Ml ^.), m FROM THE LIBRARY OF REV. LOUIS FITZGERALD BENSON, D. D. BEQUEATHED BY HIM TO THE LIBRARY OF PRINCETON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 5 > ") BRO^J^ -0 .^' \\L\Ul Ul I llf/V///." THE DEC 1 1931 X ^0, OXFORD METHODISTS: MEMOIRS OF THE ^ REV. MESSRS. CLA YTON, INGHAM, GAMBOL D, HERVEY, AND BROUGHTON, WITH BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES OF OTHERS. e "V REV. L. TYERMAN, Author of the ^'^ Life and Times of the Rev. S. Wesley, M.A.;" and the "Life and Titnes of the Rev. John Wesley, M.A., Founder of the Methodists J" HODDER AND STOUGHTON, 27, PATERNOSTER ROW, E.G. MDCCCLXXni. Butler & Tanner, The Selwood Printing Works, Frome, and London. PREFACE The present book is intended to serve as a companion volume to " The Life and Times of Wesley ; " and to assist in show- ing- the wide and gracious results of a revival of religion. In compiling the work just mentioned, I was compelled, by want of space, to lay aside a large amount of biographical material, some portions of which are embodied in the work now submitted to the reader ; and other portions of which may be published at a future time. Memoirs of the two Wesleys and of Whitefield have been designedly omitted, on the ground, that, their Memoirs, in extenso, are already in existence. Still, those illustrious men are often noticed in the following pages ; and, I hope, the facts concerning them will be both interesting and instructive. Of the other Oxford Methodists, no biographies have been previously written, with the exception of Hervey ; and it is not censorious to say, that the two principal ones of him, — Ryland's and Brown's — are far from satisfactory. The information concerning some of the Oxford Brother- hood is meagre. I have used all the diligence I could in obtaining materials ; but brief notices, and scraps, and a few letters are all that I have to give. Fragmentaiy, however, though they are, I trust, they will not be regarded as useless and irrelevant. The biographical sketches of Clayton, Ingham, Gambold, Hervey, and Broughton, are more extended. It would have been a satisfaction to have left Westley Hall in iv Preface. the shades of oblivion ; but, in telHng the story of the Oxford Methodists, it was impossible not to notice him. A marvellous work was accomplished by the Wesley brothers and by Whitefield ; but it is a great mistake, and not a just acknowledgment of the grace of God, to regard the results of the revival of religion in the Oxford University, as confined to Methodism. Contemporaneous Reformers, raised up by Providence, are seldom all employed in the same kind of work. At the beginning of the Christian era, God "gave some, apostles, and some, prophets, and some, evangelists, and some, pastors, and teachers, for the perfecting of the saints, for the work of the ministry, for the edifying of the body of Christ" (Ephesians iv. ii, 12). Luther, Zuinglius, Melancthon, Q^^colampadius, Erasmus, Calvin, Knox, Ridley, Latimer, and Cranmer were all engaged, at the same time, in the same great and glorious reformation ; but the services they rendered were as various as the dis- positions and talents of the men themselves. So in regard to the movement in the Oxford University. Among the Oxford Methodists, the Wesleys and Whitefield will always be pre-eminent ; but a great work was also done by their associates. Clayton's High-Churchism was objectionable ; but it is not unreasonable to indulge the hope, that, his earnest piety exercised a useful influence upon the clergy among whom he lived, and especially upon the young gentlemen who were favoured with the instructions . of his school. Inghami, as an evangelist, was exceedingly successful among the masses in the North. The Moravian Church owes a debt of incalculable gratitude to Gambold, for checking and correcting its early religious follies. Broughton was efficiently employed in promoting the translation of the Bible, in the work of Home and Foreign Missions, in the distribution Preface. v of religious tracts, and in the education of the children of the poor, at a period when the present principal societies for such objects did not exist. Hutchins, though retaining, at least, a few of his High-Church doctrines, was a spiritually- minded, earnest Christian ; and, in the important office which, for so many years, he held in Lincoln College, could hardly fail in moulding the minds and hearts of some of the young students there. And Hervey was one of the first clergymen of the Church of England, in the last century, who turned the attention of the upper classes of society to religious matters. These were not trifling services. Do they not deserve to be recorded } The Oxford revival of religion was pregnant with the most momentous issues. And so are most revivals. How often in the history of Methodism, though on a smaller scale, have its revivals of the work of God resulted in consequences bear- ing some analogy to those of the Oxford movement of a hundred and forty years ago ? Who will not pray, that such " Divine visitations " may be continued and multiplied, not only in Methodism, but, in all the Churches of the Great Redeemer } The Oxford Methodists, up to the time of their general dispersion from that seat of learning, were all (excepting perhaps, Whitefield) Church of England Ritualists. Their moral conduct was most exemplary. They were studious, devout, self-de»ying, charitable. Their study of the Bible gained them the nicknames of "Bible-bigots," and "Bible- moths." Every morning and every evening, they spent an hour in private prayer ; and, throughout the day, habituated themselves to the use of ejaculations, for humility, faith, hope, and love. They communicated at Christ Church once a week, and persuaded all they could to attend public vi Preface. prayers, sermons, and sacraments. They were constant visitors of the inmates of the parish workhouse, and of the prisoners in the Castle ; and it was the practice of all of them to dispense in charity all they had, after providing for their own necessities. They also observed the dis- cipline of the Church of England to the minutest points ; and were scrupulously strict in practising the rubrics and canons. Every Wednesday and Friday, they fasted, tasting no food whatever, till three o'clock in the afternoon. Though, perhaps, they never held the doctrine of the human nature of the Divine Redeemer being present in the elements of the holy sacrament, they held something approaching this, and spoke of " an outward sacrifice offered therein." They more than approved of the mixture of water with the sacra- mental wine ; and religiously observed saint days, holidays, and Saturdays. They maintained the doctrine of apostolical succession, and believed no one had authority to administer the sacraments who was not episcopally ordained. Even in Georgia, Wesley excluded Dissenters from the holy commu- nion, on the ground, that they had not been properly baptized, and would himself baptize only by immersion, unless the child, or person, was in a weak state of health. He also enforced confession, penance, and mortification; and, as far as possible, carried into execution the Apostolic Constitutions. In short, with the exception of sacerdotal millinery, the burning of incense, the worship of the Virgin, prayers for the dead, and two or three other kindred superstitions, the Oxford Methodists were the predecessors of the present ritualistic party in the Church of England. The Oxford Methodists, however, had no desire to aggran- dize themselves. They had not the slightest wish to be considered superior to their fellow mortals. They were Preface. vii sincere, and earnest inquirers after truth, and, in the study of the Holy Bible, in prayer to God, and in other devotional exercises, were an example worthy of imitation. God rarely leaves such inquirers in the dark. Wesley, and most of his Oxford friends were brought to a knowledge of " the truth as it is in Jesus ; " and, being so, their faith, their energy, their prayers, their toils, and their cheerfully endured sufferings resulted in one of the most glorious revivals of the work of God, recorded in the history of the Christian Church. May we not indulge the hope, that, what God did for the Oxford Methodists, He will do for those at the present day, who, in most respects, resemble them } Ought we not to pray for this } Indeed, has it not, to some extent, been realized } Though the leaders of the Oxford Tractarian movement have unquestionably served the interests of the Church of Rome, far more than the interests of the Church which nurtured them ; yet, is it not a fact, that some of the hard-working evangelical clergy of the Church of England, now so successfully employed in the spread of truth, began their Christian life as the Oxford Methodists began theirs '>. And is it wrong to prayerfully cherish the expectation, that, in mercy to mankind, others will be brought to the same convictions } The Church, the Nation, and the World need their energy, earnestness, diligence, self-denial, and devotion. Let them lay aside their popish follies and proud pretensions and embrace the truth of Christ in its simplicity and its purity, and, at least, some of them may, under God, accom- plish a work as great and as blessed as was accomplished by Wesley and his " Holy Club." I have nothing more to add, except to express my obliga- tions to the descendants of the O.xford Methodists, for their viii Preface. courteous kindness in responding to my requests for informa- tion ; and to other clergymen and gentlemen with whom I have been in correspondence. The book is not a series of written portraits. I make no pretensions to artistic skill. I have simply done my best in collecting facts, from every source within my reach ; and have narrated them as truly and as lucidly as I could. L. TYERMAN. Stanhope House, Clapham Park, April 2}id, 1873. THE OXFORD METHODISTS. THE FIRST OF THE OXFORD METHODISTS. Robert Kirkham. WESLEY writes: — "In November, 1729, four young ^7^9 gentlemen of Oxford, — Mr. John Wesley, Fellow of 1735 Lincoln College ; Mr. Charles Wesley, Student of Christ Church ; Mr. Morgan, Commoner of Christ Church ; and Mr. Kirkham, of Merton College, — began to spend some evenings in a week together in reading, chiefly, the Greek Testament."' These were the first Oxford Methodists ; and, though there is little to be said of Morgan, and still less of Kirkham, they must not be passed in silence. Methodism may be traced to their associating with the two W^esleys, to read the Greek Testament, in 1729. Robert Kirkham was the son of the Rev. Lionel Kirkham, a clergyman resident at Stanton, in Gloucestershire. The family consisted of Robert and at least two sisters, Sarah and Betty. Sarah was the intimate friend of Mary Granville, afterwards Mrs. Delany, a woman of great accomplishments, who moved in the highest society and, for more than fifty years, was honoured with the friendship and confidence of King George III. and his Queen Charlotte. Sarah Kirkham was born in 1699; and, in 1725, was married to the Rev. John Capon, or, as the name is sometimes spelt, Chapone. She was a woman of great intellect and of an intensely warm and generous nature. " Sally," wrote Mary Granville, in 1737, then Mrs. ^ Wesley's Works, vol. viii., p. 334. 2 The First of the Oxford Methodists. 1729 Pendarves, "would shine in an assembly composed of TuUys, *° Homers, and Miltons : at Gloucester, she is like a diamond 1735 ' ' _ _ set in jet, — their dulness makes her brightness brighter." ^ Mrs. Chapone died in 1764. Her sister Betsy was probably the first of Wesley's sweet- hearts. As early as February 2, 1726, Robert Kirkham, writing, from home, to his "Dear Jacke," at "Lincoln College, Oxford, by the Worcester carrier," says, — " Your most deserving, queer character, your personal accomplish- ments, your noble endowments of mind, your little and handsome person, and your most obhging and desirable conversation, — have often been the pleasing subject of our discourse. Often have you been in the thoughts of M .B." [Miss Betsy ?] " which I have curiously observed, when with her alone, by her inward smiles and sighs, and by her abrupt expressions concerning you. Shall this suffice ? I caught her this morning in an humble and devout posture on her knees. I must conclude ; and subscribe myself your most affectionate friend, and brother I wish I miglit write, "Robert Kirkham." Twelve months after this, Wesley's sister Martha wrote to him as follows : — "When I knew that you were just returned from Worcestershire, where, I suppose, you saw your Varenese " [the pet name of Betsy Kirkham], " I then ceased to wonder at your silence ; for the sight of such a woman might well make you forget me. I really have myself a vast respect for her, as I must necessarily have for one that is so dear to you." For more than three years subsequent to this, Wesley kept up a correspondence with Kirkham's sister, and spoke of her in the tenderest terms. In 173 1, their friendship was inter- • rupted. Why .'' Did the young lady's father interfere .'' Or did she herself prefer another .-* These are questions which it is almost impossible to answer; but it is a significant fact that, though the Kirkham family seems to have consisted of only one son and two daughters, one of those daughters died about twelve months afterwards ; she, at the time of her death, bear- ing the name of Mrs. Wilson. Hence the following extract from a letter, written by Mrs. Pendarves, and dated " Killala, June 28th, 1732." " Poor Mrs. Wilson ! I am sorry for the shock her death must have ^Autobiography of Mrs. Delany, vol. i,, p. 586. The First of the Oxford Methodists. 3 given Sally" [Mrs. Chapone] "whose tenderness must sometimes take 1729 place of her wisdom; but I hope when she considers the great advantage to her sister, in all probabiHty, will receive by the exchange she has '735 lately made, that she will be reconciled to the loss of a sister that has given her more woe than happiness. Pray, has Mrs, Wilson left any children.?" Was Mrs. Wilson the quondam Betsy Kirkham } It is probable she was ; for, though Mrs. Pendarves and Mrs. Chapone continued to be the warmest friends for thirty-two years after this, there is not, in the voluminous correspondence of the former, the least allusion to Betsy. Perhaps these notices of Robert Kirkham's sisters are hardly relevant ; but it must be borne in mind that Kirkham was one of Wesley's warmest friends, and that he wished to have Wesley for a brother. As already intimated, of Robert Kirkham himself next to nothing has been published. In a letter to his mother, dated February 28, 1730, three months after the first Methodist meeting in Oxford, Wesley wrote : — "I have another piece of news to acquaint you with, which, as it is more strange, will, I hope, be equally agreeable. A little while ago. Bob Kirkham took a fancy into his head, that he would lose no more time and waste no more money; in pursuance of which, he first resolved to breakfast no longer on tea; next, to drink no more ale in an evening, or, however, but to quench his thirst ; then to read Greek or Latin from prayers in the morning till noon, and from dinner till five at night. And how much may one imagine he executed of these resolutions ? Why, he has left oft" tea, struck off his drinking acquaintances to a man, given the hours above specified to the Greek Testament and Hugo Grotius, and spent the evenings either by himself or with my brother and me." This was a brave act. For a frank, frivolous, jovial young fellow like Robert Kirkam, who, in a letter to Wesley, four years before, had told his friend of his revelling over a dish of calves' head and bacon, and a newly-tapped barrel of excellent cider, now to resolve to live a life like that which Wesley mentions, and to have firmness enough to fulfil his resolution, was no ordinary fact, and indicated a great change in the light-hearted young collegian. Was not this the very commencement of the Methodist organization } In 173 1, Kirkham took his leave of the Oxford brother- 4 The First of the Oxford Methodists. 1729 hood, to become his uncle's curate. Where did he Hve after - this? How did he hve? When did he die? These are questions which we cannot answer. We have tried to obtain information concerning his subsequent career, but have failed. William Morgan. WILLIAM MORGAN was not only one of the first Oxford Methodists, but the first of them to enter heaven. The Wesleys and Kirkham were the sons of English clergymen. Morgan was the son of an Irish gentleman, resident in Dublin. As already stated, he was a Commoner of Christ Church ; and Samuel Wesley, junior, who was well acquainted with him, speaks of him in the highest terms. From his childhood, he had been devout and diligent ; he revered and loved his father ; was a warm-hearted, faithful friend ; a welcome visitor of orphans, widows, and prisoners ; neither a formalist nor an enthusiast; but a man whose life was a beautiful gospel sermon, in a practical, embodied form. A short extract from Samuel Wesley's poem, on Mr. Morgan's death, will not be out of place. " Wise in his prime, he waited not till noon, Convinced that mortals 'never lived too soon.' As if foreboding then his little stay, He made his morning bear the heat of day. Fixed, while unfading glory he pursues, No ill to hazard, and no good to lose ; No fair occasion glides unheeded by ; Snatching the golden moments as they fly, He, by fleeting hours, ensures eternity. Friendship's warm beams his artless breast inspire. And tenderest reverence to a much-loved sire. He dared, for heaven, this flattering world forego ; Ardent to teach, as diligent to know ; Unvvarped by sensual ends, or vulgar aims. By idle riches, or by idler names ; Fearful of sin in every close disguise ; Unmoved by threatening or by glozing lies ; Gladdening the poor where'er his steps he turned, Where pined the orphan, or the widow mourned ; Where prisoners sighed beneath guilt's horrid stain. The worst confinement and the heaviest chain ; The First of the Oxford Methodists. 5 Where death's sad shade the uninstructed sight 1720 Veil'd with thick darkness in the land of Hght. to Nor yet the priestly function he invades : i735 'Tis not his sermon, but his life, persuades. Humble and teachable, to church he flies, Prepared to practise, not to criticise. Then only angry, when a wretch conveys The Deist's poison in the Gospel phrase. To means of grace the last respect he showed. Nor sought new paths, as wiser than his God ; Their sacred strength preserved'him from extremes Of empty outside, or enthusiast dreams ; Whims of Molinos, lost in rapture's mist, Or Quaker, late-reforming Ouietist." ' It was in November, 1729, that the first four of the Oxford Methodists began their sacred meetings. Two months later, William Morgan wrote to Wesley the following, which contains a reference to the interest that the Methodists already took in prisoners, and which, being one of the very few of Morgan's letters still existing, may not be unaccept- able. "February 5, 1730. " Dear Sir, — About seven last night I reached Oxford, and, after having long rested my wearied limbs, went this morning to Bo-Cro, who have exceeded our best wishes. I have just finished my rounds, and perceive it was not for nothing that I came hither before you. Stewart's papers will not be in London till Monday. He desires you to get the rule of court for him, and let him have it as soon as possible. Coster begs you would call at Mrs. Hannah Ebbins', upholsterer, in Shadwell Street, near Tower Hill, at the sign of the Flag, and let her know his present con- dition. She is very rich, he says, and has often told him she would at any time do him whatever service she could. " Fisher desires you to look into the Gazette, and see whether the estate of John Davies, of Goldington and Ravensden,^ is to be sold. " You would do well to buy a few cheap spelling-books if you can meet with any, for they are wanted much at the Castle. " Comb's goods were seized last week, and 'tis thought he is gone to London. If he should call on you for what you owe him, put him in mind of paying you, for me, the twelve shillings he owes me. I forgot to tell you that I neglected to call at Mrs. Baxter's landlord's. I wish you would bring my picture of Queen Elizabeth to Oxford, as carefully as you can ; it is in a large book in your sister's closet. There is a plan of mine in the box with your linen, which I likewise desire you would bring with '" Poems on Several Occasions," by Samuel Wesley, A.M., 1736, p. 107. ' Two villages in Bedfordshire. 6 The First of the Oxford Methodists. 1729 you. Pray give my love to Charles, best respects to your brother and to sister, and service to Mrs. Berry ' and Miss Nancy. ^735 " I am, dear sir, " Your sincere friend, and affectionate humble servant, "William Morgan. " Pray don't forget to inquire for my pocket-book." This curious letter of small commissions is not devoid of interest, inasmuch as it plainly shows, — i. The close intimacy between Morgan and the Wesley brothers. 2. Morgan's keenness in looking after his pecuniary rights. And 3. That some, at least, of the Oxford Methodists were not, as yet, so intensely religious as they soon afterwards became. It was not long before the young collegians evinced more earnestness. Wesley writes : — "In the summer of 1730, Mr. Morgan told me he had called at the gaol, to see a man who was condemned for killing his wife ; and that, from the talk he had with one of the debtors, he verily believed it would do much good, if any one would be at the pains of now and then speaking with them. This he so frequently repeated, that, on the 24th of August, 1 730, my brother and I walked with him to the Castle. We were so well satisfied with our conversation there, that we agreed to go thither once or twice a week ; which we had not done, long, before he desired me to go with him to see a poor woman in the town, who was sick. In this employment, too, when we came to reflect upon it, we believed it would be worth while to spend an hour or two in a week ; provided the minister of the parish, in which any such person was, were not against it. But that we might not depend wholly on our own judgments, I wrote an account to my father of our whole design ; withal begging that he, who had lived seventy years in the world, and seen as much of it as most private men have ever done, would advise us whether we had yet gone too far, and whether we should now stand still, or go forward." Wesley's father highly approved of the project of the )uncr Method i^f-c; and n/rnfe young Methodists, and wrote, — " You have reason to bless God, as I do, that you have so fast a friend as Mr. Morgan, who, I see, in the most difficult service, is ready to break the ice for you. You do not know of how much good that poor wretch, who killed his wife, has been the providential occasion. I think I must adopt Mr. Morgan to be my son, together with you and your brother Charles ; and, when I have such a ternion to prosecute that war, wherein I am now miles emeritus, I shall not be ashamed when they speak with their enemies in the gate." ' Probably the mother of the wife of Wesley's brother Samuel. The First of the Oxford Methodists. 1735 The venerable Rector of Epworth then proceeds to advise 1729 them to consult with the chaplain of the prisoners, and to ^!^°^ obtain the direction and approbation of the bishop. This was done. Wesley writes : — " In pursuance of these directions, I immediately went to Mr. Gerard the Bishop of Oxford's chaplain, who was likewise the person that took care of the prisoners when any were condemned to die (at other times they were left to their own care). I proposed to him our design of serving them as far as we could, and my own intention to preach there once a month, if the bishop approved of it. He much commended our design, and said he would answer for the bishop's approbation, to whom he would take the first opportunity of mentioning it. It was not long before he informed me that he had done so, and that his lordship not only gave his permission, but was greatly pleased with the undertaking, and hoped it would have the desired success."' Methodism, in its beneficence, was now fairly started. Its first object was a condemned felon ; its first visitor, William Morgan ; its first approver, Wesley's father ; and its next the Bishop of Oxford, with his chaplain, Mr. Gerard. The small band of godly collegians soon became the butt of ridicule. Robert Kirkham especially was stigmatized as a member of TJie Holy Club; and his college (Merton) became immensely merry at the expense of him and his companions. On December ist, 1730, Wesley's father addressed to them a letter to inspire them with confidence and hope : — " Upon this encouragement," writes Wesley, "we still continued to meet together as usual ; and to confirm one another, as well as we could, in our resolutions to communicate as often as we had opportunity (which is here once a week) ; and to do what service we could to our acquaint- ance, the prisoners, and two or three poor families in the town." To the reading of the Greek Testament, and the visiting of prisoners and the poor, we here have weekly communion added to the programme of Oxford Methodism. What was the result .'' Wesley continues : — " The outcry daily increasing, that we might show what ground there was for it, we proposed to our friends or opponents, as we had oppor- tunity, these or the Hke questions : — 1 Wesley's Works, vol. i., p. S. 8 The First of the Oxford Methodists. J ^TQ " I. Whether it does not concern all men of all conditions to imitate to Him, as much as they can, 'Who went about doing good' ? 1735 "Whether all Christians are not concerned in that command, 'While we have time, let us do good unto all men' ? " Whether we shall not be more happy hereafter, the more good we do now? " Whether we can be happy at all hereafter, unless we have, according to our power, 'fed the hungry, clothed the naked, visited those that are sick, and in prison ;' and made all these actions subservient to a higher purpose, even the saving of souls from death ? "Whether it be not our bounden duty always to remember, that He did more for us than we can for do Him, who assures us, ' Inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of the least of these my brethren, ye have done it unto Me'? "II. Whether, upon these considerations, we may not try to do good to our acquaintance ? Particularly, whether we may not try to convince them of the necessity of being Christians ? " Whether of the consequent necessity of being scholars ? " Whether of the necessity of method and industry, in order to either learning or virtue ? " Whether we may not try to persuade them to confirm and increase their industry, by communicating as often as they can ? " Whether we may not mention to them the authors whom we conceive to have wrote the best on those subjects ? " Whether we may not assist them, as we are able, from time to time, to form resolutions upon what they read in those authors, and to execute them with steadiness and perseverance ? "III. Whether, upon the considerations above-mentioned, we may not try to do good to those that are hungry, naked, or sick? In particular, whether, if we know any necessitous family, we may not give them a little food, clothes, or physic, as they want ? " Whether we may not give them, if they can read, a Bible, Common Prayer Book, or 'Whole Duty of Man' ? "Whether, we may not, now and then, inquire how they have used them, explain what they do not understand, and enforce what they do ? " Whether we may not enforce upon them, more especially, the neces- sity of private prayer, and of frequenting the church and sacrament ? "Whether we may not contribute, what little we are able, toward having their children clothed and taught to read ? " Whether we may not take care that they be taught their catechism, and short prayers for morning and evening ? "IV. Lastly: whether, upon the conside;rations above-mentioned, we may not try to do good to those that are in prison ? In particular, whether we may not release such well-disposed persons as remain in prison for small sums ? "Whether we may not lend smaller sums to those that are of any trade, that they may procure themselves tools and materials to work with ? The First of the Oxfoi^d Methodists. 9 • " Whether we may not give to them who appear to want it most, a Httle 1720 money, or clothes, or physic ? to "Whether we may not supply as many as are serious enough to read, I735 with a Bible and a Whole Duty of Man ? " Whether we may not, as we have opportunity, explain and enforce these upon them, especially with respect to pubhc and private prayer, and the blessed sacrament?"' Such, at the end of 1730, was the plan of benevolent action drawn up by the Oxford Methodists. Who can find fault with it ? Wesley tells us, that they met with none who answered these questions in the negative, and that several helped them with quarterly subscriptions.^ Thus encouraged, the two Wesleys, Kirkham, and Morgan, cheerily pursued their way, " in spite of the ridicule which increased fast upon them during the winter." The men of wit, in Christ Church, called them Sacramentarians. Their allies, at Merton, styled them The Holy Club. Others stig- matized them as The Godly Club ; and others the Enthu- siasts, or the Reforming Club ; but ridicule, though far from pleasant, failed to check them in their laborious career. In the summer of 173 1, Mr. Morgan was disabled, by an attack of sickness, and retired to Holt ; but under the date of June I ith, Wesley writes : — " The poor at the Castle, however, have still the Gospel preached to them, and some of their temporal wants supplied, our little fund rather increasing than diminishing. Nor have we yet been forced to discharge any of the children which Mr. Morgan left to our care : though I wish they too do not find the want of him ; I am sure some of their parents will."-'* Mr. Morgan's affliction excited great interest in the Wesley family. Matthew Wesley, an eminent physician in London, was on a visit to his brother Samuel, the Rector of Epworth, and from thence went to Scarborough. In a letter to her son John, dated, "Epworth, July 12, 1731," Susannah Wesley wrote : — " Before your uncle went to Scarborough, I informed him of what I knew of Mr. Morgan's case. When he came back, he told me he had tried the spa at Scarborough, and could assure me that it far exceeded all the ' Wesley's Works, vol. i., p. 9. ^ Jbid. p. 10. 2 Ibid. vol. xii., p. 6. lo The First of the Oxford Methodists. 1 729 other spas in Europe, for he had been at them all, both in Germany and to elsewhere ; that, at Scarborough, there were two springs, as he was 1 735 informed, close together, which flowed into one basin, the one a chaly- beate, the other a purgative water ; and he did not believe there was the like in any other part of the world. He said, ' If that gentleman, you told me of, could by any means be got thither, though his age is the most dangerous time in life for his distemper, yet I am of opinion those waters would cure him.' 1 thought good to tell you this, that you might, if you please, inform Mr. Morgan of it." Poor Morgan's work was ended. " For more than twelve months," writes Mr. Moore, "he was so greatly reduced, that he became a burden to himself, and totally useless to others. In this stage of his disease, his understanding sometimes appeared de- ranged ; he became more changeable in his temper than usual, and incon- sistent in his conversation. But this was purely the effect of his disease ; not the least symptom of the kind having ever appeared till long after his health had declined." In the month of March, 1732, his father informed liim that he should no longer be hmited to a fixed allowance, but should have all the money that was necessary for his state of health ; at the same time, however, strongly insisting that no part of his remittances should be spent in charity ; and adding, — " You cannot conceive what a noise that ridiculous society in which you are engaged has made here. Besides the particulars of the great follies of it at Oxford (which to my great concern I have often heard repeated), it gave me sensible trouble to hear that you were noted for going into the villages about Holt; calling their children together, and teaching them their prayers and catechism, and giving them a shilling at your departure. I could not but advise with a wise, pious, and learned clergyman. He told me that he has known the worst of consequences follow from such blind zeal ; and plainly satisfied me that it was a thorough mistake of true piety and religion. I proposed writing to some prudent and good man at Oxford to reason with you on these points, and to convince you that you were in a wrong way. He said, in a generous mind, as he took yours to be, the admonition and advice of a father would make a deeper impression than all the exhortations of others. He concluded, that you were young as yet, and that your judgment was not come to its maturity; but as soon as your judgment improved, and on the advice of a true friend, you would see the error of your way, and think, as he does, that you may walk uprightly and safely, without endeavouring to outdo all the good bishops, clergy, and other pious and good men of the present and The First of the Oxford Methodists. 1 1 past ages : which God Ahnighty give you grace and sense to understand \ 729 aright !"i to 1735 Thus had the young Methodists to encounter, not only the ridicule of the outside world, but the rebuke of their own relatives and friends. The Epworth rector encouraged them ; the Dublin gentleman pronounced upon them censure. A month after the date of Mr. Morgan's letter to his sick son, Samuel Wesley, junior, paid a visit to the Oxford Methodists, and, on his return to London, wrote a poetical epistle to his brother Charles, dated April 20, 1732. The following are some of the concluding lines : — " One or two questions more, before I end, That much concern a brother and a friend: — Does John beyond his strength presume to go, To his frail carcase hterally a foe .'* Lavish of health, as if in haste to die. And shorten time to insure eternity ? Does Morgan weakly think his time misspent ? Of his best actions can he now repent ? Others, their sins with reason just deplore, The guilt remaining when the pleasure's o'er ; Shall he for virtue, first, himself upbraid, Since the foundation of the world was laid? Shall he (what most men to their sins deny) Show pain for alms, remorse for piety ? Can he the sacred Eucharist decline ? What Clement poisons here the bread and wine ? Or does his sad disease possess him whole, And taint alike the body and the soul ? If to renounce his graces he decree, O that he could transfer the stroke to me ! Does earth grow fairer to his parting eye? Is heaven less lovely, as it seems more nigh ? O, wondrous preparation this — to die !" Two months subsequent to Samuel Wesley's visit, poor Morgan took his final departure from his friends at Oxford. He was sick in body and in mind. His end was near, though he knew it not. Leaving Oxford on the 5th of June, 1732, he proceeded to his father's house in Dublin. Here he spent six weeks, and aeain set out for Oxford. The following 1 Moore's " Life of Wesley," vol. i., p. 187. 1 2 The First of the Oxford Methodists. 17-9 letter, addressed to Wesley by his father, will tell the brief ^^ remainder of his short history. The letter was written fifteen months after Morgan's untimely death ; and, during this melancholy interval, his only surviving brother had been placed under Wesley's tuition. "Dublin, iV(?z'^;/z(5^r, 1733. " My concern about my only son brings the misfortunes of my other son fresh into my mind, and obliges me now to impart to you, and only to you, what I have hitherto concealed from all men, as far as it could be kept secret. After he had spent about six weeks with me in Dublin, the physicians agreed that the air at Oxford was better for his health than the Irish air. I myself was obliged to take a journey with my Lord Primate into his diocese, and on the same day my dear son set out on his journey to England. He rode an easy pad, and was to make easy stages through part of this kingdom, to see some relations in the way, and to take shipping at Cork, from which there is a short passage to Bristol, and from thence the journey is not great to Oxford. He travelled twelve miles the first day, attended by that careful servant who was with him at Oxford. The servant observed him to act and talk lightly and incohe- rently that day. He slept little or none at night ; but often cried out that the house was on fire, and used other wild expressions. The second day he grew worse ; threw his bridle over the horse's head, and would neither guide him himself nor let the man guide him, but charged him to stay behind him, saying God would be his guide. The horse turned about, went in side roads, and then to a disused quarry filled with water, where my poor child fell off, and had then like to be lost, the servant not daring to do but as he bid him. The servant, finding him deprived of all under- standing and also outrageous, by great art and management, brought him back to Dublin. Two of our most eminent physicians and the surgeon- general were brought to attend him. An express was sent for me, with whom I hastened back to town. He was put in a room two pairs of stairs high, yet he found an opportunity to run to one of the windows, tore it down though the sashes were nailed, and was more than half out before he could be caught. He was raging mad, and three men were set over him to watch him. By the direction of the physicians, he was threatened with ropes and chains, which were produced to him, and were rattled. In his madness, he used to say, that enthusiasm was his madness ; and repeated often, ' O religious madness.' He said, they had 'hindered him being now with God,' because they had hindered him from throwing himself out of the window. But, in his greatest rage, he never cursed or swore or used any profane expressions. In seven days, God was pleased to take him to Himself; which, no doubt, the blisterings and severities used by the physicians and surgeon for his recovery precipitated." This, in all respects, is a mournful story. No useful end would be answered by asking, whether much religion, or 1735 The First of the Oxford Methodists. 1 3 much unkindness, or "much learning," made poor Morgan 1729 mad. His father's letter, written in March, 1732, was, to ^^^^ say the least, injudicious ; and the treatment of the Dublin doctors, in August following, was preposterously cruel. The man himself was a lovely character. Gambold, who seems to have made the fifth Oxford Methodist, observes concerning Morgan : — " He was a young man of an excellent disposition, and took all oppor- tunities to make his companions in love with a good life ; to create in them a reverence for public worship ; and to tell them of their faults with a sweetness and simplicity that disarmed the worst tempers. He de- lighted much in works of charity. He kept several children at school ; and when he found beggars in the street, he would bring them into his chambers, and talk to them. Many such things he did ; and, being acquainted with Messrs. John and Charles Wesley, he invited them to join with him ; and proposed that they should meet frequently to en- courage one another, and have some scheme to proceed by in their daily employments. About half a year after I got among them, Mr. Morgan died. His calm and resigned behaviour, hardly curbing in a confident joy in God, wrought very much upon me ; though, when I had an oppor- tunity to observe him, he was under a lingering distemper. Some were displeased because he did not make some direct preparation for death ; but to a man who has overcome the world, and feels God within him, death is no new thing." Poor Morgan's decease occurred in Dublin, on August 26, 1732 ; and no sooner was the event known, than it was wickedly and cruelly alleged, that his Methodist associates had killed him. Hence the following, which Wesley ad- dressed to Morgan's father within two months after the former's death. " OxON, October, i8, 1732. " On Sunday last, I was informed that my brother and I had killed your son ; that the rigorous fasting which he had imposed upon himself, by our advice, had increased his illness and hastened his death. Now though, considering it in itself, ' it is a very small thing with me to be judged by man's judgment;' yet as the being thought guilty of so mis- chievous an imprudence might make me the less able to do the work I came into the world for, I am obliged to clear myself of it, by observing to you, as I have done to others, that your son left off fasting about a year and a half since ; and that it is not yet half a year since I began to practise it." ^ Apart from amply refuting the slanderous charge already ^ Wesley's Works, vol. i., p. 5. 14 The First of the Oxford Methodists. 1739 mentioned, this extract from Wesley's letter is of considerable to 1735 importance, as it clearly shows that fasting was not a part of the primary programme of the Methodists; and that, if fasting is to be taken as a proof of religious earnestness, Morgan, in the first instance, was the most religious of the brotherhood. Whether Morgan was in the habit of observing the ecclesi- astical fasts when the Methodist meetings were commenced in November, 1729, is not apparent; but it is quite clear that his discontinuance of fasting was occasioned by his declining health. It was about the month of May, 173 1, when fasting was relinquished ; and, as we have already seen, it was then, that the illness commenced which issued in his death. Whether fasting induced that illness is a point which must be left undecided ; but, even admitting that it did, Wesley was not to blame, for Wesley himself did not begin to fast until a year after Morgan had laid aside the prac- tice. Whatever others did, Morgan's father fully exonerated the two Wesleys ; and, though he had censured his son for what he conceived to be excessive piety only five months before the young man's death, that piety was now a source of con- solation. Replying to Wesley's letter, dated October 18, 1732, Mr. Morgan writes : — '■'■ November 2z^, 1732. " Rev. Sir, — I give entire credit to everything and every fact you relate. It w^as ill-judged of my poor son to take to fasting, with regard to his health, of which I knew nothing, or I should have advised him against it. He was inclined to piety and virtue from his infancy, I must own I was much concerned at the strange accounts which were spread here, of some extraordinary practices of a religious society in which he had engaged at Oxford, lest, through his youth and immaturity of judgment, he might be hurried into zeal and enthusiastic notions that would prove pernicious. But now, indeed, the piety and holiness of life which he practised afford me some comfort in the midst of my affliction for the loss of him, having full assurance of his being for ever happy. The good account you are pleased to give of your own and your friends' conduct, in point of duty and rehgious offices, and the zealous approbation of them by the good old gentleman your father, reconcile and recommend that method of life to me, and make me almost wish that I were one amongst you. " I am, with respects to your brother, sir, your most obliged and most obedient humble servant, "Richard Morgan." The First of the Oxford Methodists. 1 5 Here the chapter on " The First of the Oxford Methodists " 1729 ought to end; but, perhaps, this is the most fitting place for ^^^. the following correspondence respecting William Morgan's brother ; especially as it casts further light upon the principles and mode of life of Wesley and his friends. Chronologically it is out of order, for Richard Morgan did not belong to the quaternion brotherhood who were first branded with the name of "Methodists;" but, still, the ensuing letters serve as a continuation of those already given, and, viewed in such a light, may be acceptable. William Morgan's Brother. IN a letter, dated "Feb. 17, 1733," Mr. Morgan, senior, states that he is wishful that the books of his deceased son, William, should belong to his only surviving son; and then adds : — " I assure you, sir, without any dissimulation or flattery, I rejoice sincerely at the recovery of the good old gentleman, your father.^ And I really am concerned that the scorners of your university continue so malevolent. I could wish they would rather meet you at least half way in imitation of piety and goodness. I must say that these censures have, in a great measure, ceased here ; and I am comforted by my acquaintance telling me that I should [not ?] grieve the loss, from the assurance we have of my dear son's happiness with God, after such a course of piety and godliness as he had engaged in. I pray God to conduct us all to meet together in happiness hereafter. Be assured that you shall never want an advocate in me to defend you against any calumny that I hear you or your friends aspersed with. Pray give my salutations to your good father when you write to him, and to your brother of Christ Church ; for I am, with great sincerity, theirs, and, sir, your very affectionate humble servant, " Richard Morgan." The Oxford Methodists were still slandered ; but the father of the dead Morgan, so far from blaming them, was now their faithful friend and defender. This was shown, not in words only, but in deeds ; for, during this same year, 1733, he sent his surviving son to Oxford, and placed him under the ^ Wesley's father had been thrown out of a waggon and seriously injured. (See "Life and Times of Rev. Samuel Wesley," pp. 416, 417.) r6 The First of the Oxford Methodists. ^7-9 tuition of Wesley, one of the men who had been accused of 1735 hastening the death of William. Hence the following, ex- tracted from a letter addressed to Wesley : — " Dublin, November 22nd, 1733. " Rev. Sir, — I had the favour of yours, and am very thankful for your care and concern about my son, who, I am sure, will observe your advice and directions in everything. I would have him live a sober, virtuous, and religious life, and to go to church and sacrament, according to the statutes and customs of his college ; but for young people to pretend to be more pure and holy than the rest of mankind is a dangerous experiment. As to charitable subscriptions and contributions, I wholly debar him from making any ; because he has not one shilling of his own, but what I give him ; and this I appropriate wholly to his maintenance, education, and moderate and inoffensive recreations and pleasures. And, I believe, as a casuist, you will agree with me that it is injustice, and, consequently, sin- ful, rather than virtuous, to apply my money any other way than as I appropriate it. He must leave me to measure out my own charities, and to distribute them in such manner and proportion as I shall think proper. I hope you will not suspect, from anything I have said, that I intend the least reflection or disrespect to you ; for if I did not think very well of you, and had not a great opinion of your conduct and abilities, I should not put my only son under your tuition, which, I think, is the best proof a man can give of his good esteem and opinion of another. I hope I may be excused for being solicitous to prevent my present son's falling into extremes, which, it is thought, were so prejudicial to my other. " I sent a bill of ^50, by the last post, to Mr. James Huey, merchant, in Aldermanbury, London, with directions to transmit the value to you, which I hope is done. I shall begrudge no money that is for my son's benefit and advantage. I would have him live as decently as other gentlemen of his station. I am very desirous that he should keep a regular account, that he may attain to a habit of it, knowing the great use and benefit of accounts to all men. I shall depend upon your letting me know when a further supply will be wanting. Pay my respects to your brother, and believe me to be your very affectionate and most humble servant, " Richard Morgan." " To the Rev. John Wesley, Fellow of Lincoln College, Oxford." No one can find fault with Mr. Morgan's letter. It was economical, and yet generous. For want of judicious restraint like his, hundreds of young Oxonians have been ruined. Too much money in a young man's pocket is a terrible temptation and danger. Besides, Morgan, though only nineteen years of age, had hitherto evinced none of the sobriety of his elder brother ; but, on the contrary, had been a brisk, showy, gay young fellow. Hence, his father's description of him to The First of the Oxford Methodists. 1 7 Charles Wesley. After stating that though he had left ^"^ school at the age of sixteen, he was even then "fit for the 1735 university, and at least as good a scholar as his brother was when he went to Oxford ;" Mr. Morgan adds, — " Three years ago, I purchased an office for him in the law ; but, I fear, he has read very httle of Greek or Latin since, and that he has forgotten a great deal of what he had learned at school ; but I don't think his parts very bad. He was nineteen years of age last July, and is very lusty for his age. I believe he is five feet ten inches high. He has been somewhat gay, and gone to plays and balls ; but addicted to no vice. He has often wished rather to be put forward in his learning, than to stick to an office ; and I am now inclined to indulge him. If it be advisable to put him in this new way of life, you may be sure I can think of no other for his tutor but yourself." Charles Wesley, however, thought that the young man would be safer with his brother than with himself; and, indeed, Morgan himself desired that he might be entered a Gentleman Commoner of Lincoln College, and be Wesley's pupil. His father complied with this request ; but the youth soon became dissatisfied. Being under Wesley's care, he was branded with the name of Methodist ; and, in a fit of mortified vanity, wrote to his father, saying, he would rather return to his office in Dublin, than suff"er the sneers of his gay companions, in Oxford. Wesley became acquainted with this, and immediately addressed to Mr. Mor- gan a letter, which, though long, is too interesting and impor- tant to be omitted. We have here a glimpse of the daily life of the Oxford Methodists, a specimen of the contumely cast upon them, and a description of the collegiate wicked- ness surrounding them. It will be seen that Wesley's letter was written within two months after the date of Mr. Morgan's letter just given. "January \\th, 1734. " Sir, — Going yesterday into your son's room, I providentially cast my eyes upon a paper that lay upon the table, and, contrary to my custom, read a line or two of it, which soon determined me to read the rest. It was a copy of his last letter to you ; whereby, by the signal blessing of God, I came to the knowledge of his real sentiments, both with regard to myself and to several other points of the highest importance. " In the account he gives of me, and those friends who are as my own soul, are some things true : — as, that we imagine it is our bounden duty C 1 8 The Fii'-st of the Oxford Methodists. 1729 to spend our whole lives in the service of Him that gave them ; or in other to words, ' Whether we eat or drink, or whatever we do, to do all to the glory "735 of God;' that we endeavour, as we are able, to relieve the poor, by buy- ing books and other necessaries for them ; that some of us read prayers at the prison once a day ; that I administer the Sacrament once a month, and preach there as often as I am not engaged elsewhere ; that we sit together five evenings in a week ; and that we observe, as far as our health will permit, the fasts of the Church. " Some things are false, but taken upon trust, so that I hope Mr. Mor- gan believed them true : — as that we almost starve ourselves ; that one of us had like lately to have lost his life, by too great abstinence ; that we endeavour to reform notorious whores, and to lay spirits in haunted houses; that we rise every day at five o'clock; and that I am president of the Society. " As strange as it may appear that one present upon the spot should so far vary from the truth in his relation, I can easily account, not only for his mistake, but for his designed misrepresentation too. The company he is almost daily with (from whom indeed I should have divided him, had not your letters, coming in the article of time, tied my hands) abun- dantly accounts for the former ; as his desire to lessen your regard for me, and thereby obviate the force of any future complaint, which he foresaw I might some time hence have occasion to make to you, does for the latter. "And, indeed, I am not without apprehension that some such occasion may shortly come. I need not describe that apprehension to you. Is there not a cause ? Is he not surrounded, even in this recess, with those who are often more pernicious than open libertines ? Men who retain something of outward decency, and nothing else ; who seriously idle away the whole day, and repeatedly revel till midnight, and if not drunken themselves, yet encouraging and applauding those that are so; who have no more of the form than of the power of godliness, and though they do pretty often drop in at the pubhc prayers, coming after the most solemn part of them is over, yet expressly disown any obligation to attend them. It is true they have not yet laughed your son out of all his diligence ; but how long it will be before they have, God knows. They zealously endea- vour it at all convenient opportunities ; and temporal views are as unable to support him under such an attack, as his slender notions of religion are ; of which, he often says, he thinks he shall have enough, if he con- stantly says his prayers at home and in the chapel. As to my advice on this or any other head, they had secured him pretty well before ; and your authority added to theirs, has supplied him with armour of proof against it. " I now beg to know what you would have me to do 1 Shall I sit still, and let him swim down the stream ? Or shall I plunge in, bound as I am hand and foot, and oppose myself to his company, his inclinations, and his father ? "Why, you say, I am to incite him to live a sober, virtuous, and eligious life. Nay, but let me first tell you what religion is. I take The First of the Oxford Methodists. 19 religion to be, not the bare saying over so many prayers, morning and 1 729 evening, in public or in private ; not anything superadded now and then to to a careless or worldly life ; but a constant ruling habit of the soul; a '735 renewal of our minds in the image of God ; a recovery of the Divine like- ness ; a still increasing conformity of heart and life to the pattern of our most Holy Redeemer. " But if this be religion, if this be the way to life, which our blessed Lord hath marked out for us, how can any one, while he keeps close to this way, be charged with running into extremes? It is true, there is no going out of it, either to the right hand or to the left, without running into an extreme ; and, to prevent this, the wisdom of the Church has, in all ages, appointed guides for the unexperienced, lest they should wander into bye-paths, and seek death in the error of their life. But while he is in the right way, what fear is there of your son's going too fast in it } " I appeal to your experience. Have you observed any such disposition in him, as gives you ground to suspect he will love God too well, or keep himself too ^ unspotted from the world''? Or has his past life been such, as that you have just reason to apprehend the remainder of it should too much resemble that of our blessed Master ? I will go further. Have you remarked in the various scenes you have gone through, that youth in general is apt to run into the extreme of piety ? Is it to this excess that the fervour of their blood and the impetuosity of their passions hurry them ? " But we may not stop here. Is there any fear, is there any possibility that any son of Adam, of whatever age or degree, should too faithfully do the will of his Creator, or too exactly tread in the steps of his Redeemer? Suppose the time now come when you feel within yourself, that the silver cord of life is loosed, that the dust is returning to the earth as it was, and the spirit unto God who gave it. The snares of death overtake you. No- thing but pain is on the one hand, eternity on the other. The tears of the friends that surround your bed bear witness with the pangs of your own heart, that it has few pulses more to beat before you launch out into the sea without a shore ; before the soul shall part from the quivering lips and stand naked before the judgment-seat of God. Will you then be content with having served God according to the custom of the place you were in? Will you regret your having been, even from your youth, more pure and holy than the rest of mankind ? Will you complain to the ministering spirits who receive your new-born soul, that you have been over zealous in the love of your Master ? Ask not me, a poor, fallible, sinful mortal, never safe either from the snares of ill example or the treachery of my own heart ; but ask thetn, —ask Him who died to make you and me and your son zealous of good works, — whether you may be excused from your solicitude, your too successful solicitude, to prevent his faUing into this extreme ? How needless has he made that solicitude already ! But, I spare you. The good Lord be merciful to us both ! "Think not, sir, that interest occasions the concern I show. I abhor the thought. From the moment my brother told me, ''Air. Morgan will be safer with you than viej 1 have desired him to be sent to you,' I deter- 20 The First of the Oxford Methodists. 1729 mined (though I never mentioned it to him) to restore to him whatsoever to is paid me upon Mr. Morgan's account. It is, with regard to me, an "735 accursed thing. There shall no such cleave unto me. I have sufficient motives, without this, to assist your son, so long as he will accept my assistance. He is the brother of my dear friend, the son of one that was my friend till great names warped him from his purpose, and, what is infinitely more, the creature of my God, and the redeemed and fellow-heir of my Saviour. " That neither the cares of the world nor the fair speeches and vener- able titles of any who set up their rest therein, may prevent our attaining our better inheritance, is the earnest prayer of, sir, your most obliged and most obedient servant, "John Wesley." " Richard Morgan, Esq." ^ This is a noble letter, though, perhaps, somewhat hard upon Mr. Morgan, senior. The picture of collegiate life at Oxford shows the need there was for Oxford Methodism ; while the definitions of real religion demonstrate that the leader of the Oxford Methodists was not the fanatic which his enemies said he was. Unfortunately, we soon lose sight of the gay young Gentle- man Commoner of Lincoln College ; but Wesley's interest in his welfare was not without results. For a considerable time, no impression could be made on the airy and thoughtless youth. Wesley did his best, but failed ; and, at length, he desired Hervey to undertake the task. Hervey succeeded. John Gambold writes : — " Mr. Hervey, by his easy and engaging conversation, by letting him see a mind thoroughly serious and happy, where so many of the fine qualities he most esteemed were all gone over into the service of religion, gained Mr. Morgan's heart to the best purposes." Gambold adds, "Since Mr. Morgan became that meek, sincere Christian which he now is," [written about 1736] he has had a singular affection toward Mr. Wesley, and has run some hazard to be in his company, — a sign that those counsels and wishes, which seemed once to be given in vain, do now take place in him." About two years after this change in the young Irishman, Wesley, and his brother, accompanied by Benjamin Ingham, set sail for Georgia ; and Morgan, so far from being ashamed of their acquaintance, went to London purposely to see them ' Moore's Life of Wesley, vol. i., p. 198. The First of tJie Oxford MetJiodists. 2 1 start; and expressed a willingness to go all the way to 1729 Yorkshire to do them service. Ingham writes : — ^ ^° "^ 1735 " Mr. Morgan, a gentleman of Lincoln College, Oxford, came up to London to take leave of Mr. Wesley. He was a zealous and sincere Christian and was very earnest with me to go to Georgia. He promised himself to make a journey into Yorkshire to see my mother, and to do what he could towards settling the school. As to having my mother's consent, he said, If I thought it was God's will, I must obey my Master, and go wherever I could do Him service, whether my relations were willing or not." This was the fashionable young man who, two years before entered Lincoln College, bringing a favourite greyhound with him ; choosing men " more pernicious than open libertines " for his companions ; and writing to his father querulous and false complaints of the Oxford Methodists. Now he was an Oxford Methodist himself Hence the following letter, which was addressed to Wesley, three weeks before the two Wesleys and Ingham embarked for Georgia. " September 25, 1 735. " Dear Sir, — I hope this will find you and the rest of our friends well. This morning the Rector sent for me. He told me he had heard I had returned to my former strict way of life, and that he must acquaint my father with it. I desired, he would come to particulars, and said, that where I was wrong I should be glad to be set right. He said, I looked thin, and feared I would hurt myself by rigorous fasting. I told him, I dined in the hall on Wednesdays, and that I eat bread and butter on Friday mornings. He was pretty well satisfied with this account. He advised me to take something else instead of tea after fasting, which I promised to do. His next charge was not sitting in the common room. I said, I intended to sit there three nights every week, which he thought was sufficient. I unguardedly told him that, if it were agreeable to him, I would dine in the hall even on Fridays. He very much approved of this proposal, and said, I might observe any other day as a fast instead of it. I believe, if I would go into the hall on fast days, all my other actions would be less taken notice of, and I should put it out of the Rector's or Mr. Hutchin's power to make any complaints of me to my father. If I could be sure of not injuring religion by my example, I believe I might comply with the Rector herein, for, you are very sensible, I might notwith- standing observe the same degree of abstinence even on those days. I depend on the advice of my friends in this affair, and hope God will sanctify it to me. The Gospel tells us, that the children of God must ' MS. Journal. 2 2 The First of the Oxford Methodists. 1 729 suffer persecution from the world ; but the Rector says, we must endeavour to to have our persons in esteem, and those things wherein we differ from '^^'SS the world we must do privately. We must take care our good be not evil spoken of. Though the Church enjoins fasting, yet, because the bishops, the pillars of the Church, do not observe it, it loses its force. When he finds his blood hot, he says, he fasts, but unknown to anybody. He thinks it is a relative duty, and not confined to any particular time. He looks upon it only as a remedy against unchastity, and, if we are not troubled with this passion, I suppose, not obligatory. He advised me to read such books as were genteel accomplishments. I have, through God's assist- ance, in some degree, seen my own weakness, by the effects of this anti- Christian doctrine, for it has quite discomposed me, though I was enabled to see the fallacy of it. I see nothing so well qualified to destroy my soul, to make me eternally miserable, as the conversation of temporizing Christians, which, I hope, by your advice and other means, God will prevent, as I am sure He will, if I am faithful to Him. " When I desire your advice in this affair, I only desire you to prevent my eternal damnation; for it is in the greatest danger from this most subtle, deceitful, and dangerous of all enemies. Oh that I could express to you the danger I foresee from this enemy ! My eyes and my heart alone could ; but these you cannot see. May God enable you to comprehend it, and to do all that is in your power to prevent it ! You cannot sufficiently arm me against the Rector. I suspect him of insincerity to you. I want to know whether you ever did. I beheve, and Mr. Horn is of the same opinion, that my going to Ireland depends on my going into the hall on fast days.' The Rector said as much as if you frightened others from religion by your example ; and that you might have done a great deal of good, if you had been less strict, which I would be glad to be undeceived in, and to know whether the example of a thorough mortified Christian, though it would give the greatest offence, would not do more than that of a plausible Christian, who would give no offence at all. This is a point of great importance to me. " It has pleased God to let me see that I can make no progress in religion till I have acquired some sense of the misery and nothingness of human nature, and of our entire dependence on Him. Though I go into the common room to avoid a greater evil, — though I would not live the life of those who spend their time there for all the world, — though I am scarcely capable of doing anything which is more disagreeable to me,— yet the poison is not removed. While I am with them, I love my sense, my judgment, my reason. It is true, I am. all the time in pain; but I cannot say, at that time, they lead an un-Christian, dangerous life. I believe it is for want of faith, and for not looking upon it as a great blessing, since it is not my own choice. I want to know how to remove this delusion, and how to make an advantage of that which God no doubt intended for my good. If I do not make a use of this cross, I am satisfied it will be the ruin of me. "Oh lay this to your heart, and make my case your own. Do not think you can spend your time better than in answering this letter. I hope you The First of the Oxford Methodists. 23 will not forget to pray to God to enable me to follow you wherever it is 1 729 His will, and never to omit putting me in mind of it when you write ^° to me. ^735 " Mr, Robson is in a dangerous way. He is convinced of the necessity of being a Christian, but cannot leave the world. Mr. Carter, I fear, is not steady. Mr. Hervey is gone. Mr. Broughton is not yet returned. If he go to Georgia, it is best." This is a curious letter, — not remarkable for either intel- ligence or scholarship ; but it partly unfolds the character of its writer ; reveals some of the difficulties of the collegiate life of the Oxford Methodists ; shows the importance which they attached to fasts ; and points to Wesley as the leader of the religious brotherhood. The Wesleys had left Oxford; but, for a time at least, Charles Morgan and Mr. Broughton carried on the work which they and the elder Morgan had commenced. Charles Morgan undertook the care of Bocardo, which he visited three days every week. He read an hour every other day, at the house of Mr. Fox, in the Catechism of the Bishop of the Isle of Man ; and, in the same place, held a meeting every Sunday night with " a cheerful number of Christians." "The Lord's kingdom," he writes, November 27, 1735, "in- creaseth apace ; and I find more and more comfort in the holy Scriptures every day." Our information concerning Robert Kirkham, William Morgan, and his younger brother Charles, is exhausted. As Oxford Methodists, they deserve notice ; but, so far as is ascertained, they were of comparatively little use either to the Church or to the world. William Morsfan had no opportunity for public usefulness ; and Robert Kirkham and Charles Morgan drift away into the great ocean of exist- ence, and leave no track behind them. THE REV. JOHN CLAYTON, M.A., THE JACOBITE CHURCHMAN. GOD has wisely and graciously hidden the future from us. We may form guesses concerning it ; but we have not the slightest certainty that our guesses will be realised. Who, in 1732, could have foretold the future career of the Ox- ford Methodists .'' If the members of the Methodist fraternity could have seen beforehand the events of the next fifty years, what would have been the issue ? Would the fellow- ship of the Hanoverian and Jacobite, the Methodist and Moravian, the Churchman and Dissenter, the Arminian and Calvinist, the itinerant Evangelist and the parish Priest, have been continued .'' That fellowship was of incalculable im- portance ; but its maintenance depended upon the short- sightedness of those who were united in it. The drawing aside of the veil of futurity would, in all likelihood, have converted the loving brotherhood into an Ishmaelitish band, endangering, not only its future usefulness, but its present existence, by its own internecine fights. As it was, there went forth a number of brave-hearted men, all of them the better for their godly meetings in Wesley's comfortable room in Lincoln College ; and, though their courses were divergent, yet, in the main, they continued faithful to the cause of truth, and, with few exceptions, were always loyal to their great Master, Christ. In a qualified sense, we may apply to Ox- ford Methodism the words of the sacred text : " A river went out of Eden to water the garden ; and from thence it was parted, and became into four heads " (Gen. ii. 10). Let us follow one of the out-flowings : — John Clayton was the son of William Clayton, a book- seller in Manchester;! was born in 1709, and was educated ^ Clayton's father died in January, 1737 (The Private Journal and Literary Remains of John Byrom, vol. ii., p. 87). The yacobite C/un-ckman. 25 by the Rev. John Richards, M.A., at the Grammar School 1732 in that important town. He entered Brazenose College in Age~2^ 1726, and became Hulme's exhibitioner in 1729.^ He was in- troduced to Wesley in 1732 ; and, by his recommendation, the Oxford Methodists took another important step, that of fasting twice a week. Wesley writes, — "On April 20, 1732, Mr. Clayton meeting me in the street, and giving Mr. Rivington's^ service, I desired his company to my room, and then commenced our acquaintance. At the first opportunity, I acquainted him with our whole design, which he immediately and heartily closed with ; and, not long after, (Mr. Morgan having then left Oxford,) we fixed two evenings in a week to meet on, partly to talk on that subject, and partly to read something in practical divinity. The two points whereunto, by the blessing of God, we had before attained, we endeavoured to hold fast : I mean, the doing what good we can ; and, in order thereto, communi- cating as often as we have opportunity. To these, by the advice of Mr. Clayton, we added a third, — the observing the fasts of the Church ; the general neglect of which we can by no means apprehend to be a lawful excuse for neglecting them. And in the resolution to adhere to these and all things else, which we are convinced God requires at our hands, we trust we shall persevere till He calls us to give an account of our steward- ship. As for the names of Methodists, Supererogation-men, and so on, with which some of our neighbours are pleased to compliment us, we do not conceive ourselves to be under any obligation to regard them, much less to take them for arguments. ' To the law and to the testimony ' we appeal, whereby we ought to be judged. If by these it can be proved we are in error, we will immediately and gladly retract it : if not, we ' have not so learned Christ,' as to renounce any part of His service, though men should ' say all manner of evil against us,' with more judgment and as little truth as hitherto. We do, indeed, use all the lawful means we know to prevent 'the good which is in us' from being 'evil spoken of:' but if' the neglect of known duties be the one condition of securing our reputation, why, fare it well ; we know whom we have believed, and what we thus lay out He will pay us again." ^ These were brave Christian words ; the noble utterance of an earnest, conscientious, godly man. The Methodist brother- hood, thus portrayed, present an example which all who are right-minded cannot but admire. There is no taking for "doctrines the commandments of men;" no ridiculous toy- ing with ecclesiastical or superstitious trifles ; but a stout- 1 The Private Journal and Literary Remains of John Byrom, 1855. 2 Mr. Rivington, the bookseller of St. Paul's Churchyard, London. ^ Wesley's Works, vol. i., p. 13. 26 Rev. yohn Clayton, 1732 hearted adherence to great, scripture principles. Wesley- Age 23 and his friends were not pious for the purpose of being singular, but because they felt it to be a duty. To be laughed at was far from being pleasant ; but they were quite prepared to sacrifice even their reputation, rather than dis- honour the religion of their great Master. Men might brand them with opprobrious epithets ; but that with them was of trifling importance, if only at the day of judgment, Christ acknowledged them as friends. They knew they were not following " cunningly devised fables ; " they were not flippant dabblers in "doubtful disputations;" but earnest men who knew that what they held was truth, and who, at all hazards, were resolved to practise it. Clayton had spent six years at Oxford, and was now a college tutor.^ The following letter was addressed to Wesley about three months after he and Clayton became acquainted. It is long, but is full of interest, and casts considerable light on^ the doings and difficulties of the Oxford Methodists. Wesley, at the time, seems to have been in London, where he was now made a member of " The Society for the Propaga- tion of Christian Knowledge," and also formed a friendship with William Law. " OxOn, August I, 1732. " Rev. and dear Sir, — Excuse me for not interrupting you from attending to the noble work you have taken in hand, whilst I give you an account of the present state of our affairs at Oxford. " I cannot but think it an extraordinary piece of Providence that, when we had lost our best advocate and patron, all opposition against us should immediately cease ; for, since you left us, nobody has thought it worth while to attack either Mr. Smith or me,"'^ or to endeavour to remove us ' Wesley's Works, vol. viii., p. 334. ^ Mr. Smith was evidently one of the Oxford Methodists, and appears to have been a Fellow of Lincoln College. In a letter dated Aug. 17, 1733, Wesley writes, — "The thing that gives offence here, is the being singular with regard to time, expense, and company. This is evident beyond exception, from the case of Mr. Smith, one of our Fellows, who no sooner began to husband his time, to retrench unnecessary expenses, and to avoid his irreligious acquaintances, but he was set upon, by not only those acquaintance, but many others too, as if he had entered into a conspiracy to cut all their throats : though, to this day, he had not ad- vised any single person, unless in a word or two and by accident, to act as he did in those instances" (Moore's Life of Wesley, vol. i., p. 206). We have not been able to trace Mr. Smith's subsequent career. The The yacobite Churchman. 27 from those principles wherein you, by the grace of God, have fixed us, ii-xz I have gone ever}' day to Lincoln, big with expectation to hear of some — mighty attack made upon Mr. Smith ; but, 1 thank God, I have always ^'^'^ "^ been disappointed ; for not one of the Fellows has once so much as tried to shake him, or to convert him from the right way, wherein, I hope, he at present walks. Indeed, on Sunday, he met with a rub from Mr. Veesy, who refused to read Prayers for him in your chapel, for fear of contributing anything to his going to Christ Church. But Mr. Smith had the heart to desire that favour of the Rector which Mr. Veesy had denied him, who immediately promised to read for him, and encouraged him to proceed in the way he was in, and, if possible, to make further progress in virtue and holiness. He goes out of town to-morrow morn- ing, and so will be entirely out of danger from the Fellows of Lincoln. We had conversation this morning, whilst we were at breakfast together, concerning the temptations which may arise from strange company and travelling ; and Mr. Smith seems to be fore-armed against, and deter- mined to oppose them to the utmost of his power. He joins with me in best respects to your brother and you, and desires you won't forget to send the bands and the poems you promised him. " Poor Mr. Clements ^ is still recovering. He was with me last night two hours, but I doubt to no purpose. " My little flock ^ at Brazenose are, God be praised, true to their princi- ples, and I hope to themselves too. " Bocardo, * I fear, grows worse upon my hands. They have done nothing but quarrel ever since you left us ; and they carried matters so high on Saturday, that the bailiffs were sent for, who ordered Tomlyns to be fet- following letter, however, Avritten a few months later than the above by Wesley, will not be unacceptable. " London, February 6, 1734 ; 4, Perpool Lane. " My dearest Friend, — It was waiting for Mr. Greeve's coming made me not answer yours sooner. If, when I come, I don't give you a sufficient reason for my being so long alasent from college, never trust me more. But, yet, alas ! how lukewarm is piety become with me at the best ; and fasting neglected, which I never looked for ; not entirely dropped, I hope, but for a week or two, to be taken up and practised again incessantly. " Notwithstanding, I cannot be present in body sooner than in a month's time, because I am learning shorthand, which will take up a full fortnight of it. You know, I presume, I was obliged to see my father before my return, and, therefore, we will get you to ask leave of absence, and entreat Mr. Farrer for so much longei'. " I beg my humble service to him and all friends ; and accept the same yourself from, my dearest friend, your much obliged friend and servant, William Smith. '' The Rev. Mr. Wesley, Fellow of Lincoln College, Oxford." ^ Probably another Oxford Methodist. ^ Probably his pupils. ' A room over the north gate of the city, used as a common prison, principally for debtors. 28 Rev. John Clayton, 7732 tered and put in the dungeon, where he lay some hours, and then, upon — promise of his gpod behaviour, was released again. He has been much ^^ "3 better ever since that time, and I hope will be better for it all his life-time. Wisdom has never been to hear me read, notwithstanding his promise. I sent for him yesterday, but he would not come down ; and when I had done reading, I went upstairs to him, and upbraided him with breaking his promise, upon which he very easily replied, that he had thought better of it since he had seen me, and was determined never to come near Blair, lest his indignation should rise at the sight of him. "The Castle is, I thank God, in much better condition. All the felons were acquitted, except Salmon, who is referred to be tried at Warwick, to our great disappointment, — and the sheep-stealer, who is burnt in the hand, and who, 1 verily believe, is a great penitent. I got Mrs. Jopping a copy of her son's indictment at the assizes, which has made her mighty easy ever since; and she is now endeavouring to bring her mind into a due frame for the devout participation of the holy communion on Sunday next. Jempro is discharged, and I have appointed Harris to read to the prisoners in his stead. Two of the felons likewise have paid their fees, and are gone out, both of them able to read mighty well. There are only two in the jail who want this accomplishment, — John Clanvills, who reads but moderately, and the horse-stealer, who cannot read at all. He knows all his letters, however, and can spell most of the common monosyllables. I hear them both read three times a week, and I believe Salmon hears them so many times a day. " One of my college scholars has left me, but the others go on mighty well. The woman, who was a perfect novice, spells tolerably, and so does one of the boys, and the others make shift to read with spelling every word that is longer than ordinary. The boys can both say their Catechism as far as the end of the Commandments, and can likewise repeat the morn- ing and evening prayers for children in ' Ken's Manual.' " Mrs. Tireby has been very ill this last week, so that she has made no great proficiency. I am to go down at six o'clock to hear the determina- tion of a meeting of St. Thomas's, parish, respecting separating Bossum and his wife. When I had promised to give a crown towards clothing the woman, and the overseer had determined to take her in upon that condition, the churchwarden would needs have him try to put the man upon me too, to get a crown towards clothing him ; but, as he is able to work for his living, I don't think him a proper object for charity; nor can I at this time afford to do anything for him, because I am apprehensive that I must be forced to contribute to Salmon's relief, who will want near twenty shillings to subpoena proper witnesses to Warwick at his trial ; and I cannot but think it a much greater act of charity to relieve a suffering innocent than to relieve an idle beggar. " I have been twice at the school, — namely on Tuesday and Saturday last, and intend to go again as soon as I have finished this letter. The children all go on pretty well, except Jervaise's boy, who, I find, truants till eleven o'clock in a morning, I threatened the boy what we would do to him if ever he truantcd any more, and he has promised (as all children The yacobite Ckurckman. 29 do) that he will do so no more; nay, his mother assures me that she will ij^,! take care for the future that he shall not. I got a shilling for her from — our Vice Principal, and gave her sixpence myself,' to preserve the gown ^^ "^ that is in pawn from being sold ; and the woman who has it promised not to sell it, provided Jervaise will bring her sixpence a week towards redeeming it. " I have obtained leave to go to St. Thomas's workhouse twice a week ; and, indeed, I cannot but hope it will be a noble field of improvement. I am sure the people stand much in need of instruction, for there is hardly a soul that can read in the whole house, and those that can, don't under- stand one word of what they read. " I think I have nothing further to add about our affairs ; only I must beg the favour of you, if you can conveniently, to pay Mr. Rivington thirty shillings for my use, and I will repay it when you come to Oxford. Pray don't forget a few Common Prayer Books for the Castle. " You cannot imagine the pleasure it is to me to know that you are engaged every morning in prayer for me. I wish for nine o'clock more eagerly than ever I did before, and I think I begin to perceive what is meant by that union of souls which is so much talked of in Pere Male- branche and Madam Bourignon, which I never understood before. Good sir, continue your prayers for me, for I feel that I am benefited by them. " I do not envy you the happiness, which I know you will have from the conversation of so many pious men as you will meet with in London, because I assure myself that I shall have the benefit of it when I have the pleasure to see you again at Oxford. " Mr. Hall is not yet come home, so that I am pretty much taken up amongst the poor people and the prisoners, and have not yet had time to consider of any improvements or additions to be made to the list of books for our pupils. " I thank God that I have fully conquered my affection for a morning's nap, and rise constantly by five o'clock at the farthest, and have the plea- sure to see myself imitated by the greatest part of my pupils. I have talked with Mr. Clements, and I hope have made him a proselyte to early rising, though I cannot to constant communion. " Pray God prosper all those designs you have undertaken of doing good at London, and send you a good journey to Oxford. " I am, rev. and dear sir, your most affectionate friend, and most obliged humble servant, "J. Clayton." " I hope you will not forget to pay my due compliments to Sir John Philips, Mr. Wogan, and all my other good friends. " To the Rev. Mr. John Wesley. To be left with Mr. Rivington, book- seller, in St. Paul's Churchyard, London." This long epistle, besides unfolding Clayton's character, helps us to a better understanding of the position and prac- tices of the Oxford Methodists. The debtors in Bocardo, the prisoners in the Castle, and paupers in the streets were objects 30 Rev. yohn Clayto7i, of their beneficent compassion. Tliey had their schools for the children of the poor ; and, in their mission of mercy, were about to visit the workhouse of St. Thomas's. Early rising was a habit, and prayer for each other a daily practice. Con- stant communion was enforced ; though the dogma of the real presence of the body and blood of Christ was, as yet at least, no article of their faith. Wesley being absent, there was a lull in the storm of Methodist persecution ; but this was of short duration. Within a month after the date of Clayton's letter, poor Wil- liam Morgan died ; an event which furnished an occasion for a violent attack upon the Oxford brotherhood, in what was then one of the most literary and respectable papers published, — Fogg's Weekly Journal. They were accused of mopishness, hypocrisy, censoriousness, enthusiasm, madness, and superstitious scruples. "Among their own party," says the writer, " they pass for religious persons and men of ex- traordinary parts ; but they have the misfortune to be taken by all who have ever been in their company, for madmen and fools." Hardly any evil is without a good. The virulence of Fogg's Weekly Journal excited the curiosity of a gentleman who had no acquaintance with the Methodists, but who now sought an interview with them, and shortly after published an octavo pamphlet of thirty pages,' entitled, — " The Oxford Methodists : Being some account of a Society of young Gentlemen, in that City, so denominated : setting forth their Rise, Views, and Designs." In this first defence of Methodism ever published, the slanderous accusations cast upon Wesley and his friends were refuted ; and the Methodists were described as fol- lows : — " There are three points to which these gentlemen think themselves obhged to adhere :— i. That of visiting and reheving the prisoners and the sick, and giving away Bibles, Common Prayer Books, and the ' Whole Duty of Man ' ; and of explaining the Catechism to the children of poor families, and of dropping a shiUing dV so to such families where they deem it needful. 2. That of weekly communion. 3. That of observing strictly the fasts of the Church, which has caused some to call them ' Superero- gation Men.'" To return to Clayton. About the time of the publication of this pamphlet (the beginning of 1733), Clayton removed to The yacobite ChiLrchman. Manchester ; where, during the ensuing summer, he was visited i733 by Wesley, who, on Sunday, June 3rd, preached thrice in Age~24 three different churches, namely, the Cathedral, and Salford, and St. Anne's churches. Whether these pulpits were ob- tained through Clayton's influence, there is no evidence to show ; but, remembering the odium connected with the name, it certainly is a curious fact, that in the populous and thriving town of Manchester, the Oxford Arch-Methodist was allowed to occupy so prominent a position. When Clayton left Oxford, Clayton's pupils left Method- ism. Ten days after his visit to Manchester, Wesley wrote, — "1733, June ^th. " The effects of my last journey, I believe, will make me more cau- tious of staying any time from Oxford for the future. One of my pupils told me at my return, that he was more and more afraid of singularity ; and another, that he had read an excellent piece of Mr. Locke's, which had convinced him of the mischief of regarding authority. Our seven and twenty communicants at St. Mary's were on Monday shrunk to five; and the day before, the last of Mr. Clayton's pupils who continued with us, informed me that he did not design to meet us any more." ' This was somewhat discouraging. Meanwhile, besides keeping two fast days every week, Clayton, and also Wesley, began to evince other High Church proclivities. Hence the following, sent to Wesley only a month after his visit to Manchester : — "Jit^y, 1733- "Rev. and dear Sir, — I have been thinking upon the two points which you proposed to my consideration in your last, and must acknow- ledge myself to be utterly unable to form any judgment upon them which M'ill be serviceable to you. " My own rule is to spend an hour every Friday in looking over my diary ,2 and observing the difference between it and the preceding week ; after which, I examine the resolutions set down in the account of my last weekly examination, and inquire how I have kept them, and then see ' Moore's " Life of Wesley," vol. i., p. 205. ^ Where is Clayton's diary now t We wish we could find it. Wesley begun to keep a diary as early as about the year 1725 (see Wesley's Works, vol. i. p. 3), in which, he says, he noted how he "employed every hour." This practice he continued to do, wherever he was, till he left England in 1735 ! S-^^d yet not a line of these interesting journals has been published. Where are those manuscripts, and why are they not given to the public } Rev. yohn Clayto7i, J 7,-, what others are necessary to be formed, which I write down at the end of — my diary for every week, that so they may be materials for my subsequent Age 24 examination. " As to your question about Saturday,^ I can only answer it by giving an account how I spend it. I do not look upon it as a preparation for Sunday, but as a festival itself ; and, therefore, I have continued festival prayer for the three primitive hours, and for morning and evening, from the Apostolical Constitutions, which, I think, I communicated to you whilst at Oxford. I look upon Friday as my preparation for the celebra- tion of both the Sabbath and the Lord's-day ; the first of which I observe much like a common saint's day, or as one of tthe inferior holidays of the Church. I bless God, I have generally contrived to have the Eucharist celebrated on Saturdays as well as other holidays, for the use of myself and the sick people whom I visit. " Dr. Deacon " gives his humble service to you, and lets you know that ' To use a popular designation, Clayton and Wesley were becoming Ritualists. Hitherto the Bible had been their only rule of faith and prac- tice ; now they began to study ecclesiastical canons and decretals. One of these was to regard Saturday as the Sabbath-day, and Sunday as the Lord's-day. Christians, however, were not to " Judaize and rest on " (Saturday, or) " the Sabbath-day ; but work, and give the preference to the Lord's-day, by resting as Christians." On both days might be cele- brated the Feast of the Eucharist, even during Lent. If any clergyman was found fasting on any Saturday, except Easter Eve, he was to be deposed ; and if a layman was guilty of such a peccadillo, he was to be suspended from communion. At the time of the Laodicean Council (about A.D. 363), public assemblies were held on Saturdays as well as Sundays, and it was decreed that on the former, as on the latter, " the Gospels, with the other Scriptures, ought to be read " before " the Sacri- fice," or Eucharist. (Laodicean Canons, 29th, 49th, i6th; and Apostolical Canons, 56th.) - Dr. Deacon was one of the non-juring priests, or high churchmen, who refused to take the oaths to the government of King William IIL They maintained : — i. The doctrine of passive obedience. 2. That the hereditary succession to the throne is of Divine institution, and, therefore, can never be interrupted, suspended, or annulled. 3. That the Church is subject to the jurisdiction, not of the civil magistrates, but of God alone, particularly in matters of a religious nature. 4. That, consequently, the bishops deposed by William III. remained, notwithstanding their de- position, true bishops to the day of their death ; and that those who were substituted in their place were the unjust possessors of other men's pro- perty. 5. That these unjust possessors of ecclesiastical dignities were rebels against the State, as well as schismatics in the Church ; and that all, therefore, who held communion with them were also chargeable with rebellion and schism ; and, 6. That this schism, which rends the Church in pieces, was a most heinous sin, whose punishment must fall heavy on all those who did not return sincerely to the true Church from which they had departed. Dr. Deacon held such opinions and suffered for them. It was alleged by his opponents that, after the rebellion in 171 5, he absolved Justice Hall and Parson Paul at the gallows, and publicly declared to them, at Tyburn, that the fact for which they were executed was meritorious. It was fin'^^ier The yacobite Churchman.. the worship and discipline of the primitive Christians have taken up so 1733 much of his time, that he has never read the Fathers with a particular — view to their moral doctrines, and therefore cannot furnish you with the ^^ ~^ testimonies you want out of his collection. However, if you will give me a month's time, I will try what I can do for you. I have made some pro- gress in the earliest authors, and should have made more had I not been interrupted ; first, with the public ceremony of the bishop's triennial visitation ; and, secondly, with the blessing of a visit which the truly primitive Bishop of Man made to our town ; with both which affairs the clergy have been almost wholly taken up for a week. said that, on account of this, a warrant was issued against Deacon by the State Secretary, and that his friends prevented his arrest by sending him off to Holland to study physic. The principal part of this allegation was denied by Deacon. He admits that he went to Holland ; but says, he lived upon his own fortune there, and did not begin his medical studies until after his return to London, where he deiived great assistance from the celebrated Dr. Mead. He then removed to Manchester, where he collected a small congregation of high churchmen like himself ; and, a few years later, became painfully prominent in the disturbances arising out of the Manchester visit of the Young Pretender. But more of this anon. Dr. Deacon's publications embraced the following : — " The History of the Arians, and of the Council of Nice, written in French by Sebastian Lenain de Tillemont, and translated into Enghsh by Thomas Deacon. London, 1721." 8vo, 356 pp. "The Doctrine of the Church of Rome concerning Purgatory, proved to be contrary to Catholic Tradition, and inconsistent with the Necessary Duty of Praying for the Dead, as prac- tised by the Ancient Church. By Thomas Deacon, Priest. London, 1718." i2mo, 143 pp. "Ecclesiastical Memoirs of the six first Cen- turies, made good by Citations from Original Authors, etc. Written in French by Sebastian Le Nain de Tillemont." Translated by Deacon. " London. Printed for the benefit of the Translator, and sold by J. Wilford, at the three Flower de luces, behind St. Paul's Chapter House ; and W. Clayton, Bookseller in Manchester." Folio, vol. I., 1733. 667 pp. Vol. H., 1735. 593 PP- These volumes come down to the year A.D. 177. The work seems not to have been completed. The list of subscribers includes "John Byrom. A.M. F.R.S." and "Rev. John Clayton. A.M. Curate of Salford, in Lancashire." Deacon also published another work, immediately after the rebellion in 1745, entitled, "A Full, True, and Comprehensive View of Christianity : Containing a Short Historical Account of Religion from the Creation of the World to the fourth Century after our Lord Jesus Christ." 8vo, 483 pp. : a work far more Popish than Protestant. The following are some of the things which Deacon tries to elucidate and recommend : — " Public Confession and Penance ;" " The Eucliarist, a Sacrament and a Sacrifice ;" " Unction before Baptism, and the Consecration of the Oil and Water ;"" Trine Immersion, the White Garment, the Kiss of Peace, the Milk and Honey," etc.; "Prayer for the Faithful Departed;" "Infant Communion;" etc. This book excited great attention, as well it might ; and several severe replies to it were published in the years 1748 and 1749. Such was the chosen counsellor of Clayton and of Wesley. He was as much a papist as a protestauL Wesley was mercifully introduced to. D 34 Rev. John Clayton, 1733 " I was at Dr. Deacon's when your letter came to hand ; and we had a — deal of talk about your scheme of avowing yourselves a society, and fixing °^ "^ upon a set of rules. The doctor seemed to think you had better let it alone ; for to what end would it serve ? It would be an additional tie upon yourselves, and perhaps a snare for the consciences of those weak brethren that might chance to come among you. Observing the Stations' and weekly communion are duties which stand upon a much higher footing than a rule of a Society ; and they, who can set aside the com- mand of God and the authority of His Church, will hardly, I doubt, be tied by the rules of a private Society. " As to the mixture, Mr. Colly told me he would assure me it was constantly used at Christ Church. However, if you have reason to doubt it, I would have you to inquire ; but I cannot think the want of it a reason for not communicating. If I could receive where the mixture was used, I would ; and, therefore, I used to prefer the Castle to Christ Church ; but, if not, I should not think myself any further concerned in the matter than as it might be some way or other in my power to get it restored.'- "Pray be so kind as to call on Mr. Hollins, head of our college. other guides. Clayton, without, perhaps, adopting all the opinions of his non-juring adviser, was doubtlessly influenced by them to the end of life. Dr. Deacon died in 1753, and was buried in St. Ann's churchyard, Manchester. The following clumsy inscription was on his tomb : — " 'Et [xr\ iv (jravpco. " Here lie interred the remains (which, though mortality is at present corrupt, it shall one day most surely be raised again to immortality, and put on incorruption) of Thomas Deacon, the greatest of sinners, and the most unworthy of Primitive Bishops, who died i6th of February, 1753, in the fifty-sixth year of his age ; and of Sarah, his wife, who died July 4th, I 745, in the forty-fifth year of her age. The Lord grant the faithful, here underlying, the mercy of the Lord in that day ! (2 Tim. i. 18) " ^Ev Tovrco viKU." ( Gentleman^ s Magazine, 1821.) ^ The Ecclesiastical term for the Fasts of the fourth and sixth days of the week, Wednesday and Friday, in memory of the council which con- demned Christ, and of His passion. - Here, again, the Oxford Methodists have recourse, not to the Bible, as at the commencement of their history, but to superstitious canons. At the Council of Constantinople, A.D. 683, it was decreed against the Armenians, that wine used at the Eucharist should be mixed with water ; and, in support of this, were quoted the Liturgies of St. James, and St. Basil, and the 37th Canon of the African Code. Of course, the origin of this superstition was the fact, that water, as well as blood, came out of the side of the Divine Redeemer ; but Dr. Deacon, in a pamphlet, pub- hshed in 1719, and entitled, " The Plaintiff's Charge Disproved," etc., took other ground. He maintained that our blessed Saviour used wine The yacobite Churchman. 35 for four pictures of mine, namely, 'Whitechapel Altar-piece,' 'Mary 1733 Magdalene,' and our two founders; and get them sent up, by any \^oa convenient opportunity, to Mr. Rivington, who will send them down " to me. " My best respects attend your brother. I must beg the favour of him to give himself the trouble of writing out the hymns to ' God the Father and God the Son,' for me. A person of quality. Lady Catherine Gray, borrowed mine, and has lost them. " I am, dear sir, your most affectionate friend and servant, "J. Clayton." This is an important letter, not only as exhibiting the religious earnestness, but also the high churchism of the Oxford Methodists. The following, which was written two months later, is likewise full of interest It was addressed, like the former one, " to the Rev. Mr. Wesley, Fellow of Lincoln College, Oxon." I "Manchester, September 10, 1733. " Rev. and dear Sir, — I was last week at Dr. Levei-'s, where I but narrowly missed of seeing Mr. Brooke, of our college, who came the evening after I left Alkrington. I saw Dr. Lever to-day, who joins with me in sincere respects to your brother and yourself. His new dignity and his being put in Commission of the Peace, have, at present, quite unfitted him for serious talk ; and, therefore, I must wait for a more favourable opportunity of pressing those virtues, which you first convinced him of the necessity of " Dr. Deacon tells me, that, he had no view in fixing the Psalms for common days ; but, after reading your letter, is convinced of the expedi- ency of serving any of those three ends you mention. The feasts and the fasts were the days he principally regarded ; but he would take it as a favour from you if you would communicate to me any improvements you may possibly make in it. He thinks your third rule would be most expedient, — namely, to put together such psalms as best explain and illustrate each other. And he knows not but that on this scheme the proper psalms for festivals and fasts may be more advantageously fixed, by transposing some from the first, second, and other Sundays, etc., to those which have psalms which better answer them. He will consider this point as soon as he has leisure, but desires, in the meantime, that you would let us know y6ur thoughts upon the matter, because his order for reading the Psalter is likely soon to see the light, being to be pubhshed and water at the Eucharist ;" that He " ordained these elements to be the matter of the sacrament, and commanded His apostles and the Church to practice after His example." Deacon adds : — " How terrible the conse- quence may be of omitting part of our Redeemer's cup, is what I dare not determine." 36 Rev. John Clayton, 1733 ^^'^^^ ^ collection of Primitive Devotions, both public and private, which is even now in the press.' vge 24 u Pqqj. Miss Potter! ^ I wonder not that she is fallen. Where humility is not the foundation, the superstructure caimot be good. And, yet, I am sorry to hear the tidings of her, especially that she has a great man for her confessor, who dissuades her from constant communion. I am sure, she has great occasion to use all the means of grace, which Providence provides for her, and hope that God will in time open her eyes to see the great need she has of help from above. I would not persuade you to 1 This work, by Dr. Deacon, was entitled, "A Complete Collection of Devotions : taken from the Apostolical Constitutions, the Ancient Litur- gies, and the Common Prayer Book of the Church of England. " Part I. Comprehending the Public Offices of the Church. Humbly offered to the Consideration of the present Churches of Christendom, Greek, Roman, English, and all others. " Part II. Being a Primitive Method of Daily Private Prayer, containing Devotions for the Morning and Evening, and for the Ancient Hours of Prayer, nine, twelve, and three ; together with the Hymns of Thanks- givings for the Lord's Day and Sabbath; and Prayers for Fasting Days; as also Devotions for the Altar, and Graces before and after Meat; all taken from the Apostolical Constitutions, and the Ancient Liturgies, with some additions : and recommended to the practice of all private Christians of every Communion. London: Printed for the Author. 1734." This is a curious book, showing the ritualistic proclivites of Dr. Deacon and his friends. Space forbids lengthened extracts; but, in "Morning Prayer," occurs the following ; " Let us pray for those who are departed in the faith, and are at rest in Christ ; that God, the lover of mankind, who hath received their souls, would forgive them all their sins voluntary and involuntary, and of His great mercy would graciously grant them perpetual peace in the region of the just." There are public Prayers, " for the Catechumens, or unbaptized persons, who are receiving instruction in Christianity;" and "for the Energumens, or Persons possessed by Evil Spirits." There is " The Form of admitting a Penitent to Penance," embracing a confession of his crimes to the Pi'icst ; and a prayer that God would "graci- ously accept the man's Penance ; and that, by his continuance in a state of rooui'nful confession and prayer, he may the sooner obtain God's merciful pardon." In the Office of Baptism, it is ordered, that, the Priest shall "anoint the child with the Holy Oil, and make the sign of the Cross upon its forehead, breast, and palms of the hands." It was then to be " dipped in the water three times ;" and then to be "clothed in White Garments ;" after which, the Sponsors were to give it " the Kiss of Peace," and the Priest was to put into its mouth " a little of the Consecrated Milk and Honey." Then there is "The Form of Consecrating the Oil for Baptism :" and "The Form of Consecrating the Milk and Honey:" and "The Form of Consecrating the Chrism for Confirmation : " and " The Form of Conse- crating the Oil for the Sick." N.B. The Oil was to be " sweet oil of Olives;" and the Chrism "sweet oil of Olives and precious balsam, commonly called Balm of Gilead." These extracts speak for themselves. ^ Was this the daughter of Dr. Potter, Bishop of Oxford? And was she one of the Oxford Methodists ? The yacobite C/mrckman. 37 leave off reading with her. Who knows whether you may not raise her 1 733 again to the eminence from which she has fallen ? At least, though she neglect the weighter matters of the law, yet keep up in her that reverend ^^ ^^ respect she bears it, even by the tithing of 'mint, anise, and cummin.' "As to reading the ancients, I fancy 'Cotelerii^ Biblioth. Patrum Apostol.' would be the best book to begin with ; for, though 1 will not say, that, all the works there contained are genuine, yet I dare avow them to be very ancient, and to contain the primitive doctrine and discipUne of the Church, though published under feigned names. You will find a dissertation upon every work, which contains the several testimonies of Fathers and Councils, whereby the authority is confirmed ; and, according to the evidence produced, you must judge of the authenticity of the several pieces. The Epistles of St. Clement are universally owned to be his ; and so are the smaller Epistles of St. Ignatius ; and, indeed, I think, Whiston. in his ' Primitive Christianity,' has urged such arguments in defence of the larger as can never be answered. St. Barnabas's Epistle, and Hermas's Pastor are works of the Apostolic age, as may be proved by the internal characters both of language and doctrine, whether they be the works of the venerable authors they are ascribed to or not. The Apostolical Canons are learnedly defended by Bishop Beveridge, and they sufficiently vindicate the Constitutions."^ The Recognitions^ of Clement are generally reckoned the most modern piece in these two volumes, but they are really a most admirable work. " And now for the last page of your letter. I would answer it ; and, yet, for my unworthiness, I dare not, — for my ignorance, I cannot. How shall I direct my instructor in the school of Christ ? Or teach you, who am but a babe in religion 1 However, I must be free to tell you my sentiments of what you inquire about. On Wednesday and Friday, I have, for some time, used the Office for Passion week out of ' Spinckes' * Devotions,' and bless God for it. I found it very useful to excite in me 'John Baptist Cotelerius was a learned French author, born in 1628. He made a collection of the writings of the Fathers, who lived in the Apostolic age, revised and corrected from several manuscripts, with a Latin translation and notes. His work was published in two volumes foHo, in 1672. 2 " The Apostolical Constitutions," a collection of regulations attributed to the Apostles, and supposed to have been collected by St. Clement, whose name they bear. ^ " The Recognitions of Clement," a book whose authenticity has been greatly doubted, and whose chief subject is the " Travels and Acts of Peter." * Mr. Spinckes was prebendary of Salisbury, and rector of St. Martin's in that town. In 1690, he was deprived of all his preferments for refusing to take the oaths to William and Mary. In 1713, he was consecrated a non-juring bishop by Dr. Hickes, and the Scotch loishops, Campbell and Gadderar, He died in 1727. The full title of the book, which Clayton mentions is, " The True Church of England-Man's Companion in the Closet; or, a Complete Manual of Private Devotions; collected from the Writings of Archbishop Laud, Bishop Andrews, Bishop Ken, Dr. Hickes, Mr. Kettlewell, Mr. Spinckes, and other eminent Divines of the Church of 38 Rev. yohn Clayton, 1733 ^^^'' ^°^^ '^^ God, and sorrow for having offended Him, which makes up — the first great branch of repentance. You know it consists of meditations »^ "'^ on our Saviour's hfe, all the meditations being joined with proper devo- tions. I could only wish, I was provided with two such Offices, one for Wednesday, and the other for Friday. " Refer your last question to Mr. Law. I dare not give directions for spending that time which I consume in bed, nor teach you, who rise at four, when I indulge myself in sleep till five. " Dear Sir, pray for me that I may press forward in the paths of perfection, and, at length, attain the land of everlasting life. Adieu ! "John Clayton." " I believe you will see a young gentleman of my acquaintance, who is a very pious man, but who greatly stands in need of Christian prudence to direct him. In particular, with regard to his conduct towards his parents, his religion sometimes seems to savour of self. Will you instruct and save him ?" These letters are long, perhaps also dry and tedious ; but they are useful in casting considerable light on Oxford Methodism. We learn, that the godly brotherhood, though unevangelical, were, in the highest degree, conscientious and devout. In this respect, they put to shame, not only the great bulk of professing Christians, but, many who, at the present day, are known by the name of Methodists. Doubt- less, they sought salvation by the practice of piety and good works ; but the piety and good works themselves are not to be censured, but commended. Self-examination, prayer, sacramental attendance, fasting, diligence, kindness to the poor, deep concern for the conversion of sinners, and early rising, are not things of slight importance ; but deserve far more practical recognition than what they get. As to the special religious observance of saint days and of the Jewish Sabbath ; and the sacred adoption of eccle- siastical canons and decretals, opinions will differ ; but most Methodists will concur in the Methodist Preachers' opinions, as stated by Wesley himself, in 1/55 : "They think the Decretals are the very dregs of Popery; and that the Canons of 1603, are as grossly wicked as absurd. They think — i. That, England. With a Preface by the Reverend Mr. Spinckes." Though deficient in its recognition of the doctrine of salvation by faith, it contains hardly anything seriously objectionable; it is intensely devotional; and could be sincerely used by none except those who made religion the supreme business of their lives. TJie J acobite Churchman. the spirit which they breathe is, throughout, truly Popish and anti-Chris- 1733 tian. 2. That, nothing can be more diaboUcal than the ipso facto excom- — munication so often denounced therein. 3. That, the whole method of ^ ^^ ^"^ executing these Canons, the process used in our Spiritual Courts, is too bad to be tolerated (not in a Christian, but) in a Mahometan or Pagan nation." ' Dr. Deacon, the non-juring clergyman, was Clayton's bosom friend, and Wesley's chosen counsellor. William Law, another non-juror, was consulted as their guide. Mr. Spinckes' volume, made up of extracts from the works of the most eminent of the high-church party, was one of their books of devotion. Under such circumstances, it is not surprising to find them plunging into the authentic and unauthentic writings of the Christian Fathers ; listening to Apostolical and other Canons as to the voice of oracles ; displaying ridiculous anxiety about sacra- mental wine being mixed with water ; and assuming an arro- gant willingness to become auricular confessors. Up to the time of Clayton's admission among the Oxford Methodists, we find none of these proclivities. The Bible had been their sole supreme authority in faith and morals ; and, hence, though their views of evangelical truth were unquestionably defective, their lives were free from the practice of popish follies. Now it began to be otherwise. Some of the young men were priests ; and priests, according to the Canons of the Church; were invested with the terrible prerogatives of enforcing auricular confession, of pronouncing divine absolu- tion, and of administering the body and blood of the blessed Jesus ! " Poor Miss Potter " had a confessor, who, though a great man, was, evidently in Clayton's estimation, heretical. Emily Wesley indignantly and righteously refused all con- fessors, her brother not excepted. Well would it be if the priests of the present day, who " creep into houses, and lead captive silly women," were answered, as this noble-minded young lady answered Wesley, the Arch- Methodist. She writes : — " To open the state of my soul to you, or any of our clergy, is what I have no inclination to at present ; and, I believe, I never shall. I shall not put my conscience under the direction of mortal man, frail as myself To my own Master I stand or fall. Nay, I scruple not to say, that all ' Wesley's Works, vol. xiii., p. 185. 4"o Rev. yohn Clayton, 1736 sach desire in you, or any other ecclesiastic, seems to me like church Act 11 tyranny, and assuming to yourselves a dominion over your fellow-crea- ° tures, which was never designed you by God. ... I farther own, that, I do not hold frequent communion necessary to salvation, nor a means of Christian perfection. But do not mistake my meaning : I only think com- muning every Sunday, or very frequently, lessens our veneration for that sacred ordinance ; and, consequently, our profiting by it." This was a sensible rebuke of priestly pretensions. Clayton was young, only twenty-four ; but, besides his scholarship, he was evidently a man of extensive reading. As the son of a bookseller, he had had the opportunity of grati- fying literary cravings from his earliest days. He was a man of energy ; and, though he reproaches himself for his sluggish- ness in not rising earlier than at five o'clock, he was exemplary for his diligence. All this had already made him a man of mark. In this very year, 1733, he was appointed to preach the ordination sermon in Manchester cathedral ; and was so ardent in the enforcement of the rubrics of the Church, and so successful in his ministerial and pastoral office as to bring seventy old people, all of them above sixty years of age, to be confirmed by the bishop in Salford church.^ Three years later, he was selected to occupy another import- ant post. Darey Lever, Esq., LL.D., has been already men- tioned as one of the friends of Clayton and of the two Wesleys. This gentleman, being appointed, in 1736, to fill the distinguished office of High Sheriff of Lancashire, made Clayton his chaplain. In such a capacity, Clayton had to preach at the Lancaster assizes ; and chose for his text, the words, — " He beareth not the sword in vain ; for he is the minister of God, a revenger, to execute wrath upon him that doeth evil " (Rom. xiii. 4). This was a ticklish subject for so young a man ; but the chaplain was not without courage ; and gave utterance to sentiments, which, at the present day, would scarcely be popular. The discourse was printed, and the title will suggest an idea of the preacher's faithfulness. " The Necessity of duly executing the Laws against Immo- rality and Profaneness : Set forth in a Sermon, preached at the Assizes held at Lancaster, before the Honourable Sir Lawrence Carter, one of the Barons of his Majesty's Court ' The Private Journal and Literary Remains of John Byrom. 1855. The yacobite Churchman. ^ 41 of Exchequer. By John Clayton, A.M. late of Brazenose 1736 College, Oxon. Published at the request of the High Sheriff, Ao^2- and the Gentlemen of the Grand Jury. London. 1736." 8vo, 29 pp. Two or three extracts may be useful, as serving to illustrate Clayton's views and style, and also the alarming wickedness of the nation. " If drunkards, swearers, and debauchers were constantly brought to justice, it would doubtless lessen the number of criminals, and abate the commonness of the vices. Many a poor family would be rescued from beggary and starving, were the drunken, idle master of it properly cor- rected. Besides, this strict execution of the penal laws against these lesser crimes, would be a most probable means of preserving us from those more dreadful vices of perjury, robbery, and nmrder ; and would make sanguinary laws less needful, and capital punishments less frequent ; for experience teaches us that vice, as well as virtue, is of a progressive nature" (p. 15). Again,— "The fountain from which the Magistrate draws his power, for the punishment of wickedness and vice, is none other but God himself. All power, whether spiritual or temporal, is originally derived from the Supreme Monarch of the world, who is King of kings, and Lord of lords. Since, therefore, every Power, whether it be supreme or subordinate, does pri- marily and originally derive all its authority from above, surely the gift of God ought to be used to His honour and glory. Authority is a sacred thing, of divine original, and, therefore, as it may not be resisted by sub- jects without danger of damnation, so neither may it be lightly neglected, nor wantonly misapplied by those entrusted with it ; lest they provoke that God to anger, who piitteth down one Ruler, and setteth up another" (P- 17)- Again,— " Wickedness is grown to such a head in the world, — immorality and profaneness are become so epidemical among us, that, it is much to be feared, nothing but discipline and wholesome rigour can prove a cure for it. The infection of vice is extended so far and wide, and the contagion of sin spreads so prodigiously fast, that it seems necessary to use severe methods towards the corrupted parts, if we hope either to recover them, or to save those that are as yet untouched with the disease. God knows, the flagrant impiety of our days, the excessive corruption of these dregs of time, — this rust of the iron age, into which we are fallen, — is such as every good man must complain of, and for which charity itself can find no suffi- cient excuse or extenuation " (p. 7). Advocates of political expediency may object to these high-toned sentiments ; but there are still a few who have 42 Rev. John Clayton, 173& old-fashioned hardihood enough to exclaim with the Psalmist, Acre 29 " Who will rise up for me against the evildoers ? or who will stand up for me against the workers of iniquity?" (Psalm xciv. 16). The friendship between Clayton and the Wesley brothers was unbroken until the latter departed from Church usages, and became out-door evangelists. In 1735, when urged by Oglethorpe and others to go to Georgia, Wesley, not only sought advice from his brother • Samuel and William Law, but went to Manchester to consult with Clayton and others whose judgment he respected ; and, six weeks after his return from the Georgian colony, we find him spending several days with his old Oxford friend. He writes : — "1738. March 15. I set out" (from Oxford) "for Manchester, with Mr. Kinchin, Fellow of Corpus Christi, and Mr, Fox, late a prisoner in the city prison. Friday, the 1 7th, we spent entirely with Mr. Clayton, by whom, and the rest of our friends here, we were much refreshed and strengthened. Mr. Hoole, the Rector of St. Ann's church, being taken ill the next day, on Sunday, 19th, Mr. Kinchin and 1 officiated at Salford chapel in the morning, by which means Mr. Clayton was at liberty to per- form the service of St. Ann's ; and, in the afternoon, 1 preached there on those words of St. Paul, ' If any man be in Christ, he is a new creature."" Two months after the date of this extract from his journal, Wesley, ceasing to rely on the merit of his own good works, and trusting solely for salvation in the infinitely meritorious sacrifice of Christ, experienced an amazing change. His own words must be quoted. After relating that, for "above ten years," he had " dragged on heavily," " trusting to his own works and his own righteousness," " in a refined way, zealously inculcated by the mystic writers," ^ he remarks : — " 1738. May 24. In the evening I went very unwillingly to a society in Aldersgate Street, where one was reading Luther's preface to the Epistle to the Romans. About a quarter before nine, while he was describing the change which God works in the heart through faith in Christ, I felt my heart strangely warmed. I felt I did trust in Christ, Christ alone, for salvation ; and an assurance was given me, that He had taken away my sins, even mine, and saved me from the law of sin and death." ^ ^ Wesley's Works, vol. i.. p, 83. * Ibid. p. 94, 95. ^ Ibid. p. 97. The Jacobite Churchman. This was the turning point in Wesley's history. Hitherto, 1738 hke his friend Clayton, he had hoped to be saved by works ; 1^ — ^ now he was saved by faith. This new experience confirmed his new conceptions of gospel truth, and he began to preach accordingly. He insisted upon good works as much as ever ; but he henceforth taught, that man is saved, not by these, but by faith in Christ only. His new doctrine was the means of his being shut out of churches ; and this led to his preach- ing in the open air ; and tli^ whole resulted in a rupture of the friendship between him and Clayton, who, so far as there is evidence to show, went on to the end of life, as he and Wesley had begun at Oxford, — a sincere, earnest, self-denying, devout, and laborious Pharisee, trusting in his own righteousness, instead of trusting solely in Christ Jesus. After the date of Wesley's conversion, we hear of no further friendly meetings. Clayton's death did not occur till 1773, but, during this long interval of thirty-five years, though Wesley's visits to Manchester were numerous, there is no mention made of any interview between the two Oxford Methodists. No proof exists, that Clayton ever ranked him- self among Wesley's opponents and slanderers ; but, from this period, he ceased to be one of Wesley's friends. Coldness sprang up, and separation. In 1756, Charles Wesley spent nearly a fortnight among the Manchester Methodists, the object of his visit being to prevent their seceding from the Established Church. He himself attended the Church services, and took with him as many of the Methodists as he could. He heard Clayton preach " a good sermon on constant prayer," and, at the same service, by the senior chaplain's invitation, went " with the other clergy " present to the com- munion table, and received the sacrament ; but even this was not enough to regain Clayton's favour ; and, hence, the follow- ing entries in Charles's journal : — " 1756. Tuesday, October 26. My former friend, Mr. Clayton, read the prayers at the Old Church, with great solemnity." " Saturday, October 30. I dined with my candid friend and censor, Dr. Byrom. I stood close to Mr. Clayton in church (as all the week past), but not a look would he cast towards me ; " So stiff was his parochial pride," 44 Rev. yohn Clayton, 1745 ^^"^ ^° faithfully did he keep his covenant with his eyes, not to look upon . — , an old friend when called a Methodist." Age 36 It has been already shown, that Clayton was an intimate friend of Dr. Deacon, the non-juror ; and there can be no doubt that, substantially, the ecclesiastical and political opinions of both were identical. Hence, it is not surprising that both were implicated in the rebellious proceedings of 1745- Charles Edward Stuart, a young man of twenty-five, with a few attendants, five or six hundred broad-swords, about two thousand muskets, and rather less than iJ^4,ooo in cash, set out from France, to overturn the government of Great Britain, and, on behalf of his father, to demand its throne. Such was his success, that, on September i6th, he entered Edinburgh. Three days afterwards, the battle of Preston Pans was fought ; and, immediately, the handsome Young Pretender began, as prince regent, to exercise various acts of sovereign authority. He appointed a council ; ordered regiments to be levied for his service ; and held drawing-rooms, which were, for the most part, brilliantly attended, and generally ended in a public supper and a ball. On the last day of October, Charles Edward quitted Edinburgh, at the head of six thousand men ; and, in a fortnight, took Carlisle. On November 29th, he and his troops reached Manchester ; and then proceeded, by regular marches, to Derby, where they arrived on December 4th. This was their nearest approach to London. Before the year was ended, they were hastily retreating to Carlisle, Glasgow, Stirling, and the Highlands. There we leave them, and return to Manchester. A local authority ' has stated, that, previous to the rebellion of 1745, Charles Edward had passed several weeks at An- coats Hall, the seat of Sir Oswald Moseley ; and, that, the leading inhabitants, the clergy of the Collegiate Church, together with Dr. Deacon and his followers, were all warm adherents of the cause of the exiled Stuarts, and recog- nised, as their political leaders, Colonel Townley, Dr. Byrom, Mr. Dickenson, and others ; who were accustomed to hold their ' " Manchester : its Political, Social, and Commercial History," by James Wheeler. 1836. The yacobite ClncrcJnnan. 45 meetings in a public-house, contiguous to Jackson's Ferry, 1745 near Didsbury. A^36 To what extent Clayton was associated with these sym- pathising and plotting Jacobites, it is impossible to determine; but, when the prince marched through Salford, in 1745, this high churchman, with more hardihood than prudence, fell upon his knees before him, and prayed for the blessing of God on the adventurous Chevalier.^ Charles Edward made the " Palace " hostelry, in Market Street Lane, his residence ; and hither Jacobites of both sexes flocked to welcome him. Three sons of Dr. Deacon, true to their father's principles, en- listed beneath the Pretender's banner; Charles Deacon being placed at the head of the recruiting department, and Thomas and Robert Deacon being made Lieutenants. The results were disastrous. Charles, Thomas, and Robert Deacon fell into the hands of the Royalists, at Carlisle ; were tried, condemned, and executed in London, in July, 1746 ; the head of the eldest, together with that of Adjutant Siddal, be- ing sent to Manchester, and fixed on the Exchange. Townley, ^ Dr. Byrom's eldest daughter has left a journal of the events of this memorable entry into Manchester. She writes : — "1745. November 29. Friday, eleven o'clock, we went to the cross ; about three o'clock, the Prince and the main body came. The Prince went straight to Mr. Dicken- son's, where he lodges ; the Duke of Athol at Mr. Marsden's, and the Duke of Perth at Gartside's. The bells rung, and P. Cotterel made a bonfire. All the town was illuminated, — every house, except Mr. Dicken- son's. About four o'clock, the king was proclaimed. The mob shouted very cleverly. " Saturday, November 30. An officer called on us to go and see the Prince. We went to Mr. Fletcher's, and saw him get on horseback ; and a noble sight it was. I would not have missed it for a great deal of money. When he rid out of the court, he was received with as much joy and shouting almost as if he had been king without any dispute. As soon as he was gone, the officer and we went to prayers at the old church, at two o'clock. Mr. Sprigley read prayers, and prayed for the King and Prince of Wales, and named no names. We went up to Mr. Fletcher's, and stayed there till the Prince was at supper. Secretary Murray came to let us know that the Prince was at leisure ; so we were all introduced, and had the honour to kiss his hand. My papa was fetched prisoner (playfully, by the ladies,) to do the same, as was Mr. Deacon ; Mr. Cattell and Mr. Clayton did it without ; the latter said grace for him." Mr. Dickenson's house, in which the prince resided, was at the top of Market Street. There was a court-yard in front, shut out from the street by large iron gates. In virtue of the prince's short residence, the house was afterwards called the " Palace "; and on its becoming a hostelry, was designated the " Palace Inn," 46 Rev. yohn Clayton, 1746 the colonel of the Manchester Jacobinical regiment, was ^~-_ hanged on Kennington Common, had his bowels torn out, and his heart cast into a fire ; and eight of his officers and men were treated in the same barbarous manner.^ Great excitement followed. People on both sides were roused. Whitworth's MancJiester Magazine, the only news- paper published in the town, took the part of the Government; Dr. Deacon, Dr. Byrom, Clayton, and others, were obliged to send all their attacks, replies, and other Jacobite outpour- ings to the city of Chester, where they obtained insertion in the Chester Courant. For two years, this paper warfare was continued ; and, in 1749, the whole of what had been printed, both in Manchester and Chester, was collected and published, in a i2mo volume of 324 pages, entitled, "Manchester Vindicated ; being a complete Collection of the Papers lately published in Defence of that Town in the Chester Courant, together with all those on the other Side of the Question, printed in the Manchester Magazine, or elsewhere, which are answered in the said Chester Courant, Chester, 1749." In Whitworth's Magazine of September 23rd, 1746, we find the following : — " Last Thursday, about five in the morning, the heads of Thomas Siddal and Thomas Deacon were fixed upon the Exchange. Great numbers have been to view them ; and yesterday, betwixt eight and nine, Dr. Deacon, a non-juring priest, and father to one of them, made a full stop near the Exchange, pulled off his hat, and made a bow to them with great reverence. He afterwards stood some time looking at them. A gentleman of the town was with him, and a considerable number of spectators were present. He and some of his flock have been seen to do so before several times." This act, innocent and natural enough in itself, was re- garded as popery — a worshipping of saints — and gave birth to not a few squibbs and verses. The following was by a Quaker : — " Doffing the hat I hold no sign of grace, Saving in prayer, which was perhaps the case ; But yet, my friend, I hope it may be said, I'd rather see a hat off than a head." • Pictorial History of England, vol. iv., p. 548. The yacobite Churchman. 47 Another letter, dated October 11, 1746, says : — 1746 " The two rebel heads are revered, and almost adored, as trophies of Age 37 martyrdom. The father of one of them (who is a non-juring bishop), as he passes by, frequently pulls off his hat, and looks at them above a minute, with a solemn, complacential silence. Some suppose, he offers up a prayer for them ; others, to them. His church daily increases, and he is in the highest credit and intimacy with the most of our clergy." This was repHed to in a somewhat long article. The writer .says, Dr. Deacon has told him that he " never passed by his son's head but once ; and then, indeed, he did pull off his hat." In reference to Deacon's large and growing church, it is added : — " I cannot find above a score, and those of no great figure or substance, who are partakers with him in his religious singularity. Besides, what connection is there between politics and the Doctor's restoring primitive ecclesiastical usages ? What has the mixt-cup, infant communion, trine- immersion, etc., to do with King George and the Pretender.?" The writer continues : — " The Doctor, I own, is respected by most of the clergy; and, I will add, by most of the laity too ; but what then.-* I could name in turn several rigid Dissenters in the highest credit and intimacy with some of our clergy ; and, if it be wrong (which is indeed a new doctrine to me) for the clergy to respect and converse with persons of different opinions in religion, I think the character of a clergyman of the Church of England in much less danger from his acquaintance with a non-juring bishop than with a Calvinistical Dissenter." In a letter, dated December 9, 1746, Dr. Deacon writes : — '' I have not adopted the political principles of indefeasible and here- ditary right into my religion, and make these an essential part of it ; and that none can become members of the Church to which I belong, that are not enemies to the present government. I do hereby declare that the same is utterly false. I adopt no political principles into my reli- gion but what are expressed in our own Common Prayer Book, entitled, " A Compleat Collection of Devotions." Much recrimination followed. It was broadly stated in WJiitwortJis Magazine, and absolutely denied in the Chester Co2irant, that, whilst the Rebels were at Manchester, Dr. Deacon "had the very distinguished honour paid him of being escorted by a file of musqueteers to the Pretender's "lodgings;" and one of Whitworth's poetasters favoured the public with the following : — 48 Rev. John Clayton, 1 746 " The de'il has set these heads to view, p^^-in And put them upon poles ; Poor de'il, 'twas all that he could do. When God had ta'en their souls." Further quotations would be useless and wearisome. Many of the poetical scraps strongly resemble the poetry of Dr. Byrom, an undoubted Jacobite and a friend of Clayton. His three poems, — " A Dialogue, occasioned by the March of the Highlanders into Lancashire, in the Year 1745 " ; "A Dialogue about compelling a Person to take the Oaths to the Government"; and "A Genuine Dialogue, between a Gentle- woman at Derby and her Maid, in the beginning of December, 1745/' ^re ample proofs of his sympathy with the non-jurors, and of his ardent attachment to the Stuarts ; and, though it might be rash to assert with positiveness that he was actually the author of the Jacobite versicles in the Chester Conrant, it is not unwarrantable to aflirm that they bear a striking similitude to his well-known lines : — " God bless the King, and bless the Faith's Defender ! God bless — no harm in blessing — the Pretender ! But who Pretender is, and who is King, Why, bless us all, that's quite another thing." Of Clayton's participation in this Jacobinical controversy there can be little doubt. In fact, he is said to have assisted in procuring a printing press for Joseph Harrop, who had been one of Whitworth's apprentices. Harrop began the publication of a paper, in opposition to that of his late master, and to that paper Clayton was an important contributor.^ Clayton's Jacobite leanings were notorious. In WhitzvortJUs Magazine, for November 20, 1746, he was publicly rebuked, . because one of his senior scholars had recently affronted a lady at the close of public service in the church by shouting, " Down with the Rump ;" an affront, however, which was " very pardonable in the scholar, since that was a health at the master's table." Clayton's praying for the Pretender, in the public streets of Salford, has been already mentioned. It is also said, by one who knew him personally,- that he visited Prince Charles at ^ Everett's " Methodism in Manchester," p. 121. ^ Mr. Samuel Barker. The Jacobite ChiLvchman. 49 the Palace Inn, paid him profound respect, and was regarded 1748 as a sort of royal chaplain. Wheeler, in his " History of Ao^sq Manchester," asserts that when the government sent to Man- chester to search for those who had shown disloyalty to the House of Brunswick, Clayton absconded. Be that as it may, he was placed under suspension by his .bishop, and was sub-^ jected to the painful penalty of a long-continued silence in the church.^ On resuming his ministerial duties, after his- inhibition was ended, he displayed considerable keenness, and, perhaps, some degree of irreverence in the selection of his text. The Bishop of Chester, having commanded him to preach before him, the bold Jacobite, who had so long been silent, but was now again allowed to speak, somewhat startled both the bishop and the congregation by reading as his text, " I became dumb, and opened not my mouth, for Thou didst it." 2 There can be no question of the purity of Clayton's motives, but his openly avowed adherence to the cause of the Pretender involved him in serious troubles. To say nothing of his ministerial suspension, he was, for years after- wards, the target of his to\^^lsmen's malice. Some hated him, but others loved him ; and the two united turned his life into a turmoil. Hence the following, taken from a work entitled, "Jacobite and Non-juring Principles freely examined," and published, in Manchester, against Dr. Deacon, by J. Owen, in 1748. Speaking of Clayton, Owen asks : — " If you are the loyal people you represent yourselves to be, whence happens it that there has been such a flush of joy, discovered by your friends, for a little, seditious priest, by virtue of the Act of Indemnity, escaping that justice which was upon the wing to pursue him 1 Whence was it that the bells rang on the occasion for days together ? Was it not by way of grateful Te Deiim, for the great and undeserved deliverance .'' Whence was it that this, — shall I call him Reverend Teacher of Babes, — has such numbers of his young_/>j, as I am informed he has, clad in the livery of rebellion ? Is it not to convince the world that there is no heresy in Scotch plaid, when wore only as a badge of Romish superstition ? It must be so, unless you can believe, — and believe it who can ! — that plaid, politics, and popery are this gentleman's aversion." Clayton's school has just been mentioned, — a school, per- ' Tradition says the suspension lasted three years. ^ Everett's " Life of Clarke," vol. ii., p. 239. E 50 Rev. yohn Clayton, 1748 haps, commenced in consequence of his clerical suspension.^ A~-'Q ^^s residence was in Greengate, Salford, and the present well-known Methodist Chapel, in Gravel Lane, stands on what was once his garden. Here he ably conducted his clas- sical academy, not a few of his pupils becoming graduates at the Oxford University. Here he kept a favourite monkey which came to a cruel and untimely end ; for his pupils, either in wanton mischief or temporary spite, seized poor Pug, and fastened him to a stake in the vicinity of a hive of bees ; and then so exasperated the apiarian insects, that the excited and miserable monkey was literally stung to death. At Kersall Cell, the seat of the Byrom family at Manchester, there is a large original oil-painting representing the interior of Clay- ton's School in Salford, and a full-length portrait of Clayton himself, dressed in a blue velvet gown, and surrounded by his scholars. Little more remains to be said of this sincere and earnest high church clergyman. He was stiff in his churchman- ship, but was greatly respected. His Jacobite inclinations might be foolish, but they were not wicked, and were not peculiar to himself Many of the most learned and pious and useful men then existing entertained the same sentiments and feelings. They were doubtless mistaken ; but they were honest, and merited forbearance more than punishment. It is said that, in after years, Mr. Clayton's opinions were greatly modified ; and that, in fact, he became a Hanoverian, Per- haps there is no absolute proof of such a politico-religious change ; but a caricature (now extremely scarce) was published, in which he was represented as standing on a pedestal, with two faces looking in opposite directions ; on his breast was inscribed, " The art of trimming ; " in his left hand was a scroll with "God bless King James HI." upon it; and in his right another, bearing the inscription of "Charles HI." The remainder of the picture consisted of a view of Manchester Old Church, the initials of Prince Charles, sundry portraits, a box and dice, a schoolmaster's birchen rod, a broken punch- bowl, a dog snatching at a shadow, and finally two fighting cats. At the foot of the engraving was written : — ^ An excellent library was attached to Clayton's school (" Private Journal and Literary Remains of John Byrom"). The yacobite Churchman. 5 i " Lye on ! while my revenge shall be 1 773 To speak the very truth of thee." , , Age 64 For twenty years, Clayton was chaplain of the Collegiate Church of Manchester; and, in 1760, was elected a fellow thereof, in the place of Mr. Crouchley, deceased.^ Nine years afterwards, in .1769, he preached the sermon at the consecration of St. John's Church, Manchester, founded by Edward Byrom, Esq., the son of his warmly attached friend, Dr. Byrom. He died September 25, 1773. His funeral sermon was preached by his intimate friend, the Rev. Thomas Aynscough, M.A., from the words, "We took sweet counsel together, and walked unto the house of God in company." His old pupils erected a monument to his memory, in the Collegiate Church, bearing the following inscription : — " Sacred to the Memory of the Rev. John Clayton, M.A., Successively Chaplain and Fellow of this Church, Who died September 25th, 1773, Aged 64 Years. This Monument is erected by his Scholars, A grateful Token of their Affection and Esteem. He had endeared himself to them \ by his manly Cheerfulness, and strict Integrity, diffusive Charity, heroic Forgiveness, and Serenity of Temper under Disappointments ; his judicious Fidelity to guard against the Dangers of Vice, and Follies of Ignorance, by forming the Man, the Scholar, and the Christian, in every Mind submitted to his Cultivation ; his ardent Zeal for true Religion ; warm Attachment to the Church of England ; and unwearied Discharge of all the Labours of a conscientious Parish Priest ; by the uncommon Lustre of his declining Years, wherein he bore the sharpest Agonies of a painful and humiliating Disease, with the Fortitude of Faith, the Resignation of Hope, and the strong Consolation of a well-spent Life." This is high praise, but not unmerited, — given not by strangers, who never saw him, but by those who knew him best. Old Manchester Methodists used to describe him as being about five feet eight inches in stature, somewhat portly. ' Lloyd's Evening Post, June 30, 1 760. 52 Rev. John Clayton, ^772> dignified in gait, wearing an enormous wig, always deeply Age~64 serious, a rigid disciplinarian among his scholars and choris- ters, a pattern of canonical regularity in the performance of his ministerial duties, and very venerable in appearance at the close of life. Though a scholar and a man of considerable mental power, he seems to have published nothing, except the Sermon already mentioned, his Jacobinical strictures in the Chester Courant, and a sixpenny pamphlet, with the following title, "Friendly Advice to the Poor; Written and Published, at the Request of the late and present Officers of the Town of Manchester, by John Clayton, M.A. Manchester : Printed by Joseph Harrop, opposite the Clock End of the Exchange ; for Messrs. Newton's, Booksellers, 1755." 47 pp. Clayton was a faithful and fearless friend. He had no notion of using lollipops when bitters were required. His "advice" was "friendly"; but the opposite of fulsome. In his municipal publication, he delivers himself in no measured terms. He writes : — " If in any passage of the following Address, the Poor may seem to be treated with rigour, let it not be censured as proceeding from sourness and severity of temper ; but be considered as a proof, that the author is in earnest, and desirous of recommending this Tract to the serious unpre- judiced consideration of his readers. He has upon all proper occasions shown himself ready to plead the cause of the poor and needy; and, therefore, hopes he may be considered as still walking charitably, though he does, with all plainness of speech and befitting Christian liberty, rebuke that spirit of laziness, luxury, and mismanagement, which is gone out into the world, and which particularly reigns amongst the poor of this town, and to which, in a great measure, all their miseries are owing." After this exordium, follows his castigation. He reminds his readers of the numerous charitable institutions of the town, for "lodging, clothing, and feeding the poor; for breed- ing up their children in useful Christian knowledge, and put- ting them out to proper trades ; for helping young people at their first setting out in the world ; for maintaining and re- lieving the sick and maimed ; and, lastly, for succouring and supporting the impotent and aged." He tells them, that, the town abounds "With such variety of manufactures, as, one would think, might furnish every one, that is able and willing to work, with employment and susten- The yacobitc Churchman. 53 ance. Nay, there are many branches of business that require so little 177'" skill or labour, as that neither children nor old people need to be totally — excluded from their share of them; so that a numerous family,— that '^^ ^ common occasion of distress, — far from being a burden here, seems rather to be a blessing to its master ; for most of the members of it, if properly managed, are able to get their livelihood ; and, by the overplus of their gains, may contribute to maintain the impotent part of the household." " Many of the poor, however, refuse or neglect to help themselves, and thereby disable their betters from effectually helping them. They have an abject mind, which entails their miseries upon them ; a mean, sordid spirit, which prevents all attempts of bettering their condition. They are so familiarized to filth and rags, as renders them in a manner natural ; and have so little sense of decency, as hardly to allow a wish for it a place in their hearts." Clayton acknowledges, that, there are many exceptions of "edifying examples of industry, frugality, and good economy;" but he maintains, that, generally speaking, his description is painfully correct. The town swarmed with " loiterers " ; and " common custom had established so many holidays, that few of the manufacturing work-folks were closely and regularly em- ployed above two thirds of their time; " the result being " that every little accident, that prevented a single week's work, re- duced them absolutely to the state of paupers." Besides this, "it frequently happened, that, the week's labour of an industrious family, were swallowed up in a day's debauch of the extrava- gant master." Vice is contagious, and the pestilent example of masters filled the streets of Manchester " with idle, ragged children ; who were not only losing their time, but learning habits of gaming ; which constantly produced lying, quarrel- ling, profane swearing and cursing ; and frequently, led to pilfering and stealing, and every degree of wickedness and enormity.'^ Added to this, while " the husband wasted his time and squandered his substance at the alehouse, the wife was as often wasteful at the tea-table, as the other was prodi- gal over his cups ; for, strange as it might appear, it was a truth that even this wretched piece of luxury, this shameful devourer of time and money, had found its way into the houses of the poor ; and it was no unusual thing to find a miserable family, with hardly rags to cover their nakedness, in a wretched garret, or more loathsome cellar, fooling away a precious hour, and spending more money over this confessedly 54 ' Rev. yohn Clayton, 1773 hurtful food," (beverage) "than would have furnished a good A<^64 iTieal or two of wholesome diet." In fact, "ale, gin, and tea mainly swallowed up that slender income, which might have been turned to much better account, had it been laid out with the baker and the butcher." Clayton adds mismanagement to his charges of idleness and luxury. There was a want of "good housewifry," of " frugal cookery," and of domestic cleanliness. Another extract must suffice: — "We cannot walk the streets without being annoyed with such filth as is a public nuisance ; as well as seeing such objects as provoke resentment and aversion. We are grown infamous for a general want of good manners in our populace ; and no wonder, because they are bred up in such habits of nastiness, as, in a manner, break through the ties of natural modesty, and set them beyond all sense of shame. The streets are no better than a com- mon dunghill; and more sacred places are most shamefully polluted. Our very church-yards are profaned with such filth as was once intended to create a destestation and abhorrence even of idol temples ; — I mean they are rendered no better than errant draught-houses. Common decency will not allow me to be more particular upon so loathsome a subject ; and, if enough is said to be understood, it is to be hoped it will effect a reformation." Clayton, besides being an able instructor of the young, and an indefatigable parish priest, wished to be a social reformer ; and, certainly, his services, in this respect, were greatly needed. His picture of Manchester, a little more than a hundred years ago, is far from savoury ; but there can be little doubt of its being true. Clayton's plain speaking would hardly be tolerated at the present day ; but, notwithstanding that, perhaps, it might be useful. At all events, one cannot but admire the stern fidelity of this really kind and exemplary visitor of the poor and friendless, in dealing so faithfully with his fellow-townsmen, who, by their idleness and extravagance, systematically reduced themselves to rags and ruin ; and, if the above extracts answer no other purpose, they will not be useless in helping to illustrate the character and principles of this Oxford Methodist.^ ' In 1756, a i2mo pamphlet, of 34 pages, was published, with the title, " A Sequel to the Friendly Advice to the Poor of the Town of Man- chester. By Joseph Stot, Cobbler." This vivaciously written brochure taunts Clayton with having published nothing except a solitary sermon and his " Friendly Aflvice." and nretends to have expected that his pen The yacobite CIuLvcJiinan. 55 Clayton's life was not mis-spent; but it might have been 1773 much more useful if his friendship with the Wesleys had not ^~^ ^ been broken. John Wesley, between the years 1738 and 1773, visited Manchester more than twenty times ; and some of these visits were so memorable, that, Clayton must have heard of them ; and, yet, there is not the slightest evidence of any renewal of that fraternal intercourse which was inter- rupted when Wesley began to preach salvation by faith only, and, in consequence, was excluded from the pulpits of the Established Church. This was heresy too great for a high churchman to overlook. To be saved by faith in Christ, instead of by sacraments, fasts, penances, ritualism, and good works was an unpardonable novelty, deserving of Clayton's life-long censure; and hence, after 1738, the two old Oxford friends seem to have been separated till they met in heaven. It is rather remarkable, that, Wesley's first visit to Man- chester, subsequent to his conversion, was at the very time when the Jacobite controversy, already mentioned, was at its height ; and that Wesley preached at Salford Cross, immedi- ately adjoining Clayton's residence. He writes : — " 1747, May 7. — We came to Manchester between one and two. I had no thought of preaching here, till I was informed, John Nelson had given public notice, that I would preach at one o'clock. Their house would not contain a tenth part of the people; and how the unbroken spirits of so large a town would endure preaching in the street, I knew not. But after considering, that, I was not going a warfare at my own cost, I walked strait to Salford Cross. A numberless crowd of people partly ran before, partly followed after me. I thought it best not to sing, but, looking round, asked abruptly, 'Why do you look as if you had never seen me before.'' Many of you have seen me in the neighbouring church, both preaching and administering the sacrament.' I then began, ' Seek ye the Lord while He may be found; call upon Him while He is near.' None interrupted at all or made any disturbance, till, as I was drawing to a conclusion, a big man thrust in, with three or four more, and bade them bring out the engine. Our friends desired me to remove into a yard just by, which I did, and concluded in peace." Clayton at the time was suspended from exercising minis- terial functions by his bishop ; but he was probably in Man- would have benefitted the public during the time his tongue was silenced by his bishop. It also states that Clayton was never seen out of doors "without a great sweeping nosegay;" and accounts for this on the ground that, perhaps, the foul smells of Manchester made it necessary. 56 Rev. John Clayton. 1773 Chester, and in a neighbouring house; but there was no A"e 64 recognition of his quondam friend. Wesley might have called upon him ; but peiliaps Clayton's dubious position, as a clergyman suspended for his Jacobinical leanings, prevented this. Wesley himself had been falsely accused of being a friend of the Pretender, and common prudence dictated the inexpediency of seeking the company of one who had shown Charles Edward such marks of sympathy and respect. At his next visit but one, Wesley writes : — " 1752, March 27. — Being Good Friday, I went to the Old Church, where Mr. Clayton read Prayers ; I think the most distinctly, solemnly, and gracefully of any man I ever heard ; and the behaviour of the whole con- gregation was serious and solemn in every part of the service. But I was surprised to see such a change in the greater part of them, as soon as the sacrament was over. They were then bowing, courtesying, and talking to each other, just as if they were going from a play." Did Wesley join in this sacramental service .'' Was Clayton one of the administrators .'' Was there any intercourse be- tween the two } Another of Wesley's visits was in 1755, the year in which Clayton published his " Friendly Advice to the Poor " ; and Wesley's entry in his journal shows that reformation was needed not only among the working-classes, but their su- periors. " 1755, April 9. — In the evening I preached at Manchester. The mob was tolerably quiet as long as I was speaking, but immediately after raged horribly. This, I find, has been their manner for some time. No won- der; since the good justices encourage them." It was a year after this, when Charles Wesley attended the Collegiate church every day for a whole week, and every day stood close to Clayton, and yet the latter would not even look at him. Here we must leave the Jacobite Churchman. Of his sincerity, and of his earnest purpose faithfully to fulfil his office as a minister of the Church of England, there can be no question ; but, remembering the sacred associations and Methodist meetings of Oxford, this priestly superciliousness was not to be commended, even though his two former friends were now excluded from Church of England pulpits, and were so ecclesiastically irregular as to preach in the open air. REV. BENJAMIN INGHAM, THE YORKSHIRE EVANGELIST. BENJAMIN INGHAM was born at Osset, in Yorkshire, 1734 June nth, 17 12. Like the Wesleys, he was a descen- A'^2 dant of one of the ministers ejected from the Church of Eng- land by the black Bartholomew Act of 1662.1 Having received a liberal education at the grammar-school, Batley, he was sent, when about eighteen years of age, to Queen's College, Oxford. Two years afterwards, he joined the Methodists. None of that godly brotherhood were more diligent and devout than this young Yorkshireman. Hence, the following letter addressed to his friend Wesley : — " OsSET, February 2jlk, 1734. " Honoured Sir, — I meet with many cases of conscience in the coun- try, though I can find no casuist to solve them. I did not altogether know the advantage of living at Oxford so well before as I do now. They that have it in their power to reside their, are wise if they do so. To act well in the country, requires more knowledge, prudence, and a great deal more zeal. It is scarce possible to imagine how wicked the world is. The generality are dead in trespasses and sins. Even those who would pass for good Christians, are sunk deep in a dead indifference. Sincerity is as rare as a black swan. Since I left your good brother, I have only met with one person that is in good earnest for heaven, except that poor rug-maker. God, indeed, is chief in his heart. The most wholesome discipline and best discourses have no effect upon most peo- ple. They are no more moved and concerned than a stone. Reflecting frequently on this, has confirmed my belief of an election of grace. I should be glad to know your thoughts on the subject at a convenient opportunity. " Since my coming into the country, I have frequently been much affected with lively meetings; which has compensated me much, and made me easy and cheerful. What dejects me most is when I lie long, or am idle, or in company where I can do no good. I desire to know how I ^ Calamy's "Nonconformist Memorial," vol. ii., p. 599; and Evan- gelical Magazine, 1 814, p. 302. Rev. Benjamin Ingham, 1734 ought to act when I am in company with superiors, who talk only about . trifles. Alas ! Sir, I am vastly deficient in this singularity, which is a ^ material point ; though, blessed be God ! I have now a footman to call me, who visits me early, so that I hope to mend. " I have methodized my time according to the following scheme. Sup- pose I rise at five, or sooner, I spend till six in devotion, — repeating a hymn, and chanting a psalm, then praying and reading the Holy Scrip- tures. At six, Christian treatises. At seven, we breakfast. I then get a lesson out of the New Testament, then a Collect, and most of the Com- mon Prayer. Then forty-two poor children come to me to read. I pro- pose to observe the three ancient hours of prayer when at home. From nine to eleven, I read in the Greek Testament, according to Frank's. At eleven, I go to teach the rug-maker's children to read. Twelve, dine ; read Morris's ' Shorthand.' Two, Greek Testament. Four, walk. Five, devotion. Six, Monday, I choose the subject beforehand. Seven, supper; and read Milton and other religious books with the family. Nine, pray for myself and friends. On Wednesday and Friday, from eight to nine, meditate on my sins; twelve to one, on Christ's sufferings; two to three, read Morris. On Sunday, spend two hours in reading with the family or some poor neighbours. " I shall readily submit to your better directions. Supposing a friend to visit me on a stationary day, ' how must I behave myself? In eating and drinking, should I confine myself to such a quantity, when with stran- gers ? Your directions in these cases will be very useful. " My hearty love to your brother, and all friends. I have received a letter from Mr. Smith. He says he will acquaint his tutor with all his concerns. I design shortly to write to Mr. Ford and Watson. I ear- nestly desire the hearty prayers of all friends. " From your most obliged and affectionate friend and servant, " B. Ingham." Here we have another glimpse of Oxford Methodism, — • intense conscientiousness, concern on account of surrounding wickedness, early rising, religious employment of every hour, devout study, care for neglected children, and observance of the weekly fasts ; but not a word respecting the great truth, that sinners are saved by the alone merits of Jesus Christ, and by a penitential trust in His all-sufftcient sacrifice. These were truths which the Oxford Methodists had yet to learn. Ingham, like Kirkham, the Morgans, and Clayton, looked to Wesley for guidance ; but, in this respect, Wesley as yet was an incompetent instructor. Ingham mentions his teaching forty-two children how to ^ Fast-day. The Yorkshire Evangelist. 59 read, and his Sunday meetings among the poor people at 1734 Osset. Such efforts to improve his neighbours deserve to A^e"-"' be commended ; and it is a pleasant duty to relate, that, his benevolent endeavours were attended with great success. Numbers of persons were convinced of their lost condition as sinners : and thus was commenced a religious movement akin to that, which, eight years afterwards, seemed to up- heave a large portion of the West Riding of the county of York. Notwithstanding his prayers, fasts, scripture reading, and diligence, Ingham was not happy ; and no wonder. He was a conscientious, earnest Pharisee, seeking to be saved by works of righteousness, rather than by penitential faith in Christ. The following letter, also addressed to Wesley, and written nine months after the former one, shows how dis- satisfied he was with his present religious state ; and reveals a scrupulousness of conscience in reference to shooting and Quakers, which is somewhat amusing : — " OsSET, Novembe}' 30, 1734. " Rev. Sir, — Such is the wretchedness of my station at present, that, if I durst, shame would persuade me to conceal it from my best friends. God, of His great goodness, has been pleased to chastise me, for my sins, with an ague. I am afraid, I shall make but a very indifferent use of this Fatherly correction. It may justly be expected that I should be more dead to the world, and filled with more fervent longings and thirstings after God ; that my diligence would have been quickened, and my devotion inflamed. But, alas ! sir, I am become more sensual, more indulgent, and more sub- ject to vanity. To early prayer I am now a stranger. I think it well to rise at seven. In my sickness, my thoughts, for the most part, were monstrous and trifling. ' I would fain make my distemper an excuse ; and, though it weakened my body, it is strange that it should disorder my soul. To give you one instance of my weakness : When I was pretty well recovered, I could not deny myself so much as to walk out for my health ; and yet, with but little persuasion, I went several times a shoot- ing. Nay, I thought it necessary, though I had renounced it. But it pleased God graciously to let my distemper relapse, which took away the power, though not the desire of going. " At present, I keep altogether at home, scarcely stirring out of doors. My eyes are weak ; yet I am in a fair way of recovering my bodily health. The only thing in which I have not been much deficient, is in teaching the children, and conversing at night with the neighbours, when able to do it. And, indeed, this has been a means of saving myself from utterly sinking. God hath been pleased to bless my weak endeavours with pretty good success ; and, I find, that, He manifests the effects when we Age 2 60 Rev. Benjamin higham, 1772 ^S'lst expect it, hereby telling us that not our endeavours, but His Almighty arm doth the work. " The honest rugmaker makes very slow advances in learning. I think to dissuade him from it, unless you advise me to the contrary. "My sister proceeds excellently, and, by her example, provokes me to what otherwise I should not do. " I desire you to resolve me : Will it be lawful to sell a thing above its worth, purely because the buyer hath a desire of it .-* Also, whether it be convenient or lawful for a Christian to dwell with a Quaker when under no necessity .'' Also, whether persons ought to eat, or openly declare they fast, when no necessity puts them upon it ? " Dear Sir, let me beg your earnest prayers for your unworthy, most obliged Friend and Servant, " B. Ingham. " My love to your good brother, etc. " I have heard from Mr. Burton. Mr. Wogan joins with him in service to you and your brother. He expects to return by Oxford about Christ- mas. They were indifferently in health. If I recover my health per- fectly, would you advise me to visit Mr. Clayton before I return to Oxford .'' Our family send their service. " For the Rev. Mr. John Wesley, " Fellow of Lincoln College, Oxon." From the above, it is quite evident that the Oxford Methodists regarded the Quakers as not Christians ; yea, as people, in whose houses, it was doubtful whether Chris- tians, except in cases of necessity, ought to dwell. This was not surprising. Sacraments, fasts, and feast days were essentials among the Oxford Methodists ; among the Quakers they were utterly neglected. The religion of the Methodists, to a great extent, consisted in the observance of outward forms ; the religion of the Quakers, to an equal extent, in the neglect of them. Ingham returned to Oxford in February, 1735 i and was ordained in Christ Church, by Bishop Potter, on the ist of June following. On the day of his ordination, he preached his first sermon, his congregation consisting of the prisoners in Oxford Castle. On the 4th of the same month, he pro- ceeded, with Mr. Gambold, to London, where he was engaged as the " reader of public prayers at Christ Church, and at St. Sepulchre's," Newgate Street. Ingham's zeal was too fervent to be pent up in the reading-desks of these city churches. His age was only twenty-three ; he was full of youthful buoyancy, and longed for a wider sphere of action. The Yorkshii^e Evangelist. 61 In Yorkshire, he had held conversational meetings in his 1735 mother's house ; but now, for the first time, he was allowed pj^-^-^ to mount the pulpit, and to preach. Christ Church and St. Sepulchre's had other, probably older, men than himself as preachers ; but, rather than be silent, away he went, on a sort of ecclesiastical itinerancy, far beyond the precincts of London proper, and preached in many of the surrounding villages, and with such singular success, that great numbers of the people were powerfully impressed, and had eternal cause to be grateful for his youthful and fervid ministry.^ The Oxford Methodists were already scattered. In con- sequence of his father's death, on April 25, 1735, Wesley had gone to Epworth. His brother Charles, ordained about the same time as Ingham, had also taken his departure from Oxford. Clayton was in Manchester ; Hervey at home ; Gambold in London. The following letter, ad- dressed to Wesley, and written a fortnight after Ingham's ordination, contains interesting references to this religious brotherhood. " Mr. Lisbon's, George Yard, Snow Hill, London, Jimc 17, 1735. ' " Rev. Sir, — The chiet intent of this is to express my respect and gratitude to you, and dear Mr. Charles, as at your departure from Oxford there might seem to be some indifference between us ; but, according to the old saying, Ainautiuni irae amoris rediiitegratio est; my affections have the more inflamed since that, and I have often thought of writing to inform you of it, but hitherto have delayed. I have reason to believe you have met with a variety of trials at Epworth, and I have heard you evil spoken of abroad ; and, for these reasons, I do assure you I love you the more, and pray the more earnestly for you. You have heard of the fluctuating condition of some acquaintance at Oxford. London friends have much the same esteem for you : ' You are a good man, but you are too rigid,' etc. ' Master, in so saying, thou reproachest us also.' " But to give you some good news. Mr. Salmon - is a sincere friend. ^ " Life and Times of Lady Huntingdon," vol. i., p. 242. ^ Salmon was one of the Oxford Methodists. In 1779, Wesley wrote : " Fifty years ago Mr. Matthew Salmon was one of our little company at Oxford, and was then, both in person, in natural temper, and in piety, one of the loveliest young men I knew." (Wesley's Journal.) Like Clayton, Mr. Salmon became alienated from the Methodists. In 1748, he published the " Foreigner's Companion through the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge," which contained the following : — " The times of 62 Rev. Benjamin Ingham, 1735 Mr. Whitfield is well known to you. I contracted great intimacy with . ^^ him since your departure. He is zealous in a good cause. All friends at " ~ Queen's College I left in a hopeful condition. Their number is increased, and, I verily believe, will increase. Mr. Hervey fights manfully in North- amptonshire. Mr. Broughton is really a holy man. Mr. Morgan (I sup- pose you have heard his case, how he is forbid all conversation with you or your friends, etc.), I hope, will make a good Christian. Our friends at Osset go on very well. I baptized Piggot, and preached at the Castle the day I was ordained. I think there were thirty, save one, at the sacrament at St. Mary's the day before I came to London. Piggot and some of our friends were confirmed on Sunday. Mr. Gambold came with me to London, and is with me at Mr. Lissons's. He returns to Oxford with Mr. Hall, who has been here a considerable time, on Saturday. ,0n Friday, I shall set forward for Matching.^ I cannot tell how long I shall stay there. I have thoughts of visiting my friends in Yorkshire ; and, if you continue at Epworth, I think to come and see you. I have also a desire to see Mr. Clayton, at Manchester. I have been with Mr. Gambold and Hall to see Mr. Law.'- We asked him some questions ; but he talked the day the University go to this church, are ten in the morning, and two in the afternoon, on Sundays and holidays, the sermon usually lasting about half an hour. But, when I happened to be at Oxford, in 1742, Mr. Wesley, the Methodist, of Christ Church, entertained his audience two hours ; and, having insulted and abused all degrees, from the highest to the lowest, was, in a manner, hissed out of the pulpit by the lads." The preacher on this occasion was Charles Wesley, and the two hours' sermon, was his well-known Discourse, before the University of Oxford, on "Awake thou that sleepest," etc. (Eph. v. 14). On reading Salmon's unbrotherly attack, Charles Wesley remarked : " And high time for the lads to do so, if the historian said true ; but, unfortunately for him, I measured the time by my watch, and it was within the hour ; I abused neither high nor low, as my sermon, in print, will show : neither was I hissed out of the pulpit, or treated with the least incivility, either by young or old. What, then, shall I say to my old high church friend whom I once so much admired? I must rank him among the apocryphal writers, such as the judicious Dr. Mather, the wary Bishop Burnet, and the most modest Mr. Oldmixon." (C. Wesley's Journal, vol. ii., p. 71.) A nephew of Mr. Salmon's, and some other branches of his family, afterwards became Methodists, at Nantwich and in the neighbourhood. Miss Salmon was an intimate friend of Elizabeth Ritchie and Hester Ann Rogers. Joseph Whittingham Salmon, the nephew, entertained Wesley at Nantwich, in 1779. In 1785, he preached, and pubhshed a sermon on the death of his wife, with the title, " The Robes of the Saints washed in the Blood of the Lamb : being the Substance of a Funeral Discourse, preached at the Barker Street Chapel, Nantwich, on Occasion of the Death of Mrs. Salmon." 8vo, 39 pages. And, in. 1796, he gave to the world a book of poetry, entitled, " Moral Reflections in Verse, begun in Hawkstone Park," etc. Svo, 264 pages. Matthew Salmon, the Oxford Methodist, will be occasionally mentioned in succeeding pages. ^ A parish in Essex. ^ The celebrated, Rev. William Law. Acre The Yorkshire Evangelist. "63 only about man's fall, and the one thing necessary. He is a divine 1735 man. " I like several of the religious people in London pretty well ; but I must confess they are not over zealous. I have had a great many turns and changes since I saw you. I believe I must be perfected through sufferings. Notwithstanxiing, by the blessing of God, I hope to press on, and persevere in the constant use of all the means of grace. I intend, at present, to read the Scriptures in English, together with Mr. Law's books. " My hearty respects to your brother and mother. Mrs. Lissons sends her service. Pray let me hear from you shortly. When I shall have the happiness of seeing you, or your brother, I shall acquaint you with many particulars which I cannot now liiention. In the meantime, I rest, dear Sir, your sincere and affectionate friend, and brother in Christ, "B. Ingham." " For the Rev, Mr. John Wesley, at Epworth, to be left at the Post Office in Gainsborough, Lincolnshire." " A man's heart deviseth his way, but the Lord directeth his steps." Within three months after this, Wesley wrote to Ingham, in substance, as follows : — " Fast and pray ; and then send me word whether you dare go with me to the Indians." Ingham's answer will be found in the following long letter, or journal, dated "Savannah, May ist, 1736;" and which is now, for the first time, published at full length. The sub- stance of it was given in the " Wesley Banner" for 1852 ; but it is here printed verbatim, and without abridgment. Per- haps, and indeed, probably, the letter was an extract from a longer journal ; but if so, the journal is unknown. The document is long, and somewhat loosely written ; but, be- sides illustrating Ingham's character, it contains a consider- able amount of interesting information, and will serve to confirm the journals of Wesley and his brother, and to fill up gaps in them : — " Savannah, i^/rt/ \st, 1736. " To my much-honoured Mother, my dearly beloved Brethren and Sisters, and all my Christian Friends : — Grace, mercy and peace be mul- tiplied from Almighty God, the Father, and from our Lord Jesus Christ, with the Holy Ghost ; to whom be glory, honour, and praise for ever and ever. Amen. " Blessed, for ever blessed be the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, the Father of all mercy, and the God of all consolation, who, of His great goodness, has been graciously pleased to conduct us safe through the terrors of the great deep ! ' They that go down to the sea Aue 2 64 Rev. Benjamin Ingham, J 72^ in ships, and occupy their business in great waters, these men see the works of the Lord, and His wonders in the deep, for, at His word, the stormy wind ariseth, which Hfteth up the waves thereof. They are carried up to the heavens, and down again to the deep. Their soul melteth away because of the trouble. They reel to and fro, and are tossed up and down, so that they are at their wit's end. Then they cry unto the Lord in their trouble, and He delivereth them out of their dis- tress. For He maketh the storm to cease, so that the waves thereof are still. Then are they glad, because they are at rest ; and so He bringeth them unto the haven where they would be ! O ! that men would therefore praise the Lord for His goodness, and declare the wonders that He doeth to the children of men !' " I can now inform you that we are all arrived in safety in Georgia. But, because I believe that a relation of our voyage will not be unaccep- table to you, I shall, with God's assistance, set down both the chief occurrences thereof, and also the reasons which moved me to undertake it. But, lest you should think of me, or my designs, more highly than you ought to think, I do assure you that I am a very grievous and abominable sinner, proud, sensual, and self-willed. And, oh ! that I was truly sensible, and heartily sorry of being so ! Oh ! that it would please Almighty God, of His great grace, to make me thoroughly humble and contrite ! Oh ! that my sins were done away ; that my nature was changed; that I was a new creature in Christ Jesus ! Then, perhaps, God would make me an instrument to His glory. Oh ! my dear friends, I beg of you, I entreat you, I beseech you, pray mightily to God in my behalf, that I may not be a castaway. " About six weeks before we took shipping for Georgia, I received a letter from the Rev. Mr. John Wesley, Fellow of Lincoln College, Oxford, the substance whereof was as follows : ' Fast and pray ; and then send me word whether you dare go with me to the Indians.' Having observed his directions, about three days after the receipt of this, I answered him to this effect : ' I am satisfied that God's providence has placed me in my present station. Whether He would have me go to the Indians or not, I am not as yet informed. I dare not go without being called.' I kept his letter secret for some days. I was utterly averse from going. I thought we had heathens anew at home. However, I continued to pray, that God would be pleased to direct me, whether He would have me go, or not. " About a fortnight after this, Mr. John Wesley came to London, as also his brother Charles, and Mr. Salmon, a gentleman of Brazen-Nose College, Oxon. The first time I was with them, I desired to know the reasons which moved them to leave England. They answered, they thought they could be better Christians, alleging particular advantages which they might reasonably expect would further their spiritual progress^ by going amongst the Indians. Some of their reasons I approved of; to others I objected, alleging that a man might be a Christian in any place, but chiefly insisting upon this, that no one ought to go without being called of God. They told me, if I required a voice or sign from The Yorkshire Evangelist. 65 * heaven, that was not now to be expected ; and that a man had no other 1735 way of knowing God's will, but by consulting his own reason, and his friends, and by observing the order of God's providence. They, there- °^ ^ fore, thought it a sufficient call to choose that way of life which they had reason to believe would most promote their Christian welfare. Our con- versation being ended, they lent me several letters, written by Mr. Ogle- thorpe, relating to the Indians, their manner of living, their customs, and their great expectation of having a white man come amongst them to teach them wisdom. All this moved me a little, but I had no mind to leave England. However, I now began to pray more frequently and fervently that God would be pleased to direct me to do His will. " Besides the three gentlemen aforementioned, there was also one Mr. Hall, brother-in-law to Mr. Wesley, resolutely determined to go. When they had been in London about ten days, in which time I frequently con- versed with them, I found my heart so moved one night, by being with Mr. John Wesley, that, almost without thinking it, I said to him, ' If neither Mr. Hall nor Mr. Salmon go along with you, I will go.' At that time, there seemed no probability that either of them would draw back. They were both of them ordained by the Bishop of London in order to go : Mr. Salmon, deacon ; Mr. Hall, both deacon and priest. " But, lo ! Mr. Salmon was immediately seized upon by his relations in town, and was sent down, post haste, to his parents in Cheshire. Upon his arrival, his father left the house, furious and distracted, protesting he would not return unless his son would stay. His mother, also, was labouring under a fever. In this distress, he knew not what to do ; but he promised his parents to stay, and wrote Mr. Wesley word that he hoped to follow him next spring, though since then he has writ to him, telling him he doth not think himself as yet at liberty to leave father and mother. "However, Mr. Hall still continued stead)'-. Neither his wife, nor mother, nor brother, nor uncle, nor all his friends, either by prayers, tears, threats, or entreaties, could, in the least, turn him aside from his purpose. " A few days after this, Mr. Wesley began to be more importunate with me, urging me with my promise, teUing me he had now little hope of Mr. Salmon ; and, as for Mr, Hall, he could not properly be said to go with him, for his design was to go amongst the Indians, whereas Mr. Hall was only to go to Savannah, and be minister there ; and as for his brother Charles, he went over only as secretary to the trustees for the colony of Georgia. " I still refused, telling him, ' If Mr. Hall went, I would not go.' Never- theless, I prayed very earnestly, almost night and day revolving upon it. My heart began to be now more and more affected. It pleased God to let me see I might be a better Christian by going with Mr. Wesley. I thought, by living with him and having his example always before mine eyes, I should be enabled to rise regularly and early, and to spend all my time carefully, which are great and necessary points in Christianity, and wherein I grew very deficient by living in London. Besides these, there F 66 Rev. Benjamin Ingham, 1735 were three other reasons which moved me. I thought, I should not meet Ao^ ^7 'Vi\\h so many temptations, to sensuahty and indulgence, among the '^ " Indians as in England. Hereby, likewise. I saw I should be freed from the slavery of worldly interests, and the danger and drudgery of hunting for preferment, which hinders so many from being Christians, making them to betray the Church to serve the State, and to deny Jesus Christ to please worldly-minded men. The last and chief reason was the goodness of the work, and the great and glorious promises that are made to those who forsake all for the sake of the gospel.' " Notwithstanding 'all these reasons, I was not yet fully determined to go ; but, what is very remarkable, the Psalms, the Lessons, and all that I then read suggested to me that I should go. So that, being at Morning Prayers in Westminster Abbey, on Tuesday, October 7th, 1735, the tenth chapter of St. Mark, which was then read, made so strong and vigorous an impression upon me, that, at the hearing of these words, ' And Jesus answered and said, Verily, I say unto you, there is no man that hath left house, or brethren, or sisters, or father, or mother, or wife, or children, or lands, for my sake, and the gospel's, but he shall receive an hundred-fold now in this time, houses, and brethren, and sisters, and mothers, and children, and lands, with persecutions ; and in the world to come eternal life,' — I determined in my heart that I would go. I may likewise observe that, without any intention or design, I read the same chapter the next day at St, Sepulchre's Church, which did not a little strengthen my reso- lution. " Though I was thus determined in my own mind, yet I did not make known my purpose to Mr. Wesley ; but told him there were three ob- jections against my going. My mother and Mr. Nicolson knew nothing of the matter ; whereas I ought to have acquainted them both, and ob- tained their consent. To these Mr. Wesley answered, he did not doubt but God would provide better for the school in my absence than if 1 stayed, especially if I recommended it to His care in my prayers, which I have constantly done. Mr. Morgan, likewise, a gentleman of Lincoln College, Oxford, who came up to London to take leave of Mr. Wesley, a zealous and sincere Christian, being very earnest with me to go, promised himself to make a journey into Yorkshire to see my mother, and to do what he could towards settling the school. As to having my mother's consent, he said, if I thought it was God's will, I must obey my Master, and go wherever I could do Him service, whether my relations were wilhng or not. But, however, I could not go without Mr. Nicolson's knowledge and consent, because that would be leaving the parish un- provided, which would be unlawful. We therefore put the matter upon this issue, — if Mr. Nicolson consented, I might go ; if not, then there was a reasonable hindrance against my going at this time. Mr. Nicolson had been some weeks at his parish of Matching, in Essex, whereof I was ' Wesley's reasons were substantially the same as Ingham's. (See " Life and Times of Wesley," vol. i., p. 115, 116.) The Yorkshire EvaugcUst. 6"]; curate. He usually came to town on Saturdays, but, by a wonderful 1735 Providence, he was now brought to town on Monday night. His intent was to have returned the next day, but he was strangely detained, by one ° "^ thing or other, till Wednesday. I would gladly have met with him on Tuesday, but could not find him at home. However, I writ a letter, and ordered it to be given him as soon as he came. Next morning, he came to my lodgings at Mr. Lissons's. He told me he had received my letter, •which had acquainted him with my designs. He was sorry to part with me ; my warning was short ; my departure was sudden ; yet, as I was going about a good work, he would not oppose me ; and, provided I could preach the Sunday following, he would give me his consent. I went to Mr. Oglethorpe to know if I could stay so long. He said, I might. I re- turned, acquainted Mr. Nicolson, and so parted with him very friendly, he going directly into the country. " After this, 1 made known my designs, and got things in readiness as fast as I could. My friends in town endeavoured to persuade me; but I did not consult them, but God. "On Friday, October 10, 1735, I made my will, which I sent inclosed in a letter to you at Osset. " Sunday, October 12, I preached at St. Mary Somerset ' in the morn- ing, and at St. Sepulchre's in the afternoon. Service being ended, I took leave of my good old friend, Mrs. Lissons, and her family, who wept much — my cousin, Robert Harrap, and some other friends. Thence I went to Sir John Philips', a very worthy gentleman, and a devout Chris- tian, who showed me a great deal of respect, and did me many favours when I was in London, where, having exhorted one another, we kneeled down to pray, and so parted. Thence I went with Mr. Morgan to Mr. Hutton's, a good family in Westminster, where we spent the next day with Messrs. Wesley, chiefly in private. But there happened such a remai'kable circumstance on it, as I cannot pass over in silence. Mr. Hall, who had made great preparations for the voyage, and had now got all things ready for his departure, having this very morning hired a coach to carry himself and wife down to Gravesend, where the ship lay, at the very hour wherein they should have gone, drew back. He came unexpectedly, and told Mr. Oglethorpe, his uncle and mother would get him a living, and, therefore, he would not go. So he, whom all his friends could not dissuade before, lost himself, and dropped all his resolutions in the very last moments. " This strange occurrence, which was so much beyond all expectation, was a strong and fresh demonstration to me, that it was God's will I should go. Because, as I observed, I had said to Mr. Wesley some time ago, ' If neither Mr. Hall nor Mr. Salmon go along with you, I will go.' — And again, ' If Mr. Hall goes, I will not go.' " Having now no further doubt, but, that, I was intended by Providence to accompany Mr. Wesley, on Tuesday, October 14, he, his brother, Mr. Charles, myself, and Mr. Delamotte, son of a merchant in London,, ' In Thames Street. 68 Rev. Benjamin Ingham, ] 735 who had a mind to leave the world, and give himself up entirely to God, — being accompanied by Mr. Morgan, Mr. Burton, (one of the trustees), and ■^gc 23 jyjj.^ James Hutton, took boat at Westminster, for Gravesend. We arrived there about four in the afternoon, and immediately went on board the ship, called the Synnnonds. " We had two cabins allotted us in the forecastle ; I and Mr. Delamotte having the first, and Messrs. Wesley the other. Theirs was made pretty large, so that we could all meet together to read or pray in it. This part of the ship was assigned to us by Mr. Oglethorpe, as being most con- venient for privacy. " Wednesday and Thursday we spent chiefly with Mr. Morgan and Mr. Hutton, exhorting and encouraging one another. We also received the Lord's Supper with them each day, thereby to strengthen our spiritual strength and resolutions. They were both sorry to part with us ; and, I believe, Mr. Morgan would have been very glad to have gone along with us. "Friday, October 17, Mr. John Wesley began to learn the German tongue, in order to converse with the Moravians, a good, devout, peaceable, and heavenly-minded people, who were persecuted by the Papists, and driven from their native country, upon the account of their religion. They were graciously received and protected by Count Zinzendorf, of Hernhuth, a very holy man, who sent them over into Georgia, where lands will be given them. There are twenty-six of them in our ship ; and almost the only time that you could know they were in the ship, was when they were harmoniously singing the praises of the Great Creator, which they constantly do in public twice a day, wherever they are. Their ex- ample was very edifying. They are more like the Primitive Christians than any other church now in the world ; for they retain both the faith, practice, and discipline delivered by the Apostles. They have regularly ordained bishops, priests, and deacons. Baptism, confirmation, and the eucharist are duly administered. Discipline is strictly exercised without respect of persons. They all submit themselves to their pastors, being guided by them in everything. They live together in perfect love and peace, having, for the present, all things in common. They are more ready to serve their neighbours than themselves. In their business, they are diligent and industrious ; in all their dealings, strictly just and conscientious. In everything, they behave themselves with great meek- ness, sweetness, and humility. " Saturday, October 18. This morning, Mr. John Wesley and I began to read the Old Testament, which we finished during our voyage. Mr. Wesley likewise baptised a man of thirty, who before only had received lay baptism.^ I was witness. "Sunday, October 19. Mr. John Wesley began to preach without notes, expounding a portion of Scripture extempore, according to the ancient usage. During our passage, he went over our Saviour's Sermon on ' Another instance of the high-churchism of these Oxford Methodists. The Yorkshire Evangelist. 69 the Mount. Heal so constantly explained the Second Lesson, except when jyor he catechized the children ; whereby, all that heard, with sincere hearts, were much edified. To-day, being the first time we celebrated the Lord's ^^ 23 Supper publicly, (which we did constantly every Lord's-day afterwards,) we had but three communicants besides ourselves ; — a small number, yet God has been graciously pleased to add to them. All love, all glory, be to Thee, O Lord ! ^^ Monday, October 20. I began to teach and catechize the children on board our ship, being in number about twelve. I likewise helped two or three of the Moravians ' to learn English. This I continued to do several weeks, till we came out to sea, and then I could but do it seldom, by reason of the rolling of the ship. O that we were all like little children, willing to be instructed and guided by our Heavenly Father ! O that we were truly sensible of our own ignorance, and how very little the wisest of us knows that is worth knowing! It is God that teacheth man knowledge. " Tuesday, October 21. We left Gravesend, and went down the river, though but very slowly, the wind not being favourable to us. " We now began to be more in earnest. We resolved to rise early, and to spend our time regularly and carefully. The first hour, we allotted ourselves, was to pray for ourselves and absent friends. The next, we read the Scriptures ; and, from six to breakfast, we generally read some- thing relating to the Primitive Church. At eight, we had public prayers. The forenoon / spent either in teaching and instructing the children, or reading antiquity; Mr. Johjv Wesley, in learning German; Mr. Charles Wesley, mostly in writing ; Mr. Delatnotte, in learning Greek, or Navigation. At twelve, we all met together, to join in prayer, and to exhort one another, consulting both how to profit our neighbours and ourselves. After dinner, I taught the children, or conversed religiously with some of the passengers, as also Mr. Wesley constantly did. At four, we had pubHc prayer. From five to six, we spent in private ; then we supped. At seven, I read to as many of the passengers as were willing to hear, and instructed them in Christianity. -Mr. John Wesley joined with the Moravians in their public devotions. At eight, we all met together again, to give an account of what we had done, whom we had conversed with, deliberating on the best method of proceeding with such and such persons ; what advice, direction, exhortation, or reproof was necessary for them ; and sometimes we read a little, concluding with prayer ; and so we went to bed about nine, sleeping soundly upon mats and blankets, regarding neither the noise of the sea or sailors. " The angels of the Lord are round about them that fear Him." '"''Monday, October 27. We sailedTrom Margate Road to the Downs. A gentleman passenger strongly opposed our having prayers in the great cabin ; and, indeed, he half carried his point, so that we were forced to submit to the inconvenience of having them between decks in the after- noons, till it pleased God to remove him out of the ship. ^ One of these was David Nitschmann, the Moravian Bishop. (See Wesley's Works, vol. i., p. 16.) Jo Rev. Benjamin Ingham, J 735 " Sunday, November 2. We passed the fleet at Spitbead, and came into Cowes Road, off the Isle of Wight, where we lay till the loth of December. ^ "-^ During our stay here, we had an excellent opportunity of promoting the work of God among our fellow passengers. We met with both oppo- sition and success, passing through evil report and good report. May it please the Almighty to give us all an abundant measure of His grace, to persevere zealously in His service to the end of our days ! Every Christian must be perfected through sufferings, either inward or outward, for even the Captain of our salvation was made perfect through suffering ; and we are to be like Him. " Mr. Charles Wesley, being known to the minister at Cowes, preached several times in the island, and read at a poor woman's house to a good number of the people there assembled. Before we came away, he left a few books among them. The poor people were very glad, expressed much thankfulness, and, I beheve, were not a little edified by his admoni- tion and exhortation. " Monday, November 3. We took a walk into the Isle, where we agreed upon the following resolutions : — " ' In the name of God, Amen. " ' We whose names are here underwritten, being fully convinced, that, it is impossible, either to promote the work of God among the heathen without an entire union amongst ourselves ; or, that, such an union should subsist unless each one will give up his single judgment to that of the majority, do agree, by the help of God : — " ' First. That none of us will undertake anything of importance without first proposing it to the other three. " ' Second. That, whenever our judgments or inclinations differ, any one shall give up his single judgment or inclination to the others. " * Third. That, in case of an equality, after begging God's direction, the matter shall be decided by lot, "'John Wesley, C. Wesley, B. Ingham, C. Delamotte.' " The wind was now fair, but the man-of-war, that was to convey us over, was not yet ready. The passengers grew impatient of delay ; but our Heavenly Father intended it for our good. Known unto God are all His works from everlasting. Unsearchable are Thy ways, O Lord God of hosts. Blessed art Thou for ever. " Saturday, November 8. I went upon quarter-deck, after dinner, to teach the children; but, because some gentlemen were there who laughed at me for it, I was ashamed to proceed. O ! what a dreadful thing is the fear of man ! How does it defeat our best purposes, and stagger our stoutest courage ! O ! how deceitful is my heart ! If Thou, O Lord, shouldest withdraw Thy grace from me but one day, I should utterly renounce Thee, and commit the most enormous crimes ! ^* Siaiday, November 16. Mr. John Wesley baptized Thomas Herd and 1735 The Yorkshire Evangelist. 71 Grace, his wife, Mark, his son, and Phoebe, his daughter, both aduUs, having prepared them for it by private instruction. To this, I was a witness. They were brought up Quakers ; but are now serious people and Age 23 constant communicants. Praised be the Lord! who has turned their hearts from error, and put them in the right way. " Thursday, November 20. The man-of-war being come, we left Cowes and got down to Yarmouth, where they cast anchor. But next morning, the wind being contrary, we were forced back again into Cowes Road. During this our latter stay here, there were several storms, in one of which, two ships, that ventured out, were stranded upon the island. Not- withstanding this, several of our people murmured at the delay. If God should deal with us according to our deservings, we should be consumed in a moment. '■'■Sunday, November 23. We had, besides ourselves, eight communi- cants. The Tuesday following, I got a boy well whipped, by Mr. Ogle- thorpe's orders, for swearing and blaspheming. Private admonition had no effect upon him, so that I was forced to have recourse to public correction. " Sunday, November 30. I preached on board the other ships, and read prayers, which I did several times while we lay at Cowes. We now again had prayers in the great cabin, the gentleman afore-mentioned having yesterday left the ship. Blessed be God ! who delivered us from him, for he very much opposed us. I did think, and I told it my friends, that, we could not sail while he was in the ship. This, perhaps, might be one reason why we were kept so long from sailing. " MoJtday, December i. We agreed upon the following resolution, — ' If any one upon being reproved, or upon any other occasion, shall feel any sort or degree of anger or resentment, he shall immediately, or at the next meeting, frankly and fully confess it.' '^Saturday, December 6. The second mate, a very insolent and ill- natured fellow, who had abused many of the passengers and also Mr Wesley, at last affronted even Mr. Oglethorpe to his face. The next day, he was sent on board the man-of-war. The people rejoiced at this ; and praised be God ! who delivered them from his power. ' The fierce- ness of man shall turn to Thy praise ; and the fierceness of them shalt Thou restrain.' This, I think, was another reason why we were kept still at Cowes. " Sunday, December 7. We were fifteen communicants. This evening, we resolved to leave off eating suppers, till we found some inconvenience from it ; which none of us did to the end of the voyage. Since our settling in America, Messrs. Wesley and Mr. Delamotte have resumed them. As yet, it agrees perfectly with my health, and I still continue it. " Monday, December 8. A young man, very providentially, was taken into our ship. I, perceiving that he was a stranger, began to converse with him. He gave me an account of himself, and the reason of his coming. He had left his parents, he said, who were rich, (though he was their only son,) because they would not let him serve God as he had a mind. He used to spend a good part of the night in prayer, not having Asre 72 Rev. Benjamin Ingham, 1735 opportunity to do it by day. When he left home, he did not know where he should go, having no clothes with him ; but he did not seek for money or worldly enjoyments ; he desired only to save his soul. When he was travelling, he prayed that he might go to some place where he could have the advantage of public prayers and the Holy Sacrament. Several times he had thoughts of turning hermit; but Providence had brought him to us ; and he was glad to meet with ministers with whom he could freely converse about spiritual things ; and, indeed, I was glad to meet with him. This, I think, was another reason for our delay. All love, all glory be to Thee, O Lord ! " Wednesday, December to. Now, at length, it pleased our Heavenly Father to send us a fair wind. We left Cowes about nine in the morning. Two gentlemen passengers of the other ship were left behind, having, the night before, gone to Portsmouth. We waited for them near two hours ; but, they not coming, we made the best of our way, running between seven and eight miles an hour. Friday, in the forenoon, we left the man- of-war, he not being able to sail as fast as our ships. Most of the passengers were now sick; 1 was so for about half an hour; Mr. John Wesley scarce at all. '■'■Friday, December 19. Messrs. Wesley and 1, with Mr. Oglethorpe's approbation, undertook to visit, each of us, a part of the ship, and daily to provide the sick people with water-gruel, and such other things as were necessary for them. At first, we met with some difficulties; but God enabled us to persevere in the constant performance to the end of the journey. Mr. Oglethorpe himself went several times about the ship to comfort and encourage the people; and, indeed, he has never been wanting in this respect. He is a pattern of fatherly care and tender com- passion, being always ready, night and day, to give up his own ease and conveniences to serve the poorest body among the people. He seldom eats above once a day, and then he usually chooses salt provisions, (though not so agreeable to his health,) that, he might give the fresh to the sick. But more will appear from the following instance. One Mrs. Welch, who was believed to be at the point of death, being big with child, in a high fever, attended with a violent cough, was, by Mr. Oglethorpe's order, removed into his own cabin, which was the best in the ship, he himself lying several nights in a hammock, till another cabin was got ready for him. He also constantly supplied her with all the best things in the ship. Some of the gentlemen seemed disgusted at this ; but that made him only the more resolute. Yet, notwithstanding all possible care was taken of her, human means failed ; the doctor gave her up ; everybody thought she would die ; Mr. Oglethorpe only continued in hope. Nay, he said, he was sure God would raise her up to manifest His glory in her. She had a desire to receive the Lord's Supper before she died ; and, lo ! from the moment she received, she began to recover, and is now safely delivered of a daughter, and in perfect health. 'Gracious is the Lord, and merciful, long-suffering, and of great goodness ; the Lord is loving to every man, and His mercy is over all His works.' '■'■Sunday, December 21. We were twenty-one communicants. .This, as The Yorkshire Evangelist. well as yesterday, was an exceedingly calm and pleasant day. The sky xntfi appeared to me more beautiful than ever I had observed it in England. — We were likewise got so far to the southward, that, the weather was as &^ "'^ warm now as it is in the spring at home. This being Mr. Oglethorpe's birthday, he gave a sheep and wine to the people, which, with the smoothness of the sea, and the serenity of the sky, so enlivened them, that, they perfectly recovered from their sea sickness. On Christmas- day, also, Mr. Oglethorpe gave a hog, and wine to the people. " Monday, December 29. We are now past the latitude of twenty-five degrees, and are got into what they call the Trade winds, which blow much the same way all the year round. The air is balmy, soft, and sweet. The ship glides smoothly and quietly along. The clouds are finely variegated with numbers of pretty colours. The nights are mild and pleasant, being beautifully adorned with the shining hosts of stars. ' The heavens declare the glory of God, and the firmament showeth His handy- work. One day telleth another ; and one night certifies another.' '"What, though, in solemn silence, all Move round this dark, terrestrial ball ; What, though nor real voice nor sound Amidst their radiant orbs is found ; In reason's ear they all rejoice. And utter forth a glorious voice. For ever singing as they shine, ' The Hand that made us is divine." " 1736, Sunday, January 4. A gentleman was very angry with me for accusing his servant, of swearing, before Mr. Oglethorpe. " The next day, Mr. John Wesley began to catechise the children pubHcly, after the Second Lesson evening service, which he continued to do every day for about three weeks. ^''Monday, January 12. I began to write out the Enghsh Dictionary, in order to learn the Indian tongue. O ! ' who is sufficient for these things ?' " When the ship rolled so that we could not well go about to visit the people, we generally spent the evening in conversation with Mi\ Oglethorpe, Irom whom we learnt many particulars concerning the Indians. '"'' SaUirday, January 17. The wind was very strong. About half an hour after ten at night, we encountered such a wave as we did not meet with in all our passage besides. It shook the whole frame of the ship, from stem to stern. The water sprung through the sides of the ship, which before were tight, and, also, above the main-yard. Falling down, it covered the decks, broke into the great cabin, and filled Mrs. Welch's bed. Mr. Oglethorpe was gone to bed, and resigned his own dry cabin to the sick, betaking himself once more to his hammock. Hitherto, we had had a very fine passage ; but now, approaching near land, we met with contrary winds, which kept us above a fortnight longer at sea than otherwise we should have been. " Tuesday, January 20. I baptized a child, which was thought to be at 74 Rev. Benjamin Ingham, 1 736 the point of death ; nay, some thought it was dead ; but, from the moment J. ^ it was baptized, it began to recover. " Wednesday, January 21. This evening, Mr. Oglethorpe called to- gether the heads of families, as he also did at some other times, and gave them several excellent and useful instructions relating to their living in Georgia, exhorting them likewise to love God and one another. '■^Sunday, January 25. We were twenty communicants. Towards evening, we had a terrible storm, which lasted several hours. I observed it well ; and, truly, I never saw anything hitherto so solemn and majestic. The sea sparkled and smoked, as if it had been on fire. The air darted forth lightning ; and the wind blew so fierce, that, you could scarcely look it in the face, and draw your breath. The waves did not swell so high as at some other times, being pressed down by the impetuosity of the blast ; neither did the ship roll much ; but it quivered, jarred, and shook. About half an hour past seven, a great sea broke in upon us, which split the main-sail, carried away the companion, filled between decks, and rushed into the great cabin. This inade most of the people tremble ; and, I believe, they would then have been glad to have been Christians, how light soever they made of religion before. I myself was made sensible, that, nothing will enable us to smile in the face of death, but a life of extraordinary hohness. I was under some fear for a little while ; but I recollected myself again, by reflecting that every thing came by the will of God; and that whatever He willed was the best for me. If, therefore. He was pleased to take me off at this very time, so. much the better: — I should be delivered from many evils, and prevented from committing many sins to come. Betwixt eleven and twelve, I recommended myself to God, and went to bed, resting satisfied with whatever should befal me. Towards three, the wind abated. In the morning, we returned public thanks for our deliverance ; and, before night, most of the people had forgotten, that, they were ever in a storm. ' If they hear not Moses and the prophets, neither will they be persuaded, though one rose from the dead.' ^ " Wednesday, January 28. Being a calm day, I went on board the other ship, read prayers, and visited the people. At my return, I acquainted Mr. Oglethorpe with their state ; and he sent them such things as they needed, '■^Sunday, February i. Three sail appearing, we made up towards them, and got what letters we could write, in hopes some of them might be bound for England. I writ a short one to you at Osset. One of them, that was bound for London, made towards us, and we put our letters on board her. " On Tuesday, we found ground; on Wednesday, we saw land ; and, on Thursday afternoon, 5th of February, we got safe into Tybee-road, in the mouth of the river Savannah, in the province of Georgia, in America. ' It was during this storm, that Wesley was struck with the contrast between the Moravians and the rest of the ship's occupants. The crew in general were in paroxysms of fear and anxiety; the Moravians were calm, and employed themselves in singing psalms (Wesley's Works, vol, i,, p. 20). The Yorkshire Evmigelist. 75 Messrs. Wesley, Mr. Delamotte, and I had some discourse about our 1736 manner of living in this new country. I was struck with a deep, rehgious — awe, considering the greatness and importance of the work I came upon, ^^ "^ but was comforted with these words in the Psalms : — ' O ! tarry thou the Lord's leisure ; be strong, and He shall comfort thy heart ; and put thou thy trust in the Lord.' From the whole service, I was moved to think, that, the Gospel would be propagated over the whole world. May God, of His great mercy, graciously be pleased to grant it ! " February 6. We went on shore, and had prayers, where we were com- forted by the Second Lesson. Next day, I received a letter from my brother William, one from my sister Hannah, and another from Mr. H. Washing- ton, whereby I was very much comforted. I called to mind several things past ; reflected upon the sweet happiness of true friendship ; and prayed earnestly for my dear friends in England, with tears. "Saturday, February 14. This morning, as well as yesterday, we met with several remarkable passages, in our course of reading the prophets, relating to the propagation of the Gospel, which not a little comforted and encouraged us. I was also strongly affected by the Second Lesson, Mark xiii. " A little after noon, some Indians came to make us a visit. We put on our gowns and cassocks ; spent some time in prayer ; and then went into the great cabin to receive them. At our entrance, they all rose up ; and both men and women shook hands with us. When we were all seated, Toma-Chache, their king, spoke to us to this effect. (His interpreter was one Mrs. Musgrove, who lives about five miles above Savannah. She is descended of a white man by an Indian woman. She understands both languages, being educated amongst the English. She can read and write, and is a well-civilized woman. She is likewise to teach us the Indian tongue.) " ' Ye are welcome. I am glad to see you here. I have a desire to hear the Great Word, for I am ignorant. When I was in England, I desired that some might speak the Great Word to me. Our nation was then willing to hear. Since that time, we have been in trouble. The French on one hand, the Spaniards on the other, and the Traders that are amongst us, have caused great confusion, and have set our people against hearing the Great Word. Their tongues are useless ; some say one thing, and some another. But I am glad that ye are come. I will assemble the great men of our nation, and I hope, by degrees, to compose our differ- ences ; for, without their consent, I cannot hear the Great Word. How- ever, in the meantime, I shall be glad to see you at my town ; and I would have you teach our children. But we would not have them made Christians as the Spaniards make Christians ; for they baptize without instruction ; but we would hear and be well instructed, and then be baptized when we understood.' "All this he spoke with much earnestness, and much action, both of his head and hands. Mr. John Wesley made him a short answer, — ' God only can teach you wisdom, and, if you be sincere, perhaps, He will do it by us.' We then shook hands with them again, and withdrew. ^6 Rev. Benjamm Ingham, \ 736 " The Queen made us a present of a jar of milk, and another of honey ; — that we might feed them, she said, with milk ; for they were but children ; ^ "^ and that we might be sweet to them. '•'About three next day, in the afternoon, just before they went away, we put on our surplices, at Mr. Oglethorpe's desire, and went to take leave of them. "Monday, February 16. About seven this evening, I set forward with Mr. Oglethorpe, and some others, in a ten-oared boat, for the Alatamahaw river, the southernmost part of Georgia. At eleven, we arrived at a place called Skiddowa, where we went ashore into the woods, and kindled a fire under a lofty pine-tree. Having written some letters, and eaten something, we lay down to sleep upon the ground, without either bed or board, having no covering, besides our clothes, but a single blanket each, and the canopy pf heaven. About eight next day, we set forward again, passing several marshes, beset on both sides with trees of various sorts, whose leaves, being gilded with the glorious rays of the sun, yielded a beautiful prospect. About twelve, the wind blew so high, that, we were driven upon an oyster bank, where we could not get a stick to make a fire. Here we dined very comfortably. Near two, we set forward again, and, with great difficulty, crossed over the mouth of the river Ogechee. The wind was exceeding high, and the water very rough. Almost every wave drove over the side of the boat ; so that every moment we were in jeopardy of our lives ; and, truly, if Mr. Oglethorpe had not roused up himself, and struck life into the rowers, I do not know but most of us might here have made our exit. Towards six, we got to a little place, called Boar's Island, where we en- camped all right, round a roaring fire, in a bed of canes, where the wind could not reach us. Here also we came up with a large boat, called a Pettiangur,^ loaded with people for the Alatamahaw, who had set out before us. Next morning, after prayers, Mr. Oglethorpe, considering, that, our own boat was overladen, and also that I might probably be of some service to the people, asked me if I was willing to go on board the Petti- angur, whereto I readily consented. Here, during the remainder of our passage, I read to the' people, and instructed them as I had opportunity. This evening, we lay upon St. Catherine's, a very pleasant island, where we met with two Indians a-hunting. I took one of them on board the Pettiangur, and gave him some biscuit and wine, and he, in return, sent us the greatest part of a deer. " On Sunday morning, February 22, we arrived at the island of St. Simons, upon the river Alatamahaw, a pleasant and fertile place, which Mr. Oglethorpe had reached the Thursday night before. Several of the people were firing guns, but, upon my landing, I asked Mr. Oglethorpe if Sunday was a proper day for sporting. He immediately put a stop to it. Having breakfasted, we joined in the Litany, and then he returned to Savannah, having already put the people in a method of proceeding. " Next day in the forenoon, we were alarmed by a sail appearing in the river. We called all the people together ; and, after consultation, we * A sort of flat-bottomed barge (Wesley's Works, vol. i., p. 28). The Yorkshire Evangelist. J J threw up a trench, strengthening it with barrels of beef and pork, which jj^^ we had here in abundance. We also sent a canoe down the river, and — several men into the woods for scouts, to bring us intelligence. In the §^ ^4- meantime, we got all our arms in readiness, providing for the worst. About half an hour past twelve, the canoe returned, and brought us word, it was the sloop which brought the provisions, that had returned to take in ballast. " Two or three of the first days, the people spent in building palmetto bowers. We enclosed a little round place with myrtles, bays, and laurels, in the midst whereof we nightly kept a great fire, round which I lay several weeks in the open air, my whole bed consisting of two blankets ; and I never had health better in my life. Now we had short prayers early in the morning, before they began ; and at night, after they had done working. My chief business was daily to visit the people, to take care of those that were sick, and to supply them with the best things we had. For a few days at the first, I had everybody's good word ; but, when they found I watched narrowly over them, and reproved them sharply for their faults, immediately the scene changed. Instead of blessing, came cursing, and my love and kindness were repaid with hatred and ill-will. " Sunday, February 29. After morning prayers, which we had pretty early, I told the people that, it was the Lord's day, and, therefore, ought to be spent in His service; that, they ought not to go a-shooting, or walk- ing up and down in the woods ; and that, I would take notice of all those who did. One man answered, that, these were new laws in America ! This man, as well as several others went out ; but he, I think, was two days before he could find his way back again. I reproved most of them afterwards, in a friendly manner, laying before them the heinousness of the sin, and the dreadful consequences that would necessarily follow. One or two took my advice well ; but the rest were hardened, and, instead of reforming, raised heavy complaints and accusations to the gentleman, that vi?as left chief in commission, that, I had made a black list j and that, I intended to ruin them. This caused a very sharp contest between that gentleman and me ; wherein God enabled me, boldly and courageously, to vindicate the honour of His day and worship, without regarding the favour of any man. So soon as 1 was retired, I prayed earnestly from my heart, that, God would forgive him, and also give him a new mind ; which prayer God heard (blessed be His goodness!) for, since I came away, he frankly confessed, that, he was in the wrong ; that, his passions carried him to too great a height; that, I was certainly in the right, and had only done what was my duty. I mention this to show the great use of praying for our enemies. Who knows how much such prayer will avail before God? Certainly, it purifies our own heart, and is the only sure enemy to keep out hatred, malice, and revenge. " Tuesday, March 2. This morning, I prayed that God would be pleased to send home the lost man, and also make him sensible of his sin. About breakfast time, he came looking very ghastly, sadly affrighted, telling me he was resolved never more to profane the Sabbath. God grant he may keep his word ! This example would not make others take warning. A-e 24 78 Rev. Benjamin Ingham, 1 736 Next Sunday, three more went a-shooting, who were all lost till next day. Nothing but the almighty grace of God is sufficient to turn a sinner from the error of his ways. "J/^;^ci'ir^7, March 8. Mr. Oglethorpe arrived, with four Pettiangurs; and, next day, my dear friend, Mr. C. Wesley, with another, wherein were all the married men and women, and children, that came over in our two ships. Mr. Oglethorpe immediately laid out the new town, Frederica, in a neat and regular method ; and kept the people to strict work in building themselves palmetto houses. During the three weeks longer, which I spent here, there happened such a variety of incidents, that, it would be too tedi- ous to relate them. Only I will add, that, Mr. C. Wesley and I had the happiness of undergoing, for the truth's sake, the most glorious trial of our whole lives, wherein God enabled us exceedingly to rejoice, and also to behave ourselves throughout with undaunted courage and constancy ; for which may we ever love and adore Him ! The book of God was our support, wherein, as our necessities required, we always met with direc- tion, exhortation, and comfort — ' Thy Word is a lantern to my feet, and a light untcf my paths. In God's Word will I comfort me.' • '■'•Sunday, March 28. About seven in the evening, I left Frederica, and took boat for Savannah. We had a fair wind ; and, if we had not run twice aground, I believe we should have got thither in twenty-four hours. Towards four on Tuesday morning, it began to thunder, and lighten, and rain in the most dreadful manner I ever beheld since I was born. Ours was a little open boat, without any cover. The rest of the people wrapped themselves up, head and ears, in blankets and sails, whatever they could get, and laid down in the bottom of it. 1 plucked up a good heart, threw 1 Charles Wesley writes :—" Tuesday, March 9, 1736. The first who saluted me on my landing, was honest Mr. Ingham, and that with his usual heartiness. Never did 1 more rejoice at the sight of him ; especially when he told me the treatment he has met with for vindicating the Lord's day." Charles had gone to be the minister of the palmetto town, Frederica; and was soon in greater trouble than Ingham had experienced. Ingham remained with his friend nineteen days ; and, during this brief period, Charles encountered a difficulty about baptizing a child by im- mersion ; got into hot water, by endeavouring to reconcile two termagant women ; and was wrongfully charged by Oglethorpe with mutiny and se- dition. By March 28th, things had arrived at such a pass, that Charles Wesley requested Ingham to go to Savannah for his brother. Ingham was extremely reluctant to leave his friend in such trouble and danger ; but was, at last, persuaded; and, accordingly, on the day just mentioned, after preaching "an alarming sermon on the day of judgment, and join- ing with" Charles Wesley "in offering up the Christian sacrifice," he started. This is not the place to enter into detail respecting C. Wesley's trials at Frederica. Suffice it to give an extract from his Journal : " I hastened to the water-side, where I found Mr. Ingham just put off. O happy,' happy friend ! Abiit, erupit, cvasit ! But woe is me, that I am still constrained to dwell with Meshech ! I languished to bear him company, followed him with my eyes till out of sight, and then sank into deeper dejection than I had known before." We must now keep company with Ingham. The Yorkshire Evangelist. 79 ;iiy cloak over me, and stood up, as stiff as I could, in the midst of it, that 1 736 I might behold the majesty of God in thunder ; and, truly, so glorious a — scene I never saw. I dare not attempt to describe. However, I passed *> "'' the time very comfortably in praising God ; and, whereas, all the rest were well wet, I was pure and dry all over, excepting only my cloak and shoes. Betwixt seven and eight, we arrived at Savannah, where I was kindly re- ceived by Mr. John Wesley and Mr. Delamotte. The latter had began to teach a few little orphans ; and the former had brought the people to short prayers morning and night. I now again entered upon a manner of life more agreeable to me than what I spent at Frederica, having both time and convenience for regular retirement. " Sunday, April 4. This afternoon, Mr. Wesley and Mr. Delamotte, took boat for Frederica. In their absence, I took care both of the church and school. '"'■ Monday, April 5. After evening prayers, I begun to catechize, at our own house, all young persons that were willing to come, as well children as servants, and apprentices, who would not come in the day time. I have continued to do this every night since. On Sundays, I do it after dinner, and also publicly in the church after the Second Lesson. ^^ Sunday, April 11. After evening service, I made a visit to a few people, who had formed themselves into a Society, — meeting together on Wednesday, Friday, and Sunday nights. I found their design was good. They read, prayed, and sung psalms together. Accordingly, I exhorted them to go on, promising myself to meet with them sometimes, and to give them such helps and directions as I could. I have joined them every Sunday since; and I hope it will be a means of some good. God grant it! '■^Sunday, April 18. This afternoon, there was an alarm made in time of Divine service, whereupon, several people went out of church. The cause of it was a young lad that had run away from his master. He had broken into our house, underwhich, he said, he had laid a fortnight, and stolen provisions when I was at prayers. He had taken down a pistol, and loaded it, with a design, I suppose, to shoot in the woods ; for he had gotten the powder flask, and, as he was getting out of the window, some- how, he shpped, and fired off the pistol, which broke his arm to shivers. He then called out aloud for help ; whereupon, some people that heard, went to see what was the matter. He begged of them to drag him out at the window, which they did, and found him in a bad condition. They carried him to a surgeon, who cut off his arm. In the night, not having due attendance, he loosed it, whereby, he lost so much blood, that, he died next morning. I was very sony for the unfortunate wretch, for he came to be catechized the night before he run away, and I, being informed that he had done so several times before, talked to him a good while, to behave himself well, and to obey his master. But, not having grace, he did the very reverse to what I exhorted him. A sad example, whereby others ought to take \;;arning. " This being the great and holy week, I dedicated it to devotion, ob- sei-ving the discipline of the Primitive Church. 8o Rev. Be7ijamiu Ingham, 1736 "On Tuesday evening, Mr. John Wesley and Mr. Delamotte arrived, — from Frederica. Next day, Mr. Wesley gave me an account of what had Age 24 p^ggg J there since my departure. O what secrets wiU come to pass in the last day ! ^^ Easter Sunday, K^xA 2^. We were thirty-four communicants. Our constant number is about a dozen. Next day, Mr. Wesley and I went up to Cowpen, in a boat, bought for our use, to convei;5e with Mrs. Musgrave "about learning the Indian language. I agreed to teach her children to read, and to make her whatever recompence she would require more for her trouble. I am to spend three or four days a week with her, and the rest at Savannah, in communicating what I have learned to Mr. Wesley ; because he intends, as yet, wholly to reside there. " The Moravians, being informed of our design, desired me to teach one of the brethren along with Mr. Wesley. To this I consented at once, with my whole heart. And who, think ye, is the person intended to learn ? Their lawful bishop.' ' The right hand of the Lord hath the pre-eminence ; the right hand of the Lord bringeth mighty things to pass.' " Friday, April 30. Mr. Wesley and I went up again to Cowpen, taking along with us, Toma-Cache and his Queen. Their town is about four miles above Savannah, in the way to Mrs. Musgrave's. We told them we were about to learn their language. I asked them, if they were willing I should teach the young prince. They consented, desiring me to check and keep him in: but not to strike him. The Indians never strike their children ; neither will they suffer any one to do it. I told them, I would do my best, as far as gentleness and good advice would go. How I shall manage, God alone can direct me. The youth is sadly corrupted, and addicted to drunkenness, which he has learnt of our Christian heathen. Nay, the whole Creek nation is now generally given to this brutal sin, whereto they were utter strangers before Christians came among them. "Oh! what a work have we before us! Who is sufficient for these things ? I am nothing. I have nothing. I can do nothing. O ! my dearest friends, pray for us. Pray earnestly for us ; and more especially for me, your very weak, though most dutiful son, and affectionate brother, "Benjamin Ingham." This lengthened document needs no apology. It exhibits Ing- ham as a sincere, earnest, self-denying, zealous servant of the Divine Redeemer. It helps to justify the suddenness of his de- parture from his native country, without obtaining the consent of his family and friends, and even without consulting them. It shows, that, he was a firm believer in the sacred text — " In all thy ways acknowledge Him, and He shall direct thy paths." Who can doubt that Ingham was divinely guided in embarking for America .'* The service that he rendered there, might be ' David Nitschmann. The Yorkshire Evangelist. comparatively small ; but, at that period, it required no ordi- 1736 nary courage, for a young man of three and twenty, to en- pj^-z^ counter the storms of the Atlantic, and to live with wild Indians in the woods of Georgia. The results of Ingham's ministerial labours in the new colony might be few ; but the mission there brought him into the society of a set of simple- minded, earnest, godly men, by whom the current of the whole of his subsequent life was changed ; and the rough experience of the few months spent among colonial settlers and untutored savages, was a useful training for the hard labours and hard treatment awaiting him in his native country. If Ingham had not embarked for Georgia, the probability is, he would not have * been brought into fellowship with Moravians ; and, therefore, would not have become a Moravian Evangelist among the masses of the north of England. The Providence, which sent him to Georgia, separated him from the Established Church but, as in the case of Wesley, it made him the Founder of a large number of religious societies, which exercised a mighty influence on the people of Yorkshire, and of the neighbouring counties. As yet, Ingham, like the Wesleys, was seeking to be saved by works, rather than by penitent faith in Christ Jesus ; but the very fact that he hoped to be saved thus, served as an incentive to the practice of self-denial and other austerities, and to the use of diligence and faithfulness in his ministerial office which have seldom been surpassed. The man had a large heart, brim-full of benevolent feeling ; and regarded it as the highest honour and happiness of his life to be of service to the cause of God, and to the welfare of his fellow-creatures. Without doubt, he was what would be called a high church- man when he set sail for Georgia ; but his sympathies were too large to be ice bound with high church bigotry. His descrip- tion of the twenty-six psalm-singing Moravians is just and generous. He was willing to admit the fact, and to rejoice in it, that there were as good Christians without the pale of his own Church, as there were within it. Like all men of noble mind, he was not too much a man to bend to a little child. Teaching and catechizing children was a self-imposed, but happy task, while on the waves of the Atlantic Ocean ; and it was equally one of his pleasant toils in Georgia. Idleness and G Rev. Benjamin Ingham, 1736 he were strangers to each other. Early rising, abstemious diet, Ao^-^4 '^"*^ constant working, were, with him, not accidents, but prin- ciples. They were part and parcel of his religion. The Bible was his daily study ; and prayer, for himself, and for others, his highest privilege and duty. The two combined inspired him with a confidence in God, which never faltered ; and which kept him calm in the greatest dangers. Let us follow him. Ingham landed in Georgia, on February 5, 1736: he re- embarked for England on February 26, 1737. Nearly three of the thirteen months he spent in Georgia, are comprehended in the Journal already given. The details of the other ten are few and scanty. Both he and Wesley intended and wished to be, not chap- lains among the English colonists, but, missionaries among the wild Indians ; and, accordingly, at the end of the first three months of their Georgian residence, we find Ingham arranging to spend three days a week in learning the Indian language from a half-caste woman ; and the other three in teaching what he learnt to Wesley, and to Nitschmann, the Moravian bishop. Their design was Christian and heroic ; but it was not realised. On May 16, 1736, Charles Wesley, unexpectedly, came to his brother, and Ingham, and Delamotte, at Savannah ; and, for want of better accommodation, each of the four " retired to his respective corner of the room, where, without the help of a bed, they all slept soundly till the morning." ^ Charles had now left Frederica for ever ; and, ten weeks later, he em- barked for England. Frederica was left without a minister ; and it was agreed, that, Wesley and Ingham should take Charles's place in turns. Wesley went off at once ; and remained at Frederica till June 23rd. He and Ingham now hoped to obtain permission to live among the Choctaw Indians ; but Oglethorpe objected ; first, on the ground, that, they would be in danger of being inter- cepted or killed by the French ; and, secondly, because it was inexpedient to leave Savannah without a pastor. This in- duced them to remain where they were ; but, in the meantime, they had a most interesting interview with a number of Chica- ^ C. Wesley's Journal, vol. i., p. 27. The Yorkshire Evangelist. Z'}) saw Indians, the details of which, Wesley has related in his 1737 Journal. A^2; On August 4, Wesley again went to Frederica, leaving Savannah to the care of Ingham and Delamotte ; and thus things continued till February, 1737 ; Wesley and Ingham ardently wishing to proceed as missionaries among the Indians ; but not able to fulfil their wish, because there was no minister to occupy their places at Savannah and Frederica. Ingham had been an apt and diligent pupil of Mrs. Mus- grave's ; and had formed a vocabulary of about one half of the words in the Indian language ; but, unless Savannah and Frederica could be supplied by other ministers, all his fagging to acquire this barbarous language was likely to be useless. What was done .-* The following is an extract from a letter, addressed to Mr. , in Lincoln College, Oxon. " Savannah, February 16, 1737. " Dear Sir, — Mr. Ingham has left Savannah for some months ; and Hves at a house built for him a few miles off, near the Indian town.^ So that I have now no fellow-labourer but Mr. Delamotte, who has taken charge of between thirty and forty children. There is, therefore, great need, that God should put it into the hearts of some, to come over to us and labour with us in His harvest. But I should not desire any to come unless on the same views and conditions with us, — without any temporal wages, other than food and raiment, the plain conveniences of life. And for one or more in whom was this mind, there would be full employment in the province ; either in assisting Mr. Delamotte or me, while we were present here ; or in supplying our places when abroad ; or in visiting the poor people, in the smaller settlements, as well as at Frederica; all of whom are as sheep without a shepherd. " By these labours of love, might any, that desired it, be trained up for the harder task of preaching the Gospel to the heathen. The difficulties he must then encounter God only knows ; probably martyrdom would conclude them. But those we have hitherto met with have been small, and only terrible at a distance. Persecution, you know, is the portion of every follower of Christ, wherever his lot is cast. But it has hitherto extended no farther than words with regard to us, unless in one or two inconsiderable instances. Yet, it is sure, every man ought, if he would come hither, be willing and ready to embrace (if God should see them good) the severer kinds of it. He ought to be determined, not only to 1 The Indians gave to Ingham a plot of fruitful ground, in the midst of which was a small, round hill ; and, on the top of this hill, a house was built for an Indian school. The house was named Irene. (Wesley's Work^, vol. i., p. 61.) 84 Rev. Benjamin Ingham, 1737 leave parents, sisters, friends, houses, and lands, for his Master's sake, . ^^^ but to take up his cross too ; cheerfully submit to the fatigue and danger " "■' of (it may be) a long voyage, and patiently to endure the continual contradiction of sinners and all the inconveniences which it often occasions. " Would any one have a trial of himself, how he can bear this ? If he has felt what reproach is, and can bear that but a few weeks, as he ought, I shall believe he need fear nothing. Other trials will afterwards be no heavier than that little one was at first ; so that he may then have a well-grounded hope, that he will be enabled to do all things through Christ strengthening him. " May the God of peace Himself direct you to all things conducive to His glory, whether it be by fitter instruments, or even by your own friend and servant in Christ, " John Wesley." ^ Wesley's standard of a Christian missionary was enough to appal ordinary men ; but who will say that the standard was too high .'* He himself and also his friend Ingham answered to this description ; but it was doubtful whether others could be found, among their old associates, who were like-minded. Accordingly, ten days after the date of the above letter, another step was taken. Wesley writes : — " 1737. February 24. It was agreed Mr. Ingham should go for England, and endeavour to bring over, if it should please God, some of our friends, to strengthen our hands in this work. February 26. He left Savannah." The Oxford Methodists were scattered when Ingham arrived in England ; but they were still a loving and con- fiding brotherhood. In July, 1737, Charles Wesley and James Hutton spent some days at Oxford ; and, accompanied by Mr. Morgan and Mr. Kinchin, set out, on the 29th of that month, for London, where, at the house of Hutton's father, in College Street, Westminster, they found their " old, hearty friend, Benjamin Ingham."- The last mentioned also visited the Delamotte family at Blendon. Hence, under the date of September 10, 1737, C. Wesley writes : — " I took coach for Blendon. My friend, Benjamin, had been there before me, and met with such a reception as encouraged me to follow. He had preached to them with power, and still more powerfully by his life ^ C entleniaii s Magazine, 1737, p. 575. ^ C. Wesley's Journal, vol. i., p. 73. The Yorkshire Evangelist. 85 and conversation. The eldest sister, and the Cambridge scholar,' were 1737 struck to the heart. The first evening passed in discourse of my name sake- in America." ' o :> Immediately after this, Ingham was at his own home, in Yorkshire. No more faithful and honest friend existed ; but, like many Yorkshiremen, he was sometimes almost blunt. The following letter, addressed to Wesley, in Georgia, supplies evidence of this, and also contains references to Wesley and the Oxford Methodists, of considerable interest : — ' " OSSET, October 19, 1737.^ " Dear Brother, — By your silence, one would suspect that you were offended at my last letter. Am I your enemy because I tell you the truth ? But perhaps I was too severe. Forgive me then. Be lowly in your own eyes. Humble yourself before the Lord, and He will lift you up. I do assure you, it is out of pure love, and with concern that I write. I earnestly wish your soul's welfare. O pray for mine also. The Lord preserve you ! " Could you, think you, live upon the income of your fellowship ? If you can, do. The trustees are, indeed, very willing to support 'you, and they would take it ill should anybody say that you have been too expensive. But the Bishop of London, as I have heard, and some others, have been offended at the expenses, and not altogether without reason, because you declared, at your leaving England, you should want scarce anything. I just give you these hints. Pray for direction, and then act as you judge best.-* ' William Delamotte, who became the friend of Ingham, and joined the Moravians. For four or five years, he was one of their most ardent and useful preachers. His labours in Yorkshire were attended with great success. He died February 22, 1743, and was buried at St. Dunstan's-in- the-East, London (Holmes' " History of the Brethren," vol. i., p. 315 : Hutton's Memoirs, p. 94.) - Charles Delamotte, who also became a Moravian, and, after a long life of piety and peace, died at Barrow-upon-Humber, in 1796. ^ At this date, Wesley was in the thick of his Georgian troubles. '' The English bishops would have acted more justly and generously if they had helped Wesley out of their own fat incomes, instead of finding fault with his trifling expenses. On March 4, 1737, Wesley says, "I writ the trustees for Georgia an account of our year's expenses, from March I, 1736, to March i, 1737 ; which, deducting extraordinary expenses, such as repairing the parsonage house, and journeys to Frederica, amounted, for Mr. Delamotte and me, to ^44 A^s. 4d" Can it be correct that the bishops found fault with Wesley costing the trustees ^22 2s. 2d. per year.? It may be asked what Wesley received from the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts ? The answer is ^50 ; " which, indeed," says he, " was in a manner forced upon me, contrary both to expectation and desire" (Wesley's Unpublished Journal). Seven months later, on November 10, 1737, he writes, in the same Journal, 86 Rev. Benjamin Ingham, ij-i^j " Charles is so reserved ; I know little about him. He neither writes to — me, nor comes to see me. What he intends is best known to himself. '^'^ "^ Mr. Hutton's family go on exceedingly well. Your friend Mr. Morgan, 1 hear, either has, or, is about publishing a book, to prove that every one baptized with water is regenerate. All friends at Oxford go on well. Mr. Kinchin, Mr. Hutchins, Mr. Washington, Bell, Hervey, Watson, are all zealous. Mr. Atkinson labours under severe trials in Westmoreland, but is steady and sincere, and an excellent Christian. Dick Smith is weak, but not utterly gone. Mr. Robson and Grieves are but indifferent. The latter is married to a widow, and teaching a school at Northampton. Mr. Thomp- son, of Queen's, has declared his resolution of following Christ. " Remember me to Mr. Wallis, Mark Hird, and the Davison family, Mrs. Gilbert Mears, Mr. Campbell, Mr. and Mrs. Burnside, Mr. and Mrs. Williamson. " Yours in Christ, " B. Ingham." Ingham still purposed to return to Georgia. He longed to preach the gospel of his Saviour to the heathen, and was busily employed in mastering their language. He sought spiritual fellowship among his Christian friends in Yorkshire ; and, as opportunity offered, occupied the pulpit of the Es- tablished Church. His preaching created great sensation ; and his private labours, among his neighbours, were not with- out results. A man with a soul like his, — burning with a zeal which would have led him gladly to sacrifice his life among the wild Indians of America, — could scarcely fail to be an earnest, successful evangelist in his own country. As already stated, his intention to return to Georgia was not fulfilled. Perhaps Wesley's departure from that colony, about six weeks after the date of the above letter, was one of the things which prevented it. Be that as it might, he was quite prepared for hard work, and for rough usage, in other places. In the letter just given, he complains of the silence and reserve of Charles Wesley. At the very time, however, Charles was writing to him ; and, three days afterwards, Ingham addressed to him the following reply, full of the Christian fire of the first Methodists : — " Colonel Henderson arrived, by whom I received a benefaction of _;!^io sterling, after having been for several months without one shilling in the house, but not without peace, health, and contentment." This was the man at whose extravagance the bishops grumbled, and concerning whom even Ingham felt some anxiety. The Georgian trustees had no mis- givings. i7j7 The Yorkshire Evangelist. Z"^ " OSSET, NEAR WAKEFIELD, October 22, 1737. "My DEAR Brother,— Your letter is just come to my hands. I rejoiced over it, because it came from you. I was afraid you had been -^S^ ~S almost lost ; but, since I see you are desirous to make full proof of your ministry, I greatly rejoice. Blessed be the Lord, who, by His grace, preserves me from falling, amidst the deceitful and alluring, bewildering temptations of worldly preferment. May He still continue His loving- kindness towards you ! May He thoroughly settle and estabhsh you ! May you have power to overcome the world, the flesh, and the devil, and, like a brave soldier, manfully to fight under Christ's banner! May your one desire of living be for Christ's sake, and the gospel ! " I have no other thoughts but of returning to America. When the time comes, I trust the Lord will show me. My heart's desire is, that the Indians may hear the gospel. For this I pray both night and day. "I will transcribe the Indian words as fast as I can. I writ to Mr. William Delamotte three weeks ago. If he did not receive the letter, it miscarried. I wish you could inform me, that I might write again. " I have just now been talking to Mr. Godly, curate of Osset. (You know, I believe, that he is misnamed.) I was all on a tremble wliile I talked to him, and for a good while after. He took my reproof very uneasily. But, however, he trembled as well as me. I have lent him ' The Country Parson ' to read ; and, since he went away, I have been praying for him in agony. I seem to be full of hope, as if God would turn his heart ; and O that He may ! One of the wickedest women in all Osset is turned since I came down ; and, I believe, she will make a thorough convert. She says, she is sure God sent me to turn her heart. To His holy name be all the glory \ There is another poor soul too here, that is under the most severe agonies of repentance. Cease not to pray for these, and the rest of your Christian friends at Osset, who pray con- stantly for you. " Last Sunday, I preached such a sermon at Wakefield church as has set almost all about us in a uproar. Some say, the devil is in me ; others, that I am mad. Others say, no man can live up to such doctrine ; and they never heard such before. Others, again, extol me to the sky. They say, it was the best sermon they ever heard in all their life ; and that I ought to be a bishop. " I believe, indeed, it went to the hearts of several persons ; for I was enabled to speak with great authority and power ; and I preached almost the whole sermon without book. There was a vast large congregation, and tears fell from many eyes. To-morrow, I preach there again. " Every day, I undergo several changes within me. Now I am under sufferings, sometimes just ready to sink; then again L am filled with joy. Indeed, I receive so much pleasure in conversing with some Christians here, that I have need of sufterings to counterbalance it. Last Saturday night, we were sixteen that sat up till after twelve. We have to meet again to-night, after the rest are gone ; and we shall pray for you, and the rest of our Christian friends everywhere. You would think yourself happy to be but one night with us. 83 Rev. Benjamin Ingham, 1738 "Give my sincere love to Mr. Hutton's family, whom I never forget. Acre~'>6 ^'^'^ '•^^y ^ ^^^ '^ "^^^ Lord bless them all ! Greet brother Whitefield. * " My heart will be with you on the seas, and everywhere. Never be dis- couraged, " Yours sincerely and affectionately, " B. Ingham."' On May 24, 1738, Wesley, by simple "trust in Christ alone for salvation," received " an assurance that Christ had taken away his sins." This, to hinj, was a new experience ; but, perhaps, not to Ingham. It is a well-known fact, that,, Peter Bohler, who was now on his way to the Moravians in Georgia, was of the utmost service to Wesley in teaching him the doctrine of justification by faith only. Besides this, both Wesley and Ingham had been brought into close com- munion with the Moravian bishop, David Nitschmann, and his Christian fraternity, during their voyage across the At- lantic. In Georgia, also, they had met with the Moravian elder, the kev. August Gottlieb Spangenberg, a man of high position among the Brethren. The result of the whole was, that Wesley and Ingham, on June 13, 1738, embarked for Germany, principally for the purpose of becoming better acquainted with the Moravian churches in that country. They were accompanied by John Toltschig,^ one of the fugitives, who fled to Hernhuth, from the fierce persecution in Moravia, in 1724; who became one of Ingham's co-evan- gelists in the county of York ; and was a man of great in- fluence among the English Moravians. At Ysselstein, they had an interview with Baron Watteville, who had been a fellow student of Count Zinzendorf, and became a Moravian bishop. On the 4th July, they reached Marienborn, the residence of Zinzendorf, where they remained a fortnight. Whilst here, Ingham, in a letter to Sir John Thorold,'^ Lon- don, observed : — ' Methodist Magazine, 1848, p. 1096. 2 Hutton's Memoirs, p. 40. ' Sir John Thorold belonged to one of the oldest families in Lincoln- shire. He was a great friend of the first Methodists ; and, as early as 1738, used to attend the Moravian meetings, in the house of James Hutton, at The Bible and Sun, a little westward of Temple Bar; and to expound among the Brethren the Holy Scriptures, and to engage in prayer. In 1742, he became dissatisfied, and brought the following charges against them. "i. Their not praying so much to the Father and The Yorkshire Evangelist. 89 " The worthy count is occupied day and night in the work of the j 7^9 Lord ; and, I must confess, that the Lord is really among the Brethren. Yesterday, a boy of eleven or twelve years of age was baptized ; and such §'^ -7 a movement of the Holy Spirit pervaded the whole assembly, as I have never seen at any baptism. I felt that my heart burned within me, and I could not refrain from tears. I saw that others felt as I did, and the whole congregation was moved. The Brethren have shown me much affection ; they have taken me to their conferences, and have not left me in ignorance of anything concerning their Church. I am much pleased with my journey." Ingham was pleased with the Moravians ; and the Mora- vians were pleased with him. In fact, Ingham was preferred to Wesley, and was admitted to partake of the holy com- munion, while Wesley was rejected. The reasons assigned for admitting Ingham were, (i) that he had already shown an inclination to leave the English Established Church, and to join the Brethren ; and (2), " that his heart was better than his head." The reasons for rejecting Wesley were, (i) he was '^ Jwino pertiirbatus ; (2) his head had gained an ascend- ancy over his heart ; (3) he claimed to be a zealous English Churchman, and they were not desirous to interfere with his plan of effecting good as a clergyman of the English Church."^ Ingham, as well as Wesley, visited Hernhuth, where he spent a fortnight, and was " exceedingly strengthened and comforted by the services and conversation of the Brethren. Towards the end of the year, he returned to England." It is a curious fact that Wesley and Ingham were not the only Oxford Methodists who began to associate with the Moravians. On the first day of the year 1739, we find not fewer than seven of the Oxford brotherhood — the two Wesleys, Ingham, Whitefield, Westley Hall, Kinchin, and Hutchins, — present at a Moravian lovefeast in Fetter Lane, respecting which Wesley writes : — the Holy Ghost as to the Son. 2. Their speaking so contemptuously of reason, which opened a door to fancy and enthusiasm. 3. Their saying, there were no duties in the New Testament. 4. Their not giving an open conscientious confession of their faith. 5. Their disowning their tenets when driven to a pinch." Sir John Thorold died in 1748. (Hutton's Memoirs, p. 82; and Life and Times of Countess of Huntingdon, vol. i., p. •]'].) ^ Hutton's Memoirs, p. 40. 90 Rev. Benjami?t Ingham, 1739 "About three in the morning, as we were continuing instant in prayer, the power of God came mightily upon us, insomuch that many cried out ^ "'for exceeding joy, and many fell to the ground. As soon as we were recovered a little from the awe and amazement at the presence of His Majesty, we broke out with one voice, ' We praise Thee, O God ; we acknowledge Thee to be the Lord."" This was a memorable beginning of what will ever be a memorable year in the history of the Methodistic movement. Four days afterwards, the same clergymen, joined by Mr. Seward, had a conference at Islington, and, without effect, tried to prevail on Charles Wesley to settle at Oxford. White- field writes : — " We continued in fasting and prayer till three o'clock, and then parted, with a full conviction that God was about to do great things among us. O that we may be any way instrumental to His glory ! O that He would make us vessels pure and holy, meet for such a dear Master's use !"- The men evidently were willing to be used in any way which Providence might appoint ; and their conviction of the coming of great events was not falsified. On Ingham's return to Osset, his native place, he renewed his labours, and preached in most of the churches and chapels about Wakefield, Leeds, and Halifax. Private religious meetings also were greatly multiplied. Large numbers of persons were convinced of sin, and were converted. It was pre-eminently a day of divine visitation. The clergy, however, instead of rejoicing at an enlargement of the work of God, were envious and malignant ; and, at a Church congress, held at Wakefield, June 6, 1739, Ingham was prohibited from preaching in any of the churches in the diocese of York ; and was thus placed in the same position as Wesley had been com- pelled to occupy in London. Both were ordained clergymen, and both longed to preach the gospel of God their Saviour; but both were without a church of their own, and both were now uniformly shut out of the churches of others. What Wesley began to do at Bristol, Kingswood, and elsewhere, Ingham began to do in Yorkshire. Village greens, the public streets, fields, barns, cottages, and houses of all descriptions became his preaching places ; and, such was the divine power which ' Wesley's Works, vol. i., p. 161. Whitefield's Journals, p. 115 ; and C. Wesley's Journal, vol. i., p. 139. The Yorkshire Evangelist. 91 attended his ministry, that not fewer than forty religious 1739 societies were formed. Aee~2' Ingham was reviled, but he reviled not again. The follow- ing letter illustrates his fine Christian spirit, at the period of which we are now writing. It probably was addressed to Wesley. At all events, Wesley published it in the first volume of his Anninian Magazine (p. 181). " OssET, 6".?//. 14, 1739. " My dear Brother, — Wait the Lord's leisure, and be still. His time is the best time. ' Be strong, and He shall comfort thine heart ; and put thou thy trust in the Lord.' " I shall be very glad to see you, when the Lord pleases that we shall meet together. O that we may do and suffer His will in all things ! It is following our own wills that creates us trouble and confusion. " All your opposition will work together for good. The more the clergy oppose the truth, the more it will prevail. Their preaching against us and our doctrines excites a curiosity in the people to hear us, and to see if these things be true, whereby many have their eyes opened. If this work is of God, it cannot be overthrown : if it be of men, I wish it may speedily. We have nothing to do but to follow our Leader. O that He may direct all our ways aright ! " I say very little about the clerg}^ in public. I preach the truth of the gospel, according to the light the Lord has given me into it, and leave it to the Lord to bless it as He pleases. I take no notice of lies and calumnies, unless I am asked whether or no they are true. It is endless to answer all that is said. Our Saviour says, ' Let them alone.' He is concerned for the welfare of His Church ; let us, therefore, depend upon Him, and let us mind what He says to us in His holy word. Let us love our enemies, and pray for them ; and let us love one another ; and thereby shall all men know that we are His true disciples. We must be hated in this world ; let us, therefore, take great care to secure ourselves an inheritance in the next. "Benjamin Ingham." While the above exhibits Ingham's spirit, the subjoined clearly shows that his ideas on the Methodist doctrines were as yet imperfect. It is a well-known fact, that Wesley him- self was sorely perplexed with the doctrine of what is called '* the witness of the Spirit," and that his intercourse Avith the Moravians rather increased his mistiness than scattered it. In 1738 he had a lengthened and very important correspondence with his brother Samuel on the subject; and now he consulted Ingham, who replied as follows : — Aj>e 28 92 Rev, Benjamin Ingham, 1 740 " OSSET, February 20, 1 740. " My dear Brother, — The most dangerous time in the Christian race, seems to be when a person receives the forgiveness of sins, especially if he is filled with great joy, and of long continuance. Indeed, all states of great joy are dangerous, if not humbly received. If persons have not now a guide, or are not guidable, it is ten to one but they run into error and by-paths. Many souls miscarry here, and never get further in their spirit- ual progress. They run on till their joy and strength are spent, and then they lose themselves, and are all in confusion. I have met with several persons with whom it has been thus, and how to help them I know not. They do not get forward. I believe, indeed, that they will be saved, yet their degree in glory will be low. They are but in the first stage of the new birth. " You ask, What are the marks of a person who is justified, and not sealed ?^ " I cannot give you any certain, infallible marks ; but a person to whom the Lord has given the gift of discerning will tell ; and, without the gift, we shall never be able to know surely. However, such persons are meek, simple, and childhke ; they have doubts and fears within ; they are in a wilderness state. In this state, they are to be kept still and quiet; to search more deeply into their hearts, so that they become more and more poor in spirit, or humble. They are likewise now taught to depend wholly on Christ. By all means, keep them from confusion. If they come into confusion (as they are apt to do), they receive inconceivable damage ; but, if they continue still meek and gentle, searching into their hearts, and depending upon Christ, they will find their hearts to be sweetly drawn after Christ ; they will begin to loathe and abhor sin, and to hunger and thirst after righteousness ; they will get strength daily ; Christ will begin to manifest Himself by degrees ; the darkness will vanish, and the day- star will arise in their hearts. Thus they go on from strength to strength, till they become strong, and then they will begin to see things clearly, and ' The meaning of this phraseology may, perhaps, be gathered from a letter which Wesley wrote to his brother Samuel, on October 23, 1738, five months after Wesley's conversion. The following is an extract : — " The 7rXr]po(popLa Tria-Teas, — the seal of the Spirit, the love of God shed abroad in my heart, and producing joy in the Holy Ghost, joy which no man taketh away, joy unspeakable and full of glory, — this witness of the Spirit I have not ; but I wait patiently for it. I know many who have already received it," etc. (" Life and Times of Wesley," vol. i., p. 190). The fact is, Wesley, for a season, appeared to confound the witness of the Spirit to the justification of a Christian believer with what he afterwards meant by the attainment of Christian perfection. Soon afterwards, however, he was blessed with clearer light, and gave to the Church, perhaps, the best de- finition of the doctrine ever penned, — " The testimony of the Spirit is an inward impression on the soul, whereby the Spirit of God directly witnesses to my spirit that I am a child of God ; that Jesus Christ hath loved me, and given Himself for me ; and that all my sins are blotted out, and I, even I, am reconciled to God." The Yorkshire Evangelist. 93 to understand what the Lord has done for them ; so, by degrees, they will 1740 come to have the assurance of faith. — " You ask whether, in this intermediate state, they are ' children of ^ ~ wrath, or heirs of the the promises ' ? " Without doubt, they are children of God ; they are in a state of salva- tion. A child may be heir to an estate before it can speak, or know what an estate is ; so we may be heirs of heaven before we know it, or are made sure of it. However, the assurance of faith is to be sought after. It may be attained ; it will be given to all who go forward. We must first be humble and poor in spirit. We must be deeply so. We must have a constant, fixed, abiding feeling, — a sense of our weakness and unworthiness, corruption, sin, and misery. This it is to be a poor sinner. "If I were with you, I would explain things more largely; but I am a novice, — I am but a beginner, — a babe in Christ. If you go amongst the Brethren, they are good guides ; but yet, after all, we must be taught of God, and have experience in our own hearts; or else it will not do. May the Spirit of truth lead us into all truth ! " I am your poor, unworthy brother, "B.Ingham." The above is given verbatim from the manuscript letter, and is of great importance as reveahng the views, doubts, and diffi- culties of the leaders of the Methodist movement. Before proceeding further, it may be added that Ingham was not forgotten by his old friend Whitefield, who wrote to him as follows : — "Savannah, March 28, 1740. " How glad I should be of a letter from dear brother Ingham. When shall my soul be refreshed, with hearing that the work of the Lord pros- pers in his hand } I suppose before now you have received my letters and seen my journal. I believe God is yet preparing great things for us. Many at Charles-Town lately were brought to see their want of Jesus Christ. The Orphan House goes on bravely. I have forty children to maintain, besides workmen and their assistants. The great Householder of the world does, and will, I am persuaded, richly provide for us all. The colony itself is in a very declining way ; but our extremity is God's opportunity. Our brethren, I trust, go forwards in the spiritual life. I have often great inward trials. I believe it to be God's will that I should marry. One, who may be looked upon as a superior, is absolutely necessary for the due management of affairs. However, I pray God, that I may not have a wife, till I can live as though I had none. You may communicate this to some of our intimates ; for I would call Christ and His disciples to the marriage. If I am deluded, pray that God would reveal it to your most affectionate brother and servant, " George Whitefield." In the midst of all this, a new evangelist sprang up, who, 94 Rev. Benjamin Ingham, 1740 without the educational advantages of the Oxford Methodists, Ao^-'S ^^^^ ^ kindred soul. John Nelson, the brave-hearted Yorkshire stonemason, after hearing almost all sorts of religionists, — Church of England men, Dissenters, Papists, and Quakers, — had been brought to a knowledge of the truth by Wesley. This was under the first sermon preached by Wesley in Moorfields. In 1740, Nelson returned to Yorkshire, and related to his friends his happy experience. He writes : — " They begged I would not tell any one that my sins were forgiven, for no one would believe me, and they should be ashamed to show their faces in the street. I answered, ' I shall not be ashamed to tell what God has done for my soul, if I could speak loud enough for all the men in the world to hear me at once.' My mother said, ' Your head is turned.' I replied, ' Yes, and my heart too, I thank the Lord.'" He went to Adwalton, to hear Ingham preach ; and re- marked : — " As soon as I got into the house, he called me into the parlour,- and desired the company that was with him to go out, for he had something to say to me. When they went, he rose up, barred the door, then sat down, and asked me, 'Do you know your own heart, think you?' I answered, ' Not rightly; but I know Jesus Christ, and He knows and has taken possession of it ; and though it be deceitful, yet He can subdue it to Himself; and I trust He will' He said, ' Have you not deceived your- self with thinking that your sins are forgiven, and that you are in a state of grace? I was three years seeking before I found Him.' I replied, ' Suppose you were, do you confine God to be three years in converting every soul, because you were so long? God is able to convert a soul in three days now, as He was to convert St. Paul seventeen hundred years ago.' I then began to tell him what I had seen at London under Mr. Wesley's preaching. He said he pitied poor Mr. Wesley, for he was ignorant of his own state; and he spoke as if he beheved Mr. Wesley to be an unconverted man ; at which words my corrupt nature began to stir. But it came to my mind, ' The wrath of man worketh not the righteousness of God ' ; and I lifted up my heart to the Lord, and my mind was calmed in a moment. He said, 'You ought not to tell people that they may know their sins forgiven, for the world cannot bear it ; and if such a thing were preached, it would raise persecution.' I replied, ' Let them quake that fear. By the grace of God, I love every man, but fear no man ; and I will tell all I can, that there is such a prize to run for. If I hide it, mis- chief will come upon me. There is a famine in the land ; and I see myself in the case of the lepers that were at the gate ot Samaria, who found provisions in the enemy's camp ; and, when they had eat and drank, and loaded themselves, said, " We do not well; for this is a day of glad tidings, The Yo7'kshire Evangelist. 95 let us go and make it known to the king's household." When I found 1740 God's wrath removed, for the sake of His dear Son, I saw provision enough for my poor fainting soul, and for all the world if they would ^ come for it. I believe it is a sin not to declare to the children of men what God has done for my soul, that they may seek for the same mercy.' He told me, I had nothing to do with the Old Testament, or to make comparisons from anything in it. I answered, ' I have as much to do with it as with the New Testament' He replied, ' I would not have you speak any more to the people till you are better acquainted with your own heart.' I told him, I would not in his societies, unless I was desired ; but what I did in my own house, or any other person's that requested me, he had no business with. I added, 'I do not belong to you; and though I have heard you several times, it is no benefit to me ; for I have expe- rienced more of the grace of God than ever I heard you preach of it, or any one else since 1 left London.'" Nelson here obviously refers to his enjoyment of the Holy Spirit's witness to the fact that his sins were pardoned ; and hence he continues, — "Soon after Mr. Ingham came out and began to preach; when I was greatly surprised; for what he had forbidden me to do, he himself did directly ; for he told the people, that night, they must know their sins for- given in this world or go to hell." ' Soon after this, Ingham went to London, where the Wes- leys were in painful conflict with the Moravians. Philip Henry Molther, who had been the private tutor of Zinzen- dorf's only son, was preaching, to large congregations, four times every week, and was much more popular than his talents or his misty doctrines merited. The chief controversy between him and Wesley was concerning the use of the means of grace. Molther recommended penitent inquirers to " be still ;" that is, not to search the Scriptures, not to pray, not to communicate, not to do good ; for it was impossible to use means, without trusting in them. Wesley, on the other hand, recommended and enforced just the opposite. The contention among their partisans was fierce and furious ; and the object of Ingham's visit to the metropolis seems to have been to reconcile the irritated disputants. Charles Wesley writes : — " 1740. May 22.— I found our dear brother Ingham at Mr. West's. The ' Nelson's Journal. 96 Rev. Benjamin IngJiani, 1 740 holiday mob were very outrageous at the Foundery. God filled my mouth , J ^n with threatenings and promises; and, at last, we got the victory, and the '^ *" fiercest rioters were overawed into silence. "May 25. — At the lovefeast, I was overwhelmed with the burden of our brethren, with such visible signs of dejection, that several, I was since informed, were in great hopes that I was now coming down in' my pride, or unsettling, and coming into confusion. Indeed, my faith did well-nigh fail me; for in spite of the seeming reconciliation which brother Ingham forces them into, it is impossible we should ever be of one mind, unless they are convinced of their abrogating the law of Christian ordinances, and taking away the children's bread. " May 27. — I rejoiced to find no difference betwixt my brother Ingham and me. He has honestly withstood the deluded brethren ; contradicted their favourite errors, and constrained them to be still. That blot he easily hit : ' You say no man must speak of what he has not experienced ; you, Oxley and Simpson, say that one in the Gospel-liberty can have no stirrings of sin.' 'Yes.' 'Are you in Gospel-liberty ?' 'No.' 'Then out of your own mouth I judge you : you speak of things which you know not of.' "June 2. — I preached 7ip the ordinances, as they call it, from Isaiah Iviii. ; but first, with the prophet, I preached them down. Telchig " [Tolt- schig], " Ingham, etc., were present, which made me use greater plainness, that they might set me right, if I mistook. "June J I. — I returned" [from the Delamotte family atBlendon] "to be exercised by our still brethren's contradiction. My brother proposed new-modelling the bands, and setting by themselves those few who were still for the ordinances. Great clamour was raised by this proposal. The noisy still ones well knew that they had carried their point by wearying out the sincere ones scattered among them ; so that a remnant is scarcely left. They grudged us even this remnant, which would soon be all their own, unless immediately rescued out of their hands. Benjamin Ingham seconded us, and obtained that the names should be called over, and as many as were aggrieved put into new books. "We gathered up our wrec\i,—raros nantes in gnrgite vasto j for nine out of ten are swallowed up in the dead sea of stillness, O, why was not this done six months ago? How fatal was our delay and moderation! ' Let them alone, and they will soon be weary, and come to themselves of course,' said one, — itnus qui nobis cuncfando restititet rem ! I tremble at the consequence. Will they submit themselves to every ordinance of man, who refuse subjection to the ordinances of God ? I told them plainly, / should only contiiuie with them so long as they contimied in the Chtirch of Ejigland. My every word was grievous to them. I am a thorn in their sides, and they cannot bear me. "They modestly denied that we had any but hearsay proof of their denying the ordinances. I asked them all and every one, particularly Bray, Bell, etc., whether they would now acknowledge them to be com- mands or duties ; whether they sinned in omitting them ; whether they did not leave it to every man's fancy to use them or not; whether they The Yorkshire Evangxlist. 97 did not exclude all from the Lord's table, except those whom they called j ^^q believers. These questions I put too close to be evaded ; though better dodgers never came out of the school of Loyola. Honest Bell and some ^^ others spoke out, and insisted upon their antichristian liberty. The rest put by their stillness, and delivered me over to Satan for a blasphemer, a very Saul (for to him they compare me), out of blind zeal persecuting the Church of Christ." ^ Ingham continued among these angry people a week longer, when John Wesley wrote : — "1740. June 18. — I went to our own society, of Fetter Lane, before whom Mr. Ingham (being to leave London on the morrow) bore a noble testimony for the ordinances of God, and the reality of weak faith.^ But the short answer was, ' You are blind, and speak of the things you know not.' " 3 Matters now reached a crisis. For about two years, Wesley had been a sort of member and minister of the Moravian Society in Fetter Lane. Five weeks after this, by a vote of the Brethren, Wesley was expelled ; and Molther, his rival, was left in full possession. Those who sympathised with Wesley were, in number, about twenty-five men and fifty women, all of whom seceded with him, and, on July 23rd, 1740, met, for the first time, at the Foundery, instead of at Fetter Lane ; and thus the Methodist Society was founded. Whitefield was in America ; but, in the midst of these wretched squabbles, wrote to Ingham the following Calvinistic, and not too luminous epistle : — " Boston, September 26th, 1 740. " My dear Brother Ingham, — I thank you for your kind letter. It is the first I have received from you since I left England. I bless God, that the work goes on in Yorkshire. May our glorious, sin-forgiving Lord, bless you and your spiritual children more and more ! " I find our friends are got into disputing one with another. O, that the God of peace may put a stop to it ! I wish many may not be building on a false foundation, and resting in a false peace. They own free justification, and yet seem to think that their continuance in a justified state depends on their doings and their wills. This, I think, is estabhshing a righteousness of our own. My dear brother, if we search the Scriptures, we shall find that the word justified implies, not only ' C. Wesley's Journal. - One of Molther's dogmas was, that no one has any faith while he has any doubt. ^ Wesley's Journal. H Age 28 98 Rev. Benjamin Ingham, 1740 pardon of sin, but also all its consequences. ' Thus,' says St. Paul, ' those whom He justified, them He also glorified ;' so that, if a man was once justified, he remains so to all eternity. There lies the anchor of all my hopes, — our Lord having once loved me, He will love me to the end. This fills me with joy unspeakable and full of glory. I now walk by faith. I work not to keep myself in a justified state, (for men nor devils can pluck me out of Christ's hands,) but to express my love and gratitude for what Jesus hath done for my soul. This, I think, is what the apostle calls, ' faith working by love.' " My dear brother, my heart's desire and prayer to God is, that we may all think and speak the same things ; for, if we are divided among ourselves, what an advantage will Satan get over us ! Let us love one another, excite all to come to Christ without exception, and our Lord will show us who are His. " With difficulty, I get time to write this, but I must answer dear brother Ingham's letter. May the Lord Jesus be continually with your spirit, and make your soul brimful of peace and joy in the Holy Ghost ! I love you in the bowels of the crucified Lamb. May He unite us more and more intimately to His dear self, and to one another ! Salute all that love Him in sincerity. That you may be kept by God's power to eternal salvation, is the prayer of your most affectionate, though unworthy brother and poor weak servant in Christ, " George Whitefield." It is needless to say, that some of the doctrines in the above letter were not held by Wesley ; but let that pass. Ingham returned to Yorkshire with broader views and sym- pathies than he had when he left for London. Sending for John Nelson to one of his meetings, he said, "John, I believe God has called you to speak His word ; for I have spoken with several since I came back from London, who, I believe, have received grace since I went ; and I see God is working in a shorter manner than He did with us at the beginning ; and I should be sorry to hinder any one from doing good." Then, turning to the assembled brethren and sisters, Ingham continued, " Before you all, I give John leave to exhort in all my societies ;" and, taking the rough hand of the Yorkshire stonemason, he added, " John, God hath given you great honour, in that He hath made use of you to call sinners to the blood of our Saviour ; and I desire you to exhort in all my societies as often as you can." Thus, in the employment of lay preachers, Ingham co- operated with his friend Wesley. Both were clergymen of the Church of England ; and both were willing to have The Yorkshire Evangelist. 99 lay helpers. Nelson's preaching was attended with great 1740- success. " Nine or ten in a week were brought to experience Ao-e 28 the love of Jesus." ^ John was no proselytizer. Those of his converts, who belonged to the Church of England, he " exhorted to keep close to the Church and sacrament ;" and those who were " Dissenters, to keep to their own meet- ings, and to let their light shine before their own com- munity." In this respect, he was somewhat in advance of his reverend patron ; for Ingham advised just the contrary, and several acted on his advice, which, says Nelson,, " made me very uneasy." Nelson firmly adhered to the Church of England, and wished to avoid a schism. Ingham, on the other hand,, had already virtually seceded, and was at the head of the Moravian sect in Yorkshire. The priest and the mason found it difficult to work in harmony. Besides, though always actuated by the best intentions, Ingham was somewhat fickle, and easily influenced by his Moravian helpers. Nelson was just the opposite ; and, yet, his steadfastness was not stubbornness. He was firm, because he felt that the ground he occupied was right. As already stated, Ingham, on ' his return from London, publicly authorised, and even requested. Nelson to exhort in all his societies ; but, shortly afterwards, the authorization was withdrawn. Why .'' Be- cause Ingham was no longer the commander-in-chief of the Yorkshire converts, but a merely co-ordinate member of a common-council. He could no longer act as he liked ; but must proceed in harmony with the decisions of those to whom he had allied himself. Here an explanation is necessary. In 1740, Ingham wrote : — " There are now upwards of fifty societies, where the people meet for edification ; and of two thousand hearers of the gospel, I know, at least, three hundred on whose hearts the Spirit of God works powerfully ; and one hundred who have found grace in the blood and the atonement of Jesus." The work begun by Ingham bid fair to exceed that in London. Hitherto the rendezvous of the English Moravian ^ Nelson's Journal. lOO Rev. Bcnjaviin Inghaui, 1740 ministers had been the metropoHs ; now it became a farm- ^~,g house in Yorkshire. About four miles east of Hahfax stood a spacious dwelhng, with extensive outbuildings, and a large farm attached. This the Moravians rented, that it might serve as a place of residence for those Moravian pastors to whom the spiritual affairs of the societies were committed, and as a common centre of "union. They entered on the occupancy of the premises in 1741 ; and, shortly after, Ingham, who had hitherto had the chief care of the Yorkshire societies, urgently, and in writing, requested the Brethren to take the entire direction of them into their own hands, so that he might devote himself wholly to the work of preaching. To carry out his purpose, a public meeting was convened, on July 30, 1742, which was attended by about a thousand persons, belonging to these societies. Ingham's proposal was submitted to them, and was heartily accepted. A document was drawn up, which, after referring to Ingham's faithful labours, expressed a desire to be served in future by the ministers of the Brethren's Church, "whom," said the twelve hundred persons who signed it, "we not only desire to preach publicly amongst us, but also to visit us in private, put us to rights, and make such orders amongst us as they shall see useful and necessary, according to the grace the Lord shall give them." Smith House, near Halifax, was now the head-quarters of English Moravianism. Even members in London, elected to fulfil sacred functions there, were sent all the way to York- shire to be solemnly inducted into their respective offices. The field, hitherto occupied by Ingham, Nelson, and other co-operators, was divided into six principal districts, namely, Smith House, Adwalton, Mirfield, Great Horton, Holbeck, - and Osset ; and to each of these districts a Moravian minister was appointed.^ We now return to Ingham, and his neighbour Nelson. The latter tells us of a great Moravian meeting at Gomersal Field House, at which Ingham desired him to be present. Nelson went. The house was filled with five or six preachers, four ^ See " Hutton's Memoirs," p. 100-108; and Holmes' "History of the Church of the Brethren," vol. i., p. 318. Age 28 The Yoi'kshire Evaiioclist. 10 1 exhorters, and about a hundred of the principal members 1740 of the Yorkshire societies. Not being able to gain admit- tance to the house, and finding a large number of people out- side, the honest stonemason went into a field and preached. At length, Ingham came out, and announced the decision of the Brethren : namely, that it was not prudent to have so much preaching, for fear it should engender persecution. " I desire, therefore," said he, " that none of the young men will expound till they are desired by the Brethren ; we shall meet again this day month, and then we will let you know what we are all to do." He next spoke to the young expounders, one by one, and said, " I hope you will be obe- dient." They all replied, " Yes, sir." He then turned to Nelson, saying, "John, I hope you will leave off till you have orders from the Church." " No, sir," replied intrepid John ; " I will not leave off — I dare not ; for I did not begin by the order of man, nor by my own will ; therefore, I shall not leave off by your order ; for, I tell you plainly, I should have left off without your bidding, but that I believed, if I did, I should be damned for disobedience." Ingham answered, " You see these young men are obedient to the elders, and they have been blessed in their labours as well as you." Nelson said, " I cannot tell how they have been blessed ; but, I think, if God had sent them on His own errand, they would not stop at your bidding." At this point, one of the preachers interfered, saying, " The spirit of the prophets is subject to the prophets ; therefore, they are right and you are wrong, for they are subject." John failing to be convinced by the preacher's logic, boldly answered, " You are not obedient to the prophets of God that were of old, for God saith by one of them, ' I have set watchmen upon the walls of Jerusalem that shall not cease day or night ;' but you can hold your peace for a month together at man's bidding." Then turning to Ingham, Nelson continued, " You know that many have been converted by my exhorting lately, and a great many more are under convictions ; what a sad thing would it be to leave them as they are." Ingham's lame reply was, " Our Saviour can convert souls without your preaching." " Yes," retorted John, " or yours either ; and He can give corn without ploughing or sowing, but He does not, neither 102 Rev. Benjamin Ingham, 1740 has He promised that He will." Ingham rejoined, " Be still A~28 ^"^ month, and then you will know more of your own heart." " With one proviso, I will,^' said Nelson : " if you can persuade the devil to be still for a month ; but if he goes -about like a roaring lion, seeking whom he may devour, and 'God hath put a sword into my hand, I am determined to attack him wheresoever I meet him ; and wheresoever I meet sin, I meet Satan." Further conversation followed ; and, at length, Ingham "charged all the people, as they loved him and the brethren, that they should not let Nelson preach in their houses, nor encourage him by hearing him else- where." This, on the part of Ingham, was painful and unworthy conduct. The preaching of the stonemason had probably been as greatly blessed and as successful as his own. The man was no irreligious, rash intruder ; but a real evangelist, called and qualified by Him who, inVll ages, has been wont to choose " the foolish things of the world to confound the wise ; and the weak things of the world to confound the things which are mighty ; and base things of the world, and things which are despised, and things which are not, to bring to nought things that are ; that no flesh should glory in His presence ; and that he that glorieth may glory in the Lord." Nelson was as divinely called to preach Christ's glorious gospel as Ingham was. His ministry had the seals of divine approbation in the souls it had been the means of converting ; and Ingham's effort to suspend it, even for a month only, was a bold, bad act. Besides, the reason assigned for such an interference with a commission, which Nelson had received from God Himself, was a piece of cowardice unworthy of the man who had braved the storms of the Atlantic Ocean, and the hardships and miasmata of Georgia, solely for the purpose of being useful to the wild Indians and to a portion of England's outcast population. For fear of persecution, Nelson, whom God had used in saving sinners, was to be gagged and silenced. The change which had come over the naturally brave spirit of the Oxford Methodist was a painful one ; and also puzzling, except on the ground that he had changed his company. It is a mournful duty to have to mention another incident. The Yorkshire Evangelist. 103 Ingham interdicted Nelson, though unsuccessfully. He fur- 1740 ther renounced his old friend Wesley, and, for a season at p^^^ ^ least, became intoxicated with the Moravian vanity, at that time disastrously spreading. Hence, the following extract from Nelson's Journal : — "I was desired once more to go to Gomersal Field House to speak to Mr. Ingham. When i q^ot there, David Taylor was with him, and spoke kindly to me. When Mr. Taylor was gone, Mr. Ingham began to talk to me about making division among the Brethren. I told him, I did not want to make division ; I wanted the people to be saved. He said, ' We cannot receive you or Mr. Wesley into our community^ till he publicly declares he has printed false doctrine, and you declare you have preached false.' I said, 'Wherein?' He then burst out into laughter, and said, 'In teUing the people they may live without committing sin.'- I replied, 'Do you call that false doctrine?' He answered, ' I do, I do; and Mr. Wesley has written false doctrine, teaching the same errors.' He quoted some words; then I said, 'They are not Mr. Wesley's, but St. John's words; it is St. John who says, " Let no man deceive you ; he that doeth righteous- ness is righteous, and he that committeth sin is of the devil." So, if St. John be right, every one who preacheth contrary to what Mr. Wesley has written here, and what I have preached, is a deceiver and betrayer of souls.' ' If that be your opinion,' said Mr. Ingham, ' we cannot receive you into our Church.' I replied, ' I don't want to be one of you, for I am a member of the Church of England.' He answered, ' The Church of England is no Church ; we are the Church.' I said, ' We ! Whom do you mean ?' He replied, ' I and the Moravian Brethren.' I said, ' I have no desire to have any fellowship with you or them; it has been better for my soul since I have been wholly separated from you, and God has blessed my labours more since I was told, they had delivered me up to Satan, than ever before; therefore, I think it better to have their curse than to have communion with them.' He replied, ' If you think so, I have no more to say to you ;' and then, he turned his back on me." Thus did Ingham fully and finally sever himself from the Methodists. Nelson continued preaching ; souls were saved ; and, in 1742, Wesley, for the first time, visited the Birstal stonemason. After giving an account how Nelson was led to begin to preach, and of his success, Wesley adds : — ^ To say the least, this was offensively premature. Where is the evidence that either Wesley or Nelson wished to be received into the Moravian community? - This interview probably occurred in the year 1741, though Nelson neglects to supply the date. In 1 739, Wesley had published his " Character of a Methodist," and also his abridged " Life of Halyburton," with a preface by himself In both of these publications, he propounded, in strong language, his doctrine of entire sanctification. Aije 28 104 Rev. Benjamin Ingham, 1740 "Mr. Ingham hearing of this, came to Birstal, inquired into the facts, talked with John himself, and examined him in the closest manner, both touching his knowledge and spiritual experience ; after which he en- couraged him to proceed ; and pressed him, as often as he had oppor- tunity, to come to any of the places where himself had been, and speak to the people as God should enable him. But he soon gave offence, both by his plainness of speech, and by advising the people to go to church and sacrament. Mr. Ingham reproved him: and, finding him incorrigible, forbad any that were in his societies to hear him. But, being persuaded this is the will of God concerning him, he continues to this hour working in the day, that he may be burdensome to no man; and, in the evening, 'testifying the truth as it is in Jesus.'"' This is a long account ; but not without interest ; inasmuch as it furnishes a ghmpse of the way in which Ingham parted with the Methodists, and of the beginnings of both Mora- vianism and Methodism in the north of England. We only add, that, though Ingham passed through Birstal during Wesley's visit, there was no interview between them.- Thus was an old and close friendship severed. It has been already stated, that, the differences between Ingham and Nelson probably occurred in 1741 ; and that Wesley's visit to Birstal took place in 1742. This, in some respects, was the most important period in Ingham's life. Far away from the miserable strifes of the Moravians in London, we find him, in 1740, an humble, happy, loving, useful Christian. The following letter is simple and beautiful : — " OssET, September 20, 1740. " My dear Brother, — I have not heard anything of you this long time. As to myself, I am exceeding happy.^ The Lord Jesus, my dear Redeemer, is abundantly gracious and bountiful towards me. I have, and do daily taste of His goodness. I am ashamed before Him; I am so very unworthy, and He is so very kind and merciful. My heart melts within me, at the thoughts of Him. He is all love. I am a sinful, helpless worm. ' Wesley's Works, vol. i., p. 350. " Nelson's Journal. ^ In a letter by James Hutton to Count Zinzendorf, and dated, Septem- ber 17, 1740, only three days before the date of this letter by Ingham, the following occurs ; — " Ingham writes from Yorkshire, that, he also has discovered something new in his heart, and is now assured he shall not die eternally; he had never before experienced the like. He also writes, that, many souls in Yorkshire have of late found grace, and he desires that Toltschig may come to him." (" Memoirs of James Hutton," p. 63.) The Yorkshire Evangelist. 105 " In Yorkshire, the Lord still keeps carrying on His work. Many souls \']\o are truly awakened : some have obtained mercy. The enemies are engaged against us; but the Lord is our helper. We have great peace, §^ " and love, and unity amongst ourselves. We have no differences, no divisions, no disputings. May He, who is the giver of every good and perfect gift, grant us always to be like-minded ; and may we and our friends grow in grace, and increase in love towards one another, that, by this mark, all men may know that we belong to Christ ! " I remain your affectionatej though unworthy brother, " B. Ingham." ^ If Ingham and John Nelson had been left to themselves, Ingham's prayer for continued unity might have been an- swered ; but Ingham wished for Toltschig, one of the minis- terial chiefs among the London Moravians ; and Toltschig doubtless went. " We, in London," writes James Hutton, " cannot spare Toltschig until Spangenberg comes to us. We here all think he will be useful to Ingham and the souls there. They must seize the opportunity presented. The souls in Yorkshire are more simple-hearted than those in London, where they are more knowing ; and they do not, like those in town, quibble at every word. Toltschig is known in Yorkshire, where the souls love him, and he can speak to them with confidence. We want a thorough brother, fundamentably correct, and of large experience, for the souls in London, able to attend our bands and conferences, and to address our meetings. Toltschig is very well in bands and conferences, but he cannot preach."^ Did Toltschig carry the cantankerous contagion of the London Moravians with him .'' We cannot tell ; but there can be no question, that, the "simple-hearted" Yorkshire brethren caught it ; and, that, in Yorkshire, as in London, a schism among the Moravians led to the formation of the society of Methodists. Indeed, it is a curious fact, that, for a season, the spirit of discord, among nearly the whole of the new religionists, seemed rampant. No man ever lived who sighed for peace more ardently than Whitefield. His large and loving heart had room enough for every man. The language of the Psalmist's pen was pre-eminently the language of Whitefield's life : " Pray for the peace of Jerusalem : they shall prosper that love thee. Peace be within thy walls, and prosperity within thy palaces. For my brethren and companions' sake, I will now say, Peace be within thee." And, yet, at this very time, ^ Methodist Magazine, 1 778, p. 1 82. - " Memoirs of James Hutton,"p. 64. io6 Rev. Beujaniin Ingham, 1740 as if to make bad things worse, the quarrel, between the . „ London Moravians and Methodists, was followed by the quarrel between Wesley and Whitefield, respecting Wesley's sermon on " Free Grace ;" and, to complete the whole, and to make the confusion more confounded, the Yorkshire converts, so lar away from the strifeful scene, began disputing ; and the frank, warm-hearted Ingham began to regard his old friend Wesley with a suspicious eye, and presumptuously tried to annul John Nelson's divine commission to act as an evangelist among his neighbours ! Ingham's objection to Wesley's doctrine of entire sanctifica- tion has been already mentioned ; but, besides this, there were other points of difference. Wesley writes : — "1741. August I. — I had a long conversation with Mr. Ingham. We both agreed, — i. That none shall finally be saved, who have not, as they had opportunity, done all good works ; and, 2. That if a justified person does not do good, as he has opportunity, he will lose the grace he has received; and, if he 'repent' not, 'and do the former works,' will perish eternally. But with regard to the unjustified (if I understand him), we wholly disagreed. He believed, it is not the will of God, that, we should wait for faith in doing good. I believe, this is the will of God ; and that, they will never find Him, unless they seek Him in this way." Again : — " 1742. August 3. — I preached at Mirfield, where I found Mr. Ingham had been an hour before. Great part of the day, I spent in speaking with those who have tasted the powers of the world to come ; by whose con- current testimony I find, that, Mr. Ingham's method to this day is, — i. To endeavour to persuade them, that they are in a delusion, and have indeed no faith at all : if this cannot be done, then, 2. To make them keep it to themselves; and, 3. To prevent them going to the church or sacrament; at least to guard them from having any reverence, or expecting to find any blessing in those ordinances of God. In the evening, I preached at Adwalton, a mile from Birstal. After preacliing, and the next day, I spoke with more, who had, or sought for, redemption through Christ ; all of whom I perceived had been advised also, to put their light under a bushel ; or to forsake the ordinances of God, in order to find Christ."' Ingham's wish to prevent persecution has been noticed. On this ground, he requested Nelson and other exhorters to desist from preaching for a month. What led to this } Per- haps, the publication, in 1740, of a furious pamphlet of eighty-four pages, with the following title : " The Imposture ' Wesley's Journal. The Yorkshire Eva7igelist. 107 of Methodism displayed ; in a Letter to the Inhabitants of the 1740 Parish of Dewsbury and Occasioned by the Rise of a certain p^-y^ Modern Sect of Enthusiasts, (among them,) called Methodists. By William Bowman, M.A., Vicar of Dewsbury and Aid- borough in Yorkshire, and Chaplain to the Right Honourable Charles Earl of Hoptoun." This pastorly letter was avowedly written against the Methodists ; but the reverend author, like many others at the time, employed an inappropriate word ; for, at that period, there were no Methodists at all, either in Yorkshire or any other part of the north of England. His letter is dated, " Aid brough, August 15, 1740" ; whereas, John Nelson, the beginner of northern Methodism, did not commence preaching to his neighbours for several months after this.i The Vicar of Dewsbury meant Moravians ; but, for reasons of his own, he preferred to use the word Methodists. Terrible was the anger which Ingham and his coadjutors had excited in the Christian breast of their reverend neigh- bour. The pamphlet is a rarity, and, perhaps, a condensed account of it may be welcome. It is a curious fact, that, the writer, while professing so much interest in the spiritual welfare of his flock, acknow- ledges, that, " for the greatest part of his time," he is "absent and remote from them." He is, however, notwith- standing this, greatly distressed on account of "the impious spirit of enthusiasm and superstition, which has of late crept in among " them, " and which sadly threatens a total ruin and destruction of all religion and virtue." Indeed, he had himself been, " in some measure, an eye-witness of this monstrous madness, and religious frenzy, which introduced nothing but a confused and ridiculous medley of nonsense and inconsistency." It was true, that, " at present, the con- tagion was pretty much confined to the dregs and refuse of the people, — the weak, unsteady mob ; " but, then, the mob was so numerous in the west of Yorkshire, that, the danger was greater than was apprehended. He next pro- ceeds to review "some of the chief doctrines" of "these modern visionaries," which he will not now determine ^ See Wesley's Works, vol. i., p. 349. io8 Rev. Benjamin Ingham, 1740 whether, "like the Quakers," they "are a sect hatched and ^l^ J, fashioned in a seminary of Jesuits ; or whether, like the German Anabaptists, they are a set of crazy, distempered fanatics." " The first and chief principle they inculcated was, that tJicy are divhicly and supernaturally inspired by the Holy Ghost, to declare the zuill of God to mankind!' Mr, Bowman attempts to demolish this "high and awful claim," and to demonstrate, that, its assertors are " a set of idiots or madmen," " only worthy of a dark corner in Bedlam, or the wholesome correction of Bridewell." " Another principle doctrine of these pretended pietists was, that, for the sake of a further Reformation, it zuas not only lazufil, bnt incumbent 071 the people, to separate from their proper ministers, and adhere to the^n." In refuting this barefaced heresy, the Dewsbury vicar, quotes, at considerable length, in the Greek and Latin languages, (which probably not half-a-dozen of his parishioners understood), the testimonies of Clemens Romanus, St. Ignatius, St. Cyprian, St. Austin, and Ire- naeus, — on "the necessity of Church unity." He admits, "that, all the clergymen of reputation in the neighbour- hood " of Dewsbury, had " refused these Methodists the use of their pulpits ;" but he was glad of this ; and says " this was not done till, by their extravagant flights and buffooneries, they had made the church more like a bear- garden than the house of God ; and the rostrum nothing else but the trumpet of sedition, heresy, blasphemy, and everything destructive to religion and good manners." "A third mark of imposture propagated by these mad devo- tionalists was, that it ivas laivfnl and expedient for mere laymen, for women, . and the meanest and most ignorant me- chanics, to minister in the Church of Christ, to preach and expound the word of God, and to offer tip the prayers of the congregation in p2iblic assemblies^ To refute this, Mr. Bow- man favours his parishioners with a lengthy dissertation on the three orders, bishops, presbyters, and deacons ; and comes to the charitable conclusion, that, the Methodists are "the most impious cheats and impostors." ^' A fourtJi doc- trine of these enthusiasts was, that, it is possible for a man to live without sin; that themselves actually do so; and that regeneration, or tlie new birth, necessary to salvation, consists The Yorkshire Evangelist. 109 in an absolute and entire freedom from all kind of sin what- 1740 soever." Mr. Bowman asserts, that, "intolerable pride and a^^-'S presumption is the foundation of this unhappy delusion." "A fifth mark of imposture was, that cruel, uncharitable, and consequently unchristian doctrine, which denounces etei^- nal death and damnation on all, who cannot conform to the ridiculous sentiments of these mad devotionalists." And a sixth was, " that, in order to be true CJiristians, we are absolutely to abandon and renounce all zvorldly enjoyments and possessions whatsoever ; to have all things in common amongst one another ; and entirely neglect every tJiing in this life, but prayer and meditation; to be alzvays upon our knees, and at our devotions" Such were the six charges of the Vicar of Dewsbury. They consist of a little truth enveloped in a large amount of scurrilous mendacity. After discussing them, Mr. Bow- man proposes to conclude with " some general reflections ;" one of which is, that, " the religion of the Methodists incul- cates violence, wrath, uncharitableness, fierceness, arbitrari- ness, and affectation of dominion ; and teaches men to hate, reproach, and ill-treat one another." Was this a dream of Mr. Bowman's .'' or was it a wicked invention } The reverend writer finishes with a personal attack on Ingham, which must have separate attention. In the year 1740, bread was scarce, and prices were high. Riots occurred in various parts of England ; the military were called out, and several persons killed. Yorkshire was the scene of one of these disturbances. On April 26, a mob of about five hundred people assembled at Dewsbury, broke into a mill, and took away all the meal they found. On the next day, which was Sunday, the rioters again appeared, and sacked a second mill. Sir Samuel Armitage, who filled the office of high-sheriff, and Sir John Kaye a magistrate, read the proclamation, and endeavoured to disperse them ; but the mob threw stones ; and, proceeding to another mill in the parish of Thornhill, captured all the meal and corn, partly pulled down the building, and stole all the miller's beef and bacon. Things were becoming desperate ; and the two gentlemen, already named, desired the rioters to assemble at the house of Sir John Kaye, on no Rev. Benjamin Ingham, • 1740 Monday, April 28th, where the neighbouring magistrates Age~28 would listen to their complaints. About a thousand came, beating drums, and carrying colours. Nothing good resulted. The mob retired, shouting ; they neither cared for the magis- trates nor the high-sheriff. They hurried to three more mills, and decamped with all the edibles the mills contained. They next proceeded to Criggleston, and broke into the barn of Joseph Pollard, and carried away a quantity of flour. Pollard fired at them ; and captured several prisoners. On Tuesday, the 29th, Pollard took his captives to Wakefield, to have them tried. The rioters assembled to release their friends ; and threatened to pull down Pollard's house ; to "hang himself; and to skin him like a cat." Captain Bur- ton,i however, boldly advanced to meet them ; " knocked down three or fo;ir of them with his stick ; took six or seven prisoners ;" and marched them off to the house of correction. On the same day, a detachment of soldiers were brought from York ; and, though great murmurings continued ; outward quiet was restored.^ Strangely enough, Ingham was accused as the chief pro- moter of this disgraceful tumult. In the Weekly Miscellany for June 8, 1740, the following anonymous communication, from "Yorkshire," was inserted. It was addressed to Mr. Hooker, the editor. "You have no doubt seen an account, in the pubhc prints, of the riot we had in this county. It took place at Devvsbury, where Mr. Ingham has propagated Methodism. Some will have him to be the author of this insurrection, by preaching up, as he certainly did, a community of goods, as was practised by the Primitive Christians. How much he may have contributed towards raising the mob, I will not pretend to say ; but what I am going to tell you of this clergyman, is matter of fact. I can prove it, and you may make what use of it you think proper. A gentleman of Leeds, who was one of Mr. Ingham's followers, asked him what difference there was between the Church of England and his way of worship ? To which Mr. Ingham replied, ' The Church of England is the scarlet whore, prophesied of in the Revelation ; and there will be no true Christianity as long as that Church subsists.' " Your humble Servant." ^ ' Probably the same as Mr. Justice Burton, who figured so prominently in endeavouring to obtain witnesses, that Charles Wesley was a Jacobite, in 1744. (See C. Wesley's Journal, vol. i., p. 358.) 2 Weekly Miscellany, May 17, 1740. ^ Ibid. June 8, 1740. The Yo7^kshire Evano;elist. 1 1 1 In the then excited state of the country, and especially of 1740 Yorkshire, it would have been unwise for Ino'ham to have \ ^o . . . . •'^gs 2^ allowed such a publication to pass in silence. Hence, he waited upon Hooker, the editor of the Weekly Miscellany, who, says he, " received me in a genteel manner, and gave me proof that the letter of June 8th was from Yorkshire." This is something to Mr. Hooker's credit, especially when it is borne in mind that, at that" period, he was one of Method- ism's bitterest opponents. The result of the interview was, Ingham wrote, and Hooker published the following lengthy letter : — "London, Jutie 14, 1740. " Mr. Hooker, — In your paper of June 8, you inserted a letter from Yorkshire concerning me. Had I followed my own inclination, I should have taken no more notice of this than of another falsity that was printed some time ago in XhQ.News, that the woollen manufacture in Yorkshire was likely to be ruined, implying, by me ; and of many more, spread up and down, by common report, which often contradict one another. But the advice of friends has prevailed M^ith me to write this, in answer to what the author of that letter charges me with. " The author of the letter charges me with two things : directly and indirectly : — "As to the riot that was lately in Yorkshire, he does not say directly that I was the cause of it ; but he insinuates something like it, as being the consequence of my doctrine. But if this person was not sure that I was the cause of this insurrection, it is very unbecoming, either of a Christian or a gentleman, to hint at such a thing. When the riot happened, I was absent from Dewsbury parish, at the time and several days after. I neither knew nor heard anything of it till it was over. As soon as I heard of it, I spoke against it as a very wicked thing, and of danger- ous consequence. I inquired particularly whether any persons that fre- quented the societies were in it. I heard of three. But one of them had been turned out some weeks before for misbehaviour. The other two, I ordered to be turned out directly, and publicly disowned ; though, I believe, they, as many more, were drawn to run among the rabble, through weakness and curiosity. The gentleman says, some will have me to be the author of the insurrection. It is true, they say so. And, indeed, every- thing that comes amiss is laid to my charge. They said I was the occasion of the wet season last summer ; of the long frost in winter ; of the present war ; and, if it blows a storm, some or other say I am the cause of it. But this is the talk of the vulgar ; men of sense know better. Does not every one know that, they say, a common report is generally false ? " But, further, to the second charge. Supposing I had preached up a community of goods, as this gentleman positively asserts (which I never Age 28 1 1 2 Rev. Benjamin Ingham^ 1 7^0 did), would it ihence follow, that people have a liberty to plunder ; that they may take away their neighbour's goods by force ? If the one was a necessary consequence of the other, then the apostles and first Christians were much to blame in what they did. If all were real Christians, yet it would not be necessary to have a community of goods. None were obliged to it in the apostles' days. They entered into it willingly. But in the present state of things, it would be both absurd and impracticable to attempt such a thing. What might make some people think that I main- tained this doctrine, perhaps, was this. I once preached a charity sermon at Leeds, I think, from these words : ' And the multitude of them that believed were of one heart and soul ; neither said any of them that ought of the things which he possessed were his own ; but they had all things com- mon.' But I nowhere asserted therein, that we were now obliged to do as they then did. I only exhorted my hearers to imitate the good examples of the primitive Christians, and to contribute generously to the wants of their poor brethren, according to their ability. Now, if this gentleman's mistake arose from this sermon, if he thinks it worth his while to come over to Osset, after my return into Yorkshire, — I promise to let him see the sermon, as I preached it (for it is not altered), that he may be fully satisfied ; for I neither did, nor do preach up a community of goods. " The third thing which the author of the letter lays to my charge, and which he says is matter of fact, and which he can prove, is this : A gentleman of Leeds, who was one of my followers, asked what difference there was between the Church of England and my way of worship .? To which, he says, I replied, ' The Church of England is the scarlet whore, prophesied of in the Revelation ; and there will be no true Christianity as long as that Church subsists.' Now, supposing any gentleman should have asked me such a question (which I do not remember), do these words look like a pertinent answer to such a question ? I never pretended to set up a new way of worship. I still live in the communion of the Church of England, My neighbours can testify that I go to church con- stantly, and receive the sacrament. But, further, I am sure that I never did, nor could say these words ; for they are contrary to my settled judg- ment. I may have said words like these, yet quite different in their meaning. " It has been a very common thing for people to misrepresent my sense, and to run away with half a sentence. When I have been preach- ing the doctrine of universal redemption, and asserting that God made no man purposely to be damned, but that He would have all to be saved, some have reported that I maintained, nobody would be damned. When I have been declaring the riches of God's love and mercy, in receiving the greatest sinners, coming to Him through Christ, some have said that I gave people liberty to live as they list. ' And, again, when I have been speaking of that purity of heart and holiness of life which the gospel re- quires, some have said (and it is the general outcry), according to my doctrine, nobody can be saved. I scarce ever preach a sermon but some- bodv or other misrepresents it. But, I am afraid, I have deviated too much in mentioning these things. The Yo7'kshire Evangelist. 1 1'3 " To return then. I have said that Babylon and the whore, mentioned 1 7^0 in the Revelation, relate to more Churches than one ; and that the Church — of England is concerned therein as well as other Churches ; but I never §^ said that she was tJic scarlet lohore. I believe, indeed, that, by Babylon and the whore, the Church of Rome is chiefly and principally meant ; but, yet, the Scripture saith, she sitteth upon many waters ; i.e., people and multitudes, and nations and tongues, all sects and parties (Rev. xvii. 15). For Babylon signifies confusion ; and by the scarlet whore is meant corruption, or departing from the truth either in principle or practice (Hos. i. 2 ; ii. 5). Babylon, therefore, or the whore is in, and may be applied to, every Church and person, where there is not a perfect self-denial and entire resignation to God. And are thei'c not multitudes of persons in every Church in Christendom, and consequently in the Church of England, who greatly depart from the truth as it is in Jesus ? " As to the latter part of this accusation, — ' There will be no true Christianity as long as that Church exists,' — I absolutely deny that I could say so ; because I believe there always was, always will be, and now is, a true Church of Christ, against which the gates of hell cannot prevail. I believe, hkewise, that many of the Church of England, and some out of every sect and party, are members of this true Church of Christ. I have, indeed, often said that there is a glorious state of the Church to come, when the partition wall of bigotry, sect, religion, and party zeal will be broken down; and the Jews will be called; and the fulness of the Gentiles shall come in ; and the whole earth shall be filled with the knowledge of the Lord, as the waters cover the sea. I do not pretend to know when this time will be ; but whenever it commences there will be another face of things in Christendom. The outward pomp and grandeur of the Church will be diminished, and the inward beauty will appear the brighter. The spirit of primitive Christianity will be revived; and, pro- bably, the last state of the Church will be more glorious than the first. It will be happy for them who live in those days ; but yet, in the mean- time, I believe and hope many will be saved out of all Churches or societies of Christians, and meet together in that blessed place, where there will be no difference or disputing, but all will be love and joy and peace. " I am, sir, your humble Servant, "B. Ingham." 1 Mr. Hooker, the editor, inserted Ingham's letter ; but he did so with reluctance. He snarled even while pretending to be just and generous. Hence he appended an ill-tempered article of his own, from which the following is an extract. Having told his readers, that, "at Mr. Ingham's request, he had published his letter," he proceeds, — ^ 1 Weekly Miscellany, June 21, 1740. Age 28 114 Rev. Benjamin Ingham, 1740 " If I recollect the many instances of the great want of simplicity ^ sinccrily, and regard to truth, which some other teachers among the Methodists have discovered, I should naturally suspect that Mr. Ingham may not have given a fair account of his case. Or, if I judge of his probity in this instance by his conduct in others, the presumption of insincerity must lie against him. Nay, I think, there are some grounds of suspicion in his defence. But what I insist upon is this, — that his public conduct is insincere and dishonest. While he owns that he communicates with the Church of England, and by communicating with her, he subjects himself to her authority, he sets up separate meetings in opposition to it, in defiance of it, nay, in defiance of all authority, both civil and ecclesiastical. By this illegal, disobedient behaviour to the laws of that Church and of that civil society, of which he is a member, he has given just and great scandal to all good Christians. In cases of public scandal, the laws of Christianity and of common charity require the person who gives it to ask public pardon^ to alter his public conduct, or publicly to vindicate it." This was hard measure. Poor Ingham had been most unjustly accused of being the author of the Yorkshire riot, and had defended himself; and now the editor of the Weekly Miscellany charges him with insincerity, dishonesty, and causing public scandal ; and officiously prescribes that he should ask public pardon. Hooker was too much of a partisan to discharge his editorial duties with even-handed justice. Ingham made no reply to the Editor's unwarrantable attack ; but the latter printed two other letters, in which the same hostility was rampant. The first was dated, " Wake- field, July 16, 1740," and fills an entire folio page, and nearly one third of another. In reply to Ingham's statement, that he was not in the parish of Dewsbury when the riot com- menced, nor for several days afterwards, the anonymous letter-writer calls this " an equivocating way of talking," for three men of veracity had declared that he was all the while at Osset, a township in the parish. Can this be true } We cannot but disbelieve it. Ingham was incapable of such equivocation. The following extracts also are too manifestly malignant to be altogether truthful : — " There were more of Mr. Ingham's followers concerned in the riot than he would have the world to believe. For one fellow, who had hved with him several months under the same roof, was one of the ring-leaders of the rioters, — a very busy man in breaking the miller's utensils, and a kind of helper of those to wheat flour who had no right to it. This godly man fled from justice, and has not since been heard of. Another of Mr. Ing- ham's admirers at Osset very carefully helped himself at the mill ; and he Acre 28 The Yorkshire Evangelist. 1 1 5 also absconded, till, as he thought, the danger was over, and now he 1740 appears again. A third of the Methodists concerned in this riot, was taken up by some of his Majesty's justices of the peace, and was sent to York among other criminals, where he awaits his trial at the next assizes. If Mr. Ingham had inquired as particularly as he pretends, he v/ould have ascertained that when these outrageous men gathered from several towns to seize upon Mr. Pollard's corn at Crigglestone, there v/ere not only two-, but two hundred, perhaps many more, of his followers mixed with others in the same wicked design. " This gentleman denies that he ever preached up a community of goods ; and yet one of his former hearers at Osset, who is now returned to the Church, assured me that Mr. Ingham had often done that, and had told his auditors, ' That none of them need to labour, for God would pro- vide for them ; and that they must throw themselves upon Jesus Christ, their whole life being spent in religious exercises being no more than sufficient to save their souls ; for they who were rich ought to supply the wants of the poor.' ' So,' says he, ' had I followed Mr. Ingham's advice, I should not have been worth a groat.' And even Mr. Ingham's brother declared, ' If I mind our Ben, he will preach me out of all I have.' This information I had from Mr. Glover, of Osset. I am far from thinking Mr. Ingham persuaded any to rise in this tumultous manner, and charitably hope he did not approve of the riot ; yet, when all circumstances are laid together, it is a great presumption that his preaching up a community of goods to men of low condition, was an encouragement to them in this dear season to make bold with more than their own." " As to the charge about ' the scarlet whore,' the writer acknowledges that when the gentleman in Leeds, who had given the information, was cross-examined, 'he quibbled, gave ambiguous answers, and, in short, could be fixed to nothing.' " In reference to Mr. Ingham's "new way of w^orship," all that the correspondent of the Weekly Misecllany can allege, is the following : — " Mr. Ingham has preached in a croft at Osset to a confused number of people, drawn together from several parishes, which more resembled a bear-baiting than an orderly congregation for the worship of God. When Mr. Rogers,^ one of his fellow-itinerants, came into these parts, he accompanied him to Westgate-Moor, adjoining to Wakefield, and stood by him, while the other harangued the mob from a stool or table. Mr. ' The Rev. Jacob Rogers, of Bedford, of whom Wesley, in 1753, wrote as follows:— "Above fourteen years ago, Mr. Rogers, then curate of St. Paul's (Bedford), preached the pure gospel with general acceptance. A great awakening began, and continually increased, till the poor weather- cock turned Baptist; he then preached the absolute decrees with all his- might ; but in a while the wind changed again, and he turned and sank into the German whirlpool. How many souls has tliis unhappy man to. answer for!" (Wesley's Works, vol. ii., p. 293.) Age 28 1 1 6 Rev. Benjamin Ingham, 1 740 Rogers, in preaching from ' Beware of dogs,' advised his hearers to beware of the ministers of the present age ; for all the ministers now-a-days preach false doctrine to tickle their carnal ears, that they may fill their coffers with money, and preach their souls to the devil. Another of Mr. Ingham's associates, Mr. Delamotte, who is still a laic, being asked by a clergyman why he did not proceed regularly for a degree, and then for orders, answered, 'If you mean episcopal ordination, I assure you I think the gospel of Jesus Christ has nothing to do with it.' Rogers also told the same clergyman, that he was ' as much inspired as St. Paul was, except the working of miracles ; and that he could not commit actual sin.' Besides all this, Mr. Ingham keeps his meetings, unauthorized by law, at Dewsbury, Osset, Mirfield, and other places, particularly at Horbury, in this parish, where he prays, sings, expounds, preaches, and visits the sick, without the consent or knowledge of the minister who resides there, though he is always ready to discharge his duty, and is much superior to ]\Ir. Ingham in every respect for the discharge of it. As to the services he uses, it is a medley of his own ; for though he makes use of the Common Prayer, he disguises and spoils it by his own additions. Much more might be said about his disorderly meetings, particularly locking himself up with a select number of his hearers till midnight, or after." The writer thus concludes : — " Let this intruder, who pretends to act as a minister of the Established Church, say by what Canon in any General Council, by what Constitution in any National Church, he takes upon himself to wander from place to place, sometimes preaching in the fields, and sometimes creeping into private houses, to the great disturbance and disquiet of the lawfully appointed ministers, and raising schisms and distractions in a Church estabhshed upon primitive antiquity." ^ The other letter was not dissimilar to the one already quoted. It was dated, "Dewsbury, August 18, 1740," and signed "A Layman ;" and was published in the Weekly Miscellany, on August 30th. This charitably alarmed " Lay- man " brands the Methodists as "hot-headed enthusiasts;" speaks of Ingham and Delamotte as "those high pretenders to purity and holiness ; " and stigmatises the latter as an " enthusiastic babbler," pouring out " effusions of nonsense." The following is the concluding paragraph : — " Whatever sorry evasions Mr. Ingham may make to extenuate his wickedness in being instrumental to the riot at Dewsbury; yet, it is certain that he is highly culpable, and was, if not at the bottom, the sole cause of it. The principles he instils into his adherents are such as, when ' Weekly Miscellany, July 26, 1740. The Yorkshiix Evangelist. 1 1 7 1740 known, no better consequences could be expected than those that have followed : and what further mischief may ensue, if he be not restrained, is shocking to consider : — no less than the introducing of Popery, or, at ■^S'^ ^S least, some measures of his own destructive to the tranquillity and happi- ness of the community." In the same month in which this layman's letter was published, Mr. Bowman, the reverend vicar of Dewsbury, finished his furious pamphlet on " The Imposture of Method- ism Displayed ; " and, of course, was too zealously honest to be silent respecting the riot. Mr. Hooker's correspondents were meekness itself compared with this pamphleteering pugilist. He declares, he "never met with so much downright falsehood, such trifling evasions, and matter so foreign to the purpose " as he had met with in Ingham's letter in the Weekly Miscellany. He asserts, that, during the riot, Ingham " had a constant communication with several of the inhabitants, by means of his nocturnal assemblies ; and, that, he had rashly given out, some little time before the riot happened, that, in a few ho2Lrs zvarning, he could have ten thousand men ready for any emergency T Mr. Bowman writes : — " Ingham's conduct was, at that time, so much taken notice of and suspected, that the magistrates were almost determined to apprehend him, as a disturber and incendiary ; and, I believe, were only deterred from it, in consideration of what might happen from the fierceness and fury of his adherents. Were it requisite, I could name several of his great favourites and abettors, who had no small share in these disturb- ances. I myself heard two of his principal associates, three days before the affair happened, insinuate that such a thing was shortly to be expected, and that the people might be justified in what they did. Whence we may reasonably presume, that this horrid villany could nowhere be hatched but in these infernal assemblies." ..." I can prove by the incontest- able evidence of great numbers, both of his constant and accidental hearers, that a comimmity of goods is a common topic of discourse with him, in his sermons, in his expositions, and in his private conversation also. I know, that, he has endeavoured to persuade several of his followers to sell their estates and possessions, as the first Christians did, for the relief of their poor brethren ; and that he has declared over and over. That private property was incoiisistent ivith Christianity j and that as long as any one had anything of his own, he could not enter into the kingdom of heavenP . . . " It is surprising to the last degree that a set of incorrigible wretches should be thus suffered to trample with impunity on all laws, ecclesiastical and civil ; to spread doctrines subver- sive both to religion and the state ; to form secret assemblies and cabals, in order to disturb the repose of society, and throw everything into con- 1 1 8 Rev. Benjamin Ingham, 1 740 fusion and disorder. No one in the world is a heartier friend to toleration, Ao-e 28 °' would make more favourable allowances to tender consciences, than " myself; but, God forbid! that, under the notion of toleration, we should give opportunity to cheats and impostors to sow their hemlock and night- shade among us ; to extirpate all traces of true religion and virtue ; or to traitors and rebels to sap the foundation of our civil constitution; to deliver up our king and our country to ruin." Thus, nolens volens, was Ingham branded as a Comvucnist, and the author of the Yorkshire riots. It was far from pleasant to be pelted with such paper pellets ; but there was no help for it. In every age, the inspired text has been literally fulfilled, "All that will live godly in Christ Jesus shall suffer persecution." We are not prepared to justify every- tliing which Ingham said and did ; but we are prepared to deny, with righteous indignation, that he was a conivinnist and a rioter. His enemies were too bitter to be truthful. His utterances respecting the members of the primitive Church were perverted to serve a maligant purpose. They might, on some occasions, be unguarded ; but they were not intended to sanction communistic politics. He himself repudiated such intention ; but his adversaries persisted in their unrighteous accusation, and made it worse by charging him with men- dacity. It was hard usage ; but not uncommon among the Moravians and Methodists. The newspaper controversy re- specting Ingham was ended ; but, for ten months afterwards, Mr. Hooker employed almost every number of his Weekly Miscellany in abusing the Methodists, and Wesley and White- field in particular. This is a long account of what some may deem a compa- ratively unimportant chapter in Ingham's life ; but, we trust, it may not be altogether uninteresting and useless ; first, be- cause, we believe, this was the only newspaper warfare that fell to Ingham's lot ; and, secondly, and especially, because it shows the unfavourable circumstances under which John Nelson began to preach, and the difficulty there must have been in instituting Yorkshire Methodism only a few months afterwards. Ingham's ministerial labours were not confined to his native county. John Bennett brought him into Derbyshire.^ We * Memoirs of Mrs. Grace Bennett. The Yorkshire Evaiigelist. 1 1 9 have also seen, that, he paid frequent visits to the metropoHs. i74i Bedford, hkewise, and the vicinity were favoured with his Age 29 preaching. His Christian sympathy was world-wide. Six years before, he had crossed the Atlantic to convert the Indians. He was an active member of the Moravian "Society for the Furtherance of the Gospel " ; and having, by some means, become acquainted with the great Dissenter of the day, the Rev. Dr. Doddridge, proposed him as one of its corresponding members. Hence the following letter sent to Doddridge : — " London, August 6th, 1741. " Dear Sir, — I have here sent you the letters I promised you. I am also to inform you, that you are chosen to be a corresponding member of the ' Society for the Furtherance of the Gospel.' Before you expressed your desire to me, I had already proposed you to the committee, who all approved of you; and, after the meeting was over, when I mentioned you to the society, they all unanimously chose you without balloting ; so that, when you are in London, you will not only have the liberty to hear the letters and accounts read, but also to meet with the members about business, — and, further, to be in the committee. The brethren will be glad to hear from you as often as you please, and they, from time to time, will send you some accounts of the transactions of the Society. I gave what you entrusted me with to the box. Mr. Moody gave a guinea. Brother Spangenberg and all the brethren salute you. " Your affectionate friend and brother in Christ, " B. Ingham." Doddridge's answer was as follows : — " Northampton, August Wi, 1741. " Rev. and dear Brother, — I am thankful to the ' Society for the Furtherance of the Gospel' for their readiness to admit so unworthy a member, and hope, as the Lord shall enable me, to approve myself cordially affectionate, thougl^ incapable of giving much assistance. " I did this day, in our Church meeting, publicly report some important facts from Brother Hutton and others, as to the success of our dear Moravian Brethren and their associates. We rejoiced in the Lord at the joyful tidings, and joined in recommending them to the grace of God. I hope Providence will enable me to be a little serviceable to this good design. I shall gladly continue to correspond with the Society, and gladly hope to have some good news from these parts ere long. In the meantime, I humbly commend myself to your prayers and theirs. " The conversation at Mr. Moody's, on Monday morning, has left a deep impression on my heart. Salute my dear brethren, Messrs. Span- genberg and Kinchin, with Mr. Hutton, etc. I shall hope to hear when that blessed herald of our Redeemer, Count Zinzendorf, arrives. We long I20 Rev. Benjamin Ingham, 1 741 to see you. God brought me home in peace, and I found all well here. My wife and other friends salute you in the Lord. g^ 29 u J ^^ ^g^j. gjj^.^ ^Jo\xx unworthy but affectionate friend in our gracious Lord, " Philip Doddridge. " P.S. — I have looked over several of the letters with great pleasure, and heartily thank you for sending them. Glory be to Him, who causes His gospel to triumph, and magnifies the riches of His grace in getting Himself the victory, by soldiers, who, out of weakness, are made strong. If Christ raise to Himself a seed among the Negroes and Hottentots, I will honour them beyond all the politest nations upon earth that obey not His glorious gospel."^ This Missionary Society, of which Ingham was one of the chief members, though still in its infancy, had ah'cady accom- plished a most marvellous and blessed work. Its origin was remarkable. In 173 1, Count Zinzendorf visited Copenhagen, for the purpose of being present at the coronation of Christian VI., king of Denmark. Whilst there, some of the count's servants became acquainted with a negro, from the island of St. Thomas, in the West Indies. The negro told them of the ardent desire of many of the slaves in that island to be taught the way of salvation ; but added, that their labours were so incessant that they had no leisure for religious instruction ; and that the only way to reach them was for the missionary himself to become a slave, and to teach them during their daily toils. This was related to the Brethren of Herrnhut ; and the result was, two young men, Leonard Dover and Tobias Leupold publicly offered to go to St. Thomas's, and even to sell themselves as slaves, if they could find no other way of preaching to the negroes. Thus began the Moravian missions to the heathen ; and, within ten years, at the time when Ingham proposed Doddridge as a corresponding member of the Society for the Furtherance of the Gospel, missionaries had been sent to St. Thomas's, to St. Croix, to Greenland, to Surinam, to the Rio de Berbice, to several Indian tribes in North America, to the negroes in South Carolina, to Lapland, to Tartary, to Algiers, to Guinea, to the Cape of Good Hope, and to Ceylon. Among others greatly benefited by Ingham's ministry, were ^ Memoirs of James Hutton, p. 59 and 60. The Yorkshire Eva7io;el{st. 1 2 1 the four daughters of the Earl of Huntingdon, Lady Anne, 1741 Lady Frances, Lady Catherine, and Lady Margaret Hastings. A'^-'q While on a visit at Ledstone Hall, in Yorkshire, they were induced, by motives of curiosity, to hear him preach in a neighbouring parish. He was then invited to preach in Ledsham Church ; and became a frequent visitor at the Hall. When in London, the Ladies Hastings attended the preach- ing of the Moravians and first Methodists. Under this ministry, they were given to see the insufficiency of their own righteousness and the method of salvation on which they had been resting, and were made willing to receive the Lord Jesus Christ as the foundation of their hope and trust. Lady Margaret was the first who received the truth ; and the change effected, by the Holy Spirit, on her heart soon became visible to all. Considering the obligations she was under to the grace of God, she felt herself called upon to seek the salvation of her fellow-creatures, and the promotion of their best and eternal interests. Next to her own soul, the salvation of her own family and friends became her care. She exhorted them faithfully and affectionately, one by one, to " flee from the wrath to come;" and the Lord was pleased to make her the honoured instrument of the conversion of not a few of them. Her brother, the ninth Earl of Huntingdon, had been married to Lady Selina Shirley, second daughter of Earl Ferrers ; and it is a fact too interesting to be omitted, that, the conversion of this remarkable woman was, under God, the result of a casual remark which fell from Lady Margaret. The two conversing one day, on the subject of religion. Lady Margaret observed, " That since she had known and believed in the Lord Jesus Christ for life and salvation, she had been as happy as an angel." This scrap of Methodist lovefeast-experience was " a word spoken in due season." It led to self-examination, and to scriptural inquiry ; and Selina, Countess of Hunting- don, never rested until she also had found peace with God through faith in Christ. Lady Margaret Hastings was united in marriage to Mr. Ingham, on November 12th, 1741, at the residence of her brother, the Earl of Huntingdon, in London. The union was a happy one. To the last moments of his life, Ingham I 2 2 Rev. Beiijamin Ingham, 1 741 expressed the highest veneration and affection for his wife, A Z~^Q and was honoured with the intimate friendship of several of her noble relatives. The marriage, in some aristocratic circles, was considered a mesalliance, and furnished food for scandal in the fashionable world. " The Methodists," said the Countess of Hertford, " have had the honour to convert my Lord and Lady Huntingdon, both to their doctrine and practice ; and the town now says, that Lady Margaret Hastings is certainly to marry one of their teachers, whose name is Ingham." " The news I hear from London," wrote Lady Mary Wortley Montague, from Rome, " is that Lady Margaret Hastings has disposed of herself to a poor, wandering Methodist preacher." The higher classes of society indulged in ridicule ; the poor Moravians gave thanks to God, and prayed for the newly-wedded couple. Ingham wrote to inform the Brethren of his marriage, and the Brethren sang for him the hymn beginning — " Take their poor hearts, and let them be. For ever closed to all but Thee," etc, Ingham had enemies, some of them, as already shown extremely bitter ; but one of them, at least, was doubtless well pleased with Ingham's marriage. By this event, the Vicar of Dewsbury got rid of a neighbour who had greatly troubled him ; for Ingham now removed from Osset, the place of his nativity, to Aberford, a village about five miles from Tadcaster, and sixteen miles south-west of York ; and here he continued to reside until his death. It has been, already stated that, on July 30th, 1742, nine months after his marriage, Ingham formally transferred his Yorkshire and Lancashire societies, above fifty in number, to the Moravians ; and, henceforward, these societies were placed under the control of the Moravian ministerial conclave at Smith House, near Halifax. Besides these societies, however, Ingham was connected with others. A great work had been wrought in the midland counties. The Rev. Jacob Rogers, a clergyman of the Estab- lished Church, had preached with much power and success at Bedford. Mr. Francis Okeley had assisted him ; and thither Ingham repaired, and preached several times in St. The Yorkshire Evangelist. 123 Paul's Church, to vast multitudes, who listened to him 1743 with profound attention. The number of converts increased ^0^31 daily, and were formed into societies, like those in Yorkshire. Being formed, the next point was how to manage them. Ingham was consulted ; and, by his advice they, also, were placed under the care of Moravian ministers. This prepared the way for the settlement of the United Brethren at Bedford, in 1745 ; and for the erection of their chapel there in 175 i. By these arrangements, Ingham freed himself from an immense amount of personal responsibility. His old friend, Wesley, was not only forming societies, but ruling them. On the contrary, Ingham formed societies, and left them to be ruled by others. By this means, Moravianism found admis- sion to the midland counties, and instituted a flourishing and permanent Church in Yorkshire and the neighbourhood round > about. Ingham was left at liberty to be what he evidently liked, — an evangelist at large. He was also helped by earnest co-adjutors. There were the Batty Brothers, — Lawrence, William, and Christopher, of Catherine Hall, Cambridge, sons of Mr. Giles Batty, a man of considerable respectability, who resided at Newby Cote, near Settle. The three brothers were all eloquent and popular preachers. Then there was John Nelson, the sturdy Methodist, whom Ingham left behind at Birstal. Also David Taylor, formerly footman to Lady Ingham, — a man who had been converted under Ingham's ministry, and who, notwithstanding certain vacillations, was a great and successful preacher, and raised societies in Derbyshire, Lei- cestershire, and in some parts of Lancashire and Yorkshire. Others might be mentioned, if space permitted. Ingham had no warmer friend than Whitefield, who watched the steps taken by his old acquaintance with the utmost interest. The following letter will not be considered out of place : — " London, May 6th, 1 743. " My dear Brother, — Your very kind letter I had not the plea- sure of receiving till yesterday. It was very acceptable, and knits my heart closer to you than ever. I love your honest soul, and long for that time when the disciples of Christ, of different sects, shall be joined in far closer fellowship one with another. Our divisions have grieved my heart. I heartily approve of the meeting of the chief labourers to- gether. 124 Rev. Benjamin Ingham, 1 743 " I am just returned from a circuit of about four hundred miles. I have , J been as far as Haverfordwest, and was enabled to preach with great power. ^ Thousands and tens of thousands flocked to hear the word, and the souls of God's children were much refreshed. " I am glad the Lord hath opened fresh doors for you, my dear brother. The rams' horns are sounding about Jericho ; surely the towering walls will at length fall down. But we must have patience. He that believeth doth not make haste. The rams' horns must go round seven times. Our divisions in England have the worst aspect, while they are now united in Wales ; but even this shall work for good, and cause the Redeemer's glory to "shine more conspicuously. This is my comfort, — ' The government is upon His shoulders,' and He is a 'wonderful counsellor.' " B