Observations on some of the Articles of Diet and Eegimen usually recom- mended to Valetudinarians. 12mo, London. 1778. 10. Remarks on the Influence of Climate, Situation, Nature of Country, Population, Nature of Food, and Way of Life, on the Disposition and Temper, Manners and Behaviour, Intellect, Laws, and Customs, Form of Government and Religion of Mankind. 4to, pp. 552. 1781. [Translated and published in German.] 11. Remarks on the Knowledge of the Ancients on the Freezing of Water that has been boiled. 1782. — Ti'ansactions of the Manchester Literary and Fhiloso2)Mcal Society, Vol. I. p. 261. 12. An Inquiry concerning the influence of the Scenery of a Country. — Transactions of the Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society. Vol. L p. 271. 13. Thoughts on the Style and Taste of Gardening among the Ancients. — Transactions of the Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society, Vol. I. p. 297. [This Essay was enlarged and published in a separate form.] 14. An Account of the late Epidemic Catarrhal Fever, commonly called the Influenza, as it appeared at Bath in the months of May and June, 178'2. 8vo. London. 1782. 15. On the knowledge of the Ancients respecting Glass. 1783. Transactions of the Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society, Vol. II. p. 95. i 16. A Medical Commentary onT Fixed Air. By Matthew Dobson, M.D., F.R.S. With an Appendix, by William Falconer, M.D., F.R.S. 8vo. London. 1785, 17. Observations on the Knowledge of the Ancients respecting Electricity. — Transactions of the Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society, Vol. III. p. 278. 18. Observations on the Palsy. 1798. — Memoirs of the Medical Society of London, Vol. II. 19. On the Efficacy of the Application of Cold Water to the Extremities in a Case of obstinate Constipation of the Bowels ; with Remarks thereon. 1789. — Memoirs of the Medical Society of London, Vol. II. p. 73. 20. A Dissertation on the Influence of the Passions on the Disorders of the Body. London. 1788. [To this Essay was adjudged the first Fothergillian Gold Medal. Several Editions were published. Third Edition, 1796.] 21. Letter respecting the Article in the Transactions of the Manchester Society, on the knowledge of Electricity among the Ancients. 1791. — Monthly Review, p. 359. 22. Essay on the Preservation of the Health of Persons employed in Agri- culture, and on the Cure of the Diseases incident to that way of Life. 8vo, pp. 88. Bath. 1789. [This work was first printed in the fourth volume of the " Letters and Papers of the Bath and West of England Agricultural Society."] 23. A brief Account of the newly-discovered Water at Middle Hill, near Box, in Wiltshire. 8vo. 1789. 24. Sketch of the History of Sugar in Early Times, and through the Middle Ages. — -Transactions of the Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society, Vol. IV. p. 291. ( 121 ) 25. A Practical Dissertation on tlie Medicinal Effects of the Bath Waters. 8vo, i>p. 188. Batli. 1700. 77; myZ /iV/i7/ow, with considerable additions respecting the Use of tlie Waters in Hip Cases. Bath. 1807. 26. Examination of two Parcels of Enfjlish Phubarb, with experiments of its comparative effects with the Foreign lliiubarb. By William Falconeu, M.D., F.U.S., and C. II. Parry, M.U. — Letters and Pumpers of the Bath and West of England Agricidtural Society, Vol. III. 27. Results of Experiments to ascertain the Advantage of cultivating Rhubarb. Letters and Papers of tlie Bath and West of England Agricultural Societtj, Vol. I. p. 220. 28. An Account of the Efficacy of the Aqua Mephitica Alkalina. Fourth Edition. Pp. 208, ante No. 15. London, 1792. Fifth Edition. 1798. [Translated into Italian, and published at Venice in 1790.] 29. lufluenzai Descriptio, Auctore Guliclmo Falconer, M.D., F.R.S. et C.M.S. uti nuper com]iarebat in urbe Bathonise Mense Julio, Augusto, Sep- tembre, a.d, 1788. — Memoirs of the Medical Society of London, Vol. III. p. 25. 1792. 30. On the Lepra Grjecorum. — Memoirs of the Medical Society of London, Vol. III. p. 368. 1792. 31. Case of a Man who took by mistake Two Ounces of Nitre instead of Glauber's Salts. — Memoirs of the Medical Society of London, Vol. III. p. 539. 1792. See Beck on Medical Jurisprudence. 32. Miscellaneous Tracts and Observations relating to Natural History, selected from the principal Writers of Antiquity. 4to. Cambridge. 1793. [" I have lately been instrumental in procuring from the Cambridge Press the publication of a work which chiefly turns upon Botanical subjects, and was drawn up by my friend Dr. Falconer, a man whose knowledge is various and pro- found, and whose discrimination upon all topics of literature are ready, vigorous, and comprehensive." — " I often console myself with reflecting on the sounder opinions of Sir Thomas Browne, Sydenham, Boerhaave, and Hartley, in the days that are past, and, of our own times, posterity will remember that they were adorned by the virtues as well as the talents of a Gregory, a Heberden, a Falconer, and a Percival." — Dr. Parr's Reinarkson the Statememt of Dr. Combe, pp. 71-83. "The learned and truly pious Dr. Falconer and his excellent 6on," — Will of the Rev. Dr. Parr.'] 33. An Account of the Use, Application, and Success of the Bath Waters in Rheumatic Cases. 8vo, pp. 72. Loudon. 1795. 34. Observations respecting the Pulse, intended to point out with greater certainty the indications which it signifies, especially in Feverish Complaints. "Nisi pulsus cujusvis hominis antoa iunotuerit; ex sola ejus freqi;entia febris certo discerni nequit." — Burserii Inst, Med. Pract., Vol. I. p. 9. London. 1799. [See Guy's Hospital Reports — Memoir on the Pulse. Dr. Bostock, in the ' Cyclopaedia of Practical Medicine,' Article " Pulse," p. 656, referring to Dr. Falconer and Dr. Heberden, says, " They may justly be regarded as among the most enlightened and candid physicians of modern times."] 35. An Essay on the Plague. 8vo, pp. 72. London. 1801. 36. Letter on the Portland Powder.— iUo/i^/i^^ Magazine, Aprii, 1801. ( 122 ) 37. An Examination of Dr. Heberden's Observations on the Increase and Decrease of diflferent Diseases, and particularly the Plague. 8vo. Bath. 1802. 38. An Account of the Epidemical Catarrhal Fever, commonly called the Influenza, as it appeared at Bath in the winter and spring of the year 1803. Pp.46. Bath. 1803. [Reprinted in the ' Annals of Influenza,' p. 253 ; published by the Sydenham Society, London, 1852.] 39. On the Latin and Greek Names of Plants. A. Hunter's ' Georgical Essays.' Vol. V. 1803. 40. A Remonstrance, addressed to the Rev. Richard Warner, on the subject of his Fast Sermon. May 27, 1804. 8vo, pp. 52. Bath. 1804._ " Justum est bellum, quibus necessarium et pia arma, quibus nulla, nisi in armis, relinquitur siies." — Livii lib. ix., Oratio C. Pontii. 41. A Dissertation on the Ischias, or, the Diseases of the Hip-Joint, commonly called a Hii)-Case ; and on the Use of the Bath Waters as a remedy in this complaint. 8vo, pp. 55. London. 1805. 'H 8e vova-os xo^eTr^ \lr]v eVrt Koi xpoviTj. — Hippocrates. [To this Essay the Medical Society of London adjudged its Silver Medal.— Memoirs of the Medical Society of London, Vol. VI. p. 174.] 42. Sketch of the similarity of Ancient and Modern Opinions and Practice respecting the Morbus Cardiacus. — Medical Memoirs, Vol. ^VI. p. 1. 1805. 43. Arriau's Voyage round the Euxine Sea, translated and accompanied with a Geographical Dissertation and Maps. To which are added three Discourses : I. On the Trade to the East Indies by means of the Euxine Sea. II. On the Distance which the Ships of Antiquity usually sailed in Twenty-four Hours. III. On the Measure of the Olympic Stadium. By William Falconer, M.D., F.Ia.S., and the Rev. Thomas Falconer, M.A., formerly Fellow of Corpus Christi College. 4to, pp. 213. Oxford. 1805. 44. Dissertation on the Elysian Fields of Antiquity. — Athenmum (a Monthly . Review), Vol. L pp. 36, 148, 261. 1807. 45. Observations on the Words which the Centurion uttered at the Crucifixion of Our Lord. By a Layman. 8vo, pp. 29. Oxford. 1808. Otdofiev oTi dXrjdijs avTov f) fiaprvpia eariv. — Evang, S. Johan. xxi. 24. 46. Vindication of the translation of Arrian's Periplus of the Euxine Sea. — Classical Journal, Vol. XV. pp. 317. 1817. 47. Dissertation on St. Paul's Voyage from Cajsarea to Puteoli, on the Wind Euroclydon, and on the Apostle's Shipwreck on the Island of Melite. By a Layman. 8vo, pp. 24. Oxford. 1817. [William Falconer, M.D., F.R.S., the Author of the above works, was a son of ■William Falconer, Esq. (born 20th March, 1699), of the Inner Temple, Recorder of Chester, who married his second cousin, Elizabeth, sister of Randle Wilbraham, Esq., M.P., of Rode Hall, Cheshire (the grandfather of the first Lord Skelmersdale), a very eminent lawyer, D.C.L. (b}' diploma), and Deputy-Steward and Counsel of the University of Oxford. — Dr. F. was lorn at Chester, loth Febiuary, 1744. He settled at Bath, January, 1770, and was elected physician of the Bath General ( 123 ) Hospital, 12th May, 1784, which office he resigned, 10th Fehruary, 1819. lie died 31st August, 182+, and was buried at Weston, near Bath. His brotlicr, Thomas Falconer, Es(i., of Chester, wrote the additional Latin annotations of the edition of tlie Gcoijntphiii Stnihonis, 2 vols., folio, Cxford, 1807; and his only son, the Kev. Thomas Falconer, Fellow of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, edited the work.] The following work was addressed to Dr. Falconer by that able and accom- plished scholar, the Rev. Charles Dunster, the Author of an Edition of ' Paradise Lost,' &c. &c. " Considerations on Milton's early reading and the prima stamina of his ' Paradise Lost,' together with extracts from a Poet of the Sixteenth Century (Joshua Sylvester), in a letter to William Falconer, M.D., from Charles Dunster, M.A. 8vo. London, 1800." The Rev. Mr. Dunster was the writer of the following lines : " Durdham, while on thy breezy down I stray At early morn and with delight inhale The cheering fragrance of the genial gale ; How sweet to scent thy od'rous hawthorns gay, Rob'd in the brightest bloom of vernal May, Or view in yonder deep indented vale. Mid hanging rocks and woods with whitening sail, The tall bark frequent winds its way. " O then to thee this artless strain I pour. Grateful that still in numbers rude to speak, Thy praise is mine, who pent in crowded town Late pined the victim of disease and pain. Till Falconer's friendship bid me haste to seek Health — loveliest Oread — on thy breezy down." Half-past 7 a.m., lOth May, 1801, Letter from Edmund Burke, M.P., to William Falconer, M.D. " Sir, " I am extremely thankful to you for letting me know to whom it is that we have been obliged for the temperate, judicious, and reasonable paper which appeared in the Bath prints some time since, and which was inclosed to me in a cover without any name. I am happy in your thinking my little endeavour in any sort worthy of co-operating towards the good purposes which your able paper was so well calculated to promote. It was very early my opinion, that even if the things which have been done in France were better done than they are, that the principles upon which the new legislators act are, in themselves, very pernicious, and cannot be adopted in any country without bringing it to shame and ruin. I am proud in finding you in the same opinion. I am perfectly sensible of my obligation to you for the pains you have taken in the various extracts which you have made for the support of our common principles, and for my instruction as well as satisfaction. It is always of great moment to every man, who in affairs of consequence is obliged to dissent with several of his contemporaries, to show that in differing from them he agrees with other persons not less respectable. The gentlemen of your faculty have long been distinguished for joining liberal erudition to professional skill. I do not know any profession which may not be aided by it as well as adorned. Your remarks show that you have gone further, and have joined to that liberal literature such a knowledge of our laws and constitution as make you valuable as a useful citizen as well as a man of letters and of medical knowledge. I see that the managers of the Revolution Society, though they broke up in the most complete distraction and mutual ill-humour, have thought proper to publish such an account, as if their madness had been quite methodical, and that they had pur- sued their plans of anarchy in the very best possible order. There is a vein of fraud which runs through all their proceedings. " If your business should ever pei-mit you to visit London, I shall be very happy if you will add to the favour of your present communication, that of per- ( 124 ) mitting me to cultivate a personal acquaintance with a gentleman to whom I am so highly obliged, and for whose learning and abilities, as well as for the use he makes of them, I have so sincere a respect. " I have the honour to be, with the greatest possible attention and regard, Sir, your most obedient and faithful humble servant, " EoM. Burke. " November 14, 1790. " I beg leave to pray your acceptance of a new edition of my Pamphlet, in which you will find some particulars a little better methodised, and more clearly explained in the way of stating some facts and sentiments. " To William Falconer, Esq., M.D."'] LONDON : PKINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, STAMFORD STREET, AND CHARINO CROSS. BS2659 .F18 Dissertation on St. Paul's voyage from Princeton Theological Semmary-Speer Library 1 1012 00065 1382 DATE DUE J -^-"""^ If /"' 4i-*^' !•" Aiiir,?.9 2[ 03 Printed In USA HIGHSMITH #45230