^.2.?/o5*. Srom t^e £,i6rar|? of (professor ^amuef (Qtiffer in (gtemori? of 3itbgc ^amuef (QtifPer QSrecfttnribge ^resenfeb 61? ^amuef (Qttffer QBrecftinrtbge feong to f^e £,i6rari? of (prtnceton S^eofogtcaf ^eminarj Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2011 with funding from Princeton Theological Seminary Library http://www.archive.org/details/historyofchurcho02cook THE HISTORY or THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. //Ly^ fUS. »/^^^>:- THE HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, FROM THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE REFORINIATION TO THE REVOLUTION : ILLUSTRATING A MOST INTERESTING PERIOD OF THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF BRITAIN. GEORGE COOK, D. D. MINISTER OF LAURENCEKIRK. -, Sed in loTigum tamen ciled to the Church... New innovations proposed...A General Assembly...Its Acts communicated to the King... He resolves to visit Scotland... He arrives in that Kingdom...A Parliament...The Ministers protest a- gainst an intended law. ..Severity shewn to the protest- ers...The King consents to an Assembly.. .He leaves Scotland. ..An Assembly at St Andrews... King's indig- nation at its proceedings... Assembly at Perth. ..Articles sanctioned by it...Remarks occasioned by it.. .Its Deci- sions opposed by the zealous Ministers... Activity of the Court of Commission. ..The Bishops do not gain the esteem of the People...Treaty with Spain concerning the Marriage of the Prince...Consequences which re- sulted from it,..The Prince visits Spain, and returns in safety... Death of the King... His character.. .Change in the state of opinion in Scotland respecting Ecclesiasti- cal Polity during his Reign.... * Page 253 CHAPTER THIRTEENTH. Accession of Charles to the Throne.. .His ]Marriage...A Parliament... Arbitrary IMeasures of the Court.. .Its de- signs promoted by the Clergy... Another Parliament... The King's attention directed to Scotland... Conduct of the Bishops. ..The Presbyterian Divines preserve their influence... Proposals for introducing the Liturgy ...The King visits Scotland. ..His coronation... A Parlia- ment... Activity of Laud. ...Bishopric of Edinburgh founded. ..State of Scotland ...Death of Archbishop Ab- bot...Discontent in Scotland increased. ..Trial and con- demnation of Lord Balmerino...Elevation of Churchmen ^0 the highest Offices of the State, ..Scotland apparently CONTENTS. IX tranquil. ..Book of Canons...Discontent excited by it... Reasons assigned by the King for imposing the Ca- nons.,.They are not resisted by acts of violence... The Liturgy...Proclamation with respect to it...Intelli- gence of this Proclamation renews discontent.. .The Introduction of the Liturgy deferred...Agitation of the public mind...Causes of the resolution to introduce the Liturgy.. .Tumult upon occasion of its being read... Re- marks Page 317 CHAPTER FOURTEENTH. Consequences of the Tumult.. .Several of the INIinisters approve of the Rioters... First Supplication against the Liturgy. ..New Tumults. ..King's Reply to the Suppli- cation...Representations to the Sovereign... Anxiety a- bout the effect of them. ..Proclamations issued by the Council...The discontented party deliberate how to act... Distracted state of the INIetropolis... Weakness of the government. ..Measures adopted by the enemies of the Liturgy...Strong Petition... Effect of it upon the Polic)' of the Court... Farther proceedings of the Dis- affected...Representation by the Earl of Traquair... Bold conduct of the Presbyterians.. .A Proclamation by the King protested against at Stirling.. .Remarks upon this step...Tables permanently erected...The Covenant ...Observations upon it... It is subscribed by vast numbers ...Coldly received in some parts of the Kingdom, Page 380 CHAPTER FIFTEENTH. ■Measures of the Privy-Council in consequence of the Pro- testation...Determination of the King...j\Iarquis of Hamilton appointed his Commissioner... Instructions given to him ...Covenanters suspect the designs of the Court...Hamilton's arrival in Scotland...Alarming in- cident...His reception. ..He comes to Edinburgh.,.His S CONTENTS. negociations with the Covenantcrs...His correspondence with the King.,.Instability of the CounciI...The Mar- quis goes to Court.«His advice to the King, and the result of it.,.Conduct of the Covenanters during his absencc.He returns to Scotland...Difference of senti- ment amongst the Covenanters overruled. ..Resolution of the Commissioner to return to London...His plans... INIeasures of the Covenanters...Prudence of the Com- missioner..,Lords of the Covenant still dissatisfied... Various acts of Concession published... King's Covenant subscribed by numbers... Activity of the Covenanters... Their proceedings against the Bishops... Difficulties of the Comraissioner...Conduct of the Bishops... Views of the parties.,.General Assembly at Glasgo\v...Remarks upon the Revolution through it accomplished...Subsi- diary regulations of the Assembly, throwing light upon the character of the times.,.State of the Church...Con- clusion of the Assembly ...The Marquis of Hamilton returns to Loudon , „ Page 420 CHAPTER SIXTEENTH. Proceedings in consequence of the Assembly.„Preparations for war.,.Precautions and measures of the Covenanters ...They are supported by the Earl of Argyll...State of the Armies...Proposals for Negociation... Progress and conclusion of a Treaty ...Remarks upon the Treaty. ..The King not sincere.. .The Earl of Traquair appointed Commissioner...General Assembly...Tlic King's Com- missioner subscribes the Covenant... Act of Assembly respecting subscription...The King dissatisfied with the conduct of his Commissioner...Conclusion of the As- sembly...Meeting of Parliameiit,..The Earl of Traquair goes to Court...Death and Character of Archbishop Spottiswoode...Commissioners from Scotland sent to London.t.Earl of Loudon committed to the Tower... CONTENTS. ZI Covenanters prepare for hostilities...Encourao'ed by the state of England.,.A Parliament in Scotland. ..Return of Jhe Earl of Loudon. ..General Assembly at Aber- deen... Commencement of hostilitiesw.Success of the Covenanters...Their conduct... Distressed situation of the King ...tf.MiMMti>MtMitttit«>ttfMt.Mi»tMM..M*.Page 47S THE HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. CHAPTER EIGHTH. SHstracted State of Scotland.. ..Daring Attempt of Both- well. ...Cabals at Court..,. Disorders in the Northern Parts of the Kingdom. ...Desperate Schemes of the Pop- ish Faction. ...The King issues a Proclamation. ...Manly and Patriotic Conduct of the Ministers.... P roceedings in the North. ...Embassy from Elizabeth. ...Irresolute Conduct of James with respect to the Popish Lords..., Ecclesiastical Aj^'airs... .Singular Resolution of the As- sembly....New Commotions. ...Proceedings of the Synod of Fife against the Popish Lords. ...They Petition the King.... An Ecclesiastical Convention... .Act of Aboli- tion....Embassy fro7]i England. ...Bothwell again makes an Attempt upon the King. ....Tames sends Ambassadors to Elizabeth. ...General Assembly.... Parliament. ...Con- duct of Popish Lords. ...Measures taken agaimt them.... Battle of Glenlivet...Fate of Bothwell. ..Death ofMait- land the Chancellor... .Rumour of a Spanish Invasion.... General Assembly. ...Scheme of Provision for Ministers VOL. II, A HISTORY OF THE ....Resolution to Restore the Exiled Lords...>Conventio)i at Falliland agrees to it. ...Violent Measures of the Cler- gy in comeqnence of the Resolution... Case of Black.... Moderation of James....Tumidt in Edinburgh. ...Minis- ters Alarmed ...Persist in their Violence.... Remarks on their Conduct. CHAP. The turbulence and daring contempt of law which at this time prevailed amongst the most powerful of 1592. the nobility in Scotland, exhibit a deplorable view Distracted ' _ . . f. state of of the internal state of the nation, and required for "^otan . j|,^jj. correction a more vigorous monarch than the Prince who occupied the throne. The readiness with which he yielded to every solicitation for mer- cy to those whom he should have punished, and his perverted inclination to favour the most un- faithful of his subjects, far from softening their rancour, encouraged the most daring and profligate schemes, and prevented every approach to the tranquillity resulting from the protection of a steady and enlightened government. Daring at- The disaffected or unprincipled, perceiving that Bothwdl. Jan^es, elated as he was with a high idea of his own wisdom, surrendered himself to those courtiers who surrounded him, used every effort to remove from him all who were hostile to their views ; and thus made attacks, which, had he possessed a more in- trepid character, even treason would not have dared to devise. The Earl of Both well, restless and am- bitious, not satisfied with the outrage which he CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, S had committed at the palace of Holyroodhouse, re- chap. newed his intrigues with some of the faithless do- ,„„p^^^ mestics of the sovereign, and endeavoured to exe- 1592. cute a scheme, which might have been attend- ed with the most fatal consequences. He concerted his measures with the Earls of Angus and Errol, the Master of Gray, and several others, upon whose services he thought that he might depend ; and the King having, after the dissolution of parliament, retired to Falkland, the conspirators resolved, v.'hilst he was there, to force the palace, and to dictate to him the policy which they wished him to observe. He received some intiination of this intention, and was earnestly entreated by Sir Robert and Sir James Melvil, to take proper precautions against the danger with which he was threatened ; but, misled by some of his attendants, he disregarded the ad- vice of his faithful subjects, and even permitted the person whom they sent to warn him of Bothwell's approach, to be treated with derision and contempt. The messenger, irritated by such a reception, retired 27th June. in disgust, but his loyalty subdued his resentment ; for having, after he left the palace, met with Both- well and his followers upon the Lomond hills, he, with much presence of mind, taking advantage of the darkness, joined them, and, when all suspicions of his intentions were removed, he pushed forward with the utmost speed, and gave the alarm at Falk- land. The King now paid attention to him, and, roused from his security, took shelter in a strong 4 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, tower connected with the palace. Errol and Colo- VIIJ. K.^^^^^ nel Stewart had remained at Falkland, having en- '^^"' gaged to open the gates to the conspirators; but their resolution failed, and Bothwell, in dismay, found that, to gain his object, he must besiege the palace. His followers, however, worn out with fa- tigue, were little qualified for attempting such an enterprise. After some discharges of artillery, they relinquished all hope of success ; they seized the horses in the royal stables, and took to flight. Bothwell, aware of his danger, hastened to the Eng- lish borders, and had the good fortune, unmolested, to reach a place of safety. In the course of next day, the King saw himself surrounded with a large body of his loyal subjects, who had hastened to pro- tect him, and he immediately marched with them in pursuit of the conspirators. He did not however 29th June, know the route which Bothwell had taken, and, di- recting his course towards Edinburgh, he entered the metropolis .* Cabals of In his court he was not gratified by the harmony. Courtiers* the want of which in his dominions he was so often * Melvil's Memoirs, p. 201, 202, Melvil has given a very parti, cular account of this attempt, and, as hi had the best opportunities of being well informed, much reliance may be placed on his account. Spottiswoode, p. 388. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folio, in Life of Bruce, p. 13. Bruce, preaching in the afternoon before the King, took occasion, from what had happened, to exhort him to humble himself before God, and confess his negligence, and keep his promises better than he had done formerly. VIII. 1592 CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. called to deplore ; for it was rent by factions which chap. he found it difficult to control. Maitland, the chancellor, had, in consequence of the act of annex- ation, obtained an heritable right to the lordship of Musselburgh. This lordship had originally been comprehended in the property belonging to the ab- bacy of Dunfermline, which had been settled on the Queen, and her Majesty, wishing that the whole lands should be put in her possession, insisted upon the chancellor surrendering the part which had been allotted to him. Unwilling to comply with what so materially affected his interest, he refused, and the Queen, irritated by the refusal, formed a party against him, which was cordially joined by those lords who had long envied the ascendancy which he had acquired. Unable to resist the powerful influence which was now directed against him, he withdrew from court, and lived for a considerable time in retirement, — an event which had a consider- able effect upon the interests of the church, which he had lately so strenuously supported. * Whilst these commotions and intrigues were aei- Disorders tating the southern parts of the kingdom, the north northern of Scotland became the scene of the most brutal E^'"^j°^^^^ kingdom. violence, and the most sanguinary devastation. The * Spottiswoode, p. 389, 390. Crawford's Lives of Officers of State, p. 150. Mackenzie's Life of Lord Thirlstane, in Vol. IK. of his Live?. Continuation of Maitland's History of Scotland, p. 1233, 1234. 6 HrSTORY OF THE CHAP, clans, who venerated the Earl of Murray, burned K^^^^.^y'^ with revenge on account of the melancholy fate of 1592. their chief, and imputing this to Huntly, they burst into the domains of the Gordons, and were guilty of ferocious cruelty, and wanton injustice. The Earl of Huntly did not calmly view this aggression, but collecting his forces, he retaliated upon those who had commenced this ruinous warfare. The total defiance of government by both the parties en- gaged in this struggle, filled the King with just in- dignation, and, laying aside his suspicions, he gave a , commission of lieutenancy to the Earl of Angus, and sent him to restore peace, which he happily ef- fectuated. * schemesS' Whilst .that nobleman was thus engaged, a dis- the Popish covery in which he was deeply implicated was acci- dentally made, and prevented evils infinitely more dreadful than could have resulted from the con- tests or the violence of internal factions. The cler- gy had, with unremitted zeal, laboured to impress upon the people and upon the King the dangers which were to be apprehended from the Popish lords, and from the Jesuits and other emissaries of the Catholic powers, who, notwithstanding the laws made to prevent it, were constantly repairing to Scot- land. The ministers plainly considered that James did not enter into their views upon this interesting subject with the warmth which they conceived that * Spottlswoode, p. 390. Continuation of Maitland's History of Scotland, p. 1234. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 7 he should have felt, and, occasional Iv insinuating ciLiP. that his lenient conduct to the enemies of the Pro- ^'^* testant faith might lead to an unfavourable judg- 1593. ment as to his own religious sentiments, they took a most active and commendable part in detecting every secret scheme, and watching over measures which they dreaded would be equally fatal to the liberty and the religion of their country. Under impressions of the deepest alarm, a fast had been appointed, and a system had been established for speedily conveying to all loyal subjects, and sincere Protestants, any information which might be pro- cured respecting the dark and execrable plots, the existence ot which they confidently affirmed. * It soon appeared that their forebodings, far from originating in intemperate zeal, or enthusiastical credulity, rested on the surest foundation. Andrew Knox, minister of Paisley, had, probably in conse- quence of the wise precautions which the clergy had adopted, learnt that George Kerr, a brother of Lord Newbattle, was just about to embark for Spain, and was supposed to have in his possession most import- ant communications from the Popish lords to the Dec. 27, Spanish monarch. Knox did not for a moment he- sitate about the part which he should act, but, tak- ing with him a few young men who were attending the university of Glasgow, he apprehended Kerr, *Calderwood'8 History, p. 271— 274. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. foHo, in Life of Davidson, p. 25, 26, and in that of Andrew MeJvi!, p. 58. 3- HISTORY OF THE CHAPi searched his coffers, and finding various papers of ^^,.Jtu ^^^^ moment, sent him to Edinburgh, where he was 1592 committed to prison. Having been brought before the King and the council, at which a few of the mi- nisters attended, the letters which had been seized in his possession were read, and, after some reluc- tance, he made a full confession relating to the business in which he was engaged. The plot was, that the King of Spain should land thirty thousand men in Scotland, and march directly for England, leaving a strong detachment, which, aided by the Scotish Catholics, were either to extirpate the Pro- testant religion, or to procure a full toleration for the Popish faith. A number of Jesuits and priests had been employed by Philip in making the neces- sary arrangements, and these artful men had actual- ly procured blanks, signed by the Earls of Huntly, Angus, and Errol, and some gentlemen of landed property, which were to be filled up in Spain, by Crichton a Jesuit, agreeably to the suggestions of Philip. These blanks, with several letters con- nected with this atrocious scheme, were produced, and the hand -writing of the lords was identified, 1593. A few days after the apprehension of Kerr, Angus returned from his expedition in the north, and, ig- norant of what had happened, he came to his usu- al place of residence in Edinburgh ; but the ma- gistrates immediately secured him, — an exertion of authority with which the King, when he first heard of it was highly dissatisfied, but which, upon the CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. ^ 9 discovery of the plot, he was obliged to approve. CHAP. Angus denied the charge against himself, affirming w^/-n^ that the subscriptions were forged ; but David ^^^^* Graham, who was acquainted with the whole trans- action, having corroborated the evidence of Kerr, and given the key for interpreting the feigned names, all doubts respecting that nobleman's guilt, and the reality of the plan itself, were removed.* James seems at this time to have been seriously T^e King issues a pro- alarmed, and to have been convinced that severe ciamation. measures were requisite for preserving his throne, and saving his people from the gloomiest tyranny, and the most cruel superstition. He immediately issued a proclamation, in which he declared, " that, through the efforts of Jesuits and seminary priests, subjects of his realm, many had been led to aposta- tise from the religion in which they had been in- structed, and at length been seduced to cast off that due obedience which they owed to their Sovereign, and to enter into a treasonable conspiracy for bring- ing into the kingdom, in the subsequent year, stran- gers from Spain, to the overthrow of his Highness, - * Calderwood in his MS. History. Vol. IV. p. 274 — 291, and 299— S02, and in printed History, p. 275—28 1, has given a full account of this plot, and inserted several of the letters. MS. Life of James Melvil, p. 319, 320. Row's Mv*^S. p. 56, 57. The deposition of Kerr is detailed by Spottiswoode^ p. 390, 39 1 , and in Rymer's Fcedera, Vol. XVI. p. 190 — ]92. Rapin's History o) England, Vol. II. p. t4i Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folio, in Life of Andrew Melvil, p. 58, and of Davidson, p. 27. id WSTORY OF THE CHAP, and all professing the true religion, and to the ruin .^^p^^^ and conquest of his ancient kingdom, and the liber- 1593. ty which his nation had for so many ages enjoyed, that it might be subject to the slavery and tyranny of that proud nation, which hath made such unlaw- ful and cruel conquests in divers parts of the world, as well upon Christians as infidels, wherever the aid of Spain hath been sought." Having thus pointed out the danger to which all his people were exposed, he intimated his resolution to spare none that should be found guilty of this treason, but to make them an example to all posterity, requiring, in the most earnest manner, all his good subjects to beware of these Jesuits, traitors to their native country, and in their prayers to implore the mercy of God for preservation of themselves, their wives, and children, from the conspiracy which had been intended. * Manly and The ministers were much affected by the dis- conduct of coveries which had been brought to light, and were tert™'"'^' ^^^' ^y every motive which could influence virtuous and independent men, to give to the government their most effectual support. Constantly impres- sing upon the King, whose fickleness they dreaded, the necessity of acting with vigour, they summoned 8th Jan. a convention to meet in Edinburgh, to consider what, in the awful situation of the kingdom, it was * Calderwood, p. 281, 282, Spottiswoode, p. S9J. Contir.uaUoB of Maitland's History of Scotlandi p. 122£. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 11 prudent to propose. Upon its assembling, Robert chap. Bruce, who had often distinguished himself by his s,^.,^^^ attachment to the best interests of his country, and 1593. who had been present at the confession of Graham, enlarged upon the danger of the church and state, and they Who heard him unanimously resolved to send commissioners to the King, to intreat that he would put the laws in execution against Jesuits, and those who received them, and inflict punishment upon such as should be found to have been concern- ed in the conspiracy. Although at first he expres- sed dissatisfaction at the meeting of a convention without his authority, he listened to their sugges- tions, and asked them to deliberate upon what as- sistance they could give to him. They replied, that, in urging him to call a parliament, and to summon to it those noblemen who had subscribed the blanks, they were aware that these men would not appear, and that it would be necessary to pro- ceed against them by force of arms ; that they humbly offered their attendance upon his person till his enemies were seized, or driven from the king- dom, promising to keep a guard of three hundred cavalry, and a hundred infantry, for strengthening his administration, — it being understood that this of- fer arose from the peculiar state of the nation, and should never be urged as a precedent, or prejudge, in time to come, the liberty of the realm. This munificent and patriotic offer was gratefully receiv- ed,— a convention of the estates was appointed to 20th Feb. 3 2 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, meet the King at Aberdeen, to which city he was s^^^^^^ immediately to repair, and, to evince his sincerity, 1593. he, contrary to the expectation of many, ordered Graham of Fintry, who had been found guilty, to 15th Feb. be executed. * Proceed- Upon the King's approach, the Earls of Huntly ingsmthe ^^^ Errol fled to the inaccessible parts of the north. *^ country. Many of the most respectable lieges in the north met their sovereign, and joined with him in subscribing a bond for the defence of the Protest- ant religion, and the punishment of the conspira- tors, whom they explicitly named, and, having ve- rified the subscription of those lords who signed the blanks, they seized their castles, and took every precaution for preventing commotion, or the continuance of those practices which had so nearly proved fatal to the liberty and the independence of the kingdom, t Having thus secured that part of his dominions where the influence of the Popish lords was most March, powerful, James returned to Edinburgh. Yet, not- withstanding all which he had done, even thus early suspicions were entertained, that, with asto- nishing infatuation, he was partial to the men who * MS. Life of James Melvil, p. 320. Calderwood, p. 277, 278, compared with Spottiswoode, p. 391. Continuation of Maitland's History of Scotland, p. 1235. -|- A very interesting account of all the measures which were adopted is inserted in the Buik of the Universal Kirk, p. 434 — 440. '' Calderwood*8 MS. Hist. Vol. IV. p. 306— SOS. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. IS had conspired for the subversion of his throne, chap. The Earl of Angus found means to escape, and ^^^^^^^ join his confederates ; to the solicitations of the 1593. Countesses of Huntly and Errol, the King gave a firm, indeed, but a courteous reply, which preserv- ed their hopes that he would be lenient ; and no- thing can be conceived more strikingly expressive of distrust, than that the council thought it pru- dent to frame an act, that no one should solicit his Majesty in favour of the conspirators, and that even the oaths of his domestics should be taken that thev would not intercede with him for indul- gence or pardon to any who had been connected with the plot which had been discovered. * Sir Robert Bowes, who was at this time resid Embassy ing at the Scotish court, as ambassador from Eng- ^^ land, immediately communicated to his sovereign the strange discoveries which had produced such agitation in Scotland, and Elizabeth, firmly per- suaded that it was wise to support the Protestant faith, anxious to defeat the intrigues of Philip, whose enmity to her his late disasters had in- creased, and doubting the firmness ot James, sent Lord Burgh upon a special embassy to congratu- late the King upon the detection of the traiterous designs which had been in agitation, to offer her * Bulk of the Universal Kirk, p. 434. MS. Life of James Mel- vil, p. 420. Calderwood's MS. Hist. Vol. IV. p. 352, and printed Hist. p. 2S4. 14 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, assistance in pursuing and punishmg those who .^.s^^^^ were found guilty, and strongly to urge the im- 1593. portance of proceeding against them with severity. Burgh was instructed to represent, that Elizabeth wished James to act as a king ought to do in such a case ; that if he could not seize the persons of the conspirators, he should confiscate their property ; and as the matter concerned all princes professing the same religion, she wished to be informed what his resolutions were, that she might communicate to her allies the measures which were to be adopt- ed, in the two British kingdoms, for resisting and defeating the attempts of Spain. James could not fail to perceive that she had imbibed the suspicions which he had reason to believe were entertained by his clergy, and a large proportion of his sub- jects. Wishing to remove these suspicions, or of- fended at the insinuations of his hesitating to dis- charge what was so imperiously his duty, and at her suggesting in what manner he should be guid- ed, he replied, that he had already begun to act against the Popish lords ; that he was determined to persevere in bringing them to trial ; but that as there was much danger from so many of his powerful nobles being in rebellion, and as Eliza- beth was interested in preventing hostilities by the King of Spain, it was reasonable that she should give him effectual aid. He also requested that she would deliver up Bothwell, who was lurking in her dominions, and who, it appears from various do- CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 15 cuments, was secretly protected or patronized by cHAP. the Queen of England. * v^^^il/ The ministers appear to have most justly appre- ^-^ss- ciated the character of James. Strong as were conduct of the motives which had decided his resolution, that reg^gctTo resolution soon wavered ; and although Huntly, J^^ Popish Errol, and Angus were declared to be rebels, the March 19. declaration was withdrawn upon the King's return to Edinburgh ; and some of their agents were by his July, command set at liberty, upon furnishing sureties that they would appear when they were summon- ed. Kerr, whose detention was of so much import- ance, made his escape, and, when the parliament, at which it was hoped that the lords would be for- feited, met in July, this sentence was not pronoun- ced, on the ground that sufficient proof of their guilt had not been procured. There was no hesi- tation, however, felt by the people in deciding what was the real cause of this indulgence, and one of the ministers called the parliament a black parliament, because, having been called to punish traitors, the archtraitors of Scodand had been permitted to escape, f * Compare the account given by Spottiswoode, p, 39 2, with that by Calderwood, p. 284, who is supported by Camden. In the XVI. Vol. of Rymer's Foedera, there aie some papers throwing light upon Elizabeth's views with respect to Bothwell, and other matters connected with this period, ta which reference is made in Acta Regia, Vol. IV. p. 153 and 161, Rapin's History, Vol.11. p. 141. f Calderwood, p. ss*, and 287. Spottiswoode, p. 396. Wod- 16 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. Before the meeting of parliament, the General Assembly had been convened at Dundee. The VIII. 1593. members immediately addressed their Sovereign, cal affairs. soHciting that the acts against Jesuits, and those "^' P" • who received them, might be enforced ; and they then proceeded to the regulation of those ecclesi- astical aflfairs which they were called to consider. The King, by his commissioner. Sir James Melvil, presented a copy of the celebrated act of last parlia- ment, fully establishing the presbyterian govern- ment and discipline, and the communication was received with that satisfaction, which was to be ex- pected in men, viewing, in the light in which they did view it, the vast importance of modelling the church in conformity with the principles now re- cognized. James, however, was constantly appre- hensive that the freedom taken by the ministers in their discourses, and the popular nature of the General Assemblies, would injure the prerogative j and, to provide some security against this, he in- structed Melvil to submit certain proposals to the Assembly, declaring that he could not, consistently with his honour, see the privilege of his crown hurt, and that he was determined to enforce that clause of the late act, which provided that Assem- blies should be summoned by the King j he re- quested, that, before dissolving, the ministers would send some of their number to desire him to appoint row's MSS. Vol. I. folio, under Life of John Davidson, who preach- ed the sermon, p. 27. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 17 ihe day of their next meeting ; and that they would CHAP, pass an act, prohibiting all the clergy from de- ^ claiming in the pulpit against the proceedings of ^^^?.' his Majesty, or his council. This ordinance he de- manded, not only on account of his known in- tention to promote piety and justice, but because he was at all times ready to give access to such of the ministers as wished, in their own names, or in name of their brethren, to make to him any repre- sentation. He also alluded, in general terms, to the Popish and Spanish practices ; but he particularly specified the Earl of Bothwell as an enemy to the crown, and to the religion of the kingdom ; and he enjoined them to convey to him such intelli- gence of the designs of that nobleman, as they should at any time, through their sedulous endea- vours, succeed in obtaining. * To these requests the Assembly returned the most cautious answers. With respect to summon- ing that ecclesiastical judicatory, it was agreed to abide by the act which had been lately passed ; and it was also unanimously ordained, " that no minister within the realm should utter from the pulpit any rash or irreverent speeches against his Majesty, the council, or their proceedings ; but that all public admonitions should proceed upon just and neces- sary causes, and sufficient warrant in all fear, love and reverence, under pain of deposing from the * Buik of the Universal Kirk, p. 423, 424. CalderM-ood, p. 235, 286. Spottiswoode, p. 393. VOL. II, B 1530. 18 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, function of the ministry all who disobeyed this or- dinance." * The King was not satisfied with the manner in which the ordinance was expressed. Al- though there were certainly some restraints im« posed by it upon that licentiousness of discourse in which the ministers had frequently indulged, it did not absolutely prohibit the practice which he repro- bated ; and as it left it to themselves to decide what were just and necessary causes for speaking of the transactions of government, he, with some reason, dreaded that no material change in their conduct would take place, and that his measures would be publicly discussed with the same freedom, and the same severity of censure, as before. Yet, perhaps, it could not have been expected, and, in a national point of view, would not have been desirable, that the Assembly should make a more ample conces- sion. It was placed in a very peculiar situation. The constitution of the kingdom, far from being fixed, or administered without any hazard to the religion and the freedom of the people, was strug- gling for existence ; assailed on the one hand by the ardent desire of the monarch to render himself absolute,— -and, on the other, by the unprincipled efforts of a Popish faction, which would have en- tailed upon their country spiritual and political op- pression. Against these dangers parliament could * Buik of the Universal Kirk, p. 425, 426. Calderwood, p. £46. Spottiswoode, p. 393. Calderwood's MS. Hist. Vol. IV. p. 313 — 321. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 19 make but a feeble resistance. It was much influ- CHAP, VIII. enced by. the crown, or by some of the powerful ^ nobles, who kept steadily in view their own exalt- i^^^. ation, or that of their order; and the only strong check which could be given to the most ruinous or criminal policy was the public voice, expressing the sentiments of the community. But in what manner could the attention of the nation be ex- cited, or its will signified ? At this period the liberty of the press was much shackled, and sufficient in- tellectual progress had not yet been made, to render the extensive circulation of political publications an instrument for the preservation of liberty. The ministers alone, whose interests were identified with those of the great mass of the community, who were held in the utmost veneration, and who had vast influence in guiding popular feelings and opi- nions, could render to their country the essential service, which, in a different state of society, would, from other quarters, have been given ; and how- ever, from our being placed under happier circum- stances, we may shrink at the broad indecent re- proach, which, from the pulpit, was frequently directed even against the sovereign himself; how- ever much we may be convinced that such a prac- tice now would be useless, or intolerable, — we must, if we calmly investigate the history ot the period at present under review, be satisfied, that we in a great degree owe to the intrepidity of the clergy, the liberties which we enjoy j and that had * 10 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, they remained silent, not branding the measures \,^^^^ which they saw to be pregnant with the heaviest 1593. evils, the King would either have destroyed every vestige of freedom, or, what was more likely, his throne would have been subverted, and Scotland delivered into the hands of a merciless and bigotted tyrant. James, however, could not be supposed justly to appreciate the principles upon which the Assembly acted ; and he unwisely shewed how much he was dissatisfied with its guarded deter- mination, by paying little attention to the earnest petitions for restraining Popery, and to its well- founded remonstrances against pillaging the church, by converting the richest parts of its patrimony into temporal estates, which he bestowed upon his favourites, or upon those whose services he wished to reward. His other requests were by the minis- ters readily and cordially granted.* Singular After the General Assemblies began to display o?th?A.3- ^^^"' enmity to the episcopal order, it had become sembiy. ^n annual practice to elect a few of the ministers to be what they termed visitors or commissioners of countries, who had powers nearly similar to those which the bishops enjoyed ; and it was not uncom- mon to give this office to some of the prelates, thus * Wodrow's MSS. Vol.1, folio. In Life of Davidson, p. 26 and 29. Baillie's Historical Vindication of the Government of the Church of Scotland, p. 2 9, and 49, 50. Bulk of the Universal Kirk, p. 420 and 426 ; the former of these places compared with SpottiswoodCi p. 393, and Collier, Vol. H. p. 640, 641. Caldcrwood, p. 2se. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 21 reconciling their remaining in the church with the cHAP. sovereignty of the Assembly. But when the pros- ^^^^ pect of the full establishment of presbytery became isns. clear, it was thought right to abolish this office; and it had accordingly been declared unnecessary, every presbytery possessing, within itself, sufficient powers for doing what had been usually done by the commissioners. * The office indeed was incon- sistent with those principles of parity for which the Presbyterians had so strenuously contended ; and the act abolishing it was a step to which these prin- ciples directly led. Yet at this assembly, to which the act of parliauient recognizing the new establish- ment was communicated, the office was renewed, and renewed in a manner which brought it, except in name, very near to the function of bishops, the removal of which had been held forth as so necessary to the purity of religion. The act was thus expres- sed : " Forasmuch as the visitation of the presbyte- ries throughout the whole realm is thought very necessary, and from divers Assemblies commissions have been given to that effect, the necessity still existing, the church and commissioners present have given commission to certain brethren to visit and try the doctrine, life, conversation, diligence, and fidelity of the pastors within the said presbyteries, and also to ascertain whether there be any of the beneficed ministers within the same not residing, * Buik of the Universal Kirk, p. 464. Calderwood, p, 25S. 22 HISTORY OF THE ^vm^' ^^^ ^^° ha.ve no just cause of non-residence ; to v«^^.^^^ proceed, with the consent of presbyteries, against 1593. ^jj ^^j^Q i^^^g dilapidated their benefices, set tacks, and made other arrangements, without the consent of the church, and to try slanderous persons un- meet to serve in the church, and unable or unqua- lified to teach and edify their hearers.'* * This was certainly a wide step towards the restoration of Episcopal privileges. In this light it was regarded ; and had the King, availing himself of it, studiously conciliated the ministers, he might have seen, what he afterwards was so desirous to introduce, an uni- formity of ecclesiastical polity in both the British kingdoms, with the concurrence of the great majo- rity of his people. Ne\y com- James had so decidedly expressed his indignation at the conduct of the Earl of Bothwell, and had so warmly remonstrated with the English minister, upon the protection which tiis sovereign had ex- tended to that turbulent nobleman, that it might naturally have been conceived that he could never again presume to appear in Scotland. Yet some cabals at court occasioned his being thrust into the presence of the King, and his obtaming indulgence inconsistent with what was due to the throne and to the honour of the laws which he had so fre- * Buik of the Universal Kirk, p. 421. Calderwood, p. 28G, 287, after recording \}.f act, makes, what he ;Tol)ably intended, as an apologx- for it : '• \' jki was ! he judgment of the Assembly of the ofBce «f visitation ye have l.eaid before." CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 2S quently violated. Thirlstane the chancellor, either chap. tired of a sequestered life, or lamenting the conduct ^^^ ' of James, made known his earnest wish to be re- 1593. stored to court ; and in order to pave the way for his restoration, he surrendered to the Oueen those lands, by refusing which he had excited her displea- sure, and suspended the influence which he had long exerted. The King shewed to the Queen the artful letter of the chancellor, in which were many expressions of respect and regard for her Majesty ; and being himself desirous 10 enjoy the assibiance of a minister who had been so faithful to ium, he urged her to lay aside her animosity, to which, the property which she desired being delivered to her, she gave her consent. The resolution to recal Maitland many of the courtiers heard with a deter- mination to prevent iis being carried into execution, and, as the most effectual mode of obtaining their object, they presumptuously decided upon bringing back Bothwell, the mveterate enemv of the Chan- cellor, hoping that, notwithstandmg his former atro- cious insults, he might gain the ascendancy over his feeble and irresolute sovereign. The Earl of Athol, who had joined with the Duke of Lennox, Lord Ochiltree, and several others of the name of Stuart, in this scheme, invited Bothwell to a house which he then occupied near the palace, and as from the dissolution of Parliam ent, which had just taken place, the nobles had free access to the King, that they might pay their respects to him before leaving the 24 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, city, the Countess of Athol one morning introduced VIII. t . . . ^^ -J^ Both well into his Majesty's bed-chamber. James 1593. was at this time in an adjacent apartment ; but when he came and saw Bothwell, and some attend- ants, standing with their swords in their hands, ima- gining that he was betrayed, he cried out treason. Upon this Bothwel!, falling on his knees, begged for mercy. James indignantly exclaimed that he was dishonoured by this intrusion, and, throwing himself into a chair, said, Strike traitors, for I have no desire to live longer. Bothwcll, with many oaths, professed that he came only to crave pardon ; to which the King answered, that pardon extorted was no pardon, and that it ill became supplicants to sue with weapons in their hands. Whilst he was uttering these words, he saw a number of Both- well's adherents enter the chamber, and found that they had taken possession of the outer- court of the palace. The report of what had happened was in- stantly carried to the city, and the chief magistrate, with a number of citizens, soon appeared to rescue their sovereign ; but James, who had been in some degree soothed, and who ^¥as probably averse to shedding the blood of his subjects, requested them to disperse, and to wait his orders. Bothwell, for some time, used every art to ingratiate himself with the King ; but, when he found that he was not suc- cessful, he changed his tone, and threw out insi- nuations of farther acts; of vi')lence or constraint, which so alarmed the monarch, that he summoned CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 25 his council, and complained that he was forcibly chap. Vlli. detained and undutifully treated. Had there been ^^^^ ^^ any vicrour in the administration, Bothwell would i^qs. . . . r Aug- 1^- immediately have been convicted of treason ; but, through the interference of Bowes, the English am- bassador, and some of the ministers of Edinburgh, who, regarding this worthless nobleman as a Pro- testant, probably hoped that he would be instru- mental in stimulating the government against the Popish lords, the following concessions in his fa- vour were extorted : " That he and his associates should not only be pardoned for their past attempts, but restored to their possessions ; that a parliament should be called in November, and an act confirm- ing the pardon and restitution should be passed j that, in the mean time, the King should not admit into his presence the Chancellor, Lord Hume, the Master of Glammis, or Sir George Hume ; that henceforth Bothwell, and his confederates, should be reputed good subjects, and should be treated as if they had never offended." Although, in a mo- ment of weakness or of terror, the King pledged his honour as a prince to execute these ignominious articles, he was, upon reflection, filled with indigna- tion, and, notwithstanding the acquittal of Bothwell from the strange charge of having, for carrying his schemes with regard to the King into effect, con- sulted with witches, James determined not to yield to the imperious mandates of a pn^fligate faction. He had summoned a convention to meet at Stir- 26 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, ling, for considering some proposals about quieting \,^,...^^.^ the borders, and a considerable number having at- 1533, tended it, he laid open to them the state of his ' mind, detailed every thing which had happened, and soliciied their opinion whether he was bound to adhere to v/hat was so injurious to majesty, and to which, through fear, he had consented. The con- fession was not the most dignified which could be made by a sovereign, but the convention believing it to be true, and indignant at the insolence to which the King had been subjected, found that the conduct of Bothwell had been treasonable, and that the conditions of the agreement ought not to be observed. James, thus set at liberty from his en- gagements, was still willing to pardon Bothwell up- on his submission and leaving the kingdom ; and when this v.'as intimated to him, he declared that he was satisfied. He soon, however, repented, and endeavoured to excite new troubles ; but his de- signs being counteracted, he fled and was again de- . nounced as a traitor, * Proceed- 1 ^^ lenient measures which had been adopted s w^of ^ in Parliament with respect to the Popish Lords, the Fife against euormitv of whose ejuilt, and the awful consequences thePopish ,.,.,, ^ , , r • . , Lords. which might have resulted irom it, were deeply ^^'' "^* impressed upon the public mind, filled with sorrow * Spottiswoode, p. 394 — 39G. Calderwood's History, p. 287, 288. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folio ia Life of Robert Bruce, p. 18. Con- tinuation of Maitland's Historj' of Scotland, p. 1240 — 1242. Acta Regia, Vol. IV. p. 154, 155. Rapin's History, Vol. IL p. 142. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, 2? and indignation all who valued the civil and reli- chap, gious interests of Scotland ; and the ministers, ^7^^^' whose zeal against Popery conspired with other 1593. causes in deciding their sentiments and conduct, did not hesitate to avow and to inculcate, that there was, in the King himself, and those who surround- ed him, some desire to pardon men whom every consideration should have led them to punish. The Synod of Fife, which happened to assemble when these representations were exerting their full effect, deliberated upon the state of the kingdom ; and after declaring that the King was slow in re- pressing popery and planting the true religion ; af- ter resolving to tell him plainly what all his true subjects thought concerning his favouring and countenancing papistical traitors, and to intimate that they would sacritice their lives rather than suf- fer ihe country to be polluted by idolatry, and over- run by blood- thirsty adherents of popery ; they solemnly excommunicated the Earls of Huntly, An- gus, and Errol, the Laird of Achindown, Sir James Chisholm, and all who supported them, and corresponded with the neighbouring provinces, that the sentence might be as extensively as possible published through the nation. The cordiality with which the resolutions of the Synod were every where approved, convinced James, that if the sen- Sept. tence were published, the people would be irritated against the Lords to uhom it related, and obstacles would be thrown in the way of that weak and timid 28 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, policy which he was inclined to follow. To pre- y^^^^^^ vent what he dreaded, he urged Robert Bruce, 15 93. who was held in the highest estimation by the mi- nisters, to suspend the publication, pointing out the irregularity of the sentence, and the evils which might result if such interference on the part of ec- clesiastical assemblies was not repressed. Although Bruce had every disposition to preserve harmony, and had deservedly, by his prudence, ingratiated himself with the King, he did not dissemble his sentiments. He refused to do what was asked of him, and the conversation terminated by an insi- nuation from the monarch against that discipline and polity under which such measures were tole- rated or sanctioned. * The Po- The partiality which the King was suspected to petiiion the entertain for the Popish lords, was not unknown Oct^'i2. to themselves ; and presuming, from his disappro- bation of what had been done by the synod of Fife, that he might be induced openly to shew his intention of forgiving them, they embraced the op- portunity of his going towards the borders, to meet * MSS. Life of James Melvil, p. 323, 324. Row's MSS. p. 57. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folio, under Life of Bruce, p. is, 19, and Life of Davidson, p. ^7. Calderwood, p. 2S8 — 29 1, has given a very full and interesting account of the procee.lings of the Synod, throw- ing much light upon the state of public opinion. It may be compar* ed with the meagre and evidently partial account of Spottiswoode, p. 396, 397. Wodrow considers the conversation between the King and Bruce as misrepresented, and even insinuates, without sufficient reason, that it did not take place. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 29 him not far from Edinburgh, and on their knees to chap. implore that they might be tried, and not condemn- v^^(»-v/-^ ed unheard. By the advice of such of his council i^^s. as attended him, he ordered them to come to Perth, and there await the trial which they soHcited. * The intelligence of this interview was immediate- Oct. 14. ly conveyed to Edinburgh, and within a few days asSduou- a convention, which, from the representations of the ^""°°« synod of Fife, had been appointed to meet for watching over the state of the kingdom, sent a de- putation to the sovereign, to lament that the lords had been permitted to come into his presence, and to request, that, as they were to be tried, the trial should not commence till full time was allowed to the accusers, who intended to appear against them, for deciding upon the best mode of proceeding in a matter so interesting to the nation. Several spirited petitions, relating to the imprisonment of the lords, to the choice of the jury, and to the re- moval of the sentence of excommunication under which these noblemen lay, were also presented ; and the commissioners were enjoined to conclude by requesting, that, if the King would not alter the day and the place of trial, he would permit the pro- fessors of the truth to guard his person from vio- lence, and to pursue the lords to the uttermost, as they were determined rather to perish than that * Calderwood, p. 291. Row's MSS. p. 58. MS. Life of James Melvil, p. 324. so HISTORY OF THE CHAP, these men, if they continued enemies to God and his truth, should remain in the kingdom. He was 1593. much irritated by these petitions, which he received at Jedburgh. He refused to acknowledge a con- vention which had been assembled without his per- mission, but perceiving the danger of irritating men, who, in language so decided, had declared their resolution, he consented to listen to them in their private capacity, and he condescended to reply to the various points which they had submitted to him. He assured them, that he had held no correspon. dence with the lords, and that he had not the least intimation of their intention to address him ; that he was convinced that the time originally fixed for the trial was not sufficiently distant ; and that he had, therefore, appointed a convention of es- tates at Linlithgow on the last day of the month, by whose advice he should be guided. After ex- pressing his astonishment that the ministers, who had been so eager for the trial, should now peti- tion for its being postponed, he told them that he should take every precaution which was requisite, and should be influenced in all his measures by his unfeigned desire to obtain security for religion, and for all his good subjects. * This verbal reply did not satisfy those for whom it was intended, and they resolved not to relax * MS. Hist, of James Mclvil, p. 324, 325. Calderwood, p. 292, 293, compared with Spottisvvoode, p. 398. Rymer'« Foedsra, p. 222j — 225. Acta Regia, Vol. IV. p. IGl. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 31 their vigilance in adverting to vi^hat they believed cHAP. involved the existence of the Protestant religion. ^^^^' The convention of estates met at LinUihgovv, but 1 59s. not being numerously attended, a commission was given to the chancellor, and several of its most distinguished and respectable members, to consider the petition of the lords, to examine the accusations brought against them, and the defences which thty made, and to determine all other matters brought under review concerning the King's state and affairs, and the present troubles and disorders through the realm ; it being ordained that their de- cision should be as valid and effectual as if it had been pronounced by the whole parliament. Per- mission was given to six of the ministers who were named, to be present at the deliberations of these judges when they had any thing to propose to them, or when they were called to a conference. * The iudg-es met at Edinburgh ; bur, before they Act of commenced their procecdmgs, otters were made Nov. 12. from the lords to give satisfaction to the church and the King's majesty. Upon these offers James delivered a discourse, in which he pomted out the great danger of rejecting them, and thus confirmed the opinion which had been previously entertained of his prejudice in favour of Huntly and his associ- ates. After deliberating for a few days, the strange act, denominated the act of abolition, was drawn * Calderwood, p. 294, 295. Spottiswoode, p. 399. Continua- tion of Maitland's History of Scotland, p. 1244. 32 HISTORY OP THE CHAP, up and sanctioned. In this act it was stated that yj-JI* " the King, for the public peace of the realm, and 1593. to remove all troubles and the occasions thereof, after mature deliberation and conference kept with the ministers, had, by the advice of the commis- sioners elected by the estates, declared, and by ir- revocable edict ordained, that the true religion, es- tablished in the first year of his Majesty's reign, should be the only religion professed in the king- dom ; and that none should supply or receive any Jesuits, priests, and other adversaries of religion, under the pains contained in the act of parliament : That such as have not embraced the true religion, or who have made defection from it, should con- form before the first of next February, satisfy the church, and obey the orders of the King and the church ; or if any of them should feel difficulty ia so doing, from scruples of conscience, they should, with permission of his Majesty, depart from the realm to such parts beyond sea as the King should appoint, and not return till they were resolved to embrace the truth and satisfy the church, they and their heirs, in the mean time, enjoying their lands and other property, with power to commence legal actions before every court : That the Earls of Angus, Huntly, and Errol, the Laird of Achindown, and Sir James Chisholm, shall not be accused of the crimes specified in the summons executed against them, on account of the blanks and letters inter- cepted, or on account of trafficking with foreigners CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 33 to the prejudice of the religion ; but the suit shall be CHAP, dropped, and neither they nor their heirs prosecut- v^-v^ ed upon these articles, it being understood, that in i*^^. case they have sent, or shall hereafter send any hos- tages out of the realm for accomplishing any agree- ment tending to the overthrow of religion, in that case the abolition here granted shall be null ; nei- ther shall it be farther extended than to the crimes contained in the summons, and no way comprehend any murders, fire-raisings, or other crimes which they may have committed : That such of the said Earls and others as shall comply with the conditions enumerated in this act shall reside in the places ap- pointed for them, and forbear all correspondence with Jesuits, priests, and Papists : That they shall neither dispute, nor permit disputing at their tables against the truth, or in favour of Popery, but re- tain in their houses a minister, and be ready to hear what may resolve their doubts, and prepare them for subscribing the Confession of Faith on the day fixed, unless it please the church to grant them a longer time for deliberation : That the Earls of Huntly and Errol shall banish from their company the Jesuits James Gordon and Walter Ogilvy, each of them finding surety for forty thousand pounds ; that they shall abide by their subscriptions, and not again revolt from the truth, Achindown and Chisholm giving the same assurance, on pain of ten thousand pounds : That such of them as choose to leave the kingdom, and will not embrace the VOL. n. G 34 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, true religion, shall give assurance that they will not, vni. . . v,^s^^^ when abroad, practise against the religion or go- 1594. vernment of the country ; and that they will not, till their departure, associate with any of the Pop- ish sect : That they shall declare their choice of the two conditions to the King or the church before the first of January, otherwise their trial shall go on, as if no offers had been made to them ; and, lastly, that the church shall call all suspected persons be- fore them, requiring them to satisfy, and, if they be obstinate, their names shall be given to the King and council, that they may be punished." * This act, evidently intended to be in the highest degree favourable to the Popish lords, and giving a very singular and striking view of the state of Scotland at the time of its being passed, dissatisfied the church, was rejected by the lords themselves, and excited the indignation of Elizabeth, who con- sidered it as calculated to strengthen the party averse to the Protestant faith, and to be favourable to the King of Spain, in whose dominions it was probable that the exiles would seek for refuge She Embassy Sent Lord Zouche as her ambassador to remonstrate fand! ^"^' with James against the lenity which he had shewn, * MS. Life of James Melvll, p. 326, 32?. Calderwood's MSS? Vol. IV. p. 35-2 — 357, and printed History, p. 295 — 29,, compared with Spottiswoode, p. 399, 400. Wodrow's MSS Vol. I. folio, in Life of Bruce, p. i9. Bruce, in a sermon, declared that the King'* reign would be short and troublesome, if the act of abolition were not abolished. Continuation of ^laitland's History of Scotland, p. 1244, 1245. Collier's Ecclesiastical History of Britain, Vol. II. p. 6ia. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 35 and to expostulate upon his violation of the solemn chap. promise which he had made to her, that he would s,^^^,^ take no step with respect to the lords without her ^^s-*. concurrence. Zouche found some difficulty in ob- taining an audience of the Scotish King, who seems to have been highly displeased with the embas- sy ; and when he was admitted, he exasperated jan. 27. James by the violence with which he obeyed the instructions of his sovereign. At length, how- ever, the King perceived the hazard of offending Elizabeth, avowed his intention of no longer spar- ing the Popish lords ; and, as they had refused both to subscribe the articles which have been men- tioned, and to surrender themselves till their trial took place, they were summoned to appear before a parliament to be held in the following May. March 9; Zouche intimated to his court, that James was now determined to proceed Vv^ith the utmost vigour, and to compel the refractory nobles to submit ; but that he had represented the importance of Elizabeth's restraining any attempts of Bothwell, and the ne- cessity of her contributing a sum of money to en- able him to raise forces for securing the tranquil- lity of his kingdom. * To these requests evasive answers were returned ; and the English Queen, doubting the sincerity of James, was so far from having any intention to harass Bothwell, that she * Rymer's Fcedera, Vol. XVI. p. 240. Calderwood, p. 298. Spottiswoode, p. 402. S6 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, authorized her ambassadors to increase his faction. v-^^^x^ In this they were successful ; and it has been falsely 1594. alleged, that a part of the ministers, looking upon him as earnest in the cause of the reforma- tion, not only wished that he should be restored to his country, but assisted him with money, and sent Hunter, one of their number, to attend him as chaplain. * Bothwell a- A short time after this, amidst the joy diffused an'at^mpt^y ^^e birth of the amiable and accomplished upon the Henry, the eldest son of James, the court and the April 2, nation were alarmed by another daring attempt of that turbulent nobleman. Having collected a dis- orderly band of about four hundred cavalry, he, early in the morning, entered Leith, hoping to seize the King, who was then in Edinburgh, with only a few attendants. He no sooner heard, hovv- * MS. Life of James Melvil. He vindicates himself from being friendly to Bothwell, — shews the falsehood of the aspersion that he had given him money, and explains what gave rise to It, p. 328. Hunter went of his own accord, and was afterwards punished by the General Assembly. Spottiswoode, p. 402, compared with Calder- wood, p. 299, who vindicates the two Melvlls, both of whom had been charged with attachment to Bothwell. See his MS. Hist. Vol. IV. under this year. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. 1. folio, in Life of An- drew Melvil, p. 58, and Baillie's Historical Vindication, p. 72. But although the ministers must be acquitted of actively supporting Both- well, they certainly were inclined to be indulgent to him. Bruce about this time said from the pulpit, '' that Bothwell had taken the protection of the good cause, at least the pretence to this, to the King's shame." Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folio, in Life of Bruce, p. 19. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. . 37 ever, that Bothwell was so near, than he called on cHAP. the citizens to arm in his defence ; and Lord Hume, ^X^^Lj who had that morning arrived, was instantly sent 1594. out of the city at the head of the horse, whilst James prepared to follow with the infantry who had hastened to his standard. Bothwell, aware of the opposition which he would have to encounter, attacked Lord Hume, to whom he was much su- perior in cavalry, and put him to flight. The at- tendants of the King, alarmed for his safety, urged him to retire ; but he refused to leave the field to traitors, and kept his ground. Had Bothwell act- ed with less precipitation,— had he immediately after routing Hume attempted to secure the King, he might have succeeded ; but, pursuing with unguarded speed, his horse stumbled, and he re- ceived a fall, which disabled him from farther ex- ertion. He retired to Dalkeith, and having next morning dispersed his forces, he privately retired to the fastnesses in which he had so often found protection. * Thus happily once more delivered from the Jamessends traiterous attacks of Bothwell, James, who had no dorsTrili- doubt that his last attempt was instigated by Eliza- ^^'^"^• beth and her agents, dispatched Lord Colvil, and * MSS. Life of James Melvil, p. 328. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folio, in Life of Andrew Melvil, p. 5 8. Spottiswoode, p. 402, 403. Calderwood, p. 298, 299, in his account says, that the King fled ; but this is contradicted by other writers. Continuation of 3Iaitland's History of Scotland, p. 1249, 1250. 38 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. Bruce, commendator of Kinloss, with letters to the ^^^ Queen, in which he did not conceal how much he 1594. had been irritated by the conduct of Lord Zouche; expressed his astonishment that she should harbour Bothwell ; and, dexterously insinuating that this could not be done with her consent, lamented that a sovereign, who had reigned so long and so glori- ously, should not be secure against her subjects pre- suming to do what was inconsistent with her ho- nour. The ambassadors were also instructed to inform her, that, as the Popish lords had not em- braced the conditions which had been offered to them, he should shew them no more indulgence ; and again to ask that she would, by a supply of money, enable him either to banish them from his kingdom, or to bring them to justice. Elizabeth, making some excuse for what had happened, as- sured him that she should no longer afford Bothwell an asylum, and that she should contribute every thing in her power that he might proceed with effect against the rebels. James was so gratified with this reply, particularly with her promise of renouncing Bothwell, which she faithfully kept, that he solicited her countenance at the baptism of his son ; and, aware how much she might disturb his government, and of the folly of blasting, by irritating her, his prospect of succeeding to her throne, he became from this period much inclined CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 39 to be guided by her counsel, and desirous to ob- chap. tain her favour. * s-x^^ The General Assembly which met about the com- ^594. General mencement of summer, and soon after the discom- Asse-nbiy. fiture of Both well, with much interest directed its ^ ^^ '' attention to the state of the kingdom. Consider- ing the extinction of the Popish iaction as essential to the continuance of all the blessings which they valued, the members inserted in the minutes of this judicatory the steps which had been taken against the prevalence of Popery ; recording, with high approbation, the exertions of the ministers to effectuate so desirable an object. The sentence of excommunication which the synod of Fife had pro- nounced against the lords was confirmed, and all pastors were ordained to intimate it, expunging, how- ever, the name of Lord Hume, who had satisfied the church by his profession of the Protestant reli- gion. Trembling under the apprehension that the dark cabals which had been partially brought to light had not been completely counteracted, — be- lieving that the danger, (the reality of which all had admitted,) was nearly as formidable as when it first astonished and alarmed the nation, — and suspi- cious of the sincerity of the King in his declarations against Huntly, and those who followed the mea- sures of that infatuated nobleman, — they stated the ♦ Spottiswoode, p, 403- Continuation of Maitland's liistory of Stotland, p. 1250. Acts Regia, Vol. IV. p. 156. 40 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, evils which they dreaded, and, in an address to ^^^^^ their Sovereign, pointed out the means by which 1594. these evils might be averted. To this address he replied, that nothing should be left undone by him which it was in his power to do ; that he would a- dopt the precautions which had been suggested, on- ly objecting to one clause in the paper of the As- sembly, which seemed to sanction the dangerous practice of taking arms without his consent ; and having thus endeavoured to satisfy them, he consi- dered himself as entitled to demand, that they should comply with what he conceived requisite for the security of the government, and the tranquilli- ty of the kingdom. He accordingly required by his commissioners, that, in appointing the meeting of next Assembly, regard should be had to his pre- rogative, as declared by act of parliament ; that they would adhere to their resolution respecting the im- propriety of speaking irreverently in the pulpit of his Majesty, and would particularly censure John Ross, who had been guilty of this disrespect ; that they would excommunicate Andrew Hunter, for bringing a scandal upon their profession, as the first open traitor of their function against a Christian King of their own religion, and their native Sove- reign ; that they would enjoin all ministers to dis- suade their congregations from concurring with the treasonable attempts of Bothwell, or other traitors, taking heed that none of them were seduced under pretence of religion, or any other pretence, to be- CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 41 come soldiers to any who had not his Majesty's com- chap. mission, particularly to Bothwell ; and that, as the ^^p.,^ parliament was approaching, they would send some 1594. of their number to confer with him, and assist him with their counsel. With these reasonable de- mands the Assembly complied, renewing the act passed at Dundee against Hcentiousness of political discussion in the pulpit, censuring Ross, deposing Hunter, who had joined Bothwell, charging all their people to refrain from following him, or any other traitor who should rise against the King's authority, and appointing some of the clergy to wait upon his Majesty. * * Buik of the Universal Kirk, p. 440 — 460. In the proceedhigs of this Assembly, p. 446, is mentioned a singular superstition pre- vailing in Garioch, of setting aside a certain portion of every farm to the devil. " Anent ye horrible superstition which prevailed in Ga- rioch, and dyvers pairts of ye cuntrie^ in not laboring a parcel of ground dedicat to ye devill, under ye name of ye Guidman's Crofte ; the kirk, for remedie yrof, hes found meit, yat ane article be formit to ye parliat. yat ane act may proceid from ye estattes yrof, ordayn- ing all persons possessors of the saides landes, to cause labour ye samyn betwix and a certaine day to be appointit yrto ; uthervvayes in caise of disobedience, the said landes to fall in ye Kingis handis, to be dis- ponit to sick personis as pleisis his Maj. quha will labor ye samyn.'* This practice seems to be a vestige of that superstitious dread r.f an evil power, and of that anxiety to turn aside, by offerings, its malice, which has been wonderfully disseminated a mongst savage nations, and which, if I recollect, was found by navigators to prevail amongst the inhabitants of the islands in the Pacific Ocean. MSS. Life of James Melvil, p. 328—330. Row's MS. p. 57, 58. Calderwood's MSS. Vol. IV. p. 372 — 390, and printed History, p. 300 — 305. Spottis- woode has given a very imperfect and uncandid account of the aa» swers returned to the King's requests, p. 404, 405. 42 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. The King, eager to direct the popular indignatioa \^f^^y^ against Bothwell, sometime after the Assembly ad- 1594. dressed a memorial to the ministers ot Edinburgh, enjoining them not only to intin^ate to their own congregations his determined purpose to pursue by law and arms this nobleman, with his adhe- rents, and also the lords and other Papists, but to transmit this his purpose to all presbyteries, and more particularly to the synod of Fife, some of the members of which were suspected falsely, as has been already proved, of having aided the rebels. The answer of the ministers clearly shewed, that they were much more intent upon the punishment of Huntly, and those of his faction, than upon vi- gorous proceedings against the Kmg's own rebels, as they denominated Bothwell and his followers, and there is even an ambiguity in the manner in which they allude to their obligation to declare a- gainst him, which evinces that they regarded him as the determined enemy of Popery. * Parliament. Parliament met in the beginning of June, and, al- June H. though it was not numerously attended, private feelings leading numbers to shiink from an act of painful public duty, Huntly, Errol, Angus, the Laird of Acl^indown, and ISir James Chibholm, with many who adhered to them, were after some deli- beration declared to have been guilty ot treason j * Rymer's Foedera, Vol. XVI. p. 248, and former references wltk respect to Bothwell. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 43 sentence of forfeiture was pronounced against the cHAP. three earls and Achindown, their armorial bearings ^ were torn by a herald, and it was agreed that they i504 should lose all title to their estates and their ho- nours. At this parliament, severe acts were passed against Papists ; extensive powers were committed to presbyteries for prosecuting them ; and, to give efficacy to religious instruction, an act was framed for the better observance of the Sabbath, which con- tinued to be violated with an indecency, which, in the present age, would be regarded with abhor- rence. * * Caldervvood's MSS. Vol. IV. under 1594, and History, p. 305, SOC. Spottiswoode, p. 405, 406. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folio, jn Life of Melvil, p. 58, 59. Melvil displayed upon this occasion the warm and blunt zeal with which he ever defended the reformation. Murray's Collection of Acts of Parliament, p. 3G5. A number of salutary laws were made at this parliament, presenting, in their per- spicuity and conciseness, a remarkable contrast to the diffuse, obscure, and indeed often unintelligible acts, which, to the serious inconve- nience of all classes of men, now proceed from our more enlightened legislature. This is an abuse which calls loudly for reformation. Wodrow in several of his lives, gives a melancholy view of the bar- barous state of Scotland, and of the profaneness which abounded at the period of which I now write, adducing in support of his representa- tion m.any facts which render incredulity impossible. With respect to the Lord's day., comparatively few paid to it any attention, secu- jar occupations were commonly followed, or they were superseded by riotous amusement. There were instances even of ministers counte- nancing this, and going with their people on the Sunday evenings <' to the bow-butts, and the sinful exercise of shooting witli bow and arrow." There is in the mas* of the community now more religion than existed then. 44 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. Huntly and his party were not intimidated by the VIII v,^^,^^,.^ proceedings of Parliament, but, having obtained a 1594. supply of money from Spain, they resolved to ba- the Popish rass government, and to maintain Huntly's ascen- dancy in the northern parts of Scotland.* Soon after the dissolution of the meeting of the estates, his uncle and several foreigners arrived off Aber- deen, and the people of the town, highly irritated July 19. at the rebels, seized the vessel, and carried the pas- sengers to prison. Huntly and the other lords has- tened to rescue them, and threatened to burn the town, if they were not instantly set at liberty. The magistrates paid to this arrogance no attention, but when they saw the lords collecting a considerable number of troops, and preparing to carry their threats into execution, finding resistance vain, they yielded to the demands which they had the strong- est inclination to resist, -j* The account of this bold step irritated the King, and he immediately announced his resolution to subdue men who had now so decisively manifested the desperate nature of the schemes which they had formed. He commanded the Earl of Argyll, a young nobleman, whose want of experience dis- qualified him for conducting an enterprise upon Measures taken a- gainst them. * Spottiswoode, p. 407. ■f Rymer in his Foedera, Vol. XVI. has inserted a letter to the Ma- gistrates of Aberdeen, signed by Angus, Huntly, Errol, and Achin- down. See also Acta Regia, Vol. IV. p. 164. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 4S which so much might have depended, to keep cHAP. Huntly in check, till the arrival of the royal army; ^^.^Jil, but so little alacrity for this service was shewn by 1594. Argyll, that the interference of some of the mi- nisters was necessary for prevailing upon him to take the field. At length, however, with a consi- derable body of Highlanders, he marched against the Popish lords, who, informed of his approach, and that he would soon be powerfully reinforced, instantly attacked his army. Although he exceed- g^^jj^ ^^ ed them in numbers, he was assailed with the firm- Gleniivet, . Oct. 3. est mtrepidity, and the Highlanders havmg fled, the enemy were victorious, Argyll, after losing several hundred men, ordering a retreat. In the battle, the laird of Achindown was slain, and many of the gen- tlemen who supported the Popish faction were wounded. * This momentary triumph did not avail the cause of the Lords. The King, who hear-d at Dundee of what had happened, pushed forward, and arriv- ed at Aberdeen soon after the battle was fought. The Earls were not able to oppose him, and hav- Oct. is. ing fled to Sutherland, their houses in the neigh- bourhood of Aberdeen were seized and demolish- ed. Despairing of success, they implored permis- sion to leave the kingdom, pledging themselves * Spottiswoode, p, 407, 408. Calderwood, p. 306. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folio, in Life of Bruce, p. 19. He is dissatisfied with Spottiswoode 's account, but has nothing to urge against it. Continu- ation of Maitland's History of Scotland, p. 1258, 1259. 46 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, not to return without his Majesty's consent, and ^^^.^ engaging, that, while they were abroad, they would 1594. not engage in any scheme against the church or state. The King still was inclined to be lenient, and knowing that, if the ministers should become so powerful as to shackle his government, he might depend upon the assistance of the Popish lords, he complied, and tranquillity was for a short time restored to Scotland. * The ministers beheld, with the highest satisfac- tion, the events which had recently taken place. Although they would have preferred that severe proceeding against the Popish lords which sound policy and religious zeal then equally dictated, yet the banishment of these men removed one great source of uneasiness, and they anticipated the free exercise of their ecclesiastical powers, and the full vigour of their ecclesiastical polity. They soon, however, began to dread that new enemies were rising against them, and the strange conduct of the King reviving, in all their strength, the apprehen- sions of Popery, drove them to act with a violence which injured their cause, and enabled him to make innovations, from which, had no constraint been imposed, they would have unanimously revolted, as contaminating the purity of the church, f * MS. Life of James Melvll, p. 331 — 333. Spottiswoodf, p. 409. Calderwood, p. 307. f Calderwood's History, p. 3 1 K CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 4? The death of Lord Thirlstane, the chancellor, chap. laid the foundation for a change in the administra- -^^^ tion of government, by which both the state and 1595. the clergy were materially affected. This able and the chan- faithful minister had, after his return to court, fi^om ^^g^'^Q^.^^ the desire of not again offending the Queen, enter- ed into a scheme which she had formed, of taking her son, Prince Henry, from the Earl of Marr, to whose guardianship he had been committed, and of bringing him to the castle of Edinburgh, where he might remain under her own eye. When the King heard of this plan he was highly displeased, and, having convinced the Queen of its impropriety, he not only severely reprimanded the chancellor and the other courtiers who had been accessory to it, but he wrote to Marr, expressing his confidence in his fidelity, in terms so gratifying to that nobleman, as to mortify those who had rendered the expres- sion necessary. Maitland withdrew from court, and, either from the vexation of mind which this occasioned, or from accidental infection, he con- tracted a dangerous illness, which he was convinced would prove fatal. Under this impression he wrote to the King, explaining the part which he had act- ed with regard to the Prince, solemnly declaring that he had ever been attached to the interests of his sovereign, and praying, that, in the event of his dissolution, James would protect his wife and chil- dren. This communication extinguished the King's displeasure, and renewed the attachment which he 48 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, long had to the chancellor. He immediately wrote ,^^y^ to him a most affectionate letter, in which he sin- 1595. cerely lamented his illness, but assured him, that if, contrary to his hope, it should cut him off, he would make to his wife and to his children a " lively re- presentation of his gratitude.*' The letter does equal honour to the King and the chancellor. It could not fail to comfort Pvlaitland under the pres- sure of sickness ; it removed that anxiety about those who were most dear to him, which, from his hav- ing many enemies, it was natural to feel ; and it enabled him to fix his undistracted attention on the solemn event which awaited him. His death, which soon took place, was lamented by the friends of the church ; for although he had, in the earlier period of his political Ufe, proposed measures which were highly offensive to the zealous supporters of Pres- bytery, he at length, either from being convinced that sound poHcy dictated the change, or from his desire to strengthen himself against Bothwell, whom he always dreaded, espoused their cause, and powerfully contributed, as we found, to the passing of the memorable act that decided the triumph over the episcopal polity. * * Spoti Iswoode, p. 410, 411. He has recorded the particulars of the chancellor's illness and death, with the epitaph written upon him by the King. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folio, in Life of Andrew Mel- vil. p. 60. Melvil wrote an epitaph, shewing with what feelings he regarded the death of that nobleman. One line is, " Quo duce tanta fuit pax foris atque domi." 5 CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 49 The indolence which marked the latter years of CHAP. James, began to manifest itself at an early period \^^^y-^ of his life. His revenues had, from extravagance ^^96. ° Octavians. or mismanagement, become more and more embar- rassed, and, unable or unwilling to extricate them from confusion, he, soon after the chancellor's death, chose eight persons to act as commissioners of his exchequer, who, on account of their num- ber, received the appellation of Octavians. To these men he intrusted such powers, that he left to himself only the shadow of sovereignty, for though he exacted from them an oath, that, in all their proceedings they would consult his interest and his honour, he came under an obligation to make no grant without their consent, to add none to heir number, and, in the event of a vacancy, to leave to themselves the nomination of the successor. When their commission was published, the inhabitants of Jan. 12. Edinburgh were filled with astonishment at the in- fatuation of the King, and the clergy, who knew that some of the persons named, were suspected of attachment to popery, or had evinced that attach- ment, dreaded that they would employ their vast influence in restraining the privileges and impairing the liberties of the church.* Mackenzie's Lives, Vol. III. p. 418—423. Crawford's Lives of Offi- cers of State, p. 150 — 152. Calderwood, p. 310, after mentioning his services, adds, it was thought by sundry that all the good he did was to win the ministry to strengthen him against Bothwell. See also MS Hist. Vol. IV. p. 440. * MS. Life of James Melvil, p. 3*4. Row's MS. History, p. 63. VOL.11. D 50 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. Towards the conclusion of the former year, a VIII. . . v,^^ >-*^ rumour had been circulated and extensively be- 1596. lieved, that the King- of Spain intended to make Kumour oi ' or a Spanish another effort to conquer England. Upon this oc- casion James published a manifesto, calling upon his Jan. 2. subjects to be ready to oppose the scheme ; and, to prevent them from imagining that in the fate of the southern part of the island they had little concern, he thus strongly expressed the nature of the danger with which they were threatened : " Should the Spaniards now prosper, what danger would thence accrue to this kingdom, every unprejudiced Scots- man may foretel. So great a monarch addicted to arms, and patronizing that bloody and tyrannical religion, the direct opposite of that truth which we by God's indulgence profess, could not become our nearest neighbour, undivided by seas or any other impediment, without the certain hazard of our utter thraldom both in soul and body, the sub- version of the crown, and the reducing the whole people, so long free, to perpetual servitude, the unavoidable fate of all the countries Philip has con- quered by his arms.*'* This language, just as it is impressive, was in harmony with the opinions of the nation — with Spottiswoode, p. 211, 212, has recorded the tenor of the commission granted to the Octavians. Calderwood, p. ^^12, and MSS. Vol. V. p. 8. Baillie's Historical Vindication of the government of the Church of Scotland, p. G8. ■f Rymer's Foedera, Vol. VI. p. 286, 287. A summary of tht proclamation may be seen in Acta Regia, Vol. IV. p. 164. CHtnCH OF SCOTLAND. 51 those opinions which the clergy had strenuously CHAP. inculcated, and to which, with a consistency often ^^^^^^^ forgotten or disregarded by the monarch, they I'^se. firmly and conscientiously adhered. In the memo- 9^"^'^^\ '' ■' ^ Assembly rable Assembly which, soon after this appeal had March 24. been made to the kingdom, met in Edinburgh, the subject to which it related afforded ground for the most serious and important deliberation. The mi- nisters, as has been already mentioned, considered the terms which had been granted to the exiled lords not only as too lenient, but as inconsistent with the great objects which government should, in their estimation, have steadily contemplated. This sentiment had, during the period which elap- sed from the;-e lords being banished, been strength- ened by various causes, which produced conviction that the King was less attached to the church than he had professed to be, and that he was secretly anxious to receive and to pardon the men who had conspired to subvert his throne. When, therefore, the state of the kingdom engaged their attention, the members of Assembly embraced the opportu- nity of stating how cordially they would join in re- sisting every attempt of Spain, and of pointing out to the King the most effectual manner in which he might secure his dominions from the evils which he had in his proclamation so feelingly delineated. After much discussion, they submitted to him what they denominated the griefs of the church, and the remedies which they thought should be 52 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, adopted. They earnestly craved, that the lands of ^^.^ the forfeited rebels should be appropriated for de- ls 96. fending the kingdom against the enemies by whom March. ^ '^ *-> <~> it was threatened, and that all Jesuits, and persons influenced by them, should be apprehended and punished. The proposal respecting the property of the exiled lords had been mentioned to the King when he was present in the Assembly ; and Andrew Melvil, with much vehemence, had remonstrated against the arrangements with regard to that proper- ty, which had, as he contended, been unlawfully made ; but James had no intention of complying with this wish of the church, for he was already firm- ly determined to attempt the restoration of Huntly and his associates. This was known to the minis- ters, and it in part accounts for some very singular steps which were taken. Believing that they could not expect the co-operation of government in that complete extirpation of the Popish faction, which they judged essential both to civil and religious free- dom, they resolved to trust to their influence over the minds of the people. Afraid that the ardent zeal which they had once excited might become weak, they conceived it necessary to give it a new impulse, by renewing the covenant, and by enjoining the clergy throughout the kingdom to do so likewise ; whilst, by the most solemn professions of anxiety to reform all classes of men, and to promote their spiritual edification, they deeply impressed upon those by whom they were revered, that, if the most CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 53 decisive conduct was not followed, all which had been CHAP, hitherto done to produce and to secure the Reforma- y^^^^^^ tion would prove totally unavailing. Having appoint- i59*« ed commissioners to enumerate the corruptions of the ministry, and to suggest in what manner these might be removed, a report upon this subject was presented, in consequence of which it was required, that all faithful pastors should seriously examine into the motives by which they had been influenced in entering upon the sacred office ; should devote themselves to the studies calculated to render their labours useful; should carefully ascertain the state of those who wished to partake of the sacrament ; and should, with the sessions over which they pre- sided, exercise ecclesiastical discipline, not only in cases of enormous wickedness, but even where slight deviations from the strictness of Christian duty had been discerned. In their own deport- ment, they were to avoid every approach to levity of behaviour, to gaiety of apparel, or to those practices which, however common in private life, did not correspond with the gravity of a pastor ; and such of them as should be guilty of profaning the Sabbath, of intemperance, or of profaneness of discourse, were to be immediately deposed. They were cautioned against engaging in secular employments, which might distract their attention from the important duties which they had to per- form ; they were required, under pain of censure, to reside in their parishes, and to embrace every 54 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, opportunity, even in company, of promoting, by VIII • -1 . ,^^^^ their conversation, the sacred cause of religion, 1596. and the edification of those who looked to them for instruction. After they had thus pointed out what were the errors, and what should be the conduct of pastors, they assembled, as they had agreed, to re- new the covenant, by which they pledged them- selves never to forsake what they had sworn to de- fend. Having met in one of the churches, they were exhorted to have recourse to private medita- tion and prayer ; they humbled themselves in the sight of God, — they became deeply agitated, — they then listened to a sermon adapted to the occasion of their meeting, — and, before they dismissed, holding up their hands, and calHng on the name of God, they bound themselves, as he should enable them, to walk in the profession of the truth. ^ But they did not confine their attention to the clerical order. They pointed out the abuses and enormities which prevailed amongst all classes, from the sovereign to the meanest of the people ; thus representing that the sins of the nation were the cause of its being threatened with calamity, and that these sins must be abandoned before they could hope for the blessing and favour of heaven. In all this they followed the conviction of their own minds; but it cannot be doubted, that they thus most ef- fectually brought home to the feelings of men what they had to fear, and inclined them to venerate their teachers, as the patriotic defenders of all which, as CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 55 members of political society, and as Christians, they chap. should hold in estimation. Before the conclusion ^ of the Assembly, a number of ministers were ap- ^^^^' pointed to wait constantly upon the court, and to watch the measures of government ; and the reason assigned for this extraordinary appointment was the continual diligence of their enemies, especially when they discerned any slackness in the church, with respect to the discovery and resistance of their enterprises. It will soon appear, that what was thus designed to guard the ecclesiastical pohty, led to consequences very different trom those which had been confidently anticipated. * In addition to the dangers which threatened the Scheme of , ,., p provision existence or the liberty or the church and the for minis- state, the clergy had to lament evils which immedi-*^^"" ately affected themselves, and which were severely felt by them in the common intercourse of life. Although the Presbyterian discipline had been com- pleted and sanctioned, little had been done tor ex- empting the ministers from the poverty to which, by the dilapidation of the patrimony ot the church at * Bulk of the Universal Kirk, p. 474—492. MS. Life of James Melvil, p. S60— 384. Calderwood's MSS. Vol. V. p. 9 — 32 ; 4? — 49, and printed History, p. 312 — 323. Wodrow's MSS. Vol.1, folio, in Life of Andrew Melvil, p. 60 — 63 ; of Davidson, p. 30, 31 ; and of Robert Pont, p. 22, 23. Row's MS. p. 6 1. Calderwood concludes his full account of this Assembly, with this remark, ♦' Here end the sincere General Assemblies of the Church of Scotland." Compare with the above, Spottiswoode, p. 415, 416, and Collier, Vol. II. p. 648, 56 HISTORY OP THE CHAP, the Reformarion, they had been reduced. For want ^^^^ of the means of support, many parts of the king- 1596, dom were destitute of religious instructors, and the stipends which were received by resident pastors were so small, as to render the most rigid econo- my necessary for supporting themselves and their families. These stipends, too, in place of being fix ed and paid in the parishes of the incumbents, were every year altered at the caprice of the modifiers, and had to be drawn from remote parts of the country, which was attended with much difficulty, and much expence. In the parliament which con- firmed the Presbyterian establishment, a commis* sion had indeed been given to certain noblemen and members of the council on the one hand, and to several ministers on the other, to provide a remedy for these grievances, so intolerable to the pastors, and so hazardous to the government, and the lords of the Exchequer were commanded to as- sist with their advice ; but nothing had been effected, and complaints were made upon this subject, at every Assembly, and were perhaps sometimes conveyed from the pulpit. The King, at the last Assembly, had ordered his commissioners to represent, that he heard that some ministers led the people to be- lieve that he and his council interposed obstacles to the plantation of churches, and to assure the cler- gy, that, so far from this being the case, he was desirous that stipends should be augmented, and the number of ministers increased j and that he CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 57 would order persons deputed by him to meet with CHAP, the represematives of the Assembly, to make ar- s.,^^v-%i rangements for carrying his scheme into execution, i596, Lindsay of Balcarras, one of the Octavians who had paid to the subject much attention, proposed a plan, which was thought the best that had yet been suggested. The revenue of the church having been much impaired by annexations to the crown ; by the erection of church lands into temporal lord- ships ; by the iniquitous practice of granting long leases of tithes for an elusory payment ; by pen- sions, and by the manner in which that portion of the thirds pertaining to the crown had been alienat- ed,— he proposed, as the only method of providing comfortably for the clergy, that all tithes should be declared to be the patrimony of the church, that the lords of the Exchequer, with such ministers as should be appointed by the Assembly, being equal in number to the lords, should modify and assign, from certain bounds in every parish, a quantity of victual, and other duties of vicarage, with a manse and glebe, as a local stipend to each church, in whatever manner the teinds might have been previ- ously granted or enjoyed j that the conmiissioners should have power to unite or disjoin parishes, with consent of the parishioners ; and that the assigna- tions made by them should be valid, giving full power to the ministers, in a summary way, to col- lect what belonged to their benefices. He then laid down a method for the valuation of tithes, so 58 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, ss to prevent all farther dilapidation ; and he re- ^^^'* commended that, this having been accurately done, 1596. an estimate should be made of the amount of the whole tithes ; and that what remained, after pay- ing the stipends, should be employed for upholding schools, lor sustaining the poor, and for other god- ly uses, the title, however, to the whole being vested in the ministers, who were to account for the surplus to persons nominated for receiving it. This scheme, by distributing all the teinds, for the temporal estates of the church had been previ- ously and for ever wrested from ir, left nothing for the support of prelates, — thus following out the act of parliament abolivshing that order, and effectually preventing its restoration in the form in which it had once existed. But as one of the estates of par- liament was thus destroyed, and as a spiritual estate was judged requisite for preserving the entire fabric of the poUtical constitution, Lindsay concluded by a proposition, that, in time coming, every presby- tery should send, from its own members, a com- missioner to parliament, — that from the comuiission- ers so returned the two other orders should choose as many as, joined wiih the surviving possessors of prelacies, should compose a number equal to that of any of the other estates ; and that, after the de- cease of the titular bishops, the whole of the repre- sentatives of the church should be taken from the commission's elected by presbyteries, the persons 3 CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 39 chosen having the same rights and privileges in par- cHAP. liament as had been possessed by the prelates. ^^^-w' In this scheme there is much which is excellent. i59G. It was admirably calculated to secure the clergy from the horrors of want, — it relieved them from the anxiety and trouble to which, by the former mode of paying their stipends, they had been sub- jected,— whilst it most equitably, in the best way of representation, gave them that voice in the great council of the nation to which, by practice, by law, and in justice they were entitled, but of which they were unfortunately, through their own mistaken views, afterwards deprived. Had the scheme been maturely weighed, some alterations and improve- ments would no doubt have been suggested ; but it was, in general, acceptable to the ministers, and it would, in all probability, have been carried into effect, had not the events which soon took place made a material change in the civil and ecclesiasti- cal state of the kingdom. * The King, and the courtiers who now directed Resolutloa . . . , . , , . p . 1 to restore him, persisted m the resolution or restoring the the exiled Popish lords to their country, upon condition of'*"^^^* their satisfying the church ; and James, unaccount- * MS. Life of James Melvil, p. 345 — 360. He has given a copy ©£ the new and constant plat, and says, that, with some alterations, it would have been gladly received. Calderwood has given a very clear and interesting account of it in his History, p. 325 — 328. See also the proceedings of last Assembly, in Bulk of the Universal Kirk, and Calderwood's MSS. Vol. V. p. 82—45. 60' HISTORY OF THE CHAP, ably eager in accomplishing this object, endeavour- ^^^^J^^ ed, through Robert Bruce, whom he still highly 1596. respected, to obtain for it the sanction of the clergy. He represented to Bruce the great importance of uniting all classes of his subjects ; he stated, that, as the Queen of England was far advanced in life, their assistance might soon be required for establish- ing his claim of succession to the English throne ; and that, whilst so many of the nobles were exiled, he was both less powerful, and would be held in less estimation by foreign princes, — inferring from these grounds, that, if the banished lords could be induced to embrace the true religion;, which was es- sential for gaining his countenance, they should be recalled. Bruce, who was asked freely to give his opinion, frankly said, that he thought his Majesty*s reasons had great weight, and that it might not be improper to bring home Angus and Errol, but that all idea of restoring Huntly, who, by the whole of his conduct, had rendered himself odious, should be abandoned. The King expressed his earnest wish that Huntly, both on account of his connection by marriage with himself, and of his being able to assist him, should not be excluded from indulgence, and asked Bruce to reflect for some days upon this matter, and then communicate what he thought. At the next interview with the sovereign, he adher- ed to his former sentiment, and when James said. If I bring home one I will bring home all ; he firm- ly replied, I see your resolution is to take Huntly CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 61 into favour, which, if you do, I will oppose. The CHAP. King was filled with indignation at this answer, and \,^.^,^'^ became altogether alienated from the upright advis- ^^^^^ er by whom it was given. * The exiled lords, finding that in foreign coun- The lords tries they did not meet with the attention and the return! ^ respect which they had hoped to receive, and know- ing that the King was not disposed to be inexorable, formed the resolution of returning to Scotland, and of making every concession to turn aside the enmi- ty of the church. They succeeded in reaching their native country ; and Huntly, who concealed himself in the most inaccessible districts of the * Spottiswoode, p. 426, 427. Wodrow In his Life of Bruce, MSS. Vol. I. folio, p. 20, expresses his conviction, that the conversation above quoted from Spottiswoode never took place, and he supports this opinion by endeavouring to shew that the speech was inconsistent with Bruce's character and intelligence. Such reasoning, however, must be admitted with much caution, when employed to invalidate fhe positive testimony of an Intelligent and well-informed writer. Baillie, in his Historical Vindication, p. 30 — 32, with more plausi. bility, supposes that the substance of the conversation is accurate, but some of the expressions exaggerated. It is not uncommon in Wodrow, and some zealous presbyterian writers, flatly to contradict the assertions of Spottiswoode upon vague grounds, and often upon no ground at all. It cannot be denied, that the Archbishop's par- tiality to episcopacy has, particularly in the latter part of his hbtory, destroyed his candour, and led h'un to extenuate, or to conceal, what he should have fairly stated ; but nothing can be more improbable, than that he would assert, as facts, what he knew never took place. The leading events of the times to which his work relates were ge- nerally known, and he could not fail to be sensible, that the attempt to support his cause by falsehood would injure it, and ruin himself in the estimation of his contemporaries. 62 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, northern part of the kingdom, watched an oppor- t^^^ ^^ tunity of attempting the restoration of himself, and 159G. of the other noblemen who were united with him. A conven- He soon was informed of the King's determination J*°^^^^^'^'to summon a convention at Falkland, for consider- August. ing the policy to be adopted towards his rebellious subjects ; and he addressed a supplication to James and those who attended him, praying that he might be permitted to return, and ofiering not only to Hve in any place which should be assigned to him, but to give surety for his quiet and peaceable deport- ment. The King immediately shewed how much he was inclined to comply with a petition, which he should, with the utmost caution, have considered. He declared to the members of the convention, that they must either determine to exterminate the lords, their race, and their posterity, or to receive them, upon conditions, into favour ; that the former of these modes was attended with many difficulties ; and that, although he did not approve of the gene- ral supplication which Huntly had obtained means to present, yet he was of opinion, that if the interests of the kingdom and of religion could be secured, the latter mode ought to be adopted. Andrew Mel- vil, who, as one of the commissioners appointed by the church, had, without being summoned, attended those of the ministers who had been invited to the convention, although reproved for his intrusion, boldly stated sentiments in direct opposition to those of the sovereign, — warned the persons whom he ad- CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 6S dressed against calling home and enrolling amongst chap. the number of fathful subjects, men who had sought ^^^^.-^ to betray their country to the cruel Spaniard, and ^^9^* to overthrow Christ's kingdom, — and, inthe forcible impetuous language which he had learnt from the first reformers, he accused all who should support the measure which he reprobated, of treason to Christ, to his church, and to the country. He was by the King ordered to withdraw, which he did, exulting that he had spoken the truth ; and the pro- posal of the sovereign having been adopted, the terms upon which the lords should be pardoned were appointed to be arranged. This re^^olution, deciding the momentous question in favour of the Popish party, was soon aher confirmed by another convention, which met at Dunfermline. * The ministers no sooner heard of the decision for violent recalling the exiled lords, than they expressed the [he^^iei-gy" abhorrence with which they regarded it ; and the '" fonse- quence of commissioners appointed by the last Assembly hav- theresolu- mg met at Cupar, sent a deputation to remonstrate September, with the King. This remcjnstrance having proved unavailing, they appointed some of their number, from all parts of the kingdom, to meet in Edin- burgh with the presbytery of that city, and to take * MS. Life of James Melvil, p. 3rf5, 386. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folio, in Life of David Black, p. 9, 10. Spottiswoode, p. 4 17, compared with Calderwood, p. 328. Continuation of Maitland's History of Scotland, p. 1263. Collier's Ecclesiastical History of Bri- tain, Vol. n. p. 649, 64 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, care that the church received no injury. The most \^-^y^ zealous of the ministry obeyed the appointment, "o h^o the King could not, contrary to God's word, and the decision of the estates, shew them favour. * When this was reported to James, he could not conceal his displeasure ; in every place he inveighed against the ministers, expressing himself in such strong language of disapprobation, that some of the wisest of the clergy, suggested the propriety of sending a deputation to solicit that he would point out by what part of their conduct he had been of« fended. This the council agreed to do, but they Not. 9. embraced the opportunity of stating the grounds upon which the church complained of the sove- reign. James, not soothed by this ungracious mode of approaching him, resolutely answered, that there Nov. ii! could be no agreement between him and the minis- ters, till the limits of their respective jurisdictions were clearly defined, and he required, as the con- ditions of his being reconciled, that in preaching they should not speak of state affairs ; that they should not convoke General Assemblies without his special * MS. Life of James Melvil, p. 386—389. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folio, p. 11. Spottiswoode, p. 418. Collier's Ecclesiastical History •f Britain, Vol. II. p. 649. 68 " HISTORY OF THE CHAP, command ; that nothing done by these assemblies ^T^^ should be considered as having any force, without 1596. his ratification ; and that synods, presbyteries, and sessions, should not, upon the plea of scandal, pro- nounce sentence upon what properly fell under the cognizance of the civil magistrate. Against their complaints, which chiefly related to the coun- tenance given to the Popish lords, and others of the same faith, and to the severe censures of the minis- ters and their doctrine which in his common con- versation he pronounced, he defended himself more unambiguously than he had been accustomed to do, imputing the manner in which he spoke of the preachers to their never ceasing in their sermons to provoke him, and to lower him in the estimation of his people. His answers were far from satisfying those to whom they were addressed. Thty affirm- ed, that these answers rendered it evident, that the overthrow of the liberty of Christ's kingdom was intended ; they ordered all the acts of the council, and the parliament, securing the liberty of the church to be collected, and they warned presby- teries of the danger to which they were now exf posed. The ministers, who had carried on the cor- respondence with the King, were instructed to re- ceive such articles as he might communicate, but they were prohibited to reason upon them, till the ecclesiastical council had considered them, lest in an unguarded moment they might make concessions CHtJRCH OF SCOTLAND. 69 ini uncus to those high pretensions which the mi- CHAP msters were determined to assert. * \^ From the commencement of the proceedings ^^^^' which have been detailed, it was apparent to all Black, parties, that the extent of civil and ecclesiastical jurisdiction was now at issue ; and the King, with the advice of his council, selected a particular case, that he might fully ascertain and clearly determine how far he could control the freedom of the clergy in political discussion. David Black, one of the ministers of St Andrews, had, in a sermon deliver- October. ed a short time before this period, spoken in the most improper manner of the King, the Qaeen, and the Lords of the Council and Session ; and had concluded his intemperate oration, by branding the English queen as an atheist, or a woman of no re- ligion. As Black was held in high estimation by the people, and the English ambassador had com- plained of the insult offered to his sovereign, Black was summoned to appear before the privy-coun- cil, t His brethren at Edinburgh, upon the ground that this step was intended against the free preach- ing of the gospel, resolved that he should decline, * Wodrow's MS. Vol, I. folio, In Life of David Black, p. l2 — 15. Calderwood, p. 334, 335. Spottiswoode, p. 419, •f Black had, the year before, been summoned before the council for certain offensive expressions in a sermon ; but the King, chiefly in- fluenced by James Melvil, whom he at this time highly esteemed, did not listen to the accusation. MS. Life of J. Melvil, p. 337j 3tad Wodrow's Life of Black, p. 3 — 7. 70 THE HISTORY OP CHAP, by a formal deed, the jurisdiction of the Kin? and VIII • • • ^^^^^^^^ council ; and that this deed should be subscribed 1596. by all the clergy in Edinburgh. Black readily complied with the advice ; the declinature, as it was termed, was composed ; it was sent to the various presbyteries, that the subscription of the whole members of the church might be obtained ; and to Kov. 20. the letter which accompanied ir, this motro was prefixed : " If we suffer with him, we shall reign Nov. 23. with him." About four hundred names were, in consequence of this step, attached to the declina- ture ; and amongst these was that of Archbishop Spottiswoode, who distinguished hivnself by his zeal in defence of Black and the ecclesiastical council, whilst it has been, probably unjustly, alleged, that he secretly counteracted their schemes. * Suspecting that the Octavians were not faithful to the cause of the church, its council also ordered them, great as was their influence, to be admonish- ed of their duty ; and far from thinking it prudent to disregard the admonition, they solemnly declar- ed that they had not been instrumental in the mea- sures which the King had adopted. James now saw, that, under pretence of asserting the liberties * Calderwood's MSS. Vol. V. p. 71—74, and printed History ,- p. SS6 — SS9. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folio, in Life of Black, p. 14 and 16, and 18 — 20. Wodrow speaks of the duplicity of Spottiswoode in this matter as well known ; but this should be re- ceived with much allowance. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 7 1 of the church, he was threatened with opposition CHAP. . . VIII. which might endanger his throne ; and he issued a .^^^-^j proclamation, ordering the most active ministers to ^ ^^^^* leave the city, and prohibiting such conventions as that which had for some time been held. The clergy were not shaken in their purpose by this ex- ertion of the sovereign power ; they resolved to obey God rather than man ; and they enjoined, that from the pulpit their privileges should, upon the first opportunity, be in the most confident strain and in full extent asserted. New resolutions as to the mode of defending Black were taken, and another declinature was, upon his again being summoned be- fore the council, composed and circulated. The Not. su King, however, was resolute in the defence of his prerogative ; a general declaration was issued, that he, the lords of the privy-council, and the other judges holding commission from the crown, were competent to decide upon all matters, criminal and civil, as well in the case of ministers as of other subjects J and it was resolved to proceed next day in the examination of the witnesses, whose evi- dence, it was supposed, would substantiate the charges against Black, now the idol of his party. * Yet even after matters had gone thus far, James >JoJeratlo» of James. * Compare Spottlswoode, p. 419 — 424 with Calderwood, p. 335— 842. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folio, in Life of Black, p. 21—31. Paillie's Historical Vindication, p. 52. It is proper also to consult Collier, Vol. II. p. 649—651, and Heylin's History of Presbyterians, p. 358—355. 72 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, was averse from proceeding to extremities, and he ,^^,,,'^ made, in the evening, this moderate proposal, that 1596. if Black would confess his guilt, he should be sent back to his congregation. To this Bruce^ now completely alienated from his sovereign, answered in name of the other ministers, that if Black alone had been concerned, the proposal might have been accepted ; but as the liberties of the church, which were of infinitely more moment than his life, or than the lives of a dozen of individuals, had been invaded by proclamations and by the decision of the privy-council, these must be withdrawn, or they would oppose while they had breath. The King, notwithstanding this answer, so nearly approaching to rebellion, attempted, in a conference with a few of the clergy, to show how unreasonably they were acting, and to convince them that they had mis- taken the nature of the proceedings of which they complained, and some approach was made to an agreement. Black himself, however, either from vanity, or conviction of duty, refusing to make an Dec. 2. apology to the council, his trial proceeded, and be- ing found guilty, he was ordered, till his sentence had been pronounced by his Majesty, to whom it was referred, to be confined in the north, and la enter into ward within six days. * * Calderwood, p. 351. Spottlswoode, p. 425. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folio, In Life of Black, p. 32—36. Rymer's Foedera, Vol. XVI. p. 305. Collier's Ecclesiastical History of Britain, Vol. H. p. 651,652. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 75 Although his patience might now have been ex- chap. hausteJ, the King once more attempted to restore k,^^^^^ harmony, offering to rescind all the acts of coun- i59s. cil which had been passed, to proceed against the adherents of Popery, and not to hold the sentence pronounced in the case or Black as a precedent; but as he insisted that some punishment should be inflicteJ upon this man, the ministers not only re- fused these terms, but rejected another scheme which was submitted to them, and they retired from the royal presence, the dissatisfaction of both parties having been increased. As they appointed a fast for supplicating the Supreme Being that the Dec. le, heavy judgments hanging over the church might be averted, the King, by a proclamation, ordered the commissioners who formed th? ecclesiastical coun- ^^*^' ** cil, and who had come to Edinburgh to attend it, to leave the city; and on the following day, with the view of counteracting their assertions respecting the danger to which religion was exposed, he issued a declaration, in which, after adverting to the vio- lent conduct of the ministers, he solemnly assured his subjects, that it was his firm resolution to main- tain the church discipline which was established, and to suffer nothing to be done to its prejudice. He concluded, by requiring the clergy to subscribe an expression of their willingness to obey his autho- rity, under pain of having their stipends seques- trated. After some deliberation, it was decided by the council of the church, that the orders to re- I4t HISTORY OF THE CHAP, move should be obeyed, and some of the courtiers VIII . . \^^^^^ emertained the idea, that, when the ministers of 1596. Edinburgh were left to themselves, they would be induced to act with moderation ; but they conti- nued faithful to the cause, and would enter into no conference till their brethren were publicly re- called. * Tumult in Matters were now fast hastening to tumult and Dec.Tf. 'disorder, and interested men, who had little concern about the issue of the differences between the King and the church, but who were eager for their own purposes, to promote confusion, put the match to the train which had been laid. On the morning of the seventeenth of December, a day memorable in the history of the Church of Scotland, insinuations or assertions were circulated, that Huntly had been privately at court, and had prevailed upon the King to issue an order, which had just been inti- mated, that twenty-four of the citizens best affec- ted to the ministers should leave Edinburgh j the clergy were alarmed by assurances, that, if they did not now remain firm, Popery would be introduc- ed; whilst the same fomenters of discord represent- ed to the King, and to the Octavians, that the houses of the ministers were guarded, and that it was requisite to take every precaution for saving themselves from the fury of the populace. In this • Calderwood's MS. Vol. V. p. 79—83, and printed History, p. 352, S6S. Spottiswoode, p. 426, 427. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. foUo, Life af Bruce, p. 22. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 7$' agitated state of men's minds, divine worship com- CHAP. .... VIII. menced, and Balqnanqual, the officiating minister, who believed the reports which had been carefully sent to him, warned his audienceof their danger,— complained of ihe treacherous forms of the court, accused some of the leading men in the kingdom, as having occasioned the present deplorable state of: the church, — and lecalling to the minds of those who heard him, how the noblemen and barons had struggled for the Reformation, he exhorted the lords and gentlemen who were present, to meet in one of the churches, after service, and to assist the ministry with their advice. The meeting immedi- ately took place, and Bruce having expatiated upon the late interesting events, desired those who had assembled, to hold up their hands, and swear that they would defend religion against all opposers. Commissioners were then sent to the King, who was sitting with the Lords of Session, and whilst they were absent, passages of Scripture were read, calculated to Inflame the people, who could not see the impropriety of the manner in which these pas- sages were applied. Amongst the persons carrying the supplication, was Lord Lindsay, who, when the King asked how they had dared to meet ? with much warmth replied, that in a season of so much ha- zard, he thought they might lawfully do more than petition. James apprehending from this answer, and from the furious manner in which the multi- tude were pressmg into the hall, that some violent 76 HISTORY OP THE CHAP, assault was intended, immediately withdrew, arid „^s,,^4^ ordered the gates to be shut. It was instantly cir- 1596. culated through the city, that he had given an un- favourable answer to the requests which had been offered, and Lindsay, upon his return, audaciously said, — Let us now stay together, advertise our friends and the favourers of religion, and take a decided part against our enemies, for it shall be either theirs or ours. Upon this, some cried to arms, — others exclaimed, the sword of the Lord and of Gideon, and there was every reason to apprehend all the horrors of popular commotion. Bruce, after in vain intreating his friends not to separate, exerted; himself to calm the people ; and the chief magis- trate who, though he had been confined by sickness, considered himself as called upon to make every ef- fort to restore tranquillity, by his wise and mode- rate representation, so soothed the populace, that they laid down their arms, and retired without far- ther outrage. * * Calderwood's MSS. Vol. V. p. 122, — 126, and p. 173—189, and printed History, p. 364, 365, compared with Spottiswoode, p. 364, 365. Row's MS. History, p. 64 — 66. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. f. folio, in Life of Bruce, p. 22, 23, and Vol- XIV. quarto, in Life of Balquanqual, with addition D to that life, in which is an account taken from a MSS. by a person who, Wodrow supposes, was present. Apo- logy by the Ministers, in MS. Life of James P/Ielvil, p. 391 — 400. Baillie's Historical Vindication, p. 68 — Tl. Bishop Guthrie's Me- moirs, p. 5, 6, a work of which Wodrow, In his printed history^ speaks contemptuously, but which contains much information tem- perately conveyed. Petrie's Church History, Part 3d, p. 526—' S2&. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 77 The King instantly dispatched the Earl of Marr, CHAP, to converse with the ministers, and inquire into the v^s^^^ cause of the tumult. They seem for a moment to,„\^^^- Ministers have been sensible that matters had proceeded too alarmed. far ; they declared not only that they disapproved what had happened, but that they had sought to re- strain the people. Yet far from being led to alter the general tenor of their conduct, they again as- sembled with such of the laity as were devoted to them, and sent to the King propositions and arti- cles, even more violent than any which they had yet devised. James, however, refused to admit the persons by whom they were brought, and next day Dec. is. not only retired to Linlithgow, upon the ground that his person was not safe in Edinburgh, but pub- lished a proclamation, in which, after detailing the insults which had been offered to him, and assert* ing that a multitude of the townsmen had, by per- suasion of the ministry, treasonably put themselves in arms, with the intention of bereaving him and the council of their lives, he commanded the Lords of Session, the sheriffs, and commis- sioners of justice, with their several deputies, to re- Dec. is. move from the town of Edinburgh, and to be in readiness to repair to such place as he should ap- point, and prohibited all noblemen and barons from assembling without his permission. * * Calderwoodj p. 365, 366. — Spottiswoode, p. 428—430. Row's MS. History, p. 66. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folio, in Life of 6ruce, p. 23. Calderwood'g MS. Vol. V. p. 131, 132. 78 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. VIII. 1596. Persist in their vio- loow. This proclamation made a deep impression upon the public mind. When the zeal of the people a- bated, they began to see their rashness, and to la- ment the consequences which would follow, from the decisive steps taken by the king ; while mo- derate men in higher situations of life, saw the pro- priety of making some submission to the monarch, and of restraining the clergy, who, however sincere in their ardour for the cause of pure religion, might be rendered instrumental in involving the kingdom in all the wretchedness invariably arising from po- pular tumult, or from civil war. * The ministers beheld with much uneasiness this decay of zeal, and they took every method to coun- teract it. In express opposition to the King's procla- mation, they enjoined the nobles and barons to re- main together ; a bond was signed for calling to their aid all who valued the liberties of the church ; and Lord Hamilton, by a letter written by Bruce, smd subscribed by several of the ministers, was in- vited to put himself at the head of the party which they had formed, t On the succeeding Sunday, * Spottiswoode, p. 430. The truth of this representation is ap- parent from the sermon which Bruce preached on the succeeding Sun- day, in which he lamented, ♦' that there existed such weakness in many who heard him, that they durst not so much as utter one word for God's glory, and his good cause." Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folioj in Life of Bruce, p. 25. f Spottiswoode, p. 430, 431, compared with an unsatisfactory apo* logy for the letter in Baillie's Historical Vindication, p. 71. Wod- E»w'« MSS. Vol. I. folio, in Life of Bruce, p. 23, 24. Calderwood, in 4 CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 79 Bruce exhorted the people to remain firm, — said that cHAP. he was heartily sorry that the holy and gracious ,^ L^ cause was so obscured by the late tumult, and that i596. their desperate enemies were so emboldened to pull down the crown off Christ's head. He affirmed, that these enemies were running as direct a course to the ruin of the country, and of religion, as if they had combined with the Pope, the King of Spain, and the apostate Papists within the kingdom ; while, on the other hand, in speaking of the ministers, he represented them as made the mouth of God, that they should oppose this manifest usurpation upon his spiritual kingdom, and this encroaching upon all their spiritual liberties. Such a discourse was little calculated to compose the passions of the con- gregation to which it was preached ; but language much more intemperate was on the same day em- ployed. It has been recorded that John Welsh, the son-in-law of Knox, a man who was revered as a prophet, who was considered as admitted to the most intimate communion with God, and who has even been gravely held forth by some of his biographers as a worker of miracles, declared in his sermon that the King was possessed with a devil; that one devil having been put out, sevtn had entered in its place, and that the subjects might lawfully rise and take the sword out of his hand. It has indeed, been contended by those who hold his memory in vene« iis printed history, does not mention the letter, but he speaks of it ift k« MS. VoL V. p. 126, 127. 80 HISTORY OF THE €HAP. rations that it was inconsistent with his character to ^^y^ employ expressions so indecent, and so treasonable ; i59«. but even admitting that party zeal may have exag- gerated, there can be little doubt that he had spo- ken in a strain which prudence and duty should have led him to avoid. * Lord Hamilton did not judge it proper to accept the invitation which had been sent to him, and he even transmitted to the King a copy of the letter which he had received. Either from an unworthy desire of ingratiating himself with the sovereign, or from his trusting to his memory, the copy did not agree with the original ; and Bruce, in a letter to Hamilton, expostulated with him upon what might, with so much appearance of reason, be attributed * Wodrow in his Life of Bruce, p. 25, 26, has given the substance •f the discourse, which that minister delivered on the 19th Decem- ber. Spottiswoode, p. 430, gives the extract from Welsh's sermon, but, Wodrow, in his Life of Welsh, p. 8 — 10, displays^much ingenuity in repelling the charge of the primate. He does not, however, assert, that the sermon was not delivered, but endeavours to shew, from cir- cumstantial evidence, that it could not be such a sermon as Spottis- woode has represented. The life of Welsh is m every respect a most singular production, and, as throwing great light upon the religious •entiments of the period in which he lived, merits publication. Welsh •pent eight hours of every day in prayer, or, as he expressed it, in •wrestling with God, an exercise to him attended with vast bodily exertion ; he uttered more predictions than any of the ancient pro- phets ; and the particulars of his recovering a young man, apparently dead, are recorded, as if life was really restored in consequence of his intercession. It is difficult from the whole narration, highly laudatory as it is, not to draw the conclusion, that in this good man, enthusiasm kad reached the point of insanity, to which it so naturally tends. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 81 to a violaiion of honour, which, from all the cir- chap. cumstances connected with it, was in the highest ..^^.^.^^^ degree aggravated. * i^^^' From the facts which have been stated, there can Remarkson be little doubt with respect, at least, to the impru- J^^^e miS- dence of the conduct which the ministers adopted, sters. Their cause, viewed in itself, was unquestionably good. The King, there was too much reason to dread, was pursuing policy which tended to sub- vert the liberty and the religion of the kingdom ; and, had no attempt been made to defend these, tyranny and superstition might again have been in- troduced. Had the clergy, therefore, by firm and vigorous representation, warned their sovereign of his errors, and pointed out what it was wisdom' to follow ; had they employed fairly their vast influ- ence in leading to that moral resistance which is formidable to the most despotic of princes, they would have acted as virtuous patriots ; they would, in all probability, have secured the interesting ob- jects which, with praiseworthy solicitude, they con- templated ; and they would have been entitled to respect and admiration. But, in the vehemence of their zeal, they did not calmly reflect and carefully * Wodrow's aiSS. Vol. I. folio^ p. 24 and 26, where the two let- ters of Bruce are inserted. MS- Life of James Melvil. p. 391 — 400. Spottiswoode, p. 43 1, may be consulted for the copy sent to the King. The following expression in the original, " the people, as it effeirs, animated partly by the word and violence of the course," was changed into *' the people animated by the word and motion or God's spirit." VOL. ir. p 82 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, inquire ; they disturbed their fancy by the appre- ^J^^Jl, hension of imaginary dangers ; they too much dis- 1596. regarded the promises of the sovereign, which, whatever was his personal character, he saw it to be his interest to keep sacred ; and, not suffi- iently on their guard against the artifices of unprincij;led men, they, however unintentionally, shook the al« legiance of the people, and acted as if it had been their wish that the King should hold the sceptre only while it was under their direction. The con- sequence was, that, whilst they filled even their ad- herents with consternation, they lost, in a great de- gree, the confidence which had before been reposed in them, and thus opened the way to schemes of innovation, which, had they pursued a different line of conduct, the King, however eager to promote them, would not have ventured to propose. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 83 CHAPTER NINTH. Decisive measures taken by the King....His views with regard to the Church... .A General Assembly. ...Popish Lords freed from the Sentence of Excommunication.... General Assembly at Dundee. ...Proceedings against Mehil.... Lamentable Efects of Superstition Propo- sal to restore to the Church a Vote in Farliament.... Determination of the General Assembly... .Meeting of Commissioners at Falkland.. ..Part of the Clergy shew their aversion to the New Ecclesiastical Regulations..., Conference at Holyrood.house.... Players brought from England. ...General Assembly Ratifies the Commission- ers Resolutions as to the Clergy s Pole in Parliament.... Remarks upon the altered Form of Ecclesiastical Poli- ty....Gowrie's Conspiracy. ...A Parliament.... Many of the Clergy Discontented. ...James directs his Views to the English Throne.... Death and Character of Eliza- beth....The King leaves Scotland. James and his counsellors had penetration to ob- serve the change which had taken place in the dis- positions of a great part of the people, and they took 1596. advantage of it with much dexterity and address, measures The magistrates of Edinburgh were charged to ap- Jhe^King. prehend the ministers of the city who had been so Dec. 20. active in the late commotions ; but they, sensible either 84 HISTORY OF THE ^DC^^' ^^^^ '^^^ ^^^ ^^^" deeply concerned, or that it was >^^^^-^ vain at this time to attempt their defence, withdrew Dec!* ^^^^ ^^^^** charges, some lurking in Fife, and others taking refuge in the town of Newcastle in Eng- land. A deputation was sent from the metropolis to exculpate the magistrates, and to make all the submission which his Majesty should require ; but he would not accept of their professions, and it was next day declared in Council, that all u-ho had been engaged in the tumult were traitors. The ministers were required to subscribe a bond, recognizing the authority of the King to punish in all cases of sedi- tion and treason ; and a few days after, magistrates, Dec. 27. barons, and every description of persons vested with power, were commanded to interrupt preach- ers uttering in the pulpit false and treasonable speeches ; to commit them till advertisement of their offence had been given to the King and Council ; or at least to prevent them from preaching within the jurisdiction of the magistrates by whom they had been interrupted. * The reception given to the deputation from the city, and the subsequent declaration of the council, filled the inhabitants of Edinburgh with consterna- tion. The court of session had been removed to * Row's MSS. p. 66, 61. Spotdswoode, p. 431, compared with Calderwood, p. 367 — 369. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folio, in Life of Bruce, p. 26, 27, and Vol. XIV. quarto, in Life of Balcanqual. Petrie's Church History, Part III. p. 528. Calderwood's MSS- Vol. V. p. 133. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 85 Leith, and was ordained to be transferred to Perth ; the ministers had fled j the magistrates were disre- garded ; and it was known, that many who surround - ^ ^^^• ed the King would not hesitate to urge him to in- flict even more severe punishment. In anxious sus- pence, the citizens agreed to send to their Sove- reign some who had enjoyed his favour, and had never been implicated in faction ; and these persons, accepting the commission, powerfully interceded for the town. James answered, that he could not sup- pose that such a tumult as had taken place could have originated without the-connivance of some of the chief men in Edinburgh, and that it was there- fore impossible to exculpate the city ; but he inti- mated that he was not inclined to act with rigour, and that he should be guided by a convention of estates, which he had summoned to assemble. In a few days after this interview, he entered Edinburgh, sist Dec. and having called the magistrates into his presence, they expressed the deepest sorrow for the tumult, — justly declared that they had no previous intimation of it, — offered to take every step to bring the au- thors of it to justice, — and then said, *' Because his Majesty had taken the tumult to proceed from cer- tain sermons preached by their ministers, who were now denounced rebels, they should promise never to re-admit any of these ministers, unless his Majes- ty did command otherwise. As also, that the like might not happen thereafter, the town should be obliged never to receive any minister in time com- 86 HISTORY OF THE 1596. ing but by his Majesty's advice and approbation." James still kept the fate of the city undecided ; but some idea may be formed of the temper of the court, from the singular fact that several of the no- bility gave this barbarous advice, that the metropo- lis should be razed to the ground, and a pillar erected on its ruins, as a memorial of the cause of its destruction. * The King was not so infatuated or so ignorant of the dispositions of his subjects, as, by an act of such unprincipled and mad tyranny, to gratify his resentment. He saw how much he had gained by the fear which had been excited, and that, instead of having reason to dread the violence of the ministers, he might now place them under restraint. In the resolution to conciliate rather than to exasperate, he was confirmed by a letter from Elizabeth, in which that sagacious princess pointed out to him, that, notwithstanding the outrages of the ministers, the security of his throne rested upon the principles which they had inculcated, t The King lost no time in preparing to make those ^^Wrrard chauges in the church, which, through his present in- to the creased influence, he hoped to efi'ect. He ordered a General Assembly to be held at Perth, and, as there was still great opposition to his interference, the na- 1597. His views * Spottiswoode, p. 431, 432. f Spottiswoode, p. 432, 433, has inserted the letter, and added, that the substance of it was acceptable to the King, his object not be- ing to use rigor, but to assure the future obedience of his subjects, and to make his own advantage of their disorders. Calderwood's MSS. Vol. V.p. 163, 164. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, 8? ture of which he unfolded in a long series of ques- CHAP, tions upon various points ot ecclesiastical discipline, he ^-^^^^ used every method to strengthen his party amongst ^^9"^' the clergy, that he might command a majority in the Assembly. The synod of Fife, which had uni- formly taken an active part in defence of Melvil's opinions, early took these questions into considera- tion, and having appointed the most enlightened of their number to discuss them, answers were given which clearly indic;\red their determination not to deviate from their former sentiments. * Much, however, was expected by the King from the minis- ters in the north of Scotland, who, removed from the scene of contest, had always displayed more temper and moderation than their southern brethren. To ascertain what were their views, and to confirm them in adherence to his Majesty, Sir Patrick Mur- ray submitted to them several proposals, and al- though they returned to these, most guarded an- swers, they shewed that they disapproved of the tu- mult at Edinburgh — that they conceived it to be their duty to yield lawful obedience to their sove- reign,— and that, although they had little hope of his doing so, they would be highly gratified if the Earl of Huntly would sincerely repent of his con- * MS. Life of James Melvil, p. 403 — 420, in which the questions and the answers of the synod are inserted. See also Spottiswoode, p. 436, 437. Calderwood's MSS. Vol. V. p. 190-^209, and printed Hist. p. 382 — 389. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folio, in Life of David- son, p. 31, and Petrie's Church History, Part 3d, p. 529. 88 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, duct, and satisfy the church. With their replies, .^■^ Afc^ so ctifFerent from those which he had of late been 1597. accustomed to receive from the ministers in the neighbourhood of the court, the King was much pleased j and having got private assurances that he would have no cause to complain of their conduct while they attended the Assembly in Perth, he shewed how eager he was to give them satisfaction, by remonstrating with Huntly, and assuring him, that if he did not conform to the wishes of the cler- gy, his estates and his honours would never be re- stored. * The General Assembly summoned by the King, met at Perth, and was numerously attended ; a much larger proportion than usual of ministers from the north of Scotland being present. ■\ Some doubts were stated by the zealous presbyterians about the lawfulness of the meeting, but it was at length decided that it was an extraordinary Assem- bly, legally constituted. | The commissioners of the King then mentioned, that, as the great design of his Majesty was to secure the peace of the church, he did not request the discussion of all the questions which had been printed, but merely General Assembly March l * Spottlswoode, p. 438. Petrie's Church History, Part ill. p. 530. Ryraer's Foedera, Vol. XVI. p. 310, 311. f MS. Life of J. aielvil, p. 420. Calderwood, p. 393. Petrie, p. 5 30. I Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folio, in Life of Bruce, p. 28. Calder- wood has adduced thirteen arguments to prove this an unlawful as- sembly. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, 89 the decision of a few articles which appeared es- chap, • • lie sential to the object that he had in view. Upon ,^ * these, several members appointed by the Assembly 1597. privately deliberated, and their report was approv- ed ; but, although it was more moderate than Mel- vil, who was prevented by the business of his col- lege from being present, would have sanctioned, it did not seem to the King satisfactory, and he asked that it should be reconsidered. Some altera- tions were in consequence made, and the conclu- sions which were at length confirmed, will shew both what were the propositions to the Assembly, and how different were the sentiments and the temper now displayed, from those which had, be- fore the 17th of December, marked ecclesiastical proceedings. It was agreed, 1. *' That it is law- March 4 ful to his Majesty, by himself or his commissioners, or to the pastors, to propose in a General Assem- bly, whatsoever point his Majesty or they desire to be resolved or reformed in matters of external go- vernment, alterable according to circumstances, provided it be done in right time or place, " ani- mo edificandi non tentandi." 2. That no minister shall reprove his Majesty's laws, acts, statutes, and ordinances, till such time as he has, by the advice of his presbytery, or by that of the General As- sembly, complained and sought remedy for the same, from his Majesty, and made report of his Majesty's answer. 3. That no man's name shall be mentioned in the pulpit, to his rebuke, except 90 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, the fault be notorious and public, which notoriety ^ '.^^ is thus defined : If the person be fugitive, convicted 1597. by an assize, excommunicated, contumacious after citation or lawful admonition ; nor yet shall any man be viveltf described by any other circumstan- ces than public vices always to be condemned. 4 That no minister shall use application wherein he harh not a principal respect to the edifying of his own flock and audience. 5. That every pres- bytery shall take diligent account of the pastor's doctrine, and that he keep himself within the bounds of the word. 6. That the determination of the sixth article, which was directed against the practice of summary excommunication, shall be delayed till next Assembly, but that in the mean time all such excommunication shall be discontinu* ed. 7. That the seventh article, requiring that the censures of sessions, presbyteries, and synods, should not extend to persons beyond the bounds of their ' jurisdiction, be also referred to the subsequent As- sembly. 8. That every summons shall specify the cause and crime, and none be given out super inquirendis. 9. That no conventions shall be amongst pastors, without his Majesty's knowledge and consent, except sessions, presbyteries, and synods, meetings for visitation of churches, admis- sion or deprivation of ministers, taking up of dead- ly feuds, and the like, which have not been found fault with by his Majesty. 10. That in all princi- pal towns, the ministers shall not be chosen with- out the consent of his Majesty, and that of the CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 91 flock. 11. That all matters relating to the re- chap. TV" maining questions, published by his Majesty, shall ,.^^^ be suspended, and neither condemned nor rebuk* i597. ed in the pulpit, or in judicatories, till they be de- cided in the General Assembly ; and that no mat- ter importing slander, and prejudging his Majesty's authority, shall come before them, ecclesiastical causes only excepted. 12. That for treating upon the remaining questions of his Majesty, a certain number of the brethren are chosen, who are to re- port their opinion and advice to the next Assembly, referring the time and place of their meeting to his Majesty. The last resolution was, that a commis- sion should be given to certain ministers in the districts of Scotland, in which the Popish earls re- sided, to confer with them, and to press their agree- ment to certain proposals, having for their object the abjuration of popery by these noblemen, their not associating with priests and Jesuits, and their acknowledgement of the church of Scotland as a true church." * * Bulk of the Universal Kirk, p. 492—501. MS. Life of James Melvil, p. 420 — 428. Wodrow's jMSS. Vol. XIV. quarto, in Life of Andrew Melvil. Calderwood, p. 394 — 4oo. Spottiswoode, p. 438 —442. This writer has so inaccurately copied one of the resolu- tions of the Assembly as to destroy its sense. He represents it as de- termined that every presbyter should attend to the doctrine of his pastor, instead of every presbyter)', and that the pastor keep himself •within the bounds of his words, instead of keeping himself within the bounds of the word. These mistakes are probably owing to the editor, who has used occasionally great freedom with the primate's MSS. Calderwood's MSS. Vol, V. p. 220—230. 92 HISTORY OF THE These acts have only to be perused to satisfy every reader that the King had gained vast ascen- dancy over the General Assembly. Many of the points for which preceding assemblies had most vigorously struggled, are abandoned ; much influ- ence is given to the sovereign over all ecclesiastical judicatories ; he is furnished with the means of re- pressing those seditious addresses to the people, which had been so formidable to the government, and, what perhaps he regarded as of the greatest importance, the practice was sanctioned of electing a small number of commissioners to have constant access to him, and to discuss with him the most interesting regulations for the administration of the church. The zealous adherents of Melvil at once saw the consequences which would result from this innovation, and they lamented it as an unfor- tunate departure from the pure model of presbyte- rian discipline, which had by law been established ; while, on the other hand, it was caretully preserv- ed by the court, as giving much facility to the adoption of such changes as the King judged it ex- pedient to introduce. * Nothing, however, so de- cisively manifested the alteration which had taken place in the minds of the clergy, as the readiness with which they permitted the adoption of mea- sures for removing from the Popish lords, who had so long been regarded as the worst enemies of * Calderw'ood's History, p. 409. Row's MS. Hist. p. 5a. S CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 93 the church and the state, that sentence of excom- chap. • IX munication, which, with every circumstance that v,^s^^]i^y could render it dreadful, had been pronounced i597. against them. The King did not conceal his satisfaction at the issue of the deliberations of the Assembly, and, en- couraged by this, the members requested that he would formally declare this satisfaction ; that he would renew his assurance of attachment to the constitution of the church j take vigorous measures against the papists; shew his indulgence to the ministers of Edinburgh, who had incurred his resentment ; and give his assistance in planting churches, and in procuring for those who officiat- ed in them a competent provision. To these sup- plications, he returned a gracious answer, and, not . .. long after the Assembly, he permitted the ministers of Edinburgh to return to the city, although he prohibited them from exercising their clerical func- tions. * The clergy who had been appointed to converse Popish with the Popish lords, execu' ed with diligence and from^th? ^ fidelity the commission with which they had been sentence of '' _ . , . , . excomm''- entru-.ted, and being satisfied with the sincerity of nication. the professions made by these noblemen, they made a favourable report. The consequence was, * Calderwood's MSS. Vol. V. and printed History, p. 401, 402. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. 1. folio, in Life of Bruce^ p. 28, 29. Spottis* woode, p. 443. 94 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. IX. 1597. Assembly at Dundee. May 10. that, in the course of the year, the sentence of ex- communication was reversed ; they were declared by proclamation to be the King*s faithful subjects, and they were restored to their possessions and their rank. The strictest of the ministry were highly displeas- ed with the late Assembly. They declared that it had not been regularly summoned, and that it had been wholly guided by the King, and some of them went to St Andrews, in the month of April, to hold the Assembly, which by the last independent meet- ing of that ecclesiastical judicatory, had been ap- pointed to convene in that city. They had, how- ever, the mortification to find that they were not generally supported, for they were joined by so few, that although they constituted the court, they did not pass any acts, but rested satisfied with taking protestation that the liberties of the church should not be infringed, f The Assembly, in obedience to the ordinance of the King, met at Dundee, for considering the rest of the questions, and for carrying forward his schemes with respect to ecclesiastical order and dis- cipline. In opposition to the representations of the firm and consistent Presbyterians, the proceedings at Perth were ratified, and several additional regu- lations were framed. It was resolved that his Ma- * Calderwood, p. 405, and 411, 412. Spottlswoode, p. 445, 446. ■f MS. Life of Melvil, p. 429, 430. He here draws a contrast Vetween the King's Assemblies and the Kirk's. Calderwood, p. 402. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 95 jesty's approbation should be solicited to any act CHAP, affecting the state of his highness, or of his subjects ; ^^^.^^ that all ministers should be ordained by imposition ^^^~* of hands, a ceremony which, in the case of Bruce, had been omitted ; that they should be admitted to particular congregations, and that Presbyteries should confine their deliberations to what was strictly ecclesiastical. In conformity with what had been introduced at last Assembly, but with more ample powers, a few commissioners were chosen, whose duty it was to assemble when summoned by the King, and to treat of whatever tended to pre- serve harmony between him and the church. * Soon after the dissolution of the Assembly, the Meeting of commissioners having been summoned by the King, missioners. met at Falkland, and, from the steps taken by them, '^"°^' it is evident that, as had been apprehended, they were not averse to be in some degree guided by the Court. Lindsay of Balcarras having complained to the presbytery of St Andrews, that Wallace, one of the ministers of that city, had made from the pulpit an indecent attack upon his character, the presbytery, influenced by Andrew Melvil, treated the complaint with contempt. Lindsay brought the matter before the commissioners, who, "disregarding the plea of some of the clergy, that they had no * Bulk of the Universal Kirk, p. 513 — 516. MS. Life of James MelviJ, p. 431—434. Calderwood, p. 40S— 410, and MSS. Vol. V. p. 235—250. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. XIV. quarto, in Life of Andrew Melvil. Eight pages are here wanting in the folio copy of the life, Spottiswoode, p. 444, 445. 96 H1^^0RY OF THE CHAP power to enter upon the investigation, began to ex- IX. amine into the truth of the charge. Wallace re- 1597. fusing to answer the questions which were put to him, they transferred their meeting to St Andrews, that the whole information requisite for pronouncing a judgment might be obtained. The King accom- panied them, and having interrupted Wallace dur- ing the delivery of a sermon, Melvil sharply rebuk- ed him, denouncing heavy judgment against him, if he did not repent. The commissioners remov- ed Wallace from his charge, and they also dismiss- ed Black, who had a little before resumed his mi- nistry in St Andrews. * Proceed- The violent and disrespectful conduct of Andrew '^^^.pinst jyjgjyj}^ who was irritated by the proceedings of the commissioners, and by their substituting in the room of the ministers whom they had censured, Gladstones, a man more tractable, and not dispos- ed to resist the King, determined James to humble this intrepid leader of the Presbyterians, to whom he imputed all the commotions which had agitated the church, and disturbed the tranquillity of the state. For this purpose, under the pretence that he had too long held the office, Melvil was depriv- ed of the honourable situation of Rector of the University ; the state of the new college, over which * Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folio, in Life of Black, p. 47. and Vol. XIV. quarto, in Life of Andrew Melvil. Wodrow finds much fault with the account given by Spottiswoode, p. 44C, 447 ; but his censures of the Archbishop are often too severe. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 97 he presided was examined, and the persons who CHAP, conducted the examination, having discovered, or ^.^^ ^^^^ affected to discover, that poUtics had been preferred *597. to rehgious topics in the lectures to the students, the King, not very judiciously, prescribed the subjects upon which the professors were to enlarge, regulat- ed the management of the revenue, and, which was the chief object in view, prevailed upon the commis- sioners to pass a resolution, that no doctors or pro- fessors, particularly professors of divinity, not hav- ing care of souls, should vote in ecclesiastical judi- catories. The reason assigned for this was, that attendance upon these judicatories would interfere with more important duties, but the design really was, to prevent Mclvil from being present m As- semblies, in which he would employ all the ener- gies of his vigorous mind, in resisting innovations which he condemned and abhorred. * In the course of this summer, the minds of the Lamen- people of Scotland were much agitated, and their pf!up^ej^' fears awakened, by an impostor, who having upon *'°°- her oun confession, extorted by fear of the rack, been condemned as guilty of witchcraft, endeavour- ed to save her life by discovering numbers who * MS. Life of James Melvll, p. 4'i5, 4?.6. Wodrow's MSS. VoL XIV. quarto, in life of And ew Melvil. In it is extracted the ac- count of this transaction given by Calderwood in his MS. History. Calder wood's printed History, p. 4i 1, and MS. VoL V. p. 252, S59, compared with Spottiswoode, p. 447, 448. VOL. II. <^ 98" HISTORY OF THE CHAP, were involved in the same crime. It is deplorable ^^,^m^ to think, that this superstition, cherished even by 1597. the most enlightened men of the nation, like all other superstitions, deadened the best feelings of the heart, and led those whose general character was marked by humanity, to encourage the most shock- ing cruelty. Upon the declaration of an unhappy woman, driven to insanity by the harshness of her persecutors, many innocent women were, without compunction, put to death. What must have been the feelings of those who urged such dreadful mea- sures, when, from the anguish of remorse, the ac- cuser acknowledged that all her charges were false, and when the evidence ot this was so apparent, that the most bigotted believer in witchcraft could not resist its force ? They lamented the precipitation with which they had acted ; they must have reflec- ted with bitter emotions upon the horrible torments of the helpless suiferers ; and they must have ap- proved ot the King's order, recalling the commis- sion for proceeding against such as were suspected of the diabolical intercourse so much abhorred. Yet it appears, that the error into which the judges had fallen, did not lead to the suspicion that the crime which they had puni>hed was imaginary, for James, whilst he suspended all process against witch- es, excepted the case of their voluntary confession, which implies, that they had something to confess, and he remitted to parliament to devise the mode in which future trials should be conducted. The sub» CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 99 ject was discussed in the great assembly of the na- chap. tion, for amongst the unprinted acts, there is one ^^^^^ ^,„^ entitled, " anent the form of process against witch- 1597. es.*' * The King had uniformly been desirous, that the Proposal constitution should not be invaded by the abolition the church of the ecclesiastical estate in parliament. In the parliament. scheme which Lindsay had formed for settling the revenue of the clergy, provision was made for the introduction of their order into the estates, in perfect consistency with the maxims of presbytery ; and James embraced the period when he found himself able to influence the views of the ministers, to se- cure this object in a manner more agreeable to those principles of ecclesiastical polity, which, even at this time he would have gladly introduced. He brought the subject under discussion, in a parliament which met at Edinburgh, and an act was passed, ordain- isthDcc, ing that such pastors and ministers as his Majesty should at any time please to invest with the office, place, and dignity of a bishop, abbot, or other pre- late, should at all time hereafter, have vote in par- liament, in the same way as any prelate was accus- tomed to have, declaring that all bishoprics present- * Spottiswoode, p. 44S. Colleclion of Acts of Parliament, p. 36*. Continuation of Maitland's History of Scotland, p. 12-^4. King James was so fully satisfied of the intercourse with evil spirits, that he wrote a strange book upon the subject. In a firmer work, I al- luded to some grave statements connected with this subject by Sir James Melvil. He coolly details, that the devil preached in the church •f Nonh Berwick, and mentions how he treated his audience. 100 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. ly vacant, or which might afterwards become va- cant, should be given by his Majesty to actual 1597. preachers and ministers, or to persons qualified to become such, and who should pledge themselves that they would enter upon the ministry. This part of the act appears to be a complete parliamen- tary restoration of episcopacy, and it certainly put it in the power of the Sovereign, without needing any further consent of the estates, to introduce that form of church government ; but to avoid giving offence to the clergy, or to prevent their attachment to the principles for which they had so lately strenuously contended from being too rudely shocked, this pro- vision was added, " concerning the office of the said persons to be provided to the said bishoprics, in their spiritual polity and government of the church, the estates of parliament have remitted the same to the King's Majesty, to be advised, consult- ed upon, and agreed by his Highness, with the Ge- neral Assembly of ministers, at such times as his Majesty shall think expedient to treat with them thereupon, without prejudice in the meantime, to the jurisdiction and discipline of the church, esta- blished by acts of parliament, made in any time pre- ceding, and permitted by the said acts to all gene- ral and provincial assemblies, and others whatso- ever, presbyteries and sessions of the church." * * MS. Life of James Melvil, p. 450, 45i. Murray's Collection of Acts of Parliament, p. 347- Calderwood, p. 412, 413, and MSS- Vol. V. p. 271,^72. Spottiswoode, p. 440. Collier's Ecclesiastical Hist, of Great Britain, Vol. II. p. 658. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. lOl This limitation, it will be seen, was essentially ne- CHAP. . IX cessary, and it was contrived with much art, for it v^^v^^^ gave a feeble, indeed, but an apparent sanction ^597. to presbytery, and it afforded those ministers who were disposed to coalesce with the court, the pre- text, that, by doing so, they did not act inconsistent- ly, or sacrifice the polity which they had repre- sented as inseparable from the purity of religion. Still however the commissioners, who were no strangers to the ardent zeal felt by the great part of the clergy against any approach to episcopacy, thought it prudent to prepare the minds of their brethren for the plans in agitation, and to obviate the objections which they anticipated. Along with the intimation for the meeting of a General Assem- bly, appointed by the King, to be held on an ear- 22d Dec. Her day than that to which it had been adjourned, they sent a kind of address to the different pres- byteries, in which they thus vindicated the part which they had acted : " According as it hath been the continual custom of the church to crave from parliament such things as were found necessary to pass into law for their grod and privileges, so with advice of divers commissioners of presbyteries, we found it requisite to insist upon such articles as have been craved by the church in parliament, in times by past, and particularly, we urged the articles re- specting the church's vote in parliament, and re- specting the universal provision of churches with stipends. In both, we found great opposition, by J02 HTSTOBY OF THE CHAP, the far greatest part of the lords", but the King's Ma- ^^ '^^ j^-^^fy- conducted our suit vvith buch wisdom and U97. dtxteriry in oui favour, that at length, after many hard reasonnigs, his Majesiy procured, that he might dispose the whole great benefices to minl- steis, and that such ministers as should be admitted to them, should have vote, without prejudice al- ways to the present discipline and jurisdiction of the church in any part, as ye will understand by the act itself, whereof we have sent you here a copy, which his Majesiy thinks shall be a mean to vindi- cate the ministry from their present contempt and poverty. And this is already perceived by many to their grief, who fear their hurt in our credit. For this cause, we have been earnestly requested by some of the wisest of all estates, who most favour the good cause, that without scruple we should ac- cept this good occasion. Which point of present acceptation was pressed so earnestly by the lords, that unl< ss we would immediately give our consent thereto, ihcy would not suffer the foresaid act to pass in our favour. Yet his Majesty was so fa- vourable to us, and so careful to save our credit, and avoid offence, that, by his means, all relating to our part is freely referred to this Assembly. There- fore, we beseech you brethren, to have a regard hereof, with such wisdom and care as is necessary in a matter of so great importance, and send in commission to the said Assembly the most wise, grave, and of best credit and experience amongst CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 103 you, SO far as infirmity and age may permit, that CH/^, good occasion may be used at this time, as that the ^^^.^ good may be taken without any part, so far as it is L^^it possible.'* The letter concluded with some infor- mation relating to the schemes for providing sti- pends. * Nothing could be better calculated than this ad- dress, to overcome the prejudice which those, by whom it was written, were aware that the mea- sure explained by them would create. They in- ast upon the great point, that the act of parliament was merely a civil regulation, not in the slightest degree interfering with the privileges or the juris- diction of the church, and, by associating the vote in parliament with deliverance from the most dis- tressing poverty, they brought to its support some o^ the most powerful motives which influence hu- man conduct. The speciousness of the letter was accordingly admitted by the most vehement of the clergy, but they still insisted, that the purpose in contemplation was to restore what all had been eager to remove ; and the synod ot Fife, fver the first to second or to enforce the maxims of Meivil, held a meeting for considering so iniertsting a sub- ject. James Meivil, who, although he had been nominated one of the commissioners, firmly adhe^- red to his uncle, when he perceived that many were inclined to agree to the proposal, endeavoured with * C alder wood's History, p. 413, 414. 104 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, much force and ingenuity to shew, that if it were ,^^J-<^ once found profitable or expedient to give ministers 1598. a vote in parliament, it behoved these ministers to Feb. . ^ be bishops and prelates, otherwise by the act they could not be admitted ; but when Andrew Melvil, with his accustomed vehemence, was pressing this argument, he was reminded, that by the late sta- tute of the King and the commissioners at the visi- tation of the university, he had no place in the sy- nod. He replied with the highest indignation to this remark, not the less grating that it was true ; after which, Ferguson, one of the oldest of the mi- nisters, warn>ly espoused his opinion, and David- son, who had always been distinguished by his ar- dour in the cause of presbytery, with considerable felicity, alluding to the capture of Troy, said, ** equo ne credite Teucri,'* which he thus paraphrased in the old Scottish dialect, " busk, busk him as boni- lie as ye can, and bring him in as fairly as ye will, we see him well enough ; we see the horns of his mitre." * It cannot be denied, that the inference drawn by the zealous ministers in the synod ot Fife, was a very natural one, and that they acted with per- fect consistency, when they stated what they ap- prehended. Yet it afterwards appeared, that the commissioners were sincere, and had no intention, * MS. Life of James Melvil, p. 451—453. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. XIV. quarto, in Life of Andrew Melvil, and Vol. I. folio, in Life of Davidson, p. 32. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 105 and no desire to undermine presbytery. They pro- CHAP. bably had brought themselves to believe, that by ^^^^^1^^ proper precautions, the revival of episcopacy could i598, be prevented, and, from the numerous obstacles which had been thrown in the way of every plan for giving to the ministers competent means of sup- port, they were convinced, that, till they acquired parliamentary influence, they would look in vain for the relief, which a regard to their comfort, no less than to the interest of religion, led them anxi- ously to desire. The Assembly called by the King, and at which Determi. ^•t ' • ^1 r L • • • nation of the question respecting the vote or the ministers m tj^g Gene, parliament was to be decided, met at Dundee. J"^' ^"^*^' Every method which suggested itself to the King March 7, was taken for securing the victory, and, after the Assembly had been constituted, Andrew Melvil, who had taken his seat, was not only removed, but, as an effectual precaution against his interference was at length ordered to quit the town.* Several days were spent in the arrangement of other business, before the question which most deeply interested the members was brought under discussion ; but the King at length opened the mat- ter in a speech, in which he expatiated upon his anxiety to promote the good of the church, and * Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folio, in Life of Andrew Melvil, p. 72, 73, and Life of Davidson, p. 32. Calderwood, p. 41 5. Petrie, Part UL p. 537. 106 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, suggested the propriety of giving to the ministers a .^.,^1^^ place in the states of the kingdom. A long and _V^^: keen debate followed, Bruce, James Melvil, and March. Davidson, strenuously opposing the scheme, and Gladstones, who was afterwards made a bishop, defending it upon the constitutional ground of pre- serving in parliament a representation of the differ- ent classes and interests in the community. It was at length decided by a majority, that it is necessary and expedient for the good of the church, that the ministry, as the third estate in this realm, in name of Christ, have vote in parliament. * It was afterwards determined, that the number of ministers who were to sit in the great council of the nation, should, as in the time of the Popish hierarchy, be fifty-one, and that the choice of them should belong partly to the King, and partly to the church. As, however, it was impossible at once to regulate the mode of election, and many other points as to the duration of the commission given to the persons elected, and as to precautions neces- sary for guarding against corruption, the Assembly enjoined every presbytery maturely to consider the * Bulk of the Universal Kirk, p 259. MS. Life of James Melvif, p. 454 — 456. Row's MS. History, p. 68, 69. Calderwood, p. 418 — 420. Spotliswoode, p. 449. James Melvil, writing under the irri- tation of disappointment, begins his account of the mode in which the point was decided in these words. " Mr Gilbert Bodie, a drunken Orkney ass, was first called, and led the ring when the matter was put to voting." Calderwood, with strange and inexcusable perversio* •f taste, copies this from Melvil, giving it as his own remark. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 107 particulars, and having done so, to meet on the CHAP. first of June in synods. These synods, after discus- \^^ J^ sing anew the regulations to be approved, vi^ere isos. required to choose each of them three members to meet upon a month's intimation, with the King and with the doctors, or theological professors of uni- versities, Andrew Melvil being included, and to come to a decision, which, if unanimous, was to be final, but if otherwise, was to be reported to the next General Assembly. * The Assembly having thus given its sanction to what not long before would have been considered as in direct opposition to the fundamental principles of Presbyterian discipline, was preparing to dissolve, when Davidson, not contented with the opposition which he had made to its decisions, protested, that none of the acts which had been passed should be considered as valid, because the Assembly had not been free, but had been overawed by the King. None, however, chose to join in this bold measure, and the protestation was unanimously rejected, f • Bulk of the Universal Kirk, p. 530. Calderwood's History, p. 421. f Buik of the Universal Kirk, p. 531. Calderwood's MSS. Vol. V. p. 280 — 305. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folio, in Life of Davidson, p. 33, 34. Rollock, Principal of the University of Edinburgh, wa» Moderator of this Assembly, a man oi the most amiable disposition* and character, who, cnnsideiing ihat the Presbyterians had proceeded too far in taking the steps connected with the tumult in the metro- polis, after that, supported the views of the court without forfeiting the esteem of those with whom he had long been connected. His same is associated with the progress of literature, for when it waH 108 HISTORY or THE CHAP, The persons who, in consequence of the act of \^^^^^j last Assembly had been chosen by the different 1598, synods, or who had been nominated by that act, comniis? met at Falkland, about the end of July. It was FaEn? i^^^^ agreed, \st. That the church should name six July 29. ministers for each prelacy that was vacant, from whom the King should choose one to vote in par- liament ; but, if none of the six were acceptable to his Majesty, another list was to be presented, from which one was certainly to be taken. 2dli/, That the nomination should be made by the General Assem- bly, with advice of the synods and presbyteries, who were required to give in writing the names of such as they esteemed qualified, as well without as within the bounds of their jurisdiction, it being, however, understood, that if there was any on-e within the bounds equally eligible, he should be preferred ; and Sdl^, That churches having been sufficiently provided, and no prejudices done to schools, colleges, and universities already establish- ed, the person chosen to sit in parliament should enjoy, as his revenue, all the rest of the prelacy to which he was preferred. But while the commis^ determined to found the University at Edinburgh, he was selected as the first professor, and performed for some time the whole duty of teaching. The account given of him, and of the origin of the Uni- versity by Wodrow, is very interestiug, and if it cannot be separately published, the insertion of it would much enrich any of our perio- dical publications. Rollock's life is in the first folio volume of Wo4- Eow's MSS. belonging to the Univefsity of Glasgow. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, 109 doners, to gratify the King, and perhaps from the CHAP, influence of that ambition which it is so difficult ^^^^^"^ to eradicate from the breast, thus devised a scheme **^^* for exalting some of their number, they were most anxious that this should not lay the foundation for re- storing episcopacy ; their prejudices against which, were, notwithstanding their concessions, and the unwearied efforts of the court to influence their decisions, very httle, if at all diminished. They therefore added to the regulations which have been detailed, the following cautions, as they were de- nominated, the intention of which it was impossible not distinctly to perceive. The cautions v/ere, 1. That the person elected to represent the clergy, should not propose to council, convention, or par- liament, in name of the church, any thing without express warrant and direction from the church, neither should he consent, nor keep silence in the said conventions, if any thing was moved prejudicial to the good and liberty thereof, under pain of de- position from his office. 2. That he should be bound to give an account of his proceedings, in the discharge of his commission, to tvei y General Assembly, and to obtain their ratification or tae same, submitting himself to their judgment, with- out making any appeal, under pain ot inramy and excommunication. 3. That he should cOiiicnt himself with that part of his benefice which siiould be given him for his hving, and not prejudice the rest of the ministers within his benefice, planted. 110 HISTORY OF THE or to be planted, or any other minister in the coun- try, whatsoever; this clause to be inserted in his pro- i«98. vision. 4. That he should not dilapidate his be- nefice in any sort, or make any lease or disposition thereof, without the special advice and consent of his Majesty and the General Assembly, and for the greater warrant, should interdict himself, and be content that inhibition be raised against him to that effect. .5. That he should be bound to at- tend the congregation faithfully, at which he should be appointed minister, in all the points of a pastor, and be subject to the trial and censure of his own presbytery or provincial assembly, as any of the other ministers that bear no commission. 6. That in the administration of discipline, collation of bene- fices, visitation, and other points of ecclesiastical government, he should neither usurp nor claim to himself any more power or jurisdiction than any of his brethren, except he be employed, under pain of deprivation ; and in case he do usurp any part of the ecclesiastical government, the presbytery, synod, or General Assembly, opposing and mak- ing impediment thereto, whatsoever he should do thereafter, should be null, ipso facto, without any declarator. 7. That in presbyteries, and provin- cial and general assemblies, he should behave him- self in all things as one of the brethren, and be sub- ject to their censure. 8. That at the admission to his office of commissioner, he should swear and subscribe all these and other points necessary, other- CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. Ill wise he should not be admitted. 9. That if he chap. should happen to be deposed from the ministry by ^^^^j the presbytery, synod, or General Assembly, he 159s. should lose his place in parliament, and the bene- fice be void ipso Jlicto. Some points of great im- portance, rcspv.cting the title which should be as- sumed, and the durati-^n of the office, were left to be decided by the next General Assembly. * I'he King, ahhough he disapproved of the strict- ness with which the commissioners had guarded against what ihey termed the corruption of those who were to have voice in parliament, did not ob- ject to the limitations, hoping that, as the intro- duction of the clerical order into the assembly of the estates was obtained, he would find some sub- sequent opportunity of breaking the shackles with which their representatives were fettered. The pg^ of the zealous presbyterians, on the other hand, far from '^[^''.^^' ^^®* ' •' ' their aver- being satisfied with the restrictions, reprobated the sion to the . , , . , . , • I 1 resolutions. whole scheme as pavmg the way, m harmony with the 1599. wishes of the sovereign, for the complete restoration of the order of bishops, f They accordingly took advantage of every circumstance which tended to convince the people that the King was not only de- * MS. Life of James Melvll, p. 458. Bulk of the Universal Kirk, p. 538 — 540. Row's MS. Hist. p. r.9 and 80. MS. in the Univer- sity Libraiy of Fdinburgh, giving an account of the conferences at Falkland and Holyroi dhouse, concerning ecclesiastical polity. Spot- tiswoode, p. 45 1, — 453. Calderwood, p. 439 — 441. MSS. Vol. V, p. 336. f Spottisv'oode, p. 453, and Collier, VoL 11. p. 662, compared with Calderwood, p. 426 and 438. 112 CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. CHAP, cidedly hostile to presbytery, but was even secretly ,^s^^^ partial to the Popish religion. They mourned over 1*99. the evils abounding in the country, — lamented the resolution of his Majesty to prorogue the Assembly which had been appointed to meet at Aberdeen, — while they expatiated upon the restoration of Be- thune the Popish Archbishop of Glasgow, to the temporalities of his former see, and upon his being authorized to appear in a public capacity at the Court of France. * But the chief mean which was employed to ex- cite alarm, was furnished by a work composed by the King, and addressed to his son, under the title of Basiiikon Doron, One of the persons who had been employed to transcribe the work, had commu- nicated to Andrew Melvil several passages which shewed what were the King's real sentiments as to ecclesiastical polity, and as to the views and charac- ter of the great majority of his clergy. In these passages it was asserted, " that parity amongst ministers was inconsistent with the existence of monarchy ; that without bishops, the three estates in parliament could not be restored ; and that the design of the presbyterian ministers was to esta- blish a democracy.** These extracts were laid up- Oct. on the table of the synod of Fife, accompanied with some reflections directly censuring the King ; and, * Calderwood, p. 426. Wodrow's MSS. Vol I folio, in Life of Bruce, p. 3G. Row's MS. History, p. 69. Murray's Collection of Acts of Parliament, p. 3 77* 4 CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 113 although no regular debate upon the subject took cHAP. place, although from the interference of two com- ^^.^^^ missioners from the King, who had been sent to 1599. watch the proceedings of that Assembly, strict search was made for the person who had produced the exceptionable remarks, still the knowledge of what they contained could not fail to be dissemi- nated, and the effect of it increased by the publica- tion of the work, which soon after took place. * From the state of public opinion, which was conference little in unison with the sentiments of the court, ^' ^°^y* ' roodhouse. James had prorogued the General Assembly, which Nov. 17— should have been held in the month of July ; and still apprehensive that he might find much difficul- ty in gaining his object, or desirous to prevent all opposition, he appointed a conference upon the re- gulations of the commissioners to take place in his presence at Holyroodhouse, between those who had framed the resolutions, and the most inflexible supporters of presbytery. Although the utmost liberty was granted in stating what they thought, there was no intention to modify or alter what had been previously decided, and aware of this, or wishing to make their great stand for ecclesiastical parity, rather in the Assembly than at a private convention, the zealous ministers at first declined * MS. Life of James Melvil, p. 458— 4G0. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folio, in Life of Andrew Melvil, p. 73 — 75. Calderwood, p. 428, compared with Spottiswoode, p. 455, 456. VOL. IL H Il4f HISTORY OF THE CHAP, engaging in any discussion. Being, however, urg- Va^v^^ ed to enter upon the subject, they consented, and 1599. they argued with much force against the conclu- sions which had been adopted. The arguments of their opponents, far from convincing them that they were wrong, fortified them in their previous opinions; and the King, sensible that no good effect could result from further dispute, broke off the conference. * Players An incident took place towards the end of this frTm^Eng- J^^^i which shocked the moral and religious senti- ^'^' ments of the ministers, and served to confirm the unfavourable ideas which many of them entertained respecting the principles of their sovereign. In the course of some correspondence which he had with Ehzabeth, he had requested that she would send a parry of comedians into Scotland. With this she readily complied. Upon their beginning their thea- trical representations, the ministers of Edinburgh took the alarm. In their sermons they inveighed against the theatre, and against the licentious con- duct and profaneness of the players ; they remon- strated with the King ; and the general session of the metropolis made an act, declaring it to be scan- dalous to resort to their plays. James was much oflfended with this interference, which he regarded * MS. Life of James Melvil,p. 4GI— 477, where the reasoning on both sides is detailed at great length. Row's MS. Hist. p. 70 — 78» Wodrrw's MSS. Vol. I. folio, in Life of A. Melvil, p. 75, 76. CaU derwood, p. 428—434. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. J 15 as setting his authority at defiance, and he insisted upon the act being repealed. The ministers were inclined to resist, but the other members of the ses- i^°°* sion yielded, reluctant to renew a contest with the King. Whatever sentiments may be entertained in the present day with regard to the innocence or the utility of the stage, and there is, perhaps, too much ground for doubting both, there can be httle hesi- tation in concluding, that it was unwise in James, struggling, as he now was, with the most learned and respected part of his subjects, to do what the slightest acquaintance with the manners of the re- formers must have convinced him would fill them with indignation ; for they detested what they be- lieved calculated to undermine virtuous principles, and what they viewed as originating in levity so in- consistent, in their estitnauon, with the fallen and sinful condition of man. * The King, believing that he had no longer reason icoo. to fear that the discontent at the new ecclesiastical General^ ^' regulations would become so formidable as to pre- ^'^^"^bly " . _ _ ^ *^ ratihes the vent their being carried into execution, summoned resolutions the General Assembly to meet at Monirose, pro- commig- bably for the conveniency of the northern clergy. Notwithstanding the vigorous and well-conducted * Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I, folio, in Life of Bruce, p. 38. Spottls- woode, p. 450. Guthrie, in his History of Scotland, Vol- VIII. p. 358, mentions, that he had great reason to think tha; ShakL-:i.eare was amongst the number of these players. He does not say upon ■what eyidence his opinion rested. siaaers. 116 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, opposition of the advocates for the established dis- IX • • s,^,>v^ ciphne ; notwithstanding their attempts to shew 1600. that the granting to the clergy a vote in parliament would terminate in " antichrisiian and Anghcal epis- copal dignities, offices, and titles, flatly repugnant to the word of God,** and that the avocations which thus would arise to the ministers were inconsistent with their pastoral duties, the two offices which would be held by those who were elected commis- sioners being incompatible, the resolutions passed at Falkland were sanctioned with the cautions or li- mitations by which they had been checked. Two points, how^ever, still remained to be decided, — the title to be assumed by the commissioners, and the duration of their commission. With respect to the former of these, it seems to have been at once determined, that the appellation of bishop should not be used, but that of commissioner retained ; with respect to the latter, there was much discussion and diversity of sentiment. The object of the Court was, that the appointment should endure for life, or till the person who received it was convict- ed of a crime. This, however, could not be effect- ed ; and it was at length determined, by a majority of votes, that the commissioners should annually give an account of their commission, and lay down the same at the feet of the Assembly, to be conti- nued or altered as that high ecclesiastical judicatory, with the consent of his Majesty, should think most expedient lor the good of the church. Two addi« CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 1 1? lional restrictions were, at the same time, enacted ; CHAP. IX that they who had a vote in parliament should not ^^^ come as members to any general assembly, or vote I'^oo. , • , 1 rr March. in it, except they were authorized to that eirect by their respective presbyteries, and that crimen ambi- ius, or solicitation for the continuance of the commis- sion, should be sufficient ground for its being taken away. All these arrangements having been made, it was ordained that the ministers throughout the kingdom should, in general terms, intimate, that the vote in parliament had been fixed by the As- sembly, and that none should speak against it. * This assembly may be considered as having in- Remarks troduced a new form of ecclesiastical polity, and 38^,^^"^^ thus marking an epoch in the history of the church f'"""! pf of Scotland. Instead of the parity for which Mel- tical polity. vil, in conformity with the principles which he had embraced at Geneva, had strenuously contended, and which he had successfully established, there was recognized an order of ministers, who, in addi- * MS. Life of James Melvil, p. 482 — 500 ; he has given a very full statement of the reasoning which took place. Bulk of the Uni- versal Kirk, p. 543. Row's MS. Hist. p. 78 — S2. There were 51 voters from the clergy. Wodrow's MSS. Vol- I. folio, in Life of Andrew Melvil, p. 76, 77. He had, notwithstanding the prohibi- tion which has been mentioned, been elected a member of this as- sembly The King, indignant at this, expostulated with him, and even endeavoured to terrify him by threats, when he, with his usual firmness, answered, " Sir, Take you this head, and cause cut it off, if you will ; ye shall sooner get it than I shall betray the cause of Christ." Calderwood, p. 439, and 441, 442. Sportiswoode, p. 456. Petrie's Church History, Part IH. p. 550 — 554. For the view 118 HISTORY G? THE CHAP, tion to the pastoral office, had civil duties to per» ^^^^^ form, and were, consequently, in a different situation isoo. from the rest of their brethren. The system was one of pure representation. The commissioners were elected by the great body of the clergy, who were their constituents ; were to be guided by their instructions in what related to the interests of the church ; were responsible for their conduct in parliament ; and could be removed from the place which they held, if they proved unfaithful, or were regarded as unfaithful to the trust which was re- posed in them. Perhaps it was impossible to devise any better mode of giving to the clergy that influ- ence in parliament, which, as the third estate, they had long possessed, and which, as forming a nume- rous and enlightened part of the community, and as having separate and important rights, it was, in various respects, desirable that they should possess ; aiid, had the restrictions been rigorously enforced, there would have been no more danger of the cleri- cal representatives usurping a permanent superiority over the rest of the ministers, than there is at this nioment of the representatives of the people becom- ing totally independent of those by whom they are returned as members of the legislature. taken of this assembly by High Church writers, consult Collier, Vol. II. p. 663, and Heylin's History of the Presbyterians, p. SG2, 363. It was ordained, by a convention of the estates, that the year 1600 should be held as commencing on the 1st of January The 25 th of March was, before this, the beginning of the year, which should be kept in view in consulting old authors, 4 CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 119 The whole circumstances connected with this change in the discipline or constitution of the church, and the nature of the change itself, shew most strik- leoo. ingly what was the opinion of a vast majority of the inhabitants of Scotland with respect to an ecclesias- tical establishment. By the imprudence of the too violent leaders of the Presbyterian ministers, they had lost, in a considerable degree, the confidence which they had long possessed, and the King, pro- fiting by their errors, had acquired an influence over the church which he had never before enjoy- ed. That it waS his anxious wish to restore prela- cy, his conduct plainly evinces, — yet, what was the result of his interference, and of that readiness to coincide with him, in as far as they believed that ihey could conscientiously do so, which the com- missioners appointed by the Assembly manifested ? Far from being able to prevail upon them to restore even the modified form of Episcopacy, which had been introduced by the convention at Leith, they displayed the utmost aversion to any essential dis- tinction amongst ministers ; and though they con- ceded the vote in parliament, they preserved the fundamental maxims of that Presbyterian polity to which they had ever been warmly attached. This should have suggested to James the line of po- licy which it was prudent to pursue. He must now have been satisfied, that he could depend upon the loyalty of the church, and that he could effectually remove the practices which were inconsistent with 120 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, the dignity and the security of his government ; be ^^^^ should therefore have, with the utmost tenderness, 1600. consulted the feelings, or, as he regarded them, the prejudices of his people, and given unequivocal proof, that, in return for their support of his throne, they would find him the zealous champion of their religious liberty, and the watchful guardian of the ecclesiastical constitution, which their conviction of its conformity to the word of God rendered it to them a sacred duty to defend. Had he thus acted, he would have gained the affections of his subjects, — he would have seen himself surrounded by men ac- tuated by the firm and chivalrous loyalty by which the Scotish nation had for ages been distinguished,-— and he would not only have increased the comfort of his own reign, but would have prevented those numberless calamities which afterwards spread mi- sery throughout Britain. Had he, instead of shew- ing, with pedantic and ridiculous affectation, his learning and his eloquence, examined his situation with that measure of coolness and penetration of which his moderate talents were capable, he must have become sensible, that what could not be ob- tained by gentleness, from men anxious to serve him, it would be in the highest degree dangerous to extort by oppression, — that he might turn public feeling into the channel from which he had diverted it, and again create that resolute opposition, which, arising from religious principle and a strong sense of the importance of freedom, may by force be ex- CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 121 linsruished, but while it exists, can never lose sight CHAP. of the objects which it labours to secure. The ,^J.^j King adopted very different sentiments. Deluded i^oo. by the idea that Episcopacy is essential to a mo- narchical government, an idea v/hich experience now unites with reason in shewing to be unfound- ed, he evinced his anxiety that it should be raised on the ruins of Presbytery ; and there resulted from this all the unfortunate consequences, which an en- lightened statesman might, long before they occur- red, have with confidence anticipated. * Towards the end of the summer took place that Cowrie's . , , . , , conspiracy. mysterious mcident, which was represented as a con- sth Aug. spiracy of the accomplished Earl of Gowrie and his brother, Alexander Ruthven, against the life of the King. After all the labour and ingenuity which have been employed to throw light upon this part of the Scotish history, it is still involved in dark- ness, and it is perhaps now vain to hope, that, amidst contradictions and impossibilities, the truth will ever be ascertained. It belongs not to this work to enter upon a subject which has been mi- nutely discussed by so many of our historians. It is here introduced because it illustrates the state of opinion amongst some of the most respectable of the ministers, from the part which they acted when they were called to acquiesce in its reality, f * Bishop Burnet's History of his own Times, Vol. I. p. 7, duode- cimo edition, Edinburgh, I7j3. f The Reverend Mr Scott, at Perth, the author of the Lives of 122 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. The escape of James, after the murder of Gowrle >^>^.y^ and his brother, was heard with the delight which 1600. loyalty naturally excited, and the privy-council im- 6th Aug. mediately issued an order to the clergy of Edin- burgh to assemble their congregations, and, after having informed them of what had happened, to give thanks to God for his Majesty's miraculous deliverance from so vile a treason. The order was issued to them by the chancellor ; but the disposi- tion of mind which late events had produced pro- bably rendered them not averse from dwelling upon the many improbable and contradictory circum- stances of the story which they heard ; and Bruce, in his own name, and that of his brethren, replied, that they were not certain of the treason, but that they would, in general terms, bless God for his Majesty's deliverance from great danger, or, if time was granted for ascertaining the fact of treason, they would then gladly proclaim it, and the guilt of hose by whom it had been meditated. With this proposal the council was not satisfied, and the lords having in vain urged compliance with what they conceived to be the mandate of the King, fixed upon David Lindsay, who had just returned from Falkland, and had heard the detail given by James, to officiate upon the solemn occasion of thanksgiv- the Scotish Reformers, intimated to me, that from records to which he had obtained access, he had formed a satisfactory accoimt of thi» transaction ; but his account, ahhough read to the Antiquarian So- ciety at Perth, I have not seen. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 123 ing. He told the people what he had learned at chap, Falkland ; and when he proceeded to offer thanks, ^ ^^' the multitude uncovered joined with him, moved leoo. by the striking scene, and by the statement which had been made to them. In a few days the Aug. 12, King having come to Edinburgh, called the minis- ters before him, and, enraged that they would not believe what there did not appear to them sufficient evidence to warrant, they were removed till the council prepared the sentence to be pronounced a- gainst them. That sentence prohibited them from preaching within his Majesty's dominions, under pain of death, and ordered them in forty-eight hours to remove from Edinburgh, subjecting them to capital punishment, if they came within ten miles of the city. This severity overcame the fortitude of three of the ministers, and they made their submis- sion ; but Bruce persisting, with unshaken upright- ness, not to declare Irom the pulpit what he was not persuaded to be true, was banished from Scotland, and withdrew for some time into France. * * MS. Life of James Melvil, p. 501 — 504. Calderwood In his MS. History, Vol. V. p. 390 — 4l4, and p. 416 — 424, gives a very particular account of the whole of this affair, and of the conduct of the ministers of Edinburgh, most of which is inserted by Wodrow» Vol. I. folio, in his life of Bruce, p. 39 — 43. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. XIV. quarto. In life of Balcanquall. Spottiswoode, p. 460—462. Calderwood's printed History, p. 443 — 446. That the ministers were not singular in their judgment ii abundantly proved. Calderwood, in his MS. begins his account by remarking, " The Earl of Gowrie and his brother were slain at Perth, for attempting a conspiracy against Jhe King, as was alleged, but not believed by many." Eveo Spottis- 124 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. Parliament met about the middle of November, f ' , and several of the ministers elected as commission- 1600. ers, but invested by the King with the title of „ent. bishops, took their seats. If any doubt was enter- Nov. 15. tained respecting the reality of the conspiracy, by the members of this Assembly, it was anxiously concealed ; for, in one of their first acts, the existence of a design to murder the King was positively as- serted ; a day of annual thanksgiving for the safety of the commonwealth, preserved from ruin by the miraculous and bountiful deliverance of his Ma- jesty from treason, was appointed to be observed ; and that nothing which could flatter him might be wanting, it was ordained, that all work, labour, and other occupations which might in any way distract the people from the godly exercise enjoined, should be laid aside. The Earl of Gowrie and his brother were denounced as having been traitors, their es- tates were confiscated, and the name of Ruthven all were forbidden to use. * Some acts in favour of the church and against Popery were renewed, probably to convince the people or the clergy, that the King was zealous in the cause of true religion j and that he did not in- Moode admits, that many 'oubted of the truth of the conspiracy ; and Bishop Burnet in the history of his own times. Vol. I. p. 2 '2, says, *' that it was not easy to persuade the nation of the truth of the con- spiracy." For the banishment of Bruce, see Calderwood's MSS, Vol. V. p. 434. * Calderwood, p. 446, and MSS. Vol. V. p. 43S, 4$9. Murray 't collection of Acts of Parliament, p. 365. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 125 lend, by the introduction of the representatives of CHAP, the church into Parhament, to give any countenance v,.^^^^ to the enemies of the Protestant faith, or to under- *^°°* mine the ecclesiastical polity which had been es- tablished. Indeed, till his accession to the English throne, James occasionally affected to shew upon these points a marked deference to the opinions of his subjects, in as far as he could do so, without sacrificing the arrangements which he anxiously promoted. Accordingly, in the two Assemblies which were held between this period and his leav- ing Scotland, he permitted complaints against the prevalence of Popery, and suggestions for restrain- ing it, to be addressed to him ; and, at the Assembly of this year, which met at Burntisland, after dis- coursing upon the duty of good kings, to make and execute salutary laws, and confessing his own ne- gligence, he solemnly vowed, holding up his hands to heaven, that he would faithfully administer jus- tice, defend religion, and discredit all who should endeavour to make him neglect the one, or injure the other. * But notwithstanding the decisions of Parliament, Many of and the professions of the sovereign, many of the disconS- clergy were discontented, and viewed with much ^^ * MS. life of James Melvil, p. 509. Calderwocd, p. 456. Row's MS. History, p. 62. Petrie's Church History, p. 560. For the transactions of the two Assemblies which met in 1601, 1602, Cal- derwood's MSS. Vol. V. p. 444, 445, and p. 499 — 531, or the Buik of the Universal Kirk, may be consulted. 1 26 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, suspicion the policy adopted by James, with regard ^^ l-^t^ to the church. The mandate of council resrraming 1600. the ministers of Edinburgh from preaching within Scotland, was considered as a direct violation of the ecclesiastical constitution, which the sovereign had recognized ; and James Melvii expatiated upon this subject in a letter, which, being detained from attending by sickness, he addressed to the General Assembly. * Davidson also, in a letter to the same Assembly, alluding to the vote in Parliament grant- ed to the ministers, thus expressed himself: " Is it time for us of the ministry to be inveigled and blindfolded with pretence of preferment of a small number of our brethren, and that not to stand so much in the ordinance and election of the church, as at the pleasure of the court, to have vote in Par- liament, to ride with fool mantles, to have the titles of prelacy, and so ourselves to prepare for that hierarchy, which the Papists intend with speed to enjoy." f The severity with which Andrew Mel- vii, who was revered by the church, was uniformly- treated, his exclusion from Assemblies, the jealousy with which his discourses were watched, and the harshness with which his unguarded expressions * MS. Life of James MelvU, p. 505 — 509, where his letter is insert- ed. f Calderwood's MS. Vol. V. p- 448, and printed History, p. 447— 450. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folio, in Life of Davidson, p. 35. Thij letter is inserted in the appendix to the Life of Davidson. Wod- row's MSS. Vol. in. quarto. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 127 were punished, convinced numbers not only that he cHAP. was the object of dread, but that schemes were in ^^^„iv-^/ agitation, which he would encounter with the most isos. energetic opposition, and with popular eloquence, which might rouse the slumbering zeal of the com- munity, and again procure for him that decided command of the public mind, which he had once possessed. * Yet this spirit of dissatisfaction led to no impor- tant result. The authority of the King many wish- ed rather to enlarge than diminish, influenced in a great degree by the prospects which were now opening to him, and which were soon reaHzed. Amidst his negotiations to preserve the tranquillity James di- rects his of the kingdom, and in his estimation to emancipate views to the sceptre from the control of the clergy, he na- Jhrone. turally looked towards the English throne, which, from the increasing infirmities of Elizabeth, it was apparent would soon be filled by a new monarch. Historians have minutely recorded the measures which he followed to secure the succession, the pliancy with which he accommodated himself to all who could promote his elevation, and the jealousy with which Elizabeth long regarded his conduct. She was now, however, arrived at a period, when the splendour of royalty is discerned to be vanity, and, at the earnest solicitation of her courtiers, she * Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. fol. in Life of Melvil, p. 77. Calder- wood) p. 459 and 469. 128 CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. CHAP, named the Kin? of Scots as her heir to the sove- IX . \,^^^^^ reignty. She then fixed her thoughts on God, 1603. and soon after in tranquillity expired. * Her cha- Thus terminated the life of one of the most illus- racter as a ^ . • , i t-. i- i Sovereign, tnous Sovereigns who ever sat upon the English throne. Possessed of a vigorous and comprehen- sive mind, she discerned the true interests of her kingdom, and she steadily promoted them. Admi- rable as were her talents, she did not trust solely to her own judgment ; but whilst she guided the councils of the nation, she availed herself of the po- litical sagacity, of the acquaintance with human na- ture, and ot the profound knowledge by which many of her ministers were eminently distinguished. In every season of alarm and of danger, the greatness of her mind, and the dignity of her character, were strikingly displayed ; and although she ruled with absolute sway, — although she pressed severely upon some of her conscientious subjects, who could not conform to the ceremonies which she introdu- ced, or which she retained in the services of the church, she was beheld with veneration by her people, and was regarded throughout Europe as the strenuous defender of the Protestant faith. * Spott'iswoode, p. 471 . Collier's Ecclesiastical History of Britain, Vol. il. p- 669 Rapin's History of England, Vol II. p. 155. Con- tinuation of Maitland's History of Scotland, p. 1317. Guthrie, in his History of Scotland, Vol. Vlfl. p. 3'J4, 3!'5, expresses some doubt whe- ther Elizabeth named James as her successor. Robertson's History of Scotland, Vol. II. p. 289. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 129 Towards Scotland, however, she acted a part of chap. TV mean dissimulation, in every way unworthy of her. ^ ' Long pos^^^^ part of which related to the preservation of the dis- ^^°^- cipline which had been introduced into the church. This he promised, desiring them to shew their brethren, that he wished them to keep unity and peace, without altering any thing concluded in the Assemblies where he had been present, for that it was not his intention to make any farther innova- tion. * He was delighted with the attentive loyalty dis- played by his new subjects in the different places through which he passed. They crowded around him, expressed their satisfaction at his accession, and poured forth their earnest wishes that his reign might be prosperous and happy. He entered Lon- don on the seventh of May, and was received with the most gradfying testimonies of respect and at- tachment ; and, in the following July, he was with his Queen solemnly crowned, the Archbishop of Canterbury performing the ceremony, f stances have been given. In Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folio, under the Life of Robert Pont, it is mentioned, that, at a conference of mini- sters which took place in 1599, where some compliance with the King was urged by David Lindsay, who was father-in law to Spot- tiswoode, the future primate said, " Let us not seek worldly ease with the loss of the hberty of Christ's kingdom," — a remark which brought the brethren of the ministry to have a good liking of him. * Calderwood, p. 47S, and Petrie, as last quoted. f Rapin's History, Vol. H. p. 158, 159. Spottiswoode, p. 473 — 477. CoUier's Ecclesiastical History of Britain, Vol, U. p. C71. Calderwood's MSS. Vol. V. p. 573. 1 32 HISTORY OP the! CHAPTER TENTH. Fiei£:s of Religious Parties in England in coiuequence of the Jccessio)!. of James to the Throne. ...Of the Roman Catholics.. ..Of the Pwitans....Of the Clergy attached lo the Established Discipline and Ceremonies... .The King declares for the Church. ...Conference at Hamp- ton Court. ...Dissatisfactio7i of the Puritans. ...Procla- mation Discontent in Scotland King's Speech at the opening of Parliament, ..Measures with respect to Scotland Advice of the Synod of Fife Remarks upon if....Scotish Parliament Anxiety of the Mini- sters for a General Assembly Assembly at Aber^ deen Proceedings which took place Important ob- ject contemplated by the Ministers Violent and un- justifiable measures adopted against them by the Go- vernment....Proclamation.. ..Trial and condemnation of the Chief Ministers who attended the Assembly. ...The King resolves on a conference respecting the Church of Scotland.... Invites some of the Ministers to London. ... They have no hope from the conference Parliament in Scotland Protestation of the Ministers Scotish Ministers arrive in London 07'dered to attend the King's Chapel, in which Bishops are appointed to preach, in support of Episcopacy. ...Conference. ...Mini' sters treated with cruelty.,.. Their appearances before the Council... .They are not permitted to return to Scot' land..,. Fate and Character of the Melvils.... Indigna- tion excited in Scotland.,, .Impolicy of the severity CHAP. X. of CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 133 s^iewn to the MinJsters.„.Nut counteracted hy the con- duct of the Bishops. 1 HE accession of James to the throne was beheld with anxious feelings by various classes of his sub- jects in England. The Catholics, ever watchful over leos Jo ' T7- I . _ , . ,. . , Views o the interests or their religion, and eager to restore religious to it the exclusive influence which it had formerly £""i^nd\t possessed, flattered themselves that the King, ae- the acces- scended from ancestors devoted to the Popish james. Of faith, and from a mother, who, in the most trying i|js,'^^'^°* circumstances, had with unshaken constancy ad- hered to that faith, would view them in a much more favourable light than they had been regarded by Elizabeth ; and they were probably strengthened in that opinion from several parts of his administra- tion in Scotland, particularly from his having, as was often asserted, and by many confidently be- lieved, addressed to the Pope himself a most gra- cious and respectful letter. * The Puritans looked to James with hopes no less Of the p sanguine. After the termination of the reign of Mary, so fatal to the steady friends of the reforma- tion, there arose a party in England which, warm- ly attached to the doctrines and sentiments of the * Rapin's History of j;ngland. Vol. II. p. 1 59. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folio, in Life x>f Bruce, p. 36. Neal's History of the Puri- tans, Vol. II. p. 3, 4. Burnet's History of his own Times, Vol. I. p. 56. Calderwcod, p. 427. He has inserted the letter, beginning Beatlssime Pater. See also his MSS. Vol. V. p. 332 — 335. ritans. 134« HISTORY OF THE CHAP, first Protestants, were desirous to deviate still far- ther from the abuses of Popery than had been done 1603. by the celebrated divines, who, under the amiable Edward, laid the foundation of the English church* This party consisted chiefly of those who had, in foreign countries, taken refuge from persecution, and who, from their intercourse with learned men in these countries, had been deeply impressed with the importance of abandoning whatever, from asso- ciation, might preserve the errors which had been abjured. When these men first attracted the no- tice of Elizabeth or her government, their requests, supported by sound reason, were not mingled with the spirit of faction, for they had no wish to injure the established church, or to withdraw from its communion ; they merely solicited that, in per- forming their pastoral office, they might be dis- pensed from using certain garments and certain rites, which, from having in Popish times been re- vered as possessed of some inherent sanctity, might withdraw attention from the sublime truths which it was their duty to illustrate and enforce. But the Queen was Httie disposed to listen ro what she viewed as indicating any tendency to resist her au- thority, and, v.'ithout reflecting what might be the consequences of irritaiirig men guided by principle, or without advening to the cruelty of dooming to severe suffering some of the most pious and exem- plary of the clergy, she proceeded against them with a rigour which could not have been exceeaed had CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 13i they denied the fundamental tenets of religion, or cHAP, disgraced their profession by the most scandalous ^^^^ immorality. Elizabeth, although she often gave leos effectual support to the Protestant religion, and checked, upon every occasion, within her own do- minions, the turbulence and the machinations of its opponents, delighted in a pomp of worship and a splendour of ceremonial observance, which it is dif- ficult to reconcile with the simplicity and spirituality of the Gospel ; and in this she was confirmed by the clergy, who, forgetting the tolerant maxims of Christianity, urged the necessity of enforcing the strictest conformity to whatever ecclesiastical regu- lations it was judged proper to enjoin. From the death of Mary, till the civil commotions which laid prostrate the throne and the church, the Puritans, as they were denominated, were exposed to persecu- tion ; and it is impossible, when comparing their sufferings with their tenets, not to be astonished at the infatuation which doomed to poverty and con- tempt men whose hves and whose writings have long since procured for them the esteem and vene- ration of posterity. This considerable part of the people of England daily increasing in numbers and in influence, hailed the succession of James as an event which would procure for them the indulgence that they had so long in vain solicited. He had been educated, they knew, in the strict discipline of the church of Scotland, which early took a benevolent in- 136 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. X. 1603. Of the cir gv at- tached to the e?a- blislied discipline and cere- monies. The King declares for the church. teresr in their situation ; he had himself expressed his admiration of that ecclesiastical poliry which ba- nished the ceremonies, the continuance of which wounded their consciences ; and, in the immediate prospect of ascending the throne, he had written several letters, giving them all the assurances which they could desire of his extending to them his fa- vour. * Ahhough the clergy, who dreaded innovation, and considered the church as having happily avoid- ed the extremes of the Scotish reformers, had. from the tenor of the King's publications, and from the correspondence which he had held for some time with Bancroft, the inveterate enemy of the Puri- tans, little reason to suspect that they had any thing to fear from the new monarch, they could not di- vest themselves of apprehension ; and they sought, by every means, to ingratiate themselves with the King, that they might be secure of his support, f Their fears, however, were soon dissipated, and they had the satisfaction to perceive, that James would be no less eager than themselves in main- * Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. fol. in Life of Andrew Melvil, p. 74, 75. Strype's Annals, Collier's Ecclesiastical History, Burnet's History of the Reformation, Neal's History of the Puritans, and Pierce's Vindi- cation of the Dissenters, may be consulted and compared for informa- tion respecting the Puritans. •j- Heylin's History of the Presbyterians, p. 358. Rapin's History, Vol. II. p. 159. Neal's History of the Puritans, Vol. II. p. 4, Pierce's Vindication of the Dissenters, p. 167. 6 CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 137 talning what they were so desirous to preserve. * CHA.P. He, indeed, with his accustomed openness of man- ^^^ ner, early discovered what were his favourite opi- leos. nions ; and the bishops, by flattering his vanity, and professing the utmost veneration for his wisdom, confirmed him in the idea, that the stability of his throne depended upon his keeping entire the hierarchy, which he contemplated with admiration. Forgetting the maxims which Buchanan had incul- cated, when he endeavoured to form his youthful mind, the King had long entertained high notions of the absolute power of monarchs, and of the duty of subjects implicitly to obey, whilst he conjoined with these a firm persuasion, that he was as distin- guished by his learning and eloquence, as by the high station which had been assigned to him. The Scotish ministers directly opposed his sentiments respecting the unlimited extent of the prerogative, and they at least paid few compliments to his wis- dom ; for, while they professed the warmest loyalty, they remonstrated when they believed him to be wrong ; and often, in vindication of their privileges, laid aside the submissive deference with which he wished to be approached. In England, he was de- lighted to find, that very different maxims and practices were avowed and followed. His courtiers and his bishops vied in zeal for the throne. Sup- ported by the learning of the universities, they .* Row's MS, History, p. 85, 86. 188 THE HISTORY OF CHAP, maintained, that monarchical government should be y„^,^^ absolute, they listened with real or affected asto- 1604. nishment to the orations which he delivered, styling him the Solomon of the age, and, what perhaps was no less gratifying to him, they often, in addressing him, fell on their knees, paying him a degree of servile adulation, unworthy of their character, and presenting a striking contrast to the manly dignity of their brethren in Scotland. * Conference Gained by attentions which he could not resist, ton Com-'t. ^^^ K^^g expressed his resolution to support the church of England as it had been established, de- claring that he would make no innovation. That he might not however appear unwilling to listen to the supplications of his subjects, or perhaps, that he might make a public display of his talents, he ap- pointed a conference to be held at Hampton Court, between the most eminent of the clergy who were hostile to any alterations, and the leading men a- 1604. mongst the Puritans. The conference took place anuary. .^ ^j^^ commencement of the following year, but the manner in which it was conducted, plainly shewed, that nothing material would be conceded. On the first day, for the conference was protracted through several days, the King addressed the clergy who conformed, their opponents not being permit- ted to be present. In this speech, he assured them * Rapin's History of England, Vol. U. p. 160, and 16S. Acta Re- gia, Vol. IV. p. 199, and 202. Neal's History' of the Puritans, Vol. II. p. 7, 8, and 19- Collier's Ecclesiastical History, Vol. II. p. 673. CHUBCH OF SCOTLAND. 1S9 that he was convinced that the ecclesiastical go- cHAP, vernment which he had found subsisting, was coun- tenanced by heaven, and that he had no design to i604 make any change. He took this opportunity of shewing how much he preferred the servile com- plaisance of his new courtiers to the stern man- ners of his former subjects. He congratulated him- self, that he had by Divine Providence been at length brought into the land of promise, where re- ligion was professed in its purity, and where he sat amongst grave, learned, and reverend men, not being now as formerly, a King without state and honour, in a place where orcier was banished, and beardless boys braved him to his face. It is unnecessary minutely to detail the rea- soning of the different divines, or to enumerate the minute alterations, which, to please the King, were adopted ; alterations which left the abuses complain- ed of by the Puritans in all their force. From the most authentic accounts of the conference, it is apparent, that whilst every advantage was given to the advocates for the purity of the established church, tlieir adversaries were vexatiously inter- rupted, or treated with contempt, and the result was what was expected by those eager for reforma- tion. James in the course of the discussions evin- ced his detestatic^n of that Prebbyterian discipline which he had repeatedly vowed to maintain. When Rtynolos, the most abk- pleader for the Puritans, was msisting upon the propriety of the clergy hav- 140 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, ing occasional meetings, the King interrupted him ^..J,,.,^ with these coarse and unguarded exclamations, 1604. " You aim at a Scotch presbytery, which agrees as well with monarchy as God and the Devil. Then Jack and Tom, and Will and Dick, shall meet, and at their pleasure censure me, my council, and all my proceedings. Stay, I pray you, for one seven years, before you demand this of me.*' At the con- clusion, he thus addressed his audience : " We have taken pains to conclude here a resolution for uni- formity, and you will undo all by preferring the credit of a few private men to the peace of the church ; this is the Scotish way, but I will have none of this arguing ; therefore, let them conform, and that quickly too, or they shall hear of it ; the bishops will give them some time, but if any are of an obstinate or turbulent spirit, I will have them forced to conformity.*' * * Various accounts were published of the conference at Hampton Court, differing according to the opinions and prejudices of the writ- ers. Collier, Vol. II. p. 673 — 6S2. Heylin in his History of the Presbyterians, p. 372, 37s, and other authors of the same sentiments, refer to an account published by Barrow, Dean of Chester, while Pierce in his Vindication of the Dissenters, Neal in his history of the Puritans, Vol. II. p. 10 and 21, and Calderwood, p. 474, represent that account as partial and inaccurate. A full and interesting account was sent to Scotland by Galloway, one of the ministers of that king- dom, who was present at the conference, and although Strype in his Annals objects to it as not giving a fair representation, yet there is every reason to confide in it, for Galloway mentioned in his letter to the presbytery of Edinburgh, inserted in Calderwood, p. 4 74, 475, that his copy had been revised by the King himself. See also Calder- wood's MSS. Vol. V. p. 592—599. tans. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 141 The Puritans were highly dissatisfied with the chap. manner in which the conference had been conduct- ,^^^^^ ed, and with its termination. They styled it a mock .'co4. conference, and they refused to abide by its deci- faction of sions, because the ministers appointed to plead for ^ ^ ""* them had not been of their own nomination ; be- cause the points in controversy had not been tho- roughly debated, and several of them even not men- tioned ; and because the prelates had taken the liberty of interrupting at their pleasure those of the other side, doing this so flagrantly, that they had been checked by the King him- self.* Thus did James cast away an opportunity, which a wise Monarch might have improved to gain the affections of his subjects, to raise himself in the es- timation of all friends of religious liberty, and to place the established church upon the sure founda- tion of the love and reverence of those who had entered into her communion. That by any conces- sions he could have extinguished the spirit by which the Puritans were guided, is indeed highly impro- bable. They had been accustomed to a freedom of inquiry which they would not have abandoned, and which probably would have led them to object to points and ceremonies, which at this time they did not scruple to approve, but still indulgence * Neal's History of the Puritans, Vol. II. p. 21, 22, and Pierce, p. 154 — 157, compared with Collier, Vol. II. p. G83. 142 HISTORY OF THE would have softened their asperity, would have drawn from them promises of conformity, which 1604. might have rendered them cautious in stating new grounds of complaint, and many of them would have cordially espoused the cause of the church, and proved zealous and able defenders of her rights and tenets. In our days, the vast benefits resuking from toleration are so clearly discerned, and so happily experienced, that it is difficult to prevent a- masement at the infatuation, which identified the attempt to force conformity with the truest political wisdom, an infatuation which ultimately overthrew a constitution that might with much ease have been preserved and improved. Proclama- The King, following out the sendments which 5th March, he had delivered at Hampton Court, issued a pro- clamation, which extinguished every hope that the Puritans might still have cherished. In this pro- clamation, he declared, " that though the doctrine and discipline of the established church were unex- ceptionable, and agreeable to primitive antiquity, he had nevertheless given way to a conference, to hear the exceptions of the non- conformists, which he had found very slender ; but that some few explanations of passages had been given for their satisfaction ; that therefore, he now required and enjoined all his subjects to conform to it, as the only public form established in this realm, and admonished them not to expect any farther alteration, because his resolu- CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 143 tions were, after mature deliberation, firmly esta- chap. blished."* v^.-5^ The ministers of Scotland were deeply interested ^.^^"*- . ' Discontent in the cause of the English Puritans, whom they in Scotland. considered as approaching to their own views and tenets, and as animated with the most fervent zeal against Popery. At all times suspicious of the King, they looked upon his conduct to the non-con- formists as indicating his real sentiments, and they did not fail to shew what they thought when the account of the conference at Hampton Court was, by the care of Galloway, laid before them. After it was read in the presbytery of Edinburgh, there was for some time a profound silence. This was broken by James Melvil, who happened to be pre - sent, and who urged the members, " as Christian and brotherly love craved, to be grieved and touch- ed with sorrow, with many godly and learned bre- thren in a neigbouring country, who having expec- ted a reformation, were disappointed ; admonishing them, that as the presbytery of Edinburgh had ever been the watch-tower of the church, and its minis- ters the chief watchmen, they should take heed that no contagion came from the English church, f * Collier, Vol. II. p. 683, 684. Heylin's history of the Presbyte- rians, p. 37-i, 375. Neal's History of the Puritans, Vol. IT. p. 21, 22- This writer gives the substance of the proclamation, which I have taken from him, after comparing it with Collier and Heylin. Rapin, Vol. II. p. 163. Calderwood's History, p. 47S. t Calderwood, p. 478. In the University Library at Edinburgh, 144 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. Their alarm was soon increased by the dechra-^ s^^^^.,^^ tions of the King, and the measures which he took 1604. with respect to Scotland. He summoned the Eng- Speech at ^^^h parHament by a mandate, which was thought the opening jq strike at the foundation of the constitution ; and of Parlia- ment, he displayed his eloquence, by delivering a very long speech, in which he explained his object in assem- bling it, and stated his opinion upon points, with March 19. regard to which both prudence and dignity should have led him to be silent. After expressing his gratitude for the cordiality with which he had been welcomed to the throne, and proposing as a scheaie naturally arising from the whole island acknowledg- ing one sovereign, that England and Scotland should be united, he thus adverted to the religious state of his new subjects : ** At my first coming, although I found but one religion, and that which, by myself, is professed, publicly allowed, and by law maintained, yet found I another sort of religion, besides a private sect, lurking within the bowels of this nation. The first is the true religion, the se- cond the Popish, the third which I call a sect, ra- ther than a religion, is the Puritans and novelists, who do not so far differ trom us in points of reli- gior., as in their confused form of polity and purity, being ever discontented with the prcs>.nt govern- ment, and impatient to suffer any iJuperiority, which tliere are three volumes of the Minutes of the Presbytery of Edin- burghj from 1586 to 1603, sliev^ing how actively that judicatory in- terfered in the affairs of the church. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 145 makes their sect intolerable in any well governed CHAP, commonwealth." Whilst he spoke with marked v,^^^ hostility against a large part of his Protestant ^^°** subjects, he assumed a different tone when he in- troduced the adherents to the church of Rome. He then announced, that although he differed from them, yet he had never been violent or unreason- able in his profession. " I acknowledge, he added, the Roman church to be our mother church, al- though defiled with some infirmities and corrup- tions." He told parliament that he wished some overture to be made to it, for clearing the laws against Papists, in case they had in times past been further or more rigorously extended by judges than the meaning of the laws required, to the hurt of the innocent, as well as the guilty. He then took to himself the merit, how inconsistently with what he had said need not be pointed our, of being the decided enemy of persecution, appealing to the Catholics, if he had not embraced every opportunity of lightening their burdens. * Nothing could be conceived more calculated than many of the declarations in this speech to fill the inhabitants of Scotland with the most painful ap- * Rapin's History, Vol. II. p. 164—167. Calderwood's History, p. 478, and MSS. Vol. V. p. 606—612. Collier, Vol. II. p. 686. Stowe's Annals, p. 8S7 — 844. Spottiswoode, p. 480, mentims the King's proposal of the Union, but takes no notice of what was said respecting the religious state of the kingdom. Neal's History of the Puritans, Vol. II. p. 25, 26, VOL. II. K 146 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, prehension. The decided enmity manifested to the .^^v-%^ Puritans, and the strange and illiberal assertion, 1604. fhat they ought not to be tolerated in any well-re- gulated state, could not fail to agitate men who conjoined the cause of this proscribed party with the best interests of religion, and to suggest to them, that they themselves were not secure, when those differing less than they did from the church of England, were regarded in the light of enemies to society. The effect which thus was produced, was increased by the King's avowed tenderness for Popery. The zealous Presbyterians at all times suspected that he was cold in his attachment to the reformation, — they bewailed the countenance which he gave to its opponents, — they had often remon- strated with him upon this subject so nearly in these times affecting their comfort or their exist- ence, and nothing had more powerfully contri- buted to establish their influence over the great body of the people, than the conviction that they stood between the religious freedom which was so highly valued, and that spiritual despotism which threatened its destruction. James had been aware of this, and he endeavoured, as we have found, to remove suspicion, by the most solemn appeals to Heaven, that he would defend the Presbyterian church. Yet he was no sooner emancipated from the control of the ministers than he threw aside the mask ; and, in a laboured harangue, avowed the principles which he had so often affected to reject. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 147 This must have destroyed all confidence In his' ho- cHAP, • • • Y nour, and all trust m his integrity ; — it confirmed the Scotish clergy in what had before rested upon 1604. conjecture ; and it naturally inclined them, and the multitudes who thought with them, to view, in the most unfavourable light, every act of his admi- nistration, to disregard his promises, to dread his tyranny, and to foster a spirit of discontent which, associated with religious zeal, appeared clothed in sanctity, and led to a vigour of opposition which else would not have existed. But the ministers were not left to infer, from Measures general declarations, that they would soon have^pg^^''^^* again to struggle with government, and again to Scotland. mourn that their privileges and their polity would be rudely assaulted, or contemptuously wrested from them. The King soon commenced the attack ; but they sustained it with the fortitude which resulted from the conviction, that what they defended was identified with the religion in which it was their glory and their happiness steadily to believe. In consequence of the scheme for uniting the two Bri- tish kingdoms, a parliament was appointed to be held in Scotland for choosing commissioners to promote this great and salutary measure ; but the General Assembly, which had been fixed for the end of July, was deferred till the ensuing year. This exercise of the prerogative was regarded as the commencement of hostility to the Hberties or the existence of the Scotish church. The General 148 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. Assembly had uniformly been esteemed as the great channel through which all ecclesiastical arrange - 1604. ments should proceed ; the clergy had contended wich the utmost zeal for its being annually held, and this they conceived had been secured to them by the act which ratified the Presbyterian polity. Under this impression, notwithstanding the royal prohibition, the commissioners from the presbytery July 31. of St Andrews attended at Aberdeen, on the day upon which, according to adjournment, it should have met ; and when they found that they were not joined by their brethren, they did what lay in their power to preserve the rights of the church en- tire, by protesting, according to legal form, that they had appeared, and were ready to enter upon the business which should have been discussed, had the judicatory been constituted. * The fears of the ministers were not without foundation ; for there can be Httle doubt, that James wished to conciliate his English subjects, and to procure their support to the plan of uniting his kingdoms by extending episcopacy to Scotland. He knew that the Gene- ral Assembly would present the most formidable ob- * Bulk of the Universal Kirk. Calderwood's MSS. the details in which are given by Wodrow in his MSS. Vol. I. folio, under Life of John Forbes, p. S — 6. This life is a most interesting document, both from the facts which it contains, and the character of the admi- rable man to whose biography it is devoted. Baillie's Historical Vin- dication of the Church of Scotland, p. 53. Calderwood, p. 478, 479. Spottiswoode, p. 486. Collier, Vol. II. p. G88. Row's MS. Hist. p. 91. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 149 stacle to this innovation, and he prorogued it under cHAP. the hope that he would influence the commission- ^^^,1^^ ers appointed by it, and who retained their powers i604. till these were surrendered to a new Assembly, to promote his views. * When it had been resolved to summon a Parlia- Advice of ment tor carrying the union into effect, the eccle- o/pife"" siastical commissioners who were entitled to vote, ■'^P^l ». in conformity with the cautions, requested the ad- vice of their brethren respecting the interesting points which might come under the deliberation of the estates ; and the synod of Fife, influenced by the Melvils, and acting with that detestation of oppres- sion, for which the Scotish ministers of this period deserve through all ages to be venerated, expressed the feelings of the great part of the community. The document is so important, and, taken in con- nection with subsequent events, throws so much light upon the religious and political history of Scot- land, that, long as it is, its insertion cannot fail to be interesting : " Forasmuch as, by your missives directed to the presbyteries, we were warned to give in our advice to you before this proclaimed parlia- ment, with regard to matters to be proposed con- cerning the good of the church ; for discharging of that duty, we have set down, and sent to you in writing, by our commissioners, with all hearty sa- * Life of Forbes, in Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. p. 9, 10, and 17, of that Life ; and Life of John Welsh, p. lO, U. 1^0 HISTORY OF THE lutations in Christ, the following articles for our ad- vice. 1. We thank God for the purpose of this i(jo4. union of these realms, as most desirable, in respect 3S already, by the profession of the gospel, they have been united in God these many years past, and now, by a special blessing of that same gospel of peace apd union in Christ Jesus, they are come un- der a king, for graces and virtues incomparable ; and therefore, we earnestly wish the same, by all good means ^nd endeavours of all estates, particu- larly of the ecclesiastical, to be prosecuted eveu till it be pffectuated, for the establishment and main- tenance of the kingdom of Jesus Christ, which is thp kingdom of true peace and union, working sure safety and firm welfare to all kings and kingdoms reigning and standing with Christ and in hjm. 2. because the occasion of the treaty respecting the Union, so happily of God's good and great provi- dence tallen out, is since the last General Assem- \)\y pf the church in this realm, ye could therefore Jh^ve no warrant, direction, or information, to treat of particulars concerning the same, yet we think you may, and should do this in general, in name of the said assembly, crave that the ^cts made by our par- liaments in favour of the church should be ratified and confirn^ed, and then solemnly protest that nothing be done by way pf commission or otherwise at this time, whereby any innovation, alteration, hurt, or prejudice may ensue, against the present right and possession of the doctrine, discipline, and CHURCH OF SCOTLA.ND. 151 government of the church and kingdom of Jesus chap. Christ within this realm, estabUshed by the word of .^^^^ ' God, confirmed by the laws of the country, briefly I604. comprehended and pubhshed in the King's confes- sion of faith, whereunto all his highnesses subjects were moved with their King and sovereign lord, so- lemnly to swear,'and which his Majesty, going to his prosperous promotion, most graciously vouchsafed it should enjoy peaceably and unaltered hereafter ; and in case there be any thing done to the contrary, as God forbid, to protest that it is null and of no force in itself, in respect that neither the General Assembly was warned thereto, or had directed any commissioners thereanent. 3. That the old petition of the General Assem- bly be renewed, and so much the more at present urged, as the danger is greater, viz. that none vote in name of the church, and for the estates thereof in Parliament, who bear not office within the same, nor have any commission from it so to do ; and if they be admitted to sit and vote, to protest it be not esteemed the vote and judgment of the church of Scotland. 4. Forasmuch as it is expressly provided that those of the ministers, who, in name of the church, are appointed to vote in parliament, shall not pre- sume, at any time, in parliament, council, or con- vention, to propose any thing in name of the church without express direction and warrant from the same, neither shall keep silence in opposing, if 1604. 152 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, they shall hear or perceive any thing uttered to her hurt or prejudice, under the pain of deprivation ; therefore we think that ye should charge the said voters in parliament, in name of Christ and his church, so to do, under the pain of deprivation, and farther as Christ by his church may inflict ; and to recommend to them the order and discipline of the church to be well considered, studied, and had in memory, that they may maintain, stand fast, and defend the same to the uttermost, remembering the account they must give to the General Assembly of the church within this realm, but particularly to Jesus Christ, at that general, great, and glorious parliament of his last appearance, when he shall come to judge the quick and the dead. Lastly, We most earnestly beseech you, in the bowels of Christ, yea, attesting and adjuring you, before God and his elect angels, as ye will make answer to that great Judge, to whom you must give an account of vour stewardship, that ye, by these presents, inform and certify the commissioners who are to be chosen in this parliament, to treat upon this union for the part of the church, and so by them the King our sovereign, his most excellent Majesty, that we believe in our consciences instructed, ckared, and assured by the word of God, written in Holy Scripture, that the essential grounds of the dis- ciphne and government of the church and kingdom of Jesus Christ, established and in use within this realm of Scotland, is not a thing indifferent or al- CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, 15S terable, but a substantial part of the Gospel, having CHAP, the like warrant with any other point of our faith ^^^^ and religion, which to renounce, or pass from, we 1^04. will esteem as hard as to renounce the manifest truth of God revealed to us in Scripture, yea hard- er than to suffer death ; which expressly, by these presents, we protest and profess, choosing rather so to do now before- hand, for the case and relief of our consciences, than too late hereafter when there may be, as God forbid, constitutions and laws made to the contrary." * In this powerful admonition there is no deficiency Remarki of loyalty. The members of the synod wtre evi-"P^°'^* dently desirous to conciliate the King, — they had penetration and liberality to discern the wisdom of the measure which he had proposed, — and it is only astonishing that they could use such expres- sions of respect, and even admiration, in reference to a prince whose weakness they must have despis- ed, whose insincerity they must have reprobated, and who, at this very moment, was, as they had every reason to believe, devising the ruin of that fabric of ecclesiastical polity, which they had, with such difficulty, raised. But while they speak * Calderwood, p. 479 — 4«*1. This strikirg paper I have, chang- ing only a few words, now obsoletCj copied frcm Calderwood. It was subscribed, in name of the Synod, by James Melvil, a man decid- ed, indeed, in his sentiments, but esteemed, for a long time, even by the King, for his prudence and moderation. Row's MS. History, p. 89, and Calderv^-ood's MSS. Vol. V. p. 614—617. 154 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, of the King with all the reverence of the most duti- ^3:^^ ful subjects, they do not for a moment forget that 1604. what they owed to the political and religious liberty of their country, was more sacred than their duty to a monarch who was invading both, and they defend their cause by arguments which prudence should have led James most seriously and cautiously to examine. Recalling those solemn acts by which he had pledged his honour to defend the existing constitution of their church, they shewed, that a deviation from what he had promised would destroy the confidence without which the power of a King may be endured as a calamity, but can never be regarded as a blessing ; asserting, that the great as- sembly of the nation had confirmed their spiritual privileges, they implicated their cause with that love of constitutional freedom, which, from the era of the Reformation, had been so ardently felt in Scot- land ; reminding the commissioners of the limits which had been set to their parhamentary functions, they evinced their determination to resist the intro- duction of the Episcopal order ; and no longer rest- ing their decision upon principles of expediency, they intimated, in a manner which rendered the in- timation strikingly awful, that they would submit to death rather than stain their consciences by what they detested as impiety. However erroneous some of their positions may have appeared, and however much they may have been considered as inconsist- ent with the liberal and tolerant spirit of the First CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 155 Book of Discipline, they breathed a spirit which CHAP, could not with safety be opposed, — which had aU ready shaken the throne, — and which, there was ^^^^ sufficient cause to dread, might secretly acquire a force that no government could control or resist. Its effect, the effect which it should have had, was lost upon the King. Intoxicated with the delusive ideas of absolute sovereignty, and, in the compla- cency with which he listened to the flattering max- ims of his prelates, satisfied, that, without a hier- archy, his sceptre would not possess the vigour which should belong to it, he pursued his resolution of new-modelling the Scotish church, and thus scattered the elements of those convulsions under which the throne of his unhappy son was destined to sink. The parliament originally intended to be held in Scotlsh April was prorogued till the month of July, and it P^^^^'^^'if' then, on account of a dreadful pestilence which had afflicted the kingdom, and which still raged in Edin- burgh, met at Perth. Commissioners for conduct- ing the treaty of union were named, and ample in- structions were framed for the direction of their conduct. Amongst the number were three of the representatives of the church — Spottiswoode, who was entitled archbishop of Glasgow, and two others who were also styled bishops. This was in direct opposition to the resolution of the last assembly, and accordingly several of the members, supported by the Earl of Morton, wisely insisted, that to pre- 156 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, vent any evil consequences, there should be in- ,^-/^^^ serted in the commission a clause for preserving, 1604. jj^ ^^ event of the union rakingj place, the state of religion in doctrine and discipline. The proposal was resisted by the courtiers and by the new prelates, who, delighted with the pre-eminence which they had attained, cordially espoused the views of their sovereign ; and, after an unavailing struggle, the friends of the Presbyterian polity were compelled to relinquish the insertion of the caution in the commission, and to rest satisfied with a general act, which is not amongst the printed acts, that the Sept. Union should not be prejudicial to the church. * It belongs not to this history to detail the causes which occasioned the failure of the scheme to unite the British kmgdoms. The proceedings of the par- liament held to effect it, increased the appre- hensions of the zealous presbyterians, who, to pre- vent any decay of attachment to their cause, renew- ed, in many parts of the country, their subscrip- tion of the Confession of Faith ; and a meeting of Oct. the clergy was held, first at St Andrews, and then at Perth, to consider what measures the hazardous state of the church rendered it prudent to adopt. * Calderwood, p. 481, 482. Row's SIS. History, p. 90. Wod- row's MSS. in Life of Forbes, p. 9» 10. Murray's Collections of Acts of Parliament, p. 378, 379. Spottiswoode, p. 480, 481. He says, that the lords, spiritual and temporal, assembled by his Majesty's commission. This was surely too hastily anticipating the destrus- tion of presbytery. €HURCH OF SCOTLAND. 157 Several of the bishops attended at Perth ; and, desir- CHAP. X ous to prevent any violent resolutions, they affected ^^^ a tone of much moderation, — professed the highest 1604. reverence for the established polity, — declared that they should not transgress the cautions enacted by the Assembly, and spoke with the utmost respect of that judicatory. After warm discussion, several resolutions were adopted, and sent to the King by Straiton of Lauriston, his commissioner, who was present at the meeting, and was on his way to Lon- don. They petitioned his Majesty, that a General Assembly might be held with his concurrence, ac- cording to the act of parliament, and the custom of the church ; that the godly and faithful ministers in England, persecuted by the bishops, might obtain his favour, and be permitted to enjoy their livings 5 and to these were added requests in relation to the Popish lords who had resisted the authority of the church, and to a suitable provision for the subsist- ence of the ministers. * Nothing could be more remote from the inten- -^P""^ tion of the bishops, than to advise the King to hold the Assembly for which they had petitioned, know- ing, as they did, that they would receive no favour, and would be severely censured for the part which they had acted. They did not, however, at once ♦ Calderwood's MSS. and Printed History, p. 484 — 487. Row's MSS. p. 92—94. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folio, in Life of Forbes, p. 7, 8. 13S HISTORY OP THS throw off the mask ; but they seem to have repre- sented to his Majesty the expediency of not tod 1604, quickly unfolding his intentions ; for, in the begin-" ning of the following year, when Forbes, after- wards so distinguished for his talents and his up- rightness, and who had been sent to London to complain of the defiance of Huntly to the authority of the church, was admitted to an audience of James, he not only consented to warrant vigorotrs proceedings against that nobleman, but he declared his constancy in the religion in which he had beeil educated, and his firm resolution to m^aintain the order of the kirk of Scotland without making any alteration, authorizing Forbes to communicate these intentions to his brethren, and to assure them of the King's anxiety that they would adhere to the acts of parliament, and to the constitutions of the General Assemblies at which he had been pre- sent. * Anxiety ^et, at the very time at which he was conveying for a meet- j^y Forbes positive promises of his intentions to up- sembly. hold presbytery, his agents were avowing his deter- mination that a General Assembly should not be held ; for when the synod of Fife, in consequence April 30. of a letter from James Melvil, were discussing the importance and necessity of convening that judica- tory, Lauriston, v/ho had returned from court, in- * Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folio, in Life of Forbes, p. 2. Row's MS. History, p. 94. Calderwood's History, p. 488. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 159 timated to the members, that he had a positive in- struction from the King that it should not take place. * 1^^^* Notwithstanding this intimation, which indeed, from not being official, was entitled to no regard, several of the presbyteries elected their representa- tives to the Assembly, which, by the mandate of adjournment last year, had been fixed for the be- ginning of July ; upon which the commissioners of the church, and Lauriston, who represented the King in ecclesiastical judicatories, addressed a letter to the different presbyteries, desiring them to stay their brethren whom they had chosen, as the King would not consent to an Assembly till a parliament june 7. had been again summoned. The lateness of this notice, and the vague manner in which it was ex- pressed, determined several of the ministers to pay to it no regard ; and the council having published a charge, that the Assembly should not be held, Forbes consulted with the chancellor, who consent- ed to recal the charge, upon a promise, that the Assembly should, at his request, be adjourned, f * Calderwood's History, p. 489- t Wodrow's MSS. VoL I. folio, in Life of Forbes, p. 10—12. Wodrow, in addition to various other documents, had before him, in composing the Life of Forbes, a work, probably written by that eminent minister himself, and entitled, " Records Touching the Es- tate of the Church of Scotland since the Reformation of Religion therein, till the Parliament holdin in Perth, Anno 1606." This MS. not only contains a full detail of all the proceedings with regard to the Assembly of 1 605, but preserves the authentic official documents 160 HISTORY OF THE Encouraged by the result of the conference be- tween the chancellor and Forbes, about nineteen 1605. members, returned by nine out of fifty presbyteries, Assembly caiue to Aberdeen in the beginning of July. The deen. smallness of the number has been stated as a deci- sive proof, that the great part of the ministers were averse from holding the Assembly ; but there was some misunderstanding respecting the day of meet- ing, and several of the clergy, amongst whom was Welsh, afterwards so disgracefully persecuted, arrived after the Assembly had been dissolved. * It is, besides, to be recollected, that a numerous convention of the ministers was not desirable. They had no intention of passing any important acts, — the purpose of their coming together was solely to preserve their privileges, and, in as far as was con- sistent with these, to yield obedience to the King, Several of the most distinguished of the clergy, it is admitted, were present; and they conducted themselves with a moderation, yet with a firmnessj which should have commanded the respect, rather than exposed to the resentment of government. It was intended to constitute the Assembly on which relate to it. Wodrow has inserted the substance of what is stated by this writer, often his words, and has, in his Appendix to the Life of Forbes, transrribed the documents. Spottiswoode, p. 486 and 495. Calderwood, p. 491. Baillie's Historical Vindication, p. 54. * Compare Spottiswoode, p. 487, with Calderwood, p. 491— 493. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. ICI the forenoon of the 2d of July, but from the singu- CHAP, lar severity of the weather, this was, with the con- v,^^^^ currence of Straiton, delayed till the latter part of i^^^- the day. He then produced a letter from the council, directed " To our trusty friends and brethren of the ministry, conveened in their Gene- ral Assembly at Aberdeen," a title recognizing the lawfulness of their convention. The ministers justly observed, that, before they could receive the letter, they must take the usual steps for forming the su- preme ecclesiastical judicatory, and choose a mode- rator and clerk. Upon the suggestion of Lauriston, who declined being present at the election, lest any difference might afterwards arise, and his conduct in countenancing them be blamed, Forbes was chosen to preside, and the letter which requested them immediately to dissolve their meeting, without appointing another, was read. Although they were convinced that the situation of the church much re- quired the interference and direction of a General Assembly, their anxiety not to oppose their sove- reign, induced them, without hesitation, to resolve upon adjourning ; but they could not, without tear- ing down their ecclesiastical polity, agree to do so, without fixing a day for a subsequent Assembly. They referred the nomination of this day to Lauris- ton, expressing their willingness to acquiesce in whatever time he might think would be most agree- able to the King. He now peremptorily insisted VOL, II. E 162 HrSTORY OF THE CHAP, upon their instantly dissolving, without nominal- ^^ ing the time tor reassembling, upon which they 1605. framed an act of adjourmneiit till the 5th of Sep- tember, and wrote to the council, explaining the motives by which they had been influenced. Lauris- ton probably at length saw that this resolute pur- pose of the ministers would not only give offence, but might expose himself to the resentment of the prelates, and through them of his Majesty ; and to guard against this, he solemnly declared, that he had from the beginning considered the Assembly as illegal ; he commanded the ministers by a procla- mation to leave the city, and he afterwards affirmed, that, upon his arrival on the first of July, he had, in name of the sovereign, charged them upon pain of treason to disperse. Of the falsehood of this asser- tion, it is almost impossible to doubt. The minis- ters had never heard the charge, and they called upon him to produce any of the inhabitants of the town who were present when it was given. They said, what he could not deny, that when he was at their meeting, he never made the most distant allu- sion to the charge, which he would certainly have done, had his account been founded in truth ; and the fact, that he even pointed out who should be elected as moderator, places himself amongst the most unexceptionable witnesses against his own ve- racity. The clergy having on their part protested that the Assembly was held upon the warrant of CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 163 the word of God, and agreeably to the laws of the CHAP. kingdom, left the city. * ^^ The point now at issue between the King and the ifio5. great majority of his Scotish subjects, whose senti- obj^^ctcon ments coincided with those of the ministers, was not Jf^^'Je^tJ- merely what, at first view, it may appear, a matter nisters. of ecclesiastical regulation, of little importance to the community, or affecting only the privileges and the interest uf the clergy, but it was a great constitution- al question, involving in it the establishment of des- potism, or the assertion of those noble principles of political freedom, upon which all government, en- titled to the veneration and submission of rational beings, must rest. The church, identified at this pe- riod with the rights of the people, had obtained from the legislature certain powers and privileges, not extorted by force, but granted from the conviction that they were requisite for the peace and happiness of the kingdom ; the statute conveying these privi- leges had not only been regularly sanctioned, but had for several years been acted upon as the law of the land. His Majesty, desirous to take them away, instead of having recourse to Parliament, and en- * WodroVs MSS. Vol. I. folio, in Life of Forbes, p. 12 — 18, and Life of Welsh, p. 11. Row's MS. Hist. p. 95, 96. Calderwood, p. 492, and Baillie's Historical Vindication, p. 54, compared with Spot- tiswoode, p. 487. Collier's Ecclesiastical History, Vol. H. p. 688, and Heylin's History of the Presbyterians, p. 382, 383. In the Life of Forbes, the most authentic and accurate information is contained, much of which is also to be found in the 5th Tolume of Calderwood's MS. I64f HISTORY OF THE CHAP, deavouring to obtain the repeal of a statute become obnoxious to him, issued an arbitrary mandate that 160S. it should be disregarded. Had the ministers tame- ly yielded to this, they would have recognized a dispensing, that is, an absolute power in the crown, — they would have contributed to subvert the liberty which was their birth-right, and would have sub- jected to the will of the monarch their most invalu- able civil and religious blessings. There is perhaps no incident in the history of Scotland, which more strikingly than the one now recorded, branded as it has been by many writers as seditious or treason- able, shews the vast obligations which posterity owe to the defenders of the -Presbyterian polity ; because freedom was never in greater danger, and at no period would the slightest deviation from the manly principles disseminated by the reformation have more firmly shackled our country with the fet- ters of oppression. Violent and Lauriston found that many of the prelates and bie"conduct Commissioners of the church were : highly offended that he had not absolutely prevented the Assembly ; and when he returned to Edinburgh, anxious to avert their displeasure, and that of the King, who, he knew would be directed by them, he meanly misrepresented what had taken place at Aberdeen j he affected to feel the warmest indignation at the insult which the ministers had offered to the autho- rity of their sovereign ; he denounced them as guilty of rebellion ; and the council, entering into his of Govern- ment. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 165 views, determined to proceed against them, as hav- CHAP, ing held what was now contemptuously denominat- .^ip-,^ ed a convention. * j^j ^^^ Forbes, the moderator, who had come to Edin- burgh, was first cited before the council, and, when he persisted in defending the lawfulness of the As- sembly, he was confined in the castle. Next day, July 25, John Welsh, who for his rigid piety, and firm at- tachment to Presbytery, was held in high venera- tion, was, with four other ministers, called to an- swer before the same tribunal ; and, as they also re- mained inflexible, they were sent with Forbes to the castle of Blackness, f This violence was loudly and most justly con- demned. The clergy communicated their own feelings to those whom they instructed, declaring, without reserve, that a plan had been formed, and was carrying into effict, for the complete subver- sion of the ecclesiasrical constitution. This, indeed, Prockma- every intelligent observer must have perceived ; but Sept. 26. the King, vainly imagining that his general assur- ances would eflPace impressions which the conduct of his government had so deeply fixed in the minds of his subjects, issued a proclamation, by which he authorized the meeting of an Assembly, and, after alluding to the rumours of his intentions, he in- * Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folio, in Life of Forbes, p. I7, 18. Cal- ^erwood, p. 494,. Spottiswoode, p. 487. t Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folio, in Lives of Forbes, p. 19, 20, and Welsh, p. 12. Row's MS. History, p. 9G, 97. i66 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, formed the inhabitants of Scotland, that whatever ,^1,^^ might be his opinion respecting the importance of 1605. both his kingdoms approaching as nearly as possi- ble to a conformity in all things, he had no design of making any violent innovations, but to proceed with the utmost caution, guided by the evident ad- vantage of the realm. This proclamation was sent Oct. 24 to the imprisoned ministers, whose numbers had been increased, with the hitention of removing their apprehensions, and of leading them to acknowledge that they had acted improperly ; but when it failed in producing these effects, they were again required to appear before the council, that the punishment which they had justly incurred might be inflicted. When they were asked to make their defence, they declined the jurisdicdon of the council, as the mat- ter with which they were charged was purely ec- clesiastical, and ought to be decided by the judica- tories of the church. This declinature, as it was de- nominated, was not received, or no attendon was paid to it; and they then, confident in the goodness of their cause, justified their conduct in a strain of energetic reasoning, which reflects the highest ho- nour upon the soundness and vigour of mind, which Forbes, who took the chief burden of plead- ing, in an eminent degree possessed. * All their * Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. fo]!'. '.n Life of Forbes, p. 20—34, has given a most mimite and Intereitin^ detail of ihe various proceedings with regard to the imprisoned minisurs. In this work, I must con^ fine myself to the leading particulars. Calderwood in his MS. Histo- 6 CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 167 efforts, however, were Insufficient to procure their chap, release ; they were remanded to prison ; and the v^^Ji^/ King, irritated by their declining the authority of '''"''^* the privy-council, and thus reviving a controversy, Condemna- which, in the early part of his reign, had occasioned chiefMinis- to him much uneasiness, commanded six of them, ''^" ^^j amongst whom were Forbes and Welsh, to be tried the Assem- blv* for treason. Upon the day of trial, they were cit- jan. lo. ed before the justice-depute, Sir William Hart, to whom several of the nobility and lords of thi^ coun- cil were appointed as assessors, and the indictment was laid upon the act of the parliament 1584, re- lating to his Majesty's power over all estates ; which act, it was stated, that the pannels, by declining the jurisdiction ot the council, had traiterously violated. Much intreaty was used in private, to induce the ministers to withdraw the declinature. This they refused to do, and the tria! having proceeded in a manner infamous to those by whom it was sanction- ed, they were, notwithstanding the powerful and affecting speeches of Forbes, and of Welsh, found guilty of treason, and ordered to be detained in confinement till his Majesty's pleasure re:-p cdag the punishment to be inflicted on them should be ascertained. It ought to be recorded, however, ry, Vol. V. and his printed work, has also given a very full account. With these writers should be compared Spottisvoode, p. 487 — 489, and Collier's Ecclesiastical History, Vol. 11. p. 688. See also Row's MS. Histor)', p. 97> 98 ; and Baillie's Historical Viadication, p. 54, 55. 168 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, that although the most indecent means were employ- ^^.^J^, ed to influence the jury, — although they were even 1606. threatened to be prosecuted as traitors, if they hesi- tated to bring in the verdict demanded by the ser- vants of the crown, — six of the fifteen composing it voted that the ministers were innocent ; and one of them nobly said, that he not only absolved them from the crime of treason, but regarded them as faithful servants to Christ, and good subjects to the King. # * Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folio, in Life of Forbes, p. 37—48, where there is a full and most Interesting account of the trial, includ- ing the admirable speech, which, on the spur of the moment, was de- livered by Forbes. Life of Welsh, p. 14 — 16. Calderwood's MSS. Vol. V. and printed history, p. 508 — 516. Spottlswoode, who, from the deep interest which he had in opposing the ministers, must be read with much caution, has very shortly stated what happened, p. 489> 40O. Baillie's Historical Vindication, p. 55, 56. Heylin, in his History of the Presbyterians, p. 383, 384i. has most furiously attacked the conduct of the ministers. In the memorials and letters relating to the history of Britain, in the reign of James the First, published from the originals by Lord Halles, there is a most interesting letter respect- ing this trial, addressed to the King by his advocate Sir Thomas Ha- milton, on the day upon which the sentence was passed. Memorials, &c. p. 1 — 4. In this letter, Hamilton mentions the difficulties with which he had to struggle, in procuring the condemnation of the pan- nels,and the infamous methods which he employed, expressing, at the same time, his earnest wish that no more such cases should be submit- ted to trial. Lord Halles most justly adds the following note, so na- turally proceeding from a learned and upright Judge : " This letter gives a more lively idea of those times, than an hundred chronicles can do. We see here the prime minister, in order to obtain a sentence agreeable to the King, address the judges with promises and threats, pack the jury, and then deal with them without scruple and ceremony. It is also evident, that the King's ;,Advocate disliked the proceedings CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 169 The opinion of this upright minority was the chap. opinion of the kingdom, and the council, knowing \,^..J^^^ the fact, shewed their ignorance of human nature i^os. when they attempted to counteract the feelings which had been excited. They published a pro- clamation forbidding any in public, or even in pri- 5th Feb. vate, from uttering slanderous speeches against the King, the council, or the justice, for trying and punishing the ministers guilty of holding a conven- tion at Aberdeen, with certification, that all who disobeyed should be punished as seditious persons, and wilful contemners of his Majesty's most just and lawful government. * The severity with which the unhappy ministers The King , , . resolves on were treated, the harsh sentence pronounced against a confer- them, and the melancholy fate to which, by that gpecth^ sentence, they were subjected, filled moderate men ^^ church . , , , . . of Scotland. With abhorrence ; and the King, constitutionally averse from cruelty, and dreading every approach to political convulsion, seems to have hesitated as to the part which it was wise for him to act. He at length, before deciding as to the ministers, de- termined that a conference should be held in his own presence, with a view to restore harmony ; — induced to this, partly by his eagerness to display, , upon every possible occasion, his knowledge and as impolitic and odious, but that he had not resolution to oppose them." Row's MS. History, p. 107, 10 8. * Calderwood, p. 517, compared with Spottiswoode, p. 490. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folio, in Life of Forbes, p. 51. 170 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, his eloquence, — ^partly by the hope that the learn- \^^,.^J.,^^ ing of the English divines would overwhelm the 1606. humble Scotish pastors, — and partly, perhaps, by his anxiety to unite his Protestant subjects, whom the discovery of the gun-powder plot towards the May. conclusion of the former year, led him at this time to regard as most devoted to his government, or most zealous to protect his person.* He invites He accordingly addressed a circular letter to ministers to ^^ght of the most respectable ministers, Andrew London. ^^^^ James Melvil, James Balfour, William Watson, William Scott, John Carmichael, and Adam Cole. In it he expressed his anxiety to preserve that peace in the church which had been established when he left Scotland, — enumerated the measures which he had taken for that purpose, — dwelt upon the oppo- sition which he had encountered from the clergy, — opposition which, aggravated by the obstinacy of those who had been guilty of it, had compelled him to take more rigorous steps than his inclination sug- gested, though more lenient than the persons to whom he alluded had merited, — and he concluded by telling them, that this, and various other weighty reasons, having influenced him, he saw good to command them, without fail, to come to London * Andrew Melvil, sharing in the joy which the discovery of thii plot excited in the friends of the Reformation, wrote a poem, which he entitled, " In Jesuiticum pulveris sulphurici conatum," and which is printed in the second volume of the collection denominated Delicise Poetarum Scotorum. Melvil was considered a» an eminent poet. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. Hi before the 15th of September, that on that day he cHAP. might begin with them, and such others of their ^■ brethren as he knew to possess learning, judgment, leos. and experience, and whom he had also ordered to attend, to treat concerning the peace of the church of Scotland, and to make his constant and un- changeable favour to the members of that church so manifest, that they might be bound in duty and conscience to conform to his godly meaning. In his usual style, he took great praise to himself for his condescension, and he plainly intimated what Consequences would follow, if the conference did not terminate agreeably to his royal pleasure. * The ministers who received this invitation met in y^^ ^^y^ Edinburgh to consider what resolution they should "° ^°P^ adopt. From the tenor of the letter they had no conference. hope that any good effects would result from the conference ; they persisted in this opinion notwith- standing some private assurances that the case would be otherwise ; and they w^ere confirmed in it by the transactions of the parliament which soon after was held in Perth. They besought the Earl of Dunbar to prevail upon the King not to insist upon their going to London ; but he was so urgent that they should not hesitate about compliance, that they re- solved, after having attended the meeting of the * Caldenvood's MSS. Vol. V. p. 964, and printed History, p. 518, 519. Row's MS. History, p, 99. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folio, in Life of Andrew Melvii, p. 79. 172 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, estates, to undertake a journey of which they had v^^^^^;;^^ cause deeply to repent. * 1606- The parliament having assembled, it passed vari- 9th July, ous acts, Calculated to introduce despotism, and to reestablish the order of bishops. The act respecting the King's prerogative invested him with powers totally incompatible with the existence of a free go- vernment, and the disgustingly flattering language in which this humiliating surrender of liberty was made, shews that there was a determination to make every sacrifice which the sovereign required. The design of the act was to destroy the claim urg- ed by the ministers in favour of an ecclesiastical jurisdiction distinct from the civil ; and that this ob- ject might be more thoroughly carried into effect, there was published, in the following year, the form of an oath, which the council had it in their power to impose, and which exacted an acknow- ledgement of the King as supreme governor in the kingdom, over all persons, and in all causes. An act was also passed for restoring the estate of bi- shops. Although James had given the titles of archbishop and bishop to those of the ministers whom he promoted to the ancient sees, yet, from the revenues of these sees having been surrendered to the laity, or annexed to the crown, they had not the means of supporting their dignity, and this evil the statute now mentioned was intended to remove. * Row, as last quoted. Calderwcod, p. 519, 520. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 173 It accordingly reversed the act of annexation which cHAP. some years berore had been sanctioned by the legis- ^^^^^ lature, and thus all that part of the patrimony of leos. the bishops which had been conveyed to the sove- reign, was restored to them, and precautions were taken that it should not, by leases, or in any other way, be in future diminished. The immense grants, however, which, after the Reformation, had been made to the barons, and the extensive estates which they had, contrary to all law and justice, appropri- ated, were not affected ; — the legislature stamped its seal of rightful possession, upon what, under other circumstances, it would have forfeited, as ob- tained by robbery ; — and the richest portion of the inheritance of the church was irrevocably torn from her. * The ministers, who had been informed of what Protesta- was intended to be done in parliament, assembled ministers. in great numbers at Perth, and protested against what they justly considered as the civil establish- ment of episcopacy, reasoning with much force in defence of the presbyterian polity, and upon the danger of making any innovation in the constitution of the church. They found, however, that they had now lost the influence from which, in other days, such mighty effects had resulted, and that * Murray's Collection of Acts of Parliament, p. 380 — 385. Cal- ^rwood's M'SS. Vol. V. p. 881, and printed History, p. 531, 532. Guthrie's History of Scotland, Vol. IX. p. 32, 33. Spottiswoode, p. 496. 174 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, eagerness to comply with the measures of the court ..^v-^w had weakened the zeal of numbers who had once 1606. strenuously supported the discipline which they did not hesitate to attack. They were thererore com- pelled to submit to what they could not prevent, and they made no attempt, by stirring up any com- motion amongst the people, to interrupt the public tranquillity, or to intimidate the estates. * They did not, however, conceal their dissatisfaction, but they wrote and published what they entitled a veri- fication of their protestation, in which their views were fully disclosed, and their tenets powerfully enforced. This is apparent from the conclusion of the paper, which relates to the subserviency of the bishops to a despotic prince : — *' If any succeeding prince please to play the tyrant, and govern, not by laws, but by his own will and pleasure signified by misj^ives, articles, and directions, they shall never admonish him as faithful pastors, for such they are not, having no lawful calling and authority from God and his church ; but as they are made up by man, they will flatter, pleasure, and obey men. As they stand by the prince's aifection, so they will by no means jeopard their standing, but be readiest of any to put his will and pleasure in execution, * Calderwood, p. 520—532, has given a yerj' ample account of the conduct of the ministers, and has inserted the protestation which they offered to the estates. That protestation was also printed in 1608, and prefixed to a Treatise on Kirk-Government, and some ©ther papers. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folioi in Life of Melvil, p. 79. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 175 suppose it were to apprehend, imprison, or banish CHAP. such as stand for the freedom and the laws of the \^_^^f^L^ realm. Unless men, of whatsoever rank and de- leoo. gree, give them their styles, places, and salutations, they shall not miss to be crossed by them in their affairs, and traduced at court by them or their means. Their company and train shall be an ex- ample of riot and excess. The bishop, in his own city, and amongst his vassals, will think himself a petty king. Who dare deny to lend, give, or serve him with whatsoever they have ? It he do, cannot they, and their lawyers, doasesiics, and dependents, devise a way how to draw him within danger of the laws, and then his estate falling in the bishop's hand, he shall certainly be pilled and polled. Final- ly, it is already too manifest, that if the prince be prodigal, or would enrich his courtiers by taxations and imposts laid upon his subjects, who have been, or shall be so ready to satisfy his desire in parlia- ment as those who are set up for that and like ser- vice ?" This observation was occasioned by the zeal with which the bishops had, in this parliament, supported ihe proposal of a heavy tax upon the kingdom. * Although these remarks display an ardent zeal for civil liberty, they rest upon a prin* ciple assumed, and uniformly avowed by the King, thai if there was no bishop there would be no mo- narch,— a maxim to which his son fatally adhered. It is certain, however, that there is no inseparable * Calderwood, p. 536 and 532. 1*76 CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. CHAP, connection between a hierarchy and despotism, for K^^^J.,^ the British constitution, watchful as it is over the 1606, rights of the people, recognized the episcopal order, and an acquaintance with the history of the last century, and the conclusion of the one which pre- ceded it, must satisfy every impartial mind, that many of the bishops were strenuous in defending the wisest and most enlarged principles of political freedom. Yet, whilst this concession is made, it must at the same time not be concealed, that the opinion of the Scotish ministers may often claim the sup- port of experience, and that, in as far as relates to Scotland, it has been fully and awfully confirmed. August. "Xhe Scotish divines who had been summoned ocotish mi- nisters ar- to London arrived in the metropolis before the end rlveinLon- tat r ^ j don. or August. In some or the arrangements made with regard to them, the King shewed the most la- mentable ignorance of human nature. Knowing how firmly they were convinced that an equality amongst pastors was founded in Scripture, and that this opinion was endeared to them by the per- secution of their brethren and the danger hang- Ordered to ing over their church, he irritated them by or- the^King^s deHug them to attend his chapel, that they might chapel. jjg^j. some of the bishops, whom he had appointed to preach against the principles which in Scotland were generally revered. The Bishop of Lincoln, who began the course of sermons, intended to con- vince men whose minds were in a state little favour- able for dispassionate argument and calm investiga- CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 177 tion, insisted upon the superiority of bishops to CHAP, presbyters, and upon the inconveniencies and con- y^^^J^^ fusion which must result from equality amongst leoe. ministers. The Bishop of Rochester, still more effectually to try the temper and patience of Melvil and his friends, enlarged upon the King's suprema- cy in ecclesiastical causes, associating papists and presbyterians as the enemies of royalty. The Bi- shop of Chichester, in his turn, expatiated upon the right of kings to call synods and councils ; and the series was closed by the Bishop of London, who endeavoured to prove that lay-elders had no place ^sd Sept. or office in the church, but that the order was a device of modern times, without support from Scripture or from antiquity. We may easily con- ceive the emotions with which the confident, and, as they would be regarded, the unchristian asser- tions of these prelates would be heard by the mi- nisters, who were deeply versed in points of ecclesi- astical controversy, and whose ardent zeal did not tend to mollify the temper ; but the King was san- guine in the expectation that some of them would thus be converted, — an opinion which his new Scotish prelates would have urged him to abandon ; for even Sportiswoode, who was present, and as earnest as his Majesty could be for a favourable is- sue to the conference, honestly admits, that the effect expected seldom happened, when the mind was prepossessed by prejudice, either against per- VOL. II. M 178 HISTORY OF THE GHAP. sons, or against the subjects upon which they en- ^:^ larged. * 1606. After the ministers had been prepared, by the ence. sermon of the Bishop of Lincoln, for meeting with their sovereign, they were admitted to an audience, and found the King, attended by the Archbishops of St Andrews and Glasgow, the newly appointed Bishops of Orkney and Galloway, the Bishop elect of Dunkeld, the Earl of Dunbar, Hamilton, the Sept. 22. King's advocate, and^Straiton of Lauriston. James, after stating the object of the meeting, demanded, from the eight ministers, an account of the irre- gular Assembly held at Aberdeen, and expressed his astonishment, that some of their brethren justi- fied its lawfulness, which, he said, was, in effect, to proclaim him a tyrant and a persecutor. It had been previously settled, that James Melvil should answer i^r the rest, but that no minute reply should be given to what was asked of them, till they had maturely deliberated. Melvil merely hinted at the reasons which could be urged in jus- * Caldeiwood's MS. Hist. Vol. V. and printed History, p. 537. It appears from Calderwood, that the sermons were delivered on successive days, only the first of them being preached before the mU nisters saw the King. Row's MS. p. 101. Spottiswoode, p. 497. Collier, Vol. II. p. 691. Heylin's History of the Presbyterians, p. 584. This intemperate writer adds, " These learned discourses could not gain upon these deaf adders." He would have himself, I have no doubt, been deaf to the powerful eloquence of Melvil, and would nor, on this account, have been reproached by his con» science. CHtJRCH OF SCOTLAND. 179 tification of the Assembly, and, after some irrele- CHAP. X vant observations from the Kmg, they were dismis- .^^ sed, with an injunction to be prepared for dehver- ^606. ing their sentmieats when they were again called. At this first meeting, none but those immediately concerned were present ; but next day, when they assembled, several ot the English nobility and cler- gy surrounded his Majesty. '1 he ministers request- Sept. 28. ed that Scotchmen only should be admitted, An- drew Melvil assigning as the reason, that the mat- ter related solely to Scotland, and that some things might be said, in the homely freedom which they should use, which his Majesty vv'ould not wish his English subjects to hear. This being disregarded, the King bluntly required the Scotish divines to de- clare ttieir opinions of the Aberdeen Assembly. The bishops were, as was to be supposed, unani- mous in condemning it as turbulent, factious, and unlawful ; but the rest first declined prejudging what should be decided by an ecclesiastical judica- tory, and then, upon being urged, plainly declared their conviction, that the meeting at Aberdeen was lawful, and that they who had attended it ought not to have been condemned. The King seems now to have been satisfied that he would make no impression upon the ministers ; and, probably irri- tated at the boldness with which Andrew Melvil, whose indignation was at length roused, inveighed against Hamilton, who had been the unworthy in- strument in persecuting Forbes and those who 180 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, adhered to him, he hastily withdrew, and he did ^^^^^^ not again admit them to his presence. * ico'^' The conference having thus terminated, the treated King was bound to permit the ministers, whom he with cruel- j^^j brought from Scotland, to return. He acted, however, very differently. He instructed the mem- bers of the Scotish privy-council, who were in Lon- don, to summon them to appear, and to insist up- on their answering insidious questions, put with the evident mtention of involving them in trouble. Their ap- James Meivil, moderate and patient as he was, felt beforethe ^^^ indignation which such oppression was calcu- coancil. lated to excite in every independent and well-con- Sept. 30. . stituted mind ; and after he had been required by his Majesty's advocate, to say whether he prayed for the imprisoned ministers, whether he approved of the Assembly at Aberdeen, and of the ministers having declined the jurisdiction of the council, and where was his letter to the synod of Fife .>* he thus remonstrated : " I am a free subject of the king- dom of Scotland, as free as any kingdom in the world, to which I will stand. There has been no summons legally executed against me. The noble- * Calderwood's MSS. Vol. V. p. 974 — 977, and printed History, p. 537—541. Row's MSS. p. 100, 101. Wodrow's MSS Vol. I. folio, in Life of Andrew Melvil, p. 79 — 82. Melvil's speech, and his address to the King's advocate, are given by VVodrow. The dignity of this venerable minister presents a striking contrast to the meanness and puerility which, according to the same author, were displayed by the King. Spottiswoode, p. 497, 498. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 181 men here present, and I, are not in our own coun- CHAP, try. The charge, super inquirendis, was declared ^^i^ ^ long since to be unjust. I am bound by no law ^<^°^' to accuse myself, neither to furnish matter of accu- sation against myself." He then desired the noble- men " to deal with him, although a mean man, as a free-born Scotchman, as they would be content to be used themselves, that is, according to the laws of the realm of Scotland.'* * Such language might surely have protected a man who had been guilty of no crime, who was not even accused, but who, in obedience to the or- der of his Sovereign, had come to court, leaving his family and his charge, and incurring an ex- pence which his limited circumstances could with difficulty afford. The lords of the council still, however, pressed their inquiries, and seem to have felt no emotion of patriotism at what every patriot should have heard with the deepest interest. I'his exasperated Andrew Melvil, who could not behold, with indifference, what he believed to be wrong ; and when he was at length admitted, he, in a tone of dignified reproach, told ihe noblemen before whom he appeared, " that they knew not what they were doing, — that they were degenerated from * Calderwood's MSS. Vol. V. p. 957, and printed History, p. 542. Guthrie's History of Scotland, Vol. IX. p 36, 3;. This writer quotes the above remarks with the approbation s\'hich a good man naturally feels, and most justly blames Spottiawoode, who has not recorded them. 182 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, the ancient nobility of Scotland, who were wont to .^K '-^^ give their lives and lands for the freedom of their 1606. country and of the Gospel, but that they were be- traying and overturning both." * Oct. 2. A short time after, the ministers were again summoned to the council ; and the points upon which they were asked to give their opinions were delivered to them in writing. They were permit- ted to deliberate upon the answers to be returned, being only required not to go far from court, and to mention the place of their residence, that they might be readily found, f The questions which were sanctioned by the King, and probably either dictated or corrected by him, will shew the mean tyranny of his government, whilst the answer of James Melvil, which, although the whole number gave separate replies, may be considered as expressing their general sentiments, will point out the difficulties by which the ministers were embarrassed, and the temper by which they were actuated. " The questions were, Whether they had not transgressed their duty in making pub- lic prayers for their brethren in ward, as being af- * Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I folio, in Life of Andrew Melvil, p. 82. Caldervvocd's MSS. Vol, V. p. 952, and Printed History, p. 542, f Calderwnod, p. 5t3. Spottiswoode, p. 409. The archbiihop says, that this appearance before the council was on the 'iOth of Oc- tober. The questions are dated upon the I'd of thai month, which renders Calderwoods account the more probable of the two. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 183 ilicted, and were willing to crave his Majesty's fa- CHAP, vour lor the same, seeing their said brethren abide ^,^^,>^ in ward for just causes, and by a just sentence of a q°^^* lawful judge, standing unquarrelled, and unreduced ? 2d, Whether they acknowledge his Majesty, by the authority of his prerogative-royal as a Christian King, to have lawful and full power to convocate, prorogate, and cause desert, upon just and necessary causes known to him, the Assemblies ot the church within his Majesty's dominions ? 3d, Whether his Majesty, by his authority-royal, have not power to call and convene before him and his council, what- soever person or persons, civil or ecclesiastical, for whatsoever faults, and give sentence thereanent ; and whether all his Majesty's subjects be not astric- ted to compear before his Majesty and council, to answer, acknowledge, and obey his Majesties and council's judgment in the said offences ?" To the first of these questions, James Melvil, after mature deliberation, and expressing the utmost submission, humility, and reverence to the King, and hearty af- fection to his grandeur, by which he probably meant the just rights of the crown, answered, — '• I cannot conceive a transgression of duty in praying for our brethren, the command and warrant being so clear in the word of God ; and if I could conceive any, prostrate at his Majesty's feet I would most willing- ly crave pardon and favour. To the second he replied, — That the laws of the realm, the judgment, practice, and constitution of our church, are clear \84f HISTORY OF THE CHAP, upon this point; but, if there remained any doubt, v^^v./^^ it would be cleared in the next General Assembly, 1606. fQ which, by the whole synod, it is referred. With respect to the third, he said, — that it involved in it matters of civil polity to be resolved by law- yers, and the estates of the realm ; but he added, that, " as to judging ministers in matters merely spi- ritual and ecclesiastical, such as concerned their calling and points of their ministry, which they have of and in Christ Jesus, and of his church on- ly, together with the jurisdiction of the church, what it is, and how it differeth from the jurisdiction and power of civil magistrates, the statutes of the realm, the judgment, practice, and constitutions of our church, the King's declaration at Linlithgow, and at divers General Assemblies, are most clear and evident, to which 1 stand till God teach my conscience better ; protesting, before the great God of Heaven and of earth, that if T thought it not a sin against Christ, the Lord of Lords and King of Kings, and so most dangerous to the King's Ma- jesty's person, crown, and estate, to ascribe and give any farther to him, there is none living would be gladder, according to his ability, for avouching, maintaining, and standing for the same to the utter- most, than poor James Melvil." * They are The ministers, having now discharged the duty not per- mitted to Scotland * Calderwocd's MS. Vol. V. p. 95?, and printed History, p. 543, 544. Guthrie's History of Scotland, Vol. IX. p. 37, 38. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 185 which they were, by the King, required to per- cHAP, form, were eager to return to Scotland ; and they ,^,^ had no reason to apprehend that this would leoe, be refused. They had been invited to England, — they had come upon the good faith of the monarch, — they had answered the questions which were pro- posed to them as their consciences permitted, mak- ing every concession which did not appear contrary to their duty, and uniformly testifying the loyalty by which they were actuated. Yet their request was harshly or contemptuously rejected, whilst the bishops and their attendants were allowed to de- part. This was radical and detestable oppression ; — ^it was an attempt to establish the throne upon the ruin of law, of equity, and of humanity ; and had it been extended in its application, whilst no resistance was made to it, it would have entailed upon this happy land all the horrors of slavery. They were not left to the uncertainty of conjecture respecting the motives which led to so despicable a violation of the honour of the King ; for they soon learnt that he had decided upon the fate of their brethren who had been convicted of treason ; that Oct. as- whilst, with the most grating hypocrisy, he called upon his subjects to admire his clemency in not or- dering the unhappy pastors to be executed, he had issued the cruel order, that they should be banish- ed from their country ; that, with habits little adapt- ed for struggling with difficulties in a foreign land, and at a period of life which would have required 186 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, rather relaxation from exertion, than the severity of \^^^!.^^ arduous enterprise, they should be torn from all i-, p. 549. Row's MS. p. 105. Baillie's Historical Vindication, p. 57. Spottiswoode, p. 5 00, writes, as if Melvil had, immediately after his appearance before the Council, been sent to the Tower, which is not the fact. 190 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, tb.e State of religion in Scotland ; and after enduring ,^^^^-^^ much bodily anguish, he expired, in the seventy- 1621, sixth year ot his age, closing his active and interest- ing career under the influence of that piety by which he had been eminently distinguished. * The other ministers who had been summoned to London, in vain renewed their entreaties for per- mission to revisit their country ; the King would not listen to their equitable petition although even Ban- croft, who seems to have be^n convinced that they were iniquitously detained, wished that it should be granted, t At length, however, with the excep- tion of James Melvil, they were sent to Scotland, but were confined to particular places of that king- dom, specified by his Majesty. Melvil had a more severe fate. He was ordered to reside in Newcas- tle ; he was afterwards removed to Berwick, where 1614. he died, without having been restored to his native Jan. 21. , , . land. I * Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folio, in Life of Andrew Melvil, p. 108, where aii the information which has been handed down respecting him while at Sedan, is preserved. Row's MS. History, p. 17 > — 173. Spottiswoode, p. 500, records the death of Melvil with an evident want of candour, which must be lamented in so respectable a histo- rian. f Calderwood, p 564. \ Calderwood's MS. Vol. VI. p. 382, and printed History, p. 569, and 649. Spottiswoode, p. 504, mentions the death of James Mel- vil, without the slightest intimation, however, that he condemned the injustice with which this good man was sacrificed, or deplored the se- verity of his fate. Baillie's Historical Vindication, p. 57. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 1^1 Of the virtues of this amiable man, abundant cHAP. proof is afforded by the whole history of his life, ,-3^ and by the testimony even of those who did not leo?. adopt his sentiments. His uncle was formed for the times in which he lived ; united to talents of a high order, and to most respectable literary attain- ments, an inflexible firmness, a keenness of tem- per, and an impetuosity of eloquence, which alarm- ed, and often overawed his enemies ; but James Melviljwith a sound and enlightened judgment, com- bined the utmost candour, and the most engaging mildness of disposition; he shrunk from the jarrings of controversy, would have delighted in the quiet- ness of tranquil times, and never, but when im- pelled by conscience, resisted the authority of his Sovereign and the oppression of his government. At one period, he was regarded by the King with partiality, or with kindness ; and had he been dispos- ed to sacrifice his principles to ambition, he would certainly have been exalted to the highest situations in the church ; but, convinced that the tenets of his venerable relation were founded in Scripture, and that no blessing of this world can compensate for the loss of integrity, he remained firm in what he believed to be right, and was esteemed and revered by numbers who had not virtue to imitate the noble pattern which he exhibited. ^"^ * For the character of Andrew Melvll, see the conclusion of his life by Wodrow. For that of his nephew, consult Calderwood's MS. and printed History, p. 649. Baillie's Hist. Vindication, p. 57' .92 HISTORY OF THE 1607 Indigna- tion thus excited in Scotland. Impolicy of this •step. The effect of the cruel policy followed with re- spect to the ministers, was, in Scotland, such as the most thoughtless might have anticipated. The withdrawing of so many of those who were regard- ed with peculiar veneration, so soon after the shameful trial of their condemned brethren, excited some alarm as to the intentions of the King ; but when the people learnt that the liberty of returning to them was denied to their pastors, and heard the mandate of banishment which had been issued against the ministers who supported tiie lawfulness of the Assembly at Aberdeen, — imputing all this to the bishops, they loudly expressed their detestation and abhorrence, and did not hesitate to declare, what from the first they had believed, that the Melvils, and those who accompanied them, had been called to England, not with the view of listen- ing to their reasoning, but that they might be pre- vented from opposing the ecclesiastical measures which the prelates were to propose and enforce. * Nothing, considered merely in a political light, can be conceived more unwise than the iniquitous treatment of the unfortunate ministers. Froni the period that the Earl of Morton, misled by the nar- row maxims of avarice, had defrauded the church Spottiswoode, p. 504, admits that he was a man of good learning, sober, and modest. * Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folio, in Life of A. Melvil, p. 79. Calderwood's History, p. 519, 520, and 537. Baillie's Historical Vindication, p. 56. Row's MS. History, p. IO7. CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 193 of the revenues, which, by the introduction of a cHAP. modified system of episcopacy, the clergy flattered ^.!^,^j themselves would be restored to theui, that form of 1607. ecclesiastical government had been unpopular in Scotland, being not only associated with Popery, but viewed as the instrument of oppression. All doubt as to this latter point, James and his courtiers now effectually eradicated from the minds of his Scotish subjects, fhey knew that the restoration of the order of bishops was, in the King's estima- tion, of infinite moment ; and in what way did he seek to gain his object ? Far from addressing him- self to the reason and the feelings of those whom he wished to influence, he outraged both j he drag- ged from the scene of their pastoral labours inno- cent men who had imparted the instructions and the comforts of religion to congregations who re- joiced under their ministry ; and, as if this were not enough, he continued, for a series of years, to harass and oppress them ; thus confirming every opinion which they had sedulously inculcated. By one method alone could this weak and perni- Not coun- cious policy have been counteracted. Had the [j^^^^^J^^^^^Jy bishops devoted themselves to the great duties »<• t^^ bi- which their sacred offices imposed on them ; had they freely mingled with the people ; and had they imitated the ardent zeal of the presbyterian clergy, becoming examples of the self-denial, the temper- ance, and the contempt of ambition, which their flocks had so long been accustomed to revere, — al- VOL. II, N 394? HISTORY OF THK CHAP, though they would have encountered opposition, ^^^^^^ that opposition would have gradually abated, and 1607. our forefathers might insensibly have been con- vinced of what is now so happily confirmed, that under episcopacy and under presbytery we may equally look for the virtues of the Christian charac- ter, and for the purity of divine truth. But un- fortunately the new prelates resolved to act upon very different principles. Attached to the court, and depending upon its decided support for the continuance of their dignity and influence, they conformed to its manners, — they disregarded that strict observance of ordinances, which was then considered as the unequivocal evidence of sincere faith in the gospel, — they grasped at the honours and the civil exaltation which the partiality of the monarch was willing to bestow, — they affected haughtiness of deportment, — and, what completed the estrangement of the community from them, they were too ready to abet tyranny, becoming the advocates of whatever the King, often regardless of the fundamental maxims of the political constitu- tion, sought to effectuate. It is reported even of Spottiswoode, of whose attachment to religion, not- withstanding the levity which he sometimes assum- ed, there can be no doubt, that it was his constant practice to begin his journies to court on the Lord's day, and during the time of public worship. Al- though we must receive, with much allowance, this with many of the charges which were after- CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 195 wards adduced against the bishops, and the satirical CHAR insinuations, or abuse, which, in various ways, were „^^ * actively circulated, yet enough remains to shew ^^°'^' that they did not act with the caution which their situation required, and that they did not pay that wise and delicate attention to the opinions and pre- judices that prevailed, without which the most effi- cient form of discipline, and the most apostolical church, would have lost the affections of its mem- bers, and failed in producing those moral and reli- gious impressions, which it is the sacred duty, and should be the noble ambition of the ministers of the gospel, under every form of ecclesiastical polity, and amongst all denominations of Christians, to imprint upon the heart. * * Calderwood's MSS. Vol. VI. under 1609. In his printed history, Calderwood mentions, p. 487, that it was always the practice of Spot- tiswoode to cross ferries, and to ride on the Lord's day in time of sermon. See also Burnet's History of his own times. Vol. L p. 9, and 28. Proceedings 'f the Assembly 1638, in Baillie's Letters and Jour- nals, Vol. L Character of Spottiswoode in Scot's Staggering State of Scotch Statesmen. Calderwood in his MS. and pnuted history, and Wodrow in his Life of Andrew Melvll, p. 161, 16-.:;, from Calder- wood's MSS. have inserted two copies of verses, which in the begin- ning of 1609 were actively distributed ; the one, giving a character of each of the Bishops, was, both in Latin and English, thrown into the tolbooth, and other public places ; whilst the other, giving a ge- neral character of them, and which Wodrow suspects to be the com- position of Andrew Meivil, was handed about. 1st Set of Verses. " Vinum amat Andreas, cum vnio Glasgua aniores, Ross cstus, ludos Galva, Brichseus opes. 1607. ■196 HISTORY OF THE Aulam Orcas, ollam Moravus, parit insula fraude* Dumblanus tricas, nomen Aberdonius, Fata Caledonius fraterni ruminat agri Rarus ades parochos^ o, Catansee tuos Solus in Argadiis prsesul meritissimus ovis Vera ministerii s)'mbola solus habes. This copy, taken from Wodrow, differs in some respects from tke one in Calderwood, p. 601. 2d Set of Verses. " Ter quater et toto fuit unus Apostolus orbe, Nunc tot Apostaticos Scotia sola foves, Distat Apostolico, nevus hie chorus ; ille ministros Pervigiles ; porcos hie habet atq. lupos. Unus erat Satanse mystes, pars altera Christi, Unus at hie Christi est, csetera pars Satani." Row's MSS. p. lee, 170, and 343, containing some additions to the history. Row, p. 173, mentions, that the bishops were odious to the people; but, speaking of Spottiswoode, p. 165, he does not state so strongly the charge of this prelate violating the Sabbath. His words are, " The Bishop, after preaching in the forenoon, as his custom was, ■went to some pastime, or to take rest and sleep." The Bishops of Scotland at this time were, Gladstanes, Archbishop of St Andrews ; Spottiswoode, Archbishop of Glasgow ; Lindsay, Bishop of Ross ; Hamilton, Bishop of Galloway ; Lamb, Bishop of Brechin ; Law, Bishop of Orkney ; Douglas, Bishop of Murray ; Knox, Bishop of the Isles ; Blackburn, Bishop of Aberdeen ; Lindsay, Bishop of Dun- keld , Forbes, Bishop of Caithness ; and Campbell, Bishop of Argyll. Upon this last prelate, all parties conferred the highest praise. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 19' CHAPTER ELEVENTH. 'Progress of Episcopacy.. ..Convention at Linlithgow.... Opposition to its Resolutions.... Instructions given by the King to the Privy-Council in Scotland.... Remarks upon them. ...The Bishops acquire /iifiuence...^First Con- ference at Falkland... .A General Assembly.... Advan- tages gained through it by the Bishops. ...Trial of Lord Balmerino... .Second Conference at Falkland.... A Par- liament.... Spottiswoode becomes a Lord of Session.... High Court of Commission erected. ... General Assem- hlij....Its Decisions.... Observations upon them. ...Procla- mation to enforce tliem....Remarl{s upon it. ...Consecra- tion of three Scotish Pi elates in London. ...Impolicy of this measure.. ..Episcopacy Confrmed by Parliament, and fully Established. When the King prohibited the Assembly at Aber- ^^^' deen, he intimated, that a meeting of this supreme ^^^/"v/ ecclesiastical judicatory was to take place in July. Progress of From the fulfilment of this promise he might have Episcopacy, considered himself as released by the opposition of the ministers ; but it is probable that he deferred holding the Assembly, from the conviction that he would not, in the state in which the kingdom then was, obtain its sanction to the arrangements which he was determined to introduce. After, however, by drawing one part of the leading men amongst 3 98 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, the clergy to London, and banishing^ another, he V,^K^^ had removed those whose talents and mfluence the 1606. bishops most dreaded, and struck consternarion in- to the whole order, he appointed a convention, for regulating the spiritual condition of Scotland, to be held at Linlithgow towards the conclusion of this year, so eventful in the ecclesiastical annals of Scot- Convention land. The mode in which it was summoned was gow" ' *^ost irregular. A letter was addressed by the loth Dec. King to the different presbyteries, copies of which were delivered, in some cases, .a few weeks, in others only a few days, before the meeting. It was not even stiled an Assembly, and the presbyteries, instead of being permitted to elect their representa- tives, were commanded to choose the persons whose names were transmitted. The bishops were most anxious to procure such of the clergy as they could influence or intimidate ; and the courtiers who were present readily espoused and supported what they knew to be acceptable to the Sovereign. * About a hundred ministers assembled, and a- bove thirty noblemen and barons. After electing a moderator, the Earl of Dunbar presented a letter from the King, in which his Majesty explained the purpose for which he had called them together, and * Calderwood's MS. Vol. V. p. 980, and printed History, p, 551. Row's BIS. p. 107. Spottiswoode, p. .500. Burnet's History of his own Times, Vol. I. p. 8. Neal's History of the Puritans, Vol. If. p. 81. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 199 Stated his sentiments respecting the best mode of ^hap removing the dissensions which had afflicted the ^i- church. He proposed that, till tranquillity was hap 1607. pily restored, one prudent minister m each presby- tery should be chosen constantly to preside, and that this office should belong to the bishops in those presbyteries, within the bounds of which they re- sided. The tendency of this measure was at once ' perceived, and notwithstanding all the means which had been employed to secure compliance, it could not be carried in the general form in which it was presented ; but to prevent the danger from it which was apprehended, it was ordained that the modera- tors of presbyteries and provincial assemblies should not presume to do any thing of themselves, without the advice and consent of their brethren ; that they should have no greater jurisdiction than had been assigned to former moderators by the constitution of the church ; that they should be subject to the trial and censure of synods ; and to these restrictions were added several others, which, had they been put in force, would have rendered this new scheme little prejudicial to the Presbyterian discipline. * Guarded, however, as these resolutions were, and ^ ' ' ' Opposition to its Reso- lutions. * Calderwood, p. 557, 558, and MSS. Vol. VI. p. 1, 2. Epistola de Regimine Ecclesiae Scoticanse, p. 11, 12, and Epistola Hieronymi Philadelphi, &c, p. 96, 97, both by Calderwood, and printed 1623, compared with Spottiswgode, p. £01, 502, and Refutatio Libelli, &c. p. 84, "200 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, popular as was one of the reasons assigned for a- ^^^^'^^ dopting them, that they afforded many advantages 1607. for the suppression of Popery ; much as the interest of the clergy was concerned in supporting them,- for the bishops who had been entrusted with the power of assigning stipends to the ministers, employed this power in bending them to their views, — they met with firm and persevering resistance. In thc> presbyte- ries indeed, the efforts to introduce perpetual mo- derators were not unfrequ?ntly successful ; but the synods remained inflexible. They asserted, that it was their constitutional privilege, to elect modera- tors twice a year. They called for tlie act of the convention, which the commissioners of the King re- fused to produce ; thus giving countenance to an in- sinuation afterwards circulated, that it had been al- tered and interpolated at court ; and expressed a doubt whether they should pay any respect to the authority of the convention, till it had been sanction- ed by a General Assembly. In the synod of Perth, this temper was strikingly displayed. When the ministers, through the violence of the adherents of the King or the prelates, were driven from the church, they met in the open air, and, encouraged by the deep interest which the people took in their deliberations, they enjoined the Presbyteries with which they were connected, on the first day of their meeting, to elect moderators agreeably to the for- mer practice. To prevent the imitation of this ex- ample, the synod of Fife was prohibited from assem- CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 20 1 bling, and the synod of Angus was the only one in ^^; ' Scotland, which consented to choose a perpetual ^-^ ""^^ moderator. * This opposition had been foreseen by James, and Instruction* his directions occasioned by it shew how insincerely King, it was asserted that his great object was to restore tranquillity to the church, and that this was con- stantly kept in view by him, in all the steps which he took with respect to ecclesiastical discipline. When the decision in favour of perpetual modera- tors was presented to him, he said, " That although the Assembly had given its opinion that the act would be universally received, he knew the minis- ters too well to expect any such thing. Their con- scientious zeal to maintain parity, and their desire to keep all things in a constant volubiliiy, as he ex- pressed it, were such, that they would never agree to a settled government. Besides, he knew that divers of those who were nominated to the places of moderator, would refuse to accept the same, lest they should be thought to affect superiority over their brethren. That, therefore, he would have the council to look to that business, and direct charges as well for those that were nominated to accept the * Row's MS . History, p . n 1 — 1 1 3 . Calder wood's MS. Vol. VI. p. 17. and printed History, p. 564 — 574. Epistola de Regimine, &c. p. 13. Epistola Hieronymi Philadelphi, &c. p. 98, erroneously print' ed 96. Spottiswoode, p. 502, 202 HISTORY OF THE ^j , • moderation, as to the ministers of every presbytery ''"^^^^^^ to accept them that were nominated." * Remarks It is difficult to conceive a more satisfactory upon them. pj-Qof of the popularity which the Presbyterian dis- cipline had acquired. Artfully as the King re- presented this measure, as calculated to give a per- manent constitution to the church, he did not rest it upon its own merits, but he called upon his council to support it by the interference of the ci- vil power. He also gave an incidental, but strong testimony to the sincerity of the ministers. He ad- mitted that they were swayed by conscientious mo- . tives, and declared that some of them would not accept the pre-eminence which was offered to them. Yet this pre-eminence did not merely gratify ambi- tion, it brought with it what to men who had long struggled with poverty must have been viewed as most desirable, for to the constant moderators, the King had assigned a salary of a hundred pounds, upon the ostensible pretext that their attention might not, by secular cares, be distracted from the affairs of the church, f * Spoltiswoode, p. 503. Tliat the council did look to this business in the sense in which the words are used by the King, is evident from Epistola HIeronymi, &c. p. lOO. •j- Spottiswoode, p. 501. Row's MS. History, p. llO. Calder- wood, p. 560. This writer insinuates, what there can be little doubt was the fact, that this salary was intended to render the moderators subservient to the bishops, and the court. It is proper to mention, that the sum allotted to them was Scots money ; yet mconsiderable as It was, it added much to the comfort of those who received it. CHURCH OF SCOTLANB. 20S It is astonishing that James was not struck with cHAP. the infatuation of the policy which he was now led ^ * to pursue ; that he should for a moment have ima- i607.' gined, that the stability of his throne could be en- sured by any arrangement which it was necessary to force upon his subjects, and which thus estranged from him their affections, and extinguished the loy- ahy which the circumstance of his residing in an- other kingdom should have le d him with unremit- tnig and paternal scjlicitude to cherish. Although he disliked the freedom that was interwoven with the ecclesiastical constitution which he had once sanctioned, which he had frequently sworn to up- hold, and which, at this very moment, in complete contradiction to his actions, he was repeatedly avow- ing that he had no desire to subvert, he had expe- rienced its salutary efftcts in uniting his people, — an object compared with which, questions of church government, in a political light, sunk into insignifi- cance. * But, whilst the conduct of the synods, and the The bl- j , r' 1 • • shops ac- sentnnents expressed by many or the mmisters, quire infla- showed that the ecclesiastical innovations were con- ^^^^' trary to the wishes and the feelings of the people, the bishops possessed many advantages for influen- cing the public mind , and it soon became apparent "* Calderwood, p. 560 and 573. Spottiswoode, p. 503. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. V. folio, in Life of Robert Boyd, where, in a letter to Monsieur Du Plesis, Boj'd very forcibly describes how effectual the Presbyterian polity was in strengthening the government, by uniting and restraining the people, p. 45. 20* HISTORY OF THE CHAP, that numbers were inclined to relax their opposi- ..^v-^ tion, or even to support what they had previously 1608. condemned. * Although the prelates had been fur- nished by the King with the means of crushing, by the' 'intervention of the civil authority, all who re- sisted their pretensions, they seem, except in a single instance, to have avoided the use of this hazardous expedient, resting their hopes of success upon the application of motives, the force of which, when acting on a great body of men, they readily appre- ciated. Possessed of the privilege of regulating the stipends of the clergy, all who, from the severity of poverty, or the feelings excited by the distress and want of those who were most dear to them, looked anxiously towards independence in their pecuniary supplies, naturally sought their countenance, — and, when interest or inclination guides the mind, the understanding not unfrequently becomes subser- vient, and exhibits in a favourable light, what, un- der other circumstances, would have been rejected and condemned. The bishops also visited their dioceses, and, in the private intercourse which they thus had with the ministers, they convinced many of them that it was foolish and dangerous to resist the King ; assured them that his intentions had been misrepresented ; and that, if they would quietly lis- ten to what should be proposed, they would be sa- t'isfied that nothing was in agitation hostile to the * CaWerwood, p. 682. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 205 liberties of the church. The effect of these repre- cHAP. sentations was very great. Even Caldervvood ac- '^^• knowledges, that, through policy or terror, the leos. bishops got too much advantage over the weaker men of the ministry, and prevailed on them to choose, as their commissioners to the next Assem- bly, such as were friendly to the designs of the court. * But there was another cause which probably was very effectual in disposing the ministers to check dissension amongst the friends of the reformed reli- gion. Of the trouble which had been occasioned by the Popish nobles some account has been already given. The Marquis of Huntly, the most power- ful of this faction, had often attracted the notice of the ecclesiastical judicatories, and various processes against him had been instituted. But although, from prudential considerations, he had sometimes professed to renounce Popery, his sentiments were not changed, and it appears, that, from his influence in the north of Scotland, many had been induced to abjure the Protestant faith, or to avow that at- tachment to the Romish hierarchy which they had previously concealed. Whether the fears of the Protestants were not, for particular purposes, artfully increased, or whether the danger which alarmed them was so great as they imagined it to be, may perhaps be doubted ; but it is certain that alarm was • Calderwood's History, p. 5 78 and 5S4. '206 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, at this period widely disseminated, and that the ^^^.^^^ King and the bishops affected, or felt, the warmest 1608. zeal in the cause of the church. * The prelates wisely availed themselves of what all considered as so formidable, to inculcate har- mony and moderation ; they represented the im- portance of summoning a General Assembly to de- vise the most effectual means of resisting popery; and they recommended, that, previous to its meet- ing, a conference should be held, with the view of forming an agreement respecting the discipline and order of the church. First confe- The bishops, and some of the commissioners who Falkland, ^^^ been nominated by the General Assembly, met June 15. accordingly at Falkland, and they received from several ministers, who had also met there, articles intended to secure concord. With these, the bi- shops and commissioners professed that they were themselves perfectly satisfied, but dreading that, if some modification of them did not take place, the Assembly, for which all were so anxious, might be prorogued, and the whole fabric of the ecclesiasti- cal constitution be subverted, they suggested a few alterations, and in the following conclusions all parties acquiesced. 1st, That the questions which were agitated amongst the ministers relating to mat- ters of government, should remain untouched and * Calderwood, p. 590. Bulk of the Universal Kirk, under the Proceedings of the Assembly 1608. Spottiswoode, p. 505. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 207 ■unhandled on either side, till the next General As- sembly, and no occasion be given by private or public speeches of any farther distraction of mind, but that, as brethren and ministers of Christ, they should use their common endeavours, especially in doctrine, against Papists, both as to their supersti- tion in religion, and pernicious practices. 2d, That the General Assembly hold at the time appointed, and that his Majesty be most humbly iiitreated for that effect. Sd, That nothing which is in contro- versy, and maketh strife in the church, be treated in said Assembly, but that the same be conferred on in a private conference by such as the Assem- bly shall appoint to prepare a way for composing these differences, and that the Assembly appoint a meeting of some brethren, at such time, place, and manner, as they think fit. * To these were added several other articles. The great object of the bishops, however, evidently was, that an Assembly should be held, at which matters of poUty were not to be discussed, but that these should be committed to a select rumber who could be more easily influenced or convinced. Some of the ministers in Fife, aware of the views for which * Calderwood's MSS. Vol. VI. p. 95 — 98, and printed History, p. 584, 585. Row's MS. History, p. 114—118. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. V. folio, in Life of Robert Boyd, p. 43. In the letter from John- ston, a professor in the University of St Andrews, to Boyd, to which I refer, it is mentioned, that there was a conference at Falkland be- tween the bishops and some of the sincere ministry, — a significant dis- ainctioD. 20S HISTORY OF THE CHAP, the conference took place, endeavoured to counter- XI v,^ ^i^^ act them, by circulating amongst presbyteries the 1608. commission and the instructions to be given to their representatives. In these there was an express pro- hioition, under pain of being deposed and excom- municated, from voting, or consenting to any alte- ration in the government of the church of Scot- land ; but their efforts were not successful, and the mode in which they had acted was disapproved by Jtimes Melvil, with whom they had consulted. * A General ^^^^^ General Assembly was held in Linlithgow Assembly, ^f ^\^q jJj^-,^, which had been specified, and the Earls July 26. _ . of Dunbar, Winton, and Lothian, wt-re commis- sioned to represent the Sovereign. They were at- tended by about forty noblemen and gentlemen, whom the King had ordered to be present, and who, although not chosen as members, claimed the privilege ot voting. A feeble attempt was made to prt'vent this, by reminding the moderator, that, by acts of Assembly, only three commissioners from his Majesty were permitted to give suffrages, rhe objection, however, was disregarded, and the elec- tion of a new moderator took place. In calling the roll of members, the bishops were named before the commissioners of the church, which was the first time, since the introduction of presbytery, that this distinction had been made, f * Calderwood, p. 5S6— 58S, and MSS. Vol. VI. p. 103. f Calderwood, p. S39. Spottiswoode, p. 505. 160S. CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 209 The King, in his letter to the Assembly, expres- CHAP, sed his zeal against Popery, and his anxiety to re- move from the church all ground of dissension. Much time was occupied in considering the danger to be apprehended from the increase of the Popish faith ; and an inquiry was instituted into the causes to which this might be attributed, and into the means by which it might be averted. Many of the suggestions and resolutions upon this subject, then so deeply interesting, evinced much prudence and knowledge of human nature ; and a sentence of ex- communication was pronounced against Huntly, who, with his usual contemptuous defiance, had refused to attend the deliberations of the Assembly. The increase of Popery was ascribed partly to the conduct of the ministers, and partly to causes over which they had no control. With respect to the clergy, it was declared, that they had promoted the evil, by their neglecting the instruction of youth, and the establishment or provision of schools ; by their rashness in admitting to the ministry men lit- tle qualified to resist, by argument, the adversaries of the truth ; by not paying sufficient attention to the discovery and conviction of Jesuits j and by those distractions amongst themselves, which, origi- nating from diversity of opinion, had led to the ex- tinction of that cordiality and mutual affection by which they should be distinguished. Suitable re- medies for these errors were proposed and sanction- ed, and various other resolutions, tending to secure VOL, II. o 2 10 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, the interests of the reformation, were adopted, In^ ,^v^^^^ the zeal with which the suppression of Popery was 1603. prosecuted, the questions which had so deeply agi- tated the church were suspended ; and there seems to have prevailed an earnest desire that harmony should be restored. Upon the plea that there was not sufficient time for discussing what related to discipUne and j>olity, certain persons were appoint- ed to reason upon these subjects, and to report the result of their deliberations to the next Assembly, it being understood that, during this interval, the advice of the brethren who had met at Falkland should be adopted. * A commission was also given to several of the members, amongst whom all the bishops were included, to correspond with the King ; and as eleven of these members had power to act, they were virtually invested with privileges completely subversive of the Presbyterian constitu- tion. It was indeed carefully specified, that the re-election of the former commissioners should not deprive the Assembly of the power to choose any w^hom it conceived to be qualified, and should not imply the perpetuity of the commission itself ; but this was a feeble barrier, which even those who erected it were probably aware could be easily sur- mounted. Some general promises of intercession * Bulk of the Universal Kirk, p. 609, 610. Calderwood, p. 59S. Spottiswoode, p. 505, 506. He does not mention the last resolution, which, although it laid the foundation for the ascendancy of the bi- shops, implied that their superiority was not yet acknowledged. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 211 for the banished ministers were made by the adhe- chap. rents of the court, but in these there was little sin- ^^^^ cerity ; for they who were now striving after exal- leos. tation, could not fail to be sensible that their suc- cess very much depended upon their preventing the return of men by whom it would be steadily resist- ed. * When we consider how little was directly gained Advanta- in this Assembly by the advocates of episcopacy, it through may at first appear that there was no need for the y'^^^jh?' caution which was employed in ascertaining the bishops, sentiments held by those of whom it consisted. There was nothing decidedly hostile to the existing polity ; there was no recognition of the superio- rity of bishops ; there were even proceedings which implied, that all ministers were equally subject to the control of the church, or of its judicatories. Yet it is certain, that the foundation was laid for those bolder pretensions which soon after were con- fidently urged, and which the whole influence of the crown was exerted to support. From the state of public opinion in Scotland, it would have been highly imprudent openly to set at nought the authority of a General Assembly. Al- though the convention which had been held at Lin- lithgow received from the courtiers that appellation, * Authors last quoted. Calderwood, p. 602, and MSS. Vol. VI. p. 103 — 140, where a full account of the transactions of the Assem- bly ie preserved. 212 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, it was not considered as such bv the zealous ad XI. ^ 1608. herents of presbytery, and if no subsequent one, regularly constituted, had been convened, the plea that the restoration of episcopacy was in decided opposition to the mind of the church it would have been found difficult to resist. Whatever was thought of the manner in which the clergy were influenced, there could be no doubt that the present meeting was a lawful assembly. Yet it had not condemned the recent innovations ; it renewed the commission which it was esteemed by the bishops so important to obtain ; it recognized a diversity of sentiment respecting the government of the church, and, in- stead of reprobating this, considered it as affording interesting matter for serious discussion. Although no peculiar privileges were granted to the bishops, their names and their titles were inserted in the re- gister of the assembly, and they were authorized by it to take an active part in whatever related to the best interests of the established religion. To give full efficacy to all this, the members had solemnly declared, in the presence of God, that they would lay aside and cast away all grudge and rancour 5 that, upon their return to their parishes, they would recommend this to their presbyteries, that all de- scriptions of the people might concur in mutual friendship and holy amity. The prelates were thus, in fact, represented as not having merited the obloquy which had been cast on them, and the natural conclusion, suggested by what had been «HURCH OF SCOTLAND, 2l3 done was, that violent opposition to the innova- CHAP, tions which were contemplated, was inconsistent '^ with the spirit of Christianity. * ^^°^' When the proceedings of this Assembly were communicated to James Melvil, he saw the evil which would probably result from them ; and in a letter to one of his friends he declared, that what he had intimated twelve years before was now apparent, that either God must change the King's heart, or that the government of the Scotish church must be overturned, f About this period an event took place which 1609. strongly agitated the public mind, and which im- no's trial, plicated the faith or the sincerity of the King. It has been already mentioned, that, some years before the accession of James to the English throne, a letter was sent in his name to the Pope, in which language was employed, indicative of high venera- tion for the successor of St Peter, and not com- patible with that ardent zeal for the reformation, by which a Protestant monarch should have been actuated. Cardinal Bellarmine, in one of his con- troversial works, inserted this letter, and James, who was aware of the consequences which would probably result, if he did not vindicate himself * Bulk of the Universal Kirk. In this Register, p. 608, 609, there is a striking account of the solemn manner in which the minis- ters pledged themselves to preserve harmony. Calderwood, p. 599> «00. Row's MS. Hist. p. 118, 122. j; Calderwood 's History, p. 600. 214 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, from ihe insinuations of so zealous an advocate of XI. v..^^,-^- Popery, charged Lord Balmerino, who had been ^^''^' secretary of state when the letter was dispatched, with having improperly, and without his know- ledge, obtained his signature. Balmerino at first affirmed that he had sent the letter with the King's concurrence ; but when he found that James was resolved to deny this, he confessed, or affected to confess, that he had put it amongst a number of official papers, and that the King had, without any knowledge of its contents, affixed his name. Such a daring abuse of royal confidence, deservedly called March 20. for the most exemplary punishment. Balmerino was accordingly conveyed by a guard to Scotland, in which kingdom the offence had been committed ; he was brought to trial, and, having been convicted, he was condemned to be executed, and his pro- perty was ordered to be forfeited to the crown. Notwithstanding all these measures, however, there is. much reason to believe that James was not ig- norant of the letter. The unfortunate secretary in his own memoirs, observes, *' Next followed my conviction in St Andrews, wherein I was the only actor myself, to give his Majesty satisfarction ; fol- lowing, in every point, the Earl of Duabar*s direction, brought to me by my Lord Burley, or the Lord Scoone;" an observation which certainly im- plies collusion ; and the fact that the sentence pro- nounced was never carried into execution, gives some confirmation to a supposition, which exhibits CHtmCH OF SCOTLAND. 215 in so shameful a light the deceit and the meanness chap. of the King. The condemnation, however, had ^ "^^L/ the effect of convincing the great body of the 1609. people in Scotland, who could not penetrate into the intrigues of the court, that their sovereign had been calumniated, and that he was sincere in his professions of attachment to the reformed religion. The fate of Balmerino was very melancholy. Al- though he escaped, as he probably was assured that he would do, the ignominy of perishing on the scaffold, his liberty was restrained ; he found himself shunned and detested ; he probably ex- perienced how little rehance could be placed on the gratitude of a monarch j and he soon expired, a prey to the humiliation and anguish which the consciousness of having sacrificed his integrity had excited in his breast. *" The bishops, who, from conceiving that his con- Second demnation would lessen the opposition which they at Faik- dreaded, were much interested in the issue of Bal- ^^°*1" . , 4th May. merino's trial, now turned their attention to the subject of ecclesiastical polity ; and, agreeably to the resolution of last Assembly, a conference was held * A very full account of Balmerino's trial Is^iven In Vol. VI. of CaJ- derwood's MS. History, p. 185, &c. in which is inserted his lordship's own narration. Calderwood's printed History, p. 600 and 604, 605. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folio, in Life of Andrew Melvll, p. lo3. Spottiswoode, p. 511, 512. For the fate of Balmerino, the archbi- shop seems to have had no pity, regarding him as an enemy to prelacy. Burnet's Hist, of his own Times, Vol. I. p. 5, 6. Balfour's MSS. quoted by Guthrie, Vol. IX. p. 53— SG. 216 HISTORY OF THE GHAP. at Falkland, between some of the prelates, a few of y^r^^J-^^ the council, and the ministers appointed by the 1609. church. The great points which were there agi- tated, were the propriety of deciding whether, in each synod and presbytery, there should be a con- stant moderator, and whether the cautions by which the powers of the bishops had been limited, should be in future observed. Every method was used to procure a favourable and harmonious answer ; but the ministers, although not disposed to use the strong language which Melvil would have employ- ed, could not be induced to acquiesce in the views oft he court, and it was at length decided, that their final resolution should for a few months be defer- red. Another conference was accordingly appoint- ed to take place at Stirling, in August ; but nothing was done at that time, the bishops having the pro- spect of obtaining an Assembly, which would sanc- tion the privileges that they were eager to acquire.* A Parlia- At a parliament which met in Edinburgh about 2«h June. ^^^ ^"^ °^ June, the intentions of the Sovereign with respect to the episcopal order were fully un- folded. Some acts having been previously passed to check the diffusion, or prevent the contamina- tion of Popish superstition, it was resolved to restore to the archbishops and bishops the civil jurisdiction * Calderw'ood's MS. Vol. VI. p. 198, and printed History, p. 606— 613. Row's MS. p. 131 — 135, and 139. Neal, in his History of the Puritans, Vol. II. p. 81, erroneously states, that the bishops car- vied their point at Stirling. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 2i7 which they had once enjoyed, but which, after the chap. reformation, had been wisely transferred to the su- ^J^^' preme court of justice. The estates declared, that ^^°9- his Majesty, by their advice, and with their express consent, restored and redintegrated the archbishops and bishops of the realm to their former authority, dignity, prerogative, privileges, and jurisdiction law- fully pertaining to them, especially to the jurisdic- tion of commissariats and administration of jus- tice by their commissioners and deputies, in all spi- ritual and ecclesiastical causes controverted betweeo any persons dwelling within their dioceses. Ano- ther singular law respected the apparel of judges, magistrates, and churchmen. By this law, full power was given to the King to display his royal ingenuity in devising proper dresses for these dif- ferent classes of his subjects, and one object of it no doubt was, to distinguish the prelates from their humbler brethren by the splendour of their vest- ments; for although gravity of apparel is recom- mended, yet particular anxiety is shewn about the external appearance of those churchmen who were to have vote in parliament. The act thus curiously pro- ceeds upon this subject : " Attour his Majesty and estates forsaid, considering what slander and con- tempt have arisen to the ecclesiastical estate of this kingdom, by the occasion of the light and indecent apparel used by some of that profession, and chief- ly those having vote in parliament, it is therefore statuted, that every preacher of God's word shall 218 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, hereafter wear black, grave, and comely apparel, •^^\. beseeming men of their estate and profession ; like- 1609. wise, that all priors, abbots, and prelates, having vote in parliament, and esp-_cially bishops, shall wear grave and decent apparel, agreeable to their function, and as appertains to men of their rank, dignity, and place." The act concludes with con- ferring a peculiar privilege upon his Majesty, pre- facing the grant, which afterwards gave rise to much discussion, by a strain of flattery, most disgusting in itself, but ludicrous when viewed in connection with the occasion upon which it was used. *' And because the whole estates humbly and thankfully acknowledge that God of his great mercy has made the people and subjects of this country so happy as to have a King reign over us, who is most godly, wise, and religious, hating all erroneous and vain superstition, just in government, and of long expe- rience therein, knowing better than any king liv- ing, what appertains, and is convenient for every estate in their behaviour and duty, therefore, it is agreed and assented to by the said estates, that what order soever his Majesty in his great wisdom shall think meet to prescribe for the apparel of church- men, the same being sent in writ by his Majesty to his cierk of register, shall be a sufficient warrant to him for inserting thereof in the books of parlia- ment, to have the strength and effect of an act.*' * * Murray's Collections of Acts of Pariiament, p. 398 — 401. Cal- CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 219 The bishops had earnestly urged the restoration chap, of their civil jurisdiction, from the idea of its being ^^' calculated to extend their influence, and to mark 1609. that distinction between them and the other clergy, which the church was so reluctant to recognize, and it is probable, that they were influenced by the same motive, in adapting their dress to the high rank which had now been assigned to them. * They would have acted more wisely, and more for the real interest and respectability of their order, had they shewn less anxiety to violate ^those maxims respecting the nature of the clerical ofl5ce which had been so often enforced by Gene- ral x\ssembliesy and which were so consonant to reason and scripture ; had they distinguished them- selves by the conscientious discharge of their pas- toral duties, rather than by the sentences pronoun- ced in their courts ; and, whilst it must be admit- ted that decency in external appearance in a cer- tain degree influences the judgment, it may surely be doubted, whether the black and comely apparel of the bishops would so fascinate the people, as to lead them to revere those who v/ore it more than they had done the plain men who, with unv.'earied though humble zeal, had laboured to be adorned with the graces of the divine life. The error, how- ever of the prelates, or of the court, has been often derwood, p. 612. Spottlswoode, p. 512. Buraet's History of his owa.TimeSj Vol. I. p. 25. Collier's Ecclesiastical History^ Vol. II. p. 700. * Calderwood:, p. 60". 220 HISTORY OP THE CHAP, committed, and arises from principles in our nature; ^^^p.,^!^ for in all governments, and in all churches, we see 1605. men claiming respect for integrity, or for talents, not because they possess either, but from the situa- tions in which accident or folly generally has placed them. 1610. The bishops now threw aside the mask, which, woodebe- from prudential considerations, they had hitherto LoTrof worn. They had affected the most tender regard Session, foj- the discipline which they were insidiously la- bouring to subvert, but at length, supported by ho- nours and rank, and sure of the aid of the crown, they reverted to practices by which the purity and utihty of the hierarchy had been gradually destroy- ed. It was one great object of the reformers, to draw back churchmen to their sacred vocation ; to impress upon them, that the ministers of religion should occupy themselves in communicating moral and religious instruction; that, in the corrupt state of human nature, this was a work requiring con- stant exertion, and that it was criminal to assume a character, or to hold an office, the intention of which it was resolved flagrantly to violate. Ac- cordingly, although they could not at once accom- plish this interesting revolution, they from the be- ■ ginning inculcated the principles upon which they rested its propriety. They especially decided, that the duties of a lord of session, which had frequently been discharged by the clergy, were incompatible with those of a pastor, and they had succeeded, be- CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 221 fore the accession of James to the English throne, chap. XT in abolishing so enormous an abuse. Spottiswoode, v^^p-^-^ archbishop of Glasgow, was the first who ventur- leio. ed to trample upon the laws of the church relat- ing to this matter, for, within a few months after the dissolution of parliament, he became a judge of the court of session ; a step which in him was with pe- culiar fervour reprobated, because his venerable fa- ther, the superintendent of Lothian, had requested the General Assembly to declare, that the preach- ing of the word and the ministration of civil jus- tice were not compatible in one man's person. * Had the bishops, however, limited their ambition High Court , ... . p.. , ... of Com- to the admmistration or justice, and to obtammg a decided superiority over their brethren, they might, constituted. although they resisted the wishes of the nation, have ultimately secured the esteem of the people, and, by gradually removing their prejudices, or changing their sentiments, have brought them to perceive, that, under the new ecclesiastical constitu- tion, all the advantages of religious instruction, and of religious knowledge, might be obtained. But, unhappily, they soon exhibited themselves, not as the fathers of those whose spiritual interests they should have promoted, but as the tame agents of despotism, undertaking the administration of a court which struck at the foundation of liberty, and which tended to destroy that sense of independence, and * Calderwood, p. 615. and MSS. Vol. VI. p. 224,225. Craw- ford's Life of Spottiswoode, in Lives of Officers of State, p. 167. mission istituf Feb. 222 CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. CHAP, that consciousness of security under the protection of ,^^,^^^ law, without which there is no just government, and 1610. no tie of allegiance. When Henry the Eighth, in the caprice of pas- sion, shook off the papal yoke, and assumed the title of head of the church, he granted to the Earl of Cromwell the privilege of judging in those eccle- siastical causes which he conceived now to fall un- der the cognizance of the sovereign. Upon the death of Cromwell this office was executed by com- missioners ; and hence the court in which they pre-- sided received the appellation of the Court of High Commission. Its existence was recognized during the short reign of Edward ; — it was of course abo- lished by Mary, who renounced all claim to the prerogative upon which it was founded ; — but it was renewed under the vigorous, though stern and arbitrary government of Elizabeth. Whilst she sat on the throne, it was chiefly occupied in harassing those sincere divines who were contemptuously stil- ed puritans, and in effectuating this it went in direct opposition to all the maxims of a free constitution. To James, intoxicated by the most romantic and pernicious notions of the unliaiited power of kings, it appeared deserving of every support, and its ju- risdiction was extended by him beyond the limits within which it had been generally before confined. Believing that passive obedience was a duty enjoin- ed by religion, he thought that all who did not yield it were equally guilty as the puritans, and in- CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 223 deed, by a strange abuse of language, this epithet chap, was applied to every man who held in esdmation v^,^^ the great principles of political freedom. * isio- Delighted with the means which, through this court, he could employ for distressing or imprison- ing, or banishing his subjects, and thus compelling them to silent submission, the King had, about two years before this period, formed the design of esta- blishing a similar court in Scotland, and endea- vouring, by its arbitrary proceedings, to eradicate that turbulent spirit, before which he had in early life often trembled, f The state of the country, or the apprehension of resistance, delayed the evil ; but the time at length appearing favourable, an act of council, under the great seal, was addressed to the two archbishops of St Andrew's and Glasgow, erecting a court of high commission in each of their provinces, and defining the powers of the judges. A number of the bishops, and some of the most distinguished of the laity, were constituted mem- bers of these courts ; and any five of them were declared competent to act, provided one of the five was an archbishop. They were authorized to call summarily before them all persons being offenders,. either in life or religion, whom they held to be any way scandalous, and proceed to their trial ; and * Rapin's History of England, Vol. 11, p. 177. Neal's History of the Puritans under the reign of Elizabeth, and more particularly in Vol. II. p. 73—78. t Calderwood, p. 5S0 — 582. 224 ftlSTORY OF THE if they found them impenitent, to issue a tnandate to the pastors, under whose ministry they lived, to 1610. pronounce against them the sentence of excommu- nication. If the pastors refused to comply, the court was empowered to proceed against them by suspension, deposition, or imprisonment. They were also empowered to fine, at their discretion, such persons as had been dragged to their bar, and as appeared to them to be guilty. They could even imprison them ; a warrant of the commissioners, signed by the archbishop, being sufficient for all jailors to bury in dungeons the unhappy men who had fallen under the displeasure of this detestable inquisition. In cases of contumacy, the privy- council were commanded to employ the whole force of government in executing the sentences pronoun- ced by the court of commission ; and if the persons sunnnoned did not obey the order of the council, they were denounced as rebels, and subjected to all the weight of punishment inflicted upon the ene- mies of the state. It might have appeared, even to the abetters of despotism, that the clauses already specified gave a sufficient range for the exercise of tyranny ; but James farther authorized the com- missioners to watch over the conduct and conversa- tion of all ministers, preachers, teachers in schools, colleges, or universities, and to proceed against those who used what were termed impertinent speeches in public ; in other words, a system of jealous inspection was established, which destroyed CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 225 all confidence amongst men, and annihilated the CHAP, . XI. happiness derived from the intercourse of socle- ^ j„ * 1610. Thus did James, by the exertion of his own au- thority, and without soliciting the intervention of Parliament, attempt to trample under foot every vestige of liberty, to overthrow the constitution of what in many respects was a free country, and to spread the misery and the despair which, where the best feelings are not unhappily blunted, are the me- lancholy attendants of arbitrary government. In this illegal and disgraceful work, he chose to em- ploy those ministers of religion, who were already regarded as apostates, and who, by becoming the instruments of wresting from their countrymen the most valuable blessings, were, from this period, re- garded, often indeed with secret, but always with deep-rooted abhorrence. The pretence upon which the courts of commission were instituted, was to prevent the council exercising jurisdiction in spiritual matters, of which the church had often complained ; but it was evident to the most superficial observer, that the real object was to invest the bishops with such formidable authority, as might prevent the re- * Row's MS. Hist. p. 14,0 — 147. Calderwood, p. 616 — 619, has inserted the act of council establishing the high court cf commission. He who can read it without honest indignation, is prepared for the most tyrannical oppression. Spottiswoode, p. 514, 515. EpistoI« Philadelphi, p. lOJ. VOL. n. p 226 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, sistance which the court was aware that they ha. .^-s l^u reason to dread. * 1610. All the horrors then which were anticipated from the existence of these courts, and all the dis- tressing scenes to which they gave occasion, were thus naturally associated with episcopacy, producing feelings and sentiments with respect to that form of ecclesiastical polity, of which in these happy times it is difficult to form a conception, but the nature and the strength of which we shall soon have occa- sion to estimate. It may, indeed, at first aght ap- pear, that, except in so far as the exaltation of the bishops was promoted by the court of commission, they should not have been regarded as peculiarly connected with so vile an institution, because num- bers of the nobility were associated with them, who it might be expected would assist. The fact, how- ever, was otherwise, and the clause in the deed of erection, giving to five of the judges, including th^ archbishop, full authority to act, explains how it was so. The temporal peers, engaged in other pur- suits. Seldom attended; most of them from their dis- gust at the ambition of the clergy, voluntarily ab- sented themselves ; and hence, as the bishops v/ere constantly present, and almost solely conducted the proceedings, the odium which these excited was at- tached to the prelatical order, "j* A General The King had now succeeded in restoring to the Assembly. * Calderwood, p. 619. Altare Damascenum, printed lG23,p. 2S. \ Buraei's Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton. B. ii. p. 29, of edi- CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 227 bishops their rank as lords of parliament ; he had CHAP, committed to them the most extensive powers ; and, ^ having advanced thus far, he believed that he might ^^^^' now, with their assistance, procure an assembly of the church which would sanction the innovations that he had introduced, and surrender the rights or the existence of the presbyterian polity. Appre- hensive, however, that if the ministers were left to follow the dictates of their own minds, they would choose as their representatives men animated by the zeal which had been often honourably displayed, and who would not hesitate to thwart his measures, no means were omitted which seemed calculated to advance the schemes of the court. At the sugges- tion of the bishops, his Majesty addressed a letter to the different presbyteries, intimating his intention of summoning a General Assembly, and requiring them to make choice of the wisest, the most dis- creet, and most peaceably disposed ministers, in- structed with a sufficient commission. He then stated what were the subjects upon which they were to deliberate, artfully avoiding what was calculated to alarm them ; and, that they might be in no doubt respecting his wishes as to the persons to be cho- sen ; he added, " and because, by our letters, we have particularly acquainted the archbishop of St Andrews with our purpose herein, and sent unto him a special note of the names of such as we de- tion published at London, 1677. Crawford's Lives, p. I72. Spot- tiswoode, p. 515. Collier's Ecclesiastical Hist. Vol. IL p. 703, 228 HISTORY OF THE sire to be at our said meeting, it is our pleasure that ye conform yourselves thereto, and make choice 1610. of the persons that we take to be fittest for giving advice in all matters, wherein ye shall do us ac- ceptable service.'* The archbishop did not neglect to do what was required of him. He wrote to pres- byteries in terms of the King's letter, and sent a list of ministers to be elected. In his letter to the presbytery of Chirnside, a copy of which has been preserved, he requested that they w ould not be sin- gular, the presbyteries of Fife, and, as he heard, the presbytery of Edinburgh, having agreed to the King's desire ; hoped that his counsel would be well accepted, and concluded with this significant inti- mation ; *' since sudden and wilful conclusions have wrought such bitter effects, I hope ye will not pro- voke the King's Majesty to wrath without any ne- cessary occasion." * This conduct was in a high degree indecent, and furnishes decisive proof that both the King and the bishops were fully sensible that they were struggling against popular opinion, and against the real sentiments of the members of the church. The rtquest of the sovereign and the primate is conveyed in language nearly approaching to a com- mand, and taken in conjunction, as it must have * Calderwcod's MSS. Vol. VI. p. 261, and printed History, p. C21, 622. In this latter work, he has preserved the official document, and has very faithfully copied from the register the proceedings of the Assembly. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. £29 been, with the means which, through the court of cHAP. commission, could be employed to enforce it, there ^^^^ can be no doubt that it was regarded as designed leio. to intimidate those to whom it was addressed. But the episcopal party did not trust solely to the in- fluence of authority or of fear ; they took into esti- mation those mercenary principles, which, amongst all great bodies of men, too powerfully operate, and by actually distributing money, or by holding out the prospect of emolument, they induced many to adopt a line of conduct from which, had they followed the dictates of integrity, they would have certainly shrunk. * Whatever were the methods used to bend the Assembly to a compliance with the new arrange- ments, these means were to the full extent of the wishes of those by whom they were employed suc- cessful, for there was not only no steady opposition, and no resolute attempt to maintain the ecclesiasti- cal constitution for which the church had long struggled, but the propositions which were adopted * Calderwood, p. 625. Course of Scotch Conformify, 'p. 53, quot- ed by Neal, Vol. II, p. 81. Spottlswoode, p. 513, admits the fact that money was distributed, and that some of the discontented consi- dered this as bribery, but he endeavours to vindicate the distribution from this aspersion. It must be admitted, however, that this was ra- ther an unfortunate time for displaying the royal bounty, when mea- sures had been carried, against which many of the clergy had not on- ly professed the warmest zeal, but which, by the most solemn engage- ments, they were bound to oppose. Epistola de Regimine Ecclesisc Scoticanse, p. 1 3. Burnet's History of his own Times, Vol. I. p. 8, 230 HISTORY OF THE were sanctioned by the almost unanimous voice of the clergy who were present. * The Earl of 1610. Dunbar represented the King, and he fulfilled his duty to his sovereign, by managing with great dexterity the proceedings of the Assembly. I He informed the members of his Majesty's anxiety to establish a good, solid, and perfect order in the dis- ciphne of the church, in which there were several points which the King wished to be reformed, and the reformation of which belonged to his royal au- thority. He then produced the King's letter, in which his Majesty professed his zeal for religion, and took great credit to himself for that zeal not having been weakened ; dwelt upon his opposition to papal pretensions ; lamented the melancholy ef- fects which had resulted from want of proper or- der in the church ; alluded to his great condescen- sion in calling this Assembly, as he might have ef- fectuated his plans without its concurrence j expres- sed his doubt respecting the persons to whom de- lay in amending the ecclesiastical discipline was to be attributed ; and then concluded in the following language, admirably suited to a Prince, who, in his foolish anxiety to become absolute, had lost all re- * Spottiswoode, In his Refutatio LIbelli, p. 83, says, that only three of J 40 xnembers dissented from the conclusions of the Assembly, and Calderwood, p. 032, confirms the fact of unanimity, with this slight difference from Spottiswoode, that he specifies five who dis- sented, and seven who did not vote. t Heylin, in his history Of the Presbyterians, p. S87> admits, that the Assembly was managed by the Earl of Dunbar. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 2S1 spect for the independence of mind which is the CHAP, noblest possession of a nation : *' Having referred ^_^^ ^ the particular imparting of our further pleasure 1610. and mind herein, to our right trusty and right well-beloved counsellor, the Earl of Dunbar, and the right reverend father, our right trusty counsel- lor, the archbishop of St Andrews ; and intending upon their reports to take special notice of every one's affection and forwardness in this service, and thereupon to acknowledge and remember them hereafter, as any fit occasion for their good shall occur, we commit you and your actions, with the good success of the business, to God's good guid- ing, and bid all of you right heartily farewell.'* * Of the disposition of the Assembly, , a decisive proof was afforded by the election of the modera- tor,— Spottiswoode, Archbishop of Glasgow, one of the most decided advocates of episcopacy, and completely devoted to the court, being, by a great majority, chosen to fill that important office, f The innovations upon the ecclesiastical polity Its ded- were immediately proposed, and after several days * Calderwood, p. 629, 630. Collier's Ecclesiastical History, Vol. II. p. 700. This writer gives the substance of the letter from a MS. copy of the Acts of the Assembly ; but although he mentions the King's referring the members to Dunbar and the archbishop, he has not given the clause of the letter which follows, and \\ hich I have Inserted above, ■j" Calderwood, p. 628. Life of Spottiswoode prefixed to his His- tory'. It is written by a warm admirer of Spottiswoode, and should be compared with the less favourable representatiors of his character to which I have already referred. Crawford's Lives, p. 167. 2S2 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, had been spent in deliberation, or probably in ad- .^TN^^M'" justing the arrangements, and weighing the lan- 1610' guage in which they were to be announced, the following decided resolutions were adopted. * It was ordained, " J. That the indiction of General Assemblies of the church belonged to his Majesty, by the prerogative of his crown ; that all such con- vocations, held without his permission, were unlaw- ful ; that the Assembly, held in Aberdeen in 1 605, without his Majesty's authority, was null and void, and that an Assembly should be held once a year. 2. That synods should be kept in every diocese twice a year, in April and October, in which the archbishop or bishop of the diocese should be mo- derator; and that where, from the extent of the dio- ceses it was expedient that there should be several other meetings, a clergyman appointed by the archbishop or bishop should preside. 3. That no sentence of excommunication, or absolution, should be pronounced against, or in favour of any person, without the knowledge and approbation of the bi- shop of the diocese, who must be answerable to his Majesty for the regularity of his proceedings; and that, when a process has been fairly and legally fi- nished, sentence should be pronounced at the bi- shop's direction, by the minister of the parish in which the offender dwells. To this regulation it * Compare Collier, Vol. II. p. 700, with Spottiswoode, p. 512. Calderwood, p. 631, men. ions, that the deliberations took place, not in the Assembly, but in the privy conference. 1610. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 2S3 was added, that if the bishop should delay pro- CHAP, nouncing sentence against any person that deserved it, whose process had proceeded to a proper length, and should be convicted of this by the General As- sembly, advertisement should be made to his Ma- jesty, to the effect that another prelate might be elected to the see. 4. That, for the future, all pre- sentations should be directed to the bishop of the diocese ; that a testimonial of the life and abilities of the person presented should be sent to the bi- shop, by the neighbouring ministry ; and that the bishop, upon his own examination, finding him qualified, should take the assistance of the ministers of the district in which the person is to officiate, and then perfect the whole act of ordination. 5. That, in cases of deposition, the bishop, with some ministers in the neighbourhood where the de- linquent officiated, should proceed to try the cause, and to pronounce sentence. 6. That every minister, at his admission, should swear obedience to his Majesty and his ordinary, according to the follow- ing form, agreed upon at a conference held in the year 1571. * I, A. B. nominated and admitted to the church of D, utterly testify and declare, in my conscience, that the right excellent, right high and mighty Prince James the Sixth, by the grace of God King of Scots, is the only lawful supreme go- vernor of this realm, as well in things temporal as in conservation and purgation of the religion ; and that no foreign prince, prelate, state, or potentate. 234 HISTORY OF THE has, or ought to have any jurisdiction, power, sups- riority, pre-eminence, or authority, ecclesiastical or 1610. spiritual, within this realm ; and therefore I utterly renounce and forsake all foreign jurisdictions, powers, superiorities, and authorities, and promise, that, from this time forth, I shall and will bear faith and true allegiance to his highness, his heirs, and lawful successors, and to my power shall assist and defend all jurisdictions, privileges, pre-eminences, and authorities granted and belonging to his highr ness, his heirs and lawful successors, or united and annexed to his royal crown. And farther, I acknow- ledge and confess to have and hold the said church, and possessions of the same (under God only) of his Majesty and crown royal of this realm, and for the said possessions I do homage presently unto his highness in your presence, and to his Majesty, his heirs, and successors, shall be lawful and true. So help me God.* 7. That the visitation of the diocese should be done by the bishop himself, and, if the bounds were greater than he could overtake, that he should then make special choice and ap- point some worthy minister of the diocese to visit for him ; and that whatever minister should, with- out lawful excuse, refuse to appear at the visita- tion or diocesan assembly, should be suspended from his ofBce and benefice, and if he did not amend should be deprived. 8. That exercise of doctrine should be continued weekly amongst the ministers at the time of their accustonied meetings. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 235 to be moderated by the bishop, if he were present ; cHAP. or if not, by any other whom he should appoint at ^-^^1^ the time of synod. 9. That the bishops should be leio. subject in all things concerning their Ufe, conver- sation, office, and benefice, to the censure of the General Assembly, and being found culpable, should, with his Majesty's consent and advice, be deprived. 10. That no bishop should be elected under forty years of age, and who had not actually taught as a minister for ten years. Lastly, That no minister, either in the pulpit or in public exer- cise, should argue against or disobey the acts of this present Assembly, under the penalty of depri- vation, and particularly, that the question of equa- lity or inequality in the ministry should not be dis- cussed in the pulpit, under the same forfeiture."* * Row's MS. Hist. p. 147—154. Collier, Vol. II. p. 700, 701, from a MS. copy of the Acts of Assembly. Calderwood's MS. Vol, VI. p. 267 — 271j and printed History, p. 631, 6S2, and 634, C35. In the printed work, he says, that he copied from the register word for word. Epistola de Regimine Ecclesias Scoticanse, p. 13, 14, and Epistolse Philadelphi, &c. p. 102. Spottiswoode's History, p. 512, 513. In comparing these writers, some differences are to be noticed, which incidentally shew the sentiments of the authors. Cal- derwood, as I mentioned, has copied accurately from the register. Collier has made some change in the expression, but has, in gene- ral, given the meaning very faithfully. In the tenth article, for ten years, he says some years ; in the fourth article, instead of simply transcribing " perfect the whole work of ordination," he observes, " and then, as the manuscript speaks, perfect the wliole act/' — inti- matingj that he was not quite satisfied with the phrase. The charge to be made against Spottlswoode is of a much more serious nature. Although he was moderator of the Assembly, and must, when he 236 HISTORY OF THE By these decisions, the Assembly struck a se- vere blow at the Presbyterian polity. The great 1610. object for which Melvil and they who adopted his tlons upon le eci- ^rote his History, have had full access to the official record, he has sions or the . Assembly. "°* ^'^'y misrepresented some of the articles, and suppressed some clauses, but tv/o oF the articles he has entirely omitted. That this was not the effect of accident or of negligence, is evident, from the nature of the alterations and omissions. The first article, as it is in the register^ provides, that an Assembly should be held once a-year. The archbishop, in the article as given by him, makes not the least allusion to this important stipulation, which, he knew when he wrote, had been flagrantly violated. In the third article, instead of the words answerable to his Majesty, Spottiswoode has, answerable to God and his Majesty ; and he leaves out the concluding clause of the article, which was not consistent with his high notions of episcopal dignity. In the sixth article he omits the form of the oath, perhaps from his having been struck with the curious fact, that there is in it no mention of the ordinary, to whom the minister was said to swear, a fact upon which Calderwood, not without some plausibility, rests a conjecture, that the words to his ordinary had been inserted in the article after it was enacted. Calderwood, p. 638. The primate omits entirely the ninth article, by which bishops were, in all things, subjected to the Assembly, authorizing even their deposition if they W£re found guilty ; and also the tenth, respecting the age of a bi- shop, and the necessity of his having been ten years an officiating mi- nister before he could obtain a mitre. If we suppose that the history was printed exactly as it was written by the author, tlie conduct of Spottiswoode cannot be too severely reprobated ; for he was attempt- ing to mislead posterity, and to support, by an unfair or false repre- sentation, the authority and the powers of the Scotish prelates. It is proper, however, to observe, that most unwarrantable freedom was used with the archbishop's manuscript. Crawford, in his Life of Spottiswoode, mentions, that the copy left for publication had, to use his own expression, fallen into bad hands ; and Wodrow, in many places of his valuable collection of Vnanuscrlpts, not only states the same fact, but contrasts the printed work with what had been ac- tually written by the primate. We may, therefore, for the honour 1610. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 237 sentiments had contended, was the power and the CHAP, independence of General Assemblies ; these Assem* blies were the fountain of ecclesiastical jurisdiction; and, whilst they were permitted to be held, and re- mained free from the control of the court, the pri- vileges of the church could not be endangered. The justness of these views soon became apparent. From the time that the schemes of innovation were openly avowed, James made unceasing and open attempts to gain the complete command of General Assemblies ; and the Assembly, the transactions of which have now been recorded, by surrendering so much to the King, yielded the citadel which Pres- byterians should have eagerly defended. The sti- pulation in favour of annual Assemblies, which was probably made to soothe the zealous ministers, or to furnish the lukewarm with a pretence tor justi- fying their apostacy, amounted to nothing ; for, as no Assembly was valid which the King did not sanction, it might have been apparent, even to the most careless, that he would never summon those who were to resist him, and that, by degrading submission alone, the ruins of presbytery would be permitted to exist. oT a writer vho often shews considerable candour, and who was pos- sessed of talents highly respectable, hope, that some of the changes ■which ha%'e been noticed are to be ascribed to the editor; but it is impossible not to deplore the influence of party spirit, which darkens the understanding, and perverts that integrity which is the basis of ▼irtue. 1610. 238 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. The bishops obtained from the Assembly undis. .^\^^ puted superiority. They were constituted mode- rators of the inferior ecclesiastical judicatories ; they were invested with the sole right of visitation, and although, in admitting to the ministry, or in exclud- ing from it, they were required to call in some of the neighbouring ministers, the presbytery vi^as over- looked, and they could thus join with themselves such pastors as had no reluctance to yield submis- sion. They were also authorized to receive all pre- sentations ; to appoint to such vacant livings as had previously been filled by presbyteries ; and the oath which they were entitled to exact from all who en- tered into the church, gave to them the most for- midable influence. Yet, even in this Assembly, compliant in too many respects, as it undoubtedly was, there were some unequivocal symptoms of that unruly, or, to speak more properly, of that manly and independent spirit which had set bounds to the prerogative of the crown, and nobly defend- ed the rights of the people. The existence of As- semblies Vv'as made, it must be owned, to hang al- most entirely upon the will of the sovereign; but the general maxim that those Assemblies were su- perior to bishops, and that they could try and de- pose the prelates, was explicitly maintained j and a provision was thus made for regaining the liberty which the artful and injudicious policy of the mo- narch was now leading them to suspend. This striking part of the resolutions of the Assembly at CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. ^39 Glasgow, satisfactorily establishes that there was no cHAP. departure from what may be called the principle ^'' upon which the presbyterian polity rested ; in other leio. words, that there was no admission that bishops were by divine appointment a superior order, or in- vested with powers, which, according to Scripture, their brethren could not warrantably exercise. The whole of the innovations proceeded upon views of human expediency, — the members of the Assembly wished to gratify the King ; but had it been propos- ed to declare that episcopacy was the mandate of heaven, and that it was essential to the constitution of a pure Christian church, the whole power of the court would have been insufficient to extort the de- claration. The concluding article shews very strikingly what was the state of the public mind with regard to the changes authorized by the Assembly. It has been exultingly stated, that these changes were introdu- ced in consequence of the almost unanimous resolu- tion of a great proportion of the clergy in Scot- land. * But had this numerous body expressed the sentiments of the community, there could have been no reason for preventing them from directing the attention of their congregations to what was uni- formly acceptable, and thus eradicating the few pre- judices against the new order, which the recollec- * Spottiswoode's Refutatio Libelli, &c. p. S4 — SS, compared with Epistola de Regimine Ecclesise Scoticanse, p. 13, 14. 240 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, tion of the zealous presbyterians might still have \^^J^^!l/ prti'served. Where there is such restraint as that 1610. which the article imposes, there is fear : — the bi- shops and the courtiers, whatever was their osten- sible language, knew that, notwithstanding all the success which had attended their efforts, they were struggling against a torrent, and that the least allu- sion to the polity which they had sought to destroy, might not only be dangerous, but might awaken a spirit which it would be difficult or impossible to resist. Spottiswoode has, in his manner of record- ing the article, betrayed the uneasiness which he felt. " And last, it was ordained that no minister should speak against any of the foresaid conclusions in pubhc, nor dispute the question of the equality or inequality of ministers, as tending only to the entertainment of schism in the church, and violation of the peace thereof." * Proclama- After the dissolution of the Assembly, some op- *!^"^j^g°^*. position was made to its determinations by several solution of Qf tj^g ministers, who regarded them as contaminat- theAssem- ^ . . bly. ing the purity of the church ; and in consequence or this a proclamation was issued, commanding all his Majesty's subjects, of every degree, to acquiesce in the resolutions which had been sanctioned at Glas- gow, and particularly enjoining " all preaching mi- nisters and lecturing readers, not to presume, either * Spottiswoode, p. 513. Row's MS. p. 155. For some very ju- dicious reflections on the proceedings of the Assembly, see Calder- wood, p. 636 — 638. 4 CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 23)1 publicly in their sermons, or in private conversation, chap. to impugn, deprave, contradict, condemn, or utter v^^s.^,^ their disallowance or dislike, in any point or article, ^^lo. of these most grave and wise conclusions of that Assembly, ended with such harmony, as they will answer at their highest peril and charge." That the object of the proclamation might be effectually attained, " all sheriffs, Stewarts, and magistrates of every description, were required, if they heard or understood of any breach of this commandment, by any preacher, minister, or subject whatsoever, that they fail not instantly to commit the trespasser to some prison or ward, till the lords of the privy- council be warned, and answer returned what should be done farther ; and such subjects as had no office were, under pain of being themselves held guilty, to convey information against all who fell under this injunction, to the nearest magistrate." * The language and spirit of this edict should rouse Remarks the virtuous indignation, of all who value the best prodama- interests of man. Resting upon the authority of ^'°"- the monarch, or of those who, in his name, exer- cised the government, it established the horrors of the inquisitiDn, — it destroyed the confidence which is the charm of social intercourse,- — it converted the inhabitants of Scotland inta spies upon the virtuous feelings of one another, — and it sanctioned a mode * Calderwood's MS. Vol. VI. p. 271, and printed History, p. C39. Row's MS. p. 15C, 157. . VOL, II, Q 242 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, of criminal procedure which could be tolerated only ^ff^y^i^ under the depression of despotism. For the slight- 1610. est opposition to a long series of propositions, at variance with what the King, as well as the people, had sworn to maintain, every man was liable to be immured in a dungeon ; he might be seized where- ever the villany of his persecutors led them to search for him, even in his own house, and in the bosom of his family, and be deprived of liberty, not till he established his innocence, or demanded a trial, but till the lords of the council, the men who were capable of framing and publishing such a proclama- tion as has been mentioned, found leisure, or were inclined to intimate what they wished to be done with him. Could that cause be acceptable to the nation which needed support like this ? Could any thing be more calculated to inspire detestation at episcopacy, and at everything connected with it, than associating that admirable form of ecclesiastical government with a degree of oppression, which, if it be long endured, eradicates the best feelings, and sinks into the profligacy and degradation of slavery. Yet, because our ancestors were not willing to bow their necks to this iron yoke, because, from the bitter emotions with which they contemplated it, and during the noble stand which they made against it, they branded the tyranny which sought to im- pose it, they have been represented as unreason- able and seditious enthusiasts ; and an enlightened historian, guided much more by his general prin- CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 243 ciples than by accurate information, which he did chap, not possess, has endeavoured to excite admiration of his own expanded views and Hberal sentiments, ^^^°* by loading, with every term of contemptuous re- proach, those venerable men, to whose intrepidity we are indebted for our inestimable political and religious privileges. * The proclamation had a powerful effect in inti- midating those who might else have freely dehver- ed their sentiments. Dreading that they would be betrayed, the members confined the expression of their disaffection to the synods, from which liberty of speech was not yet taken away. Upon the Archbishop of St Andrews taking his place as moderator of the synod of Fife, several of the mem- bers represented this as a violation of the consticu- tion of the church, and the presbytery of Hadding- ton prepared a supplication and protestation against what had been enacted ; but all this terminated as might have been expected. " The bishops," to use the words of an old iiistorian, " were become so aw- ful by their grandeur, and the King's assistance, that there was little resistance. Howbeit,** he adds, ** there was great murmuriug and malcontentment, so that their possession was violent." The truth of this representation rests not upon the authority of any one writer j it is rendered apparent by the * Calderwood, as last quoted. Hume'i History of England, Mon- trose edition, Vol. IV. p. 7, 8_ Q44 HISTORY OF THE public acts of the government, by the conduct of the bishops, and by subsequent events, which can ^^^°' be explained only by admitting what has now been asserted. * Consecra- Nearly as the church of Scotland had now ap- tion of three i « i_ ■r' • 111 Scotish pre- proached to the Lpiscopal model, the King thought ^'^* that something was still wanting for effecting that religious conformity between England and Scot- land, which he so eagerly contemplated. The bishops in the latter kingdom, wanted the charac- ter which they could derive only through prelates regularly consecrated ; and James, that this defect might be supplied, soon after the conclusion of the Qct. 15. Assembly at Glasgow, summoned Spottiswoode and two of his colleagues to come to London, and at the same time enjoined the bishops of Lon- don, of Ely, and of Bath and Wells, to consecrate the Scotish prelates. Spottiswoode and his bre- thren seem to have been averse to this step, and ' insinuated that, by their submitting to consecration, the old pretensions of the English church over that of Scotland, and which had never been admitted, might be revived. The King, who had anticipated this objection, removed it, by informing them that the Archbishops of Canterbury and York, who * Calderwood, p, 640— 644. Row's MS. p. 163—165. Biirr net's Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamihon, p. 29, and Hist, of bis own Times, Vol. I. p. 8. Neal's Hist, of the Puritans, Vol. II. p. 8S. Heylin's Hist, of the Presbyterians; p. 38 6. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 245 alone could urge the claim to which allusion had chap. been made, were to have no part in the solemnity. \^^.Jii^ A difficulty, however, of a different kind, now oc- ^gio. curred, which greatly perplexed the Bishop of Ely. He maintained that it would be necessary, in the first instance, to ordain the Scotish prelates as priests, they having never received episcopal or- dination, and then confer on them the higher order. Bancroft, the Archbishop of Canterbury, who was standing by, insisted, on the other hand, that this was unnecessary, because, where there were no bishops, ordination by presbyters must be esteemed valid, and that if this were disputed, it might be doubted whether there was any lawful vocation in most of the reformed churches. The Bishop of Ely was satisfied by the judicious obser- vation of the primate, and the work of consecration Oct. 21. was then completed. * * Spotdswoode, p. 514. The account of this prelate, who was «ne of the three that were consecrated, is entitled to full confidence. Calderwood's MS. Vol. VI. p. 308, 309, and printed Hist. p. 64.4. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. I. folio, in Life of Andrew Melvil, p. 103, 104. Row's MSS. p. 157. Collier's Ecclesiastical History, Vol. H. p. 701, 702. Heylin's history of the Presbyterians, p. 387, 388, and Skin- ner's Ecclesiastical History of Scotland, Vol. II. p. 252. It is amus- ing to compare the different narrations of the writers now quoted. Heylin and Skinner were so much impressed with the necessity of the character being conveyed by bishops, that they never give this title to any of the Scotish prelates till they had been consecrated, calling them nominal or designed bishops ; and Collier is much shock- ed with Bancroft's argument, as detailed by Spottiswoode. Speak- ing of it he says : *' With due regard to Bancroft's memor)', hi» ar- aure. 246 HISTORY OP THE CHAP. Without entering into the theological merits of x^^^^,^^^ the question respecting the necessity of episcopal i'io. ordination, which pressed so strongly upon the ©fthismea-mind of the King, it may surely be questionedj whether the church of England acted wisely in adopting, as to this point, an opinion which she did not hold for maiiy years after the reformation com- menced, and which tended to destroy that union with many of the foreign Protestant churches, which, with so much advantage to the cause of Christianity, she had anxiously maintained. But, whatever decision may be pronounced upon this giiment seems to stand upon a slender bottom ; for without doubt neither Luther nor Calvin, Beza, n'>r Zuinglius, are the standards of discipline and government ; 'tis the primitive plan we ought to pro- ceed by in these matters. And therefore, if any modern Christian writers happen to refine upon Catholic measures, and desert from the government of the church, seltled for 1500 years together, if any Christians, I say, pretend to reform in tins unforiunate manner, though they may call for our pity or our prayers, they ought never to com- mand our imitation." Without making any remark upon this rea- soning, or upon the chanty displayed for those who have not enjoyed episcopal ordination, I proceed to observe, that he consoled himself for the rash admission of the archbishop, by reflecting on an assertion of Heylin, that Bancroft overruled the scruple of the Bishop of Ely, by telling him, that the higher order included the lower, and that there had been instances of bishops being made per saltum. Hey- lin gives no authority for the fact ol the primate thus reasoning, and as, where high church principles are concerned, he often loses all tem- per and ilecency in his narration, there is some reason to suspect, that he puts uito the mouth of Bancroft, what he himself considered as the proper answer to the objection. Skinner is quite delighted with Heylin's argument, and, as if he had been personally acquainted with the Bishop of Ely, without scruple affirms, that it is the only argu- ment which could have satisfied him. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, 247 matter, there cannot be the slightest doubt that chap. • XI James, by compelling the Scotish prelates to be re- ^^ ordained, acted with the same want of policy which i^io. marked the whole of his conduct with rcvspect to the religious principles and feelings of his original subjects. The consecration of Spottiswoode and his colleagues certainly implied, or appc ared to the inhabitants of Scotland to imply, that those pious men, under whose ministry they had received the most valuable instruction, — for whose hard fate they were now mourning, — and whom they had uniform- ly venerated as the strenuous defenders of pure re- ligion,— were not warranted to exercise the pastoral office ; that the form of ecclesiastical government, for which they had contended, was unscriptural ; and that there had been, in fact, no church in Scotland, since popery had been rooted out from that kingdom. And thus, whilst it confirmed all the prejudices which had been fostered against episcopacy, it also strengthened the idea that the King was secretly inclined to the Popish faith ; for they joined with the Puritans in England in consi- dering it as an approach to Popish superstition, and they viewed with contempt and abhorrence the prelates who, to ingratiate themselves with the King, had not resisted what they knew to be in di- rect opposition to the views of that assembly to which they were indebted for the victory that they had acquired. * * Calderwood, p. 644. Epistola de Reg/mine Ecclesise Scotlcanssj 248 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. Although the bishops had now been Invested v,^vy^ with their high dignity, had been sanctioned by the ■ 22dOct ^^^^^^^ Assembly, and had all received, in a regu- Episcopacy lar manner, the episcopal character, — for those of by Parlia- them who had been consecrated in London gave, "^^"'^* upon their return, consecration to their colleagues, — yet the law of the land still supported the presby- terian establishment, the celebrated act of 1592 being unrepealed. The King, however, having gained the church, had no apprehension of resist- ance from the estates ; and accordingly, in the first meeting of parliament which took place after the assembly at Glasgow, the acts and conclusions of that assembly were ratified, an explanation of seve- ral of the articles was added, and the statute con^ firming presbytery was rescinded. The omission of the form, according to which ministers were to swear that they would submit to their ordinaries, was now supplied, for, after the oath to the King, it is added, " Also every minister, at his admission, shall swear obedience to his ordinary, according to the form following : I, A. B. now admitted to the church of C, promise and swear to D, bishop of that diocese, obedience, and to his successor, in all lawful things. So help me God." Under pre- tence of explaining the act of Assembly, some es- sential alterations in it were made, rendering it very different from what had been approved by the p. 14, and Epistol:e Philadelphi, p. 102, compared with Spottis<> S(r«ode's Refutatio Libelli, &c. p. 86—88. 1612. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 249 CHAP church, but very .similar to what Spottiswoode has xi. represented it to have been. The subjection of bishops to the General Assembly was not inserted in the statute ; in cases where the prelates neglect- ed to pronounce the sentence of excommunication, they were not rendered liable to a process before the supreme ecclesiastical judicatory, but answerable in the discharge of their duty only to God and his Majesty. This breach of faith on the part of the bishops, for as lords of parliament they could have protested against the slightest inconsistency between the law of the land and that which it should have accurately copied, did not tend to erase the impres- sions unfavourable to their character. It was believ- ed, and probably justly beheved, that the alterations had been suggested by themselves ; and as all of these tended to enlarge their power, or to exalt their dignity, they were regarded as men who, in the career of ambition, would not be arrested by those dignified and honourable motives which their high and sacred office should have led them pecu- liarly to respect. * The episcopal form of church government was ^^^^e]5a-'' thus introduced into Scotland, and was thus fully biished. established. It is impossible not to be struck with the singular contrast between the mode in which * Acts of Parliament collected by Sir Thonias Murray of Glen- dook, p. 407 — 408. Calderwood, p. 646 — 64". Spotiswoode, p. 518. For some remarks upon this subject, see Calderwood's MSS. Vol. VI. p. 523. 250 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, it grjned the ascendancv, and the mode in which XI *" . . . ^^^^X;^ the presbyterian discipline was endeared to the af- 1612. fections of the nation. In tracing the progress of Meivil, and of those who embraced his views, it was often necessary to advert to the bold language which rliey assumed, and to that independence of sentiment and conduct which sometimes appeared scarcely reconcilable with submission to govern- ment ; but they never lost sight of the happiness and the improvement of the people; they acted upon the noble principles of liberty, and uniformly re- fused to sacrifice to the caprice of the Sovereign^ what they believed to be necessary for averting sla- very, or for preserving uncontaminated the sources of moral and religious instruction. Stern as their manners appear to those accustomed to the ener- vating submission which has too often marked the conduct of modem times, they were dear to the in- habitants of Scotland ; they were revered from the conviction that, whatever were their errors, no mea- sures hostile to the great ends of the social union could, while they preserved their influence, be pro- posed or executed by the sovereign. There was nothing in episcopacy itself which should have pre- vented it from equally avowing and feeling the most tender concern for political freedom ; but the fact is undoubted, that it associated itself with the prerogative of the monarch, and advanced under the shelter of that prerogative. From the moment that the design of introducing it began CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 251 to be "accomplished, the King assumed a tone of chap. • • XT authority to which his Scotish subjects had never ^^ been accustomed to listen ; the Assemblies of the ^612, church were controlled ; the most unwarrantable acts of oppression were committed ; the men who should have preserved the purity of government, debased it by seeking, contrary to justice and to law, to punish all who were obnoxious to the court ; and, to crown the whole, that the opposition made to ecclesiastical innovation might be suppres- sed, the high commission, the most frightful engine of despotism, was transferred to a kingdom, where in the darkest times, it had been happily unknown. Unless then the people of Scotland had been con- stituted in a different manner from the rest of m.an- kind, — unless the motives and the feelings which de- cide human conduct had upon them lost their in- fluence,— they could not possibly have regarded episcopacy with the calmness and impartiality which enable us to discern all its advantages ; but they must have reprobated it as bearing the chains by which they were fettered, and must have been con- vinced, that its destruction was essential for curb- ing the tyranny of the crown, — for restoring the se- curity and confidence which had been destroyed, — and for rendering religion what its divine author in infinite mercy gave it to be. How far the bishops, after they had gained their object, laboured to raise the estimation of their order,— how far they ac- commodated themselves to the sentiments, and pro- 252 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, moted the rights of their countrymen, and how far i^J:,^^ they succeeded in gaining the affections, which, 1612. when they first ascended their episcopal thrones, they certainly did not possess, the progress of this history will render abundantly apparent. J CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 25S CHAPTER TWELFTH. The Bishops shew their hostility to P apery. ...Spotiiswoodt made Archbishop of St Andrews.... New form given to the Court of Commission. ...Marquis of Huntly recori' died to the Church....New innovatiojis proposed. ...A General Assembly. ...Its Acts communicated to the King...,He resolves to visit Scotland..., Fie arrives in thai Kingdom.... A Parliament. ...The Ministers Pro- test against an intended Law.... Severity shewn to the Protesters. ...The King consents to an Assembly.... He leaves Scotland. ...An Assembly at St Andrews.. ..Kiiigs indignation at its Proceedings.,.. Assembly at Perth..., Articles sanctioned by it,... Remarks occasioned by it.... Its Decisio7is opposed by the zealous Ministers... .Acti. vity of the Court of Commission. ...The Bishops do not gain the esteem of the People. ...Treaty with Spain con- cerning the Marriage of the Prince. ...Consequences which resulted fro7n it. ...The Prince visits Spain and returns in safety. ...Death of the King. ...His Charac- ter....Change in the state of opinio Ji in Scotland respect- ing Ecclesiastical Polity during his Reign. Whilst promoting the revclutlon which intro- CHAP; • • • XIT duced episcopacy into the Scotish church, the bi- .^^^^.^ shops, and those who supported them, uniformly 1614. professed to enter with the warmest zeal into the shops shew popular apprehensions respecting the prevalence of J-Jy^to^p^' Popery, and having now accomplished their object, peT- 254 HISTORY OF THB CHAP, they wished to give to the people some evidence of their sincerity. The vigorous measures which had 1614. been adopted, the institution of the high court of commission, and the dependence of the ministers, in so far as related to their pecuniary comfort, up- on the bishops, seem to have produced very gene- ral submission to their authority; arid, thus left at full leisure to watch the insidious artifices of the emissaries from Rome, who still laboured to seduce from the Protestant faith, they selected one of these emissaries, that his fate might intimidate others from the conduct which they wished to pre- vent. The Archbishop of Glasgow apprehended a Jesuit of the name of Ogilvie, who had lately come to Scotland, and who was accused, not only of hav- ing said mass, but of having perverted the religious principles of several young men in the higher ranks of life. The King, upon being informed of this, is- sued an order for the prisoner's examination and trial. To the questions which were put to him, he gave general or evasive answers, refusing to tell with whom he associated ; but, with the zeal of his order, declaring that he had come to Scotland to save souls. His judges, offended at his obstinacy, determined, according to the barbarous and shock- ing practice which long disgraced the judicial pro- ceedings of European nations, to extort from him a confession, and, with detestable cruelty, they kept him for several nights from enjoying sleep. In the delirium thus produced, he uttered what was CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. S55 considered as militating against him ; but upon the chap. return of reason, or of nervous energy, he preserv- y.,^^^^ ed the utmost consistency, and displayed unshaken *®^** fortitude. The King having learnt that nothing sa- tisfactory could be ascertained without having re- course to torture, humanely prohibited it from be- ing applied, — instructing the judges, that if Ogilvie was guilty merely of saying mass, they should send him out of the country ; but that if he had been engaged in any schemes hostile to the peace of the kingdom, or had attempted to stir up the people against their sovereign, they should leave him to the usual course of law and justice. For discover- ing his intentions, the King suggested various ques- tions respecting the extent of papal power, whether it was limited to spiritual matters, or embraced tem- poral supremacy, and whether the Pope could de- pose kings whom he had excommunicated, or free subjects from their duty to their lawful prince. O- gilvie gave the most guarded replies as to the power of the Pope in temporal matters ; but he acknow- ledged that the Pontiff could excommunicate the King, and that all who had been baptized were un- der the dominion of the successor of St Peter, Upon this, as implying treason, he was soon after formally tried, and having refused to retract his assertions, and in the most insulting manner con- ducted his defence, he was found guilty, and, on the afternoon of that day upon which sentence had been pronounced against him, he was publicly ex- 256 HISTORY OP THE CHAP, ecuted. Another Jesuit, who about the same trnie v^/-x^ had been apprehended, but who condemned the 1614. positions of Ogilvie, was allowed to leave the king- dom, James having most properly resolved, that he would never hang a priest merely for his religion. * 1615. In the following year, upon the death of the woode Archbishop of St Andrews, the courtly zeal of Hs^hop^of ^' Spottiswoode was rewarded by his promotion to the St An- vacant see, the highest office in the Scotish church, 2d May. When the appointment was intimated to him, he heard of it with real or affected regret, but he did not decline accepting it, and, as soon as the requisite steps were taken, he went with a splendid retinue to St Andrews, and was inaugurated in presence of many of his suffragan bishops, f Within a few days after his exaltation, he sum- moned before the high commission, Malcolm, one of the ministers of Perth, who in a dedicatory epis- tle which he had prefixed to a commentary upon the Acts of the Apostles, had requested the King to recall the banished ministers, alleging, that they were more faithful subjects to him than those who had obtained lucrative benefices, and had regretted * Spottiswoode, p. 521 — 523. Calderwood, p. 649, 650. This writer does not attribute the execution of Ogilvie to any warm zeal for the Protestant faith, and in this he is supported by the subsequent conduct of many of the bishops. Wodrow's MSS. Vol HI. in Life of Spottiswoode, p. 52 — 55. f Spottiswoode, p. 523, 524. Row's MS. p. 176. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. III. in Life of Spottiswoode, p; 55, 56. Calderwoodj p. 650, and MSS. Vol. VI. p. 342. I CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 25? the corruption brought into the church by unlearn- chap. ed and unsanctified men. The archbishop, how- ^^^^I^ ever, did not proceed with severity, for Malcolm, 1615. upon explaining the obnoxious passages, and, to sa- tisfy his Majesty, subscribing the explanation, was dismissed. * By the original deed extending the high commis- New form , 111' given to sion to Scotland, two courts were erected, but this the Court was found to be attended with inconvenience, and 1-^°™' ' mission. to defeat the objects of the institution. The two i^^«=- 21. courts were now m consequence united, and a new deed or mandate, defining its powers, and the odious privileges of those who composed it, v/as upon this occasion issued, f An incident, connected with the proceedings of Marquis of this Court, soon after excited a strong sensation in condied 7o Scotland, and threatened to create much discontent, *^^ church, even amongst those who had hitherto been most obsequious in modelling the church agreeably to the wishes of the King. The Marquis of Huntly, notwithstanding the numerous assurances which he had given of his determination to renounce Popery, still continued devoted to that religion, and had * Row's MS. History, p. 177. Calderwood's MS. Vol. VI. p. 346, and printed History, p. 650. f Calderwood, p. 650—654, and MSS. Vol. VI. p. 349— S54. There seems to have been considerable difference of sentiment about the mode in which the court should exist, for the Archbishop of Glas- gow, sometime afier this, had one again instituted in his diocese. Row's MS. p. 199. Wodrow's MSS. VoL III. in Life of Spottis- woode, p. 60. VOL. II. R '25S HISTORY OF THE CHAP, even prevented some of his dependants from at- ^~L/ tending the discourses of Protestant ministers. For 1616. this flagrant disrespect to the laws of his country, he was summoned before the high commission, but having refused to subscribe the confession of taith, or to make any apolo^jy for what had happened, he was committed by this court to the castle of Edin- burgh, In a day or two after, however, he was, by a warrant from the chancellor, set at liberty, and having, previous to his being imprisoned, ob- tained permission to go to London, he immediately comm.enced his journey. The clergy loudly com- plained of this act of the chancellor, by which the dignity and authority of their court could not fail to sink in public estimation, and they dispatched the Bishop of Caithness to lay their complaints be- fore the sovereign. James could not, consistently, withdraw his countenance from his own institution ; he accordingly approved of what it had done ; and he sent a messenger, with an order to the Marquis, who had not yet reached the metropolis, to return to his confinement in the castle. Huntly, who was within a few miles of London, earnestly solicited that he might be admitted to the King's presence, promising that he would submit to whatever his Majesty should enjoin. James, who was warmly attached to him, and who w-as gratified with the idea of making a convert, allowed him to proceed, and recommended him to the instructions of the Archbishop of Canterbury ; but the sentence of CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 259 excommunication by the Scotish church being still ^J^P* < • -XII, in force, he could not be received mto the Protest- s^^^-^ ant communion till that sentence was removed. ^^^^' The difficulty of doing this was at once discerned. According to every maxim of ecclesiastical govern- ment, it should have been revoked by the church which pronounced it ; and the interference of any other church, it was obvious, might be resented as an encroachment which it was necessary to resist. The King, however, in his eagerness to gratify the marquis, could not patiently wait till the opinion of his northern prelates was obtained, and the Bishop of Caithness having, in the name of his brethren, though without any warrant from them, given his consent, the Archbishop of Canterbury, in his chapel at Lambeth, pronounced, in the manner least likely to give offence, the absolution of Hunt- ly, who afterwards received the communion. When information of this reached Scotland, the bishops and clergy were not unnaturally filied with indig- nation, and, to reconcile them to what had happen- ed, the marquis was enjoined to present a supplica- tion to a General Assembly, which was soon to be held, stating his resolution to continue in the truth, and to educate his children in the Protestant faith. * * Spottlswoode, p. 525 — 528. Calderwood's MSS. Vol. VI. An. 1616, and printed History, p. 655. Guthrie's History of Scotland, Vol. IX. p. 81—84. Vi^odrow's MSS. Vol. III. in Life of Spot- tiswoode, p. 60 — 65. 260 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. The attention which had been fixed on the ab- XII. v.^^.^ solution of the Marquis of Huntly was soon drawn 161C. to new ecclesiastical schemes which the King wish- New eccle- . ^ siasticai in- ed to be adopted. Hitherto he had gained only proposed! ^^e establishment of episcopacy, but he was desirous to go much farther, and to render the worship and ceremonies of the Scotish church in all respects the same with what were practised in England. Actuat- ed by unwearied anxiety to extend his prerogative, he viewed with antipathy the puritans who hesitated to conform to the English ritual ; he considered them as hostile to his government ; and he was solicitous to prevent the diffusion of their sentiments in Scot- land, by disseminating in that kingdom the political principles avowed by the clergy in the southern part of the island, — principles which he attributed to the ecclesiastical constitution under which they liv- ed. * The Scotish bishops had every desire to gratify the monarch ; but they had too much penetration not to discern that it was necessary to advance with the utmost caution, and that an attempt to follow the pecipitate course which had been marked out to them, might rekindle the zeal with which James himself had found that it was so difficult to struggle. The state of Popery in the north, brought under * Burnet's Slemoirs of the Dukes of Hamilfon, p. 29. Craw- ford's Life of Spottiswoode, in his Lives of Officers of State, p. 172. Rapin's History, Vol. II. p. 1D3. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, 2G1 their review by the practices of the Marquis of CHAP. • XII Huntly, afforded them an ostensible pretext for ^^^^^^ summoning a General Assembly, in which, amidst i^i^. the acts proposed for the security of the reformed faith, they hoped to procure some resolutions tend- ing to carry into execution the plan which the King had devised. To prevent opposition, however, even to what had been already gained, they took every precaution in the election of commissioners, em- ploying for this purpose means which the zealous presbyterians would have loudly condemned. * The A General Assembly met at Aberdeen, and the Archbishop istlTAug, of St Andrews, as if it had constituted one of the privileges of his high situation, without any election, presided as moderator. A number of re- gulations for suppressing Popery, and promoting the general reception of the reformed faith, were readily adopted ; and when this part of the business was finished, the state of the church itself was tak- en into consideration. The resolutions affecting it were not brought forward till towards the conclu- sion of the Assembly, and after many of the mini- sters from a distance had left the city ; a circum- stance, which, although it might ostensibly be as- cribed to the more pressing nature of the danger apprehended from Popery, which the members therefore first laboured to avert, was represented as originating from the persuasion, that if all the com- * Calderwood's History, p. 65C. 262 HISTORY OF THE ^xn^* n^issioners had been present, the difficulty experi- «fl«^y^«w cnced in passing these resolutions would have been 1GI6, greatly increased. A new confession of faith, in which the doctrines of the first reformers were ex- plicitly asserted, and which, in so far as it relates to the constitution of the church, displays the utmost moderation, was composed and sanctioned ; a com- mission was given to the bishops and some of the ministers, by which they were invested with ample powers for regulating ecclesiastical affairs ; a cate- chism was ordered to be composed ; and some sta- tutes were added, which it is proper to insert, as throwing light upon those momentous events which exerted such influence upon the situation of Britain.* " It is ordained, that a uniform order of liturgy be set down, to be read in all churches in the ordinary- days of prayer, and every Sabbath-day before ser- mon, to the end the common people may be ac- quainted therewith, and by custom may learn to serve God rightly. And to this intent the Assem- bly hath appointed certain ministers to revise the * Calderwood, p. 668—673, and MSS. Vol. VI. p. S72— 378, has recorded this new confession, which affords one proof of many that the reformers held the doctrine of Calvin respecting election and pre- destination, and that they would have shrunk from the interpretation which so many in the church of England, in opposition to the plain meaning of words, are now solicitous to give to the celebrated I7th Article, — an article conveyed in terms commonly used at the period of its being composed, then fully understood, and certainly not weaken- ed by the feeble efforts of the Bishop of Lincoln, in his Refutation of Calvinism. 5 CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 263 book of common-prayer contained in the Psalm- CHAP. . XII book, and to set down a common form of ordinary ,.,^^ ^ service, to be used at all times hereafter, which ^^i^* shall be used in time of common-prayer, in all churches where there is exercise of common-prayers, as Hkewise by the minister, before the sermon, when there is no reader.'' Tn the Scotish church there had been, from the introduction of the Reformation, certain forms of prayer which it was lawful to use; but every minister was at liberty to depart from these, and to substitute such prayers as he thought the circumstances of his congregation required. * The design of the new regulation was to take away this liberty, and to introduce, as in England, a li- turgy to be invariably repeated. To the ordinance respecting the liturgy the following resolution was added : " It is thought most necessary and expedi- ent, that there be an uniformity of church-discipline throughout all the churches of this kingdom, and to that effect it is ordained, that a book of canons be made and published in print, drawn forth of the books of former Assemblies, and where the same is defective, that it be supplied by canons of councils, and ecclesiastical conventions in former times." The Archbishop of Glasgow, and William Struthers, minister of Edinburgh, were appointed to put in * See some curious and satisfactory information respecting the practice of the Scotish church as to forms of prayer, in a note to Dr M'Crie's Life of Kuox. 264 HKSTORY OF THE CHAP, form the said ecclesiastical canons, and to present .^^■^y^ them to the commissioners named by the Assembly, 1616. ^{^o were authorized to examine and approve them. It was finally agreed, upon this subject, that, after the approbation of the commissioners had been given, a petition should be presented to the King, that he would sanction them by his royal authority, and permit them to be published. Regulations were also adopted, respecting the examination of children, with a view, although the article was ob- scurely expressed, of introducing the practice of confirmation, — respecting the frequency of dispen- sing the Lord's Supper, and the necessity of doing so at Easter, — and respecting the administration of baptism. It was wisely enacted that the parish-re- gisters of births, marriages, and deaths, should be accurately kept, and that the King should be re- quested to make these registers legal evidence of the facts which they testified.* * Row's MS. History, p. 178, 179. Calderwood's MS. Vol. VI. as last quoted, and printed History, p. 662 — 664. Spottiswoode, p. 523. Spottiswoode expressly says, that it was determined that children should be carefully catechised and confirmed by the bishops, or, in their absence, by such as were employed in the visitation of churches ; but a reference to the article, as given by Calderwood, from what he calls the clerk's scrolls, will shew that the practice of confir- mation, in the present sense of that term, was not authorized ; for it states, that all young children of six years age shall be presented^ as has been mentioned, to give their confession of faith, that so it may appear in what religion they have been trained. The archbishop, in- deed, added in the margin, " and that they be recommended to God by solemn prayer at the time ;" but still there was ground for the 161G. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 265 There were presented to the Assembly letters ghap. from his Majesty and the Archbishop of Canter- ^^^^^^^^ bury, respecting the absolution of the Marquis of Huntly, and, in conformity with what had been previously settled, the marquis appeared to give sa- tisfaction. From the reluctance which he had ever shewn to comply with the wishes of the church, and his attachment to his own religious persuasion, it may not be uninteresting to know in what manner he now acted. '* He declared the sorrow and grief which he had conceived on account of his lying so long under the fearful sentence of excommunica- tion, and therefore he most humbly desired to be absolved from the same. He then, holding up his hand, solemnly promised, before God, to profess and abide by the true religion presently professed within the realm, — to communicate upon the first occasion, — to cause his children, servants, and do- mestics, to be obedient to the church, and to attend on its ordinances, and not in future to receive into his house, or to permit to reside upon his estates, Papists, Jesuits, or seminary priests. He after this subscribed the confession which the Assembly had approved. *" If, notwithstanding all this, he still, as there is reason to believe, adhered to his former sentiments, he affords a striking example of the observation made by the King when the article was presented for his approbation, — that it was very confused. * Calderwood's History, p. 605. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. III. in Life of Spottiswoode, p. G5 — C7. 266 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, pernicious effects of compulsion in matters of reii- \^y^ gio^j impressing upon all who attend to his situation, 1616. j-j^^f such compulsion destroys the integrity which it is so honourable to preserve, that it may produce external conformity, but never does so without hav- ing subverted those moral principles which it is the great design of religion to strengthen and confirm. Acts of the Upon the dissolution of the Assembly, a copy of communf- '^^^ ^cts was, by the Archbishop of Glasgow and the gted to the gfshop of Ross, presented to the King, and his ra- tification of them was solicited. He in general ap- proved of what had been done, but he objected to the act respecting confirmation of children, as not being sufficiently clear ; and, in his anxiety to assimi- late the mode of divine service in Scotland to what prevailed in England, he sent several regulations, which he required to be inserted amongst the ca- nons ordered to be collected. These regulations were afterwards known by the appellation of the five articles of Perth, and will be accurately record- ed in the form in which they were finally approved. It is sufficient here to mention, in general, that they enjoined kneeling at the sacrament ; private commu- nion and private baptism, in cases of necessity ; con- firmation of children, and the observance of certain festivals kept in the English church. The bishops were filled with anxiety and astonishment when the intentions of his Majesty were communicated. The persons appointed to collect the canons had been expressly limited to the acts of the Assemblies of CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 267 the church, or to the canons of councils in former CHAP. XII. times, and had they ventured to insert what the ^^^^^^ King prescribed, they would probably have occa- ^^^^' sioned the most violent dissatisfaction. Spottis- woode and the other prelates were so firmly con- vinced of this, that they humbly represented the difficulties which they apprehended, and informed James, that nothing could be placed amongst the canons which had not been proposed to the church. He yielded to the representation of men whose at- tachment to him he knew to be sincere ; but unfor- tunately he did not relinquish his design, resting satisfied with deferring it, till it could, without in- convenience, be carried into execution. * About this time he resolved to visit Scotland, r^^^H^^ , and, in intimating this resolution, he not unnatural- resolves to visit Scot- ly ascribed it to the desire, so congenial with the land, feelings of a good heart, to revisit the scenes of his early life. To remove the apprehensions which, notwithstanding this declaration, he suspected might be entertained of his real purpose, he professed that he had no intention to alter the civil or ecclesiasti- cal state of his native kingdom ; adding, however, this ambiguous intimation, that he desired to do some * Spottiswoode, p. 528, 529. Crawford's life of Spottisvvoode, in Lives of Officers of State, p. 172, 173. This writer erroneously states, that the articles were sent to the Assembly. Collier, Vol. II. p. 709, commits the same mistake. Rapin, Vol. If. p. OS, gives what he calls the sentence of the Assembly, confounding the letter of the archbishop with an act of the church. 1617. 268 HISTORY OF THE ^xii. S°°^ ^^ ^^'^ coming, and to discharge some points of his kingly office in reforming abuses, both in the church and commonwealth. * He sent instructions to repair the royal chapel before his arrival, and dictated the manner in which this repair was to be executed. The people heard with amazement of the changes to be made in the appearance of the structure. Paintings or statues of the apostles were to be placed in it, and this circumstance gave rise to a report, that images were to be introduced, and that the mass would soon follow. Cowper, bishop of Galloway, who was dean of the chapel, and who, although he had conformed to the ecclesiasti- cal innovations, was a sincere Protestant, entered into the feelings of the multitude, and conceived it to be his duty to represent to the King the pro- priety of departing from an intention which would spread dissatisfaction through the kingdom. The letter containing his representation was also sub- scribed by the Archbishop of St Andrews, and some of the other prelates ; but the archbishop seems to have regarded the fears of the people as totally without foundation. Cowper, however, was serious ; for, in a letter which he wrote to one of his friends, he informed him, that the bishops had suc- ceeded in getting images discharged, and he re- quested him to take some pains to shew, that the * Spottiswoode, p. 629, compared with Calderwood, p. 673. Ra- pin's history of England, Vol. II. p. 193. Crawford's Lives of Offi- cers of State, p. 17S. CHURCH OF SCOTLAXD. 269 refusal of images was reasonable. The King was CHAP. highly displeased with this interference ; and al- v^^^^^ though he did not esteem it prudent to disregard it, i«i7. . . . March 13. he sharply rebuked the bishops for their officious- ness J ascribed it to their narrow views ; and not very graciously informed them, that he would bring with him some English doctors to enlighten their minds. With his usual tenderness for his prerogative, he at- tributed his determination to refrain from erecting the statues, or from suspending the pictures, not to the real cause, but to his finding that the work could not be done so quickly as he had imagin- ed. * The design of visiting Scotland which the King The King had announced, gave no pleasure to those who con- s^tlaiiS ducted the administration of government, and they ^^th May- even entreated him to delay it ; but, paying to this no attention, he commenced his journey, and upon his arrival was, with every testimony of respect and loyalty, welcomed to Edinburgh, f He embraced * Spottiswoode, p. 529, 530, compared with Calders^-ood, p. 673, 674, who has inserted the letter of Cowper to Simson, one of the mi- nisters of Stirling. Cowper was an anuable man. At one period, he had warmly entered into the prevailing views against episcopacy, and had not very decently compared bishops to coals or candles that not only light, but have a filthy smell in all mens noses. Row's MS. histor)', p. 126, 127. He soon altered his opinion, however, and became a bishop ; but he uniformly shewed much moderation, and was guided by sincere attachment to the best interests of religion. t Row's MS. p. 179. Calderwood's MSS. Vol. VI. p. SSI. Spot- tiswoode, p. 530, compared with Guthrie's history. Vol. IX. p. C'L Wodrow's MSS. Vol. HI. in Life of Spottiswoode, p. fP. 270 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. XII. 1617, A Parlia- ment. June 28. an early opportunity of shewing his attachment to the ceremonies and worship of the church of Eng- land, for he not only caused these ceremonies to be observed in his own chapel, but he insisted upon the bishops and the chief nobility receiving the sa- crament kneeling, — a practice hitherto unknown in Scotland, since the introduction of the reformation, and regarded as a remnant of the homage which, according to the faith of Rome, was paid to the elements of bread and wine after they had been consecrated. * The parliament, which had been prorogued that his Majesty might be present, met soon after his arrival in Edinburgh, f James, according to his usual custom, dehvered a long speech, in which he explained his wishes with respect to the proceedings which should take place. He had, however, the mortification to find, that there was no disposition obsequiously to obey his pleasure, for considerable opposition was made to some of those whom he named as lords of the articles, and he was so indig- nant at this, that he once determined to dissolve the parliament. Having altered this rash determi- nation, and reluctantly made some concession, the * Row's MS. History, p. 179. Calderwood, p. 674, 675. Guth- rie's History of Scotland, Vol. IX. p. 94. ■f Spottiswoode, Rapin, and Guthrie, mention, that the parliament was prorogued till the 1 3th of June. Calderwood says, that it met on the 17th, the printed acts by Murray, on the 2Sth, which, if he reckoned by the new style, and Calderwood by the old, agrees with the date assigned by the historian of the Scotish Church. 1617. June. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 271 estates proceeded to deliberate upon the situation of CHAP, the kingdom, and particularly of the church. An act was passed regulating the manner in which va- cant bishoprics were in future to be supplied, and as, from the changes introduced by the reformation, the chapters were in some dioceses annihilated, provision was made for their restoration, that the election of prelates might in the ancient mode be conducted. A most wise and just law was also framed for the maintenance of the clergy, and for the plantation of churches, by which such salaries were allotted to the ministers as guarded them from the poverty to which they had long submitted. * * Murray's Collection of Acts of Parliament, p. 416 — 421. Cal- derwood, p. 675. Spottiswoode, p. 531, confirms the account of Cal- derwood respecting the opposition to the King's list of Lords of Ar- ticles. Guthrie's History, Vol. IX. p. 92, 93. By the act anent plan- tation of kirks, in which was included the provision for ministers, It was ordained, that the commissioners appointed under it should examine into the state of the teinds in each parish, and where these were sufficient for the purpose, should assign to the minister's stipend not less than five chalders of victual, or five hundred merks, and not more than eight chalders of victual, or eight hundred merks, or vic- tual and money in such proportion as to amount to what is above spe- cified ; and this in both cases, exclusive of a manse and glebe. Burnet, in his history of his own Times, Vol. I. p. 8, remarks upon this act, that considering the plenty and way of livir;g in Scotland, it granted 3. very liberal provision to the clergy. Grain, it appears, was then valued at about seven shillings per boll. Compensation was appointed to be made to such persons as held tacks of teinds, and the nature of this compensation one example will illustrate. A tack of part of the teinds belonging to the New College of St Andrews had been grant- ed for a very small sum, to endure for 203 years. The tack was dited 1612.- In 161, in consequence of the act now mentioned, this tack, In compensation for an augmentation then given, wa? 27^ HISTORY OF THE CHAP. The act respecting the* election of bishops was XII • ^^^^ considered by some of the clergy as an infringe- 1617. ment upon the jurisdiction which they conceived to belong to the General Assembly ; but the oppo- sition which might have been made was turned a- gainst a measure which excited much alarm, and which, not without reason, was looked upon as pav- ing the way for the complete subversion of the ec- clesiastical laws of the kingdom. The King, eager- ly bent upon subjecting the church to the crown, proposed, that it should be enacted, " that whatso- ever conclusion was taken by his Majesty, with the advice of the archbishops and bishops, in matters of external polity, should have the power and strength of an ecclesiastical law." The prelates themselves were averse from so obnoxious a measure. They represented to James the expediency of maturely considering it, because it expressly violated the fun- damental principle of the Scotish church, that, in making laws, the advice and consent of presbyteries should be required. To this sound counsel, he im- prudently replied, that he was not against taking the advice of ministers, or against calling upon a competent number of the wisest and most learned prolonged for 250 years beyond the original 203, by which a very eonsiderable proportion of the teinds destined for that seminary wa» wrested from it. This was an evil which probably was not contem- plated, and which, much to the disgrace of those who have it in their power, there has been shewn no inclination to remedy ; — the just claims of the college for what was its property, and what is essen- tial for its support, having been of late rejected. CHUtlCH OF SCOTLAND. 27S amongst them, to assist the bishops, but that he chap. would never agree to having matters ruled as they Vs^^s/^ had been in General Assemblies, for, he added, the 1^^'^* June. bishops must rule the ministers, and the King rule both in matters indifferent, and not repugnant to the word of God. He however consented, that the projected law should be thus expressed : " That whatsoever his Majesty should determine in the ex- ternal government of the church, with the advice of the archbishops, bishops, and a competent num- ber of the ministry, should have the strength of a law ;'* and this was approved by the Lords of the Articles. It is evident, that, had it been converted into a statute, the existence of General Assemblies, which the King had long held in abhorrence, would soon have ceased, for he would have had no diffi- culty in prevailing, at least with the majority of the bishops, to declare against them ; and as it was left to the prelates to decide what clergymen should be associated with them, and how many should be a competent number, they would at once have sur- rendered all which the Assembly at Glasgow had left of the presbyterian polity. In this light the subject naturally presented itself to many of the ministers, who had too much principle quietly to submit to the fetters of the court, and they man- fully resolved to take every step which seemed cal- culated to prevent the law from being passed. The bishops discovered their intention, and endeavour- ed to divert them from it by assurances, that no ad- VOL, 11. s 274 HISTORY OF THE ^xn^* ^^^^^^^ would be taken of the statute to introduce \^^y^^^ the EngHsh ceremonies without their being warned June." °^ ^^' ^^^ ^y i*epresenting to them the danger of provoking his Majesty. This however was, by the ministers, wisely disregarded, and they concluded, that their only security consisted in obstructing the The Mi- act. One of them in a public discourse, inveio;hed nisters pro- • i • r i i i o test against agamst the rites or the church of England, and anjmended ^^^^^^ to God that Scotland might be saved from them ; and many of the clergy, who had assembled from all parts of the kingdom, drew up their protest against the law, commissioning liewat, who was ab- bot of Crosraguel, had a seat in parhament, and had thus easy access to the sovereign, to present it to him. In the preamble, they mentioned the as- tonishment with which, after having been assured by the bishops that nothing respecting the church would be sanctioned in parliament vidthout the knowledge and advice of the ministers, they had heard of the proposed statute ; and they humbly re- quested, that he would listen to their just grievan- ces, and to the objections which they were to state to the intended innovation. They expatiated upon the purity and excellence of their ecclesiastical po- lity, as it had long existed under his Majesty,— upon the privileges of the church which had been often re- cognized, and upon his own promises that these should not be wrested from them, — concluding in words most honourable to their feelings, and to their inte- grity : " These and many other reasons have moved eHUBCH OF SCOTLAND. 275 US, in all reverence, by this our humble supplication, CHAP, to instruct your highness and honourable estates, s^ not to suffer the forenamed article, nor any other j^^J; prejudicial to our liberties, formerly granted, to pass at this time, to the grief and prejudice of our poor church, whereby the universal joy of thou- sands of this land, who rejoiced at your Majesty's happy arriving here, shall be turned into mourning; wherein, as we are earnest supplicants to God, to incline your Majesty's heart this way, as the most expedient for the honour of God, and the weil of the subjects, so if v,'e shall be frustrated of this our reasonable desire, then do we in all humility, with that dutiful acknowledgement of our loyalty to your Majesty which becometh, protest for our- selves, and all our brethren that shall adhere to our protestation, that as we are free of the same, so must we be forced rather to incur the censure of your Majesty's laws, than to admit or obey an imposition, that shall not flow from the church or- derly convened, having power of the same." This spirited remonstrance was signed by upwards of fifty ministers, and Hewat, having been furnished with a copy, authenticated by the subscription of Simpson the clerk, in name of the whole, went to the palace to put it into the hands of the King. The Archbishop of St Andrews, induced, as he has declared, by the intreaty of some of the principal persons concerned in it, and who had repented of what they had done, or, as has been with more pro- 276 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, bability stated, enraged at the opposition of the mi- ^sv^^, nisters, wrested the protestation from He wit, and Jbiie ^°^^ ^^ ^° pieces. During the altercation to which this indecorous violence gave rise, the King came from his chamber undressed, to inquire what had happened ; when the archbishop with warmth con- demned the conduct of Hewit, whom he represents as overawed by the entrance of the sovereign. The deed itself did not share the fate of the copy, and was presented to the estates. The King, perceiving the agitation which had been excited, was convin- ced that it would be hazardous to persist in the measure which had occasioned it, and accordingly, "when the titles of the different bills were read to him for his approbation, he ordered the bill respec- ting the church to be expunged, assigning, as the reason, not that he was desirous to comply \vith the wishes of his people, but that he considered it as limiting his prerogative by ordaining him to take advice. Thus was the act happily prevented, under circumstances, however, which cannot be reconciled with the assertion of the primate, that they who had ^ once resisted it, repented of their resistance. * * Spottlswoode, p. 531 — 533. Calderwood's MS. Vol. VI. p. 3S4 — 389, and printed History, p. GT5 — ii78. Row's MS. Hisi. p. iso— 184. Burnet's History of his own Times, Vol. I. p. 2.5. Skinner, in his Ecclesiastical History of Scotland^ Vol. U. p •?62 — 264, expresses much disapprobation of the moderate advice given by the bishops to the King, endeavouring to shew that they should have paid no re- spect to the couiisels of presbyters. He would probably have been highly esteemed by James, who certainly would have met with no op« CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 277 Parliament was no sooner dissolved than it be- CHAP. XII. came apparent how deeply the conduct of the pro- v^^^^^^ testing ministers had offended the King. Simpson, ^_^^^- who had subscribed the protestation, was summon- ceedings ed before the high commission, and, because he did protesters.^ not produce the list of those who had signed the original paper, he was imprisoned in the castle of Edinburgh, although he affimed that the list requir- sd July, ed he had not in his possession, having previously given it to another person. The court being in- formed that this person was Calderwood, the inde- fatigable historian of the church, and then minister of Crailing, he was commanded to attend the court of commission at St Andrews. He was there ac- cused of having attended a mutinous assembly of certain of the brethren of the ministry, and of keep- ing the seditious protestation by them composed, for the purpose of indr.cing others to sign it, in con- tempt of Almighty God, and of the reverence which he owed to his sovereign lord. Such was the lan- guage employed by the primate, in his official ca- pacity of high commissioner ; and it was added, that Calderwood had, by his conduct, declared himself a mutinous and seditious person, and unworthy to bear office or function in the church. * Simpson position from him in demolishing presbytery, to every part of which, this zealous writer, upon every occasion, shews the most determined enmity. * Row's MS. p. 185, and Calderwood, p. 639, who has inserted a copy ef the summons which he received It is a most curious docu- ment. See also, for fuller information, his MSS. Vol. VI. p. 392. 278 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, and Hewit were also cited. The King, who omit- XII • ^^^^ ted no opportunity of displaying his eloquence, 1617. condescended to sit in court, and, in an oration which he delivered before the pannels were admit- ted, he informed the commissioners of the mode in which he had proceeded against the English puri- tans. " As long, he said, as we deprived them on- ly of their benefices, they stood out, because they preached on, and lived on the benevolence of the people, but when we deprived them of their ofRce, many yielded, and are now become the best men we have. Let us take the like course with the puritans here.'* The advice was not unacceptable to the prelates to whom it was addressed. Hewit was deprived ; Simpson, the state of whose health had prevented him from attending, was brought to St Andrews, was deprived, and afterwards confined in Aberdeen ; and still greater severity was shewn to Calderwood. With the intrepidity which had distinguished the earliest reformers, yet with a re- spect to the sovereign, which, founded as it was upon principle, should have raised him in the esti- mation of James, he defended the protestation, and argued in support of his conduct. The King was irritated by this manly freedom, to which he had been little accustomed in his English court ; and, whiki Calderwood was endeavouring to shew that it was competent only for an ecclesiastical judicatory to inflict such punishments as suspension or deposi- tion, his Majesty ordered the archbishop to declare CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 279 to him, that if he would not be suspended spiritually CHAP. XIT he should be suspended corporally. The primate ^^^v'^^/ himself was exasperated at what he reprobated as 1617. obstinacy and sedition, and he did not hesitate to say, that the intrepid minister at the bar deserved to be used as Ogilvie, who had been hanged for denying the King's power. Ke was in the end deprived, and condemned to be banished. Esteem- ed by many of the most respectable men in the kingdom, powerful intercession was made for a mitigation of the sentence, but the interposition was vain, and he at length left Scotland. * But although James thus shewed his displeasure The King at those men who had defeated the scheme of vest- ^"^g"g*jjjf ing in him the whole ecclesiastical powers of the'^'y- Assembly, he found that conformity in worship and ceremonies between the two British churches could not be effectuated by an exertion of his pre- rogative. He accordingly, after the parliament had been dissolved, commanded the bishops, and seve- ral of the ministers, to meet him at St Andrews, for 10th July. * Calderwood, in his MS. Vol. VI. p. 399 — 404, and in his print- ed History, p. 678 — G86, has given a very full and interesting account of his defence, and of the sentences pronounced against him. Row's MS. p. 186, 187. Spottiswoode, p. 534, comprises his account of this transaction in these few words : " iVIr David Calderwood, carrying himself irreverently, and breaking forth into speeches not becoming a subject, was committed in the town-house of St Andrews, and after- wards banished the kingdom." Calderwood, p. 802, mentions his having returned privately to Scotland. This he inserts under the year 1624. 280 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, the purpose of arranging^ his plans with respect to ^^^ ^^ the church. The prelates, and about thirty of the 1617. clergy, having met in the chapel of the castle, the King expatiated to them upon his great care of the church, — alluded to the articles which he had trans- mitted, taking great credit to himself for his mode- ration in not compelling their insertion amongst the canons, — spoke with much displeasure of the pro- testation,— graciously informed them that he would pass this over, amongst many other wrongs, — and then told them that he had called them to hear what were their scruples as to the points which he had recommended. He concluded in this high strain : " I mean not to do any thing against rea- son, and, on the other part, my demands being just and religious, you must not think that I will be re- fused or resisted. It is a power innated, and a spe- cial prerogative, which we that are Christian kings have, to order and dispose of external things in the polity of the church, as we, by the advice of our bishops, shall think m.ost fitting ; and for your ap- proving or disapproving deceive not yourselves, I will never regard it unless you bring me a reason I cannot answer." This speech filled the ministers with dismay. They saw, that although the King had passed over the obnoxious act, he wished to proceed, as if he, by virtue of his prerogative, had all the power which it was designed to confer; and, dreading the consequences, they implored him to permit them to hold some conference with one 4 I CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, 281 another before they ventured to reply. Uoon their CHAP, return they entreated him to hold a General As- ^^v,^^ sembly for sanctioning the articles by common con- ^^^'^' sent, and having satisfied him that there was every probability of the sanction being obtained, he order- ed an Assembly to be summoned. * Soon after this James left Scotland, mortified by J^"^" . . r • 1 leaves Scot- the display of that spirit of resistance with which land. he had often struggled in his earlier days, but which he probably flattered himself had been extinguished ; and disappointed that all which he had expected to accomplish by his presence was yet to be obtained.! It was on his progress to London, when he was passing through Lancashire, that, perhaps to con- sole himself for having been thwarted in making ecclesiastical regulations for Scotland, he declared it to be his pleasure, that his good people should not, after divine service, be discouraged from taking any lawful recreations ; and in the following year leis. T, • J , • • u- u u ^ ^ , isthMay. he issued a proclamation, m which he enumerated these recreations. In this strange ordinance he commanded that his subjects should not be prevent- ed, upon the Lord's day, from dancing, archery, leap- * Spottiswoode, p. 533, 534, has given a full account of this strange exhibition of the King, and as the archbishop was present, and had no motive for misrepresentation, we may rely on his authority. See also Row's MS. p. i8+, 185. Kapin's hist. Vol.11, p. 194, and Camden's Annals of King James. f Crawford's Lives of Officers of State, p. 173. Spottiswoode, p, 5S4, Guthrie's Hist, of Scotland, Vol. IX. p. 95, 96. 282 HISTORY OF THE CIL\P. ing or vaulting, — from having May-games, Whit^ ,^-y^ son-ales, morricc-dances, — m short he protected, by 1618. his royal authority, what would have rendered the religious services of the Lord*s day useless, and v.'ould have made that day a day of rioting and de- bauchery. Yet, that he might seem to be actuated by pious motives, he employed this indulgence, so shocking to a truly religious mind, as a means to insure attendance upon divine worship ; for the amusements which he countenanced were to be enjoyed only by such as had been present in their own parish churches. * This act of his Majesty was regarded with much uneasiness by many of the English clergy, who dreaded that it would be extended to the whole kingdom. Numbers resolved that they would dis- obey, and the Lord Mayor of London even arrest- ed the King's carriages, which, upon a Sunday, were passing through the city. His Majesty was at length induced not to persist in setting his authority in opposition to sound reason, and to the practice of the purest times of the Catholic church ; and little more attention was paid to thi3 matter till it was unhappily revived in the time of Charles, and in- creased the discontent, which every conscientious sacrifice should have been made to remove f The * Collier's Eccl. Hist. Vol. U. p. 711. 712. Rapin's Hist, of Eng- land, Vol. n p. 194, 195. Calderwood's History, p. 686. Wod- row's MSS. Vol. HI. in Life of Spottiswoode, p. 69. t Collier and Rapin^ as last quoted. Note by Tindal to p. 19S of CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 283 intelligence of the King's proclamation was soon chap. conveyed to Scotland, and it could not fail to im- v,^^ press the ministers who had resisted the pretensions i6i7. of James, with the conviction, that, in doing so, they had indeed served the cause for which, in the love of truth, they contended and suffered. The bishops were eager to redeem the pledge 1617. which they had given to the King, and they took atTt'An- every precaution for rendering the Assembly sub- ^^^V'-^j servient to their views ; but the tendency to resist had not yet expired, and they found that the five articles could not be pressed upon the members. Some alterations concerning the administration of the communion to sick persons, and concerning the mode in which the elements were to be distributed, were introduced ; but with these the bishops were not satisfied, and the King was more highly dis- pleased than if nothing had been conceded. That the ministers, however, might not act irreverently to their sovereign, they did not reject the articles about the adoption of which he was solicitous, but only delayed the consideration of them till another Assembly, assigning, as the reasons for this, that, from the inclemency of the season, and the short intimation which had been given, many of the com- missioners had been unable to attend, while several of those who were present had not so considered Rapin's second volume. Neal's History of the Puritans, Vol. II. p. 114, 115. 12.S4! HISTORY OF THE CHAP, the subjects proposed as to form a decided opl- xr^ll'- When the proceedings of the Assembly were dignation transmitted to the King, he was filled with indigna- at the pro- • t i i • i i • i ceedings of tion. In a letter wnicn he Vv/rote, m answer to the ^e Assem- ^j^g ^j^^|. ^v^assent to him, he declared that he consider- «th Dec. ed the conduct of the Assembly as not less insulting than the protestation ; he commanded the arch- bishops to observe the festival of Christmas, which had not been done since the reformation ; and he meanly ordered, that no stipend for a year should be given to any minister who had not voted for the passing of the articles. To this he subjoined, in his own hand-writing, that, since the Scotish church had so far contem.ned his clemency, they should find what it was to draw the anger of a King upon them. It might be supposed that language so un- guarded was used in the heat of passion, and would, when he became calm, be retracted ; but, so far was. this from being the case, that, some days after, D«c. 17. he wrote to the Archbishop of St Andrew's, pro- hibiting him from paying any regard to the conces- sions which, on the part of the Court, had been made ; and he accompanied this expression of his resentment with an instruction to the council, not to p^y their stipends to any of the rebellious mini- * Spottiswoode, p. 535. Calderwood, p. 688— C91, and MSS. Vol. VI. p. 407. Row's MS. History, p. 187 — 189. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. III. folio, in Life of Spottiswoode^ p. 69 — 72. CHtJRCH OF SCOTLAND. 285 sters, refusers of the articles, till they conformed, CHAP. XII. and their conformity was certified by the primate or 161S. the bishop of the diocese. The use which proba- bly was intended was made of these intimations. Rumours were industriously circulated, that the King was highly offended at the bishops, especially at the Archbishop of St Andrew's, because the ar- ticles had not been carried ; that he was determined to prevent, in future, all conventions of ministers ; and that he had sent down a warrant to dicharge not only presbytcri:.s, but even the sessions of par- ticular churchvs. * Whilst the public mind was agitated by the dread of these violent measures, and the ministers were anticipating all the difficulties in which, by the refusal to pay their stipends, they ■would be involved, the primate assembled such leis. bishops and ministers as uere in Edinburgh, and read to them a dispatch from the King, pressing, under pain of deprivation, their concurrence in the innovations which he had recommended, f Some effect was produced upon the n inds of timid men by the terrors with which they were assailed, and the determination of James to effectuate his purpose was shew n by new violations of the constitution of the kingdom. The archbishops had preached upon * Wodrow's MSS. Vol. III. folio, in Life of Spottiswoode, p. 72, 73. t Compare Spottiswoode, p. 5S5, 5S6, with Calderwood's MSS. Vol. VI. p. 411, and printed History, p. 691, 692. 286 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. XII. 1618. Jan. Christmas, and, in the beginning of the year, the observance of a number of other festivals, prescribed by statutes which had not been repealed, was com- manded* * Spottiswoode was, In the mean time, assiduous in his attempts to influence his brethren. He affected to be mucli grieved at the harsh steps which the King had enjoined to be taken, and pro- fessed that he had employed his influence to sus- pend the severe resolutions against the ministers. He then endeavoured to convince them, that they could hope for indulgence only by submission ; and when the full influence of such a representation had been exerted, and it was believed that a majority favourable to the articles would be obtained, an Assembly was indicted to be held at Perth, f The Assembly met on the twenty-fifth of August. '25th Aug. It was attended by commissioners from the King, by a number of the nobility and gentry, by all the bishops, excepting the Bishop of Argyll, "and by the ministers who were elected to represent the presbyteries. The Archbishop of St Andrews de- livered a long sermon in defence of ceremonies, thus enforcing the five articles which were to be submitted to the Assembly. He alluded to his Ma- jesty's determination to have them inserted in the Assembly at Perth * Calderwood, p. 692, and MSS. Vol. VI. p. 412. Wodrow's MSS, Vol. III. In Life of Spottiswoode, p. 62 — 73. •}■ Calderwood, p. 697, compared with Spottiswoode, p. 537, who says, that in the synods where he exerted himself, all things were car- ried with reasonable quietness. CHURCH CF SCOTLAND. 287 book of canons, which he said he had resisted till CHAP, the consent of the church should be obtained, af- w firming that he knew nothing of the articles till ^^^^' they were suggested by the King. After the ser- mon was concluded, the first session was held, when the primate, in right of his office, took the modera- tor's chair. When the propriety of an election to this important situation was urged, he replied, that the Assembly was convened within the bounds of his diocese, and that, while he served in it, he would allow no one to assume his place. The King's let- ter was then, delivered by the Dean of Winchester, who had been sent to attend the Assembly. This letter was composed in the haughty dictatorial style which James delighted to employ ; it was indeed ra- ther the mandate of a master to his servants, than the communication of a sovereign to his people. He began by stating, that he had once determined not to call any more Assemblies, disgusted as he was by what had taken place at St Andrews ; but that, although he had been induced by the bishops to depart from that intention, he hoped that they would shew some more regard to his desires, and not permit the ignorant and unruly multitude, after their wonted custom, to overs way the better and more judicious sort. He reminded the members, that, by his calling from God, he had an innate power to dispose of things external in the church, as he thought best for his subjects ; he told them not ta think that he would be satisfied with refu* 288 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, sals, delays, or mitigations, for that he would b* ^^ ,^_/ content with nothing but a simple and direct accep- 1618. tation of the articles in the form in which he had long ago sent them ; he observed, that it would have much more become them to beg the esta- blishment of such things from him, than that he should need to urge the practice of them upon his subjects ; he took much credit to himself, that the conduct of the ministers had not disgusted him with the profession itself, by which he probably meant religion, and after conveying to them his wish, that he might not be any more provoked, and introducing to them the Dean of Winchester, he commended them to the gracious protection of God. The design of the letter, even in the form in which it was printed, for some of the strongest pas- sages, it was alleged, had been expunged before it was committed to the press, was to intimidate the Assembly, and to convince those of whom it was composed, that if they hesitated about receiving the articles, they must expect to suffer all the punish- ment, or all the hardships with which the royal power could visit them ; and lest this should not have struck them with sufficient force upon hearing the letter, which was on purpose frequently per- used, the Archbishop of St Andrews pointed out in express terms, what they had to apprehend. After protesting that he had not urged the innovations, and that it was even against his will that they had been proposed, he said, that his Majesty was so CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 289 eager for their adoption, that he would rather have chap: the consent of the Assembly to them, than all the ^^ ^ gold in India. He then proceeded in the following is^s* unworthy manner to address his brethren. " In case of your refusal, the whole order and estate of your church will be overthrown, some ministers will be banished, others will be deprived of their stipends and office, and all will be brought under the wrath of authority." That he might not be suspected of having exaggerated what was to be dreaded from the resentment of the King, he ap- pealed to the Dean of Winchester. This divine, in an oration full of the most revolting flattery to the wisdom of the Monarch, dwelt upon the violence of his indignation at what had before happened, and exhorted those who heard him to rectify by their decisions the errors into which they had fallen. But notwithstanding all this preparation, the pri- mate did not venture to submit to public discussion the articles so powerfully enforced. He knew that, notwithstanding all his precautions, there were in the Assembly numbers, who, in the cause of truth, would hold light the most severe sufferings, and that the sentiments which thev would not hesitate to deliver, would be congenial to the wishes and feelings of the people of Scotland. To prevent de- bate therefore, it was settled, that the articles should be discussed in a privy conference by certain mem- bers, the great majority of whom were iavourable VOL. II. ■'•' 1618. 290 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, to them, and when, after a struggle by the feW ^f^y^- friends of the former discipline, who were admit- ted to the conference, they were sanctioned, they were proposed to the Assembly. Some attempt was made to obtain liberty of discussion, but al- though this was avowedly granted, such obstacles were interposed, that the object was defeated. The Archbishop urgently pressed for a decision, assur- ing the members, that they should not leave the place till it was obtained, and again threatening them with his Majesty's displeasure if they did not yield. The question was at length thus put ; Whe^ ther will you consent to the articles or disobey the King ? and this explanation was added, that he who opposed one article, opposed the whole. Before the vote was given, Spottiswoode intimated, that the name of every one who was against the articles, should be presented to his Majesty, and he took the roll that he might himself mark the votes of the commissioners. The articles were carried by a con- siderable majority, but notwithstanding all the me- naces which had been thrown out, forty-five mini- sters voted against them, * * Proceedings of the Assembly at Perth, published in 1619, and extensively circulated. In an excellent preface, the writer says : " The means of printing and publishing are to us very difficill ; we wish therefore every good Christian to take in good part our meane tra- vels." In this pamphlet, there is a most clear and minute account of the whole proceedings, and the circumstance of its having been published so soon after :he .'.ssembly, places its authenticity beyond a doubt. There are added several argumentative discussions against CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 291 The articles, which occasioned such agitation in chap. XII Scotland, I shall transcribe from Spottiswoode, who ^^. ^^ has published them in the form in which they were . ^V^' ^ * ^ Articles of adopted. " 1st, Seeing that we are commanded by Perth. God himself, that when we come to worship him, we fall down and kneel before God our maker, and considering, withal, that there is no part of divine worship more heavenly and spiritual than is the holy receiving of the blessed body and blood of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, likeas the most reverend and humble gesture of our body in our meditation, and the hfting up of our hearts best becometh so di- vine and sacred an action ; therefore, notwithstand- ing that our church hath used, since the reforma- tion of religion, to celebrate the holy communion to the people sitting, by reason of the great abuse of kneeling used in the idolatrous worship of the sacrament by the Papists, yet, seeing all memory of bypast superstition is past, in reverence of God, the articles, which have been controverted, but I am not aware that the facts have been denied. Calderwood, who was the author, (see Wodrow's MSS. Vol. III. in Life of Spottiswoode, p. 83.) makes much use of it in his history, but has given at greater length borue of the speeches, p. 6O7 — 613. See also his MSS. Vol. VI. p. 4x2 — 424. Row's MS. p. 190, 191. Spottiswoode, p. 537 — 539, has inserted the King's letter, and the articles, which I shall copy from his history j but he has given no particulars concerning the mode in which the business was conducted, which I am satisfied he would have done, could he have clearly and satisfactorily shewn, that the sentiments of the Assembly were fairly expressed, and that no improper i, ethods had been used to influence their decisions. Wodrow's MSS. Voh III. folio, ill Life of Spottiswoode, p. 75— 80. 292 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, and in due regard of so divine a mystery, and in re- ^p^y^ membrance of so mystical an union as we are made 1618. partakers of, the Assembly thinketh good, that the blessed sacrament be celebrated hereafter, meekly and reverently, upon their knees. 2d, If any good Christian, visited with long sickness, and known to the pastor, by reason of his present infirmity, be unable to resort to the church for receiving the holy communion, or being sick, shall declare to the pastor, upon his conscience, that he thinks his sick- ness to be deadly, and shall earnestly desire to re- ceive the same in his house, the minister shall not deny him so great a comfort, lawful warning being given to him the night before, and that there be three or four of good religion and conversation, free of all lawful impediments, present with the sick person to communicate with him, who must also provide a convenient place in his house, and all things necessary for the reverent administration thereof, according to the order prescribed in the church. 3d, The minister shall often admonish the people, that they defer not the baptism of in- fants any longer than the next Lord's day after the child is born, unless upon a great and reasonable cause declared to the minister, and by him approv- ed, the same be postponed : As also, they shall warn them, that, without great cause, they procure not their children to be baptized at home in their houses, but when great need shall compel them to baptize in private houses, (in which case, the mi- CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 293 Ulster shall not refuse to do it, upon the knowledge chap. of the great need, and being timely required thereto) then baptism shall be administered after the same ^^^^* form as it should have been in the congregation ; and the minister shall, the next Lord's day after any such private baptism, declare in the church, that the infant was so baptized, and therefore ought to be received as one of the true flock of Christ's fold. 4th, For as much as one of the special means for staying the increase of Popery, and settling of true religion in the hearts of the people, is that a special care be taken of young children, their education, and how they are catechised, which, in time of the primitive church, was most carefully- attended to, as being most profitable to cause young children in their tender years drink in the know- ledge of God and his religion, but is now altoge- ther neglected, in respect of the great abuse and errors which crept into the Popish church, by mak- ing thereof a sacrament of confirmation j therefore, that all superstitions built thereupon may be re- scinded, and that the matter itself, being most ne- cessary for the education of youth, may be reduced to the primitive integrity, it is thought good, that the minister in every parish should catechise all young children of eight years of age, and see that they have the knowledge, and be able to make re- hearsal of the Lord's Prayer, belief, and ten com- mandments, with answers to the questions of the small catechism used in our church ; and that every 294 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, bishop in his visitation shall censure the minister XII ,^^ ^^ who shall be found remiss therein ; and the said 1618. bishops shall cause the said children be presented before them, and bless them with prayer for the increase of their knowledge, and the continuance of God's heavenly graces with every one of them. 5th, As we abhor the superstitious observance of festival days by the Papists, and detest all licentious and profane abuses thereof by the common sort of professors, so we think, that the inestimable bene- fits received from God by our Lord Jesus Christ, his birth, passion, resurrection, ascension, and send- ing down of the Holy Ghost, were commendably and godly remembered at certain particular days and times, by the whole church of the world, and may also be now ; therefore, the Assembly admit- teth, that every minister shall, upon these days, have the commemoration of the foresaid inestimable be- nefits, and make choice of several and pertinent texts of scripture, and frame their doctrine and ex- hortation thereto, and rebuke all superstitious ob- servation and licentious profanation thereof." * * Spottiswoode, p. 53S, 539. That the Archbishop has accurately transcribed the articles, is placed beyond a doubt, by the first one having been inserted in the same words by the writer of the pamphlet before alluded to, p. 33, 34. I have chosen to gi^ them at full length, because they throw light upon the sentiments which the framers of them had to oppose. Summaries of them, with an account of the proceedings at Perth, may be seen in Collier, Vol. II. p. 712. Craw- ford's Lives of Officers of State, p. 173, 174. Wodrow's MSS, Vol. III. in Life of Spottiswoode, p. 75 — 80, and in Burnet's Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton, p.^29. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 295 Upon the dissolution of the Assembly, orders CHAP, were given, that the articles should be read and \.^^A^ enforced in all churches throughout the kingdom; ^^^*' they were in a few weeks ratified by the lords of council ; and, by proclamation at the cross of Edin- burgh, it was announced, that all who neglected or despised them, would be esteemed factious, stirrers up of sedition, and disturbers of the peace of the church. That nothing might be wanting to give them force, and to compel the people to venerate what was enjoined by them, they were some years 1621. after confirmed in parliament, though not without a vigour of opposition, which all the dexterity of the Marquis of Hamilton, who acted as commission- er for the King, could with difficulty overcome. * Without making any observations upon the ar- Remarks, tides themselves, it is impossible not to be struck with the arbitrary manner in which they were im- posed. The King enforced them with the violence of a bigot, and the haughtiness of a tyrant ; — he overawed the judgments and the consciences of his people, and seemed determined even to stake his crown upon the attainment of his object. Yet it * Calderwood's MSS. Vol. VI. p. 444, and p. 546—549, with printed History, p. 775 — 783. Spottiswoode, p. 539. Row's MS. History, p. 199 — 202. Burnet's Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamil- ton. This wrirer says, the Marquis of Hamilton managed the con- firming of the articles so dexterously, that it gained him an equal share of esteem and hatred ; these things being very odious. Letters of the Earl of Melross to James in Memorials, &c. published by Lord Hailes, p. 99 — 104. XII 16J8. 296 HISTORY OF THE CHAP* is impossible for the most credulous to believe that this was the effect of sincere, though mistaken zeal for religion. The articles were contrary to those maxims, with respect to the service of God, which, in early life, he had adopted ; and the general com- plexion of his character is inconsistent with the sup- position that he was guided by motives of piety in promoting the revolution in the church which he was so eager to effectuate. His earnestness must be ascribed to his high notions of the extent of his prerogative, and to his determination to break down all the fences by which his people had been secured against the introduction of despotism. The dispo- sition of the inhabitants of Scotland, strengthened, as it had been, by the enlightened views of govern- ment which the first reformers assiduously present- ed, did not incline them to the abject submission which would have gratified their monarch ; — they had the sagacity to discern, that, if they yielded without a struggle to the present demands, new requisitions, still more intolerable, viould succeed ; and they thus were satisfied, that their political in- dependence would suffer no less than their religious faith, if the public voice were silenced, and all tell prostrate at the foot of the throne. The articles were so framed as to insult the understandings of those to whom they were prescribed. They ex- press the utmost anxiety to guard against supersti- tion, whilst all who heard them knew that the great majority of the nation considered them as introdu- CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 297 clng the superstition from which they had, by the chap. Reformation, been happily delivered. Nothing, in- \^^^,y^ deed, can be conceived more adapted to create de- ^^^^* termined opposition to the King, than his insisting upon the innovations. His attack upon the Pres- byterian form of ecclesiastical discipline had filled many of the ministers with indignation, or with horror; but still this did not come immediately home to the feelings and the practice of the com- munity. The constitution of the church was indeed changed, but its internal structure seemed unalter- ed ; — the ordinances of religion were administered as they had long been, and nothing was required in the mode of worship which could alarm or shock the most scrupulous who attended it. But the Perth articles placed matters on a very different footing, because by them all were required to relin- quish the forms which every association, in their eyes, rendered venerable, — to approach the Deity in a way which they dreaded would displease him, —and to keep certain days, which the reformers had taught them to disregard, with a strictness, which they who required it did not observe, on jhat day, which, from the resurrection of Christ, had been set apart for raising the soul in gratitude to v the Almighty. The infatuation of James was, if possible, still more apparent in the instruments which he em- ployed to gain his purpose. He had long been convinced that episcopacy was 'more favourable to 293 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, monarchy than the stern independence of presby-^ ,?^^J* tery, and he had succeeded in introducing bishops 1618. into the church, notwithstanding all the efforts made to oppose them. Having gained this point, he should have done that, without which the mere introduction of the order was nothing ;— he should have endeavoured to overcome the prejudices with which the prelates were regarded, and assisted them in conciliating the affections, or in acquiring the confidence of the people. But, with that rashness and want of political prudence which marked his whole reign, he required these men to stand in the breach which he was making on the consciences of his subjects, — to be the active supporters of what was hateful to the nation, — and to shrink from no severity which he enjoined them to use. He thus effectually prevented episcopacy from resting on the esteem and veneration of the inhabitants of Scotland, compelling them to view the bishops as the tools of oppression, and as substituting for the mild spirit of Christianity the unfeeling rigour of persecution. Opposition The zealous ministers saw the advantage which Se zeaLus ^^^Y ^"^^ gained, and they determined not to lose ministers, jj- ]jy neglecting to inflame the zeal, or to enlighten the minds of those whom they instructed. Instead of obeying the injunction to enforce the articles, they used all their eloquence to shew that they were at vai iance with the principles which, after the Re- formation, had been embraced ; that they were in- CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 299 consistent with Scripture ; that they tended to nou- CHAP. XII rish superstition, — to interrupt the peace of the v,^^^^ church, — to alienate the respect and esteem of fo- isis. reign Protestants; and that many of them were allied to Popery, which had been so often and so sincerely abjured. Instead of regarding the Perth Assembly as the constitutional organ of ecclesiasti- cal power, these ministers insisted that it was not lawfully constituted, — that it had been illegally con- ducted,— and that the sentiments of the majority had not been fairly expressed. Nor did they con- fine these opinions to their pulpits. They circulat- ed them by the press, thus enabling every man de- liberately to reflect upon the magnitude of the evil which they deplored. * The representations and admonitions of the zea- lous ministers produced a strong effect upon the minds of many of their brethren, and of a large part of the community. The inhabitants of Edin- burgh actively opposed the introduction of some of the innovations. Upon Christmas-day few of them attended divine worship ; they expressed their wish that the sacrament should be dispensed according to the former practice ; and when they found that most of their pastors were to obey the articles, they communicated with the congregations of those mi- nisters who followed an opposite conduct. Even * Pamphlets respecting the Perth Assembly, published in 1619. Calderwood's History, p. 7O8 — 7 15. Spottiswoode, p. S39. 300 HISTORY OP THE CHAP, the promoters of the changes in reh'glous worship \.^>^,^i^^ admit, that these changes were held in general ab- 1618. horrence ; and Spottiswoode has recorded, that the magistrates of Edinburgh were believed to connive at the people who strayed from their churches. * 1619. The primate, invested as he was with ample the Court powers, and stimulated by many of his colleagues, of Commis- sion. resolved, through the court of commission, to make the refractory ministers feel that they could not, with impunity, persist in their opposition. Several of them were deprived ; others were committed to prison, that confinement might aggravate the evils of poverty ; and every method was adopted which seemed calculated to overawe the people, f It is unnecessary to detail the particular cases of suffer- ing ; it is enough to observe, that they rather forti- fied the sentiments which they were intended to ex- tirpate. I The scheme of completely assimilating the two British churches was not farther prosecuted during the reign of James. His increasing indolence, the calamities which marked the conclusion of his life, and particularly his differences with the English parliament, which was at length driven to resistance, in a great degree withdrew his attention from Scot- * Spottiswoode, p. 540. Collier, Vol. II. p. 712. Guthrie's Hist, of Scotland, Vol. IX. p. 07, 98. f Calderwood's History, under 1619- Neal, Vol. II. p. Ill, Wodrow's MSS. Vol. III. in Life of Spottiswoode, p. 82. :|: RowVMS. Hist. p. 192— 196. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 301 land, and destroyed all Inclination to take measures chap. which might Involve him in new troubles. * v.^^-^' Had the Scotish bishops, even after all which had is 19. yet happened, devoted themselves to the duties of shops do their station ; had they resided in their dioceses, and ^^l Jteem regularly officiated ; had they spared conscientious °^ ^^^ P*^' men, who had no desire to disturb the public tranquillity, and inculcated the doctrines revered throughout the kingdom, they might in some de- gree have counteracted the effect of the royal vio- lence. But, with an Infatuation, which, from their talents and their experience. Is most astonishing, they acted as If the tie uniting them to those whom they should have guided and instructed, had been dissolved, and even followed the conduct which they who wished for their ruin would have urged them to pursue. They assumed a haughtiness of manner, presenting a striking contrast to the ingra- tiating zeal of the exiled ministers ; they were often at court ; they neglected their functions ; and, un- der the Idea that the people were too violent in their antipathy to Popery, they exerted themselves, and instructed their adherents, to place the doc- trines of that religion in a more favourable point of view. In accomplishing this, they did not scruple to cast some reflexions upon the reformers, whose memories were deservedly held in the highest \ene- * Row's MS. History, p. 263, compared with Burnet's History o£ his own Times, Vol. I. p. 9. 302 HISTORY OP THE CHAP, ration. Upon certain topics of theological contro- ^^Ji^ versy, which at this period deeply interested the 1619. public mind, they avowed opinions which increased the antipathy that was entertained against them. The celebrated Arminius, professor of theology at Leyden, had advanced notions respecting grace and predestination, which had been keenly opposed by all the reformed churches, — which the synod of Dort had been assembled to condemn, — which James had reprobated, — and which, in Scotland, were considered as subversive of the whole scheme of salvation. The King, however, was led to alter his sentiments upon these intricate subjects, and not only became a zealous defender of the tenets of Ar- minius, but looked upon the profession of them as the best evidence of attachment to the hierarchy, and of submission to his own authority. The Scot- ish prelates entered into his views with respect to the controverted doctrines, and, to the great offence of the zealous clergy, who held, in all their rigour, the opinions of Calvin, openly undertook to confute these opinions. And, to complete the enumeration of the causes which even thus early associated epis- copacy with popery, the bishops condemned the strictness with which the presbyterians observed the Lord's day, and, not resting satisfied with an attempt to prove that this strictness was not warranted by Scripture, they shewed a contempt for the Sabbath itself, which it is difficult to reconcile with strong CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 303 impressions of the wisdom and mercy displayed in CHAP, its institution. * ..J^JX^ The fears excited in Scotland by the events which 1621. took place in that kingdom, were strengthened by with Spain the King's conduct respecting the marriage of his the mar-"^ son, and by the communications with the court of "^ge of the I • 1 1 • prince. Rome, to which that conduct gave occasion. Had James been guided by the wisdom which his flatter- ers so often ascribed to him, he would have united the prince with a Protestant consort, and thus given to his subjects the surest pledge that they had no cause to apprehend any attempt to undermine their religion. He acted, however, upon a very different principle. Even during the life of his amiable son, Henry, whose premature death was universally and deeply lamented, some negotiations had been set on foot for marrying that prince to a daughter of the King of Spain ; and, after his death, the same scheme was prosecuted, the Spanish minister artfully stating many reasons which influenced James to solicit for Charles the hand of one of the royal family of Spain, f A treaty accordingly was immediately * Burnet's Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamlhon, p. 29, and History of his own Times, Vol. I. p. 9. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. HI. folio, in Life of Spottiswoode, p. 69. Rushworth's Historical Collections from 1618 to 1629, published at London, 1682, p. 62 and 65. Collier's Ecclesiastical Histoiy, Vol. TL p. 730. Row, in his MS. History, speaking of the synod of Dort, says, '* It refuted the heresy and cor- rupt doctrines of the Arminians, quhilk was a comfort to all that bv- ed the truth of God." f Rushworth's Collections, Vol. I. p. 1, 2. 304} HISTOllY OF THE CHAP, commenced, but it was protracted for several years ,^^^^^ by the formality or insincerity of the Spanish court ; 1621. during which time the question respecting the in- dulgence to be shewn to Catholics was often discus- sed, and endeavours were made to ascertain upon what conditions the Pope would grant the dispen- sation, without which the marriage between parties of different religious persuasions could not take place. James was the dupe of the artifices of the Spanish and Papal courts j he believed that they "Were really desirous that the match should take place ; and, captivated by the prospect of acquiring the immense treasure which had been promised as the dowry of the princess, and by the expectation that the wretched fortunes of his son-in-law, the Elector of Palatine, would thus be improved, he shewed the utmost lenity to the adherents of the Popish faith, who threw off their reserve, and dis- played that ardent zeal for conversion by which at this period they were constantly actuated. * This spread alarm amongst all who valued the Protestant religion; and James, having summoned his parlia- ment, that assembly, before granting supplies, pre- pared a petition and remonstrance, in which the members deplored the great and growing mischiefs with which they were surrounded, ascribing these to the machinations of the Pope, and to the daring boldness of the Popish recusants, founded upon the * Row's MSS. History, p. 206. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. S05 expectation of the match with Spain, and the favour- chap. able consequences which would result from it. * The ^ King, however, was not thus to be checked in what i^si. he considered as the free exercise of his prerogative ; and, in the following year, he released from prison a 1622. number of priests and recusants who had violated the laws, enjoining the Lord-Keeper to write to the judges, '* not to make any niceness or difficulty in extend- ing the royal favour to all such as they should tind prisoners in the jails 01 their circuits, for any church recusancy, or refusing the oath of supremacy, or dispersing Popish books, or for any other point of recusancy that concerned religion only, and not matters of state." f Intelligence of the favour thus shewn to Popish Consequen- recusants, and of the endeavours to silence the mi- resuUed nisters who most zealously defended the doctrinal ^'""'^ ^J^ "' treatv tor a tenets of the church of England, was soon convey- Spanish ed to Scotland, and, from the situation of that king-"^^ dom, produced a powerful effect upon the minds of the people. + Whilst the most marked forbearance was shewn to Papists, they saw their revered and conscientious ministers harassed and oppressed, and deplored the ingenuity which was displayed in ag- gravating their suppo^ied offences that their punish- ment might be increased. Such a contrast struck * Rush worth's Collections, Vol. I. p. 40, 41. Camden's Annals of James the First, p. 58. f Rushworth's Collections, Vol. I. p. QZ. % Spottiswocde, p. 543. VOL. II, U 306 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, the ministers so forcibly that they could not refrain YTT ■.^^^^^ from alluding to it, and one of them, who had long 1622. experienced the vengeance of the High Court of Commission, thus commenced a letter to the Pri- mate : " It might be supposed, that, seeing I have been so many years under censure of banishment and imprisonment, I might now at last, in my old days, look for some pity and ease, and so much the rather, in respect that favour is now extended to the enemies of the truth and the state, command- ment being given to set them at large out of their wards and prisons ; we, that are Christ's servants and ministers, might be worthily blamed, if we ex- pected less than these have already obtained." * The appeal proved fruitless. The archbishop re- 28d Oct. turned a short and contemptuous answer ; but he was probably sensible of the force of what was stat- ed, and that it was necessary to efface the impres- sion that Popery was more countenanced than the religion in which his Majesty had been educated ; 14th Nov. for, a very short time after this, the King, in a let- ter which he sent to Scotland, declared, that al- though, for certain reasons of state, he had given freedom to some imprisoned Papists in England, yet it never was his mind to give liberty of con- * Calderwood's MSS. Vol. VI. towards the end, and printed His- tory, p. 798. Row's MS. History, p. 203. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. ni. folio, in Life of Spottiswoode, p. 89 — 91. Wodrow has inserted, in the life of the primate, many of his letters which throw light upon (he events of this period. XII. 1622. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 307 science to Papists, far less occasion to puritans chap, thereby to repine against his laws. He accordingly gave charge to execute the laws, both against the followers of Rome and the puritans. * In England, where his indulgence to Catholics was also most unpopular, he rested his defence of that indulgence upon a very different foundation, representing it as originating from his desire to procure similar indulgence to Protestants in foreign countries ; and it has hence been insinuated, that he was really guided by the wish to introduce that en- lightened toleration which is now happily enjoyed in Scotland by all religious denominations. The slightest attention, however, to the declaration which he made to his Scotish subjects, to the construc- tion of his mind, and to the general maxims of his i62s: reign, shew that this insinuation is unfounded, f Whilst the King was thus vindicating the mea- The Prince sures which he had lately adopted, the whole of hisand returni subjects were filled with amazement by the intelli- '" "^^^^" gence, that the Prince, accompanied only by the profligate Duke of Buckingham, had left Britain, with the romantic and hazardous design of marry- ing, at the court of Spain, the Princess whom his fa- * Caldefwood, p. 798, 799. Guthrie's History of Scotland, Vol. IX. p. 112. f Rushworth's Historical Collections, Vol. I. p. 63, 64. The apology for James, to which I have alluded, is suggested by Hume, Vol. IV. p. 81, of the Montrose edition of his History, and shews the Underness with which he regarded the Stuart family. 308 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, ther had destined for him. The personal danger t& ^^,^ which he might be exposed, the hazard that his 1623. principles would be corrupted, and that, even if these remained unshaken, he might be induced to make concessions repugnant to the feelings and principles of the inhabitants of Britain, painfully- agitated the minds of the people . and the venerable Archbishop Abbot, who, in consequence of having, while he was hunting, accidentally slain one of the company, had withdrawn from public life, thought himself called upon forcibly to remonstrate with the King against the infatuation of his counsels *. In Scotland, even the most zealous courtiers were staggered by the rashness of Charles, and the ministers who were dissatisfied with the innovadons, expressed their fears, that the journey would lead to the most unhappy alterations, both in the church- and the commonwealth, f Part of the apprehensions which had been so na- turally and so widely clierished, were fortunately- * Rapiii's History of England, Vol. II. p. 222. Rushworth's Hi's- torical Coliections, Vol. I. p. 8j. Collier's Ecclesiastical History, Vol. II. p 727, 728. Collier, after remarking that the letter was not only penned in a warm expostulatory style, but went to some extre- mities in coarse language, throws out some insinuations against its authenticity. He rests ihete upcn the authority of Heylin, which, when his prejudices are concerned, is of little weight. There is the strongest evidence that the leuer is authentic. Fuller, B. x. p. 106, quoted b^ Neal, Vol. II. p. 1 32. \ Spottiswoode, p. 544, compared with Calderwood, p. 801. Row's MS. p. 205. Letter of Earl of Melross to James, in Memo- rials, &.C. published by Lord Hailes, p. 1 IS, 1 14. i CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 309 soon dissipated ; for the Prince, with the utmost chap. XII fortitude, resisted the artful attempts which were v. made to seduce him from the Protestant religion, 1^24. and, having suddenly left Spain, he, to the great joy of his countrymen, reached Britain in safety. All idea of the marriage was after this relinquished, but the concessions which the King, at the request of the Pope and the Spanish monarch, had made in favour of Popery, increased the discontent which, during the last years of the reign of James, was so loudly expressed. * In Scotland, every method was employed to alien- ate the affections of the great body of the people from a government which sought to secure itself by persecution. They who, from conscientious mo- tives, were reluctant to take the sacrament kneeling, and who differed from such ministers as pressed with violence conformity to the articles of Perth, were constantly exposed to be dragged before the lords of the council ; — some men, respectable from their station and their influence, were sentenced to pay fines which involved them in ruin ; — all private meetings held that the former modes of worship might be practised, were denounced ;?— and the bi- shops were daily augmenting the number mark- ed out for punishment upon account of religion, when the intelligence of the King's death for a ^ Row's MS- History, p. 206. Rushworth's Collections, p. 104- 1 14. Rapin's History, Yol. II. p. 225 — 227. SIO HISTORY OF THE CHAP short time interrupted the severity of their inquisi- v^^K ^^^ tion. * M^rdfa?. James had for some weeks been afflicted with an Den.; of intermitting fever, which at length baffled all the the King. . . , efforts of his physicians, and having given to his successor some salutary advices, which he had him- self too much disregarded, he expired in the fifty- ninth year of his age. f His charac- The character of this monarch has, like that of most sovereigns, been exhibited in very different lights. By those who were attached to his person, or who venerated his zeal for the hierarchy, he has been represented as possessed of the deepest erudi- tion, and of the most gentle dispositions j his boun- ty has been extolled, and his love of peace been re- corded with the admiration which would have been justly due to it, had it originated from enlarged views of humanity. If splendour of talent, and profoundness of understanding alone could com- mand implicit belief, all doubt respecting the wis- dom and the virtues of James would be for ever re- moved ; for he has been celebrated in the warmest strain of panegyric by the illustrious Lord Bacon, a man to whose enlightened and elevated mind the * Calderwood, p. 801 — 815, has given a particular account of the proceedings against various persons. See also Calderwood's MSS. Vol. VI. p. CIO, 611. Row's MS. p. 20S. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. III. in Life of Spottiswoode, p. 97» 98. •f Calderwood, p. 815. Spottiswoode, p. 546. Row's MS. His- tory, p. 209, 210. Calderwood's MSS. Vol. VI. p. 620. 1625. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 311 human race are indebted for invaluable advantages, CHAP, but who tarnished his political and judicial conduct by prejudices and errors, upon which, in his case, it is peculiarly painful to reflect. The character of the King may be estimated much more justly from a dispassionate survey of his reign, and of the maxims by which, as a sovereign, he was directed. It is impossible to read the history of the events de- tailed in this work, without being led to the con- clusion, that he was, in his religious sentiments, versatile or insincere ; — and without perceiving, with an indignation which it is praise- worthy to feel, that he violated the most solemn assurances which he gave to his subjects,— -trampled on the rights which, by every tie, he was bound to hold sacred, — and endeavoured to attach to the crown an extent of prerogative which would have left those over whom he ruled at the mercy of the mo- narch, and would have introduced into Britain all the horrors of despotism. In his private life there is little to praise, but much which every friend of virtue must unequivocally condemn. He sub- mitted to the guidance of men whose worth- lessness should have excited his detestation ; he sunk into indolence, unfitting him for the exertions which he was imperiously called to make ; he changed the temperate habits of his youth, and sur- rendered himself to gluttony and to licentiousness. The conversation to which his flatterers listened with affected wonder, and which induced them to com- 8i2 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, pare him with Solomon the wisest of princes, wa^ .^•^y^f^ rendered offensive by impurity and by profaneness ; i62j. ^^^ although he was not so hardened as never to feel the compunctions of remorse, he was not im- pelled by these to attempt his amendment. The glory of England, which Elizabeth had raised so high, sunk during his administration, — his people were insulted by the inhabitants of foreign coun- tries,— whilst he himself was regarded with pity, or with contempt. Yet it must not be dissembled that he has been extolled by writers, who must have been convinced that he merited the praise which they bestowed; — a fact strikingly illustrating how much political prejudice can bewilder the under- standing, and pervert that moral judgment which might be expected to be beyond its influence. * * Ruslnvorth, in his Historical Collections, Vol. I. p. 155 — 160, has given the character of James, as drawn by various writers, and, amongst the rest, by Lord Bacon. Rapin's Hist, of England, Vol. JI. p. 1'35, 236. Court and Character of King James, by Sir An- thony Weldon, published at London 1650, and lately reprinted in a work, entitled, Secret History of the Court of King James the First. Collier's Ecclesiastical History, Vol. II. p. 730, 731. Burnet's His- tory of his own Times, Vol. I. p. 1 9, compared with his Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton, p. 99. Hume's History, Vol. IV. Montrose edition, p 96. This writer remarks, " That, in maintaining his own authority, James might perhaps be suspected in a few ef his actions, and still more of his pretensions, to have somewhat encroached upon the liberties of his peoj^ile ;" — an observation sufficiently shewing how tenderly Hume was disposed to estimate the errors of kings. Spoltis- w^ode, p. 546, at the very time that the High Commission and the tyranny of the lords of the council were deplored in Scotland, or while the recollection of them was fresh upon his mind, could thus CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 313 During the long period which elapsed from the CHAP, time that James, in infancy, ascended the throne of \,^^yi^ Scotland, till his death, a remarkable change took '625. Change in place in the sentiments of many who had embraced the state of the reformed faith, with respect to questions con- scoUand" nected with ecclesiastical polity. When the refor- dunng his . . reign. mation was first introduced, all who hailed it as restoring religious liberty, and opening the way to the knowledge of divine truth, united their efforts in preserving its blessings, and in promoting its in- fluence ; and exposed, as they were, to persecution, they considered themselves as engaged in the same glorious cause, whatever form the church, of which they were members, had assumed. Hence the re- formed churches regularly corresponded with each other, receiving, as duly authorized, the ministers ordained by them, and viewing, as brethren, all "W'rite of the departed monarch : " He was the Solomon of this age, admired for his wise government, and for his knowledge of all man- ner of learning. For his wisdom, moderation, love of justice, — for ]iis patience and piety, which shined above all his other virtues, and is witnessed in the learned works which he left to posterity, his name §hall never be forgotten, but remain in honour so long as the world endureth. We that have had the honour and happiness, many times, to hear him discourse of the most weighty matters, as well of policy as of divinity, now that he is gone, must comfort ourselves with the remembrance of these excellencies, and reckon it not the least part of our happiness to have lived in his days." In this sentiment many of the persecuted ministers would have found it difficult to acquiesce, and they would also, however they might have allowed him to be peaceful, have Jiesitated in ascribing to him the epithet of just, with which the history of the primate concludes. 914 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, who adhered to the cardinal principle, that scrip- ^it-sy^ ture is to Christians the sole rule of faith and con- 1625, duct. Accordingly, although from particular cir- cumstances, which, in tracing the history of the re- formation, have been detailed, superintendents were introduced instead of bishops into Scotland, the church of England, in which the hierarchy had been preserved, was regarded as a true church, holding in purity the doctrines of the gospel. Act- ing upon these maxims, episcopacy, with some mo- difications, soon supplanted the original polity ; and although public opinion was averse to the change, it might have continued, had not the narrow views of the Earl of Morton disposed the ministers to any revolution through which they hoped to increase their influence, and to obtain that portion of the re- venues of the church which, although often pro- mised, was unjustly and unwisely withheld. Yet they did not at once embrace the notions which Melvil, upon his return from Geneva, disseminated; and even after his scheme was sanctioned, a judi- cious ruler might have succeeded in quietly re- moving it, and in giving to ecclesiastical discipline the aspect which he wished it to assume. After the accession of James to the English throne, the attachment to presbytery not only increased, but that form of polity came to be identified with reli- gion itself; it was considered as enjoined by the word of God, and as the essential requisite of 9 Christian church. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 315 But this was not the full extent of the evil which CHAP. XII the vexatious administration of James, and the in- v,^ ^^ quisitorial proceedings of the High Court of Com- ^^25. mission produced. It has often been observed, that all denominations of Christians have, in their turn, unsheathed the sword of persecution ; and that they who mourned under it, no sooner wrest- ed it from their enemies, than they employed it in inflicting upon others the calamities which they had themselves deplored. This is one of the many pernicious consequences which naturally result from persecution. He who, in adhering to any pecu- liar tenet of religion, has encountered misfortune or suifering, is thus led to view that tenet as much more important than he might otherwise have con- sidered it ; and even while the arm of power is stretched forth against him, he cherishes the per- suasion, that he is bound to inculcate his doctrine, and to oppose whatever thwarts its influence, or im- pedes its reception. Hence he becomes intolerant ; and the moment that he can do so, he does not he- sitate to persecute, deluding himself with the idea, that although his external conduct is the same with that which he had reprobated, the motives by which he is influenced, renders it, when practised by him, the unequivocal proof of sincere attach- ment to the purity of religion. And if the cause of liberty should have been implicated with his opi- nions, he fortifies his error by the persuasion, that he is directed by the warmest patriotism, no less 516 HISTORY OP THE CHAP, than by the most fervent devotion. This detail, XII. .^^s^^^i^ and these observations, are submitted to the reader, 1C25. to prepare him for the nevs^ character which the Scotish presbyterians in the following reign assum- ed, and to account for that inveteracy against prelacy, and those unchristian vievi's with respect to tolera- tion, by which they were so remarkably distinguish- ed, and which, without proper attention to the cir- cumstances in which they were previously placed, and to the gradual operation of causes which had long existed, might so readily appear inexplicable, and excite a degree of astonishment and disgust, with which, had there been nothing to extenuate their malignity, they would most deservedly have been regarded. CHUItCH OF SCOTLAND. 317 CHAPTER THIRTEENTH. Accesaion of Charles to the Throne.. ..His Marriage. ...A Farliamejit.... Arbitrary Measures of the Court... .Its designs promoted by the Clergy.... Another Parlia- ment...The King's attention directed to Scotland.... Conduct of the Bishops. ...The Presbyterian Divines preserve their Infiueme.... Proposals for introducing the Litwgy.. ..The King visits Scotland. ...His Coronation..-. A Parliament. ..Activity of Laud.... Bishopric ofEdiii' burgh founded ...State of Scotland. ...Death of Arch- bishop Abbot.. .Discontent in Scotland increased.... Trial and Candemnatinn of Lord Balmerino.... Eleva- tion of Churchmen to the highest Offices tf the State.... Scotland apparently tranquil. ...Book of Canons. ...Dis. content excited by it. ...Reasons assigned by the King for iynposing the Canoiis....They are not resisted by Acts of. Violence,. .The Liturgy ...Proclamation zcith respect to it... IntelligeHce of this Proclamation renevcs discon- tent... TJie Introduction of the Liturgy deferred.. ..Agi. tation of the Public Mind. ...Causes of the Resolution to introduce the Liturgy. ...Tumult upon occasion of its Leins read.... Remarks. Immediately after the decease of James, his only cHAP. son Charles was, with the usual solemnities, pro- .^^Ij claimed. Never did a sovereign ascend a throne 1625. It ' r • \. Accession when there was greater necessity tor respectmg thCof charles sentiments and . teehngs of his subjects. D&ring \° ^^\ 318 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, the life of his father, just principles of government, 5CTTT • • • • ,^^J^^ notwithstanding the arbitrary maxims espoused by 1625. that monarch had been extensively disseminated, religious liberty was even in England highly valued, and anxiously desired ; whilst in Scotland, the pub- lic mind was in a state of agitation or apprehension, which it was of the utmost importance to allay or to remove. The commencement of a reign always affords an opportunity for safely retreating from measures unpopular or pernicious. Mankind are naturally inclined to hope, that a prince just ele- vated to the throne, will promote the happiness of his people ; and when this is strengthened by his gracious demeanour, the happiest effects may be expected to result. Had Charles profited by the lessons which late events forcibly inculcat- ed, availed himself of the advantages of his situa- tion, and impressed his subjects with the convic- tion, that he considered his interest and his glory as identified with their prosperity and their com- fort, he might have checked the operation of causes which were daily acquiring strength, which soon destroyed his peace, and which produced con- vulsions, from which the nation at this time would have revolted with horror. But unfortunately he had early imbibed political prejudices, which led him to adopt the most impru- dent conduct, whilst his religious opinions attached him to the policy which it would have been wis- dom to forsake. Educated in the sentiments of his CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. ill 9 father, he was wedded to the most erroneous Ideas CHAP, XIII respecting the nature and extent of his prerogative ; s*^n^ he conceived, that the sole design and use of par- ^^2^' liament was to furnish, in the easiest and most ef* fectual manner, the supplies which he required ; and that, if it proved refractory, he might adminis* ter his government without its controul* James had displayed such versatility in his reli* gious principles ; and, after his arrival in England, had so completely departed from the solemn pro- fessions of his earlier years, that there is much rea- son for believing, that he supported the hierarchy merely from its being calculated, in his estimation, to establish his power ; but Charles was convinced, that episcopacy, as it existed in the English church, was sanctioned by revelation, and that to modify or change it would be a breach of the most sacred duty. To all this, which in his circumstances tended to alienate the confidence of the nation, must be added his cold and forbidding manner. He received the attentions which, in the warmth of loyalty, were paid to him, with the most mortifying indifference ; he made no effort to attach those whom a little condescension would have gained ; and even when he bestowed a favour, he did it so ungraciously, that aversion or disgust extinguished the gratitude which would otherwise have been ex* cited and cherished. * * Rapitt's History, Vol. II. p. 237 — 239. Burnet's Memoirs of 320 HISTORY or THE CHAP. In his counsellors he was also singularly unfoi*- "VTTT y^^^^^^ tunate. Captivated by the address of the Duke of 1625. Buckingham, who having ingratiated himself with James, had been rapidly exalted to the highest honours, he resigned to him the whole direction of the government. Buckingham was certainly pos- sessed of splendid talents, but he was viewed with envy by many of the nobles. He was rendered arro- gant by success, and, impelled by violent passions, which no prudential considerations led him to re- strain, he often, in gratifying these, lost all re- spect for the dignity of parliament and the privi- leges of its members. * In what regarded the church, the King was al- most completely directed by Laud, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, who, through Buck- ingham, had acquired the royal favour ; but v.ho, from being constitutionally rash and violent, was disqualified for conducting ecclesiastical measures at a period, when moderation and Christian forbear- ance were so imperiously required, f The King's Soon after the King's accession, his marriage marriage, 24th June, !N. S. the Dukes of Hamilton, p. 29, and History of Iiis own Tirnes, Vol. I. p. 23. Neal's History of the Puritans, Vol. 11. p. 148 — 150, and Vol. III. p. f?20, 321. * Rushworth's Collections, VoL I. p. 167. Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, Vol. I. p. G, 9, 21 and 26, folio edit. Oxford, 170'/. Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 1, edit. London, 17S2. f Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 69 and 72. Rapin, Vol. II. p. 240. Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 18. Neal's History of the Puritans, Vol. II. p. 151—153. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, 321 with Henrietta, the sister of the French monarch, cHAP. XTTI which had been previously arranged, was solemniz- ^.^^^ ed ; an event which, in whatever degree it contri- 1625. buted to his domestic happiness, increased the dif- J"^« ^^' ficulties with which, in his public capacity, he was called to struggle ; for it excited apprehensions re- garding religion ; apprehensions which were after- wards much increased by the deference which, sub- sequently to the death of Buckingham, he paid to the sentiments and counsels of his beautiful con- sort. * Upon his ascending the throne, he displayed A parlia- much anxiety to assemble his parliament, fully con- vinced that he would receive the most liberal sup- plies for prosecuting the war with Spain, the decla- ration of which had been most acceptable to the people. He opened the session by a short speech, in which he directed the attention of the commons to this subject, and he embraced the opportunity of alluding to aspersions which, even at this early pe- riod, had been cast upon the sincerity of his attach- ment to the Protestant faith. " Last of all," he told them, " because some malicious men may, and, as I hear, have given out, that 1 am not so true a keep- er and maintainer of the true religion that I pro- fess, I assure you that I may, with St Paul, say, that * Rushworth's Collections, Vol. I. p. I70. Row's MS. p. 210. Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 1. Grainger's Biograpbical History of England, Vol. II. p. 96. VOL. II. X, 322 HISTORY OF THE GHAP. I have been trained up at Gamaliers feet ; and af ^ N,^-,^ though I shall never be so arrogant as to assume -^(^25. unto myself the rest, I shall so far shew the end of it, that all the world may see that none hath been, or ever shall be, more desirous to maintain the reli- gion I profess than I shall be."* He had, however, the mortification to find, that: parliament did not rely for the security of the Pro- testant religion even upon this gracious assurance ; for one of its first acts was a petition against Popish recusants, and several of its proceedings had for their object to resist certain doctrines which the di- vines most noted for their high political tenets and' their mild opposition to Popery, had publicly en- forced, -j- The King returned to .the petition a genera^, though favourable answer, but his conduct in the estimation of parliament did not correspond to that August, answer ; for, when it again met at Oxford, to which city it had been adjourned in consequence of the devastation by the plague in London, complaints were made by it, that notwithstanding his promise, communicated to the house, a pardon had, at the solicitation of a foreign ambassador, been granted to a number of Papists ; and that orders had been * Rushworth's Collections, Vol. I. p. 172. Clarendon's History, Vol. I. p. 21. f Rushworth, Vol. I. p. 173. Whitelocke's MemorIals,p. 1. Ra- pin, Vol. II. p. i:0. Collier's Ecclesiastical History of Britain, Vo II. p. 7SS — 735. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 323 issued by the secretary of state to two justices of CHAP, peace, not to proceed against a woman, who, under ^ suspicious circumstances, had refused to take the 1^25 oath of allegiance. When these facts were repre- sented to the King, accompanied by a request that he would give speedy and effectual redress, he re- solved minutely to reply to all the parts of the pe- tition respecdng religion, which, at the commence- ment of the parliament, had been submitted to him. Having ordered the members of the two houses to meet him at Christ-Church, he declared his specific resolutions upon the various remedies which they had suggested for checking the dissemination of Popery, promising that he would act in such a man- ner as could not fail to satisfy all his subjects. He concluded his address by intimating his satisfaction that they had reminded him of taking care of reli- gion ; telling them, however, that he would have granted all which he had conceded, although they had not petitioned him, because he was led to it by conscience and duty to his father, who, in his last speech, had recommended to him the person, but not the religion of the Queen. '" The concessions, although they could not fail to be gratifying to men who dreaded the increasing influence of opinions and practices which they view- * Rushworth, in his Historical Collections, Vol. I. p. 281— 2S6, has inserted the petition, the remedies, and the King's answer. The whole is a most interestbg document. S24 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, ed as incompatible with the liberty and the inde- \^^K ^ pendence of the nation, did not produce harmony 1625, between the parliament and the Sovereign. The commons persisted in their refusal to enlarge the scanty supply which they had voted, unless all the grievances of which they complained were redressed; and the King, irritated by what, in common with Buckingham, he reprobated as factious obstinacy, and by the freedom with which some of his minis- ters had been censured, hastily, and in anger, dis- 12th Aug. solved the parliament. * Arbitrary This rash Step was immediately succeeded by measures. r i i • i the commencement or those arbitrary and uncon- stitutional exertions of the prerogative, which fil- led even the steadiest friends of monarchy with dismay,— which subverted the liberties of the king- dom, and rendered resistance a duty which every man owed, not merely to the nation at large, but to his own security, and to the freedom and happiness of his posterity. The King, unable to carry on the war with the slender revenues with which he had been furnished, addressed letters to the lord-lieuten- ants of the different counties, in which, after in- forming them that the state of the treasury render- ed it necessary for him to borrow from gentlemen and others, he required them to report the names of such persons as they thought able to contribute, * Rush worth, p. 191. Whitelocke, p. 2. Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 22» Collier's Ecclesiastical History of Britain, Vol. II. p. 735. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 325 passing over, however, the nobility and clergy ; and cHAP. • XTTT to all who were in consequence reported, letters ^^^ ^^ under the privy- seal, and in the King's name, were i626. issued, in which the confidence of the sovereign was expressed, that they would with alacrity pay the small sum with which they were charged, and they were assured that it should, within eighteen months, be repaid. * The money raised in this manner was too inconsiderable to relieve the pecu- niary embarrassments of government, whilst the mode of raising it powerfully increased that jealousy of the court, and that conviction of the necessity of unremitting vigilance on the part of the people, which parliament had so unequivocally expressed. Accordingly, when the King found it prudent again to convene that assembly, although he attempted to «th Feb. gain the favour of the commons by some vigorous measures against Popish recusants, they immediate- ly resumed the obnoxious subject of grievances, and insisted so firmly upon these being redressed, that, after much acrimony, parliament was dissolv- leth June, ed.f By this dissolution, the supplies which might have been obtained were not given, and the most oppres- sive schemes were formed for replenishing the trea- sury. All who were represented as possessed of * Rushworth, Vol. J. p. 193. f Rushworth, Vol. I. p. i98. Whitfilocke'» Memorials, p. 2-«-7. Rapin's History, Vol. II. p. 244—252. 326 HISTORY OF THE CHAP wealth were commanded to contribute; — -such as .^^^^ ^ refused, were imprisoned ;— the most dignified law- 162G. yers, who should have restrained the excesses of the executive power, basely betrayed the rights of their fellow-subjects, whilst the tyrannical courts of Com- mission and Star-Chamber, created by the sove- reign, and paying no regard to the laws of the kingdom, pronounced the most irritating sentences against those who did not tamely submit to illegal and scandalous exactions. Such daring invasions of li- berty, daily witnessed, could not fail, in the temper in which the nation previously was, to cherish dis- affection. Many industriously insinuated that there was a fixed intention to alter the government, both in church and state ; and even they who disapproved the high tone which parhament had assumed, and thought that the King had some ground of com- plaint, scandalized at a declaration which he at this time published to justify his conduct, could not al- together resist the impression which the discontent- ed endeavoured to make upon the pubHc mind. * Designs of Although some of the clergy, and particularly tlic court promoted WilHams, the Bishop of Lincoln, who had been lord- by the cler- j^g^p^j. ^f fjjg seals. Were averse to the proceedings of the court, yet too many of the sacred order em- ployed their influence in bending the people tosub- * Clarendon's History, Vol. I. p. 52 — 55. Rushworth's Historical Collections, VoL I. p. 412 — 4! 4. Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 7, Collier, Vol. II. p. 740. CH'URCH OF SCOTLAND, 327 mission, inculcating doctrines respecting the autho- chap. • • - XIII lity of kings repugnant to all just ideas of the na- v,.,,^^ ture of good government. Doctor Sibthorpe de- lese. clared, in a sermon which he preached and publish- ed, " That it is the duty of the king to direct and make laws ; that where the word of the king is, there is power ; and who may say unto him, What dost thou ?" He also affirmed, that " if princes do any thing, which subjects may not perform, because it is against the. laws of God and nature, or impos- sible, yet subjects are bound to undergo the punish- ment, without either resisting, or railing, or reviling, and so to yield a passive obedience where they cannot exhibit an active one. I know," he added, *' no other case but one of these three, wherein a sub- ject may excuse himself with passive obedience, but in all others he is bound to active obedience.** This sermon was dedicated to the King, but the ve- nerable Archbishop of Canterbury having refused to license it, the Bishop of London gave it his sanc- tion, asserting, that it was a sermon learnedly and discreetly preached. To enforce the raising of mo- ney by the prerogative. Doctor Mainwanng, in a discourse preached before his Majesty, did not hesi- tate to affirm, *' That they who refused to pay the loan offended against the law of God and the King's supreme authority, and became guilty of impiety, disloyalty, and rebellion ; that the authority of par- liament was not necessary for raising aids and sub- sidies ; and that the slow proceedings of such great S28 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, assemblies were not fitted for the supply of the XIII. . . rr J V^^ ^'^^ State's urgent necessities, but would rather produce 1626. sundry impediments to the just design of princes."* Such tenets, had they been advanced merely as the political sentiments of individuals, might have been treated with the contempt which they merited, but, countenanced, as they were, by the Sovereign, and daily carried into practice, they spread alarm through the kingdom, and gave strength to that spirit, which, in a few years, defied control. 1628. The imprudence of the court, which, impelled pa^nLment ^Y Buckingham, declared war against France, for- March 17. ced Charles, notwithstanding his experience of the views of that assembly, again to assemble parlia- ment. He delivered a speech, plainly intended to intimidate those who heard it ; but the feelings of patriotism could not be repressed. The commons wisely determined to resist oppression, and they made the most strenuous efforts to effectuate such a change of policy as would have benefited the kingdom, and restored to the sovereign the affec- tions of his people. It belongs not, however, to this history, to detail these efforts, efforts which were anxiously directed against the encroachments of Popery rendered peculiarly formidable by the alacrity shewn by the Catholics to assist the King ; — * Rushworth, Vol. I. p. 422, 423. Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 8. Collier's Ecclesiastical History of Britain, Vol. II. p. 740. Even this historian admits that Sibthorpe carried the prerogative to an unwar- rantable length. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 329 it is sufficient to observe, that, after many remon- CHAP, strances and negociations, parliament was dissolved ; v,^v-^ and that the King not only avowed his determina- tion not to call another, but imprisoned some of ^^^^' the members who had been most active in limiting the prerogative. * A considerable period intervened between this dissolution and the meeting of the memorable long parliament, during which Clarendon declares that the kingdom enjoyed the greatest calm, and the fullest measure of felicity ; but the calm was the de- ceitful tranquillity which despotism often produces - and the felicity which the noble historian celebrates, was the treacherous veil of satisfaction spread over the indignant feelings of suppressed patriotism, f This slight view of the commencement of the reign of Charles, and of the manner in which he administered his government, is necessary for throw- ing light upon the momentous events which soon took place, and should be steadily contemplated, when the vigorous efforts for freedom in the two British kingdoms are surveyed and estimated. For some years after Charles ascended the throne, igg^, his attention was so engrossed with foreign policy, ^ ."S*' and with the affairs of England, that he did not directed to materially interfere with the religious opinions of * Rushworth's Collections, under 1628, 1629. Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 72. Whitelocke, p. 9 — 13. t Clarendon's History, Vol. I. p. 52 and SS, 330 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, his Scotish subjects. He early, indeed, announced ^^j^ his resolution to enforce the articles of Perth, and 1626. declared his approbation of the ecclesiastical inno- ^ ' vations which his father had introduced ; but he did pot alter the situation of the church with respect to its discipline, or to the ceremonies which it observ- ed, * He made, however, some important regula- tions regarding property, and the temporal condi- tion of the clergy. The patrimony of the church, with the tithes or teinds which had constituted the ample revenues of the Popish priesthood, had, during the preceding reign, been under certain conditions annexed to the crown, but James had granted these to such of his subjects as had gained his favour, and had thus ma- terially diminished what was intended to give splen- dour to the throne. From the grants thus made, much hardship had resulted to various classes of the community. It often happened, that the tithes were conveyed to persons who had no right to the estates out of which these duties were paid ; and, as the law of Scotland prohibited the proprietors of the soil from removing the crop from the fields, till the tenth part had been carried away by the ti- tular or proprietor of teinds, and as this was often vexatiously delayed, it was not uncommon to see * Wodrow's MSS. Vol. III. in Life of Spottiswoode, p. 101, 102. Row's MS- Histor)', p. 211. In both these works, the proclamation enforcing the articles is inserted. Kirkton's MSS. as quoted by VVod>j row, Vol. III. in Life of Spottiswoode, p. 120. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. SSI the grain which might have been safely stored, da- CHAP, maged or destroyed. The titulars, denominated ^.^g^^-^ from the grants recently made to them, the lords of ^^^e, the new erection, also pressed severely upon the clergy, paying to them whatever sum they chose to assign to them, and frequently doing this so irregu- larly, that the ministers were not only poor, but in a state of dependance most unfavourable for men- tal exertion, and for that upright discharge of their duties which it was so important to secure. These evils were, in the strongest manner, represented to the King, who, desirous to give redress, and at the same time to increase his own revenue, determined to make a general revocation of all grants of church property, and afterwards to form such regulations as would relieve the landed proprietors, and deli- ver the clergy from the hardships under which they had so long suffered. This scheme excited much discontent in those who had been enriched chiefly by the plunder of the church ; they resolved to op- pose it ; and they threw in the way of its execution so 1027. many obstacles, that, in its original form, it was pru- dently abandoned. The proprietors of ttinds, how- ever, were induced to make a surrender of these teinds, and a commission, under the great seal, was issued to a number of noblemen and gentlemen for 26th Jun®. regulating the points connected with this important business. The commissioners spent much time in investigating the matter ; and, after mature delibera- tion, they ordained that the former practice of tak- 332 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, i^g the teind should be discontinued ; they fixed ^^^^Ly the value of teinds, giving the owners of land a 1627. right to purchase them at that value ; they followed the same mode as to the superiorities of abbey lands; and, for the relief of the clergy, they decern- ed that eight chalders of victual should be regular- ly paid to each parish minister by the proprietors of the tithes. These just resolutions were received by all parties with the utmost satisfaction, and they ex- pressed to the King the gratitude with which, by his royal condescension, they had been inspired. * The tendency of regulations so just in them- selves, and so directly contributing to the comfort and the prosperity of a large part of the commu- nity, was to attach the people to the government of Charles, and to incline the clergy to give to it their support ; and, had the King and the bishops availed * Row's MS. History, p. 213—216. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. III. , in life of Spottiswoode, p. 103, and 108, 109. King's large Decla- ration, written by Balquanqual, revised by his Majesty, and published 1639, p. 1 — 9. This publication gave much offence to the zealous presbyterians ; and, m the Assembly of 1639, (see Acts, p. 9.), they presented a supplication to the King's commissioner against it, in which ihey declared, that it contained many false, gross, and absurd passages. It is however vindicated by Bishop Burnet, in his Memoir? of the Dukes of Hamilton, p. 116. He asserts, that it was most un- justly charged with being full of lies and calumnies j and he has shewn, that it gives accurate copies of the many official papers which were issued in the memorable year to which it refers. Collier's Ecclesias- tical History of Britain, Vol. II. p. 7.5(). Mun*ay's Collection of Acts of Parliament under 1633. Burnet's History of his own Times, VoU 1. p. 8, and 23, 24. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 3SS themselves of this favourable impression, and sought CHAP. • XIII to secure the public esteem, it is not impossible that ,^ a new direction might have been given to the state i^^?. of opinion, and that the antipathy with which epis- copacy had been regarded, might have been weak- ened or removed. But there were many causes which counteracted the feelings now excited, and converted them into dissatisfaction and complaint. Although the lords of the new erection had receiv- ed for the tithes what was considered as a fair va- lue, and had expressed their satisfaction with the commutation, they soon found that their influence was diminished; they looked back with regret to the power which they had been accustomed to ex- ercise over the ministers and the proprietors of land ; and, in their anxiety to recover that power, or to gratify the ambition which the possession of it had cherished, they opened their minds to impressions, leading them to unite with those who complained that their rights had been infringed by the govern- ment. * Discontent was also increased by the ap^ prehension, that, although the act of revocation had been suspended, or so modified as to remove all reasonable cause of complaint, the King was secretly- desirous to carry it into effect, and to transfer to the church, from which, at the commencement of the reformation they had been wrested, those es- * Large Declaration, p, 9, 10. Collier's Ecclesiastical History ef Britain, Vol. II. p. 766. SS4 HISTORY OP fHE CHAP, tates which the nobility had long enjoyed. Thc^ s^^^,^^ earnest desire which Charles felt to provide suitable 1627. revenues for the bishops, he had, without reserve, manifested. He had purchased from the families of Lennox and of Hamilton, the domains con- nected with the abbey of Arbroath, and the lord* ship of Glasgow, and had assigned these to the two archbishops. He intended that this should serve as a precedent for the surrender of such lands as he wished to convey to the prelates, and he Was much gratified, when several of his subjects offered to him, at a lov/ valuation, the church-lands which they possessed. * Conduct of Much however of the dlssaffection which was ra- theBishops. pidly spreadmg over the community, must be attri- buted to the conduct of some of the bishops them- selves. The prelates appointed by James had a strong inclination to promote his views with respect to the church, yet, intimately acquainted as they were with the feelings, the antipathies, and the principles of the people, they saw the danger of not paying to these some degree of deference and respect. Although James occasionally reproved them for their caution, he saw the importance of supplying the vacancies which happened amongst them by men whom they recommended, and, for this purpose, selected bishops from the list of candi- * Large declaration, p. G, 7. Burnet's History of his own Times, Vol. I. p. 23, 24. Guthrie's History of Scotland, Vol. IX. p. 180, IS 1; and 183. I CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 33^ dates which they framed. Charles, or rather Laud, chap. XIII by whom he was guided, deviated from this salu- v^^^^^ tary practice ; and the new prelates were chosen 1^27. from those who had obtained the favour of the court by their bold and intemperate zeal for the ec- clesiastical innovations which were still contemplat- ed. These prelates sought still farther to ingratiate themselves with Laud, by warmly espousing the Arminian tenets which he inculcated ; by neglecting the prudent suggestions of the elder bishops ; and by giving very erroneous views of the religious state of Scotland ; leading to the belief, that there was no obstacle to prevent the complete assimilation of the Scotish church with the church of England. To the inferior clergy, they conducted themselves with a haughtiness or reserve, which excited indignation in men who had not forgotten the parity and free discussion sanctioned by the presbyterian discipline ; whilst, elated by the dignity of the episcopal office, and by the partiality with which they were regard- ed by the sovereign, they assumed to all ranks a loftiness of demeanour which filled the nobles with the most violent indignation. * Whilst the higher orders of the episcopal clergy The pres- were thus confirminsr the preiudices entertained a- '^v'^'^'^" *-> r J divines pre- serve their * Wodrow's MSS. Vol. III. folio, in Life of Spottlswoode, p. 115. '"^"^""' Bishop Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 13—15. Burnet's Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton, p. 30. Collier, Vol. II. p. 755. Balfour's MSS. quoted by Guthrie, in his History of Scotland, Vol. IX. p. 1S2. Ra- pin, Vol. II. p. 300. 336 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, gainst them, the presbyterians did not fall to im* XIII • . y^^^^^^ prove the influence which their zeal and their doc- 1627. trine had acquired. Although they were restrained from open exertion by the unconstitutional and ar- bitrary proceedings of the High Court of Commis- sion, they privately intimated to those on whom they could depend, that the first Sunday of every month would be set apart for fasting and humiliation; and upon these days, they enlarged upon the dangers which were to be apprehended from episcopacy, re- presenting it as militating against the great objects which the reformers were eager to secure. Their discourses were heard with much attention ; and the effect of them was increased by the support which several of the nobility, jealous of the growing am- bition and affluence of the church, gave to the ad- vocates of a form of polity which left them in the unmolested possession of their wealth, and of those civil honours and preferments which, from the era of the reformation, had been conferred exclusively upon the most distinguished of the laity. * Proposals About this time the King, delivered from the ducing the embarrassment of a French war, formed the resolu- ""rgy. j.-^^ j.^ prosecute the design which his father had entertained, of regulating, by the forms of the Eng- lish church, the mode in which public worship was to be performed in Scotland. It has been already mentioned, that, from one Assembly, a reluctant * Gutlirie's MemoIrs; p. 8. Collier's History, and Burnet's Me- moirs, as last quoted. €HURCH OF SCOTLAND. 337 approbation of a liturgy had been extorted. The CHAP, state of Scotland, and the indolence of the King, ^ had however prevented him from acting upon it ; ^^^t. but his son, zealously devoted to the hierarchy, en- joined the bishops to proceed in what he conceived to be so requisite for the decency and utility of the services of the church. Upon receiving the royal mandate, they sent to London, Maxwell, afterwards Bishop of Ross, a zealous and able clergyman, who, upon his arrival, waited upon Laud, and conferred with that superstitious prelate upon the measures which were to be adopted. Laud insisted upon the propriety of at once introducing the English liturgy; but Maxwell prudently suggested, that this might again excite that dread of English ascendancy which had long been entertained, and proposed, that, to prevent this, some alterations in the liturgy- should be made. The point was referred to the King, who decided in favour of Laud's opinion ; but from some causes which have not been parti- cularly recorded, probably from the remonstrances of the most experienced of the Scotish bishops, nothing was done in this matter till Charles, several years afterwards, visited his native kingdom. * He had long been desirous to come to Scotland, King visiu Scotland. * Wodrow's MSS. Vol. III. folio, in Life of Spottlswoode, p. 115. Collier's Ecclesiabtical Histery of Britain, Vol. 11. p. 775. Life of Spottiswoode, in Crawford's Lives of Officers of State, p. 174, 175. Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, Vol. 1, p. 63, 64, VOL. U. Y 338 , HISTORY OF THE CHAP, that he might formally receive the crown, and hav- vj^"]^ '^^^ ^t length procured that ominous tranquillity 16.'?'?. which followed the suspension of parliaments, he 13th June! began his journey. Upon his arrival, he was re- ceived by the Scotish nobles with every expression of the warmest loyalty ; they attended him to Edin- burgh ; and, that they might honour him with a suit- able display of magnificence, they expended vast sums of money, which exhausted their Hmited re- venues, and, by involving them in pecuniary difS- culties, fostered discontent, and prepared them for opposition. * 18th June. In a few days after reaching the metropolis, he His corona- was crowned by Archbishop Spottiswoode, in the palace of Holyroodhouse, amidst the joyful accla- mations of his subjects. During the ceremony. Laud, who had attended his sovereign, gave a strik- ing proof of the violence by which he was distin- guished. The Archbishop of Glasgow having ap- peared without the splendid vestments which had been prepared for the prelates. Laud thrust him from the left hand of the King, and placed in his room Maxwell, one of the most obsequious of the new bishops, t * Clarendon's History, Vol. I. p. 61, 62. Balfour's MSS. quoted by Guthrie, Vol. IX. p. 206, note. Burnet's Ir^istory of his own Times, Vol. I. p. 25. Wodrow's MSS- Vol. 111. folio, in Life of Spottiswoode, p. IS. Rushworth's Collections, Vol. II. p. 175, 176, and 181, 182, published in London ICSO. Whitelocke's Memorials, p. i8. f Franklyn's Annals of James and Charlei I. London, 168L tion. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 339 Soon after his coronation, Charles assembled the CHAP. T^ , r • . . XIII. parliament, trom the nature or its constitution, „^^i^^ he possessed a powerful influence over its delibera- i^^^?* tions ; but, not satisfied with this, he shewed that it mem, could expect his favour only by being in all things " regulated by his will. Soon after his father ascend- ed the throne of England, an act had been passed in Scotland, declaratory of the extent of the royal prerogative ; and, in three years after, another act was sanctioned respecting the habits of churchmen, concluding with this extraordinary concession, that whatever in this matter should be ordained by his Majesty, should, without the intervention of the es- tates, have the force of a law. The concession, as is evident from the statute, was intended as a com- pliment to the wisdom of James, but was not de- signed to confer a general power upon his succes- sors. Full of the designs of Laud to introduce in- to the church the utmost splendour of dress, and to burden divine worship with ceremonies little consonant to the spiritual nature of Christianity, Charles was anxious that the privilege which has been mentioned, and which his father wisely never exercised, should be given to him. To gratify him, the lords of the articles combined in one act the two statutes to which I have alluded ; but when the new law was read in parliament, it was encounter- Wodrow's MSS. Vol. III. folio, In Life of Spottiswoodc, p. 131. Row's MS. p. 252. Laud's Diary. 340 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, ed by a determined spirit of resistance. The Earl .^- ^ of Rothes conducted the opposition. He expressed 1633. his perfect acquiescence in the renewal of the act relating to the prerogative, but he insisted that it should not be combined with the other which had been incorporated with it ; urging, that the part of the law regulating the habits of churchmen, was inconsistent with the liberties of the church, and ought not, without its concurrence, to be enacted. The King was much offended with this conduct of Rothes, which he probably supposed that his own presence would have prevented ; he refused to ac- cede to the reasonable proposal which that noble- man had made, and commanded him to desist from reasoning, and simply to give his vote. Having repeated this injunction to the other lords who sup- ported Rothes, he took, into his own hand a list of the members, and marked their votes. The majo- rity was hostile to the court, and Charles could not fail to know from the paper which he held that this was the case. The clerk of parliament, however, whose office it was to announce the deci- sion, scandalously affirmed, that the act, as present- ed, was approved ; and when Rothes denied this, the Kmg, instead of acdng with the dignity and honour which might have been expected even from the humblest individual, gave his sanction to the falsehood of the clerk ; and maintained, that as it was a capital crime to corrupt the records of par- liament, they who accused another of doing so. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 341 tnust, if they failed in establishing the charge, be cHAP, subjected to the punishment of death. It was too ^ hazardous for the lords to support an accusation les which the whole royal influence would be exerted to suppress ; and the act, which had been really re- jected, was held to be confirmed by the estates. But the effect of the mean and indecent exertion of the prerogative by which this was accomplished, the King could not prevent. The noblemen, and all who knew what was the state of the case, were filled with the gloomiest apprehension. They saw- that the King was regardless of parliament ; that he was resolved to govern without control ; and that, if no steps were taken to assert the privileges upon which he had trampled, every vestige of liberty would be removed. Although, therefore, they confined themselves at present to dissenting from an act in favour of religion, which, agreeably to common form, was passed, but to which they ob- jected as anew sanctioning episcopacy, they, from this period, held meetings to deliberate upon the state of the kingdom, and paved the way for events hastening the commotions which soon took place. * * Burnet, in his History of his own Times, Vol. I. p. S.'j, 26, has given a full account of the two acts and of the conduct of the King ; and although in the Large Declaration the charge is represented as a calum- ny (p. 12.), the anxiety shewn to refute it proves that it was gene- rally believed, and had deeply impressed the public mmd. Row, MS. History, p. 250 — 252, mentions the King's marking those who voted, adding, " the negative votes were tliought by some to equal the affirmative." He also mentions that the King quarrelled the 342 HISTORY OF THE ©HAP t • !• XIII.' ^^ ^^^^ parliament, all the proceedings respecting ^^-^^^^^^ the valuation and sale of teinds, the stipends of the clergy, and the surrendering of tithes and superio- rities, were confirmed, and a memorable law was passed, securing in every parish the erection of a pa- rochial school. This interesting subject had been brought into view by the framers of the first Book, of DiscipHne ; amidst all the ecclesiastical struggles, it had been recommended by the General Assemblies; and the council had most laudably shewn much activity in promoting a good system of education. 1616. About twenty years before this period, an act of council had been framed for the plantation of schools ; and this act, with some additional provi- sions, was now ratified by the legislature. * Divine Ser- During the King's residence in Scotland, he at- formed by tended divine worship in the royal chapel, into ^^^'^' which the liturgy had some time before been intro- duced. Laud delivered in it a sermon, in which, with unseasonable zeal, he expatiated upon the be- nefit which would be derived from conformity to the Enghsh ritual, and upon the reverence due to the ceremonies of the church. His audience pro- bably consisted chiefly of courtiers, for the preju- jnember who challenged the report of the register. Franklyn's An- nals, p. 435, and Collier, Vol. IT. p. 755. Rushworth's Collections, Vol. II. p. 183. Whitelccke's Memorials, p. 18. * Murray's Collection of Acts of Parliament, and Collier's Eccle- siastical History, Vol. II. p. V75> 776. History of the Refarmatiou in Scotland, Vol. II. last chapter. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, 343 dice against the liturgy was so strong, that few of ch\p. • XIII the people would have attended where it was read ; , .^ and this may explain what has been affirmed, that less. the sermon was heard with approbation. * Grati- fied by this applause, he lost no time in urging those changes, which it was one dtsign of the King's visit to Scotland to hasten or to accomplish. Having called the bishops together, he enlarged upon the nakedness of the form of worship in Scot- land, and proposed to remedy it by introducing the liturgy, and by composing certain canons for the regulation of public devotion. Spottiswoode, who, with all his errors, possessed a sound and enlarged understanding, saw the danger of acquiescing in the suggestions of Laud ; and he probably dreaded the violence by which that prelate had disgusted num- bers in England who were attached to episcopacy. He accordingly represented the opposition which had been made to the articles of Perth, and the risk of still greater opposition to innovations so far beyond what had ever been contemplated ; and the older bishops firmly supported the wise caution of the primate. But the younger prelates were com- pletely devoted to Laud ; and, to ingratiate them- selves with him, they ridiculed the idea of there being any hazard in carrying his views into execu- tion. They succeeded in overcoming their more experienced brethren, and it was determined in fa- * Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 64. 344 HISTORY OF THE XIII. 1633. CHAP, vour of the liturgy ; but still it was suggested, that some deviations should be made frora the English form. Laud was shocked at the thought of chang- ing, even in the slightest particular, a model which he venerated ; but the King was at length, in some degree, influenced by the reasons which had been urged. It was agreed to make a few alterations, and the unfortunate task of framing a liturgy and a book of canons, was assigned to those of the bishops who were most in the royal favour. They were instructed to transmit to England the fruit of their labours, that it might be revised and correct- ed by Laud. * Before leaving Scotland, Charles, to shew his zeal and reverence for episcopacy, founded the' bishopric of Edinburgh ; appointed the church of St Giles to be the cathedral ; assigned to the new prelate, with the consent of the Archbishop of St Andrews, certain lands which had been purchased from the Duke of Lennox ; and nominated to the see, Forbes, a man of considerable learning, but who was suspected of being partial to the popish religion, f Bishopric of Edin- burgh founded. * Wodrow's MSS. Vol III. folio, in Life of Spottifewoode, p. 131, 132. Crawford's Lives of Officers of State, p. 175. Guthrie's Me- moirs, p. 15, IC. Clarendon's Hist. Vol. I. p. 2?. f Wodrow's MSS. Vol. III. folio, in Life of Spottiswoode, p. 132 —135. There is a very full account of the erection in this work. Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 6G, G7. Row's MS. p. 254. Burnet's History of his own Times, Vol. I. p. 27. Keith's Catalogue, p. 28—38, CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 345 The King returned to England, discontented chap. . . . . XTIT with the issue of his journey. He had failed in ,,^1^^^ modelling the church agreeably to the wishes of i«33. Laud ; and he had encountered from the nobles a firmness of opposition, and a vigour of patriotism, for which the abundant supply, voted by his par- liament, formed in his opinion no adequate com- pensation. * His visit had been far from conciliating the af- State of fections of his people. Many of the nobles were dissatisfied by the unconstitutional measures of the King, and that dissatisfaction was aggravated by his refusal to confer upon some of their number the titles which they solicited, and by his determination to regain for the crown the church-lands which had been alienated. To accomplish this, he appointed Sir Thomas Hope, one of the ablest lawyers of that period, to the office of king's advocate ; a choice which uhimately proved unfavourable to the court, Hope being firmly attached to those constitutional principles for which the nation so soon resolved to contend, f The presbyterian clergy, and those whom they influenced, were also much exasperated. Upon the King's arrival several of the ministers drew up a paper, entitled, " Grievances and petitions concerning the disordered state of the reformed * Burnet's History, Vol. I. p. 27. f Burnet's History of his own Times, V<^.I. p. 27. Large De- claration, p. XI. S46 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, church within the realm of Scotland.'* In it they, XIII. • . , . i^^y-^^ with great rorce and precision, urged their objec- 1633. tions to a vote in parhament being granted to those who had been invested with prelacies, craving that the acts of Assemblies respecting this matter might be put in execution ; — they lamented the deviation from the resolutions of the Assembly at Glasgow, by which greater power than had been intended was conveyed to the bishops ;-^they craved that the act of parliament 1592, in favour of the regular holding of Assemblies, should be revived, bewail- ing the corruption of doctrine and manners to which the repeal of it had given rise ; — they remonstrated against the articles of Perth, and the imposition of oaths by the bishops, which had never been sanc- tioned by the church ; — and they concluded by ex- pressing their earnest wish that ecclesiastical pro- ceedings should be committed to the proper judica- tories, and that the High Court of Commission should be abolished. * It was the intention of the persons by whom the paper was composed, to sub- mit it to the King and the estates, and, with a view- to this, it was delivered to Hay, the clerk-register, whose duty it was to lay it before the lords of the articles. Believing, however, that it would irritate, and could produce no good to those who had pre- * This energetic paper Is to be found in Balfour's MS. It was printed separately, and is engrossed by Franklyn in his Annals, with some marginal annotations, p. 433, 434. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. S4t sented it, he very improperly suppressed it, upon CHAP, which the ministers humbly delivered it to the King himself" whilst he was at Dalkeith. He read the ^^^s. paper, but he paid to it no farther attention, thus wounding the feelings of the presbyterians by con- tempt more mortifying than any reply which he might have condescended to make. * \\ hen this total disregard of what appeared to them of vast im- portance, was ccnjoined with the decided attach- ment which his Majesty displayed for that form of ecclesiastical polity, and those ceremonies, which they regarded as contaminating the purity of reli- gion, it could not fail to confiim every prejudice which they entertained against the government ; and their own impressions ihey naturally stamped upon the minds of their devoted adherents, thus kindling that zeal which, in a few years, burst forth and swept away every trace of episcopacy in Scotland. Soon after the King's return to England died Death of Abbot, the Archbishop of Canterbur)', a man who Abbot. had long withdrawn from the intrigues of court, ^^"^^ but who had occasionally interfered to remonstrate against measures which irritated the nation, and ap- peared to him calculated to wound the vital inte- rests of the ecclesiasdcal establishment. Charles did not hesitate in nominating the successor of the * Guthrie's Hist, of Scotland, Vol. IX. p. 211. Franklyn says, tliat Hay did read it to the lords of the articles, and that it was by them rejected as vain and frivolous. S48 History of the CHAP, primate. He rewarded the zeal of Laud by exalt- ^^^^ ^^ ing him to the most distinguished situation in the 1633. church ; and from this period, till parliament arrest- ed his career, he openly guided all ecclesiastical counsels, daily introducing ceremonies which, in the estimation of reasonable men, rendered religion contemptible, — which disgusted those who were at- tached to the maxims and practices of the earliest reformers, — and produced a very general conviction that he was secretly desirous to restore the errors and the superstition of P(.)pery. Detesting the pu- ritans, whom he considered as enemies equally to the church and to the state, he embraced, in oppo- sition to them, the tenets of Arminius, — defended these tenets with incautious ardour, — and thus gave an additional shock, to that reverence for the hier- archy, which still widely existed, and which the soundest policy should have led him anxiously to cherish. * Discontent ^^^ '"^^ ^^"S permitted himself calmly to reflect in Scotland upoH the situation of his native country, he would Increased. • r i_ probably have discerned the necessity or the most prudent and lenient administration, in order to ex- tinguish the disaffection which there was so much reason to dread. But it was the error and the mis- fortune of this prince, never to recede from the * Clarendon's Tist. Vol. I. p. CS, 69, and 71, 72. Collier's Eccle- siastical Hist, of Britain, Vol. II. p. 757. Neal's History of the Puri- tans, Vol. II. p. 232— -235, CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 349 highest maxims of arbitrary power till he was com- CHAP, pelled to renounce them. Cherishing the idea that \,^^^^' the energy of the prerogative would ultimately over- ^^^^* power all resistance, he acted towards Scotland in a manner which would have irritated the meekest subjects, and which was peculiarly obnoxious to a people fond of liberty, and who had been accustom- ed freely to examine the measures of their sove- reign. Whilst the nobles were provoked by the inter- 1534. ference of Charles with the deliberations of parlia- ^nd co^n- ment, Hayne, his Majesty's solicitor, a zealous ^^™"^'|°" friend to the liberties of the kingdom, had framed a Balmerino. petition, in which the grounds of complaint were enumerated, with the intention, that, after it had been subscribed by the lords, whose sentiments it conveyed, it might be presented to the King. The lords, however, although they approved the sub- stance of the paper, thought that it needed correc- tion, and the alterations to be made in it were pointed out by Lord Balmerino, the son of that nobleman who had been sacrificed on account of the letter addressed by James to the Pope. The Earl of Rothes, who had heard what was designed, and had procured a copy of the petition, gave it to the sovereign. Irritated at the information which he received from Rothes, he refused to read the memorial, and this having been mentioned to Bal- merino, the affair was abandoned. He preserved the petition, however, merely as a matter of curio- 350 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, sity, and interlined the corrections which he had XIII. ,^..,^,J,^ suggested. In the following winter, the propriety 1634. of presenting it again occurred to this nobleman, and, that it might be put in an unexceptionable form, he submitted it to a lawyer in whom he con- fided, and permitted him, after receiving his assu- rance that he would not shew it, to carry it to his house. In violation of his promise, he communi- cated it, though under an injunction of secrecy, the value of which his own conduct might have pointed out to him, to Hay of Naughton, who hated Bal- merino, and who immediately carried it to Spottis- woode. The primate sent it to the King, under the impression that it was intended to be extensive- ly circulated. An order was instantly issued to proceed against Balmerino. It is difficult to con- ceive how his conduct could be considered as cri- minal. The paper did not contain any agreement hostile to the rights of the crown ; — it was merely a petition and complaint similar to what, whilst the royal family resided in Scotland, had often been brought to the foot of the throne. That the matter of the petition was cautiously expressed, may be in- ferred from the fact that the Earl of Rothes had wished the King to peruse it, and it had been ren- dered even milder than it originally was, by the in- terlineations of Balmerino. * Neither was it a do- * Rowj in his MS. Hist. p. 261 — 270, has inserted the petition^ which reflects much credit upon the moderation and the patriotism of those by whom it was prepared. 4 CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 351 cument calling for the notice of the executive go- CHAP, vernment, for it had not been published, and would ^^^^v-^ probably never have been heard of till it was pre- ^^^** sented, had it not dishonourably been put into the possession of the Archbishop. Of the remonstrance or complaint, such as it was, Balmerino was not the author, and this was perfectly known, for Hayne, who had retired to Holland, voluntarily de- clared that he had, without assistance, composed it. Yet, in the face of all these reasons, Balmerino was arraigned upon some ancient statutes, loosely expressed, which ordain that capital punishment should be inflicted upon all who disseminate false- hood respecting the king, and endeavour to alienate the loyalty of his subjects. The court was consti- tuted by special commission, and the most indecent methods were employed to procure a sentence ac- ceptable to the crown. The conducting of the sdDec trial was assigned to the Earl of Traquair, a man of eloquence and address, eager to ingratiate himself with the ruling party. Yet he and several of the King's ministers were permitted to be of the jury, and every precaution was used that the remainder of those who composed it should be equally obse- quious. Balmerino's defence was admirably calcu- lated to impress even the most prejudiced mind, and the jury having heard it, were enclosed to give their sentence. Gordon of Buckie, an old man in whom Traquair confided, addressed his brethren. Above forty years before he had been accessory tQ 352 OHURCH OF SCOTLAND. CHAP, the death of the Earl of Murray, and he alkided to ^^^^ this as the apology for delivering his opinion. He 2 6S4. besought them to consider that the life of a fel- low-creature was at stake, and, with tears streasiiing down his aged countenance, warned them, from his crwn melancholy experience, that \{^ contrary to con- science, they condemned the pannel, they nnght, as he had done, obtain the pardon of their sovereign, but they v/ould find how difficult it was to procure the pardon of God. '1 his speech, so awfully inte- resting,— the defence of Balmerino, and the convic- tion that he was unjustly sacrificed, pressed upon the jury ; and although the prisoner was found guilty, he was so only by one of majority. In the trial the people took the most enthusiastic interest. They venerated the prisoner as the vindi- cator of the liberties of the church ; they associated with his fate all the religious privileges which they most dearly valued ; and v/hen sentence was pro- nounced against him, they set no bounds to their indignation. They loudly expressed their abhor- rence of the oppression by which he was placed in the awful situation in which he stood ; they threat- ened to rescue him from prison, and even to wreak their vengeance upon the judges, and upon those of the jury by whom he had been condemned. Tra- quair was alarmed at this commotion, and, partly from his representation, partly from the reluctance of Charles to take the life of a subject who had been found guilty by so small a majority, Balmerinp CHUR€H OF SCOTLAND. 353 was pardoned. The pardon, however, was regard- chap. ed as extorted from the weakness of government ; v,.^-^^0 and, by shewing what might be gained by steady ^^^'** resistance, strengthened the inclination to unite in opposition to measures which all classes execrated.* The nobility were, about this period, much alie- 1635. nated from the King, by his withdrawing from them of dmrch- those hiffh offices in the state, to which, from their "1^" ^" ^^^ o _ highest of- rank, they naturally aspired. After the Reforma- fices of the tion, few civil preferments, and none which could excite envy, were bestowed upon the clergy. It was the admirable maxim of Knox, and of those who adhered to him, that a minister of religion should be occupied with his sacred duties ; and this maxim was strengthened by the presbyterian prin- ciples, which, after his death, were embraced in Scotland. The nobles were much gratified by the immense accession of wealth and power which thus accrued to their order, arid they were disposed to assert, as a right, what had been so recently con- * Row's MS. Hist, p, 274, 275, and 278 — 282, He says, that, during the whole days of the trial, " the people, with great and loud voices, were praying for my Lord Balmerino, and for all that loved him, and prayed for a plague to come upon them that had the wite of his trouble, and the magistrates could not possibly get them stayed." Burnet's Hist, of his own Times, Vol. I. p. 27- — 32. He mentions the access which he had to accurate information. Balfour's MSS- quoted by Wodrow, in his life of Spottiswoode, Vol. III. p. 136, and by Guthrie, Vol. IX. p. 212, and 215 — 217. Guthrie's Me- moirs, p. 9 — 11. With the writers which have been quoted should be compared the account given in the Large Declaration, p. 12—15. VOL. II. Z SS4f HISTORY OF THK CHAP, ferrcd. Charles, however, was determined to re- XJII. ,(^v,^-w store to the prelates that distinction which, under 1635. the Popish system, they had long enjoyed, trusting that he should thus both strengthen his government, and succeed in carrying into effect his ecclesiastical arrangements. He accordingly promoted several of the bishops to be judges in the Court of Exche- quer,— admitted them as members of the privy- council, and, upon the death of the Earl of Kin- Jan, noul, he made Spottiswoode chancellor, thus raising him to the highest situation in the kingdom, and to that which the most powerful of the nobility strove to attain. As might have been foreseen, they were indignant at the elevation of men upon whom they were disposed to look with contempt ; and the feel- ings thus excited were strengthened by the arro- gance of the bishops, by the coarseness of their manners, and by the influence which, from their number in the privy-council, they possessed. Even the nobles who had no dislike to episcopacy were disgusted at the deference shewn to the prelates ; and they were thus disposed to join with those of their number who detested a form of polity not less offensive to the feelings of the nation than it was to their own ambition. To these causes of discon- tent must De added the dread that they would be forced to renounce the patrimony of the church. They plainly saw that the object of the Sovereign was to aggrandize the clergy, and they knew that the most effectual mode of doing so was to restore CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, 355 to them the ample possessions, of which, by the Re- CHAP. formation, they had been deprived. * \^-^y^^ But although the seeds of disaffection were thus '^^5. ° . Scotland widely sown, and, by perverted policy, constantly apparently fostered, Scotland was apparently tranquil. This^"^^^" * has been ascribed to the prudence of the discontent- ed faction, the members of which contemplated, with secret pleasure, the excesses which they wit- nessed, and anticipated, from tolerating them, such an ebullition of popular fury as would secure the accomplishment of their own schemes, f This, however, supposes in the lords and the ministers a refinement of policy little consistent with the man- ners and the tumultuous spirit of the times. It is more probable that the hifluence of the bishops, sup- ported, as it was, by the executive power, did pro- duce momentary despair, or rendered necessary a degree of caution, which blinded the prelates, not disposed attentively to examine the state of opinion, or perhaps inclined to treat it with contempt. \ * Row's MS. Hist. p. 277. Row remarks of Spottbwoode, " It was thought be mony, he being an olde and infirme man, and very unmeet for so great charges both in kirk and commonwealth, that this was only done for a preparative that the bishops of younger years might succeed to him." Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 67, G8. Bur- net's Memoirs of Dukes of Hamilton, p. 28. Wodrow's MSS. in life of Spottiswoode, Vol. III. folio, p. 136-138. Rushworth's Collections, Vol. II. p. 314. Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 12, 13. 'WTiite- locke's Memorials, p. 23. •j- Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 16. X Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 84. In the Large Declaration, p. 19 — 21, it is affirmed that government were not aware of opposition. 35G HISTORY OF THB CHAP. XIII. IG3G. Book of Canons. It was not till this year that the Book of Canons, which it had been resolved, when the King was in Scotland, speedily to collect, was completed. It is likely that the delay was occasioned by the defe- rence which the younger prelates found it prudent to pay to the sentiments of their more experienced brethren, who were averse to the plan. Supported, however, by the court, and rapidly ascending in the scale of promotion, they seriously entered upon the work which had been assigned to them. They began with the canons, either from their considering these as more easily prepared than the liturgy, or as affording them a better opportunity for bringing forward some opinions which they knew would be acceptable to the King and the Archbishop of Can- terbury. Maxwell, Sidserfe, Whitfort, and Banan- tine the bishops of Ross, Galloway, Dunblane, and Aberdeen, were the compilers of the canons, which were transmitted to London, that they might be revised by Laud and two other English prelates ; after which, without any correspondence with the nobility or clergy of Scotland, they were confirmed by the King. He issued, under the great seal, an instrument, in which it was declared, that his Ma- jesty, by his prerogative-royal and supreme autho- rity in causes ecclesiastical, ratified the said canons, orders, and constitutions, and all and every thing in them contained- and strictly commanded all arch- bishops, and others exercising ecclesiastical jurisdic- tion, to see them punctually observed. This sane- CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 357 tJon was dated at Greenwich, on the May of the chap; preceding year ; and in consequence of it the v^„^.^^^ Scotish bishops, after they had procured copies of loss. the canons, which were printed at Aberdeen, circu- lated them through their dioceses as the rule by which the clergy were to be directed. * Whatever had been contained in the Book of Discontent Canons, the mode in which it was published and ^^"'^ " confirmed could not fail to displease the ministers and the admirers of the presbyterian polity. From the time of the Reformation, ecclesiastical jurisdiction was vested in the General Assemblies, and although this was sometimes disregarded, it had never been directly denied by the most zealous advocates of episcopacy. It now, however, was set completely at defiance. Regulations affecting the form and the privileges of the church, were declared to be law, although they had never been submitted to any convention of the clergy ; these regulations had been composed by a few individuals, little respected, and had been modified by English prelates, who had no title to interfere with the Scotish establish- ment. The slightest acquaintance with the state of Scotland might have shewn to Laud the danger of giving such a shock to public opinion. It is indeed impossible to suppose that he did not see it, al- * Clarendon's Hist. Vol. I. p. 84. Row's MSS. p. 301, Wod- row's MS. Vol. III. folio, in Life of Spottiswoode, p. 134, and 141, 142. He supposes the archbishop to have been very active in pro- moting the canons, which does not seem to have been the case. 35S HISTORY OF THE CHAP, though he afterwards availed himself of the apology-j ..^i^,.^- that he had enjoined the Scotish bishops not to pro* 1G36. pose to him any thing inconsistent with the laws of their country. But he should not have, in a mat- ter so deeply involving the security and comfort of his sovereign, relied on the judgment of any set of men; it was his duty to ascertain for himself, as he could easily have done, what was the state of the fact, and there can be little doubt that he did so ; but that, convinced that if the canons were sub- mitted to an assembly of ministers they would be rejected, he judged it safer to trust their reception to the reverence which he believed would be paid to the authority of the King. *' The consequence was, that the attempt to impose the new regulations was almost universally execrated as an arbitrary ex- ertion of the prerogative, and that political consi- r derations, no less than religious, induced men to make to it the most determined opposition. But it was not merely from the manner in which the canons originated, that they proved, in a high degree, offensive; ^ much of what they inculcated was regarded as paving the way for Popery, or for the most arbitrary principles of government. The book prescribed a number of observances as to baptism and the Lord's supper, which seemed to * Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 84. Collier's Ecclesiastical Hist. Vol. II. p. 764. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. III. folio, in Life of Spotti8woode> p. 142, CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 359 arise from notions of these ordinances which Pro - chap. XIII testants had disclaimed. For administering bap- ,^^y^ tism a font was to be prepared and fixed near the i^^e. church door, according to the ancient usage, and presbyters were enjoined to dispense it without dis- tinction of days, in cases of sickness and of danger. It was required, that, for celebrating the holy com- munion, a decent table should be provided, and set at the upper part of the chancel, or church ; that, in the time of divine service, the table should be covered with a handsome stuff carpet ; and, when the eucharist was dispensed, with a white linen cloth. Ail this might have been considered mere- ly as too scrupulous attention to trifling arrange- ments ; but the religious prepossessions of the peo- ple were alarmed by the requisition, that the sacra- ment of the Lord's Supper should be received in a kneeling posture ; and as if some mysterious effect had been produced upon the bread and wine, that what remained of them after the service should be given to the poorer sort of those who had com- municated, and should be consumed by them in the church. The power vested in bishops was very formidable. AH private meetings of presby- ters, or any other persons, for expounding scrip- ture, or debating matters ecclesiastical, were inter- dicted, things of this nature being only to be dis- cussed in synods of bishops : it was ordained, that no preacher should impugn the doctrine delivered by another in the same church, or any adjacent 360 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, one, without leave from the bishop ; that no per- •VTTT .^^-.."^ son should teach either in public schools or in pri- 1636. vate houses, without being licensed by episcopal authority ; and that, without this authority, no sen- tence of excommunication should be pronounced, or absolution given by any presbyter. In short, the complete command of the church was given to the bishops, and the religion of the kingdom was thus laid at the foot of the throne. Some of the canons relating to the clergy were very remarkable. It was enjoined, that no presby- ter should discover any thing told to him in con- fession, excepting the crime was such that the con- cealment of it endangered his own life, a rule which certainly implied approbation of the practice of confession, and not unnaturally inspired appre- hensions, that abuses, which were not avowed, might be gradually introduced. * It was enacted, that no presbyter should hereafter be caution or surety for any person whatsoever, in civil bonds and contracts, under the penalty of suspension ; and it was required, that bishops and presbyters, if they died without issue, should leave their effects, or a great part of them, to pious uses ; and that those of them who had children, should, notwith- * Row in his MS. Hist, speaking of the canons, p. SOI, 302, says, " There were not many impious things or novehies in them, but ap- parently they were set out, that men might know that more impious canons wculd be set out." 1636. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. o6 1 Standing, bestow some legacies to shew their afFec- chap. tion for the church 5 canons which seemed to se- ^ parate the clergy from the laity, and to pave the •way for an immense accumulation of ecclesiastical wealth. The compilers of the Book of Canons thought it right to regulate political as well as religious senti- ment ; for they inculcated, that whosoever should affirm that the king's majesty had not the same authority in causes ecclesiastical that the godly kings had amongst the Jews, or the Christian em- perors in the primitive church ; or should in any part impugn his royal supremacy in causes ecclesi- astical, was to incur the sentence of excommunica- tion. The prerogative is not here expressly extend- ed to civil matters ; but it is evident, that if the power defined had been granted to the monarch, he would have found little difficulty in becoming absolute ; and this indeed had been already expe- rienced in the erection of the Courts of High Com- mission, and in the arbitrary proceedings which, in consequence, took place. Tile reformers had anxiously maintained, that there was a distinction between temporal and spiri- tual jurisdiction, vesting the former in the King, and the latter in the church. This hazardous opi- nion, so inconsistent, if not very strictly limited, with the harmony which is the strength of a state, was secretly adopted by many of the zealous ministers and their adherents; and hence they reprobated S62 History op the CHAP, one of the canons, in which it was declared, that XIII ^^^^^^ national or General Assemblies were to be called 16S6. only by the King's authority ; that the decrees of such assemblies, in matters ecclesiastical, should bind the absent ; and that it should not be lawful for the bishops themselves, in such assemblies or else- where, to alter any rubrick or canon, doctrinal or disciplinary, without his Majesty's leave first had and obtained. The state of religion was thus pla- ced almost entirely under the control of the crown, and the King was, in fact, vested with power little inferior to that which the Popes themselves had en- joyed. But the part of the canons which even at first excited the greatest dissatisfaction, and which, from subsequent events, must be considered as of the most importance, was that which related to the in- troduction of the liturgy. Although forms of prayer had been used by the first reformers, yet afficiating ministers were always permitted to depart from them ; and after the sentiments of Melvil were disseminated, extemporaneous addresses to the Deity were not only warmly recommended, but the con- trary practice was associated with a predilection for popery. James, however, had extorted from one as- sembly the sanction of a liturgy ; though, from the prudence of the bishops, and the political situation of the kingdom, no liturgy was introduced. But the framers of the canons threw aside, with respect to this delicate subject, all reserve. Not only was the 1636» CHURCfH OF SCOTLAND. 36S censure of excommunication denounced agsdnst CHA?. those who affirmed that the w orship prescribed by the book of common prayer and administration of the sacraments was repugnant to the scriptureSj or was corrupt, superstitious, or unlawful, but every pres- byter was required, by himself, or by another qua- lified person, to read, or cause divine service to be done, according to the form of the book of Scotish common prayer, before all sermons, and he was prohibited from praying extempore under the pe- nalty of deprivation. With strange folly or inad- vertence, all these injunctions were published and enforced by an oath, upon the clergy, before the form to which they referred had been composed or seen by the persons who were thus bound to ob- serve it in all its parts. This suggested the suspi- cion, that a snare was laid for the consciences of the ministers ; ail condemned the attempt to bind men to conform to they knew not what j and in the temper in which multitudes then were, they were easily persuaded, that it was necessary to resist such oppression, and scrupulously to examine a li- turgy, which, in such an obnoxious manner, had been imposed. If the obvious and rational plan had been adopted of first publishing the hturgy, although it is not probable that opposition to it would have been prevented, yet that opposition might have been less formidable, and it would have canons. 364 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, been deprived of one of the strongest grounds up- ,^J^ ^^ on which it was rested. * 1636. From the general view which has been taken of Reasons as- ° signed by the canons, it is apparent that they were intended for impos- to introduce practices which had been unknown in i"?-?.^ Scotland since the Reformation. This it would have been prudent frankly to admit, or at least not ex- pressly to deny ; but the language of the court w^as, that the design of the book was to deliver, shortly, and in a compact form, the regulations which were scattered through voluminous acts of Assembly, to which few had access, and which even the clergy had not leisure to search ; thus avowing that there was to be in fact no change, and no innovation. The falsehood of this pretence it required no labour to expose. The people knew, and their ministers would carefully remind them, that, after the re- formed religion triumphed, bishops were not re- cognized in Scotland, — that episcopacy, as it now existed, had been strenuously opposed till the be- ginning of the seventeenth century, — and that the canons, therefore, instead of being in conformity with the acts of different Assemblies, were in ex- * Clarendon, Vol. I. p. S4— 86. Row's MSS. p. 301, 302. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. III. folio, in life of Spottiswoode, p. 141 — 143. Book of Canons printed at Aberdeen, and transcribed by Wod- row in his appendix to the life of Spottlswoode. Petition of the noblemen, gentlemen, minsters, and burgesses, to the Lords of the secret council, in the Large Declaration, p. 42 — 44.. Crawford's Lives of Officers of State, p. 1 78 — \^o. Collier, Vol. IL p. 762 — 764.. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 365 press contradiction to these acts, and even supplant- CHA.P. ed the authority by which they had been sanction- ,^- --*»/ ed. Although this plea was not formally urged ^^^^' till the King, in the Large Declaration, vindicated his conduct, there can be no doubt that it was pri- vately stated, and endeavoured to be confirmed by the resolution of that Assembly, which, in compli- ance with the wishes of James, had upon this ground consented that canons should be prepared. Nothing tended more to alienate the people from the establishment, and from the government, than such insincerity ; — it destroyed all confidence ; it convinced them that nothing, however unwarrant- able, would be overlooked, by which the innovations could be imposed ; and it may be considered as lay- ing the foundation of that distrust with which, at an after period, they listened to the concessions of their sovereign. * But although the discontent excited by the pub- They are lication of the Book of Canons was great anu ^y acts^of widely diffused, it did not give occasion to any out- '^''°'ence. rage against the bishops or the court. The minis- ters saw the danger of any precipitate attempt to procure the liberty which they so much valued, and they rested satisfied with dwelling upon the * Large Declaration, p. 44, 45. WodroVs M3S. Vol. III. folio, in life of Spottiswoode, p 142, 143. Collier's Ecclesiastical Hist. Vol. II. p. "62. For the sentiments of the Assembly which agreed that canons should be composed, see Calderwood, p. 664. Burnet's Memoirs of Dukes of Hamilton, p. 30. o66 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, dangers with which they were threatened, — with ,^s^-^ representing what had been done as the commence- 1636. ment of a system for overthrowing the constitution of the church,— and with imparting to those per- sons in England, who mourned over the tyranny of Laud, the sentiments which they themselves enter- tained. * An opportunity was thus afforded of repairing in souie degree the error which had been committed. Had the prelates, or those whose in- struments they had become, now acted with the caution which was so plainly required ; had they not enforced the canons, or had they resolved not to increase dissatisfaction, by persisting to introduce the liturgy, which was held in abhorrence, the mur- murings which had been so loud would have gra- dually subsided, and the schemes of the court would, more slowly indeed, but more successfully, have been carried into execution, f But the young- er bishops, impelled by Laud, neglected every warning, and, with astonishing infatuation, treated with contempt the feelings and prejudices which it was go hazardous to resist. Thelltur- Xhe liturgy was composed chiefly by Wedder- burn, Bishop of Dunblane, who for this purpose had been translated to his see from an English be- nefice, and by Maxwell, Bishop of Ross. They * Clarendon's Hist. Vol. I. p. 84. Whitelocke, p. 23, f Baillie, in his Letters and Journals, Vol. !• p. 1, intimates, that the compliints were diminishing, for he says, *' when we were be» jrinning to forget the Book of Canon?," &c. 87' CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 36? adoDted the greater part of the book of common. cHAP. ^ • • • XTTT prayer used in England, mtroducmg, agreeably to \^„^^ what had been determined, some marks of distinc- lese. tion by which the Scotish model was characterized. In this part of their task they displayed that rashness and that tendency to superstition which had marked the whole of their preceding conduct. Instead of using the permission which they had obtained so as to render the hturgy as much as possible conform- able to the religious sentiments of their country- men, they introduced expressions and forms which convinced the great majority who perused the book that it was really a disguised mass. Laud, and Wren, Bishop of Norwich, revised it after it was sent to London, and the primate made some cor- rections, bringing it still nearer to the Popish ritual.* It required the use of the cross in baptism, and of the ring in the celebration of marriage ; the conse- cration of water, at particular times, by prayer, which water was to be poured into the fonts for administering baptism ; a prayer was introduced to be used when the elements were delivered, and which was conceived to give some sanction to the doctrine of transubstantiation ; there was a bene- diction or thanksgiving for departed saints ; and the deacon was, upon his knees, to offer what was * Wodrow's MSS. Vol. III. folio, in Life of Spottiswoode, p. 138 and 143. Kirktoun, who saw the original book corrected by Arch- bishop Laud, says, that the corrections were mostly removes back- ward to Popery and the Romish missal. 368 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, called a memorial, or prayer of oblation, in which xii^- he vsaid, " O Lord and heavenly Father, according 1636. to the institution of thy dearly beloved Son, our Saviour, Jesus Christ, we, thy humble servants, do celebrate and make here, before thy divine Majesty, with these thy holy gifts, the memorial which thy Son hath willed us to make.'* * When the liturgy was brought into the form which Laud wished it to assume, the resolution was adopted of introducing it into Scotland without sub- mitting it to presbyteries, or obtaining the sanction of the General Assembly ; a resolution which, taken in conjunction with previous measures, removed all doubt that the liberties of the church were to be wrested from it, and the faith of the people to be regulated by a set of men, certainly not exempted from error, and who were believed to have deviated from the purity of the reformed faith, f The King first gave his instructions to the archbishops and Proclama- bishops, pointing out how they were to act, and he *'°"^"jqJj soon issued a proclamation, in which, after announ- 20th Dec. cing, that, from his accession to the crown, he had * Collier, in his Eccl. Hist. Vol. II. p. 768, 769, has enumerated all the differences between the Scotish liturgy and the English common^ praj-er book. See also BaiUie's Letters and Journals, Vol. I. p. 1 and 2, and Neal's History of the Puritans, Vol. II. p. 298, G99. For the manner in which the liturgy was framed, the reader may consult Col- lier, Vol. II. p. 767. King's Large Declaration, p. 17 — 19. f Clarendon's Hist, of the Rebellion, Vol. L p. 86. Baillie's Let- ters and Journals, Vol. I. p. 2. Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 18, 19. Cpl- lier,Vol.n. p. 770. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 369 recommended a form of service in the worship of CHAP God to be uniformly observed in his ancient king dom, which form was now completed, he required ^^^^' all his subjects, both ecclesiastical and civil, to con- form themselves to the said form of public worship, commanding all archbishops and bishops, and other presbyters and churchmen, to take special care that the same was duly obeyed, and the contraveners condignly censured and punished. He concluded with an order that every parish should be furnished with two copies of the liturgy between the publica- tion of the injunction and the following Easter. * This proclamation was brought from court by The inteiu. the Bishop of Ross, and it was, by order of the fh^^proda- council, without delay formally published. All "lation re- •' •' * news dis- who had been averse to the canons were equally so content. to the liturgy ; and although there was no open tu- mult, they did not hesitate to declare that the new service was, in their estimation, Popery in disguise. Many of the more prudent bishops highly disap- proved of several of the ceremonies which it en- forced ; and the publication of it, which advanced Very slowly, was supposed to be retarded by the anxiety of the bishop of Edinburgh, the successor to the first bishop, that these should not be enjoin- ed. He was resisted steadily by Laud, who, not * Wodrow's MSS. Vol. Ill, folio, p. 144, compared with Collier, Vol. II. p. V69, where the proclamation is inserted. Baillie's Letter* and Journals, Vol. I. p. 3. VOL. II. A a 370 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, satisfied with this, transmitted to Spottiswoode XIII .... some additional rites, which he peremptorily insisted 1637. should be inserted. A powerful faction was deter- mined to withstand the mandate of the King. All the nobility and laymen of property, who were in- dignant at the arrogance of the clergy, and dreaded that the patrimony of the church would be appro- priated to support their magnificence, gladly fostered the popular discontent, joining with the presbyter- ians and the moderate episcopalians in measures, from which the former anticipated the destruction of the hierarchy, and the latter some mitigation of the violence with which the prelates had for some time acted. * The intro- The ferment which had been excited by the pro- duction of , . 1 11 - J r,-.. the liturgy clamation gradually mcreased. Ine country was deferred, ^jivi^jed into parties, daily becoming more exaspe- rated against each other, and the dread of adding to this violent spirit suggested to the more expe- rienced prelates the wisdom of delaying the intro- duction of the liturgy till circumstances became more favourable. In this opinion all the lay part of the privy-council acquiesced, and delay was powerfully urged by Hope, the King's advocate, from his wish that the presbyterians, whose cause he espoused, might be better prepared for opposi- * Baillie's Letters and Journals, Vol. I. p. 1, 2. Collier, Vol. If. p. 769. Wodrow's M6S. Vol. III. folio, in life of Spottiswoode, p. 147. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 371 tion. Whatever were the motives which influenced CHAP. XIII. the leading men, the fact is, that the impetuosity of s.^^^^ the younger bishops was restrained, and that Easter ^^^'^' passed without any attempt to enforce the liturgy. This, however, was not attributed to any relaxation of zeal, or to any wish to conciliate ; — the pretexts assigned for the delay were not believed ; and the suspicion that it resulted from timidity or weakness on the part of the executive power, confirmed the discontented party in that determination to resist, from the apprehension of which the King's positive mandate had been suspended. * The prelates devoted to Laud felt indignant at this hesitation, and, in opposition to the prudent counsel of the primate, they insisted that the work should proceed. They were supported by Tra- quair. It has been supposed that his support was given from secret antipathy to the bishops, to whom he believed that pressing the liturgy would prove fatal. This policy, however, is not consistent with other parts of that nobleman's character. There can be no doubt that he was at one time disgusted with the inordinate ambition of Maxwell, who as- * Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 1 7. Baillie's Letters and Journals, Vol. I. p. 1,2. Wodrow's MSS. Vol III. in life of Spottiswonde, p. 147. Rushworth's Collections, Vol. II. p. 3f-7. King's Large Declaration, p. 21, 22. Burnet's Memoirs of Dukes of Hamilton, p, 3!, and Hist, of his own Times, Vol. I. p. 33. Clarendon, Vol I. p. f.7. Guthrie's Hist, of Scotland, Vol. IX. p. 226., This writer mentions that Hope advised the delay. 372 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, pired to the office of treasurer, and that he had XIII. v^^ ^^ thwarted some of the schemes by which the bishops 1637. attempted to aggrandize their order ; but, warmly attached to his sovereign, it is not probable that he would countenance what he must have seen to threaten the security of the throne. His eagerness for the liturgy, in all likelihood, resulted from his anxiety to gratify Laud, the great channel of pro- motion and of honour, whose favour he would have instantly forfeited had he resisted a plan in which that ambitious primate was so deeply interest- ed. The wise suggestions which should have been regarded were thus despised, and it was finally de- cided ihat the liturgy should not be abandoned. * Agitation When the determination of the court was an- of the pub- , 1 1 1 I • T lie mind. Hounced, measures were taken by the bishops to enforce that part of the proclamation which requir-? ed that two copies of the book should be purchased by every parish. Upon this occasion it was that the Bishop of Galloway held within his diocese a subsidiary court of high commission, the violent proceedings of which gave rise to much irritation ; and most of the other prelates, although they did not employ this method of gaining their object, shewed their determination that it should be accom- * Clarendon, Vol. I, p, 8 7, compared with Collier, Vol.11, p. 270. Guthrie's Memoirs, p. j 7, 18. Burnet's Hist, of his own Times> Vol. 1. p. 32, compared with his Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton, p. 33. Wodrow, Vol. III. folio, p. 139, mentions, that the de&iga of tne prelates to restore the state of abbots had been defeated. ^^ CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 373 pljshed. Some copies of the liturgy were now cir- CHAP. Ciliated, and the ministers anxiously prepared their ^^«. -^ people to resist its introduction. They made it the ^^^'^' constant subject of their discourses, — enumerated what they considered as the errors which it contain- ed,— expatiated upon the manner in which it had been framed, and in which it was to be imposed, not only without the concurrence of any Assembly of the church or state, but in express opposition to the laws of both ; and they concluded by stig- matizing it as the mass in English, brought in by the craft and violence of some of the bishops against the wishes of their brethren, and of all wise and true patriots. * These representations were circulated in publications adapted to the capacities of those for whom they were designed, and were urged in private conferences amongst all classes of the community ; and there resulted from them that ardent zeal which, proceeding upon the idea that it was essential to the interests of religion to resist the innovations, pressed conscience into the service of re- volt, thus fostering a spirit which punishment is fitted rather to strengthen than to eradicate, t The lead- ers of the presbyterians artfully employed it to pro- mote their views, and, even so early as the month of April, some of them came to Edinburgh to con- AprU. * Baillie's Letters and Journals, Vol. I. p. 4. Guthrie's Memoirs, p, 19. Clarendon's Hist. Vol. I. p. 86, 87. f Baillie, as last quoted. 374- HISTORY OF THE CMap. suit with the nobles in whom they confided respect- y,^^^^ ing the scheme which it would be wise to adopt. It 1637. seems to have been decided to leave to popular ebullition the first expression of antipathy ; and after their cause had, in consequence of this, be- come the cause of the people, to commence the system of representation and remonstrance, to which they trusted for success. * Causes of When we consider how prudently Spottiswoode tlontHn"'^"^ his friends had hitherto acted, it, at first sight, troduce the appears astonishing that they did not persist in re- commending the caution which they must have seen to be so much required. This struck many even of the advocates for episcopacy, and they have not hesitated to ascribe it to a fatality or infatuation, which often, in critical times, precedes the ruin of those who have yielded to its influence, t The fact July, most certainly is, that the primate not only ceased to oppose the wishes of Laud, but even procured from court a positive order, that the liturgy should be introduced on the 23d July. There was, how- ever, a cause for this unfortunate change of con- duct ; a cause, shewing how often public prin- ciple is sacrificed to private feeling. In execution of the powers given to the commission for tithes, Spottiswoode was preparing to fix the emoluments * Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 20, 2 1 . Crawford's life of Spottiswoode, in Lives of Officers of State, p. 181. Guthrie's Hist, of Scotland^ Vol. IX. p. 227. f Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 18. GHURCH OF SCOTLAND. S75 of the clergy wiihin his diocese, a step which deep- chap. ly affected the interest of those to whom the teinds ,,^^ * had been given in lease, whilst it materially pro- les?. moted his own. Traquair, eager to thwart the primate in this plan, procured a suspension of the commission, and the archbishop, irritated at the in- terference, determined to repair to court, to exert his influence that the commission might be renew- ed. To render himself acceptable to the King and to Laud, he saw the importance of gratifying both, by being able to convey information that the litur- gy had been renewed, and upon the arrival of the letters for that purpose, he caused an intimation to be made from the pulpits, that, on the succeeding Sunday, the book of prayer should be read.* Se- veral of the ministers, wlio wished to ingratiate themselves with the court, enlarged upon the excel- lence of the book ; all of them, wuii ^ne exception, read the intimation, which was heard without any apparent signs of displeasure or disgust. It excited, however, through the week, much inquiry and much complaint. All were astonished, that, with- out any reason being assigned, the resolution should be so hastily taken, and every place was filled with declamations against the measure. Yet the coun- cil do not seem to have had the slightest apprehen- sion of formidable resistance, for they made no preparation to repress disorder, believing that the * Baillie's Letters aiid Journals, Vol. I. p. 4, 5. 376 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, prejudices of the people would be gradually re- \^^^y^ moved.* juP 23' Upon the day which had been specified, immense Tumuirs numbers of the inhabitants of Edinburgh went to sicvnofread- the church of St Giles, in which the chancellor, tufev.^ ^'" some of the lords of the council, and several of the bishops, had taken their seats. The utmost quietness prevailed, till the dean, having opened the liturgy, began to read, when the multitude, losing all respect for the place in which they were, and the solemn work in which they were engaged, raised such a clamour, that the prayers could not be heard. The bishop of Edinburgh, hoping to appease it, went into the pulpit, and entreated the people to reflect upon the sacredness of the house of God, and upon the duty which they owed to God and to their sovereign. This address rendered them more outrageous ; stones, and whatever they could use for the purpose, were thrown at the dean, and the bishop himself narrowly escaped being wounded or killed by a stool, which was furiously aimed at him. The primate then called upon the magistrates to interfere, who, with much difficulty, by entreaties and by force, succeeded in restoring momentary order. The Dean resumed his ungra- cious office; but the women, or men in the dress of women, though ihey had been thrust from the church, renewed their activity ; they exclaimed, with * Large Declaration, p. 22, compared with Balllle, Vol. I. p. 4,5. Burnet's Hist, of his own Times, Vol. I. p. 33, 34. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 377 the utmost vehemence, ** A pope, a pope ; Ami- chap. Christ, pull him down, stone him." They knocked ■^^^^• at the doors, broke the windows, and seemed resolv- 1637. ed to proceed to the most dreadful excesses. Amidst " ^' this noise and consternation, the service terminat- ed. When the bishops left the church, they were followed by the multitudes, who, in the most op- probrious language, charged them with bringing in- to the kingdom Popery and slavery. The bishop of Edinburgh, who was regarded with peculiar an- tipathy, was almost dragged from a staircase which he had ascended, and was, at length, rescued by the servants of the Earl of Wemyss. A meet- ing of council was held between sermons, at the house of the chancellor. The provost and ma- gistrates attended ; and such precautions were taken, that divine worship was, in the afternoon, much more quietly performed. No sooner, however, was it concluded, than the people recommenced their outrages ; and having discovered that the Earl of Roxburgh had taken the bishop of Edinburgh into his carriage, they attacked it, endeavoured to tear it in pieces, and would probably have injured or sa- crificed those who were in it, had not the attend- ants of Roxburgh, with their swords, compelled them to retire. Similar scenes were exhibited in different parts of the city. Wherever the liturgy was attempted tp be read, commotion immediately ensued j and 378 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, the clergymen who officiated were forced to de- V«^s,^<«ih^ sist. Y^^* Such was the manner in which the liturgy Remarks, was received by the populace in Edinburgh. Al- though it must be admitted that there was great imprudence on the part of the bishops, still the tu- mult shews that the people were warmly attached to the sentiments and practices of their earliest re- formers, and that they conceived that the change from presbytery was calculated both to advance the cause of popei*y, and to subvert their political rights. Had there been no aversion to episcopacy, and had the bishops been revered as virtuous men and conscientious teachers of religion, any distur- bance which might, upon the present occasion, have been raised, would have been of a very different nature from that, the particulars of which have been detailed. There might have been, in one or more churches, expressions of disapprobation ; but the mass of the people would not have held the same language, and committed atrocities, from * King's large Declaration, p. 23 — 25. Row's MSS. p. 307, 308. Kirtoun's MSS. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. III. folio, Ln life of Spottis- •woode, p. 145, 146. Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 87, 88. Supplement to Spottlswoode'b Histor\,as quoted by Crawford m his Lives of Offi- cers of State, p. 181, l;-2. Burnet's Memoirs of the Dukes of Ha- milton, p. 31. Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 19, 20. Bailiie's Letters and Journals, Vol. L j». 5 Collier, Vol. H. p. 77 7. Rushworth's Col- lections, Vol. H. p, 3S8. Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 27. It is interesting to compare the accounts given by writers of different principles. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 379 which men not destitute of religious impressions CHAP, would naturally have shrunk, had they not been -.^^^^^^ persuaded that they were engaged in the cause of ^^^'^* religion, and were contributing to purify those tem- ples, which apparently they profaned. 380 HISTORY OF THE CHAPTER FOURTEENTH. Consequences of the Tumult. ...Several of the Ministers approve of the Rioters.... First Supplication against the Liturgy., ..'New Tumults.... King's Reply to the Suppli- catioti... .Representations to the Sovereign. ...Anxiety about the efect of them. ...Proclamations issued by the Council. ...The discontented Parti/ deliberate how to act.. ..Distracted state of the Metropolis. ...Weakness of the Government. ...Measures adopted by the enemies of the Liturgy. ...Strong Petition.... Effect of it upon th^ Policy of the Court.... Farther Proceedings of the Dis- affected....Representation by the Earl of Traquair..,^ Bold conduct of the Presbyterians.... A Proclamation by the King protested against at Stirling. ...Remarks upon this step. ...Tables permanently erected....The Co- venant.. ..Observations upon it. ...It is subscribed by vast numbers. ...Coldly received in some paints of the King- dom. CHAP. In the excesses which had taken place upon the y^^^y^ introduction of the liturgy, the multitude alone 1637. seemed to have any concern. The different acts ces of the of violence were perpetrated by women of the low- est rank, or by men of the same station, disguised in female apparel, and no person of respectability openly countenanced their proceedings, or even hesitated to condemn them. The bishops, intimida- tumult. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 381 ted by fury so immediately directed against them- CHAP, selves, instantly dispatched to London an account \^^y,^^ of what had happened ; whilst the council, displeas- ^^^'^' ed that this account had not been submitted to them, sent, in a few days after, a representation, in which they gave it as their opinion, that nothing really formidable had occurred, and insinuated that blame was to be attached to the prelates for the precipi- tancy with which they had acted. It soon, how- ever, became apparent, that whatever was thought of the mode of opposition, the cause of the popu- lace was warmly espoused by all descriptions of the community for the council found, that even the nobles and gentlemen, who might have been expect- ed cordially to unite in repressing insurrection, shewed no eagerness to take any part ; and although the magistrates of Edinburgh expressed the deep- est regret for the attack which had been made upon the supporters of the service-book, they pro- ceeded with much dilatoriness, and some reluctance, in discovering those who had been guilty. It is certain that all attempt to press the liturgy was suspended, till positive instructions upon the sub- ject should be received from the King. * The zealous Presbyterian ministers, who, from Sevei-al of the minis- ters ap- * Clarendon, Vol. I. p. ss. Large Declaration, p. 25, 26. Bail- P'"°^? °^ he s Letter- and Journals, Vol. J. p. 6. Collier, Vol. IL p. 777. Rushwonh's Collections, Vol. IL p. S88, and 390. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. IIL folio, in life of Spottiswoode, p. 14G. Saaderson's Hist. of ChailesLp. 222. 382 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, the marked abhorrence at episcopacy, anticipated >^K^^ the restoration of their favourite form of ecclesiasti- 163T. cal polity, did not hesitate, both in private and from their pulpits, to applaud those who had commen- ced so glorious a work, and the effect of their influ- ence was soon discernible. Multitudes of the high- er classes of females declared their abhorrience of the liturgy ; their sentiments were soon embraced by their husbands and children ; the reserve which was at first maintained was thrown aside; and so generally was antipathy against the bishops dissemi- nated, that they trembled for their personal safety. Most of them retired to their dioceses, to avoid the fury of the multitude, and to endeavour to procure the co-operation of the ministers, whom they con- sidered as bound by oath to submit to what they should require. * Tvrst sup- When intelligence of what had happened reach- against the ed London, it was determined to make no conces- uurgy. sions ; a peremptory order was sent to enforce the liturgy, and the council were reproved for having omitted to do so. This resolution was suggested by Laud, and the few persons with whom the King consulted respecting Scotland ; for it is remarkable, that, previous to the troubles which now commen- ced in that kingdom, nothing relating- to it was discussed in the privy-council of England, but all * Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 8S, 89. Large Declaration, p- 31. Craw- ford's Lives, p. Ib2. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 383 was referred to a select number of Scotchmen, in chap. whom his Majesty confided. * k^^^' Before the arrival of the letter, conveying the i6st. determination of the court, several of the bishops had taken legal steps to enforce the mandate, that each parish should be furnished with two copies of the liturgy. As to this matter, the primate chiefly confined himself to exhortation, but he selected a few ministers who refused to conform, with the intention of punishing thera for disobedience. •}* The desire of being freed from what they con- sidered as inconsistent with conscience, suggested to some of the clergy the idea of presenting a supplica- tion to the council, praying that they might not be required to renounce their principles ; and Hender- son, one of those who had been charged by the prelate, petitioned that the proceedings against him Aug, 2S, and his brethren should be suspended. This emi- nent man acted afterwards a most conspicuous part in the troubles of Scotland. Ke had, in early life, warmly espoused episcopal principles ; but having been converted by a sermon which he heard from Bruce, he renounced his first opinions, and steadily adhered to the Presbyterians. He was possessed of distinguished talents, of considerable moderation, and of a firmness of mind which emi- • « Clarendon, Vol. I, p. 88. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. III. in Life of Spottiswoode, p. 147. Balllie's Letters and Journals, Vol. I. p. S. Burnet's Mertioirs of the Dukes of Hamilton, p. 32. f Baillie's Letters and Journals, Vol. I. p. e. 384 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, nently qualified him for the exertions which hs XIV ^^^^^ made to secure the civil and religious privileges 1637. of his countrymen. * In the petition V'hich he presented, he urged that the service-book had not been warranted by a General Assembly, or by any act of parliament ; that the liberties of the Scotish church, and the form of worship received at the Reformation, and universally practised, were still sanctioned by the legislature, and by the supreme ecclesiastical judicatory ; that the church of Scot- land was free and independent, and that therefore her own pastors were the proper judges of what was for her benefit j that some of the ceremonies enjoined by the book, had, from their inconsist- ency with the established worship, and their sym- bohzing with the church of Rome, occasioned great divisions ; and that the people, from having been otherwise taught, were unwilling to receive the new book, till they were convinced of its propriety, f The council shewed the utmost anxiety to com- ply, as far as possible, with the request laid before them. All the laity were averse to proceed to ex- tremities, and even Maxwell, Bishop of Ross, adopt- ed the same sentiment. The result was, that, for the remuneration of the King's printer, it was or- dained that the two copies should be purchased, * Wodrow'd MSS. Vol. I. folio, in life of Robert Bruce. Gu- thrie's Memoirs, p. 21. f Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 21. Baillie's Letters, &c. Vol I. p. 7- Collier, Vol, II. Neal's Hist, of Puritans, Vol. II. p. 301, and 377. Kushworth's Collections, Vol. II. p. 394. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. S85 without, however, any obligation to use them ; and CH AP . XIV the order for reading the Uturgy was suspended till s.^*^/^ jiew instructions were received from the King, i^s?. which it was expected would arrive by the twentieth of September. * The avocations of harvest rendering it inconve- New tu- . . mults. nient for those who resided m the country to repair to Edinburgh, there was in that city, for some weeks, the utmost tranquillity ; but enmity to the liturgy was widely diffused through the kingdom. Annan, a minister, having, by order of the Arch- bishop of Glasgow, preached at the commencement of a synod, with much ingenuity and moderation, ^"S* defended the service-book. His sermon, however, was heard with indignation, and having in the even- ing been attacked by great numbers of enraged women, his life was with difficulty saved, f When the time at which the answer of the King King's re- had been promised approached, multitudes from all suppika- parts of the country, hoping that it would be fa- *'°"* vourable, but firmly attached to their own views, repaired to the metropolis j and no fewer than sixty- eight supplications against the Hturgy were carried by the principal men of the kingdom, to be * Compare BailHe's Letters, p. 7, with Collier, Vol. IL p. 77». Guthrie's Memoirs, p 21,22. Guthrie's Hist, of Scotland, Vol. IX. p. 229. t Baillie's Letters, Vol. 1. p. 7, 8. MS. Collections from 1589, to 1641, quoted bv Wodrow in Vol. IIL of his MSS. under life of William Annand, p. £, 6. VOL, II. B b S86 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, presented to the council. * The King's answer \„^v^^ was harsh snd decided. Partly misled by a letter J^^^- from the magistrates of Edinburgh, in which they had declared to the Archbishop of Canterbury their zeal for introducing the liturgy, and hastily irritat- ed at what he detested as sedition or rebellion, after expressing his confidence in the affections of his people, and blaming the coldness and timidity of his council, and of the magistrates, he perempto- rily commanded that every bishop should order the book to be read in his diocese, and that no burgh should choose a magistrate who did not conform. He concluded by declining the request which the council had made, that he should send for some of their number to lay before him the state of Scot- land, f Decided as was this reply, it did not intimidate the discontented. The Earls of Sutherland and Wemyss, in name of the nobility, barons, ministers, and representatives of boroughs, presented what was termed a common supplication, praying, that the matter at issue should again be referred to the Represen- King, before the liturgy was enforced. The coun- tanons to ° , ,. i u • r theSove- cil did not venture to disregard what, m tact, "'^"' amounted to a command upon which almost the * Large Declaratien, p. 32. Baillie's Letters, Vol. L p. 9. White- locke's Memorials, p. 2 7. t Baillie's Letters and Journals, Vol. L p. 9, and 15. Large Declaration, p. 28, 29. Balfour's MSS. quoted by Guthrie in his History of Scotland, Vol. IX. p. 230. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. S87 whole nation would insist; and as the Duke of cHAP Lennox, who had brought the King's letter, ex- ^^^ ^^ pressed his astonishment at what he saw, and assured i637. the petitioners that his Majesty had received erro- neous information, it was resolved to write to the sovereign ; and, after lamenting the harsh construc- tion which he had put upon the proceedings of his servants, to assure him of their zeal, and to solicit precise instructions how they should act. Lennox was, at the same time, earnestly rtqu-sted to do what lay in his power to restore harmony to the kingdom.* Hitherto the magistrates of Edinburgh had la- boured to promote the introduction of the liturgy, and Laud had given them thanks for their firm- Sept. ii. ness.f This conduct exasperated the inhabitants, who violently intruded into ihe council-chamber, and would not remove till they had been assured that they should not be compelled to submit to the service-book ; and that the magistrates would unite with the other petitioners in a supplication against it. Thus, probably without reluctance, led to alter their measures, they judged it necessary to send an explanation to Laud. They informed him, that, since they last wrote, there had been such a con- Sept. se. * Baillie's Letters and Journals, Yd. I. p. 9j 10, and 15, 16. Gu- thrie's Memoirs, p. 2S. Crawford's Lives of OfBccrs of State, p. 183. f Wodrow's MSS. Vol III. folio, in life of Spottiswoode, p. 1*0, where a letter of Laud to Traquair is inserted. 388 HISTORY OF THE CHAP., course from all parts of the kingdom, and such things had been suggested to their poor ignorant 1637, people, that they had been diverted from their former resolutions, and they themselves had been forced to petition the lords of the council to con- tinue them in the same state as they had done the rest of the kingdom. * From this period till the termination of har- vest, although there vi'as no tumultuous assem- blage, the state of public opinion became daily more hostile to the designs of the sovereign and of his ministers. Most men were persuaded that, if they did not remain steady, popery would be introduced ; they who supported the plans of the court were execrated, and marked out for in- sult or destruction, whilst the great majority of the nobles and landed proprietors, partly from re- ligious, and partly from interested considerations, supported the multitude, and avowed their inten- tion of sending commissioners to London, to state to the King the grievances of which they com- plained, f Anxiety a- Intimation was given to the town of Edinburgh, feet of t^he" ^^'^^ ^^ answer to their supplication would be return- represeiita- g^^ on the 1 8th of October, and this having been tions to the ° King, Oct. 17. » Baillie, Vol. I. p. 10 and 16. Large Declaration, p. 29 and S2. Rushworth's Collections, Vol. II. p. 400. f Baillie's Letters, Vol. I. p. 10, 11. This writer says, " I think our people possessed with a bloody devil." Guthrie's Memoirs p. 23, 24. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 38^ industriously circulated, immense numbers from all cHAP. • XIV parts of the kingdom flocked to the metropolis, be- ^^^^ ^^ lieving that this answer would shew what they had les?. to expect from the King. The members of the privy-council, astonished and alarmed at so for- midable a concoursCj issued three proclamations, in the vain hope of preserving tranquillity. By the Proclama- . t 1 r !• • i_ ^''^"^ issued first It was announced, that ror divers weighty rea bythecoun- sons, his Majesty had given direction, that on the '^Qctober. approaching council-day nothing should be treated relating to the church ; and all strangers, who had not particular reasons for remaining, were ordered, within twenty-four hours, to leave Edinburgh. By the second, the council and session were removed from the metropolis, first to I^inlithgow, and after- wards to Dundee ; and, by the last, a book, en- titled, " A Dispute against the English Popish Ce- remonies obtruded upon the Church of Scotland,*' which had been extensively circulated, and had made a deep impression, was called in, and punish- ment denounced against those who, after the inti- mation, should have it in their possession.* These proclamations led to a more decided ex- The dis- P , , . r 1 T 1 contented pression or the designs or the discontented party party deil- than would else, at this time, have probably taken ^^^^^^ *^°^ place. The commissioners from the different pa- rishes having given to the clerk of council the su- * Large Declaration, p. S3, S4. Rushworth's Collections, Vol. II. p. 400—404. Baillie's Letters, Vol. I. p. 16-— 18. Whitelocke'* Memorials, p. 27. act. 390 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, plications with which they had been entrusted, XIV. . ^^^,^^ assembled to deliberate upon the steps now to be 1637. adopted. The noblemen, gentlemen, and ministers, met in three different bodies, but they united in passing a strong declaration against the obnoxious books, and in appointing it to be presented to the council. They agreed in condemning the matter of the books, and the mode of imposing them ; and whilst they were occupied in framing their com- plaint, they received information that the act, com- manding them to leave Edinburgh, had, with the usual forms, been made public. Hazardous as were the consequences, they determined to resist, and unequivocally to declare their enmity to the bishops, to whom the proclamation was ascribed. To prevent any division upon a matter so delicate, the general intention only was announced, whilst Lord Balmerino and Henderson prepared one pa- per, Lord Loudon and Dick another. The nobles having approved of one of these, it was, after some slight obj- ctions, sanctioned by the other classes ; was delivered to the clerk of council ; and was in- dustriously circulated through the kingdom, that all who were averse to the innovations might sub- scribe it, and thus pledge themselves to the mea- sures which their bold and able leaders wished them to pursue.* * Baillie's Letters, Vol. I. p. 18, 19, compared with Bishop Gu- thrie's Memoirs, p. 26. I CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 391 Whilst the zealous supporters of the popular CHAP, faction were thus organizing their schemes, the ,..^ .-O metropolis presented scenes of the most disgraceful ^^^^'^* violence and insubordination. The inhabitants, ir state of the ritated at the removal of the Court of Session, and "^^ ^°^° '** of the privy-council, suspecting that this step was intended to pave the way for the imposition of the liturgy, and, persuaded that the chief magistrate was devoted to the court, proceeded to the council- chamber, in which the magistrates had assembled, and outrageously demanded that they should join in a petition against the service, and restore to the exercise of their functions two ministers and a read- er who had been suspended. Resistance to men who threatened all who opposed them with instant destruction, vi^as discerned to be fruitless. The magistrates endeavoured to sooth the populace,— they made the concessions which were demanded, and publicly announced what they had done. The example which had been thus set in Edinburgh was, with the exception of Aberdeen, universally- followed, and the triumph of the cause was greatly facihtated. * But the fury of the multitude did not stop here. isthOct. The Bishop of Galloway, who, trom being suspect- ed of secret attachment to Popery, was peculiarly * Baillie, Vol. I. p. 20. Large Declaration, p. ss, 35. Rush- worth's Collections, Vol. II. p. 400 — 405. The volume is here er- roneously paged. Guthrie's Memoirs, p. iiS. S9fl HISTORY OF THE CHAP, obnoxious, was, in passing through the streets, at- ,^^y^ tacked, — execrations were poured out against him, 1637. — and he was, with much difficulty, conveyed in safety to the place in which the privy-council as- sembled. When intelligence of this outrage was carried to the officers of state, the Earls of Traquair and Wigton, with some foilov/ers, went to secure the prelate. Their appearance, however, was so far from intimidating the mob, that they found themselves in as great danger as the bishop v^^hom they had hoped to deliver. In tliis mortifying si- tuation they dispatched a request to the magistrates that they would interpose their authority in dispers- ing the people. The magistrates were at this mo- ment under restraint, and when this was known, Traquair succeeded in getting access to them ; but finding that by concession they had quieted the po- pulace, he was anxious to return to the bishop till tranquillity should be restored. He was, however, no sooner recognized than he was insulted ; his ears were assailed by the alarming exclamations, — " God defend those that defend God's cause ; God confound the service-book, and all the maintainers of it ;" his cloak and staff were torn from him, and he saved himself by promising that the wishes of the people should be immediately communicated to the King. He was then carried by the crowd to Weakness the couucil-house ; but the danger still appearing otthe go- formidable, the persons to whom the powers of go- vernment were committed were compelled to im- CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, 393 plore the protection of the noblemen who espoused CHAP, the cause of the populace. This was cheerfully -^^^ granted. The people, at the command of their ^^s?. leaders, ceased to insult the objects of their antipa- thy, and the popular lords in triumph escorted the men who should have been able to check the tur- bulence by which they were dismayed. The dis- contented thus saw that they had every reason to anticipate success, and that however they might, out of decency, use the language of respect and submission to the ministers of the sovereign, they had nothing to fear from the vigour or the wisdom of their administration. * Mortifying as were the events which had taken place, and strongly as they were calculated to evince the weakness of government, the members of the privy-council did not learn from them the caution / which it would have been wise to observe ; for in the afternoon they imprudently issued a proclama- tion, in which they prohibited, under the highest pain of law, all assembling of people in the streets, and all private meetings tending to faction and tu- . mult ; — measures in themselves most prudent, but which those who announced them must have been sensible that they were unable to execute, t * Large Declaration, p. 34—38, compared with Baillie, Vol. L p. 20. Guthrie's Memoirs, p, 24, 25. Burnet's Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton, p. 32. Rushworth's Collections, Vol. IL p. 401. i" Large Declaration, p. 38. S94 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. The enemies to innovation resolved to avail them- XIV. v^-^,y-^^ selves of the advantage vi'hich they had gained, and 1637. tj^gy petitioned that a council should be held for Measures ^ * adopted by receiving the petition which they were desirous to of the htur- pJ*Gsent. The council accordingly met, and made ^' some concessions, but declined reading the suppli- cation, because they were prohibited by the King from doing any thing at that time respecting the church ; adding, however, that when the prohibi- tion was removed they should willingly attend to it, and give an answer to what it contained. * With this intimation the lords were satisfied, and, in con- formity to it, they soon again drew the attention of the council to their petition, which they entitled, " The Petition of the Noblemen, Gentlemen, Minis- try, and Burgesses, against the Service- Book and Book of Canons." f It was accompanied by ano- ther petition, addressed to the lord-chancellor, and stated to be in the name of all the men, women, children, and servants, of Edinburgh. The inten- tion of this strange title was to shew the popular aversion to the innovations ; but the petition of the nobility, and of those who acted with them, may be considered as unfolding the vitws of the party, and the insertion of the most material parts of it is ne- cessary for throwing light upon the revolution which was accomplished. After the usual preamble * Baillle's Letters and Journals, Vol. I. p. 21. f Large Declaration, p, 41, compared with Baillle^ Vol. I. p. 19. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 395 it thus proceeds : *' That whereas we were, in chap. • • XIV humble and quiet manner, attendmg a gracious an- ,^^^ ^^ swer of our former supplications against the Service- isst. ... I t 1 1 Strong pe- Book imposed upon us, and ready to shew thetition. great inconveniences which, upon the introduction thereof, must ensue, we are, without any known desert, far by our expectation, surprised and charg- ed, by public proclamation, to depart out of the town within twenty four hours thereafter, under pain of rebellion ; by which peremptory and unusual charge, our tears of a more severe and strict course of proceeding are augmented, and course of our sup- plication interrupted ; wherefore we are constrain- ed, out of the deep grief of our hearts, humbly to remonstrate, that, whereas the archbishops and bi- shops of this realm, being intrusted by his Majesty with the government of the affairs of the church of Scotland, have drawn up and set forth, and enjoined upon the subjects two books, in the one whereof, called the Book of Common- prayer, not only are sown the seeds of divers superstitions, idolatry, and false doctrine, contrary to the true religion estab- lished within this realm by divers acts of parliament, but also the Service- Book of England is abused, especially in the matter of communion, by additions, subtractions, interchanging of words and sentences, falsifying of titles and misplacing of collects, to the disadvantage of Reformation, as the Romish mass is, in the more substantial points, made up therein, quite contrary unto, and for reversing the gracious 396 HISTORY OP THE CHAP, intention of the blessed reformers of religion in XIV ^^y^ England. In the other book, called. Canons and 16S7. Constitutions for the Government of the Church of Scotland, they have ordained, that whosoever shall affirm that the form of worship inserted in the Book of Common-Prayer, doth contain any thing repug- nant to the Scriptures, shall be excommunicated, and not be restored but by the bishop of the place, or the archbishop of the province ; besides one hundred canons more, many of them tending to the reviving and fostering of abolished superstitions and errors, and to the overthrow of our church-discip- line established by acts of parliament, opening a door for what farther invention of religion they please to make, and stopping the way which law before did allow unto us for suppressing of error and superstition, and ordaining, that where, in any of the canons, there is no penalty expressly set down, the punishment shall be arbitrary, as the bishop thinks fittest : all which canons were never seen or allowed in any General Assembly, but are imposed contrary to order of law for establishing constitutions ecclesiastical. Unto which two books the foresaid prelates have, under trust, procured his Majesty's hand and letters-patent, for pressing the same upon his loyal subjects, and have begun to urge their acceptance, not only by injunctions given in provincial assemblies, but also by open procla- mation and charge of horning, whereby we are driven in such straits as we must either suffer the CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 397 ruin of our estates and fortunes, or else, by breach CHAP. XIV. of our covenant with God, and forsaking the way s,>^.^%, of true religion, fall under the wrath of God, which *^^'^* unto us is more grievous than death ; wherefore, we being persuaded that these their proceedings are contrary to our gracious Sovereign's pious intention, who, out of his zeal and princely care of the pre- servation of true religion established in this, his ancient kingdom, hath ratified the same in his high- ness's parliament 1633, and so his Majesty to be highly wronged by the said prelates, who have so far abused their credit with so good a king, as thus to ensnare his subjects, rend our church, undermine religion in doctrine, sacraments, and discipline, move discontent between the King and his subjects, and discord between subject and subject, contrary to several acts of parliament, we, out of bound duty to God, our King, and native country, complain of the present prelates, humbly craving that this matter may be put to trial, and that they be not suffered to sit any more as judges until the cause be tried and decided according to justice. And if this shall seem to you to be a matter of higher importance than you will condescend unto before his Majesty be acquainted therewith, then we humbly supplicate that this our grievance and complaint may be fully represented to his Majesty, that, from the influence of his gracious sovereignty and justice, these wrongs may be redressed, and we have the happiness to 398 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, enjoy the religion as it hath been reformed in this vj^^,^ land." * 1637. Upon many of the members of the privy-council Eifect of ' _ "^ '^ ^ the petition the petition produced a strong impression, whilst policy of the disordered state of the kingdom evinced the the court, necessity of withholding nothing from the King which might guide him to the measures which were imperiously required. They accordingly transmit- ted the supplication, probably by the Earl of Rox- burgh, who went to London to give a just account of the condition of Scotland, t It may perhaps admit of a doubt, whether the concession of all which was now required would, ev n at this early period, have restored harmony, and prevented any new attempts against the hier- archy. + This much, however, the King might have discerned, that the utmost caution was requi- site, and that he had to contend, not against a mo- mentary ebullition of popular zeal, but against a calm deliberate purpose of the most considerable men in the kingdom. Yet, with melancholy infa- tuation, he paid little or no attention to the accurate information which had been anxiously communicat- ed to him, but, convinced of the energy of the pre- rogative, he resolved to adhere to his original inten- Dec. tions. He dispatched Roxburgh to Scotland with * Large Declaration, p. 42 — 44, Rushworth's Collections, VoL II. p. 405 — 408. \ Burnet's Memoirs, p. 32. \ Baillie's Letters, Vol. I. p. 31, 32. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 399 instructions little adapted to the critical state of that CHAP. • • • XIV kingdom. Upon his arrival one proclamation was ^^^^ issued, appointing the council to meet weekly at i^s?. Dalkeith, and the Court of Session, after the be- ginning of February, to hold its sessions at Stirling ; and another, in which his Majesty, after declaring that he had seen the supplications against the Ser- vice-Book, attributed his delay in answering them to the outrages which had taken place in Edinburgh, To remove, however, the apprehensions of popery, which had been industriously strengthened, he as- sured his people of his abhorrence of that religion, and of his zeal for the advancement of true religion, as it was presently professed within his ancient kingdom, solemnly affirming that he had no inten- tion to do any thing against the laws of Scotland. * When this proclamation v/as published, the pres- Farther byterians saw that it was necessary to carry on their of°h^g^(ji"5' schemes. Whilst with that respect for the sove- effected, reign which they long professed to entertain, they affected to receive his answer with gratitude, and to put upon it a favourable interpretation, they were sensible that it really granted nothing which should supersede their own exertions. •\ They according- * Large Declaration, p. 4.5, 46. BalUie's Letters and Journals* Vol. L p. 25, 26. Burnet's Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton, p. 46. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. IIL folio, in Life of Spotiiswoode, p. 152. Rushworth's Collections, Vol. IL p. 230. t Balllie's Letters, Vol. L p. 26. compared with Rapin, Vol. II. p. 302. Burnet's Memoirs, p. 32. 400 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, ly appointed a deputation to attend the council j t^^^^ and the Earl of Loudon, who had been requeste4 1637. to speak in name of the whole, alter presenting anew the former suppHcations, and insisting that the bishops should no longer sit in council when affairs respecting religion were under discussion, in- veighed with the utmost vehemence against Popery, the order of bishops, and the late innovations, con- cluding with these pointed observations relating tq the prelates : " We neither crave their blood, nor harm to their persons, but that the abuses and wrongs done by them may be truly represented tq his Majesty, that after due trial such an order might be taken that the evils might be remedied, and that their power might be restrained.'* * The bishops having in vain attempted to elude the vehemence of the petitioners, and finding that little regard was paid, even in the council, to their claims and privileges, had a few days before this; withdrawn from that assembly ; a circumstance strikingly calculated to confirm the opposition tq them which had been so vigorously commenced, f Although the various supplications presented by Loudon really aimed at the subversion of the con- stitution,— although they proceeded from men who, * BaiiHe, Vol. I. p 28, 29. He says that Loudon's speech was de- livered upon the 22d. Guthrie's Memoirs, p, 27. Edinburgh Col- lections quoted by Wodrow, Vol. III. in lifeof Spottiswoode, p. 152. t Baillie, Vol. I. p. 29. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. III. in life of Spot- tiswoode, p. 1 55, CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 401 though high in rank and in influence, did not form chip. a legal body, — far from firmly declaring that the ^^^ ^^ proceedings were unwarrantable, and vindicating the 1637. rights of their ecclesiastical associates, Hope, Tra- quair, and Sir James Hamilton the justice -clerk, shewed much partiality to the petitioners, and the clerk of register alone spoke with zeal in defence of the bishops. The result was, that the council re- <;eived the different papers, promised to transmit them to the King, assured Loudon and his party that their cause should receive no prejudice till an answer was returned, and even consulted with the faction upon the mode of submitting to his Majesty what was to be laid before him. The Earl of Tra- quair and the Earl of Roxburgh, the privy-seal, were both willing to go to London ; but it was at length determined to leave to the sovereign the choice of the person from whom he was to get a report of the state of affairs. Spottiswoode the president, who, from being son of the primate, was very obnoxious to the discontented, went at this time to court, upon pretence of making some ar- rangements respecting his father's demission of the office of chancellor ; but the King, not relying upon him, summoned the Earl of Traquair, in whom he confided. * * Baillie, Vol. I. p. 28 — 31. Edinburgh MS. Collections, quoted by Wodrow in Vol. IIL of his MSS. under life of Spottiswoode, p. 1 52, 1 53. Large Declaration, p. 47. Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 27, 28. Burnet's Memoirs, p. 33. VOL. II. C C 402 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. Traquair did not attempt to disguise the evil \^/^w which afflicted Scotland, or to conceal the causes 1^37. _ from which these evils originated. He represented representa- the turbulent Spirit with which government had to *'°"; struggle, ascribed it to the errors of the bishops and to the introduction of the lately authorized books, and gave it as his opinion, that nothing could regain the loyal affections of the people, if these books were not ar the present juncture laid aside, and fresh as- surances circulated of the King's aversion to Popery and zeal for the protestant religion. * Plain as these truths were, the views of the court remained un- changed ; and Traquair was even suspected of se- cretly fomenting the disturbances which he sought to compose, f The King seems to have been per- suaded that the first acts of outrage were the acci- dental excesses of enthusiasm ; that the dread of punishment still kept together those who had been guilty of them ; and that if this dread were re- moved, tranquilhty would be restored. Under these impressions he determined, before making any further concessions, to proclaim his resolution to pardon the acts of violence which had been per- petrated, to vindicate the innovations, and to pro- hibit ail tumultuous assemblies ; promising, how- ever, that he would listen to such supplications from * Burnet's Memoirs, p. 33. f Burnet's Memoirs, p. 33. Sanderson's Hbt- p. 226, compared with Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 87. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 403 . his people as were conveyed in language which it CHAP, was proper for subjects to use to thdr sovereign. * ^^^ ^^• Traquair returned to Scotland with instructions, „ ,1^^^* * _ _ Bold con- the ineiEcacy of which he must have appreciated ; duct of the and when the leaders of the presbyterians, deeply nlns. solicitous about the issue of his mission, requested ^^^^^^* that he would relieve their anxiety, he evaded their request, and even solemnly assured them that he had received no directi(ms from che King respectmg the supplications. He adopted this insincere policy from the vain hope that if he could, without tumult, actually publish his Majesty*s intentions, many would shrink from incurring the guilt of rebellion by di- rectly opposing their sovereign ; and he resolved to make the proclamation of the royal intentions at Stirhng, to which town the court of session had been translated. The most active of the faction, however, obtained, the day after the first conference, information of what vi'as to take place, and they sent to Traquair to ascertain what was the fact, or to express the sorrow wt)ich the intelligence had excited. Sheltering himself under the official plea that he could not communicate to them what he was enjoined to lay before the council, he maintain- ed the most imprudent reserve, merely insinuating, that such meetings as had been lately held were to be prohibited. The resistance which was made to * Large Declaration, p. 48 — 50. Baillie's Letters, Vol. I. p. 32, S3, and 38, 39. Burnet's Memoirs, p. 34. 404 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, this suggestion plainly shewed him what were the v,^Pv^«,»^ intentions of those with whom he conversed ; and 1638. these intentions were soon carried into execution. They stated to such of the privy-council as they be- lieved to be friendly to them, the grounds of their complaint ; and they determined to be at Stirling, there to renew what they termed their declinature of the bishops, and to protest if it should not be re- ceived. When the treasurer and the, privy-seal in- 19th Feb. timated to them the probability that, after such con- duct, the King would not receive any new supplica- tion, they intrepidly answered, that they should do their duty, and commit the event to God Almighty, who was sufficiently able to protect his own cause, and their just proceedings. * The King's Traquair was not deterred by what had passed tion pro- from obeying his instructions ; but he judged it pru- l^j?afnst at *^^"^ ^^ S° ^^^J ^^^^Y ^^ ^^^ momiug of the nine- Stirling, teeiith to Stirling, that he might, before the arrival of those to whom it was obnoxious, publish the pro- clamation. The presbyterians, however, were on their guard ; and having got notice that Traquair and Roxburgh had left Edinburgh, Lord Lindsay and Hume hastened to Stirling, and reached it in time to hear the proclamation, and to take the de- cided step upon which they had resolved, f When the proclamation was finished, these lords, after a * Baillie's Letters and Journals, Vol. I. p. 32, and 33 — 42, com- pared with the short account given by Guthrie in his Memoirs, p. 28. t Baillie, Vol. I. p. 33. Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 28, 29. 6 CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 405 preamble, in which the former proceedings of their chap, party were detailed, declared, in name of the noble- k^^^J^ men, barons, ministers and boroughs appointed to le.^s. attend his Majesty's answer to their petitions and complaints, that out of their duty to God, to the King, and their native country, they were forced to protest in manner following : *' 1. That we may have immediate recourse to our sacred sovereign, to present our grievances, and in a legal way to prose- cute the same before the ordinary competent judges, civil or ecclesiastical, without any offence offered by us or taken by the lords of the council. 2. That the archbishops and bishops, our parties complain- ed upon, cannot be reputed lawful judges to sit in any judicatory in this kingdom, civil or ecclesiastical, upon any of the supplicants, till after lawful trial they judicially purge themselves of such crimes as we have already laid to their charge, offering to prove the same whensoever his sacred Majesty shall please to give us audience. 3. That no act or pro- clamation to follow thereupon, passed or to be pas- sed, in council or out of council, in presence of the archbishops and bishops whom we have already de- clined to be our judges, shall in any way be preju- dicial to us the supplicants, our persons, estates, lawful meetings, proceedings or pursuits. 4. That neither we, nor any whose heart the Lord moveth to join with us in these our suppiieations against the foresaid innovations, shall incur any danger in hfe or lands, or any political or ecclesiastical pains, for 406 HISTORY 0? THE CHAP, not observing such acts, books, canons, rites, jiidi- .^-^ .-^^ catories and proclamations, introduced wirhout or ^Feb^* ^g«i^"st the acts of General Assemblies, or acts of Parliament ; but that it shall be lawful to us and them to use ourselves in matters of religion, of the external worship of God, and the policy of the church, according to the vi^ord of God, and laudable constitutions of the church and kingdom, conform to his Majesty's declaration of the ninth of Decem- ber last. .5. Seeing by the legal and submissive way of our former supplications, all who take these innovations to heart have been kept calm, and car- ried themselves in a quiet manner, in hope of re- dress, we protest that, if any inconvenience shall happen to fail out, which we pray the Lord to pre- vent, upon the pressing of any of the foresaid inno- vations or evils, and upon your lordships' refusal to take order thereanent, the same be not iaiputed to us, who most humbly seek all things to be re- formed in order. 6. We protest that these our re- quests, proceeding from conscience and a due re- spect to his Majesty's honour, do tend to no other end but to the preservation of the true reformed re- ligion, the laws and Hberties of this his Majesty's most ancient kingdom, and satisfaction of our most humble desires contained in our supplication and complaint, according to his Majesty's accustomed goodness and justice, from which we do certainly expect such remedy as may be expected from so gracious a King toward most loyal and dutiful sub- CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 407 jects, calling for redress of so pressing grievances, CHAP, and praying to God that his Majesty may long and s^ prosperously reign over us." * i^'^^* This protestation was repeated on two successive days, at Linlithgow and Edinburgh, f It is impossible to read this singular document j^g^^^j^i^j without perceiving that it indicates a spirit of resist- ance which all the efforts of the King might have been unable to eradicate. There is a striking simi- larity between its stile and sentiments, and those in the manifestoes of the lords of the congregation ; indeed these were evidently the models after which the presbyterian faction faithfully copied. There tVas, however, an essential difference in the situa- don of the first reformers, and in that of their suc- cessors. The intrepid men who attacked the po- pish establishment, long contended only for tolera- tion ; and when this was denied, they were com- pelled to struggle for liberty, without which their consciences would have been shackled, their reli- gion persecuted, and they themselves deprived of property, of honours, and of life. Infatuated as Charles was, he threatened his subjects with no such evils. In the ardour of party-zeal it was in- deed strongly insinuated, that he was steadily prose- cuting the design of restoring Popery, but there is * Large Declaration, p. 50 — 52. Rushworth's Collections, VoL n. p. 730—734. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. III. folio, in life of Spotti?- woode, p. 1 5S. t Baillie, Vol. I. p. 35 and 44. 4018 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, not the slightest evidence to support the insinuation. XIV .... <^^»-,r^ The amount of the religious calamities which the 1638. inhabitants of Scotland had to dread, was the con- tinuance of episcopacy, or the attempt to continue it ; but it surely may be doubted how far this was, at the commencement of the disturbances, a suffi- cient cause for actively resisting the sovereign. It is true that his measures for accomplishing his ob- ject were frequently inconsistent with the rights which, under every government, the people should assert j but much might have been done in a con- stitutional manner to secure the privileges which he wantonly or heedlessly invaded. Many of the clergy who joined in opposition to government had at this period no idea that episcopacy was subversive of Christianity ; all of them had sworn obedience to the bishops in whose dioceses they ministered ; and some of them expressly distinguished between epis- copacy as it existed in the time of Knox's superin- tendents, and the episcopacy which now was op- posed, affirming, that both indeed ought to be re- moved, but that the former ought not to be ab- jured. * Tables per- ^j-j^^ presbvterians themselves seem to have con- manently ^ •' erected, sidcred the protest as the first step to the abjuration of the King's authority, for they now erected a pe- * Baillie's Letters and Journals, Vol. I. p. 1 32. The passage is a remarkable one, and shews that, even at the period to which it refers, the superintendent scheme was considered as allied to episcopacy. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 409 cuHar constitution of government, in which were chap. vested the prerogatives of the sovereign. \J^^' The tumuhs of the former year had led to an less. agreement that the supplications presented to the privy-council should be given by a deputation from those whose grievances they enumerated ; and the advantage of this arrangement was sensibly felt. It is evident, however, that the council, in sanctioning the practice of the discontented acting by commis- sioners, had solely in view to prevent the disgrace- ful scenes of outrage, which all good men deplored, and did not conceive that they were extending the permission of the monarch to institutions totally subversive of his throne. The petitioners early sav/ the importance of giving permanence to a scheme which, for a temporary purpose, had been devised, and they formed what they called Tables, represent- ing the different classes of persons who united in vindicating the privileges of the church, appointing one for the nobility, one for the gentlemen, one for the ministers, and another for the boroughs. At these tables, consisting of the most zealous or the most esteemed of the respective orders, all measures for defence and security were deliberately examin- ed, and a general table, composed of representatives from the four subordinate tables, received sugges- tions from these tables, and finally decided upon what it was necessary to carry into execution. * * Baillie's Letters and Jouraals, Vol, I. p. 21, 23. 2 J^ and 35. 4J0 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. The members of this political body, guided by v^^^^,^^ the most fervent zeal, — enjoying the full confidence 1638. of the great majority of the people, — venerated as the guardians of pure religion, and as the generous defenders of civil liberty, were implicitly obeyed; whilst the warnings of the council, though issued in the name, and sanctioned by the approbation of the Sovereign, were disregarded or despised. * The Cove- f he great object of the presbyterians was to pre- serve that enthusiasm or veneration for their cause which was so extensively disseminated. With ad- mirable address they devised an expedient for this purpose, the success of which exceeded even their own most sanguine expectations. In a former part of this history it has been mentioned, that, to re- move prevailing apprehensions of the restoration of popery, James instructed Craig to compose a con- fession of faith, in which all Popish errors should be abjured, and which would thus prove a test of the sound principles of those by whom it was subscrib- ed. This confession he himself signed, and he then commanded it to be signed by all ranks of people. Some years after, it was, upon a petition of the Large Declaration, p. 54. Burnet's Memoirs, p. 32 and 34. Rush- worth's Collections, Vol. II p. 734. Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 89. Guth- rie's Memoirs, p. 27. Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 27. It is proper to observe, that the tables for the particular purpose of petitioning existed in the conclusion of the fwmer year, but they did not assume the power of government till after the protest. It is necessary to at- tend to this in consulting the authorities just quoted. * Large Declaration, p. 54. Clarendon, Vol. I. p. *9. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 411 General Assembly to the council, again subscribed, cHAP. and there was then added to it a bond, or obliga- v^^^ tion for maintenance of the true religion, and of less. the King's person. * The tables resolved to renew, by their own authority, what had formerly excited the pious or patriotic zeal of the community, mak- ing such alterations in what was to be subscribed as tended to unite the majority of the kingdom in the cordial support of the bold measures which they saw that it would be necessary to adopt. It was at first urged, that the confession, in its original form, implied the rejection of the articles of Perth, and of the episcopal order, both of these being, by fair in- terpretation, comprehended under the hierarchy which was formally abjured ; but, as several of the most respectable of the clergy considered this as at least doubtful, it was judged prudent to add to the bond for def-.nce of the King's person, an obligation to defend each other against all persons whatsoever, and an explicit declaration of their sentiments with regard to the innovations, which they all contemplat- ed with abhorrence, f Part of this remarkable ad- dition, which gave a new complexion to what was held forth merely as the revival of a former confes- sion, it is necessary here to insert : — " We, noble- men, gentlemen, burgesses, ministers, and commons, ■* Buik of the Universal Kirk, under 1580 and 1590. •}■ Baillie's Letters and Journals, Vol. I. p. 35. Calderwood's His* tof)', p. 96. Burnet's Memoirs, p. 32, S3. Large Declaration, p 70. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. IIL folio, in life of Spottiswoode, p. 152, 153. 412 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, under subscribing, considering divers times before, and especially at this time, the danger of the true 1638. reformed religion, of the King's honour, and of the public peace of the kingdom, by the manifold inno- vations and evils generally contained, and particu- larly mentioned in our late supplications, do here- by profess, and before God, his angels, and the world, do solemnly declare, that, with our whole hearts, we agree and resolve, all the days of our lives, constantly to adhere unto and defend the true religion, forbearing the practice of all novations al- ready introduced in the matters of the worship of God, or approbation of the corruptions of the pub- lic government of the church, or civil places and power of churchmen, till they be tried and allowed in free assembhes, and in parliaments ; to labour, by all means lawful, to recover the purity and li- berty of the gospel, as it was established and pro- fessed before the said novations : And because, after due examination, we plainly perceive, and undoubt- edly believe, that the innovations and evils have no warrant of the word of God, — are contrary to the articles of the foresaid confessions, — to the intention and meaning of the blessed reformers of religion in this land, and do sensibly tend to the re-establishing of the Popish religion and tyranny, and to the sub- version and ruin of the true reformed religion, and of our liberties, laws, and estates, we also declare that the foresaid confessions are to be interpreted, and ought to be understood of the foresaid novations CHURCH OF SCOTLA.ND, 413 and evils, no less than if every one of them had chap. been expressed in the foresaid confessions, and that "^ we are obliged to detest and abhor them amongst less. other particular heads of papistrie abjured therein : And therefore, from the knowledge and conscience of our duty to God, to our King and country, without any worldly respect or inducement, so far as human infirmity will suffer, wishing a further measure of the grace of God for this effect, we promise and swear, by the great name of the Lord our God, to continue in the profession and obedi- ence of the foresaid religion ; that we shall defend the same, and resist all those contrary errors and corruptions, according to our vocation, and to the uttermost of that power that God hath put in our hands, all the days of our life ; and, in like manner, with the same heart, we declare, before God and men, that we have no intention or desire to attempt any thing that may turn to the dishonour of God, or to the diminution of the King's greatness or authori- ty, but, on the contrary, we promise and swear that we shall, to the uttermost of our power, with our means and lives, stand to the defence of our dread Sovereign, his person and authority, in the de- fence and preservation of the foresaid true religion, liberties, and laws, of the kingdom ; — as also to the mutual defence and assistance, every one of us of another, in the same cause of maintaining the true religion, and his Majesty's authority, with our best counsel, our bodies, means, and whole power. 414 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. ^g^Ji^st all sorts of persons whatsoever, so that what- XIV. soever shall be done to the least of us for that 1638. cause, shall be taken as done to us all in general, and to every one of us in particular : And that we shall, neither directly nor indirectly, suffer our- selves to be divided or withdrawn from this blessed and loyal conjunction, nor shall cast in any let or impediment, that may stay or hinder any such re- solution, as, by common consent, shall be found to conduce for so good ends ; but, on the contrary, shall, by all lawful means, labour to further and promove the same : And if any such dangerous and divisive motion be made to us by word or writ, we, and every one of us, shall either suppress it, or, if need be, shall incontinent make the same known, that it may be timeously obviated. Neither do we fear the foul aspersions of rebellion, combi- nation, or what else our adversaries, from their craft and malice, would put qn us, seeing what we do is so well warranted, and ariseth from an un- feigned desire to maintain the true worship of God, the majesty of our King, and the peace of the king- dom, for the common happiness of ourselves and our posterity.'* * Observa- This bond places beyond a doubt the determi- tions upon nation of those by whom it was framed to defy even aant. ' the King himself in attaining the objects which it * Large Dcclarationj, p. 6i — ^^, Rushworth's Collections, VoL II. p. 734— T-ll. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 415 was designed to secure. Yet Hope, his Majesty's CHAP. advocate, did not hesitate to give it as his opinion, that it contained nothing inconsistent with the duty less. of subjects, — a fact strikingly evincing how much the spirit of faction can bewilder even the most vigor- ous minds. * The obligation was written and sanctioned, — not by parliament, — not by men act- ing in any official capacity, — but by individuals as- suming the right of deciding upon the measures of their sovereign, and considering their private judg- ment as a sufficient warrant for despising his autho- rity. It does not alter the case that the cause was really good, — it might have been quite the reverse ; and therefore the vindication of the covenant must be rested, not upon far-fetched attempts to recon- cile it with loyalty, but upon this great principle, that, when the ends for which all government should be instituted are defeated, the oppressed have a clear right to disregard customary forms, and to assert the privileges without which they would be con- demned to the degradation and wretchedness of despotism. In applying the principle to any parti- cular case, the circumstances must be scrupulously weighed, and there will, almost always, from variety of judgment, or diversity of political sentiments, be different opinions. In the present instance, the bishops, and they who were attached to episcopacy, contended, that the evils upon which the covenant- * Baillie's Letters and Journals, Vol. I. p. 48. 416 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, ers dwelt were in a great measure imaginary, or x^\^ might, without trampling on the prerogative, be 1638. removed ; whilst the covenanters, and the great body of the nation, were firmly persuaded, that, without some mighty effort, the purity of religion would be corrupted, and the most grievous tyranny establish- ed. According to various feelings and principles, this subject will, probably at all times, continue to be viewed in opposite lights ; and, instead of de- claiming upon the patriotism of the enemies to in- novation, or on the desire of their opponents to bend their countrymen under the sceptre of the monarch, the judgment upon this interesting event in Scotish history should be formed by calmly in- vestigating the question, whether there existed dan- ger which nothing less than the resolution to sign the Covenant and the bond annexed to it would have averted. Covenant The Covenant was, notwithstanding the essential subscribed alteration in it which has been noticed, still denomi- by vast ' Tiumbers. nated by its former title, — a piece of disingenuity which was not necessary to support the cause, and which afforded its enemies some ground for ques- tioning the integrity of the zealous men by whom it was espoused. * It was at length submitted for the approbation or subscription of the people, and * Large Declaration, p. 55 and 69, 70. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. HI. folio, in life of Spottiswoode, p. 154. Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 89. la the account of this historian there is much inaccuracy, but he dwells upon the charge against the covenanters to which I have alluded. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 417 the first trial was made in the metropolis. In the CHAP, church of the Grey Friars an immense muhitude ^^^ ^ assembled. The confession or covenant having ^^^^' been read, the Earl of Loudon, in an impres- sive oration, dwelt upon its vast importance as a bond of union, whilst Henderson, with all the fervour of zeal, and all the effect of popular elo- quence, prayed to heaven for a blessing. 1 he feel- ings of the people were excited, — they looked on the covenant as the instrument of their deliverance, — with joyful exclamations they hastened to share in the honour of attaching to it their names ; and the spirit thus roused was not without reason con- sidered as affording a pledge that the glorious work of civil and religious hberty would.be crown- ed with success. At this interesting moment, the Archbishop of St Andrews, hearing of the ebulli- tion of popular ardour, was filled with despair, and exclaimed, " Now all that we have been doing these thirty years past is at once thrown down.** In most parts of the kingdom, with the same religious so- lemnities as had been practised in Edinburgh, the people emulated the piety or the patriotism of the capital, — hailed, with the warmest expressions of de- light, the bearers of the covenant, and needed no exhortation to induce them to subscribe. The hearts of the inhabitants of Scotland were thus united in defence of the party which had resisted innovation ; that party saw, and appreciated its strength, and soon followed a hne of pohcy which VOL. II. D d 418 HISTOHY OF THE CHAP, kindled the flame of civil dissension, and hastened ^^^^' the events which terminated in the melancholy fate 1638. of the deluded, but unfortunate monarch.* Coldly re- Some exceptions, however, to the pervading en- ceived in , some parts thusiasm for the covenant mortified its adherents, dora.^ ^'"^' 'whilst they excited their astonishment, and roused their indignation, In Glasgow, several of the mi- nisters shewed no solicitude to subscribe, and even disapproved of the zeal of their brethren. At St Andrews, through the influence of the primate or of the university, the inhabitants displayed no earnestness ; whilst, in Aberdeen, the covenant was resisted, and much discussion upon its merits took place. The first embassy to this city proved un- successful, and when the covenanters returned to the charge, and gave a commission to Henderson and Dick to unite with Cant, one of their few par- tizans in the north, although they did procure many subscriptions, they were not admitted into the churches, and they found that they had to contend with the ingenuity of several respectable members of the university and of the church. These divines asked, by what authority they were required to sign the covenant, as the persons who called upon them to do so were not authorized by his Majesty, the * Baillle's Letters and Journals, Vol. I. p. 35 — 37. Burnet's Me- moirs, p. 33. Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 30. Rushwor;h's Collections, Vol. II. p. 741. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. III. folio, in life of Spottis- woode, p. 153, 154. Whitelocke's Mennorials, p. 27. Skinner's Ecclesiastical Hist, of Scotland, Vol. II. p. 317, 318. Large Decla- ration, p. 75, 76. CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 4l9 Lords of the council, or any national assembly ? CHAP. ' XIV they complained that the covenant, as now urged, .^^ ^ was substantially different from the confession of i^ss. 15bO and 1581 ; they maintained, that subscription to it, in its new form, was contrary to their duty of allegiance ; and they stated other difficulties, which then, in the heat of faction, were branded as trifling or fallacious, but which, when coolly ex- amined, are seen to reflect much credit upon the judgment and the moderation of those with whom they originated. Henderson, with his usual ability^ replied, but his associates did not trust solely to bis arguments ; for the Earl of Montrose, who after- wards declared for the King, and, perhaps, injured him as a friend as much as he had done when he was an enemy, compelled those who were refrac- tory to make a common cause with their brethren. This slight resistance was of much Uvse to the cove- nanters. It afforded them a pretence for expa- tiating upon the dangers with which they were sur- rounded, and for casting out insinuations against the schemes and promises of government ; and, by sup- pressing it, the faction acquired that decided ascen- dancy, the effects of which are now to be traced.* *BaIllie's Letters and Journals, Vol. L p. 45—47, ar.d 72, 7S. Large Declaration, p. 72 and 75. General Demands of the Doctors and Ministers of Aberdeen, concerning the late Covenant in Scotland; together with the Answers and Duplies. &c. Published at Aberdeen, Anno, 1663. Guthrie's Memoirs, p. Si^, 33. Burnet's Memoirs, p. 68. Spalding's History of the Troubles in Scotland, Vol, L p. 68 — 73, published at Aberdeen, 1792. 420 HISTORY OF THE CHAPTER FIFTEENTH. Measures of the Privy. Councilin consequence of the Pro- testation....Determination (f the King. ...Marquis of Hamilton appointed his Commissioner... Instructions given to him. ...Covenanters suspect the designs of the Court ...Hamilton s arrival in Scotland. ...Alarming in- cident....His reception. ...He comes to Edinburgh ..His ttegociations with the Covenanters. ...His correspondence with the King.... Instability of the Council.,..The Mar- quis goes to Court.... His advice to the King, and the re- suit of it. ...Conduct of the Covenanters during his ab- sence... He returns to Scotland... Difference of senti- ment amongst the Covenanters over? uled.... Resolution of the Commissioner to return to London... .His plans.... Measures of the Covenanters.. ..Prudence of the Com- missioner.... Lords of the Covenant still dissatisfied.... Various acts of Concession published. ...Kings Covenant subscribed by numbers.. ..Activity of the Covenanters.... 1 heir proceedings against the Bishops... .Di-fficulties of the Commissioner. ...Conduct of the Bishops.... Views of the parties ...General Assembly at Glasgozo.... Remarks upon the Revolution through it accomplished.... Subsi- diary regulations of the Assembly y throwing light upon the character of the times ...State of the Church. ...Con- clusion of the Assembly, ...The Marquis of Hamilton returns to London. CHAP. The decided opposition to the King, which the ^^^ j,^ protest against his proclamation implied; the agi- 1638. tated state of the public mind, and the zeal with CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 421 which all classes anticipated the renewed subscrip- CHAP, rion of the covenant, rendered formidable by the ^..t^^y^^y bond which was subjoined to it, called upon the ^^^^' officers of the crown to take the situation of the ofthec^un. kingdom into serious consideration. A council ac- ^''• cordmgly was, with the concurrence of the chan- cellor and the other prelates, summoned to be held at Stirling on the 1st of March ; and although, with the exception of the Bishop of Brechin, who soon withdrew, none of them were present, it was esteem- ed requisite that there should be no delay in con- veying to his Majesty information which might save his throne. The whole proceedings of the council, previous to this period, are marked by the most suspicious imbecility. It has been affirmed, that, had even a small force been raised at the comence- ment of the troubles, the subsequent scenes oi vio- lence and outrage might have been prevented ; and it is certainly strange that it did not occur to make the trial.* The truth is, that the council was divided, and that many of the members were par- tial to the enemies of innovation. Lord Lorn, afterwards distinguished by the part which he acted against the crown, had, by Spottiswoode's exalta- tion, been disappointed of the dignified office of chancellor; he had thus been prejudiced against episcopacy ; and although he still continued to act as a privy-counsellor, he had no wish to strengthen * Burnet's History of his own Times, Vol. I. p. 33, 34. ^ 422 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, the church as it was now constituted, or to defeat -^^^^ the designs of the enemies of government, which 1638. there can be little doubt that he secretly approved ; whilst Hope, the King's advocate, who, from his official situation, had great influence, instead of assisting those who administered the government, re- gulated the proceedings of the covenanters, which he did not scruple to defend.* Several days were spent by the lords of the council in anxious de- liberation. No idea of resisting the covenanters, seems, for a moment, to have been entertained, but all anticipated the future tranquillity of the kingdom from concessions, implying the Kmg's inability to maintain his power, and the vast re- sources of those united for its diminution. They, in the end, resolved to send Sir John Hamilton to Lon- don, with instructions sufficiently disclosing their sentiments. After several preliminary injunctions, he was commanded to state, that it v^-as the unanimous opinion of the council, that the causes of the gene- ral combustions in the country were the fears of innovation in religion and ecclesiastical discipline by the service-book, canons, and high commission, which had been irregularly introduced ; to repre- sent the propriety of the King declaring that he should take trial of the grievances oi his people, and should, in the mean time, not urge upon them * Baillie, Vol. 1. p. 48 and 51. Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 12 and 41. and also p. 22 and 30. Burnet's History of his own Times, Vol.1, p. 27. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 423 the practice of what they condemned ; and to sug- chap. gest that he should call up such of the council as ^^^^' he thought qualified, to state the reasons upon less. which the advice humbly submitted to him was founded. They concluded by enjoining Hamilton to assure his Myjesty, that they could do nothing to prevent the convocations and unlawful meetings which were regularly held, till his pleasure was re- turned to what was styled their humble remon- strance. The instructions were subscribed by all the lords of the council who were present, and ha- ving been transmitted to the bishops, were also signed by the chancellor, and the bishops of Edin- burgh, Dunblane, Galloway, and Brechin. With March 5. this public dispatch there was sent to the King a private letter from Traquair and Roxburgh, con- firming the representation ot the troubled state of the kingdom, and suggesting, that, as religion was the pretended cause of all the commotions, it would be wise to dissipate the alarm of his subjects, and thus to separate the intelligent part of the community from the violent agitators of tumult. In a memorial to the Marquis of Hamilton, who had great sway over the Kmg, the council urged the importance of bringing the evils which afflicted Scotland to a happy issue ; whilst the chief of the covenanters wrote to the lords at court, and one of them assured the marquis, that they would quit 424 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, their lives, If they did not get all which they de- y^^-^ ^^ sired.* 1638. jj. ^j^g impossible for the most careless or deluded JJetermina " tion of the sovereign to pay no attention to all those state- ments, confirmed by several of the council who were summoned to court, and by many of the bishops, who gladly sought refuge in London from the fury of the populace. Charles seems to have been at length roused, and convinced that it was necessary to take some step to regain the influence which he had lost. This was indeed the critical moment, and upon the resolution now formed al- most everything depended. That his prerogative had been invaded, and that, under the pretence of religious liberty, practices had been introduced sub- versive of all government, there could, notwith- standing the sophistry of prejudiced lawyers, be no doubt ; and the interesting question to be resolved was, Whether he should enforce his own acts, or whether he should freely grant the privileges for which his subjects were prepared to contend ? At this time, even with his high opinion of the dignity of sovereigns, there were many reasons which pres- sed on him the necessity of caution The southern parts of Scotland were firmly united ; and although it seems to have been suggested to him that he * Burnet's Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton, p. S4 — S8. Large Declaration, p. 7 6. Baillie, Vol. 1. p. 47. Rushworth's Collec- tions, Vol. n. p. 741 — 744. Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 31. White- locke's Memorials, p. 27. 4 CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 425 might raise an army in the north, this was too des- CHAP, perate a scheme not to be rejected. His throne ^ in England he already felt shaking beneath him ; ^^^^ his finances were inconsiderable ; and it was doubt- ful how far he could depend upon his troops should they be called to oppose a popular cause. As he thus decided not immediately, at least, to have re- course to compulsion, sound policy should have pointed out, that, in his present circumstances, it was wise to make the most ample concessions. * Had he at once restored the presbyterian polity, and accompanied the restoration with such a settle- ment of ecclesiastical property as would have grati- fied the nobility, he would, in all probability, have knit to him the hearts of a brave and magnanimous people, and saved himself from the difficulties in which he was soon involved. At this period the connection between his English and Scotish subjects was very slight, and it was thus more easy than it ever afterwards could have been, to render the lat- ter devoted to the crown. This policy was pointed out to him by official communications, the accuracy of which he could not doubt. The Earls of R.)thes, Cassilis, and Montrose, drew up a paper, containing eight articles, for the present peace of the church and kingdom of Scotland, which was sent to such of the nobility as were in London. They required that the service-book and canons should be dis- * Baillie's Letters and Journals, Vol. I. p. 62, 6S. 426 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, charged, with the articles of Perth and the High y^^^,'^ Commission ; that churchmen should not sit in 1638. parliament ; that the oaths required from the clergy when they assumed their sacred office should be cancelled ; that General Assemblies should be re- vived, and regularly held ; that a parliament should be summoned for redressing the grievances of the subjects ; and they concluded by saying, that, if these petitions were granted, their tongues and pens could not represent what would be the joyful ac- clamations and hearty wishes of so loyal and loving a people for his Majesty's happiness, and how heartily bent all sorts would be found to bestow their fortunes and lives in his Majesty's service. * Unhappily, the King's attachment to episcopacy, and the hope which he cherished ot dividing his enemies, prevented him from following conduct so decisive. He resolved to make some concessions; but he did so in language so vague, as to suggest Marquis of the idea that he was not sincere ; and he appointed appdnted ^ ^^§^ Commissioner, vested with splendid powers, ^p^™5- trusting that by his address much might be done to compose tumult, without compromising the rights of the crown. He selecied for this delicate and ha- zardous office the Marquis of Hamilton, a nobleman descended from the royal family, attached to the best interests of the sovereign, yet mingling this attachment with those patriotic feelings which it was * Burnet's Memoirs, p, 38 — 42. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. III. folio, in life of Spottiswoode, p. 154. sioner. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 427 SO honourable to foster. * He had spent some years chap. of his early life in a foreign country. Upon his re ^^^^y^ turn, he took no decided part in the contests which ^^^^* distracted Scotland ; but his extensive connections, and his moderate principles, gained the confidence of some of the leading covenanters, and they re- peatedly applied to him to present their petitions to the King, f The marquis saw the difficulties with which he would have to contend ; and although he conceived it to be his duty to accept the appoint- ment, he stated to his Majesty that success was doubtful, and that he dreaded that, in whatever way he might act, he should lose his favour. | The manner in which he should act, and the His instruc tions. objects which he should strive to secure, now be- came the subject of dehberation. All idea of relin- quishing episcopacy was cast out of view, and he was authorized to give an assurance merely that the canons and the service-book should not be pressed but in a legal way, and that the court of commission should be regulated so as to be no longer a grievance to loyal subjects. A declaration more adapted to sooth the feelings of the cove- nanters was proposed by Spottiswoode, in which all allusion to disclaiming the covenant was omitted ; * Burnet's Memoirs, p. S8. Rushworth's Collections, Vol. II, p. 745. f Burnet's Memoirs, p. 38. Large Declaration, p. 76, 77. Bail- lie, Vol. I. p. 49. » X Burnet's Memoirs, p. 38. 428 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, but it was laid aside, and the less guarded declara- XV . . . , ^^^^^^^ tion, requiring what was so obnoxious, was adopted. 1638. That there might be no misunderstanding, Hamilton proposed to the King several questions, which his Majesty answered. One of these questions related to the steps to be taken should the covenanters protest against the proclamation which had been sanctioned ; and the answer was decisive, the pro- 16th May. testers must be proclaimed rebels. Furmal instruc- tions, signed by Charles, were given to the marquis, the tenor of which plainly shews that nothing could be expected from his mission lO Scotland. * Covenan- Intelligence of this nobleman's appointment to ters suspect i • -ii /. • ■ • i the designs represent his Majesty was immediately conveyed to Coun. Scotland, but no explicit information of what he was permitted to concede was sent. To men fully aware of the ground upon which they stood, and sensible that upon their union, depended not only the cause which they were pledged to promote, but, after the steps which they had taken, their safety or their existence, this reserve suggested much mat- ter of apprehension ; they dreadt^d that less than what they judged requisite would be granted, whilst the appearance of anxiety on the part of the King to preserve tranquiUity might deceive some of thosa * Burnet's Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton, p. 43 — 51, where the documents themselves copied from the originals are inserted. Wodrow, who was a most laborious and accurate collector of facts, bears his testimony to the fidelity of Burnet, and has followed him ia his MSS. Voh III. folio, under life of Sp^ttiswoode, p. 155 — 157. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 429 who had adhered to them. To guard against this, CHAP, the meetings of the tables became more frequent ,^^^^^ than before ; subsidiary branches of the representa- less. live body were muhiplied ; some measures were taken for procuring arms ; sermons were dehvered, in which the coming of the marquis was represent- ed as full of danger ; and a paper, containing ten propositions, the design of which was to prevent division, was expeditiously circulated through the kingdom. * The Marquis of Hamilton left London about the Arrival of end of May, and arrived at Berwick early in June, quls b"' In the course of his journey he heard of the alarm- Scotland. . . i SdJuue. mg and agitated situation or Scotland ; and this was fully confirmed by the Earl of Roxburgh, who met him at Berwick. Roxburgh plainly said, that there was no hope of a favourable issue unless his Ma- jesty's instructions were enlarged ; and, on the fol- lowing day, Lord Lindsay stated to the commissioner, that the people would never relinquish the covenant ; that they insisted upon such a limitation of episco- pacy as implied almost its abolition ; that they would not submit to the five articles of Perth ; and that, if their demands were not fully granted, and a gene- ral assembly and parliament immediately convened, they wo'^'u summon them by their own authority, f * Baillie's Letters and Journals, Vol. I. p. 49, 50. Large Declara- tion, in which the paper is inserted, p. 79 — 82. f Burnet's Memoirs of the Dukes of Hanailton, p. 52. Large De- 430 HISTORY OP THE 1638, June. CHAP. In Edinburgh, an Incident which happened a few days before had excited the utmost alarm, and led to the most violent conduct. In the critical state of Alarming public affairs, when the covenanters were evidently strengrhening themselves by the most judicious ar- rangements for a civil war, it was judged prudent to supply the fortresses of the kingdom with warlike stores ; and a vessel laden with arms and ammuni- tion had, under the sanction of government, arrived in Leith roads. Rumour magnified the quantity which was brought ; and the covenanters, affecting to consider this as the signal of hostility, resolved to seize the ship. In this they were disappointed, for the Earl of Traquair conveyed the cargo in safety to Dalkeith. The covenanters summoned before their commissioners the commander of the vessel, >yho, by subscribing the covenant, turned aside their indignation ; and Traquair took credit for not lodg- ing the ammunition in the castle of Edinburgh, allfging, that the attempt to have done so would have excited tumult, and thus prevented the possi- bility of an amicable arrangement. Some of the violent presbyterians, however, did not scruple to propose that they should march to Dalkeith, and carry off the stores which had been there deposited. claration,p. 80. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. HI. folio, in life of Spottis- woode, J). 157. Crawford's Lives of Officers of State, p. 188. Rush- worth's Collections, Vol. II. p. 749. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, 431 This was overruled ; but the castle was surrounded CHAP. XV with a guard, that it might not be supplied. * ^^^ ^^ Hamilton could not fail to be disheartened by i^^s. r , . , J . , Reception the prospect before him, but, determmed to proceed, oftheCom- he wrote to his vassals, and to all the nobility and ™'^*'°"^'^* gentlemen in the line of his journey, to attend him. This exposed him to fresh mortification. The co- venanters were prohibited by the tables from paying to the representative of the sovereign the customary respect, and he reached Dalkeith as little noticed as if he had been a private individual. A few of the lords then waited upon him to apologize for what might so readily be construed into an insult, and though he received from the members of council every testimony of respect, this could not obliterate the impression which had been made on his mind, f His commission was read in the council, but when he wished to act upon it, he found that he had to encounter the most formidable opposition. The great majority of that body were favourable to the covenant j Argyll, amidst professions of loy- alty, was hostile to the royal cause ; and Hjpe was constantly representing, that the measures proposed were in opposition to the laws of the land, with * Burnet's Memoirs, p. 52, compared with BalUie, Vol.1, p. 57, 58. Large Declaration, p, 82 — 84. f Baillie, Vol. J. p. 56, 57. Large Declaration, p. 81, 82. Rush- worth's Collections, Vol. II. p. 750. 432 HISTOPY OF THE CHAP, which he was known to be intimately acquainted.* J: 1* The commissioner was now mvolved in much 1638. perplexity. Slighted by the people, feebly sup- ported, or actually opposed by the servants of the crown, he saw that the concessions which he had been permitted to make, would be scornfully re- jected, and that to insist upon the covenant being abandoned, would occasion instant rebellion. All this he stated to the King, and advised that vigo- rous measures should immediately be adopted. The answer of Charles plainly shews, that he had no serious intention of gratifying his people. He ex- pressed his conviction, that nothing but force would reduce his subjects to obedience ; he approved of not inserting in the proclamation what related to the covenant till his preparations for war were in greater forwardness ; and he concluded by saying, that he had written for no other end than to shew that he would rather die than yield to the imperti- nent and damnable demands, as Hamilton had sty« led them, for it is ail one, he wrote, as to yield to be no King in a very short time. In a postscript, he observed, that he did not expect the commis- sioner to denounce as traitors, those who adhered to the covenant, till he heard of the fleet being at sea.'* I When this language is compared with that * Burnet's Memoirs, p. 53. ■f Burnet's Memoirs, p. 55, 56, Wodrow's MSS. Vol. III. folio* in life of Spottiswoode^ p. 1.5 7. CHURCH OP SCOTLAND* 4SS u sed in his official papers, it is impossible to doubt, chap. that his professions of tenderness for his people were ,^ not sincere, and that the general feature of his po- ^^3^- licy was, to cast a veil over his hostile intentions till he could with effect carry them into execution. It is also evident from his letter, that the Marquis had not, as has been sometimes alleged against him, deluded his master, by underrating the danger, but had candidly exhibited it in all its magnitude, and pressed having recourse to the sword. But the covenanters, although they had hitherto Commh- sioncr slighted the commissioner, did not wish that he comes to should leave the kingdom without their attempting ^duiburgh. to negociate ; and the magistrates of Edinburgh, with their concurrence, presented to him a suppli- cation, that he would take up his residence in the palace of Holyroodhouse, This he refused to do, whilst the^ates of the city, and the approaches to the Castle were guarded by armed men ; but he promised that, if these were disbanded, and proper respect shewn to him, he would comply. The guards, though soon restored, were in consequence removed, and the covenanters determined to re- ceive the Marquis with a formal pomp, which was really intended to shew their strength, and to con- vince him, that resistance to their wishes would be fruitless. Immense multitudes of all classes were collected ; the noblemen and gentlemen of the dif- ferent counties gave their countenance to the po- pulace ; above five hundred ministers, rendered con- VOL. II. £ e 434 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, spicuous by their dress, assembled in one place ; and one of the most austere of their number who 1638. had been appointed to address the commissioner, made an attempt to discharge the duty which had been imposed on him. The Marquis wisely de- clined listening to the speech of this stern orator, which he had been informed would explain all the complaints of the party. The populace, however, were not restrained from expressing what they felt. They exclaimed with much violence against Popery and the bishcips, shewing, by the association, the light in vi'hich episcopacy was generally regarded. * His nego- The Marquis lost no time in holding conferences the Cove- ^^J^^ the leaders of the faction. With much gen- nanters. tleness, and apparent earnestness for the happiness of his country, he made a considerable impression upon their minds ; but this was soon effaced after it was discovered how limited were the powers with which he was invested. He requested them to state .what was the amount of their demands, and what their sovereign might expect from them as the evi- dence of returning to their obedience,— particularly ^ how far they were disposed to relinquish the Cove- nant. To the first they answered, that they re- quired a General Assembly to decide questions of * Large Derlaration, p. S5, 8&. Baillie, Vol. I. p. 61. This writer says, " we had appointed Mr William Livingstone, the strongest in voice, and austerest of countenance, to make him a short welcome.'* Burnet's Memoirs, p. 54. Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 33. Rushworth'a Collections, Vol. II. p. 750. 1638. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 435 ecclesiastical polity, and a parliament to ratify the chap. proceedings of the Assembly ; — they denied that they had shewn the slightest deficiency of loyalty to the King ; — they declared that they would as soon renounce their baptism as the Covenant, and that the proposal to renounce it was so hateful to them, that they could not again listen to it. * Their demands, urged in the most imperious manner, confirmed the marquis in the opinion which he had long entertained, that it would be necessary to resort to arms ; and every day afforded new proof that the covenanters were rapidly ac- quiring strength. Intimations were given to him, that, if he celebrated divine worship according to the English ritual, the person who officiated should never read the service more ; — the avowal of his intention to publish the King's declaration was re- ceived in such a manner, that he esteemed it prudent to delay doing so till the mulutudes were dispersed ; and when he urged the necessity of explaining that part of the covenant which seemed to imply resist- ance to his Majesty himself, several of the tables listened with evident aversion and disgust. At length, however, they presented a supplication ; but, although it was expressed in general terms of loyal- ty, it plainly insinuated, that obedience to the sove- * Burnet's Memoirs, p. 54, and 57. Large Declaration, p. 87.' Balllie's Letters and Journals, Vol. L p. el, 62. Whitelocke's Me* morials, p. 27, 28. 436 HISTORY OF THE GHAP. reign would be regulated by the degree in which he yielded to their demands. They assumed an atti- 1638. tmie of defiance, took effectual measures to prevent the castles of Edinburgh and Stirling from being seized, and manifested their determination to extort what they conceived it essential to civil and religious liberty to obtain. * His corres- 'n the present posture of affairs, the commissioner w°ith tSr J^^S^^ ^^ proper to return to London, and, in the King. letter which he sent to the King, requesting permis- sion to undertake the journey, he suggested, that if his Majesty required him previously to publish the declaration, this should be preceded by an act of grace, bringing back the Court of Session to Edin- burgh, which would be highly popular. To this the King acceded ; and Hamilton, after the covenant- ers believed that he was on his way to court, re- turned to the metropolis, and alarmed them by making the usual preparations for signifying the soth June, will of the sovereign. Numbers hastened to the cross, but they were pleased by the arrangement 2d July, which was unexpectedly announced. The privy- council expressed their gratitude to his Majesty, — the magistrates and inhabitants of Edinburgh did not conceal their satisfaction, — but the covenanters laboured to counteract the effect which had been * Large Declaration, p. 88 and 108, 109. Baillie's Letters and Journals, Vol. L p. 02 — 64. Answer to the Third Demand of the Aberdeen Doctors respecting the Covenant, p. 10, 11. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 437 produced. The commissioner, however, thought CHAP, that, notwithstanding symptoms of turbulence which ^^I^^^ the knowledge of his intention had given occasion i^ss. to display, the proclamation should be read, and, having wiih difficulty procured the concurrence of the council, he ordered it to be done. It was heard 4th July by vast multitudes, who expressed their indignation, and, although it made no allusion to renouncing the Covenant, — although it contained a solemn pledge of the King*s attachment to the reformed religion, and a promise that he should press no in- novations without the consent of his subjects, de- puties from the different tables, headed by the Earl of Cassilis, formally entered their protest. * This decided opposition alarmed many of theThecoun- privy-counsellors, who, really friendly to the dis- ^ waver, contented, or weakly courting the popularity which can be gained only by the sacrifice of principle, wished to retrace their steps. They accordingly lamented to the marquis, that, in following his ad- vice they had violated the dictates of their con- sciences, and they implored that they might with- draw the consent which they had given to announce the proclamation. Against this he warmly rtmon- strated, — represented to them how inconsistent such conduct would be with honour, with patriotism, and * Large Declaration, p. 95 — 106. Baillie, Vol. I. p. 68, 69. Bur- net's Memoirs, p 64. Rushworth's Collections, Vol. II. p. 754 — 761. Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 28. 438 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, with loyalty; but although he silenced them for ^^...Jm^^ the night, they next day renewed their demand, 16S8. and threatened that, if it were not granted, they would avow their sentiments by subscribing the covenant. He did not conceive it prudent to drive them to this desperate measure, and, as the act of council to which they alluded had not been regis- tered, he tore it in their presence. * Nothing could more clearly shew the rapidly increasing influence of the covenanters, and of this they were themselves fully sensible The Earl of Loudon, in a conver- sation with Hamilton, advanced this hazardous po- litical maxim, that they knew no bands between a King and his subjects, but those of religion and laws ; that if these were broken there was no secu- rity for life ; and that all fears inconsistent with the preservation of such security were past with them. In conformity with such language, the ene- mies to innovation insisted, that their right to keep a General Assembly was derived from God, and that no prince could, in law or reason, take it from them ; and upon the same ground they rested their right to do all which they judged requisite for shaking off" the yoke of oppression. Whether we consider such claims as arising from irritation, or from sound views of the nature of the political union, they indicated a state of mind which could * Burnet's Memoirs^ p. 64. Baillie, Vol. I. p. 69. Demands of ^e Aberdeen Doctors respecting the Covenant, p. lO, 11. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 439 be changed only by concession subversive of the CHAP, throne, or by force vi^hich they who urged them .^^^^^^ could not resist. * ^^^^' The marquis now resolved to execute his inten- The Mar- . quis goes to tion of going to London He soothed, by promises court. of interference in their favour, the leaders of the ^^ "^* faction, and having engaged to return by the begin- ning of August, he obtained from them an assur- ance, that, till the expiration of that period, they should preserve tranquillity. I It has been doubted "whether it was wise in him, at this time, to leave Scotland ; but the situation of the kingdom fully justifies the commissioner's resolution. \ He per- ceived that the loyal party was intimidated, and was losing strength ; he knew that the King was emoar- rassed by opposidon in England ; that many in that country took a deep interest in the Scotish troubles, as opening the way for their own deliverance ; and that the court of France was fomenting distur- bances, which, by weakening the English monarch, would enable it, without restraint, to prosecute its own schemes upon the continent of Europe. § * Baillie's Letters, Vol. I. p. 69, 70. f Burnet's Memoirs, p. 61 and 65. Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 28. Baillie, Vol. J. p 70. % Sanderson, in his History of Charles I. p. 239, calls it a fatal po- licy. § Burnet's Memoirs, p. 58. Franklyn's Annals of the Reign of Charles 1. p. 76s, 769. Guthrie's Hist, "f Scotland, Vol. IX. p, 223= Wodrow's MSS. Vol. III. folio, in life of Spottiswoode, p. 158. 440 HISTORY OP THE CHAP. From the union of these difficulties it appeared XV. . . v^ ,^ to him prudent to procrastinate, — to endeavour to 1638. sow dissension amongst the heads of the faction, by apparently combining the attainment of their great objects with adherence to the sovereign, — and thus to increase the royal influence, or to weaken those by whom it was resisted. His advice Upon his arrival at court, he laid before his Ma- te the King, and the re- jesty the real state of affairs ; he suggested, as a powerful instrument for removing apprehensions, that the confession of faith sanctioned at the intro- duction of the Reformation, and which was in ex- press opposition to the popish tenets, should be subscribed; and he urged the King to determine, whether, from all the particulars stated, he would not comply, in some greater degree, with the de- mands of the covenanters. The result of this was a resolution, on the part of his Majesty, to order the subscription of the confession of 1567, together with a bond expressive of zeal for his service, — to permit a General Assembly, the fond object of the presbyterians, under certain conditions specified, to be speedily assembled, — and to agree to a meeting of parliament. * Conduct of Whilst Hamilton was advising the King, the nantersdur- covenanters, although they did not break out into ing his ab- sence. * Burnet's Memoirs, p. 65 — GS. Large Declaration, p. ill and 116,117. Rushworth's Collections, Vol. II. p. 763, 764. White* locke's Memorials, p. 28. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 441 acts of violence, were assiduous in confirming their cHAP. ascendancy over the people, and in encouraging ^^^^ ^^ them, by persevering in their opposition to govern- less. ment, to gain what they wished to be conceded. Far from confining their views to those modifica- tions of episcopacy for which alone they had ori- ginally contended, they now insisted that it should be totally abolished, and declared to be unlawful ; they resolved that bishops should have no vote in parliament ; and to counteract the loyalty which still was felt by some of their adherents, or of those who J 1 able to shake its foundation, but they had secured 163S. j[g destruction. They could therefore have had no difficulty in supporting presbytery, had it once been introduced ; and had the King been so imprudent or so unprincipled as to break his engagements to them, they would with the utmost ease have rekin- dled the zeal which he could not resist, and have united every arm in their defence. By protesting, as they did, they descended from the high ground which they might have occupied, and shewed all the disingenuity of faction ; sinking the regard for public good in the desire to retain their influence, and having recourse to sophistry and evasion, which the best friends of the presbyterian discipline may lament and condemn. The King's ^he views which have been mentioned were en- subscnbed tertained by many of the most respeaable of the bersT"^" ministers, and of the other classes who had com- bined against the schemes of the court ; for great numbers readily subscribed the King's covenant, and the bond which was attached to it. Even Sir Thomas Hope, zealous as he was for the other co- . venant, united with the rest of the council in think- ing, that all which was necessary to give satisfaction had been conceded. In Glasgow many listened to the proclamations with the liveliest joy ; and were so far from protesting, as had been done in Edin- burgh, that they joined with those who had never CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 453 subscribed the covenant in writing a letter of thanks CHAP, to the commissioner. * ^^.^ ^.^^ The covenanters, who saw the danger of this 'ess. A ctivitv of .division, made the most strenuous eftorts to con- he Cove* vince the people, that signing at the request of the "^"^^"* King would prove a snare from which it would be difficult to escape. They circulated by their emis- saries, and inculcated by their most popular preach- ers, that his Majesty was not sincere ; that his ob- ject was to divide his opponents ; and that, if this were accomplished, they would soon be subjected to intolerable tyranny. They alarmed the consciences of the multitude, by maintaining, that all who, having previously subscribed their covenant, now signed the one tendered by the commissioner, were guilty of perjury ; and they employed artifices for increas- ing the effect of their arguments, which, it is painful to think, were countenanced by men professing the most sacred regard for the purity of the gospel. A woman, warmly attached to the covenant, happened to be afflicted with insanity, or with an aberration of intellect and perversion of imagination nearly ap- proaching to it ; and in this state she inveighed, with much vehemtnce, against signing the K.ing*s confession, talking of the covenant as the work of God. Advantage was taken of her melancholy si- tuation ; many did not hesitate to affirm that she *Baillie'sLetters,Vol. I.p. 81,82. Large Declaration, p. 18C — 188. Burnet's Menioirs, p. 85, 86. He mentions that about 28,000 signed, Rushworth's Collections, Vol. II. p. 784, 785. 454 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, vvas inspired ; and that the warnings which she ut- .^^ ^^ tared should be revered as the dictates of heaven. 1638. Some men of higher rank countenanced this im- pious idea ; numbers flocked to see her when she was under the influence of her distemper ; she was carried to the house of a distinguished covenanter ; and those who understood what Wds the real state of the case, either from fear, or from desire in any way to strengthen their cause, did not enlighten the people ; while all who branded her as an impostor were held forth as enemies to the church and the state. * To alarm the multitude about the danger of Popery, the faction countenanced a Jesuit of the name of Abernethy, who pretended to have been converted, and who sought to ingratiate himself with his new friends by the most scandalous false- hoods; affitming, that a liturgy for Scotland had been sent to Rome, and there revised by a number of cardinals, and that schemes had been formed for uniting to Rome the English church, and through it the Scotish nation, f To the meeting of the General Assembly the covenanters looked forward with the utmost solici- tude, and they laboured to procure the election of • Burnet's Memoirs, p. 83 — 85. Large Declaration, p. 183, 195, and ti. 226 — 228. Hume's Hist, of Eng'and, Vol. IV. p. 218, Mon- trose edition. He represents the ravings of this wonDan as having been useful to the covenanters in preparing for war ; but they were Uttered before the meeting of the Assembly. + Burnet's Memoirs, p. 83, compared with Baillie, Vol. I. p. 78. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 4S5 men in whom they could confide. Secret instruc- CHAP, XV tions relating to this were sent from the tables to ^^^^ presbyteries, the right of lay-elders to vote for re- i638, presentatives was again earnestly urged, and al- though in several places this was steadily resisted, yet the faction succeeded in obtaining the return of a decided majority friendly to their schemes, and determined to support them.* Thus strengthened, they proceeded to unfold Their pro- . ,1 ceedings another part of their plan, which was to prevent against the the bishops from voting in the Assembly, and even *' qJ^] to drag them as criminals to its bar. They re- quested the commissioner to cite them before it, and when he refused to do so, justly declaring that it was sufficient that he did not protect them from a fair trial upon any charges that might be brought against them, the covenanters had recourse to the presbytery of Edinburgh. A number from all the classes forming the tables, presented to the pres- bytery a bill or complaint against the pretended archbishops and bishops within the realm, in which they accused them of violating the cautions ; of adhering to Armipian and popish tenets ; of exercis- ing unwarrantable authority over the clergy ; and as guilty of almost all the vices which the most worthless habitually commit : and they concluded by praying, that the objects ot their antipathy might * Baillle's Letters and Journals, Vol. L p. 82, 83. Large Decla- ration, p. 13'3 and 188—192. Burnet's Memoirs, p. 85, 86. Gu- thrie's Memoirs, p. 38, 39. 1638. 4.56 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, be censured, and punished as they merited. By what title the persons exhibiting this complaint appeared as accusers, the presbytery was not solici- tous to inquire ; but without considering the limits of their own jurisdiction ; without devoting any time to ascertain whether the charges against such distinguished individuals had any foundation, or were merely the scandalous libels of a heated fac- tion, they referred the consideration of the whole matter to the Assembly i they ordained the com- plaint and the reference to be read from all the pulpits within their bounds, thus transgressing the precepts of Christianity, by disseminating accusa- tions against the ministers of Christ, without any previous attempts, if they were guilty, to bring them to repentance ; and they applied to them the epi- thet of pretended bishops, thus deciding against the positive statutes of parliament, and the ordinances ot General Assemblies, which had never, by any competent authority, been declared to be irregular. In Glasgow, similar steps were taken against the archbishop of that city and province.* This conduct displayed a violence of party- spirit * Burnet's Memoirs, p. 88, 89. Large Declaration, p. 207 — 226, where much infomiation upon this matter is collected. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. III. folio, m life of Spottiswoode, p. 163 — 165, and Ap- pendix, in V hich the different papers are inserted. BaiUie, Vol. I. p. 84. Rushw-orth's Collections, Vol. II. p. 787. Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 38. Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 28. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 45.7 which cannot be too severely reprobated, and it was cHAP. as unnecessary as it was improper. It the covenanters Z*^/ believed that the abolition of episcopacy was neces- less. sary for preserving or restoring the constitution of the Scotish church, as settled by the reformers, this might have been done by an act of Assembly, upon the same general principles which had been avowed at the introduction of presbytery. The archbishops and bishops had, under the former reign, been constituted by parliament the governors of the church ; their titles had been given to them by suc- cessive assemblies ; and if we justify the manner in which their enemies now acted towards them, we must do so upon the ground that force is right, and that any faction which is able to subvert the go- vernment, may, without any violation of duty, ac- complish its subversion.* From the view which has been given of the state Difficulties of affairs, it will be readily perceived that the com- thl Com- missioner had to struggle with many difficulties, and """loner could not be sanguine in his expectations, that the struggle. differences which he lamented would be speedily ter- minated. But his embarrassment was not created solely by the open adherents to the covenant ; he found even those, whose official situation should have led them to strengthen his influence, cold or hos- * Wodrow, MSS. Vol. III. in life of Spottiswoode, p. 164, 165, endeavours, very unsatisfactorily and uncandidly, to defend the pro- ceedings against the bishops. 458 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, tile.* Yet he felt the utmost reluctance to follow XV. ^i^z-i^^ the advice which he had received from the bishops 1638. J.Q prorogue the assf^mbly, because he saw that this would be iiJterprered as a breach of the royal faiih, and would effectually promote the designs of the covenanters, who were desirous that it should be adjourned, to ^ive them a pretext tor holding it by their own authoriry. In the opinion of the mar- quis, the King acquiesced ; and Hamilton, collecting the reasons upon which he contended that the elections were irregular, determined, if the members became refractory, to urge these, and dissolve the Nov. Assembly. t Previous to his going to Glasgow he assembled the council ;~ he explained to them the intention of not sacrificing episcopacy, to which the King was devoted ; and he enjoined Sir Thomas Hope to be prepared to prove that this form of church government was agreeable to the laws of Scotland. Hope firmly replied, that it was contrary to his conscience to do so, for he believed episco- pacy to be in opposition both to the word of God and to the laws of the church and the kingdom. Such a reply, from one whose legal knowledge was so much esteemed, and whose influence was so powerful, the commissioner knew would strengthen the covenanters, and render the task which he him- self had to perform peculiarly difficult. He there- fore remonstrated with Hope, and even threatened * Baniet's Memoirs, p. 86." f Burnet's Memoirs, p. 86. Large Declaration, p. 228, 229. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 459 to deprive him of his office. This produced no cHAP effect. He answered, that his place was secured ^V. to him by parliament; and the consequence of his ^ggc resistance was, that an act of council to support the •^°^* measures of his Majesty could not be procured.* The bishops could not fail to view, with much conduct of uneasiness and alarm, the intention so solemnly ^^^ ^'^l^ops* avowed of bringing them to trial, and of constituting, as their judges, men who not only had predeter- mined the cause, but were virtually pledged to root out episcopacy from the Scotish church. When therefore they failed in preventing the meeting of the Assembly, instead of obeying the King's sum- mons to attend it, they considered it as a duty to themselves and to the ecclesiastical polity which they supported, to decline its jurisdiction. They accordingly composed a long paper, in which they stated the various causes which prevented them from considermg the proposed assembly as legally constituted, and had led them to determine not to sanction it by their presence. Admitting, as they certainly did, that it was competent to the sovereign to summon an assembly, and that this summons was indeed essential to its existence, they endeavour- ed to extricate themselves from the difficulty occa- sioned by the King's proclamation, under which the present assembly was held. They urgtd, that the tables had, previous to the issuing of this pro- * Burnet's Memoirs, p. 92. Baillie's Letters, Vol. I. p. 87. Rusk- worth's Collections, Vol. II, p. 788. 460 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, clamation, given orders to elect commissioners, XV. „^^^,>^ and that the members having been elected in con- 1638. sequence of these orders, they were, in fact, not convened by the King ; and they strengthened this reason by adding, that, from the part which lay- elders took in the election of commissioners, that election was taken from the clergy, in whom alone it legally resided. Other reasons of less force were adduced, and they then stated their objections to the character and conduct of those before whom they, had been summoned. They contended, that most of them were unworthy and incapable of a commission to a free and lawful assembly, because by their seditious railings and sermons they had stirred up the people to rebellion ; — because they had shewn themselves enemies to all order in the church, had violated the oaths taken to their ordi- naries, and had exercised various unwarrantable powers as ministers of religion ; — because they were suspected judges, and might be declined, having pre- condemned episcopal government ; — and be«- cause they were, in fact, so far as the bishops were concerned, both judges and parties. They also in- sisted, that it was against reason and the practice of the church, that archbishops and bishops should not be members of Gtneral Assemblies, unless elected by presbyteries; and enlarged upon the impropriety of the higher orders of the clergy be- ing judged by the lower. It is not necessary to give more fully the contents of the declinature. It CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. • 461 concluded by protesting, that the Assembly should chap. be imputed, and held as null in law, divine and /^JL/ human ; and that therefore no letter or sentence les*. proceeding from it should be in any respect preju- dicial to the existing form of religion, or to the prelates, in their persons or estates, authority, juris- diction, dignity, or reputation. * Under the circumstances which have been stated, views of a union of parties could not be expected. Of this the marquis was convinced, and he settled the man- ner in which his proposals were to be made, with a view to the dissolution of the Assembly, from which he was aware that the royal countenance must soon be withdrawn. He resolved that the gracious offers of his Majesty should be read, that the exceptions to the elections should then be considered, and that the dechnature of the bishops should afterwards be produced, t The covenanters, on the other hand, had deter- mined to accomplish, by means of the assembly, the schemes upon which they had so long been in- tent ; to regulate their proceedings without regard to the sovereign ; and to continue to meet, even al- though they should, in the name of the King, be commanded to disperse. :|: * Large Declaration, p. 248 — 264, where the declinature is given at full length. Rushworth's Collectuns, Vol. IL p. 806 — 872. Bur- net's Memoirs, p. 91. Wodrow's MSS. Vol. 11. folio, in life of Spottiswoode, p. 168, and Appendix. -)• Burnet's Memoirs, p. 8 7. J Baillie's Letters, Vol. 1. p. 87. 462 HISTORY OF THE 1638. General ^xvf* ^" ^^^ twenty-first of November, the General Assembly, for which the covenanters had, by a so- lemn fast, prepareci their adherents, met at Glasgow. ^*Gb8-^ The sermon which was preached at the opening of it, gow. directed against the late innovations, and not spar- sistNov. . . ° . ,r , . , . . , , . , mg episcopacy itselr, marked the spirit by which it would be distinguished. Immense multitudes, at- tracted by curiosity, by turbulence, or by religious zeal, flocked to the place in which the Assembly was to be held, and, with the furious insolence which marks popular tumult, kept their station, treating with equal rudeness friends and ene- mies. The commissioners themselves presented an appearance very different from what might have been expected in a convention summoned to assert the purity of religion, for the clergy had none of the distinguishing badges of their order, whilst many of the lay elders wore swords and daggers. * There were about two hundred and sixty members, and a number of assessors who claimed no vote, but were entitled to give advice ; an Assembly much too numerous for calm discussion. The first day was spent in matters of form, but on the second the temper of the Assembly became apparent. A pro- posal was made by the leading covenanters to elect a moderator. To this the commissioner objected, alleging, that it was proper previously to ascertain. * Baillie's History of the Assembly, 1 6S8. In Vol. I. of his Letters, p. 96. Burnet's Memoirs, p. 93. Rushworth's Collections, Vol. II. p. 844. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 463 by examining the commissions, who had title to chap. vote. This was steadily resisted, and it was re- .^^^ ^ solved, before the scrutiny, to elect ; but previous to i^ss. Nov. the election, the declinature of the bishops was pre- sented, with a request that it should be read. To this the faction objected, because the Assembly was nof constituted by the choice of a moderator. When Hamilton insisted that the paper should be heard, there arose a tumultuous clamour, v\ith which he was much shocked, and he contented himself with protesting, that the refusal to listen to the declina- ture was unjust. Henderson, the most able of the ministers, and upon whose judgment his party con- fidently relied, was then chosen to preside; the marquis merely observing, that this should not pre- judge his right to object to the faulty commissions. His protestation against receiving the declinature was opposed by a counter-protestation from the Earl of Rothes, in which that nobleman, using the language of his party, denominated the prelates pretended bishops. On the same day the com- missioner requested that six assessors, whom he had appointed to assist him, should be permitted to vote, but this privilege was granted only to one of the number. * It is unnecessary to follow minutely the transac- * Baillie's Letters and Journals, Vol. I. p. 98 — 111. Burnet's Me- moirs, p. 99. Large Declaration, p. 237 — Sin. Whitelocke's Me- morials, p. 29. 464 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, tions of the Assembly whilst the marquis remain- •v-\r r^^^^ ed. The uniform practice was to refuse him every 1638. thing which he required, leaving him to protest and to see how little respect was paid to the wishes or the authority of the King. He thought it his duty to communicate to Charles an account of what was taking place, and what he considered as the fore- runner of civil war. He did not conceal from his Majesty, that he must now unsheath the sword,— pointed out what he thought the most effectual mode for reducing the kingdom, — mentioned the names of those counsellors upon whom he could rely, — and bitterly lamented the ambition and the folly of the bishops, to whose imprudence, whilst they possessed influence, he attributed the evils which he deplor- ed. * 28th Nov. '^^^ questions about elections were invariably decided in favour of the covenanters, and the ut- most virulence was displayed against the bishops. When the commissioner thus found that he was despised, and the authority of his sovereign trampled under foot, he judged it right, in the Kmg's name, to dissolve the Assembly. Having previously inti- mated his intention to the council, he took his seat as representative of his Majesty, and when the mo- derator put the question, Whether, notwithstanding the declinature of the bishops, the Assembly could * Burnet's Memoirsj p. 98, 99. Rushworth's Collections, Vol. II. p. 847. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 465 pass judgment upon them, he interfered, and, in a chap. long and eloquent speech, lamented the necessity ^ under which their conduct had laid him, to with- less. draw himself from their meetings. After having ordered the concessions to be read, he dismissed the members, and prohibited all further proceeding un- der pain of treason. For this the covenanters were fully prepared. They intreated him to remain, but when he persisted in leaving them, they protested and declared, that, notwithstanding his prohibition, they would continue to sit as a free legal Assembly, and would not separate till they had maae the ar- rangements which the state of the church imperi- ously required. * In pursuance of this resolution they regularly met, and passed a number oi acts, introducing a complete revolution into the church, or rather re- storing it to the situation in winch it was when James subverted the presbytenan polity. Com- 4th Dec mencing their attack, upon episcopacy, they con- demned the six Assenj^blies by which it had been sanctioned ; they declared the oaths which minis- ters took to their ordinaries unlawful, and ventur- ed to release those who had taken them from the obligation of observing them ; they reprobated the obnoxious books, and the High Commission j and * Baillie's Letters and Journals, Vol. L p. 112 — 119. Burnet's Memolrsj p. 101 — lO^. Account of the Assembly, in the Large De- claration. Rushworth's Collections, Vol. IL p. 847 — S5S, and 851— 862. Guthrie's Menaoirs, p. 40. Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 29. VOL. II. G g 466 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, they finished the demolition of prelacy by excom- ,^^y^ municating and deposing the two archbishops, and 1638. i\^Q greater number of the bishops, degrading even the few of that order against whom they were un- willing to pronounce sentence of excommunication. Eager to vindicate their own interpretation of the negative confession, they decreed that episcopacy had been by it abjured, and required, that the co- venant, with this explanatory clause, should be anew subscribed. The five articles of Perth, '.vhich had excited, when they were sanctioned, such uneasiness, were also abrogated and removed. Having thus subverted episcopacy, they restored sessions and provincial and national assemblies to their full pri- vileges, liberties, powers, and jari'-.dictions, as they had been defined by the book of policy, which fhey regarded as the standard of ecclesiastical g wern- ment in Scotland. * They likewise passed an or- dinance against the civil places and power of churchmen, the object of which was to prevent any of the clencal order from being members of parlia- ment, justices of peace, lords of session, or judges in the Exchequer ; — an admirable regulation, di- rectly tending to secure the important ends for which the pastoral office had been instituted, by exempting those who were appointed to instruct * Printed Acts of General Assembly 16SS, Balllle's Hist, of that Assembly, in Vol. I. of his Letters and Journals. Rushworth's Col- lections, Vol. n. p. SC5, 8G6. Burnet's Memoirs, p. 110. Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 41. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 467 the people from being called to discharge duties chap. which, by exciting the prejudices, or affecting the ^^^^ ^^^ temporal interest of their hearers, might counteract ^^^^' the efficacy of the great truths, and the elevated precepts of religion. Sensible, however, that, in the state in which the kingdom then was, the inter- ference of the ministers in public affairs was requi- site for the good of the church, th^ey turned aside from themselves the application of their own law, by inserting in it, that the church, and the ministers thereof, are obliged to give their advice and coun- sel concerning the church, or the conscience of any individual, to his Majesty, to the parliament, to the council, or to any member thereof; and upon this ground they probably justified the very active part which some of the most eminent Scotish divines soon took in the great political transactions of the times. * If we apply to the transactions which have been ^^'"^'"^s ... , . , . upon the recorded, those pnnciples, which, m all regularly revolution constituted governments, must be assumed as incon- e?bj™fhe ' trovertible, they cannot be defended. An Assem- -Assembly. bly of the church, destitute of all civil authority, and entitled merely to watch over the purity of faith, forgetting or disregarding its own province, sets aside the most solemn enactments of the legislature, * Acts of Assembly 1638. See a remark upon this subject in Bur- net's Memoirs, p. J 43, arising from Henderson, who was moderator «f the Assembly, signing a paper certainly civil and political. 468 HISTORY OF THE CHAP — divests of their dignity a class of men who had XV • ■^ -^ been recognized by the law of the land as members 1638. of the estates, — despises the suggestions and injunc- tions of the sovereign, — and not only, in direct oppo- sition to his will, continues its existence, but over- turns what parliament alone could constitutionally alter or remove. * If such conduct were in ordi- nary cases justifiable, no government could enjoy a moment's security; there would, in fact, be one government within another, the collisions of which no prudence could prevent. A religious commu- nity may be tolerated or established, but, in both cases, it owes to the country in which it subsists submission to legal authority ; it may represent what it reprobates as oppression, and endeavour to render its views those of the state, but if it is upon imaginary danger to religion to assume the sword of the civil magistrate, it becomes the engine of rebellion, and converts the doctrines which are ad- mirably adapted to cement the social union, into the most powerful means of effecting its dissolution. But it must be remembered, that the covenanters lived under very peculiar circumstances. Scotland had not for a long period enjoyed the internal tranquillity which leads to a just estimate of the im- portance of that reverence for order which in free countries should be carefully cherishLd. The strug- gles for introaucing the reformation were soon suc- * Large Declaration, p. 424, 425. CHURCH OP SCOTLAND. 469 • ceeded by civil dissension ; the people were alienat chap. ed from sovereigns v^ho were adverse to the popu- -,^^ ^ lar faith ; and they coasidered the disputes about ^^^^' doctrines and ecclesiastical polity as implicating the most valuable rights. When James, who had been placed on rhe throne by the reformers, unwisely followed measures supposed to originate trom hos- tility to their tenets, there seemed to be the same call for resistance which during the reign of his mother had been obeyed ; and Charles inflamed apprehensions which he should have anxiously dis- sipated. He introduced or countenanced institu- tions which were most justly held in abhorrence; and he supported prelates who were careless of the duties which they should have performed, and sunk tenderness for their flocks in anxiety to promote ihe arbitrary schemes of the court. The covenanters thus did not, in the midst of contentment and peace, raise the standard of insurrection ; but following precedents afforded by the history oi Scotland, and reaching to their own days, they identified rheir case with the preservation of civil and religious liberty, only carrying on the contest by which these bles- sings had been acquired. That they were often swayed by private motives, very different from those by which they professed to be actuated, cannot be doubted : but they could not have resisted the King as they actually did, had they not been aided by those feelings and sentiments, to the noble display of which their country was indebted for the refor- 470 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, mation, and the political blessings which that inte- v,^^ ^^ resting event had happily imparted. These obser- 1638. vations are necessary to prevent an erroneous esti- mate of the principles or the conduct of the cove- nanters ; they shew that they ought not to be re- garded as tuniultuary rebels, but as men who, though often mistaken and often violent, acted from a general regard to national good, and from the de- sire to establish a government invariably contem- plating the liberty and happiness of those to whom it extended its protection. Subsidiary Having mentioned those great changes which the onh'rA"^ Assembly, after the departure of the commissioner, sembiy, introduced into the church, it is proper, before dis- throwing ... -- . i r i • i- light upon missmg the account or it, to record a tew subsidiary ter-Jft^hr" i*egvilations which entitle it to admiration, or expose times. if to censure. The members, warm as was their zeal, and heated as were their passions, kept steadily in view what seemed to them calculated to give ef-^ ficacy to the new estabUshment, and to secure that dissemination of religious principle which has hap- pily taken place in Scotland. 1'hey renewed the provisions of a former Assembly, relating to the diligence and the exemplary conduct of ministers ; they insisted upon the residence of the clergy, a point which no church should for a moment cast out of sight ; and in the same spirit which so ho- nourably distinguished Knox and the illustrious men who supported him, they shewed the utmost solici- tude for the promotion of learning, earnestly re- 1638. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 471 commending, even in the most sequestered situa- CHAP. tions, the erection of schools, and explicitly assert- ing, that, for want of such institutions, the best inte- rests of religion materially suffered. But whilst these admirable regulations ought not to be concealed, it is no less proper to observe, that, in the whole proceedings of the Assembly, there was a rapid approach to that intolerance which makes its own principles the infallible criterion of truth, and despises or persecutes all who cannot embrace these principles. In the decisions against episcopacy there was a harshness which cannot be reconciled with the beneficence and gentleness of the gospel ; in their language with regard to the bishops, there is a vehemence of abhorrence which gives too much reason to conclude, that they would not have shrunk from directing against the prelates the arm of civil power; and we shall soon still more distinctly trace the increasing energy of the bigotry which looks upon persecution almost as a sacred duty. Over one act of this Assembly, as affording a striking indication of contracted sentiment, it is impossible to pass. The covenanters were much indebted for their influence to the representations, which, by means of the press, they conveyed to the people ; and thus sensible of the importance of this mode of impressing truth, they should not have rashly con- trolled its operation. * Yet did they, by virtue of * Baillie's Letters, Vol. I. p. 157. 472 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, their ecclesiastical authority, ordain, that no printers -^^r-N,- v.ithin the kingdom should print any confession of 1638. faith, any treatise relating to the controversies or di- visic ns which then existed, or any other treatise whatever which concerned the church of Scotland and God's cause, without the warrant of one of their own devoted adherents ; thus making an indi- vidual the judge of what it was safe to communicate, and investing him with the power of arresting the stream of knowledge. When we consider in what state the public mind at this time was, the violence of the clergy and the covenanters, and the value which they attached to opinions now happily consigned to oblivion, we shall form some conception of the evil which would have resulted had this act been strictly carried into execution, and had religious and politi- cal research flowed solely in the channel which was now opened. There is here presented one of the many instances which occur in history ot the incon- sistei cy of human conduct. Had the King or the bishops acted as the covenanters in this respect did j * had they suppres ed every work hostile to prelacy and the opinions associated with it, how loudly would they have been reprobated by their oppo- nents, as declaring war against the cause of truth and ir religion. Yet the moment that the people who would have thus complained ascend to the pinnacle of powtr, they proscribe every effort to examine their tenets by the test of reason or the principles of rtveiadon. How gratetul should we CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 473 be that freedom of discussion is now not only to- CHAP,' lerated, but encouraged ; that it is almost univer- sally admitted that truth need not shrink from the isss. most scrupulous examination ; and that what can- not be defended should not be believed. * The church of Scotland, though now, in as far as State of ecclesiastical power could effect the change, strictly ^ ^ ^ """^^ ' presbyterian in discipline and doctrine, was in the eye of the law still episcopal ; there were statutes in favour of episcopacy, which parliament alone could * Printed Acts of Assembly, 1638. Large Declaration, p. 323. Baillie, Vol. I. p. 149. seems to have been shocked with the act, and endeavours to explain away its obnoxious import. " Our meaning," he says, " in the act of printing, is to give to our clerk the inspec- tion alone of such treatises as concern the church-registers. How- ever some words of the act sounds farther, yet, J think, the youth un- derstands no more j and if he took a universal superintendency of our presses, it would soon be remedied." — How far this sense can be admitted, let an extract from the ordinance detei-mine. " The As- sembly, considering the great prejudice which God's church in this land hath sustained these years by-past, by the unwarranted printing of libels, pamphlets, and polemlcks, to the disgrace of religion, slan- der of the gospel, infecting and disquieting the minds of God's people, and disturbance of the peace of the church — by virtue of their ecclesiastical authority, dischargeth and inhibiteth all printers within this kingdom, to print any act of the former assemblies ; any of the acts or proceedings of this assembly ; any confession of faith , any protestation ; any reasons -pro or cuntrUy anent the present divisions and controversies of this time ; or any other treatise whatsover, ■which may concern the church of Scotland, or God's cause in hand." It is impossible to believe, that men abundantly capable of expressing themselves with precision, could mean nothing moi t b) this, ihan to regulate the inspection of treatises concerning church-register^. Bail- lie, I am afraid^ here justifies his friends at the expence of his in- tegrity. 474 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. XV. ]G38. Dec. Conclusion of tne As- sembly. 20th Dec. rescind ; but according to the institutions of the new polity religious instruction was administered. There were thus sown the seeds of contest ; for no- thing but necessity could induce the King to lay his prerogative at the feet of an usurping ecclesiastical judicatory, or could, on the other hand, reconcile the people to the continuance of episcopacy, now unhappily regarded as httle'less inconsistent with the purity of Christianity than Popery itself. When the ministers and elders had finished what they conceived to be requisite for the good of religion, they solemnly asserted the right which the church had derived from divine and civil warrants, to hold As- semblies annually, or oftener if- occasion should a« rise. Ihey concluded by voting what they deno- minated a humble supplication to the King's most excellent Majesty, in which they lamented the de- parture of his commissioner, expressed their con- viction, that, had he remained, he would have ap- proved their proceedings ; solicited the Ejng*s sanc- tion of their different acts; and thus terminated, in language which might have been used by the most loyal sut jects, and which affords some presumption, thar, by caudous policy on the part of the crown, their hearts might have been gained : *' We hum- bly beg, and certainly expect, that from the bright beams ot your Majesty's countenance, shining on this your Mcjesty's own kingdom and people, all our storms shall be changed into a comfortable calm and sweet sunshine, and that your Majesty's CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 475 ratification in the ensuing parliament shall settle us CHAP, in such a firmness and stability in our religion, as .^^^ >^^ shall add a further lustre unto your Majesty's glo- V'J^- rious diadem, and make us a blessed people under your Majesty's long and prosperous reign, which we beseech him who hath directed us in our affairs, and by whom kings reign, to grant unto your Ma- jesty, to the admiration of all the world, the as- tonishment of your enemies, and comfort of the godly." * After the Marquis of Hamilton left the Assem- nth Dec. bly, he went to hdmourgn, and issued a long pro- quis of Ha- clamation, in which he officially announced to the [J]rns"to^'' nation his dissolution of that supreme ecclesiastical London, judicatory, and the reasons upon which he proceed- ed, intimating, that all who continued to attend at Glasgow were traitors. He dispersed copies of the proclaniation through the kingdom, hoping that it would have some effect upon all who were eager to avoid extremities; and he at the same time encou- raged those whose loyalty had been shaken, to re- turn to their duty, by promising, that they should receive the favour, and experience the goodness of the King. All this, however, made no impression. The people, inflamed with the ardour of patriotic and religious zeal, had fixed their eyes upon the Assembly, and few were disposed to listen to the * Printed Acts of Assembly, 1638. Baillie, Vol. I. p. U». Bur- net's Memoirs, p. i U ., 476 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, immediate minister of a monarch, in whose since- • rity they did not confide, and who, they knew, was 1638. hostile to their favourite principles of ecclesiastical polity. Several of the principal covenanters having come from Glasgow to protest against any procla- mation, the commissioner endeavoured to renew a treaty with them, but his advances were treated with such mortifying neglect, that his patience was exhausted, and he desisted. * His agitation of mind occasioned by the rudeness and violence of the faction, by the melancholy pros- pect which every day became more gloomy, and by his conviction, that the failure of the measures which he had recommended would be attributed to coldness in his master's service, combined with se- vere bodily exertion, and the fatigue of a most ex- tensive and painful correspondence, affected his health, and he was for some time detained in Scot- land by indisposition ; but upon his recovery, he hastened to court, to lay before his Majesty an ac- count of all which had happened, and to concert means for reducing to obedience men whom he considered as having virtually renounced their alle- giance, t The issue indeed was no longer doubt- ful ; and we shall now have shortly to detail the * Burnet's Memoirs, p. 110, 111. Baillie, Vol. I. p. 129. For the proclamation and the protest, see the Large Declaration, and Rush- worth's Collections, Vol. II. p. 875 — S81. ■f Burnei's Memoirs, p. ill. Baillie's Letters, Vol. I. p. 117. San- derson's reign of Charles I. p. 246. Large Declaration, p. 402. Rushworth's Collections, Vol. IL p. 882. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 477 progress and the effects of civil discord, keeping ^^^^' chiefly in view the influence which these had upon s^ the state of rehgion, or the part which the church ^^^^* took in advising and conducting the schemes con- ceived to be essential for its security or its exist- ence. 478 HISTORY OF THE CHAPTER SIXTEENTH. Proceedings in consequence of the Assembly. ...Prepara- tions for war. ...Precautions and measures of the Cove- nanters.,..They are supported by the Earl of Argyll. ... State of the Armies.... Proposals for Negociation.... Pro- gress and conclusion of a Treaty.. .Remarks upon the Treaty.. ..The King 7iot sincere. ...The Earl of Tra- quair appointed Commissioner. ..General Assembly. .. The King's Commissioner subscribes the Covenant. ...Act of ^ Assembly respecting subscription. ...The King dissati.sfed with the conduct of his Commissioner. ...Conclusion of the Assembly. ...Meeting of Parliament.. .The Earl of Traquair goes to Court. ...Death and Character of Arch- bishop Spottiswoode.... Commissioners from Scotland sent to JLondon. ...Earl of Loudon committed to the Tower..., Covenanters prepare for hostilities. .. Encouraged by the state of England. ...A parliament in Scotland....Return of the Earl of Loudon... General Assembly at Aber- deen ., .Commencement of Hostilities.. ..Success of the Co^ vena/iters... .Their conduct... .Distressed situation of the King. CHAP. The acts of the Assembly at Glasgow were held K^^' by all who venerated the authority by wliich they 1639. were enacted, as the ecclesiastical law of the king- InSki con- dom, and the church judicatories immediately be- "^"^"^^ "^ S^"- ^° carry them into execution. They deposed bly. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 479 many of the ministers who were not cordial iti sup- CHAPi portmg the covenant, and m their erifniiy to epls- w-r^^ copacv, thus involving them in much distress, and ^^'^9- affording a preceden* , the applicancm of which they had afterwards cause to lament. The supplication voted at the conclusion of the Asseuibly was, by the Marquis ot Hamilton, presented to the King, but his Majesty was deeply offended, and declined re- turning the answer which was sohcited. * During the negotiations which have been record- Prepara- ed, neither party believed that war would be final- war. ly avoided. 1 he Marquis had uniformly urged the King to hasten his preparations, and this counsel was earnestly enforced, so early as December, by Laud. This was perfectly known to the covenan- ters, and they had not neglected to take the steps which intelligence so alarming naturally suggested, f Even before the commissioner came into Scotland, they had purchased arms and ammunition in fo- reign countries ; and his Majesty had sent agents to these countries to put a. stop to what so clearly in- dicated the hostile designs of his people. | What however had been hitherto secretly con- ducted, was now openly avowed. The King deter- mined to raise an army, and he issued for this pur- * Burnet's Memoirs, p. 112. Baillie's Letters and Journals, Vot. 1. p. 88, and 150. Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 43. Rush worth's Collec- tions, Vol II. p. 882. f Bail'ie, Vol. 1. p. 70, 72, and 80. Bin-net's Memoli-s, p. 82, and 108. Whitelccke's Memorials, p. 29. % Burnet's Memoirs, p. 53. 480 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, pose the necessary orders. He privately concerted K^f^y^ with his most faithful counsellors his plan of opera- 1639. tions, and he appointed the Marquis of Huntly to act as his lieutenant in Scotland, giving him in- structions how he was to co-operate. The Earl of • Arundel was named as general of the forces ; the Earl of Essex, afterwards so distinguished by his com- mand of the parliamentary troops, was chosen to be Feb. 15. Lieutenant General ; and the cavalry was entrusted to the Earl of Holland. In letters, summoning the nobility to attend the King's person and standard at York, by the first of April, they were informed, that the preparations in Scotland by the covenanters called upon his Majesty to provide for the defence and safety of England, and that he had resolved to repair to the northern parts of the kingdom, that, by the help of Almighty God, and the assistance of his subjects, he might resist invas'on. It was not till this exigency of his aflfairs, that he submitted to the council at large the situation of Scotland. Hitherto, he had confined the deliberations respect- ing that part of his dominions to a few, and little concern was taken in its tranquillity or its happi- ness. The greatest difficulty which the King ex- perienced was, to provide money for the unavoid- able expence of a campaign. He had long ceased to have recourse to parliament for supplies, and the revenue, which^ by the exertion of his prerogative, he extorted, was not more than sufficient for a sea- son of tranquillity, which England had for some CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 481 years enjoyed. The clergy, who took a peculiar in- chap. terest in support of the hierarchy, readily and largely ^ contributed, and by some other methods to which issg. he had recourse, his treasury was for a season re- plenished. After having published a declaration of the reasons which had led him to unsheath the sword, he left London at the head of a numerous and finely appointed army, and, attended by many of the nobility, he, on the day which he had speci- March 27, fied, reached York. He also equipped a fleet to *" co-operate with the loyal party in Scotland, and the Marquis of Hamilton was entrusted with the com- mand. * The covenanters, fully apprized of the designs Precautions which were executing against them, took every pre- gyres of the caution which zeal combined with prudence could Covenant- erg. suggest. With admirable address they exerted themselves to remove all prejudices against their cause which might be entertained in England, and even to induce the Enghsh to identify with its success the preservation of their own liberties. They industriously circulated an account of the manner in which they had acted ; declared that they were warmly attached to the King ; that noihing but the necessity of guarding their civil and religious privi- * Burnet's Memoirs, p. 113, 114, 116, 117, and 121 — 124. Cla- rendon's Hist, of the Rebellion, Vol. 1. p. 90 — 93. Franklyn's Annals, p. 766, 777. Baillie's Letters and Journals, Vol. I. p. 151. '\\ hite- locke's Memorials, p. 30. Rushworth's Collections, Vol. II. Part il. p. 885, 886. Laud's Diary, quoted by Rushworth. VOL. II. H h 482 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, leges, could have led them to resist his authority ; Hh. and they gave the most explicit assurances, that 1639. j-jjgy ha(j no intention, as had been surmised, of in- vading England. These addresses made a deep im- pression. The Scotch were by many regarded with pity J and not a few even of the higher ranks were so convinced that they were struggling for the best interests of their country, as to be averse from measures taken to reduce them to subjection. * To stimulate the people in Scotland, the utmost care was taken to inculcate, that defence, or resist- ance, was in some circumstances a duty, and that, in their case, to hesitate about having recourse to arms, would be virtually to submit to the most gal- ling despotism. The ministers, always listened to wi'h deference, proclaimed from their pulpits the danger which threatened religion,— taught, that if their hearers did not quit themselves as men, they might expect popery and bondage, — denounced all who went not out to help the angel of the Lord against the mighty, and roused the spirit of inde- pendence, by representing it as the intention of their enemies to reduce Scotland to a province of Eng- land. The effect of all this was a steady resolution to die for the cause which they were invited to de- fend ; and committees of war having been appointed * Burnei's Memoirs, p. 116. Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 94. BalUic, Vol. 1. p. 151. Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 30. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 483 for every shire to enroll soldiers, immense multi- chap. . XVI. tudes intreated that they might be accepted. * <^^^ ^^ The decided manner in which the Earl of Argyll .^, '^^^• '-'•' They are now declared for the covenanters greatly promoted supported their views. He had withdrawn from the council of Argyiu after the Marquis of Hamilton dissolved the As- sembly; had cordially joined in the extirpation of episcopacy ; and had refused an invitation from the King, who saw the importance of detaching him from the presbyterian faction. His immense influ- ence over his numerous adherents, combined with the decency of his manners, the calmness of his temper, and the piety by which he professed to be actuated, rendered his aid of vast moment ; and he did not dissemble his approbation of the vigorous measures which the enemies of the court devised and executed, f Declining to avail themselves of the assistance of foreign powers, which they had good reason to expect, or even to join with France, whose disgust at Charles would have led to a union, they resolved to trust to their own followers. They displayed unwearied activity in furnishing themselves with military stores ; they counteracted the attempts of those who were attached to the King; they took the Marquis of Huntly prisoner; invited from abroad officers who had served under the King of * Baillie, Vol. I. p. 89, 90, and p. 151 — 153. Burnet's Memoirs, p. 1I4.J 115. Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 43, 44. f Burnet's Memoirs, p. 106 and lOg. Baillie, Vol. I. p. IIQ, 120, and 155. 484 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, of Sweden, a prince who about this period had at- XVI . v,^^ ,y.^ tracted many Scotchmen to his standard ; they pre- 1639. vailed upon Leslie, of the family of Leven, a man who, by long service in Germany, had acquired much experience in the art of war, to assist them ■with his advice, and to command their army ; and they wrested from the feeble garrisons, which shrunk from a contest, the forts and castles which the King should have secured. * State of the Notwithstanding these preparations, hostilities were delayed. The Marquis of Hamilton, who, with his fleet and army, had sailed to the Frith of Forth, commenced a kind of negociation with the covenanters ; in vain endeavoured to obtain their consent that a declaration from the King should be read in Edinburgh ; and, either from want of mili- tary talents, or from aversion to kindle the flames of war in his native country, remained so inactive as to strengthen the suspicions of his secret attach- ment to the party which he professed to oppose, f May. The King's army at York, although formidable in appearance, was soon found to be lukewarm in * Baillie, Vol. I. Letter Eleventh, from p. 150 to tCf?, in which- iTiuch information respecting the state of affairs is eontained. Burnet's Memoirs, p. 114 — US. Rushworth's Collections, Vol. II. Part ii. p. 906 — 908. Clarendon. Vol. I. p. 90. Guthrie's Memoirs, p- 44 — 46. f Burnet's Memoirs, p. 124 — 139, compared with Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 96, and Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 30. Baillie's Letters, Vol. Lp. 163—166. CHUBCH OF SCOTLAND. 485 the royal cause. Much dissension prevailed, and a CHAP, part of it was even disposed to favour the Scotish ,^' ^^ claims. After some manifestation of this spirit, his ^^^^* Majesty marched towards Berwick ; and he sent for- ward a detachment under the Earl of Holland to sdJune. attack Leslie, who was then encamped in a favour- able situation near the borders. Holland, little skilled in the science of war, and hostile to that extent of prerogative which Charles wished to be attached to the crown, made an ignominious retreat, thus discouraging his own troops, and raising the spirits and confidence of the enemy. * The state of the Scotish army presented a strik- ing contrast to that of the King. Composed of men in the vigour of life, and devoted to their lead- ers, they were eager to follow them to the field, and the most judicious methods were adoptea to prevent the decay of their zeal. At the door of each captain's tent a new colour was displayed, upon which were the arms of Scotland, with these words in golden letters, — " For Christ's crown and covenant ;" the most popular ministers, in miUtary array, though exempted from all duty mconsistt-nt with their profession, frequented the camp ; ser- mons calculated to animate and enflame, weie re- gularly delivered ; prayers were offered to God for * Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 94, 95, who erroneously says that this affair took place in August. It happened in June. Burnet's Memoirs, p. 139. Rushworth's Collections, Vol. II. Part 11. p. 9S5, 936. Franklyn's Annals, p. 774. Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 30. 486 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. XVI. 1C3V. the success of what was styled his own cause ; the audience were assured that hitherto they had been. conducted by a divine hand ; and from these reli- gious exercises they retired with that intrepid forti- tude which glowed in the breasts of the martyrs for the truth. Whilst the men were thus roused, Leslie, despicable in bodily appearance, and not distinguished by splendid rank, with admirable pru- dence subjected to his orders the turbulent spirits of the nobles whom he commanded, receiving from them the reverence which their ancestors had paid even to the sovereign. * Yet, with all these advantages, there was no de- sire in the leaders of the covenanters rashly to en- gage with the forces of his Majesty. With won- derful caution they continued to hold the language of moderation ; they addressed to the monarch the most submissive supplications ; and declared, that if he, would grant the rights which they conceived to be their inheritance, they would joyfully lay aside their arms, and encircle his throne. These pro- fessions filled the English with amazement, and not only removed prejudice, but conveyed to them ideas which they fondly cherished ; they saw that their neighbours were contending for liberty similar to that, the loss of which they had themselves de- * BailHe, Vol. I. p. 174 — 177, has given a very interesting descrip- tion of tlie appearance and temper of the army, which he himself at- tended. See also the same vi^ork. Vol. I. p. 177, 178, for the address ®f Leslie. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 487 plored ; and that if they assisted in subduing those CHAP, patriotic bands, they would cast into the graves of s,^-^,^^ the vanquished all hope, that the grievances becom- ^^23* ing daily more intolerable, would be redressed. The covenanters were eager to deepen these im- pressions, and to convince their opponents that both nations were equally interested in limiting the prerogative; and they justly concluded, that this effect would most certainly be produced by appa- rent reluctance to unsheath the sword. Had they rushed into action, the sense of national character would have overcome or suspended the discontent which prevailed in England, and all ranks would have united in resisting the invaders. In pecuniary resources also the covenanters were deficient ; their own domains could not afford them, and a small sup- ply which had been obtained from France was near- ly exhausted. Under these circumstances, they wisely resolved to attempt a negociation at a time when Holland's enterprize had raised them in the estima- tion of the enemy. They accordingly sent the Earl of Dunfermline to the royal camp, and he car- ried with him a supplication, in which they implored that his Majesty would appoint some worthy men of the kingdom of England, well affected to the true religion, and to the common peace of both na- tions, to meet with a few of their number of the same dispositions, that, by nmtual conference upon their wants and his Majesty's pleasure, the two kingdoms might be kept in peace and happiness, for 488 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, which, they added, that they would never cease, as .^....^ faithful subjects, earnestly to pray. He was also ^^^^' the bearer or letters to the English council, inireat- ing a speedy answer. * The earl was received with the utmost gracious- ness, and Charles determined immediately to com- mence a negociation. To this resolution he was led by many powerful reasons. The distracted state of his army had early attracted his notice ; he dis- covered that many in whom he had confided were partial to the Scotch ; and he was warmly and re- peatedly advised by his friends not to hazard an engagement, lest his own forces should not prove faithful.! Before, however, entering upon a treaty, he re- quired, for saving his honour, that the proclamation which the Marquis of Hamilton had carried to Scot- land, but which the lords would not permit to be read in Edinburgh, should be published to the army. It was accordingly read with much appa- rent reverence at the general's table, and this hav- ing been considered as sufficient, a deputation of the covenanters was invited to come to the tent of the Earl of Arunuel, and to enter upon the import- * Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 97. Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 30. Rush- worth's Collections, Vol- II. part 2, p. 938. Baillie's Letters and Journals, Vol. I, p. 179, and p. 182, 183. Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 49, 50. t Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 97, 98. Burnet's Memoirs, p. 182, MO, and 143. Sanderson's Hist, of t}ie Reign of Charles I. p. 259, 251. 4 CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 489 ant business which had been proposed. The par- chap. XVI ties had no sooner entered than they were joined ^^^^^^ by the King ; and although the Scotish commissioners i^sg. affected to feel the utmost joy, they probably view- ed the royal presence as rather calculated to pre- vent that freedom of dehberation which had been expected. Various conferences were held ; and it deserves to be mentioned, as a proof how much ecclesiastical affairs were implicated with civil ar- rangements, that Henderson, of whom mention has already been made, was one of the number to whom, on the part of the faction, the negociations were committed. * After much discussion, in the course of which the King announced his determi- nation not to ratify the proceedings of the Assem- bly at Glasgow, and the commissioners stated their resolution not to annul them, it was at length j^j^^ ^g agreed, that, for settling the distractions of his Ma- jesty's ancient kingdom, a free General Assembly, at which Charles then intended to be present, should be held at Edinburgh in the beginning of August, and a parliament within a fortnight after. When the King subscribed these concessions, both parties agreed to disband their forces, and the co- venanters stipulated that they should deliver up to his Majesty the different castles which they nad seized, j" * Burnet's Memoirs, p. 140. Baillie, Vol. I, p. 18 0. f Burnet's Memoirs, p. 141— us. Baillie, Vol. I. p. 182. Guth. 490 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. XVI. 1639. Remarks upon the treaty. When intelligence was brought to the Scotish camp that the treaty was concluded, many of the nobility and chief adherents to the covenant were highly gratified. They saw that they were thus extricated from difficulties resoecting the subsistence i o of the troops, which were daily becoming more formidable, and they anticipated the King's sanction of all which they were eager to acquire. Some, however, did not conceal that they were discontent- ed. They complained that the treaty had been too hastily framed ; that it had been negotiated without the whole body having been properly consulted ; and they particularly lamented that the strong-holds were to be surrendered. It probably was to remove this murmuring, and to prevent the dissension which might have arisen had it not been checked, that the commissioners produced what they repre- sented as concessions made by the King in the course of the various interviews with which they had been favoured, and as of equal validity with the articles which had been formally subscribed. They also protested, that they had not relinquished the Covenant or the Assembly, in which they had so lately triumphed. This conduct was loudly con- demned by the royalists, who stigmatized the paper of concessions as a forgery, and ordered it to be ig- nominiously committed to the flames by the hands tie's Memoirs, p. 50. Clarendon, Vol. J. p. Collections, Vol. II. Part ii. p. 938—946. 98. Rushworth's CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 49 1 of the common executioner. Yet the covenanters chap. adhered to what they had themselves promised, for v^^L they disbanded their army, burned their encamp- u;39. ment, and permitted the persons sent by the Kmg to take possession of the castle of Edinburgh, and of the other fortresses. Some of their officers they did indeed retain, and probably so arranged their measures as that, were it necessary, they might soon anew be prepared for defence ; but this cau- tion the state of the country required, and, had the conditions of the treaty been faithfully fulfilled, no evil consequence could have resulted from it. * To the King the issue of this treaty was most unfortunate. Immediately upon its being subscrib- ed he dismissed his army, and, either from his irri- tation at the disposition which they had manifested, — from chagrin at conceding so much to subjects whom he viewed as guilty of rebellion, — or from that coldness of manner which he unhappily posses- sed, he did so in such a way as mortified and offend- ed them, and prevented them from having any de- sire again to repair to his standard. The Earl of Essex, v/ho, with the high honour of a soldier, had uniformly remained inflexible in his duty, received no mark of royal attention or gratitude, and a trif- ling favour which Charles soon after had it m his * Burnet's Memoirs, p. 143, Hi, and 162. Clarendon, Vol. L p. 98, 99, Baillie's Letters and Journals, Vol. I. p. 1S2, 183. Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 50, 51, Guthrie's Hist, of Scotland, Vol. IX. p. 28G— 288. 492 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, power to bestow, was harshly refused. This aile- ^ ■ nated a mind which might have been attached by i63y. the noblest ties, and afterwards induced Elssex to draw his sword in defence of the parliament. * The concessions made to the covenanters also increased the discontent which was rapidly spreading in England, because they shewed how much might be gained by steady opposition to the arbitrary maxims and designs of the court, f The King The King having consented that a General As- Eot sincere, ggj^i^jy ^jj^ ^ Parliament should be held, ought to have acted towards his discontented subjects with the most scrupulous integrity. Yet it is certain that he contemplated with abhorrence the abolition of episcopacy, and was determined, if ever he re- gained sufficient power, to restore that form of ec- clesiastical polity. After the pacification he invited fourteen of the chief presbyterians to come to him, under the pretence of consulting with them about the measures to be adopted, but really in the hope that he would prevail upon them to restrain the violence which he dreaded from their adherents. This invitation filled the whole body with appre- hension, and they refused to accept of it ; but, that they might not appear to despise the requisition of their sovereign, they sent to him three from each estate. The Earls of Montrose, Loudon, and Lothian, represented the nobility. They commu- * Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 99. f Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 101. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 49S nicated to the Marquis of Hamilton the measures chap: XVI which they intended lo sanction in the ensuing par liament ; but what renders this conference peculiar- i^ss* ly memorable, is the impression which was made upon Montrose. Hitherto he had been zealous for the covenant, but he now changed, and resolved to employ his talents for promoting the royal cause. The other two remained firm to their party. *" The King having relinquished his intention of The Ear! being present at the Assembly and Parliament, and appoS?ed"^ the Marquis of Hamilton having declined the office cpmmis- * ^ '-' ^ ^ sioner. of commissioner, the Earl of Traquair was appoint- 27th July, ed to represent his Majesty, and received instruc- tions to guide his conduct in the delicate task which he had to perform. One of these instructions plainly shews what were the private designs of the sovereign. After having permitted him to consent to various points which it was necessary to concede, this injunction was given. *' After all Assembly business is ended, you shall, in the fairest way you can, protest, that, in respect of his Majesty's resolu- tion of not coming in person, and that his instruc- tions to you were upon short advertisement, where- upon many things may have occurred wherein you have not had his Majesty's pleasure, — therefore, and for such other reasons as occasion may furnish, you are to protest, that, in case any thing hath escaped * Burnet's Memoirs, p. 148, 149. Baillie's Letteris and Journals, Vol. I. p. 184, 185. Rushworth's Collections, Vol. II. Part ii. p. 948, 949. Montrose's Memoirs, Edinburgh edition, 1756, p. 1, 2, 494 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, you, or hath been condescended upon in this pre<* XVI. ... . . y^r^^/ sent Assembly, prejudicial to his Majesty's service, 1639. his Majesty may be heard for redress thereof in his 27th July. . own time and place." Under this plea it is evident that he might have objected to every thing which was done. The slightest departure from his inten- tions might have been urged as authorizing him, when he found it expedient, to vindicate his prero- gative. But his resolution, never without compul- sion to relinquish episcopacy, is most unequivocally expressed in his correspondence with the Scotish prelates. When thty heard of the indiction of an Assembly, they intreated the King that neither it nor the parliament should be held. In reply to this, he addressed to thtm, through the primate, a letter, in which he mentioned the necessity of call- ing an Assembly ; but he assured them that it should still be one of his chief studies to rectify and establish the government ot that church aright, and to repair their losses. He advised them to give to the commissioner a protestation against the Assem- bly and Parliament, not to be discussed, but to be transmitted to himself ; he promised to take it so into consideraticn as became a prince sensible of his own honour joined Vv'ith the equity of their desires ; and he bade them rest secure, that, although he might give way for the present to that which would be prejudicial both to the church and his govern- ment, yet he would not leave thinking how to re- medy both. He here throws aside his reserve. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 495 shewing that he looked to a period when all which chap. he had granted might be revoked. His order to ^..^ ,-=0 the bishops to protest, with the advice that this in- •^^9' . ^ , . 6th Aug. strument should be sent to him, arose from his secret convicdon that, without their presence, both the assembly and the parliament were informal and illegal, and that the production of their remon- strance would warrant him at some future time to set aside all which might be enacted. This indeed was constantly present to his mind, and made him more readily acquiesce in the terms granted to the covenanters. When, soon atter the treaty, he was lamenting the impending ruin of episcopacy, Tra- quair suggested to him the evasion which has now been stated ; he eagerly caught at it ; and he signed the instructions to his commissioner under the im- pression, that although he was promising to his subjects what he never intended that they should enjoy, he was not deviating from that strict honour which shrunk from his duplicity. * Upon the twelfth of August, a few days after the i-tli Aug. one fixed in the treaty, the Gen-ral Assembly met Assembly. at Edinburgh. The bishops, as had been concert- ed, did not attend, but followed the directions which they had received. The prehminary forms having been observed, the covenanters, who, agree- ably to the wishes of Traquair, made no allusion to * Burnet's Memoirs, p. 149, and p. 151, compared with p. 154. Wodruv^'s MSS. Vol. III. folio, in life of Spottisweode, p. 167 — 169. Rushwonh's Collections, Vol. U. Part II. p. 949 — 95S. 496 HISTORY OP THE CHAP, the obnoxious Assembly at Glasgow, proceeded to \^^.._y^ re-enact what in it had been sanctioned. An act was 1639. framed, entitled, " An Act containino: the Causes 37th Aug. r t y .1 r and Remedy of the bygone evils or this Church." The evils were stated to be, 1 . The pressing of this church by the prelates with a service-book or book of common- prayer, without warrant or direc- tion from the church, and containing, beside the popish form thereof, divers popish errors and cere- monies ; with a book of canons establishing a tyran- nical power over the church in the persons of the bishops ; with a book of consecration and ordina- tion, and with the high commission. 2, The five articles of Perth. 3. The changing of the govern- ment of the church from the assemblies of the church to the persons of some churchmen, usurping priori- ty and power over their brethren, under the name of episcopal government. 4. The civil places and power of churchmen ; their sitting in session, coun- cil, and exchequer ; their riding, sitting, and voting in parliament ; and their sitting on the bench as jus- tices of peace. The keeping and authorizing cor- rupt assemblies at Linlithgow in 1 606 and 1 60S, at Glasgow in 1610, at Aberdeen in i6l6, at St An- drews in 1617, and at Perth in 1618. Lastly, The want of free lawful General Assemblies, rightly con- stituted of pastors, doctors, and elders, yearly or oftener. After this enumeration, the whole assem- bly with one heart and voice did declare, that these, and such other, proceeding from the neglect and GHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 497 breach of the national covenant of this church and CHAP. XVI kingdom, made in 1580, have been indeed the true *s^^^^ and main causes of all our evils and distractions ; and ^^^g. Aug. therefore did ordain, that the foresaid service-book, books of canons and ordination, and the high com- mission, be still rejected ; that the articles of Perth be no more practised ; that episcopal government and the civil places and power of churchmen be held as unlawful in this church ; that the Assemblies mentioned should hereafter be accounted as mill and of none effect ; and that, for preservation of religion, and preventing all such evils in time coming. General Assemblies, rightly constituted, should, as the proper and competent judge of all matters ecclesiasiical, hereafter be kept yearly and oftener, joro re nata^ as occasion and necessity shall require, the necessity of these occasional Assemblies being first shewn to his Majesty by humble supplication ; as also, that church sessions, presbyteries, and sy- nodal assemblies, be constituted and observed ac- cording to the order of the church. When the act had passed, the commissioner verbally consented to it, promising that it should be ratified by him in the ensuing parliament ; and within a few days he officially intimated his consent, and subscribed the ordinance. He subjoined, however, a declaration, that what had been done should not infer censure on the practices out of the kingdom j thus intend- ing to have it determined that episcopacy was pro- hibited, not as unlawful, but as contrary to the VOL, IJ. I i 498 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, ecclesiastical constitution of Scotland. His object \^^^,^ was perceived by the covenanters ; and although 1639. they permitted the declaration to be inserted, they carefully abstained from giving, with respect to the subject of it, any pledge or opinion. * soth Aug. The next interesting matter which engrossed the attention of the Assembly, was the subscription of the covenant, which the presbyterians considered as the bulwark of their privileges, and as having brought on them the blessing of heaven. Eager to obtain for it the approbation of government, they addressed a supplication to Traquair and the lords of the council, that it might be subscribed by all his Majesty's subjects ; and, that there might be no suspicions of disloyalty, they composed an explana- tion, in which they declared that they never had any thought of withdrawing themselves from that humble and dutiful obedience to his Majesty and to his government, which by the descent and under the reign of 107 kings is most cheerfully acknow- ledged by us and our predecessors ; and they then added, " We have solemnly sworn, and do swear, not only our mutual concurrence and assistance for the cause of religion, and to the uttermost of our power with our means and lives to stand to the defence of our dread sovereign, his person and autho- rity, in the preservation and defence of the true re- ligion, liberties, and laws of this church and king- * Printed Acts of Assembly, 1639, p. 2—4, and p. 13, CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 499 dom, but also in every cause which may concern CHAP, his Majesty's honour, shall, according to the laws ^^ ^^ of this kingdom, and the duties of good subjects, 'f ^g. • r • r 1 • Aug, concur with our friends and followers, m quiet maimer or in arms, as we shall be required of his Majesty, his council, or any having authority." * Traquair must have been perplexed by this sup- The Com- plication. He knew the antipathy with which the™bsJ:ribi covenant was regarded by the King, who had said ^^^ ^°^^' that, whilst it was in force, he had no more power than a duke of Venice ; and he must have hesitated about giving to Vv'hat was so obnoxious the royal sanction. Yet he determined to comply with the petition of the Assembly, guarding the compliance with the observation, that the King considered the confession as the same with that which had been signed by his father. To this he was led partly by the loyal sentiments with which the request was accompanied, and probably still more by his own idea that the great object was to restore tranquil- lity ; after which the ground that had been yielded might be gradually reclaimed. He was also sen- sible, that, if he resisted, every thing was lost ; and he trusted that this would justify him in the esti- piation of his sovereign, f He accordingly replied to the petition when it was privately presented to him, that it should be granted ; and, on the same day, he intimated this from his place as the repre- * Printed Acts of Assembly, 1639^ p. lO. t Burnet's Memoirs, p. 46, 56, 149, 157} and 159, compared. 500 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, sentative of his Majesty, declaring, that he and the v,^^^^ other lords of the council had found the request so 1639. fair and reasonable, that they conceived themselves Aug. . ^ obliged m duty to grant the same, and had made an act of council to that effect, so that nothing was wanting but the resolution of the Assembly. He then mentioned what he was to prefix to his sub- scription as the King's comm.issioner, observing, however, that of this neither he nor any other sub- ject should be at liberty to take advantage. The Assembly immediately ordained, that the confession of faith and covenant should be subscribed by all ranks, prefixing to their subscription these words : Act of As- " The article of the covenant which was at the first subscription referred to the determination of the sembly re- specting the sub- ^^ Assembly being determined, and thereby the five nant. srription the cove- articles of Perth, the government of the church by bishops, the civil places and power of churchmen, upon the reasons and grounds contained in the acts of the General Assembly, declared to be unlawful ■within this church, we subscribe according to the determination foresaid.'* The intelligence that the covenant had been subscribed by the commissioner excited the liveliest joy ; and the ministers from their pulpits declared their admiration of his con- duct. * * Printed Acts of Assembly, l iyS9, p. 10—14. Burnet's Memoirs, p. 158. Whitelocke'b Mem;'rials, p. 31. I have in my possession one of the original copies of the Confession and Covenant, which had been subscribed by a number of the nobility after the Assembly CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 501 This ordinance, so popular throughout the king- CHAP, dom, was in fact an engine of severe persecution. ^ It required, by authority, from all ranks of men, ^^^^' and particularly from those whose opinions were suspected, subscription to a number of propositions, about which multitudes must have been totally ig- norant, and to maxims respecting ecclesiastical po- lity, which it is impossible to suppose were not at Glasgow, written, as all the copies were, on strong parchment, in a beautiful old hand. It expressly mentions the Assembly at Glas- gowj and its interpretation of the Covenant. After, however, Tra- quair subscribed in name of the Sovereign, and it was agreed to make no allusion to the Glasgow Assembly, from unwillingness, I suppose, to write another copy, or from the difficulty of again procuruig the signature of so many of the nobles, the person to whom the business had been committed, inserted, in a different hand, at the conclusion of the original title," and now subscribed again, anno 1639, by ordinance of his ]Vlajesty's High Commissioner, and the Lords of Secret Coun- cil, and by act of the General Assembly ;" and at the end, immediate- ly before the names, the clause in the act of Assembly above quoted, which is nearly a repetition of what was at first inserted, with the omission of Glasgow. A marginal note is attached to this interpola- tion. '^ This was after the Assembly at Edinburgh, where the Earl of Traquair was commissioner for his Majesty, 16:59." The names attached are, Leslie, Dunfermline, Wemyss, Argyll, Mar, Yesier, Rothes, Lyndesay, Eglintoun, Montgomerie, Wigtoun, Balmerino, Montrose, Dalhousie, Cassilis, Forrester, Boyd, Elcho, Loudoun, Angus, Fleming, Smclair, Carnegie, Cranstoun, Burgley, and Gray. For this document, which, as exhibiting the hand writing of so many of our ancient nobility, is certainly a curiosity, i am indebted to my worthy friend the Rev. James Trail of St Cyrus, who has furnished me with other materials, of which I have availed myself in composing this work. Since writing the first part ef this wote, I have been fa- voured by Archibald Constable, Esq. with another original cepy of the Covenant, 502 HISTORY OP TfiE CHAP, condemned by numbers, who, having for many 3CVI. years lived in communion with an episcopal church, 1639. could not be persuaded that such a church was un- lawfuL So long as signing the covenant was a voluntary expression of attachment to a particular cause, much might have been said in its justifica- tion. But now when it was required by an act of the council and the church, which it was dangerous to disobey ; now that it could be forced by the zea- lots of a sect upon all whom they chose to harass^' it must be abhorred, as occasioning, to the consci- entious part of the community, much wretchedness, and as calculated to diffuse that relaxation of prin- ciple, which is the bitter fruit of every deviation from the tolerant spirit of pure religion. The King When Traquair transmitted an account of his with the proceedings, the King was highly dissatisfied. He hiTcorarals- blamed his commissioner for sanctioning the aboli- sioner. jjqj^ ^f episcopacy as unlawful, instead of resting the abolition upon that form of polity being con- trary to the constitutions of the Scotish church ; and he prohibited him from allowing the word to be in- serted in the act of parliament relating to the sub- ject. He disapproved of several other parts of his conduct, in which he thought that he had departed from his instructions. It is plain from his Majesty's letter, that he was convinced that peace could not ist Oct. continue, and that his object now was, that the op- posite faction should be so unreasonable m their demands, as would convince all candid men that CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 503 they were determined to undermine the throne, chap. Of the Covenant, Charles had written in a former \,^^J^ letter, *' Give your assent no otherways to the inter- issg. pretation of it, than may stand with our future in- tentions, well known to you." The Assembly having thus regulated the great Conclusion points respecting the church, and having made se sembiy. veral arrangements as to the mode of appealing ^^^ ^^' from inferior ecclesiastical judicatories, and for se- curing the moral and religious improvemenr of the people, particularly by enforcing the observance of the Lord's day, which was scandalously violated, concluded by expressing gratitude to the King for his concessions, and appointing the next meeting in the following July. * On the next day the parliament met. The abo ^}^^ ^"ff* r ' • fleeting of lition of the order of bishops created a difficulty as Parliament, to the constitution of the estates. By the statutes and practice of the kingdom, eight prelates ought to have been chosen as Lords of Articles, to repre- sent the church. This at present was not practi- cable, but it was agreed that, for this time, the commissioner should select, in room of the bishops, eight of the nobles. It was apparent, thar the bill for removing episcopacy would be presented in a form highly offensive to the King, ana Charles, to * Acts of Assembly, 1639. Burnet's Memoirs, p. 156 — 159, and 160. Rushworth's CoUeciions, Vol. II. part ii. p. 955. Guthrie's Memoirsj p. 53. Whiteiocke's Memorials, p. 31. 504< HISTORY OF THE CHAP, avoid the ratification of it, took advantage of some >^.^^./ Other acts, hmiting his prerogative, and command- 1639. ^j Traquair to express his displeasure at these, by adjourning parUament till the 14th of November, soth Oct. When this prorogation was intimated, the covenan- ters protested against it as unconstitutional, the con- sent of parliament itself not having been obtained ; and although they agreed to suspend their pro- ceedings till the day specified for their reassem- bling, they sent the Earls of Dunfermline and Lou- don to London, to remonstrate against what had happened, and to intreat that his Majesty would ra- tify the acts which had been prepared. They were not admitted into his presence, but were command- ed instantly to return, whilst new instructions were sent to Traquair to prorogue parliament till the sub- sequent June, and immediately to come to court. The covenanters again protested, and they did so through a committee of each estate, which had been Nov. previously appointed to wait for the King's ans.ver, and to take such steps as seemed to them calculated to preserve the liberty and tranquillity of the king- dom. * Toe?"o"^ The Earl of Traquair, upon his coming to Lon- court. jJqjj, was, on account of his conduct in the A«sem- * Rushworth's Collections, Vol. II. Part ii. p. 955, 95C. Frank- lyn's Annals, p. 789, 790. Burnet's Memoirs, p. 159, IGO. Guth- rie, in his Memoirs, p. 55, 56, erroneously mentions, that all the acts of the Assembly were ratified by the Parliament. Baillie's tet- ters, Vol. 1. p. 188. Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 31. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 505 bly, at first coldly received ; but he vindicated what CHAP. • XVT he had done from the necessity of the case, and ear- >,^^^^ nestly advised his Majesty again to attempt by force i^^g. to restrain his refractory subjects. To strengthen this advice, and to unveil the real spirit by vi^hich the covenanters were actuated, he produced a letter subscribed by their leading men, and addressed to the King of France, which had been accidentally discovered. In it, they entreated the French mo- narch to listen to the account of their proceedings which should be submitted to him, and implored such assistance as he might esteem it right to grant for advancing their cause. * Charles, who proba- bly had determined to renew the war, was gratified by a document, upon which he could found a charge of treason against those by whom it had been signed, and which he trusted would tend to unite his English subjects in supporting the crown. Still, however, he was much perplexed about the manner of removing the difficulties which opposed the re- newal of hostilities. His finances were exhausted ; Dec. his former modes of raising supplies were odious and unproductive, whilst he shrunk from again committing himself to parliament. The letter to the King ot France had no small effect in leading to the decision, that a parliament should be assembled. * FranklyTi's Annals, p. 810, 811, where the letter is inserted, Burnet's Memoirs, p. 160. Clarendon's History, Vol. I. p. 103. Rushworth's Collections, Vol. II. Part ii, p. 956. 506 HISTORY OP THE CHAP. He hoped that the two Houses would not desert XVI. . . , V^^,-^ him, but would delay the consideration of griev- 1639. ances till they had crushed the rebellion with which he was threatened. Writs were accordingly issued, and, after an interval of twelve years, the great As- sembly of the nation was summoned to meet in the following spring. * Death and About this time died Spottiswoode, archbishop character of Qf 5{ Andrews. The distractions of his native Archbishop Spottis- country, and the popular detestation of his order, woodc« Dec. 27. had led him, towards the end of life, to take refuge in England ; and having resigned the high office of chancellor, the duties of which, at this perilous era, he had not fortitude to discharge, he came to Lon- don, and spent in tranquillity, respected by the King and the adherents of the royal cause, the even- ing of his days. His character has been drawn in very different colours by the writers who have transmitted it to posterity. By those who vene- rated him as the champion of the hierarchy, he has been represented as distinguished by his patriotism, and by the uniform regard which he paid to the religion of which he was a minister. By those ao:ain who viewed him as the subverter of the civil and religious liberty of Scotland, he has been stig- matized with a warmth of condemnation which must be ascribed to that party-zeal which aggra- vates delect, and casts a veil over the most brilliant * Clarendon's History, Vol. I. p. lOS. Rapin's Histery of Eng- land, Vol. II. p, 316. Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 59. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 507 virtue. — Of his real character, however, an accu- CHAP, rate estimate may be formed from his public con- ^.^s >^ duct, and from the impartial testimonies which have 1^39. been preserved. Educated in the principles of the first reformers, which his venerable father uni- formly avowed, he early determined to attach him* self to the Court, and to embrace the sentiments that opened to him the prospect which his ambition contemplated. He thus forsook the presbyterians, with whom he at one time acted, and to whom he gave the counsel of a friend ; and having professed his reverence for episcopacy, he ingratiated himself with James, obtaining first the archbishopric of Glasgow, and afterwards that of St Andrews. In his attempts to eradicate the tenets which he had abjured, and to establish the episcopalian polity, he acted with considerable violence and severity ; he countenanced the High Court of Commission, and presided in it wh^n the most harassing sentences were pronounced against men, whom, from his early habits, he should have revered and protected. Pos- sessed of much discernment, he, however, at length saw the danger of attacking inconsiderately the re- li jious prepossessions ot his countrymen ; he dis- suaded Charles from the innovations which alienat- ed the aifections of the people, and recommended that moderate policy which might have prevented the excesses which he lived to deplore. Intimidated by the furious zeal of the multitude, he abandoned the scene of tumult, and committed to others that 508 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, defence of the prerogative, which he was unable or _^5^^ unwilling to attempt. 1639. His private manners were much influenced by JDcc the situation in which he was placed. Alienated from the enemies of prelacy, who were marked by the sanctity, and even the austerity of their de- portment, he conceived it right to depart from the strictness which he associated with enthusiasm ; he paid little reverence to the Lord's day, was not re- gular in attending public worship, and affected a gaiety or looseness of behaviour, most unsuitable to his station in the church, and most ruinous to the cause which he was anxious to support. What might have originated from notions of expediencyj became afterwards endeared to him by habit ; and there is too much reason to believe that be was occasionally guilty of the levity and the dissipation with which he has been charged. Adversity cor- rected the errors which have been mentioned. Under the pressure of the disease which terminated his earthly existence, he evinced a fervour of pious feeling which fully warrants the belief, that, what- ever were his infirmities or his faults, he had never doubted the truth or the obligation of religion. His literary eminence rests upon solid ground. In his History of the Church of Scotland, he displays a degree of candour, which, considering the temper of the age in which he Hved, entitles him to the highest honour. His delineation of the character, and his defence of the reputation of CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 509 Knox, present a singular and delightful contrast to chap. the acrimony which abounds in contemporary writ- ^^ ^ ings ; and although his attachment to episcopacy '639. Dec. can be easily discerned, and has influenced the narrative of some of the transactions which he de- tails, yet the information which he has collected is so valuable, and his reflections are so just, that his work must be prized by all who seek to appreciate its excellence. It was composed in the true spirit of a diligent historian ; for he improved the op- portunities which he enjoyed for collecting the materials \vhich were requisite for its fidelity ; ex- amining manuscripts and records with a diligence, which shews that the splendour of his situation had not relaxed his industry, or made him careless of the reputation which he has justly acquired. * * For the most ample and satisfactory information respecting Spottiswoode and his works, I refer to the conclusion of his Life, by Wodrow, in his MSS. Vol. HI. folio. The industrious author has faithfully collected from a variety of MSS. and printed works, writ- ten by men of opposite political and religious sentiments, characters of the primate ; and has giyen a number of most interesting particulars respecting the history, the care and diligence with which it was com- posed, and the different editions which have been published. Wod- row himself, a zealous presbyterian, often captiously blames the arch- bishop, for colouring the transactions relating to episcopacy and its opponents ; but he allows his m.erit as an author, and disapproves of the asperity shewn by some of those whose remarks he has inserted. Dr Robertson, in the preface to his History of Scotland, confirms what Wodrow states as to the archbishop's research. It is unnne- cessary, after the full account which has been given of the primate, to repeat here the references which justify the view given of his cha- racter ; but, to shew the bitter spirit of the times, 1 shall conclude SIO HISTORY OF THE CHAP. Although the covenanters were mortified and \^^^y^ provoked, that their commissioners had been de- *h N* "^^^ access to the King, they did not rehnquish Commis- their intention of vindicating their conduct, and re- Scotland monstrating against the policy which had been ^^^^"°^°"* adopted. They sent a messenger, intreating, that he would listen to what they were eager to repre- sent to him ; and that he might not seem to decide rashly against his discontented subjects, he gave his ■flt^Z\ consent. The Earls of Loudon and Dunfermline were again dispatched, with two other persons, to assist them. Upon their arrival, the King agreed to see them ; and as they refused to give an ac- count of their embassy, except to himself, he listen- Teb. 20. ed to a long speech, in which Loudon justified the proceedings of parliament, desired that these should be ratified, and requested that the estates might be permitted to finish their deliberations. * this note with a short passage from the preface to a controversial work, by IVincipal Baillie, esteemed, and justly esteemed, one of the mildest and most moderate of his party : — *• I was also content with another part of my task, to throw down to the dust of just contempt and well deserved disgrace, the unhappy and infamous wretches* Adamson, Spottiswoode, Maxwell, and Balcanqual." What stronger language could have been used, had the archbishop been one of the vilest men ? and how cautious is it necessary to be in receiving the representations of those who could thus sink in political zeal, ' the candour and charity which their ardent religious professions should have led them to cherish ? * Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, Vol. I. p. 102. Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 57. Franklyn's Annals, p. 796, 797> and 802, where the substance of Loudon's speech is inserted. Crawford's Lives o$ Officers of State, p. 201, 202. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 511 Althouefh in this address there were the strongest CHAP, professions of loyalty, it could not fail, from the ^.^ ,-^ bold and firm tone in which it was spoken, to be ^^-jo. r T J The Earl offensive to Charles; and soon after, Loudon was of Loudon committed to the Tower upon a charge of high to'the '" treason, his name being attached to the letter to the^^^^*"' French monarch. Against this apprehension he urged many strong reasons, and it certainly was little calculated to tranquillize Scotland. He declared, and the declaration was not contradicted, that the letter was written before the late agreement, and was, in consequence of it, laid aside ; he contended, that, if there was any criminality, he was saved by the act of oblivion which had been passed ; he maintained, that, at all events, he must he tried by his peers, in the country within which the offence was committed ; and that, as he had come in a pub- lic capacity, by warrant from his Majesty, it was a breach of the law of nations to deprive him of his liberty. These considerations produced no effect, and it was even determined to proceed capitally against him; but the Marquis of Hamilton, who saw the shocking consequences that would result from this, implored the King to alter his intentions, suggesting to him, that much more advantage would accrue from gaining so powerful a nobleman, than from putting him to death. * * Clarendon, Vol. I. p, los. Buraet's Memoirs, p. 160, 161. Sanderson's Reign of Charles I. p. 261 and 274. Crawford's life of 512 HISTORY OF THE CHAP. The intelligence transmitted to Scotland that ,^_^y^ a parliament had been summoned for obtaining 1640. supplies, combined with the irritation excited by ers prepare the imprisonment of the Earl of Loudon, induced for hostih- j.j^g covenanters to lose no time in preparing for the new war which they confidently anticipated. They summoned all the noblemen, gentlemen, and March lo. popular ministers, to meet at Edinburgh, and at this meeting it was resolved to raise an army, to levy money, and to fortify such places of strength as they were able to secure. In these warlike deter- minations the clergy took an active part. They not only inculcated upon the people the importance or necessity of entering into the war, but, forgetting their proper duties, they employed the pulpit as the organ of their party, exhorting their hearers to con- tribute liberally to the public necessities. In this they were most successful. Women eagerly sur- rendered their jewels and their plate in a cause which they identified with religion; — the most wealthy of the nobility granted bonds for large sums of money ; — and Dick, a merchant in Edin- burgh, who had accumulated great wealth, cheer- fully expended it in aiding the designs of the co- venanters. * Lord Loudon, in Lives of Officers of State, p. 201,202. Rushworth's Collections, Vol- H, Part ii.p. 992-1038. * Burnet's Memoirs, p. 1G2. Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 57 — 59, Rushworth's Collections, Vol. IL Part ii. p. 12i4. Baillie, Vol. I. p. 202, 203. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 51S In thus preparing for so hazardous a contest, the CHAP. XVT presbyterians were much encouraged by some events ,^^v/-^ which took place in England, and which led them i64o. to conclude that a great part of the inhabitants of ed by the that kingdom wished success to their efforts for in Engi^j, dependence. Whilst the Earls of Loudon and Dunfermline were in London, they held many con- ferences with persons of considerable influence, and, by a strange and shameful forgery, they were drawn to believe, that, in the event of war, they might depend upon the secret support of many of the English nobles. But they were elated chief- ly by the issue of the English parliament. Not- isth April, withstanding all the efforts of the King and his courtiers, and notwithstanding the vehemence and parade with which he dwelt upon the letter to the French monarch, as an evidence of the most horrible intentions, parliament persisted in the resolution of entering upon grievances before they granted sup- plies ; and, after much altercation, and several pro- positions even by his official servants, which were considered by him as insidious, or designed lo in- volve him in trouble, he, to the great regret of the most prudent statesmen, in anger dissolved the As- sembly, upon which the hopes of the nation had been rested. * •• * Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 103 — 110. Burnet's Memoirs, p. 166. Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 59. Rushworth's Coilectlons, Vol. II. Part ii» p. 1114 — 1155. Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 3y, 34. VOL. II. K k 514f HISTORY OF THE XVI. 1640. 2d June. A Parlia ment in Scotland. Having succeeded in collecting forces, and in raising supplies, the covenanters entrusted the com- mand of the army once more to Leslie, and they determined, at the expiration of the period named by the King, to assemble the estates. To prevent this his Majesty had sent an order to some of the lords of the council to prorogue parliament till July, but, from accident or inclination, there was some error in form which invalidated the commission. The consequence of this was, that the parliament was declared to be lawfully constituted ; the acts with which it was occupied when last adjourned were passed ; Ruthven, who had refused to sur- render the castle of Edinburgh, of which he was governor, was forfeited ; and a great committee was appointed, consisting of twelve from each of the estates, one half of which was to attend the general, and to give their advice respecting military affairs, whilst the other half was to remain at Edinburgh, for conducting all matters at home. After the pro- i7tli June, rogation of the estates, this branch of the committee transmitted to the Earl of Lanerick, brother to the Marquis of Hamilton, and who had lately been ap- pointed secretary for Scotland, the various acts which had been sanctioned, with a letter in which they defended the legality of the parliament, and intreated him to procure his Majesty's ratification. The conclusion of the letter shews the state of feel- ing and sentiment amongst the covenanters. " We do therefore, in name of the estates, desire your 1640. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 515 Lordship (all other ways of information being stopt) chap. to represent unto his Majesty against all suspicions, ,^n^ suggestions, and tentations to the contrary, the constant love and loyalty of this kingdom unto his royal authority and person, as their native King and kindly Monarch ; and that they are seeking nothing but the establishing of their religion and liberties under his Majesty's government, that they may still be a free kingdom to do his Majesty all the honour and service that become humble subjects ; that their extremity is greater through the hostility and violence threatened by arms, and already done to them and their persons and goods, by castles within, and ships without the kingdom, than they can longer endure ; and that, as his Majesty loveth his own honour, and the weal of this his ancient kingdom, speedy course may be taken for their re- lief and quietness : And that, if this their faithful remonstrance, (which, as the great council of the kingdom, they found themselves bound to make at this time for their exoneration,) be passed over in silence, or answered with delays, they must prepare and provide for their own deliverance and safety.'* * In conformity with the language thus addressed to the Sovereign, they prosecuted their schemes of de- fence and aggression; they imposed a heavy tax for defraying the expence of the campaign ; they * Burnet's Memoirs, p. 166 — 168. Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 61, S2. Rushworth's Collections, Vol. II. Part ii. p. 1210—1213. 516 History of the CHAP, commanded the different counties to raise the forces XVI. \^-^y^^^ which they had been required to furnish ; and they 1640. soon saw their general at the head of an army able to encounter any force which would probably be brought against them. * Return of The Earl of Loudon, during his confinement in Loudon, the Tower, made repeated efforts to obtain his en- largement, and, alarmed for his life, he was disposed to purchase safety by serving the King in Scotland. The Marquis of Hamilton interceded for him with Charles, and a kind of treaty was at length con- cluded. Loudon pledged himself to the marquis to use every effort to preserve peace, — to induce the covenanters to petition his Majesty for the con- firmation of their religion and liberties, and to prevent the assembling of an army, or, if it was already col- 27th June, lected, to Stay its march into England. Several ar- ticles of inferior importance were inserted in the agreement, and Loudon having been liberated, and graciously received by his Majesty, was permitted to return to his native country. Of his sincerity 3d July, there can be little doubt, but upon his arrival he saw that his interference would be fruitless, and he merely delivered the answer which Lanerick sent by him to the memorial from the committee of parlia- ment. His return, however, filled his party with * Burnet's Memoirs, p. 173. Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 62. Baillle's Letters and Journals, Vol. I. p. 203. 4 CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 517 joy, and Increased their confidence that they should CHAP, ultimately be successful. * ^«,^^.^%,^ Amidst the preparations for war, the General Geitral* Assembly met at Aberdeen, and after waiting for a Assembly day, lest a commissioner from the King should ar- deen. rive, they proceeded, according to their own liber- '^' ^^ ties, as they expressed themselves, to deliberate upon the affairs of the church. Several acts were passed, illustrating the sentiments and prejudices which then prevailed. With unnecessary zeal all idolatrous monuments were ordered to be destroy- ed ; ministers were ordained carefully to attend to all charmers, witches, and other such abusers of the people, and to urge that the acts of parliament against them should be put in force. Severe mea- sures were enjoined to be -taken against those, who, having subscribed the covenant, spoke disrespect- fully of that much-revered obligation. But the Assembly was chiefly occupied with discussions re- specting some practices which were gaining ground, and which filled the ministers with the most serious alarm. A number of Scotchmen who had settled in Ireland, and who had all the zeal of their coun- trymen against the innovations, being urged by the bishops to countenance the liturgy and the ceremo- nies connected with it, withdrew from public wor- ship ; and being deprived of their minister, they * C^'arendon, Vol. I p. 113. Burnet's Memoirs, p. 170—172. Crawford's life of Loudon, in Lives of Officers of State, p. 202. Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 63. 518 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, secretly met to promote, by prayer and exhortation, ^^^ ^, their mutual comfort and instruction. Gratified by 1640, the facility with which they expressed themselves, and concluding from this that they were peculiarly favoured with divine illumination, they were unwiU ling to relinquish what flattered their vanity no less than it warmed their zeal ; they readily listened to some of the followers of Brown, the champion of independency, and became inclined to adopt the polity which these followers recommended. Many of them having been kindly received in Scotland, continued in that country their private assemblies ; condemned in the true sectarian spirit all who dif- fered from them ; and, even in their addresses to the Deity, did not shrink from disparaging the clergy who were averse to their theological tenets. This abuse, as it was considered by the presbyterians, had attracted the notice of the preceding Assembly. Henderson, the great leader of the church, had with much vehemence declaimed against it ; and it was agreed, that however proper such meetings might have been in seasons of persecution, they should, in a church regularly constituted, and dis- pensing in purity the ordinances of religion, be dis- continued, as tending to the hindrance of public worship, to the prejudice of the ministry, and de- stroying the unity of Christian congregations. But it could not be imagined that this opinion would deter from what was revered as a holy practice. The new sect condemned with much vehemence the CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 519 opinion of Henderson ; they were confirmed in CHAP, their notions by some English independents by ^^^^ .^ whom they were joined ; and they were encouraged "^^o. by several of the strictest of the clergy, who be- lieved that the extemporaneous eftusions at the meetings were evidences of pure evangelical piety. Shewing from all these causes no tendency to re- nounce their views, the matter was again brought under the consideration of the Assembly at Aberdeen. Much violent and not very decent altercation took place. The ministers, divided in their sentiments, supported or reprobated the meetings, but at length all seemed sensible that abuses might arise from them ; and an act was framed, prohibiting persons not in the ministry from publicly explaining the scriptures. As they for whom this remedy was in- tended justified themselves upon the ground that they were only practising iamily worship, it was declared, that such worship should be limited to the members of the same family. * In passing this ordinance, the members were guided by the principle for which they afterwards strenuously contended, that it was essential to the interest of religion that it should be taught and ad- ministered only in the manner which they approved; thus assuming that direction of the faith of their countrymen, the attempt at which they were at this * Baillle, Vol. I. p. 196 — 202, compared with Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 66 — 70. 520 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, very moment reprobating in the bishops, and thus incorporating with their ecclesiastical system a ten- 1640. dency to persecution which would have converted religion into a source of misery, making it the in- strument of corruption, instead of the guide and the consolation of life. Their conduct was as impolitic as it was unchristian. Had they beheld with indif- ference the enthusiasm or the zeal of men who from motives, as they imagined, of conscience, wish- ed to dissent from the establishment, or to add to the provision which it had made for cherishing de- votion, they would probably have found that what ceased to attract notice ceased to be pursued ; that either they who had wandered would return to the church, or its peace would be secured by being freed from turbulent spirits, similar to those which even in the days of the Apostles with reluctance sub- mitted to the order which, in the primitive churches, had been prescribed by their inspired founders, But^ obvious as these truths now happily are, they long feebly influenced, if they influenced at all, dif- ferent communities of Christians ; and we shall soon see displays of intolerance, and a bigotted an- tipathy to religious freedom, which almost all sects of the present day would be forward to condemn. The Assembly, before its dissolution, appointed another meeting in the subsequent year ; and with that appearance of respect for the King which had not yet been laid aside, it was resolved that he CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 521 should, in a proper manner, be requested to send a CHAP, commissioner. * <^^y-^»j The King having collected a powerful army, en- c^J^.^^' trusted the command of it to the Earl of Northum- mencement berland ; but this nobleman being prevented from lities. acting by the impaired state of his health, the com- ~°' "^' mand devolved upon the lieutenant general, the celebrated Earl of Strafford, who was considered as having strongly advised the war, who was obnoxious to many of the nobility, and who was detested by the patriots, from whom he had revolted. Lord Conway led the cavalry ; and his Majesty, having struggled with many difficulties, with the disaffec- tion of several of the nobles, with the discontent of the city of London, the opposition of the party fa- vourable to Scotland, and the embarrasment arising from want ot supplies, again went to York, in the hope of reducing to obedience a party whose cause was viewed with rapidly extending admiration, f The Scotish army marched to the borders ; and as it was impossible for it to find subsistence with- out invading England, the general, after expressing the utmost regard for the inhabitants of that king- dom, crossed the Tweed, and slowly traversed North- * Printed Acts of Assembly, 1640, p. 27. The act upon which I have made the observations in the body of the work was not publish- ed, but its title is inserted amongst the unprinted Acts. f Franklyn's Aiinals, p. 835, and 8^6 — 848. Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 115. Life of Charles I. prefixed to his works, p. 21. Rushworth's Collectio.ns, Vol. IL Part ii, p. 1050, 1051, and 1221. Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 35. 322 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, umberland, to occupy a more fertile district. On 5CVI • • • y^,^^^^ the following day, a proclamation m name of the 1640. King was issued, denouncing the covenanters in arms as traitors ; but this did not diminish their ardour, or suspend their resolution. Having reach- ed a ford of the river Tyne, above Newcastle, at a place called Newburn, they saw a party of the enemy, under Lord Conway, prepared to dispute the passage. 28th Aug. Unintimidated by the prospect of opposition, they the Cove- made a bold effort to pass the river, and they di- aanters. j-ected their artillery against the trenches of their opponents, who, after making a feeble resistance, disgracefully fled. The whole of the King's army immediately after this skirmish retreated, and the Scotch thus most unexpectedly got possession of Newcastle, which gave them the undisturbed com- mand of the whole northern division of England. * This success in a great measure decided the cam- paign in favour of the Scotch. Had resistance been protracted, or had the town of Newcastle, even af- ter the shameful retreat of Conway, stood out for the King, the army of the covenanters, deprived of supplies, would have speedily dispersed ; for pre- vious to this period symptoms of discontent had * Burnet's Memoirs, p. 173, 174. Baillie's Letters, Vol. I. p. 203, 204, and 208. Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 70, 71. Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 114i. He calls the rout a shameful and confounded flight. Frank- lyn's Annals, p. 846, 847. Rushworth's Collections, Vol. II. Part lu p. 1221, — 1238. Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 35. CHURCH~.OF SCOTLAND. 52S been manifested, and numbers had withdrawn to chap. return to their own country. * But they now rais- ^.^^L, ed with ease the contributions which they required ; i640. they assumed an attitude which gave weight to their representations ; they distributed in the sur- rounding towns divisions of their forces ; and they impressed upon vast numbers the political and re- ligious sentiments which they entertained. Even thus early had they extended their views beyond their own concerns, and embraced the situation of England. Not doubting, that, after their success, they would obtain for themselves terms sufficiently favourable, they announced how much they would be disappointed, if the political and religious prin- ciples for which they had struggled should not be given to the whole of Britam ; and they did not hesitate to rouse the proud feelings of those amongst whom they were now residing by this strong lan- guage, " That if the English should be beasts and dastardly towards them, they themselves must lie, without any man's pity, under their slavish servitude for ever." f Elated with victory, and assured that the English Their con- army was retreating in consternation, the Scotch nevertheless determined not to pursue their success. They permitted the King's forces to retire unmo- * Baillie, Vol. I. p. 205 and 207, compared with Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 114. f Burnet's Memoirs, p. 174. Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 71—73. . Baillie, Vol. I. p. 205 and 208. 524 HISTORY OF THE CHAP, lasted to York ; they immediately dispatched an v^^^^ assurance to London that they should not interrupt 1640, the supply of coal, a measure by which they might have cruelly distressed the metropolis; and they |2dSept. resolved again to present a supplication to the humbled and unhappy King, beseeching him to grant their requests, and to restore peace to his distracted kingdom. They inclosed the supplica- tion to Lanerick, requesting that he would present it, and that an answer might be quickly returned. * Distressed Charles, notwithstanding the professions of loyal- the King, ty which the lords of the covenant still made, too certainly perceived that they were now dictating what they affected to solicit, and, had he been se- cure of the attachment of those by whom he was surrounded, or of the affections of his people, he would probably not have hesitated to dismiss the messenger, and to endeavour to retrieve the mili- tary reputation which Conway had forfeited. But he saw in every quarter difficulty and danger. He had summoned a grand council of his nobility to meet him at York, but many of the most popular of this order had met m London, and had framed a petition, in which they enumerated the evils which filled them with alarm, and urged the assembling of parliament as the most effectual remedy. This * Burnet's Memoirs, p. 174 — 176. Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 115. Baillie, Vol. I. p. 207. Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 73. Rushworth's Collections, Vol. II. Part ii. p. 1258, 1259. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 525 petition was presented to his Majesty on the same CHAP, day with that of the covenanters, and it deeply af- s^^^^,^ fected him. It, however, induced him not to reject ^''^o- the proposals of his Scotish subjects, and he autho- rized the secretary to inform them, that if they would specify what they conceived to be essential to their freedom, he should return an answer. They in consequence repeated to Lanerick what they had more fully stated in the acts of their last par- liament, and in the various papers which they had lately circulated. 1 hey demanded, " that his Ma- jesty would be graciously pleased to ratiry the con- clusions of the estates ; tnat the castle of Edinburgh and other fortresses should be used for their de- fence and security ; that none of his subjects should be harassed for subscribing the covenant ; that the common incendiaries who had been the authors of the combustion in his Majesty's dominions, should receive their just censure /* — and to these they ad- ded some other particulars connected with the poli- tical and commercial situation of the kingdom. This memorial the King referred to the council of 9th Sept. nobles, by whom he was advised to negotiate with the presbyterians ; and Lanerick intimated his Majes- 24th Sept. ty's appointment of a conference to be held at Northallerton. The result of the correspondence was the commencement of a treaty at Rippon ; but ist Oct. the King having, from the necessity of his affairs, summoned a parliament to meet in November, the treaty was suspended till it could be renewed in 526 HISTORY, &C. CHAP. London, and an armistice for two months was con- XVI. .^^^^ eluded. The commissioners appomted by the cove- 1640. nanters were thus, with the royal sanction, called to the metropolis, and from this arrangement there arose an official correspondence between them and the discontented party in England, which produced the interesting consequences to church and state which shall now be detailed. * * Franklyn's Annals, p. 852 — 856. Burnet's Memoirs, p. 174 — 180. Clarendon, Vol.1, p. 11 5 — 126. Baillle's Letters and Jour- nals, Vol. I. p, 210, 211. Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 73, 74. The most minute information respecting the whole proceedings is to be found in Rush worth's Collections, Vol.11. Part ii. p. 1260 — 1307- Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 35 — 37. END OF VOLUME SECOND- Printed by Georiie Kiiiiisay & Co. Edinburgh, 1814. DATE DUE CAYLORD PRINTED IN U S A. *» .•'V " -■•-■'''■■■■>•■ ---''^