wm. m- ^m m' i§i '>^^..:5; PI fete!'; i&'^ ^1':;: i# Pitt; FROM THE LIBRARY OF REV. LOUIS FITZGERALD BENSON. D. D. BEQUEATHED BY HIM TO THE LIBRARY OF PRINCETON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY /oo9^ OCTOBER 2 1, 1916. REV. DR. HENRY EYSTER JACOBS | Dean of the faculty of the Lutheran Seminary, Mt. Airy, whose fiftieth anni- [ versary in the ministry occurs to-day. THE LUTHERAN MOVEMENT IN ENGLAND. A ?TUDY IN COJMPAI^ATIVE ^YMBOUC^. THE Lutheran Movement in England DURING THE REIGNS OF HENRY VIII. AND EDWARD VI., ITS LITEEART MONUMENTS. i/ HENRY EYSTER JACOBS, D. D., Norton Professor of Systematic Theology in the Theological Seminary of the Evangelical Lutheran Church. in Philadelphia; Translator and Editor of the ^^ Book of Concord," Schmid' s '■'■ Doctrinal Theology of the Ev. Lutheran Church^'' etc. etc. PHILADELPHIA : W. FREDERICK, 1890. Copyrighted^ iSgo, by G. W. Frederick. PEEFAOE. ^INVESTIGATIONS into the history of the English transla- ^^ tions of the Augsburg Confession, made several years ago, in co-operation with the late Rev. B. M. Schmucker, D. D., led the writer into a much wider field than he had originally intended to enter. Notes taken, in the beginning, for his own informa- tion, soon accumulated to such extent, that he embodied their results in a series of articles, that appeared in The Lutheran in 1887. During the preparation of the articles, every available source of information was laid under contribution for additional facts. The number of articles grew beyond expectation. Re- quests having been made from various quarters, that they should be published in a more permanent form, this volume is the result. The material here given has only in part appeared before. Much has been rewritten, while several of the earlier chapters, and near- ly all of the latter part of the book, are entirely new. It will speak for itself. Its facts, supported by the document- ary evidence, will suggest their own lessons. It has not been written chiefly in a polemical interest. Its great end is to pro- mote a thorough understanding of the historical relation of the Lutheran Church to the various English-speaking communions of this country, whose course has been influenced by the history of the Church in England during the Sixteenth Century. VUl. PREFACE. Willi so much material on the subject, readily accessible, it is surprising that a book filling this place, has not appeared before. English AVTiters, however, as a rule, have felt little interest in acknowledging their dependence on the German Reformation ; a few, like Archbishop laurence and Archdeacon Hardwick, forming brilliant exceptions. German writers have general- ly assumed that the English could be relied upon for the facts of their own history, and, therefore, have not exercised their characteristic caution, or their customary practice of being sa is- fied with nothing short of the first sources. Although the cor- respondence of Luther and Melanchthon, and that rich store- house of documentary evidence, Seckendorf's Historia Luther- anismi abound in most valuable information on the subject, but little attention has hitherto been given to what, with a little in- dustry, could have been drawn from their pages. The time has come, however, for a more careful and thorough examination of these facts. In this country, the Lutheran Church has become a communion of over a million communicants, and not less than four or five millions of a population. The English language has again become the medium for the Lutheran faith. As the various nationalities which its adherents represent, merge in the one American nationality, so their various languages, soon- er or later, are laid aside for the common language of the coun- try. Even before this process is complete, the one medium through which those worshipping in different languages can con- fer with and know one another, must necessarily be the English. The problem of the hour for the Lutheran Church in America, is, how to unite these various elements in the historical faith of the Lutheran Church as embodied in her historical Confessions, and with the worship prescribed in her historical Liturgies and PREFACE. IX. Church Orders. As in the earlier efforts of Cranmer, Fox, Barnes, Coverdale, Rogers, Taverner and others in the Sixteenth Century in England, so here, the English language is again em- ployed to furnish the mould in which Lutheran Theology is to be recast. In this work, the historical connection is again preserv- ed. The good foundation then laid is not to be ignored. We gladly resume the undertaking, at the stage in which it was left by our predecessors in the same field, and, with humble recogni- tion of their admirable success, take it up simply where it was left incomplete by the intervention of the Calvinistic reaction, during the second period of the reign of Edward VI, as exam- ined in these pages. But in doing so, it becomes necessary to explain our relations to the Church of England, and to carefully discriminate between what is common territory, and what is pe- culiar to each Church. It is a matter, not of regret, but of re- joicing, that the Church of England, and her daughter in Amer- . ica, have jealously preserved, and heartily commended by con- stant usage so much of the common heritage, not only antedat- ing the Reformation and extending even far back beyond the corruptions of the Middle Ages, but also of what they have di- rectly drawn from the Lutheran Reformers. It must not, how- ever, be forgotten that the political complications, as well as other elements that entered, rendered the work of the Lutheran Church in reforming the old Church Service incomplete in many parts of Germany, and that even among those who have been faithful Lutherans in their Confessional position, there may be found those who are ready to indiscriminately censure what is common property, as though it were alien to the Lutheran Church. Nor must the aggressive attitude of the Churches of the Angli- X. PREFACE. can family be overlooked. The challenge to all other bodies of Christians to establish their historical position, has been bravely made, and, with a determination, that shows that it will not be satisfied with skilful evasions of the question. It will certainly be of service, in giving this subject the serious consideration which it justly demands, to take into the account all the histori- cal factors accessible. The effort to require all movements at union to rest upon a clear, distinct and unequivocal historical basis is certainly in the right direction. It is to be hoped, how- ever, that this principle will be consistently maintained. No progress can be made, nor any permanent results gained, by lay- ing emphasis upon one class of facts, and resolutely closing the eyes to another ; urging the examination of History at one point, and begging to be excused from looking into it at another. We sincerely hope that this book may inspire among our Lutheran people a true respect for much that is valuable and scholarly, and admirable in the results of the faith of the Reformation that have abounded in the English Church and her daughters in all periods since ; and, that, on the other hand, it may introduce some read- ers from these communions to the rich stores of gospel truth, with which their fathers were familiar, and which have most pow- erfully influenced their entire career since. The question of the revision of Creeds and Confessions, is now attracting wide-spread attention. This is a critical age, persistently demanding all professions to be put to a rigid test. Much light will be found upon the subject, by a careful reading of the accounts of the discussions between the English and the Lutheran theologians, in their several Conferences. There is scarcely an item which enters into a discriminating view of the subject that was not there anticipated. There were many hints PREFACE. Xi. given then by the Wittenberg theologians which are just as ap- plicable to the present situation and movements, in the Presby- terian and Lutheran, as well as the Episcopal Church. At the risk of violating somewhat the unity of the subject, an Excursus on ''The Typical Lutheran Chief Service," has been introduced. While treating of the relation of the English Ser- vice to the Lutheran Orders, there seemed to be a call for giving some attention to a Service, for whose explanation even Luther- ans are entirely d pendent upon material not found in the Eng- lish language. Beyond the acknowledgment of the generous aid rendered the writer, above all, by the late Dr. B. M. Schmucker, mention should be made of others to whose kindness he is much indebted. Among them, he wishes especially to name Rev. Karl Wolters, Pastor of St. Peter's Church, Hamburg, Germany, who has taken much interest in making researches for this book in the Archives at Hamburg. We only regret that information he communicated concerning the visit of John .^pinus, afterwards Superintendent at Hamburg, to England, and his conferences with Henry VIII, on ecclesiastical matters, before the sending of the English Com- mission to Wittenberg, whose history is given in Chapter IV, came after that chapter had already been set up. We refer to it for the information of those who may make this volume the starting-point foi further investigations. Rev. J. A. Seiss, D.D., LL. D., kindly furnished his copy of Cranmer's Catechism, with notes showing the results of his comparisons with the Latin edi- tion. Rev. Prof. W. J. Mann, D. D., LL. D., especially inter- ested himself in gathering information concerning Ernest Sarce- rius, the Nassau theologian. Rev. Prof. A. Spaeth, D. D., has freely given aid on Hymnological and Liturgical questions. XU. PREFACE. Pencil notes of the late Rev. Prof. C. P. Krauth, D. D., LL. D., on the margin of books, now in the Library of the Theological Seminary at Mt. Airy, Philadelphia, indicate that he had pro- gressed far in similar investigations, and have repeatedly given us the clue to much valuable information. In addition to the many friends in the Lutheran Church who have assured us of their interest in these studies, we wish especi- ally to recognize the courtesy of Rev. Prof. George P. Fisher, D. D., LL. D., of Yale University, for urging that they should be embodied in a volume, as well as for his kind reference to what we had previously published on the Anglican Catechisms, in an address delivered in the Autumn of 1888, at Harvard Uni- versity. Trusting that the facts here given will contribute towards the clearer understanding of the causes of difference among the vari- ous American churches, and, thus, in God's own time, if possi- ble, towards their ultimate adjustment, we offer this volume to the calm and unprejudiced consideration of thoughtful readers. Henry E. Jacobs. Theological Setninary of the Evangelical Lutheran Church at Philadelphia {Mt. Airy), July gth, iSgo. OO^TEISTTS. CHAPTER I. The Beginnings of the English Reformation, . . i CHAPTER II. Tyndale's Dependence on Luther, ... 14 CHAPTER III. The Political Complications, 39 CHAPTER IV. The English Commission to Wittenberg, . . 55 CHAPTER V. Progress of the War for the Faith in England, . 74 CHAPTER VI. The Ten Articles of 1536, . . . . . 88 CHAPTER VII. The Bishops' Book of 1537, 104 CHAPTER VIII. The English Bibles of 1535 and 1537, . . . 115 CHAPTER IX. The Lutheran Commission to England of 1538, , . 127 (xiii.) Xiv. CONTENTS. CHAPTER X. More Lutheran Literature, 140 CHAPTER XL Fruitless Negotiations ok 1539, . . . . • 148 CHAPTER XIL A Literary Forgery, ...... 159 CHAPTER XIII. Luther's "St. Robert," 179 CHAPTER XIV. Closing Events of Henry's Reign, . . . 190 CHAPTER XV. New Difficulties in the Reign of Edward VI., . .198 CHAPTER XVI. Conflict of Theological Parties in England during the Reign of Edward VI., .... 206 CHAPTER XVII. Lutheran Sources of the Book of Common Prayer, . 218 CHAPTER XVIjII. The Litany of the English Church, . . . 230 CHAPTER XIX. The Communion Service of the English Church, . 241 CHAPTER XX. The Morning and Evening Services of the English Church, 245 CONTENTS. XV. CHAPTER XXI. The Order of Baptism in the English Church, . . 253 CHAPTER XXn. The Orders for Confirmation, Marriage, Visitation OF THE Sick, Burial, . . . . . 265 CHAPTER XXni. The Second Prayer Book of Edward VI., . . .275 CHAPTER XXIV. An Excursus on the Typical Lutheran Chief Service, 283 CHAPTER XXV. The Anglican Catechisms, . . . . . 314 CHAPTER XXVI. The Homilies of 1547, . . . . . . s^s CHAPTER XXVII. The Thirty-Nine Articles, 339 CHAPTER XXVIII. The Subsequent History, 343 CHAPTER XXIX. Bibliographical, 350 THE LTJTHEEAIsr MOYEME^T EST EI^GLAKD DURING THE REIGNS OF HENRY VIII. AND EDWARD VI., AND ITS LITERARY MONUMENTS. CHAPTER I. THE BEGINNINGS OF THE ENGLISH REFORMATION, Not independent of the movement in Germany. Not due to the controversy concerning the divorce of Henry VIII. Preparatory influences in the XIV Century. Thomas of Bradwardin. Wiclif. The Lollards. Dean Colet. Erasmus and the New Learning. Greeks and Trojans. Froude on the immediate effect of Luther's Theses. The war against Lutheran Books. Warham's Correspondence. Henry VIII vs. Luther. Bishop Fisher's Sermon. The Young " Lutherans " of Cambridge. Bilney. Latimer's Inaugural address against Melanchthon. His Conversion- The House called " Germany." Stafford, Barnes, Coverdale, etc. The Lutheran Colony transferred to Cardinal College, Oxford. Clark, Cox, Frith, etc. Persecution, Espionage. The Humiliation of Barnes. Wolsey's Last Message. The Index Prohibitorum of 1529. Two VERY superficial theories concerning the EngHsh Refor- mation are current. One affinns that it was a movement origi- nating almost entirely within the English Church, and culminat- ing in the assertion of its independence of the Church of Rome by the casting off of the yoke whereby for centuries it had been unjustly oppressed, but having little to do with contemporaneous movements in Germany. The other regards its religious char- acter purely accidental, and ascribes it altogether to the quarrel of the King of England with the Pope, overlooking the fact, that the relation of Henry VIH to it was a hinderance rather than an advantage, that it began against his will, and; received its great- (I) 2 The Ljitheran Movement in England. est injury when he became its champion. A careful review of the facts, shows first, that the evangelical leaven had been work- ing in England for many years, and, secondly, that this latent power at length emerged into vigorous action and became a widely-extended and deep movement, as it received support from the fearless testimony proclaimed at Wittenberg, and diffused among the scholars of England by the instrumentality of the press. In the Fourteenth Century, already, the way for the Reforma- tion had been prepared. Thomas of Bradwardin (^Doctor pro- fundus). Professor in Merton College, Oxford, and afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury (b. 1290, d. 1349) was the earnest representative of Augustinianism, who complained that "almost the whole world had fallen into the errors of Pelagianism," and started the career of his more eminent pupil John Wiclif. Wiclif spent the greater part of his life at Oxford, where in 1363, he became Professor of Divinity. The sole authority of the Holy Scriptures in matters of faith, the rejection of prayers to saints, of purgatory, of transubstantiation, of the necessity of private confession, the conception of the Church on its inner instead of its outward side, inarked a new era, even though his teaching on justification and the most closely allied doctrines, was not as clear. But still wider influence was exerted by his translation of the Bible, industriously circulated in short sections throughout all England by followers so numerous, that one \\'Titer says, that every other person met on the road could be so reckoned. The Lollards, as those whose interest had been aroused by Wiclif, were called, after a continental sect, spread far and wide the seed of the future harvest. The Universities of Oxford in England and of St. Andrews in Scotland, became centers of the move- ment, which, although externally suppressed by bloody persecu- tion, still lived beneath the surface. Although men were con- signed to the stake for such utterances, yet in 1506 we find Dean Colet of St. Paul's, London, an Oxford alumnus (d. 1519) ex- pounding the Scriptures thrice a week in the scientific form of Begmnings of the English Reformation. 3 divinity lectures. As late as 15 21, the bishop of London ar- rested nearly five hundred Lollards, who probably had no con- nection with the movement then beginning in Germany. To this influence was added that of "the New Learning," of which Erasmus was the advocate at Cambridge. It is sometimes forgotten that while this great scholar belonged to Holland, his student life was passed in part at the two distinguished English universities. He was the intimate friend of Colet, and, return- ing to England in 15 10, was, for four yeai's from 15 11, Lady Margaret Professor of Divinity and Lecturer in Greek in Queen's College, Cambridge. The stimulus which his attention to the original of the New Testament gave his pupils, may be traced in the many eminent names of reformers hereafter to be noted among them. Great teachers often inculcate premises, whose conclusions are so far-reaching that, instead of drawing them for themselves, they leave this work to their pupils. Erasmus never broke with Rome ; but his teaching led many to that act, for which he himself was too feeble, or, rather prepared them for the influence emanating from Wittenberg, The years of his Cam- bridge Professorship were not as serene as this great lover of peace desired. The publication of his Greek New Testament invalidated the authority of the Vulgate, and aroused the appre- hensions of those who were attached to the old order of things. The war of words between "Greeks," and "Trojans" or "Obscurantists," as the champions of the new studies and their opponents were respectively called, waxed fiercer and fiercer, and was of just such character as would excite the enthusiasm of stu- dents at that season of life when they are most apt to become in- tense partisans. When, therefore, they heard from him such statements as the following : "The Holy Scriptures, translated into all languages should be read not only by the Scotch and Irish, but even by Turks and Saracens. The husbandman should sing them as he holds the handle of his plough ; the weaver re- peat them as he plies his shuttle ; and the wearied traveler, halt- ing on his journey, refresh himself under some shady tree by 4 The Lutheran Movement m England. these goodly narratives,"' what wonder that aspirations were excited for a better order, wherein every Englishman might read the Word of God for himself, and that young hearts already re- solved, that if God would spare them, this should be accom- plished ? Luther's act of October 31st, 1517, was not altogether unex- pected. Who was to break the silence and first utter the protest, or in what form or place, it was to be given, no one, indeed, could divine. But many eyes were looking for the crisis, in which the oppressed conscience would speak with a power that could not be restrained. As Mr. Froude says: "The thing which all were longing for was done, and in two years from that day, there was scarcely perhaps a village from the Irish channel to the Danube, in which the name of Luther was not familiar as a word of hope and promise."^ "As early as 1520, Polydore Vergil mentions the importation into England of a great number of 'Lutheran books.' "^ To such an extent were Luther's writings diffused, and with such effect, that in March 15 21, Archbishop Warham wrote to Cardinal Wolsey concerning the condition of affairs at the University of Oxford, in a letter which Sir William Ellis, formerly librarian of the British Museum, has published :* " I am enformyd that diverse of that Universitie be infectyd with the heresyes of Luther and others of that sorte, havyng theym a gretc nombre of books of the saide perverse doctrine. . . It is a sorrowful thing to see how gredyly inconstaunt men, and specyally inexpert youthe, falleth to newe doctrynes be they never so pestilent. . . Pytie it were that through the lewdnes of on or two cankerd members, . . the hole Universitie shuld run infamy of soo haynouse a cr}Tne, the heryng whereof shuld be right de- lectable and plesant to open Lutheranes beyond the see. . . If all the hole nombyr of yong sColers suspectyd in this cause (which • ' Paraclesis adicct.pium, Vauglian's Revolution^ in English History. I : loi. ^ History of England, II : 40. 3 Hardwick's History of the Reformation, p. 182. * Original Letters, First Series, 1 : 239 sqq. Beginnings of the English Reformation. 5 as the Universitie writeth to me be marvelouse sory and repent- aunt that ever they had any such books or redde or herde any of Luther's opynyon) shulde be callyd up to London, yt shuld en- gendre grete obloquy and sclandre to the Universite, bothe be- hyther the see and beyonde . . the said Universite hathe de- syred me to move Your Grace, to be so good and gracyouse unto theym, to gyve in commission to some sadd father which was brought up in the Univeristie of Oxford to syt ther, and examyne, not the hedds, but the novicyes which be not yet yet thoroughly cankered in the said errors. . . Item, the said Universite hath desieryd me to move your good Grace to note out, besyde werks of Luther condemyd alredy, the names all other suche writers, Luther s adherents andfautors^ The request for such inquisi- tion was in accordance with a proclamation which Warham had succeeded in inducing Wolsey to publish, entitled "A commis- sion to warn all persons, both ecclesiastical and secular, under penalty of excommunication and of being dealt with as heretics, that, within the time assigned [fifteen days], they bring and de- liver into the hands of the bishop or his deputy, all writings ana books of Martin Luther, the heretic.""^ The proclamation was accompanied by the rehearsal of forty-two alleged errors of Lu- ther, quoted from the Papal bull of excommunication, some of which are the greatest perversions of what he taught, while oth- ers, even as stated by enemies, can condemn ojily those who deem them reprehensible, as ^. ^ .• " 32. In every good work, the just man sinneth." "33. A good work done best, is a venial sin." "34. To burn heretics is contrary to the will of the Spirit. ' ' ® The fact that this demand to surrender the writings of Luther was to be read in every church at the time of mass, shows the progress which they had made throughout the Kingdom. The day before this proclamation, Fisher, bishop of Rochester, had preached in 'St. Paul's "-Again ye pernicious doctryn of 5 The decree is given in full in Strype's Memorials of the Reformatian, V : 332; Gerdesius, Hist. Ref., IV: 112. * Strype's Meinoriak, I: 57-61. 6 The Lutheran Movement in England. Martin Luther. " ' A week later, the King himself sent a most urgent letter to Lewis, Duke of Bavaria, insisting upon employ- ing extreme measures against Luther.^ Nor must it be forgotten' that the famous book by which he earned the title of " Defender of the Faith," but suffered for it from Luther's pen far more than he gained, belonged also to the same year, 1521. Two years later, Bishop Fisher followed his sermon by a treatise against Luther,' and Henry wrote a long letter to the princes of Saxony. Its temper may be learned from the following : " I am compelled to admonish and exhort you that you give your attention at as early a date as possible to repressing that execra- ble sect of Luther f without the execution of any one, if it can be done, or, with blood, if it cannot be otherwise accomplished." ^" In 1524, when Hugh Latimer, at that time, like Saul of Tarsus, a bitter zealot against the cause for which he afterwards laid down his life, availed himself of his inaugural address as B. D. at Cam- bridge, to make a sweeping attack upon the friends of the revived Gospel, he chose as his theme : "Philip Melanchthon and his opinions."" But nothing could check the progress of the truth. It swept all obstacles before it. The young scholars of Cambridge could not be suppressed. Chief among them was Thomas Bilney. The story of his conversion, narrated by himself in a letter written from prison in 1528, has been summarized as follows: "In Trinity College, Cambridge, there was a young man, engagad in the study of canon law, remarkable for his seriousness, his mod- esty and his conscientiousness. His priest was to his soul, what his physician was to his body. He often took his place, pale and anxious, at the feet of his confessor. But the prescriptions given did not reach his case. Masses, vigils, indulgences and free con- tributions in money, all were tried, but the patient only seemed to grow worse. At times the thought would arise ' Am I in 'Hardwick, 179. ^ Gerdesius, IV : 117. ®IIardwick, 179. ^^ Letter in Gerdesius, IV : 125. ^' Cooper's Athence Cantabrigienses, 1 : 130. Beginnings of the English Refonnation. 7 the right path ? May not the priest be in error, or be a self- seeker in all that he does ?' But the suspicion was instantly re- jected as a suggestion from the enemy. One day the troubled scholar heard two friends talking of a new book. The book was the Greek Testament by Erasmus, with an elegant Latin transla- tion. The scholar was pleased with the sound of the Latin, and would fain have taken up the volume, and have examined it. But he knew that the authorities of the University had condemned all such books, and especially that book as tending to noth- ing but heresy. He abstained j but his desire to look into the volume grew stronger. He stole into the house in Cambridge, where the book was secretly sold. Having obtained a copy, he returned to his room, to read it, and the first text that arrested his attention, was : ' This is a faithful saying and worthy of all ac- ceptation,' etc. This was to the spirit-worn student as the voice of an oracle. He pondered it and derived from it what the priestly impositions to which he had so long submitted, had failed to give him, peace of conscience and enlargement of .heart. Henceforth he sits at the feet of his Lord, and of his inspired messengers."" "A perusal of Erasmus' N. T. and the works of Luther,'' says the historian of his University," "taught him other views of religion, and he embraced the tenets of the re- formers, except the denial of transubstantiation. He labored earnestly to promulgate his views, and amongst those whom he converted were John Nicholas, alias Lambert, Thomas Arthur, Robert Barnes, prior of the Augustinians, and Hugh Latimer. Bilney and Latimer visited and consoled the sick and needy, and the unhappy inmates in the town and country prisons." Latimer's conversion also illustrates the connection with the Lutheran Reformation, since it was his famous attack upom Me- lanchthon above mentioned, that prompted Bilney to hasten to the study of the young preacher, and beg him " for God's sake '^'^Yo'x.e's Acts and Monuments, l\: 217; Gerdesius, IV : 129. 1' Vaughan's Revolutions in English History, 1 : 104. "Cooper's Ath. Cantab., I: 42. 8 The Lutheran Movement in England. to hear his confession." with the result that " from that time for- ward he began to smell the Word of God, and forsook the school- doctors and such fooleries." Gradually the circle of such men enlarged. "There," viz. at Cambridge,said a Bampton lecturer some few years ago,^° " even so early as 1528, had been seen a little society of religious men who (like the Wesleys two hundred years later at Oxford) en- couraged each other in reading the Scriptures, in mutual confes- sion and similar prescribed acts of personal piety. They visited the prisoners at jails ; they preached anew the vital spiritual ' truths — formerly enshrined, but now obscured by the ritual and ceremonies of their Church , and were in short engaged in re- viving religion in England under its ancient forms. The names of twenty-seven of these men have been preserved to us ; and just as the early Methodists obtained the honors of ridicule and social persecution, so the house where these first English Luth- erans met, was called * Germany ' " Fuller particulars are fur- nished by Strype in his " Life of Archbishop Parker. " ^® " Park- er's lot was to fall into the University in those days, when learn- ing and religion began to dawn there ; when divers godly men resorted together for conference sake ; who also oftentimes flocked together in open sight, both in the schools, and at the sermons in St. Mary's and at St. Augustine's, where Dr. Barnes was prior, and at other disputations. Of which sort were sev- eral ; and of these colleges, especially, viz. King's College, Queen's College, St. John's, Peter House, Pembroke Hall, Gon- well Hall and Benet College. Their meetings to confer and dis- course together for edification and Christian knowledge, were chiefly at an house called 'The White Horse,' which was, there- fore, afterwards named ' Germany ' by their enemies. This house was chosen because they of King's College, Queen's Col- lege and St. John's might come in with the more privacy at the backdoor." "Curteis, "Dissent in its relation to the Church 0/ England,'' p. 56. "P. 12. Beginnings of the English Reformation. 9 This company of twenty-seven included first of all Bilney. Next among them is named George Stafford of Pembroke Hall, from 1523. He had introduced an innovation by lecturing on the Holy Scriptures, instead of the ''Sentences." In his visita- tions to the sick, he became infected with the plague, and died in 1529. " There was one of Clement Hostel, called Sir Henry, the conjurer, on account of his skill in the black art. Falling sick of the plague, Mr. Stafford visited him, argued on his wicked life and practices, brought him to repentance, and caused all his conjuring books to be burned before his face ; but Mr. Stafford caught the infection, and died thereof between 19th of June and 17th November 1529." " A third, Thomas Arthur, was intimidated to take an oath, " abjuring Luther's opinions," from which he does not seem to have recovered, as did several of his comrades. Of Robert Barnes and Hugh Latimer we shall hear much in what, follows. Miles Coverdale was to acquire distinction as a translator of the Bible and of Luther's hymns. Paynell or Parnell was to be ac- tive in later years as a diplomat. Heynes, in 1528 was President of Queen's College, and afterwards Vice-Chancellor of the Uni- versity. He baptized Edward VL, was on an embassy to France in 1525, and was employed on various important commissions con- nected with the reform of the English Church. Thixtell in 1529 was a member of commissions concerning the divorce, and in 1530 was a censor of publications. Distinguished as a debater, he continued to the end a warm friend of the Reformation. The son of the Lord Mayor of London was in the band, viz. Thomas Allen, who comforted Bilney in his hour of martyrdom. Turner was destined to be the most versatile of them all in his scholar- ship, a clergyman, physician, member of parliament, botanist, ornithologist, mineralogist, critic of N. T. text, translator and prolific author of both religious and scientific books. There also were Nicholas Ridley, the future martyr bishop, Edward Crome already a doctor of divinity, who had years of " Cooper's At?i. Cajitab., p. 39. lo The Lutheran Movement in England. imprisonment before him, Rudolph Bradford, who, after exile for circulating the New Testament, was to return and aid in prepar- ing "The Institution of a Christian Man," Shaxton and Skip, future apostates, and Sygar Nicholson, who was treated with much cruelty for having in his house the works of Luther.'* Of this band of twenty-seven. Skip, Ridley and Heynes were associated with Cranmer in the preparation of the liturgy of Ed- ward \T. But this group did not comprise all " the first English Luth- erans" of Cambridge From Cambridge, a colony of select scholars had been sent to Oxford as the nucleus of Cardinal Col- lege, founded by Wolsey. We learn from the notes in Ellis :" ^' Luther anism increased daily in the University of Oxford, and chiefly in Cardinal College, by certain of the Cantabrigians that then remained. The chiefest Lutheran at this time was John Clark, one of the junior canons, to whose private lectures and disputations in public, divers graduates and scholars of colleges resorted. So great a respect had they for his doctrine and ex- emplary course of life, that they would often recur to him for reso- lution of doubts. They had also their private meetings, wherein they conferred about the promotion of their religion. They prayed together and read certain books containing the principles of Luther. . . . Notwithstanding many eminent men did dis- pute and preach in the University against it, yet the Lutherans proceeded, and took all private occasions to promote their doc- trine." Shortly afterwards the Archbishop of London wrote to Wolsey : "With respect to the most accursed works of Luther, I have re- ceived through the doctor mentioned certain pamphlets which I will both most diligently read and note ; and, that I may do this the more carefully, I will betake myself as soon as possible to Ox- ford, where I will endeavor carefully to examine some codices of John Wiclif.""" ^* Cooper's Ath. Cantab., 1:51. '* Original Letters, Third Series, II : 71. *° Ellis, Original Letters, Third Series, 1 : 246. Beginnings of the English Reformation. ii Among this group of Lutheran students, transferred from Cam- bridge to Oxford, was Richard Cox, afterwards tutor to Edward VI., Chancellor of the University, one of the compilers of the "Book of Common Prayer," Bishop of Norwich, and whose exile under Mary was distinguished for his controversy with John Kjiox at Frankfort, and his triumph over Puritanism. Another was the martyr, John Frith, associated with Tyndale in the trans- lation of the Bible, who afterwards accepted either the Zwinglian or Calvinistic view of the Lord's Supper. Richard Taverner, the translator of the Bible and of the Augsburg Confession, was a third. Among the others were Clark, before mentioned, Sum- ner, Betts, Harmann, Frier, Akars, Godman, Lawney, Dominick and Drumm. The entire party was arrested and imprisoned. Some were exiled. Taverner escaped by his skill as a musician. Clark " died in August 1528, of a distemper occasioned by the stench of the prison in which he was confined. In his last mo- ments he was refused the communion, not perhaps as a special act of cruelty, but because the laws of the Church would not per- mit the holy thing to be profaned by the touch of a heretic. When he was told it would not be suffered, he said ' Crede et manducasti.^ " Sumner died from the same cause. At Cambridge, as well as at Oxford, strict measures were taken to suppress Lutheranism. Unfortunately, not all its adherents manifested the greatest prudence. Bilney and Latimer, though subject to the closest surveillance deserve credit for their course, marked by sound judgment and discretion. The bishop of Ely endeavored to throw the latter off of his guard, by entering un- expectedly, with a retinue of dignitaries, the chapel at Cam- bridge where he was preaching. With complete mastery of the situation, the preacher adroitly changed his text, and spoke elo- quently concerning the duty of bishops to follow Christ as their great model. Dr. Robert Barnes was of another temperament. Vehement, impulsive, direct, he could scarcely be restrained from at once assailing publicly all that he felt to be wrong. In December 1525, he precipitated a crisis which ended in his deep 12 The Lutheran Movement in England. humiliation, by inveighing with most direct personalities against the bishops. The truth seems to be that he took Luther's ser- mon on the Epistle for the Fourth Sunday in Advent (15 21), and reproduced it, with some changes, for his Cambridge au- dience. " He so postilled the whole epistle," says Foxe, " fol- lowing the Scripture and Luther s posiil, that for that sermon he was immediately accused of heresy. ' ' ^' Whatever may have been the excellences of "St. Robert," as Luther called Barnes after his death, he certainly did not know how to observe times and seasons. The Church of England of 1525 was not prepared for what suited admirably an audience in Wittenberg in 15 21. A martyr's courage failed him at this time, although fourteen years later, he joyfully maintained his fidelity to the Gospel at the stake. The ceremony of his recantation, February nth, 1526, was made as humiliating as possible. After a sermon preached in St. Paul's, London, by Bishop Fisher, in the presence of thirty-six bishops, abbots and priors "Against Luther and Dr. Barnes," he knelt and asked forgiveness which was granted with the penance attached of walking thrice around a blazing pile of large basketsful of Lutheran books. Bilney and Arthur also were unequal to the trial, into which Barnes' indiscreet ardor had brought them. Latimer bore himself with such shrewdness that, instead of punishment, he received the Cardinal's license to preach anywhere in England. The last message of Cardinal Wolsey to his sovereign, sent from his death-hed, was to " have a vigilant eye on the new sect, the Lutherans, that it do not increase through your negligence in such sort as you be at length compelled to put harness on your back to subdue them." An " Index of Prohibited Books " of 1529 gives the names of the works which had been so diligently circulated by the young scholars of these two universities and their friends. It has the title " Libri sectce sive factionis Luther iancR itnportaii ad civi- «i Acts and Monuments ; History of (Presbyterian Board of rublication, Phila.,) p. 78. Beginnings of the English Reformation. 13 tatem London^ After four books of Wiclif, it reads: "Dr. Martin Luther 'Concerning Good Works.' Letter of Luther to Pope Leo X. Tessaradecas Consolatoria of Martin Lutlier. Tract of Luther ' Concerning Christian Liberty.' Ser- mons of Dr. Martin Luther. Exposition of tlie Epistles of St. Peter by Martin Luther. Reply of Martin Luther to Barthole- mew Catharinus. ' Of the Works of God ' by Martin Cellarius. Deuteronomy, from the Hebrew, with annotations of Martin Luther. Luther's Catechism in Latin by J. Lonicerus. The Prophet Jonah, explained by Martin Luther. Commentary of Martin Luther on the Epistle of Paul to the Galatians. Selec- tions froiai the letters of Martin Luther, full of piety and learn- ing, with the interpretation of several psalms. Narrations of Postils of Martin Luther upon the lessons from the Gospels, etc. Sixteen Conclusions of the reverend father, Martin Luther, con- cerning Faith and Ceremonies. Most Wholesome Declaration of the same concerning Faith and Works. Most Learned Explana- tion of Ceremonies. Fifty Conclusions by the same for timid consciences. Luther's Explanation of his thirteenth proposition ' Concerning the Power of the Pope.' Oration ot Didymus Faventinus on behalf of Martin Luther. New narrations of Mar- tin Luther on the prophet Jonah. Judgment of Martin Luther, ' Concerning Monastic Vows. ' Enchiridion of the Godly Prayers of Martin Luther. Several brief sermons of Martin Luther on the Virgin, the Mother of God." Then follow works of O^colampadius, Billicanus, Zwingli, Bugenhagen, Bucer, Regius, Melanchthon, Agricola, Brentz, Lambert, Wessel, Gochius and Carlstadt.^^ Who, after reading this list would venture to maintain that the reformatory movement in England was independent of that in Germany ? It shows very clearly that the theologians of Eng- land were keeping abreast of the entire development of theologi- cal literature on the Continent. 23 This list is found in Gerdesius, IV: 139 sqq.; Foxe, ''Ads and Monu- nients.^^ CHAPTER II. TYND ale's dependence ON LUTHER. Tyndale's Birth and Education. Relation to Colet and Erasmus. Early Work. A significant Prophecy. Life in London. Repulsed by the Lord Bishop. Humphrey Monmouth and his Troubles. Tyndale at Hamburg. Was Tyndale at Wittenberg? Insufficient arguments of Anderson and Walter. The English Genesis of 1530 published by Lu- ther's publisher, Hans Luft. Where was Marlboro ? The flight from Cologne. Two editions of New Testament, instead of one. Proclama- tions of Tunstal and Warham. Fifteen thousand English testaments sent from Germany to England. Arrest and execution. Tyndale's translation and tliat of Luther. Testimony of Hallam, Westcott and Mom- bert. Tyndale and Luther in parallel columns. His prefaces from Lu- ther. "His glosses from Luther. His treatise " The Wicked Mammon," from Luther. " The Obedience of a Christian Man," Anne BolejTi's devotional manual. His " Exposition of the Sermon on the Mount," from Luther. Was Tyndale a Lutheran ? Arguments of Dr. Eadie in the negative ; of V. E. Loscher, in the affirmative. Among the scholars of Oxford and Cambridge, there is one who had left the Universities years before the events just nar- rated, but whose influence from abroad was a very important factor in advancing the movement. His work is so prominent and far-reaching, and, except in his preparation as a student, so isolated from the rest, until through his translation of the New Testament and his various evangelical treatises, he acted upon his countrymen, that it justly requires separate treatment. Wil- liam Tyndale was a quiet and retired scholar, who wrought dili- gently in his study with a fixed end in view from which he never swerved, and which required his withdrawal from the intimate associations, and the wider spheres of discussion in which others felt called upon to promote the same cause. He, therefore, was (14) Tyndale' s Dependence on Luther. 15 content to stand during his life-time almost alone, in order to effect the Reformation of his country, and to reach future gen- erations through the English Bible, which, even in its present form, is properly speaking his Bible, revised. Born probably about 1484, on the boundary of Wales, he was "brought up," says Foxe, " from a child at the University of Oxford, where he, by long continuance, grew and increased as well in the knowledge of tongues and other liberal arts, as spec- ially in the knowledge of the Scriptures, to which his mind was singularly addicted ; insomuch that he, lying there in Magdalen Hall, read privily to certain students and fellows of Magdalen College some parcel of divinity, instructing them in the knowl- edge and truth of the scriptures, whose manners also and con- versation, being correspondent to the same, were such that all they that knew him, reputed and esteemed him, to be a man of most virtuous disposition, and of life unspotted. Thus he, in the University of Oxford, increasing more and more in learning, and proceeding in degrees of the schools, spying his time, re- moved from thence to the University of Cambridge, where after he had likewise made his abode a certain space, being now further ripened in the knowledge of God's Word, leaving that university also, he resorted to one master Welsh, a Knight of Gloucestershire ; and was there school-master to his children, and in very good favor with his master." At Oxford, he un- doubtedly came under the influence of Dean Colet. His removal to Cambridge "was probably for the purpose of profiting by Erasmus' lectures, who taught Greek there from 1509 till the be- ginning of 15 19; whereas there was no regular Greek lectureship founded in Oxford till about 1517." ^ At the house of Sir John Welsh or Walsh, whither he went about 15 19, he soon became involved in controversies with the priests, translated against them Erasmus' "Enchiridion Militis " and destroyed their influence with the family, from which they previously had derived large con- 1 Walter's Life of Tyndale, prefixed to " Doctrinal Treatises " (Parker So- ciety,) p. XV. i6 The Lutheran Movement in England. tributions. He was a zealous preacher at Bristol, and was sum- moned to answer before the chancellor, but while treated "as though I had been a dog," escaped punishment. Shortly after this it was, that in a discussion with a learned, but bitter advo- cate of the Papacy he made the often quoted remark that he de- fied the Pope and all his laws, and, further added, that if God spared him life, "ere many years he would cause a boy that driv- eth the plough to know more of the scriptures than he did." His position becoming more and more uncomfortable, and being involved in constant disputes, he saw that the evangelical cause was relati\'ely helpless until the Bible could be read by the laity in their own language. In his "Preface to the Pentateuch," he says: "I perceived how that it was impossible to establish the lay-people in any truth, except the scripture were plainly laid before their eyes in their mother-tongue, that they might see the process, order and meaning of the text. For else whatever truth is taught them, these enemies of all truth quench it again, partly with apparent reasons of sophistry, founded without ground of scripture ; and partly, in juggling with the text, expounding it in such sense as is impossible to gather of the text, if thou see the process, order and meaning thereof." With this end in view, he resigned his i)lace, and, about 1523, went to London, where, relying upon an extravagant idea of the interest of the Bishop of London, Tonstall, in such work, he hoped to receive a home in his house and encouragement. He carried with him, as an evidence ofhis scholarship, a translation, which he had made, of one of the orations of Isocrates. But the English Bible was not to be trans- lated in an episcopal palace. He found no home or encourage- ment where he had expected it. The Lord, however, raised up for him a faithful friend in a wealthy merchant, Humphrey Mon- mouth, who had heard him preach in St. Dunstan's church, and provided for him at his own house. Years afterwards Monmouth was imprisoned for this act of kindness. In his testimony in his defence, he throws some light upon Tyndale's habits : "He studied most part of the day and of the night at his book; and Tyndale s Depetidence on Luther. 17 he would eat but sodden meat, by his good will, nor drink but small single beer. I never saw him wear linen about him. When I heard my Lord of London preach at Paul's Cross, that Sir William Tyndale had translated the New Testament in Eng- lish, and was naughtily translated, that was the first time that ever I suspected or knew any evil by him." Tyndale soon found it necessary, in order to prosecute his work successfully, to repair to Germany. Accordingly about May 1524 he left London for Hamburg. In April 1525, he is known to have been in Hamburg. Had he been there the entire time, or had he been elsewhere in the meantime ? Concerning this, there has been a diversity of opinion. There has been a widely diffused tradition that he repaired at once from Hamburg to Wit- tenberg. All of Tyndale' s contemporaries who have written concerning his movements, so affirm. In the articles against Monmouth in 1528, he is charged with aiding " Sir William Hutchin, otherwise called Tyndale," who " went into Almayne [Germany] to Luther, there to study and learn his sect." Sir Thomas More in his " Dialogue " declares that "at the time of his translation of the New Testament, Tyndale was with Luther at Wittenberg, and the confederacy between him and Luther was well known." Cochlaeus speaks of Tyndale and Roy as "two English apostates who had been sometime at Wittenberg." Foxe in his " Acts and Monuments " says: "On his first de- parting out of the realm, Tyndale took his journey into the further parts of Germany, as into Saxony, where he had confer- ence with Luther and other learned men in those quarters." Some writers of the present century, especially Anderson in his "Annals of the English Bible," and Walter in his "Life of Tyndale," prefixed to the Parker Society edition of his works, question his visit to Wittenberg, but as Demaus ^ shows upon the basis of too wide an application of a denial by Tyndale to the charge of More. Tyndale denies that he was confederate with Luther. He does not deny that he was at Wittenberg. " The ^ William Tyndale, A Biography. 94 sqq. 3 1 8 The Lutheran Movement in Englaiid. truth is," says Demaus/ "that the whole of this theory of Tyii- dale's movements, constructed, as we have seen, in direct opposi- tion to all contemporary authority, has sprung from a narrow and ill grounded fear, that Tyndale's reputation would be in- jured by the admission of his having been at Wittenberg with Luther. The admirers of our great English translator have been justly indignant at the ignorant misrepresentations which have sometimes treated him as a mere echo and parasite of his Ger- man contemporary, and in their zeal to maintain their hero's originality, they have discarded ancient authority, and have de- nied that the two Reformers ever met. The motive for such a defence may be praiseworthy, but its wisdom is questionable. To maintain, in defiance of all contemporary evidence, thatTyn- dale remained for a year in a bustling commercial town where there were no printers, where he would be disturbed by bitter quarrels, and deprived of all opportunities of consulting books, or conferring with friends that might have aided him in the work, this is surely a strange method of vindicating Tyndale; this is an attempt to defend his originality, at the cost of his good sense." Mr. Anderson's theories about Tyndale's residence in Hamburg, his ignorance of German, his never having met Lu- ther, are theories adopted in the face of all ancient testimony.* Prof Walter's argument that Tyndale's stay at Hamburg was for the purpose of learning Hebrew from the numerous Jews there, and that proof of this can be shown from the fact that whereas Hebrew at that time was not taught in any English Univer- sity, Tyndale's progress becomes soon manifest from the insight into the peculiarities of that language shown by some remarks in his "Mammon," is not conclusive. The passage Avould effectually prove this, if that boolc were original with Tyndale ; but since it is only a translation from Luther, as will hereafter appear, the pro- gress in Hebrew asserted, cannot be shown. Dr. Eadie, * while trying to show that Tyndale was no Luth- » lb. p. 96. *Ib. p. 495. Tyndale' s Dependence on Ltither. 19 eran, after weighing the evidence, concludes: "Arguments against the visit to Wittemberg are of no great moment. ' ' Mr. George Offer, in the " Memoir of Tyndale," prefixed to a reprint of his New Testament of 1526, published by the Bag- sterssays: " It was at Wyttemburg, that with intense applica- tion and labor, Tyndale completed his translation of thew New Testament." Dr. Mombert® says : "In the absence of positive historical data it is impossible to make a reliable positive statement. It is probable that Tyndale did meet Luther ; it is clear that he used Luther's version, as I expect to prove. . . . The preponderance of evidence points immediately to Tyndale's visit to Wittemberg." The same writer has also conclusively proved that the statement hitherto current that Tyndale's translation of Genesis of 1530 was printed by Hans Luft at Marburg is incorrect, the librarian of the University of Marburg having made a special examination into the matter in 18S1, with the result that he found that Hans Luft never had a printing-office at Marburg, and that the album of the LTniversity has no entry of the names of Tyndale and Frith. Hans Luft, being the famous Bible printer at Witten- berg, the name " Marlborow in the lande of Hesse," given as his place of printing, is in all probability a pseudonym to con- ceal the actual place, just as he himself assumed the pseudonym of Hutchyns, to thwart the designs of his vigilant enemies. Wittenberg, therefore, a second time becomes connected with Tyndale's work, and our English Bible. ' But we have anticipated somewhat the chronological order. After returning from Wittenberg to Hamburg in 1525, and hav- ing his translation of the New Testiment finished, Tyndale went to Cologne for the purpose of having it printed. Here he was discovered by Cochlaeus an enemy of the Reformation, who promptly reported what he had learned. The story is interest- ^ History of English Bible, 1 : 127. ^ A Handbook of the English Versions, 82 sqq. 'lb., pp. 107-I15. 20 The Lutheran Movement in England. ing : " Cochlaeus, intending to print a work of his own, had gone to Cologne, where some of the compositors he was about to employ, in an unguarded moment, intimated that they were en- gaged in preparing a work for two Englishmen^ lately arrived from Wyttemberg, which would soon make England Lutheran. By plying them with drink, he discovered that there were in the press three thousand copies of the Lutheran New Testament translated into English. By his efforts, the Senate prohibited the work from proceeding any further. It had reached the sig- nature K in 4to. Upon which the two Englishmen, carrying away with them the sheets already finished, fled up the Rhine to Worms, in hope that, as the inhabitants were generally Lutheran, they might find some printer to bring their undertaking to completion.." ^ This attempt to suppress the publication resulted in two sim- ultaneous editions, instead of one. Peter Schoeffer of Worms printed an octavo edition, while, at the same time, the quarto edition was completed and bound. The opponents of the Ref- ormation, being on the watch for the quarto editions, it was gen- erally intercepted on its way to England ; but the octavo edition, iiot being suspected, made its way for a time without interfere ence. There was no little strategy in such procedure. No less than six thousand copies were printed in these two editions which appeared early in 1526. Even before this, December 2d, 1525, Dr. Edward Lee writing from Bordeaux, ^^ warned Henry VIIL of what was coming : "Please it your Hyghnesse, moreover, to understand that I am certainlie enformed, as I passed in this contree that an English- man, your subject, at the soUicitation and instance of Luther, with whome he is, hathe translated the Newe Testament into English, and within fewe dayes entendeth to arrive with the same emprinted in England, I neede not to advertise your Grace * William Roye was Tyndale's amanuensis. 'Ellis Original Letters Third Series, II : 88. ^° Ellis, Or. Letters, II : 71 sqq. Tyndale' s Dependence on Luther. 21 what infection and daunger maye ensue heerbie, if it be not withstonded. This is the next way to fulfill your Realme with Lutherians. For all Luther's perverse opinions bee grownded opon bar words of Scriptur, not well taken ne ondrestonded. All our forfadres, governors of the churche of England, hathe with all diligence forbed and eschued publication of Englishe bibles, as apperethe in constitutitions provinciall of the Churche of Eng- land, . . . Hidretoo, blessed be God, your Realme is save from infection of Luther's sect, as for so mutche that althoug anye peradvertur bee secretlie blotted within, yet for fear of your royall Majestic, wiche hathe drawen his swerd in God's cause, they dar not openlie avow." It is interesting to note that only two months before this (Sept. ist, 1525), _ Luther apologizing to Henry VIII for his attack upon his book, does so by excusing the King en the ground that it was not really written by Henry, but by Sophists who abused his title, especially as De Wette thinks, by the writer of the above letter, Edward Lee, whom he ironically calls " Car- dinal of York," and terms "that monster and public odium of God and men." ^^ May there not be in this at least some indi- cation of indignation aroused by information given him, through Tyndale ? This becomes the more probable when we read in the same letter that Luther has been moved to write, because he was informed that Henry "was beginning to favor the gospel and to be not a little weary of such a set of worthless fellows. ' ' He prays that the Lord may continue the work which he has begun, so that with a full spirit, he may favor and obey the Gospel." In spite of all efforts to suppress them, the copies of the New Testament made their way through England. Who the trans- lator was, no one then knew. Some Lutherans or other, of course ; but that was all. Henry, in his reply to Luther's letter, said that Luther " lell into device with one or two lewd fellows, born in this our realm, for the translating of the New Testament into English." Tonstal, Bishop of London, issued his prohibi- ^1 De Wette's Luther's Briefen, III : 24. 22 The Lutheran Movement in England. tion, October 24th, 1526, in which he said : "„We, having un- derstanding by the reports of divers credible persons, and also by the evident appearance of the matter, that many children of iniquity, maintainers of Luther's sect, blinded through extreme wickedness, wandering from the way of truth and the catholic faith, craftily have translated the New Testament into our Eng- lish tongue." ^^ This was followed by a similar proclamation by Archbishop Warham on November 3d. Efforts were made to arrest their importation by destroying them as they passed through Antwerp in the Netherlands. But the very proposal, on the request of the English government, to have them made ille- gal there, brought to light the fact that in January 1527, an en- terprising Antwerp printer was at work on a reprint for the Eng- lish market ; and the burgesses of that city declined to interfere with what would cripple any industry of their citizens. Then Tonstal devised another expedient. At great cost, he employed agents to buy up all copies as they appeared. This did not di- minish the number of copies, as the press continued to send them forth ; but proved of great advantage to Tyndale by giv- ing him the means of life, while translating the Old and re- vising the New Testament. The older and less correct copies were also thus speedily withdrawn from the market, to give place to revised editions. By 1530, no less than six editions of the New Testament appeared, numbering 15,000 copies. Nevertheless "so fierce and systematic was the persecution, that there remains of the first, one fragment only, which was found about thirty years ago attached to the fragment of another tract ; of the second, one copy, wanting the title-page, and an- other very imperfect ; and of the others, two or three copies, which are not, however, satisfactorily identified." ^^ In 1530, his translation of the Pentateuch appeared, and, in the follow- ing year, that of the prophet Jonah. Other books of the Old Testament were translated but not published. He was steadily ^^ Foxe's Acts and Monuments, IV : 666. 13 Westcott's History of the Evglish Bible, p. 45. Tyndale s Dependence on Luther. 23 at work upon the unfinished portions during his imprisonment. He was also the author of a number of Doctrinal and Expository treatises, "A Pathway into Holy Scripture," "The Wicked Mammon," "The Obedience of a Christian Man," "Exposi- tion of First John," " Exposition of the V, VI and VII chapters of Matthew." His end is well-known. For years living in various places, and under an assumed name, he was diligently sought for by the agents of Henry VIII. When the Reformation had progressed in England, and the rupture with the Papacy seemed complete, he supposed it safe to abandon secrecy, and publicly lived and la- bored at Antwerp. Here he was soon apprehended (May 23d or 24th, 1535,) by the emissaries of the English prelates and after an imprisonment of over a year at the castle of Vilvorden, was strangled and burned, October 6th, 1536. Henry VIII has enough sins for which to answer. We cannot hold him responsible for this murder, upon the amount of evidence now to be fur- nished." Persevering as had been Henry's endeavor in former years to apprehend him, time had brought its changes. The guilt must ultimately fall upon the Emperor, Charles V, and those from England, who instigated him to the act. We come now to the relation between the literary work of Tyndale, and that of Luther. On the one hand, Tyndale's ability as an independent translator has been denied, as by Hal- lam, who traces his translation entirely to the Vulgate and Luther ; on the other hand, his indebtedness to Luther has been ignored. Canon Westcott, the eminent New Testament critic, while endeavoring to prove the utmost independence of Luther, says that it is impossible to read a single chapter with- out noting that the Greek text was directly used, and at the same time tracing the influence of Luther, together with that of the Vulgate and of Erasmus' Latin version. ^^ Dr. Mombert 1* Demaus' Life of Tyndale, p. 424. '^^ History of English Bible, p. 1 74. 24 The Lutheran Movement in England. makes a comparison of Luther's German and Tyndale on Deu- teronomy 6 : 6-9, as follows : '® 6. Let these words which I com- mand thee this day stick fast in thine heart. 7. And whet them on thy children, and talk of them as thou sittest in thine house, and as thy walkest by the way, and when thou liest down, and when thou risest up. 8. And bind them for a token to thine hand, and let them be a remem- brance between thine eyes. 9. And write them on the posts and gates of thine house. 6. Unci diese IVor/e, die ich dir heute gebiete, sollst du zu Herzen nek- men. 7. Und sollst sie deinen Kindern schdrfen, und davon reden, wenn du in deinem Hause sitzest, oder auf dem Wege gehest, wenn du dich niedcrle- gest, oder aufstehcst. 8. Und sollst sie binden zum Zeich- en auf deine Hand, und sollen dir ein Deukmal vor deinen Augen seyn. 9. Und sollst sie liber deities Hauses Pforten schreiben und an die Thore. "There was nothing," says this writer, "in the English language he could have used e g., for the rendering of the He- brew Shinnaen by the English ' Whet,' which conveys an idea contained neither in the Greek of the Septuagint, nor the Latin of the Vulgate, but it had been employed by Luther. Had he been a servile imitator of Luther, he would have rendered, after the example of the dreadful translators of the period : ' And whet them in or into thy children;' but he knew that that would have violated the English idiom, and, therefore, he ren- dered 'whet on,' and he understood the Piel force of the root Shanan. . . . Again in verse 8, Luther translates the Hebrew Letotaphoth beyn eynecha : ' Denkmaal vor deinen Augen.' It is evident that he deliberately gave preference to Luther's admir- able free rendering, as much superior to the vague Greek, and still vaguer Latin of the literal Hebrew 'bands or fillets'; but knew Hebrew enough to perceive that ' remembrance between thine eyes ' conformed at once to the Hebrew and English idioms. These two examples, I think, will suffice to convince and prove to scholars, that Tyndale used Luther and understood Hebrew." " To any scholar," says the biographer of Tyndale, Rev. R. Demaus, "who sits down to collate with care the versions of the English and German translators, two facts speedily become "^^ Handbook to English Version,-^. 115. Tyndale's Dependence on Luther. 25 plain and indisputable, viz., that Tyndale had Luther's work be- fore him, and constantly consulted and occasionally adopted it ; and that he never implicitly follows Luther, but translates from the original with the freedom of a man who had a perfect confi- dence in his own scholarship. " " Instances, however, may be cited, where his independence is not as great as is sometimes claimed for him. For instance, Luke 22 : 20, where Tyndale's " blood which shall for you be shed," is not English in its order of words, but is that of Luth- er's German ; while he obtains the future by misunderstanding vergossen wird, especially when compared with the Vulgate fundetur. Here he clearly has abandoned the Greek in order to follow Luther. ^^ The indebtedness of Tyndale to Luther in other respects than as a translator of the Bible, is very great. "The extent," says Canon Westcott, " to which Tyndale silently incorporated free or verbal translations of passages from Luther's works into his own, has escaped the notice of his editors. To define it accurately would be a work of very great labor, but' the result, as showing the points of contact and divergence in the opinions of the two great reformers, would be a most instructive passage in the doc- trinal history of the time." ^* We give the following examples : I. PROLOGUES PREPARED INTRODUCING TRANSLATIONS. I . To the New Testame?it Luther [/J22.) * Gleichwie das Alte Testament ist ein Buch, darinnen Gottes Gesetz und Gebot, daneben die Geschichte beide dere, die dieselbigen gehalten und nicht gehalten haben, geschrieben sind; also ist das Neue Testament ein Buch, darinnen das Evangelium und Gottes Verheissung, daneben auch Tyndale i^ijsd.) The Old Testament is a book, wherein is written the law of God, and the deeds of them which fulfil them, and of them also which fulfil them not. The New Testament is a book, wherein are contained the promises of God ; and the deeds of them which 1' William Tyndale. A biography, p. 237. '^ Other examples may be found in " A Revised English Bible, the want of the Church^'' by John R. Beard, D. D., London, 1857. ^^ History of English Bible, p. 192. 26 The Lutheran Movement in England. Geschichte beide dere, die daran glauben und nicht glauben, gesch- rieben sind. Denn Evangelium ist ein griechisch Wort uiid heisst auf Deutsch gute Botschaft, gute Mahre, gute neue Zeitung, gut Geschrei, da- von man singet, saget und frohlich ist : als da David den grossen Goliath uberwand, kam ein gut Geschrei und trostliche neue Zeitung unter das jiidische Volk, dass ihr griiulicher Feind erschlagen, und sie erioset, zu ■Freude und Friede gestellet waren, davon sie sungen, und sprungen und frohlich waien. believe them, or believe them not. Evangelion (that we call Gospel) is a Greek word, and signifieth good, merry, glad and joyful tidings, that maketh a mans heart glad, and mak- eth him sing, dance, and leap for joy ; as when David had killed Goliath, the giant, came glad tidings unto the Jews, that their fearful and cruel ene- my was slain, and they delivered out of all danger ; for gladness whereof, they sung, danced and were joyful. 2. To Epistle to the Romans. Luther {1^22.) Diese Epistel ist das rechte Haupt- stiicke des Neuen Testaments, und das allerlauterste Evangelium, welche wohl wiirdig und werth ist, dass sie ein Christenmensch nicht allein von Wort zu Wort auswendig wisse, son- dern taglich damit umbgehe, als mit taglichem Bred der Seelen. Denn sie nimmer kann zu viel und zu wohl gelesen, oder betracnten werden, und je mehr sie gehandelt wird, je k5st- licher sie wird und bass schmecket. Darumb ich auch meinem Dienst dazu thun will, und durch diese Vorrede einen Eingang dazu bereiten, so viel mir Gott verleihen hat, damit sie deste bass von Jedermann ver- standen werde. Denn sie bisher mit Glossen und mancherlei Geschwatz ubel verfinstert ist, die doch an ihr selbs ein belles Licht ist, fast genu- gsam, die ganze Schrift zu erleuchten. Tyndale {iS^^'-) Forasmuch as this Epistle is the principal and most excellent part of the New Testament, and most pure Evangelion, that is to say, glad tid- ings and that we call gospel, and also is a light and a way unto the whole scripture ; I think it meet that every Ghristian man not only know it, by note and without the book, but also exercise himself therein evermore continually, as with the daily bread of the soul. No man verily can read it too oft, or study it too well ; for the more it is studied, the easier it is ; the more it is chewed, the pleasanter it is ; and the more grandly it is search- ed, the preciouser things are found in it, so great treasure of spiritual things lieth hid therein. I will therefore be- stow my labour and diligence, through this little preface or prologue, to pre- pare a way in thereunto, so far forth as God shall give me grace, that it may be the better understood of every man ; for it hath been hitherto evil darkened with glosses and wonderful dreams of sophisters, that no man could spy out the intent and meaning of it; which, nevertheless, of itself is a bright light, and sufficient to give light unto all Scripture. Tyndale' s Dependence on Luther. 27 J To Second Corinthians. Luther {fJ22.) In der ersten Epistel hat S. Paulus die Korinther hart gestrafet in vielen Stiicken, und scharfen Wein in die Wunden gegossen, und sie erschreket; nu aber ein Apostel soil ein trost- licher Prediger sein, die erschrocken und bidden Gewissen aufzurichten, mehr denn zu schrecken : darumb lobet er sie nun wiederumb in dieser Epistel, und geusset auch Ole in die Wunden, und thutsich wunderfreund- lich zu ihnen, und heisset den Siinder mit Liebe wieder aufzunehmen. Im I. und 2. Cap. zeiget er seine Liebe gegen sie, wie er alles geredt, gethan und gelitten habe zu ihrem Nutz und Heil, dass sie ja sich alles Besten zu ihm versehen sollen. Darnach preiset er das evangel - ische Ampt, welchs das hoheste und trostlichste Werk ist, zu Nutz und Heil der Gewissen, und zeiget wie dasselbige edler sei, denn das Geset- zes Ampt, und wie dasselbige verfol- get wird, und doch zunimpt an den Glaubigen, und eine Hofthung machet durchs Kreuz der ewigen Herrlich- keit. Aber mit dem alien riihret er die falschen Apostel, welche das Gesetz wider das Evangelium treibet, und eitel ausserliche Heiligkeit (das ist, Heuchelei) lehreten, und liessen die inwendige Schande des Unglau- bens stehen. Ty7idale (^1^26.^ As in the first epistle he rebuketh the Corinthians sharply, so in this he comforteth them, and praiseth them, and commandeth him that was ex- communicated to be received lovingly into the congregation again. And in the first and second chap- ters, he showeth his love to them- ward, how that all that he spake, did, or suffered was for their sakes, and for their salvation. Then in the third, fourth and fifth, he praiseth the office of preaching the Gospel, above the preaching of the Law ; and showeth that the Gospel groweth through persecution, and through the cross, which maketh a man sure of eternal life. And here and there, he toucheth the false prophets, which studied to turn the faith of the people from Christ, unto the works of the Law. 4 To Galatians. Luther [1^22.) Die Galater waren durch S. Paul- um, zu dem rechten Christenglauben, und ins Evangelium von dem Gesetzt gebracht. Aber nach seiner Abschied kamen die falschen Apostel, die der rechten Apostel Jiinger warden, und wandten die Galater wieder umb, dass sie glaubten, sie miissten durch des Gesetzes Werk selig werden, und thaten Siinde, wo sie nicht des Ges- etzes Werk hielten. Tyndale {/S26.) After Paul had converted the Gala- tians, and coupled them to Christ, to trust in him only for the remission of sins, and hope of grace and salvation, and was departed, there came false Apostles unto them, and that, in the name of Peter, James and John, whom they called the high Apostles, and preached circumcision and the keep- ing of the Law, to be saved by. 28 The Lutheran Movement in England. J To Ephesians. Luther {/J22.) In dieser Epistel, lehret S. Paulus aufs erst, was das Evangelium sei, wie es allein von Gott in Ewigkeit versehen, und durch Christum ver- dienct und ausgegangen ist, dass alle, die daran glauben, gerecht, frumm, leliendig, selig und vom Gesetz, Siinde und Tod frei werden. Das thut er durch diedrei ersten Kapitel. Tyndale {1326) In this Epistle, namely in the first three chapters, Paul showeth that the Gospel and grace thereof, was fore- seen and predestinate of God from before the beginning and deserved through Christ, and now at the last sent forth, that all men should believe therein; thereby to be justiiied, made righteous, living and happy ; and to be delivered from under the damna- tion of the law, and captivity of cere- monies. 6. To Philippians Tyudale {^1326.) Paul praiseth the Philippians, and exhorteth them to stand fast in the true faith and to increase in love. And because that false prophets study always to im))ugn and destroy the true faith, he warneth them of such work -learners, or teachers of works, and praiseth Epaphroditus ; and all this doth he in the first and second chapters. Luther {tJ22.) In dieser Epistel, lobet und ermah- net S. Paulus die Philipper, dass sie bleiben und fortfahren sollen im rechten Glauben, und zunehmen in der Liebe. Diewcil aber den Glau- ben allezeit Schaden thun die fal- schen Apostel und Werklehrer, warnet er sie fiir denselbigen, und zeiget ihnen an mancherlei Prediger, etliche gute, etliche bose, auch sich selbs und seine Jiinger, Timotheum und Epaph- roditus; das that er im I, 2 Kap. Similar examples might be given from the prologues to Colos- sians, i Thessalonians, 2 Thessalonians, i Timothy, 2 Timothy, Titus, Philemon, i Peter, 2 Peter, the Three Epistles of St. John, and to a less degree, i Corinthians. The long prologue to Hebrews keeps in view what Luther's brief prologue suggests, and argues against a statement of Luther. Even where his pro- logues do not reproduce similar prologues of Luther, no one who knows the latter will fail to see that Tyndale presents in another form what Luther has elsewhere taught. We cite, as an example, Tyndale' s treated of the allegorical interpretation of Scripture in the prologue to Leviticus, for every statement of which a cbr- responding passage of Luther could be given. Peculiar expres- sions, too, incline one greatly to most thoroughly search Luther's works for them, as e. g. " The Holy Ghost is no dumb God, Tyndale' s Dependence on Luther. 29 nor a God that goeth a mumming." So, as Canon Westcott^" has remarked, " Tyndale at the close of his prologue to St. Mat- thew, which is an extensive essay, reproduces, in a modified form, Luther's famous judgment on the relative worth of the apostolic books in his Preface to the New Testament. ' ' Tymdale (ijf26.) And thereto Paul's Epistles, with the Gospel of John, and his first epis- tle, and the first epistle of St. Peter, are most pure Gospel and most plainly and richly describe the glory of the grace of Christ. Summa, S. Johannis Evangel, und seine erste Epistel, S. Paulus Epistel, sonderlich die zu den Rom^n, Gala- tern, Ephesern, und S. Peters erste Epistle, das sind die Biicher, die dir Christum zeigen, und alles lehren, das dir zu wissen noth und selig ist. The Appendix on " Repentance is only a reproduction of Lu- ther's well-known discussion of metanoia, with special reference to the defects of the Latin translation ' ago poenitentiam. ' ' ' II. THE GLOSSES. " The marginal notes, those 'pestilent glosses,' against which the indignation of the clergy was especially excited, have been to a large extent translated by Tyndale from those of Luther. Not that Tyndale translated like a servile imitator, whose intellect was too barren to be capable of originality ; everywhere he uses his own judgment ; sometimes he curtails Luther's notes ; some- times he omits them ; often he inserts notes of his own, and these of various kinds, explanatory and doctrinal. Some of the longest of these marginal glosses, as well as some of those which most emphatically propound the doctrine of justification by faith, are original to Tyndale ; in other cases the words of Luther have been expanded, and have formed not so much the source of Tyndale's notes as the nucleus out of which it has grown. Of the whole number of ninety marginal glosses which occur in the fragment of Tyndale's quarto that has come down \.civ&, fifty-two have been more or less literally taken from Luther, and thirty- eight ■^xq original." ^^ 20 History of English Bible, p. 1 98. 21 Demaus, William Tyndale. A Biography. 30 The Lutheran Movement in England. We give two illustrations : Luther. Matth. 5 : 13. (Das Salz). Wenn die Lehrer aufhuien Gottes Wort zu lehien, mussen sie von Menschen- geset/.en ubcrfallen und zutreten werden. Luther. Rom. 5:14: Wie Adam uns mit frembder Siinde, ohn unser Schuld, verderbel hat ; also hat uns Christus mit frember Gnade ohn unser Ver- dienst sclij gcmacht. Tyndale. (Salt). When the preachers cease to preach God's Word, then must they need be oppressed and trod un- der foot with man's traditions. Tyndale. Adam's disobedience damned us all ere ■we ourselves wrought evil ; and Christ's obedience saveth us all ere we ourselves work any good. III. THE WICKED MAMMON. This is a treatise written by Tyndale at Worms, and published under his own name, May 8th, 1527. Its real theme is " Justi- fication by Faith." A number of scriptural texts, urged by the Papists against this doctrine, are examined and explained in an evangelical manner. The first, ajid the one accorded most prominent treatment is "The Parable of the Unjust Steward." From beginning to end it has Luther's' spirit and style. A large portion of it is from Luther's Sermon on the Ninth Sunday after Trinity. We select from pages that might be here inserted, only the passage on the meaning of unrighteous Mammon, which Prof. Walter triumphantly adduces as an indi- cation of Tyndale's profound Hebrew attainments. ^^ Luther (^1^22.) Auf erste : Mammon ist Hebraisch, und heisst so viel als Reichthumb oder zeitlich Gut, namlich das, dess jemand ubrig hat zu seinem stande, und damit er dem andern wohl kann niitz sein ohne Schaden. Denn Hamon auf Ileljraisch heisst Menge, oder grosser Hauf und viel; daraus wird denn Mahamon oder Alammon, das ist, die Menge des Gutes oder Reich- thumbs. Tyndale (ij2y.) First, manmion is an Hebrew word, and signifieth riches or temporal goods ; and, namely, all superfluity, and all that is above necessity, and that which is required to our neces- sary uses; wherewith a man may help another, without undoing or hurting himself; for hat>ion in the Hebrew speech, signifies a multitude or abundance, or many ; and there hence cometh niahatnon or 7nammon, abundance or plenteousness of goods or riches. ' Tyndak's Doctrinal Treatises (Parker Society), Note on p. 68. Tyndale" s Dependence on Luther. 31 Aufs ander heisst es unrecht Mam- mon, nicht dass es mit unrecht oder Wucher erworben sei ; denn von un- rechtem Gut, kann man kein gut Werk thunn, sondern soil es wieder- geben, wie Jesaias [b\, 8) hat gesagt. Secondarily, it is called " unright- eous mammon," not because it is got unrighteously, or with usury ; for of unrighteous gotten goods, can no man do good works, but ought to restore them home again : as it is said, Esay. LXI. Tlie entire book is one of the most devout, earnest, and evan- gelical in the English language ; and should be reprinted as a most solid Lutheran devotional work for the people. On every page passages of great force and beauty abound, where we feel Luther back of them, even when unable to trace them to his works, €. g. : " Prayer is a mourning, a longing, and a desire of the spirit to God-ward, for that which she lacketh ; as a sick man mourneth and sorroweth in his heart, longing for health. Faith ever pray- eth. For after that by faith we are reconciled to God, and have received mercy and forgiveness of God, the spirit longeth and thirsteth for strength to do the will of God, and that God may be honored, his name be hallowed, and his pleasure and will ful- filled. The spirit waiteth and watcheth on the will of God, and ever hath her own fragility and weakness before her eyes; and when she seeth temptation and peril draw nigh, she turneth to God, and to the testament that God hath made to all that be- lieve and trust in Christ's blood." " God looketh with what heart thou workest, and not what thou workest." *' If thou compare deed to deed, there is differ- ence betwixt washing of dishes, and preaching of the word of God ; but as touching to please God, none at all ; for neither that, nor this pleaseth, but as far forth as God hath chosen a man, hath put his Spirit in him, and purified his heart by faith and trust in Christ." "Faith, the mother of all good works, justifieth us before we can bring forth any good work : as the husband marrieth his wife before he can have any lawful children by her." " Deeds are the fruits of love ; and love is the fruit of faith. Love and also the deeds are great or small, according to the 32 The Lutheran Movevtent iii England, proportion of faith. Where faith is mighty and strong, there is love fervent, and faith plenteous : where faith is weak, there love is cold, and the deeds few and seldom, as flowers and blossoms in winter." I'he following is an echo of the famous passage in Luther's Preface to Romans (^O es ist ein lebendig, schdftig, thdtig, mdchtig Ding!^: " Faith is mighty in operation, full of virtue, and ever work- ing; which also reneweth a man, and begetteth him afresh, changeth him and turneth him altogether into a new nature and 'conversation ; so that a man feeleth his heart altogether altered and changed, and far otherwise disposed than before, and hath power to love that w^hich before he could not but hate, and de- lighteth in that which before he abhorred ; and hateth that which before he could not but love." IV. The Obedience of a Christian Man. In this treatise, published in 1528, we have been unable to find any translations from Luther, although it is probable that they are to be found. The topics treated are those on which Luther was constantly writing and speaking. It treats, /nA of the obedience which all subjects (children, wives, civil subjects) should yield, with an Appendix on " The Pope's False Power;" secondly, of the duties of rulers (fathers, husbands, masters, land- lords, kings and judges), with an appendix on Antichrist; thirdly, the subjects of Penance, Confession, Contrition, Satisfaction, Absolution, Confirmation, Anointing, Miracles and Worship- pings of Saints, Prayer, The Four Senses of the Scripture. In 1529 Anne Boleyn had a copy of this book which she loaned to one of her attendants. It passed from the attendant into the hands of her suitor, and he was detected with it. The book was seized and came into the possession of Cardinal Wolsey, from whom the king, on the intercession of the owner, obtained it. When he had read it, he expressed his great satis- faction. Henry was especially delighted with the manner, in which it enjoined the duty of obedience to rulers. " This book," Tyndale' s Dependence on Ltdher. 33 saidhe, " is for me and all Icings to read." "And in a little time," adds Strype, " the King, by the help of this virtuous lady, by the means aforesaid, had his eyes opened to the truth, to search the truth, to-advance God's religion and glory, to abhor the pope's doctrine." Alas! that it was only the interest of the stony- ground hearer. ^^ We cannot forbear giving a few paragraphs of the Preface as indicative of the spirit which animates the book : " Mark this : If God send thee to the sea, and promise to go with thee, and to bring thee safe to land, he will raise up a tempest against thee, to prove whether thou wilt abide by his word ; and .that thou mayest feel thy faith, and perceive his goodness. For if it were always fair weather, and thou never brought into such jeopardy, whence his mercy only delivered thee, thy faith would be a presumption, and thou wouldest be ever unthankful to God and merciless unto thy neighbor. If God promises riches, the way thereto is poverty. Whom he loves, him he chastens ; whom he exalts, he casts down ; he brings no man to heaven, except he send him to hell first ; when he builds, he casts all down first ; he is no patcher, he cannot build on another's foundation ] he will not work until all be past remedy, that men may see how his hand, his power, his mercy, his goodness and truth, have v\Tought altogether. Joseph saw the sun and moon and the eleven stars worshipping him. Nevertheless ere that came to pass, God laid him where he could see neither sun nor moon, neither any star of the sky, and that for years ; and also undeservedly : to nurture him, to humble, to make him meek, and to teach him God's ways, and to make him apt and meet for the place and honor, against he came to it, that he might perceive and feel that it came of God, and that he might be strong in the Spirit, to minister it in a godly manner. He promised the children of Israel a land with rivers of milk and honey, but brought them for the space of forty years into a ^*Slrype's Afet/wriah, I: 177. 4 34 The Lutheran Movement in England. land, where not only rivers of milk and honey were not, but where so much as a drop of water was not . He promised Daniel a kingdom, and immediately stirred up King Saul against him to persecute him ; to hunt him as men do hares with greyhounds, and to ferret him out of every hole, and that for the space of many years. This was to tame him, to make him meek \ to kill his lusts ; to make him feel other men's dis- eases ; to make him merciful ; to make him understand that he was made a king to minister and serve his brethren, and that he should not think that his subjects were made to minister unto his lusts. Tribulation is our right baptism. We that are baptised in the name of Christ, saith Paul, are baptised to die with him." V. Exposition of the Sermon on the Mount. In November 1530, during Bugenhagen's absence from Wit- tenberg, Luther occupied his pulpit, in which he preached a series of sermons on " The Sermon on the Mount." These were published in German in 1532, and in Latin in 1533. In 1532, Tyndale's Exposition appeared. George Joye, whose attempt to pirate Tyndale's translation of the New Testament occasioned an exciting controversy, in Tyndale's life-time asserted that " Luther made it, Tyndale only but translating and powdering it here and there with his own fantasies." This charge, how- ever, is at once seen to be unjust, if we compare the two. The "Exposition" is Tyndale's. The use made of Luther is per- fectly legitimate. But it is equally clear that either notes of Lu- ther's discourses, or the printed volume were before Tyndale, and freely used. There are not many passages, where the cor- respondence is as close as the following : Luther {fJJ2.) Gerechtigkeit muss an diesem Ort nicht heissen die christliche Haupt- rjm/a/e {1^32.) Righteousness in this place is not taken for the principal righteousness gerechtigkeit, dadurch die Person j of a Christian man, through which frumm und angenehm wird fur Gott. | the person is good and accepted be 2' Luther's Works, Erl. Ed., XLIII : 41. Tyndale' s Dependence on Luther. 35 Denn . . diese acht Stuck nicht An- ders sind, denn eine Lehre von den Friichten und guten Werken eines Christen, vor welchen der Glaube zuvor muss da sein, als der Baum und Hauptstuck, oder Summa seiner Ge- rechtigkeit und seligkeit, ohn alle Werk und Verdienst, daraus solche Stuck alle wachsen und folgen mus- sen. fore God. For these eight points are but doctrines of the fruits and works of a Christian man, before which the faith must be there, to make righteous without all deserving of works, and as a tree out of which all such fruits and works must spring. WAS TYNDALE A LUTHERAN? Dr. Eadie, the eminent commentator of the United Presbyte- rian Church of Scotland, urges that it is a great wrong to term him such. ^ "It was a mistake of no common magnitude," he says, "to associate the name and work of Tyndale with the name and work of Luther. The mistake, however, can be easily explained, as it was common at the time to call all men Luther- ans who showed any leaning towards reformation. The great Reformer had so stamped an image of himself upon the Teutonic movement, that similar tendencies in other lands, were vaguely named after him. Sir Thomas More, King Henry, Lee and Cochlaeus regarded Tyndale as a promoter of Lutheranism, and his testament was loosely spoken of as a translation of Luther's German version. The title page of Sir Thomas More's Dialogue read^ : ' Touching the pestilent sect of Luther and Tyndale. ' Eut it is against all evidence to call Tyndale Lutheran, or to aver that his purpose was to promote Lutheranism in his own country. He was no sectarian, was never allied to Luther as colleague or instrument, and nothing was farther from his thoughts than to found a sect and identify his own name with it." The conception of "Lutheran," here presented by Dr. Eadie, is that of one who went forth from the Church of Rome " to found a sect." Then, Luther himself was not a Lutheran; nor were any of his co-laborers Lutheran. A Protestant theologian who traces its beginnings to a movement in Germany to found a new sect, certainly has a strange view of the Reformation. The name ' Lutheran,' a term of reproach, against which Luther pro- ''^ History of English Bible, 1 : 122 sqq. ;^6 The Lutheran Movement in England. tested loud and long, became the current name for that pure Scrip- tural doctrine which Luther asserted and maintained in opposition to the corruptions of the Papacy. Even up to the diet of Augsburg, the hope had not altogether become extinct that the Roman Church would yet return to this doctrine. The Lutheran move- ment had nothing to do with a separate organization, until the act of its enemies, in casting out those who professed this doctrine as heretics, separated the enemies themselves, from the confessors of the faith of the Gospel. An appeal is made by Dr. Eadie to a " Protestation," by Tyn- dale in his revised New Testament of 1534. All, however, that it shows, is, that it is worthy to be placed alongside of similar numerous protestations of Luther. Tyndalesays: " I take God which alone seeth the heart to record to my conscience, beseech- ing Him that my part be not in the blood of Christ, if I wrote, of all that I have wTitten, throughout all my books, aught of an evil purpose of envy, or malice to any man, or to stir up any false doctrine or opinion, in the Church of Christ ; or to be au- thor of any sect ; or to draw disciples after me ; or that I be es- teemed or had in price above the least child that is born ; save only of pity and compassion I had, on the blindness of my breth- ren, and to bring them into the knowledge of Christ ; an^ to make every one of them, if it were possible, as perfect as an an- gel of heaven ; and to weed out all that is not planted of our Heavenly Father, and to bring down all that lifted itself against the knowledge of the salvation that is in the blood of Christ." But this is only an echo of what Luther wrote in 1522 : "I beg of you, keep silent about my name ; and call yourselves not Lutherans, but Christians. What is Luther ? The doctrine is not mine. I have been crucified for no one. St.. Paul (i Cor. 4 : 5) will not allow Christians to be called Pauline or Petrine, but only Christians. How have I come to it, that the children of Christ should be called by my miserable name ? Not so, dear friend, blot out party names, and be called Christians from him whose doctrine we have. ' ' ^ But tliis was explained the very '2«Erl. Ed. 22: 55. Tyndale's Dependence on Luther, 37 same year. " True it is that you should not say : ' I am Luth- eran, or Popish;' for he has not died for any of you, neither is he your Master, but Christ only, and you should confess Christ. But if you hold that Luther's doctrine is evangelical and the Pope's unevangelical, you must not entirely reject Luther ; oth- erwise, with him, you reject his doctrine which you have learned to know as Christ's doctrine. You must say : ' Whether Luther be rascal or saint, matters not ; but his doctrine is not his, but Christ's himself.' You see that the tyrants are trying not merely to destroyLuther, but to exterminate his doctrine ; and because of the doctrine, they feel for you and ask you whether you be Lutheran. Here truly you must not waver, but must freely con- fess Christ, whether he have been preached by Luther, Claus or George. The person, you may let go ; but the doctrine, you must confess." " The question, then, is simply as to whether the doctrine of Tyndale was the same as that of Luther. Concerning this, Val- entine Ernst Loscher says : " He who has received his knowl- edge from Luther's writings, and of whom one has no report that he has taught in any article otherwise than Luther, may justly be accounted Evangelical Lutheran, even though he have not lived in full connection with a Lutheran congregation, or we do not have from him a confession concerning every article in contro- versy." *® Loscher's information concerning Tyndale, however, is defective. In all the treatises we have noted, his apprehension of the doctrine of justification by faith in all its relations, and of the distinction between Law and Gospel, drawn from Luther, is so clear and full, as to leave little to be desired further. In the "Obedience of a Christian Man," the doctrine of the Sacra- ments is not treated with the same clearness, and a weakening is already manifest. Luther's statements concerning baptism ap- pear, however, in the foreground : '' The. washing without the word helpeth not ; but through the word it purifieth and cleans- "Ib. 28: 316. ''^Ausfuhrliche Historia Afotimm, p. 89. 38 The Lutheran Movement in England. eth." The influence of his friend John Frith, who had embraced the Zwinglian doctrine made Tyndale hesitate between the two sides. But he plead with Frith to desist from controversy : "Of the presence of Christ's body in the Sacrament, meddle as Httle as you can, that there appear no division among us. Barnes will be hot against you. The Saxons are sore on the affirmative; whether constant or obstinate, I commit it to God. ... I would have the right use preached, and the presence to be an indiffer- ent thing. . . . To believe that the body of Christ is every- where, though it cannot be proved, hurts no man, that worships him nowhere save in the faith of his Gospel." This was written in 1532, two years before his death. The next year, Frith's im- prisonment in England induced him to write a defence of his friend's views. Still later he wrote the very mild and moderate treatise called "A Brief Declaration of the Sacraments." It directly argues against the Lutheran doctrine. Frith's influence had gradually overcome that which Luther had so completely held over this retired scholar, while the very extent of his former indebtedness to Luther, and the exaggeration of this debt by ene- mies, rendered him more apt to find some point on which to as- sert his independence. But one need only compare Tyndale's writings with Zwingli's, to find how relatively thorough a Luth- eran, the former always remained. It was impossible for him to carry out to their consequences what was involved in his later doctrine of the Lord's Supper. CHAPTER III. THE POLITICAL COMPLICATIONS. Henry VIII, a retarding factor. The Divorce Question. Relations to Charles V and Francis I. Wolsey's Antipathy to Catherine. The Pope's em- ban-assment. Wolsey's Overthrow. The Rise of Cranmer. His Con- nection with the Cambridge Lutherans, and with the Boleyns. Ambas- sador to Germany. At Numberg. The Reformation, Reformers and Literati of Niirnberg. Cranmer finds a wife at Nurnberg. His descrip- tion of the Order of Worship in one of the Nurnberg churches. The Brandenburg-Niirnberg Order of 1533. Opinions of Theologians and Universities on the Divorce. Melanchthon's Diplomacy. Luther, the Advocate of Catherine. The Smalcald League, and its Confessional Basis. Francis I and the French Lutherans. Melanchthon and Mar- garet of Navarre. Henry's efforts to enter the League. The Evangelical leaven, thus working at the English universi-: ties, and carried forth thence, to return to those centers with increased power, was far more influential, than either the indig- nation deeply felt at the exemption from secular jurisdiction claimed by the Romish clergy, which found expression especially in the protests of Henry Standish, or the resentment of the King at the Pope's refusal to grant him a divorce. The latter factor seems at first sight to overshadow all else, and to have been the actual determining cause which effected the break with Rome. No one can deny that the movement was thereby accelerated. But the interference of the government on the Protestant side, before this had sufficiently matured by a true inward growth, was in the end a misfortune rather than a benefit. If Henry had re- mained the champion of Rome ten years longer, the independent development of English Protestantism would have been retarded, and been tempered by the fires of persecution until it might have (39) 40 The Lutherayi Movement in England. been ready for a complete rejection of hierarchical claims and tendencies. As things were, the external ru])ture occurring be- fore the inner separation was complete, it had to meet a crisis prematurely, and has ever since suffered from the confusion and compromise between diametrically opposing elements within the same communion, which resulted. The zeal of Henry VIII on the Pope's side, when Luther's hammer startled a sleeping world, is well known. His contro- versy with Luther in 1521, instigated probably by Cardinal Wolsey, and entered into by the King in order to exhibit his acquaintance with scholastic theology, obtained as its reward the Papal title of Defensor fidei, but with it such a severe handling from the miner's son that it is doubtful whether he felt himself repaid. Only a few years elapse, before we find him in negotia- tion with the Wittenberg Reformers, in order to support himself against the Pope. The political side of the question is so important as to demand somewhat extended consideration. Henry VIII, had ascended the throne of England in 1509, being at that time eighteen years old. Seven years before, his elder brother Arthur, had died after a marriage of four months with Catherine of Aragon, daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain. Political motives doubtless conspired with those of the sordid avarice generally alleged, viz., the retention of the dowry, to influence Henry VII, to marry her to his second son. But as marriage with a brother's wife was clearly forbidden by the canonical law, a dis- pensation of the Pope was asked, and readily granted in 1503. In 1505 already, when sixteen years old, Henry VIII, had en- tered protest in these words; "That whereas he, being under age was married to the princess Katherine, yet now coming to be of age, he did not confirm that marriage, but retracted and annulled it, and would not proceed in it, but intended in full form of law to void it and break it off." ' After his accession, he had the case learnedly argued before him on both sides. The * Burnet's History of the Rtfm-madon, 1 : 22. The Political Complications. 41 desirability of a close alliance with Spain, and the attractive character of Catherine, for the time silenced all scruples ; and the marriage was publicly celebrated June 3d, 1509. Two sons born of this marriage died shortly after birth. Only Mary, afterwards Queen, survived infancy. It was the great ambition of Henry to control the politics of Europe. His great rival, who in large measure gained the posi- tion to which Henry aspired, was the Emperor Charles V. In Charles' opinion, Francis I of France was a more formidable an- tagonist. Both rulers, therefore, competed for Henry's favor. Charles repeatedly made promises which were never fulfilled. Cardinal Wolsey was twice assured that he would succeed to the Papacy at the very next vacancy ; and twice, Charles saw to it that the promise was broken. In 1522, Charles promised to marry his cousin, the princess Mary ; but five years later, not being inclined to wait for a bride who was only ten years old, excused himself upon the ground that she was the child of an unlawful marriage. It was not, then, a mere fancy for Anne Boleyn which sug- gested the thought of divorce. The same desire to secure an undisputed succession (for so far England had never been ruled by a queen) which led Napoleon to his wrong against Josephine, undoubtedly had much force, augmented, as it was, by the su- perstitious inferences which he drew from the death of his sons, as a divine judgment because of the supposed unlawful marriage, and by the dogmatic statements of his favorite schoolman, Thomas Aquinas. We have no doubt that he read every sen- tence of the chapters in the supplement to the Sunima Su}nma~ rum, treating "Of the Impediments to Marriage," and that his e3^e lingered on the conclusion of Art, VI. Quest. LV. : " Pre- ceding affinity not only hinders marriage that is to be contracted but also destroys that which has been already contracted;" and that he weighed carefully the arguments of Art. IX., which insist that the same rule must be applied to affinity as to consanguinity, and that in both cases, the continuance of the marriage, when 42 The Lutheran Movement in England. the original wrong has been discovered, is a mortal sin. Not necessarily a tender conscience, but a regard for that consistency, in which, as the sworn defender of Roman orthodoxy he prided himself, contributed much to the result, and led him even to doubt the Pope's authority to give any dispensation. But there was a power behind the throne. Wolsey's coarse and licentious character, and his arrogant and arbitrary proceed- ings were in the highest degree offensive to the pure minded queen ; and a personal antagonism between them was the result. Besides she was not without considerable political influence, the Privy Council being summoned before her at times for the dis- cussion of pending questions. She was a Spaniard; and her sympathies were against France. It was Wolsey's policy, at this period, to make the separation from the Emperor the widest, and, if possible, to form an alliance with France. " If a definitive rupture was to take place between England and the Burgundo- Spanish power, Henry's marriage with Catherine must be dissolved, and room thus made for a French princess. ■ Wolsey formed the plan of marrying his King in Catherme's stead, with the sister or even the daughter of Francis I. When he was in France in 1527, he said to the Regent, the King's mother, that within a year she would live to see two things, the most complete separa- tion of his sovereign from Spain, and his indissoluble union with France." ^ Such being the case, it was not wonderful that Wolsey's influ- ence with his subordinates, determined the opinion of all the bishops in England, the bishop of Rochester (Fisher) alone ex- cepted, in favor of the divorce. The queen, however, refused to recognize any authority capable of deciding the question, below that of the Pope. Clement VII was reluctant to interfere on either side, and advised Henry to act on his own responsibility ; but, at length, after an ineffectual attempt, through his legate. Cardinal Campeggi, to induce Catherine to yield her claims, was compelled to decide against the King, partly in order to ^ Ranke's England, 1 : 122. The Political Complications. 43 maintain the sanctity of papal dispensations, and partly because of the overpowering influence of the Emperor, who in 1527 had humbled his spiritual father, captured Rome and held him pris- oner for months. Charles was unyielding in his opposition to the divorce, not only because of their political rivalry, but also because Queen Catherine was his aunt, and, however inconsistent with his own repudiation of Princess Mary in 1522, he regarded Henry's course as an indignity to his family. As the Pope was thus subservient to the Emperor, Henry took matters into his own hands in a sense far different from that to which he had been pre- viously advised' by the former. Wolsey fell, horrified that, in- stead of a French princess, Anne Boleyn was in view, and Thom.as Crumwell rose (1530). Archbishop Warham died ; and Cranmer was summoned from Germany to succeed, with much reluctance, to the see of Canterbury. As this brings before us the most prominent figure in the Eng- lish Reformation, it is fitting that some account of Cranmer should be here given. He was born of an ancient family in Nottingham, July 2d, 1489. His boyhood was largely devoted to the sports and exercises of the English gentry, to which his father belonged. After his father's death, he was sent, at the age of fourteen, to Cambridge, where, until he was twenty-two, his attention was given almost exclusively to the subtilties of scholasticism. After 15 11, he fell under the influence of Eras- mus. " He gave himself to the reading of Faber, Erasmus, and good Latin authors, four or five years together, unto the time that Luther began to write. And then, considering what great controversy was in matters of religion, not only in trifles, but in the chiefest articles of our salvation, be bent himself to try out the truth therein. And forasmuch as he perceived he could not judge indifferently in such weighty matters, without the knowledge of the Holy Scriptures ; therefore, before he was infected with any man's opinions or errors, he applied his whole ■study three years therein. After this, he gave his mind to good writers, both new and old ; not rashly running over them ; for 44 The Lutheran Movement in England. he was a slow reader, but a diligent marker of whatsoever he read, seldom reading without pen in hand. And whatsoever made either for the one part, or the other, of things in controversy, he wrote it out, if it were short, or at least noted the author, and the place, that he might find it, and write it out at leisure ; which was a great help to him in debating of matters ever after. This kind of study, he used till he was made doctor of divinity : which was about the thirty-fourth year of his age. and about the year 1523."' Before this, by marrying, he had lost his fellowship in Jesus' College, and became lecturer in another of the colleges of Cam- bridge; but his wife dying, he had soon been restored to his old fellowship. He had been selected among the band of scholars (Clark, Cox, Taverner, etc.,) to be transferred to Cardinal Woi- sey's new College at Oxford, but decHned. He became lecturer on divinity in Jesus' College, and examiner of candidates for theological degrees ; and his examination laid special stress upon the candidates' proficiency in Holy Scripture. At this time, Henry called upon the theologians of the Universities for their opinions concerning his divorce. CramTier was found to be one of the few who from the beginning favored it. The King at once demanded his services, and had him assigned a home at Durham with Sir Thomas Boleyn, father of the future queen, while he wrote a book in the cause of Henry. Boleyn was also an earnest student of the Word of God, as Strype * quotes from Erasmus, who, in a letter to Sir Thomas, says : " I do the more congratulate your happiness, when I observe the sacred scriptures to be so dear to a man, as you are, of power, one of the laity and a courtier." Cranmer's home in her father's house, had much to do with Anne Boleyn' s future connection with the cause of the Reformation. After this, he had to personally appear and argue the matter in both universities. We next find him engaged in answering a book of Cardinal Pole's against the divorce. Then, ' Strype's Memorials of Archbishop Cranmer, 1 : 3. *Ib.p. 8. The Political Complications. 45 in 1530, he was sent on the same mission to France, Italy and Germany. At Rome he remained for several months, but with no success. He soon appears as ambassador from England to Germany. The Emperor being a long time during the year 1532 at Rat- isbon (Regensburg), in attendance on the Diet, Cranmer was with him there, and made visits to the city of Niirnberg, fifty- three miles distant, to confer with the Elector of Saxony, where, of course, he became a deeply interested spectator of all the changes which the Reformation had wrought in that city since its introduction in 1524. At Niirnberg, he found the place of which Luther had written, that it "shines throughout all Ger- many, like the sun amidst moon and stars," and which Melanch- thon had called " Lu?nen, oculum, decus et ornamentum prae- cipumn Getmaniae " Longfellow has sung of it: Quaint old town of toil and traffic, quaint old town of art and song, Memories haunt thy pointed gables, like the rooks that round them throng : Memories of the Middle Ages, when the emperors, rough and bold, Had their dweUii^g in thy castle, time-defying, centuries old. In the church of sainted Sebald, sleeps enshrined his holy dust, And, in bronze, the Twelve Apostles guard from age to age their trust. In the church of sainted Lawrence, stands a pix of sculpture rare, Like the foamy sheaf of fountains, rising through the painted air. Here when Art was still religion, with a simple, reverent heart, Lived and labored Albrecht Diirer, the EvangeUst of Art ; Emigravit is the inscription on the tombstone where he lies ; Dead he is not — but departed — for the artist never dies. Here was the Gymnasium that boasted of Melanchthon, as its founder, and at whose dedication, he had delivered the address. Here Staupitz had preached years before, and Luther had visited on his way -to Augsburg in 15 18. It had been the heme of the humanist Perkheimer, who, on account of his friendship for Luther, had been named in the Pope's bull against the reformer. Here Albrecht Diirer the great painter had died in 1528. Among 46 The Lutheran Movement in England. those whom Cranmer doubtless met, was the jurist, Lazarus Spengler, who had been a deputy from Niirnberg to the Diet of Augsburg in 1530. He was the author of the hymn Durch Adam s Fall ist ganz rerderbt, and had shared Perkheimer's honor of being inckided in the bull against Luther. An- other celebrity of Niirnberg then living, was Hans Sachs. " Not thy Councils, not thy Kaisers, win for thee the world's regard ; But thy painter, Albrecht Durer, and Hans Sachs, thy cobblcr-bard." Among the theologians, were Camerarius, the intimate friend, correspondent and biographer of Melanchthon, who was Profes- sor in the Gymnasium, and also had been a deputy to Augsburg; Wenceslaus Link, preacher of St. Sebald's church, and the inti- mate friend of the Wittenberg reformers ; and Andrew Osiander, preacher in St. Lorenz church, who had participated both in the Marburg Colloquy and in the conferences of the theologians at the Diet of Augsburg, with John Brentz, sharing the part of Me- lanchthon's chief counselor. With Osiander, Cranmer soon became especially intimate. He persuaded him to write in favor of Henry's divorce, and Cranmer, in turn, urged the preparation for publica- tion, of Osiander's " Harmony of the Gospels." Then Osian- der's niece captivated the heart of the English ambassador, so that the future Archbisliop of Canterbury took to himself a Luth- eran wife. The intimacy thus begun, was continued for years. The correspondence was frequent and extended. Long after- wards (1540) Cranmer wrote to Osiander that he was always re- proached for whatever faults could be charged upon the German reformers, and " that he was fain to make the best answers he could, either out of their books or out of his own invention." ^ Cranmer's first visit to Niirnberg was before March 14th, and even then, he closely observed and criticized the Order of Ser- vice in use. We learn this from an interesting letter of Sir Thomas Eliot: "Touching Nurenberg, it is the moste propre towne and best ordered publike weale that ever I beheld. . . . Although I had a chaplayn, yet could I not be suffred to have ^ Strype, Mem. of Cranmer, 1 : 180. The Political Co^nplications. 47 him sing Mass, but was constrayned to here there Mass, which is but one in a churche, and that is celebrate in forme folowing : The Preeste in vestments, after oure manner, singith everi thing in Latine, as we use, omitting suffrages. The Epistel he readeth in Latin. In the meane time, the sub-Deacon goeth into the pulpite and readeth to the people the Epistle in their vulgare ; after thei peruse other things as our prestes doo. Than the Preeste redith softly the Gospell in Latine. In the meane space the Deacon goeth into the pulpite, and readith aloude the Gos- pell in the Almaigne tung. Mr. Cranmere sayiih it was shewid to him that in the Epistles and Gospels, thei kept not the ordre that we doo, but doo peruse every daye one chapitre of the New Testament. After, the preste and the quere do sing the Credo as we doo ; the secretes and preface they omitt, and the priest singith, with a high voyce, the wordes of the consecration ; and after the Levation, the Deacon torneth to the people, telling to them in Almaigne tunge a longe process how thei shold prepare theim selfes to the communion of the flesh and blode of Christ ; and than may every man come that listith, without going to any confession. But I, lest I sholde be partaker of their commun- yon, departid than, and the Ambassador of Fraunce, which caused all the people in the churche to wonder at us as though we had been gretter heretikes than thei. One thing liked me well (to shew your Grace freely my hart.) All the preestes hadd wyves ; and thei were the fayrist women of the towne." ® The service, thus described was to be replaced the next year by the Brandenburg-Niirnberg Kirchenordtiung, in course of preparation that very summer, during which the Wiirtemberg re- former, John Brentz, spent six weeks in joint labor with Osiander. in the very house where Cranmer met his bride. He heard there the Exhortation to the Communion composed by Wolfgang Vol- precht (f 1528) who in 1524, had administered the Holy Com- munion for the first time in both forms, to three thousand per- sons. This ^'Exhortation" is familiar to us, from its use in a ^ Ellis, Original Lctia-s, III, vol. II : p. 189. 48 The Lutheran Movement in England. somewhat condensed form in the " Church Book" and "Com- mon Order of Service." Cranmer having gained the confidence of Osiander was proba- bly admitted into the full knowledge of the grievances from which Osiander was then complaining. Notoriously arbitrary and head-strong, he at first had regarded it his right to prepare a liturgy without any aid or assistance; and the interference of Spengler, in an attempt to secure the co-operation of others, was indignantly resented, until Osiander was at length obliged to yield, and Brentzwas called in to mediate. Nor is it improbable that Cranmer learned much of the details of the work in con- templation or even in progress. He certainly knew of the great desire of the Lutheran theologians to unite upon one Common "Order of Service, and thus remove the reproach that in our Church, there was nothing but disorder. '' Cranmer' s presence in Nlirnberg, therefore, was destined to bear, rich fruit in Eng- land in years to come. AsBucerin 1536 dedicated to Cranmer his " Metaphrasis et Enarratio" on the Epistle to the Romans, in a flattering letter, it is probable that about the same time as that of the events above mentioned, they also had met. But to return to the question of the divorce. The negotiations in which Cranmer was engaged met with varied results. Oxford, after three months controversy, decided just as the King wished. Cambridge, with much difficulty, was induced to follow, the Lu- theran element there having been, in Burnet's opinion, a most serious obstacle. Richard Crook was sent to Italy to make re- searches, examine Greek manuscripts, copy everything in the Fa- thers relating to degrees of marriage and obtain the opinions of learned Jews. Money was freely used, and bought precisely such opinions as suited Henry. Franciscans, Dominicans, Ser ' vites. Conventuals, the University of Padua, the divines of Bono- nia and Ferrara, the faculty of the Canon Law at Paris, that at the Sorbonne, that of Law at Anglers, of Divinity of Bourges, ^ Acta Hist. Eccles. XLIX : 718. The Political Complications. 49 and the whole University of Toulouse, coincided with won- derful harmony. Among the Reformed, Oecolampadius favored, but Bucer opposed the king ; Zwingli advised that the marriage be dissolved, yet with the legitimization of the issue born in it- Calvin also declared the marriage void, and advised that the queen be put away. Fortified by these opinions, Cranmer, who, during his stay in Germany, had not succeeded in gaining for his side any Lutheran opinions, except that of Osiander, after holding an ecclesiastical court for the trial of the case, pro- nounced the marriage null and void (May 23d, 1533). In the succeeding year, 1534, the Papal autnority was completely abol- ished by the necessary legislation, 'The Act of Supremacy," investing the King with the supreme headship on earth of the Church of England; while in 1535, Crumwell was made vice- gerent for the King in all ecclesiastical matters, outranking even the Archbishop of Canterbury. The Wittenberg theologians had not been neglected in the re- quest for opinions concerning the divorce. In August and Sep- tember, 1 531, Dr, Robert Barnes, whose open advocacy of Luth- eranism already in 1526 has been noticed, appears at Wittenberg on a commission from the king. Melanchthon's opinion of Aug. 23d, shows the general character of this great scholar as an ecclesiastical diplomatist, in seeking a most unfortunate com- promise between two antagonistic positions. First he attempts to demonstrate that the prohibition of marriage with the wife of a deceased brother given in Leviticus, belongs to the Ceremonial Law, and is no longer binding. If it were binding, he argues that the other provision compelling a brother to marry his broth- er's widow, if the first marriage be without children, must also be enforced. Regarding the marriage, therefore, as entirely lawful, he urges that a divorce would be sinful, on the ground that the divine law is immutable in its prohibition of divorce extra casum adulterii. The queen must always have the place of a lawful wife; and Mary be regarded a legitimate daughter. But if the succession is to be guarded, he has another remedy to 5 50 The Luther mi Movement in. England. propose. •' This can be done without any peril to the conscience or reputation of any one, hy polygamy (! ! !). Although I would not concede polygamy as a common matter, yet in this emergency, on account of its great advantage to the kingdom, possibly on account of the conscience of the king, I say that it would be safest for the king to marry a second, without repudiating his first wife. . . . Abraham, David and other holy men had many wives," etc.^ In our admiration of the rare gifts of Melanch- thon, and the eminent service which he rendered the cause of Christ, we ought not to close our eyes to the mistakes into which he was often betrayed whenever he entered the field of politics, and allowed considerations of temporary expediency to prevail. Luther's judgment of two weeks later shows how deeply he was exercised by the wrong proposed. " If the adversaries carry the king with them, let our men try with all their might at least to keep the queen from in any way consenting to the divorce. Let her rather die than become an accomplice to such a crime in God's sight, and let her most firmly believe that she is the true and legitimate Queen of England, made so by God himself. If they cannot save the king (which may God avert), let them at least save the soul of the queen, so that if the divorce cannot be prevented she may bear this great evil as her cross, but in no way approve or consent to it. Since I can do nothing else, my prayer is directed to God that Christ may hinder this divorce and make void the counsels of Ahithopel in persuading it, and that the queen may have firm faith and constant assurance that she is and will be Queen of England, even though the gates of the world and of hell may oppose."^ As to the succession, Lu- ther suggests what Henry may have recalled years afterwards, when he asks as to what assurance the king has that the child of any other marriage would be a son.^" While there is one clause in his opinion of eleven pages, declaring that even polygamy 8 Mel. Opera, C. R. II : 520-537. 9 De Wette's Luther's Brie/en, IV : 306. "lb. p. 296. ,, The Political Complications. 51 would be preferable to a divorce, there is no more evidence of such an expedient being seriously proposed by Luther as it was by Melanchthon, than that he advised suicide when he declared that the queen should die rather than become an accomplice to a crime. We are at once impressed by the candor of Luther, when contrasted with the course of the Pope. The latter sought to evade the difficulty by persuading the queen to surrender her claims ; the former urges that the queen es^Decially must be urged not to yield an hair's-breadth. To him it is a question neither of ecclesiastical nor civil policy, but one of fidelity in his testimony to the truth involved. There is another judgment given by the entire body of Wittenberg theologians, found in Burnet's His- tory, Vol. II : Doc. No. 35, and in Melanchthon's Works, C. R. II: 523, which shows such a divergence in the character of the arguments adduced, so that though the conclusion is the same, some of the premises have been entirely changed, that the differ- ence would be inexplicable, if we had not the clue given in Seck- endorf, " that in the archives at Weimar, the original is dated 1536, a suggestion which is confirmed by the fact that it is not the single legate of 1 531, but the three legates of 1535 and 1536, who are there mentioned. These answers, however, did not repel the king of England from seeking further aid at Wittenberg when he needed it. Al- though the Pope had been defied, Henry dreaded far more the wrath of the Emperor, and sought for such Continental alliances as might strengthen his position. The Smalcald League had been formed, March 29th, 1531, between the Lutheran confed- erates, the Elector of Saxony, the Dukes Philip Ernst and Franz of Brunswick-Liineburg, the Landgrave Philip of Hesse, Prince Wolfgang of Anhalt, Counts Gebhardt and Albrecht of Mans- feld, and the cities of Strassburg, Ulm, Constance, Reutlingen, Memmingen, Lindau, Biberach, Issni, Liibeck, Magdeburg and Bremen. On July 23d, 1532, the league concluded with the Emperor the Religious Peace of Niirnberg, guaranteeing, until "III: 212. 52 The Lutheran Movement in Englajid. the convening of a General Council, peace to all the Confeder- ates by name, upon the stipulation that "they make no further and other innovation beyond the Confession, Assent" and Apology presented at Augsburg, and that which agrees therewith, according to a lawful, Christian and just sense, and that they in- troduce no ceremonies adverse to, or which do not agree with the Augsburg Confession and the Apology.'" " These terms by no means satisfied the Landgrave, and a num- ber of the theologians, as Urbanus Riegius, Erhard Schnepf, Antony Corvinus, etc., who were averse to the acceptance of any pledge of peace which did not secure protection also for all who should hereafter accept the Confessional basis, Riegius maintaining that the peace proposed was worse than war. " But Luther urged the more moderate course, and succeeded in hav- ing it adopted. '^ The League thus formed became a very important factor in the politics of Europe. It was to the interest of both Francis L of France, and Henry VIIL, to have its sympathy and co-operation in their plans against the Emperor, or, at least, to prevent its mem bers from giving the Emperor their support. Francis, in order to break the confederacy between the Pope and the Emperor, had in October, 1533, formed a compact with the former at Marseilles, according to which his son, Henry, married Cath- erine de Medici, the niece of the Pope. But his plans failed by the death of Clement VIL in the succeeding October. Foiled thus in his efforts to use the Papal power against the Emperor, he next turned to the Lutheran princes. Li February, 1535, he wrote to them a long letter, among other things apologizing for the persecution of the French Lutherans, by the assurance that no German Avithin his realm has suffered. '^ Then follows some 12 " This term added because of those who after the diet of 1530, had as- sented to the Confession." Seckendorf, III : 24. 13 lb. pp. 24, 25. 1* lb. p. 22. "lb. ; De Wette's Luther's Briefen, IV : 369, 373, 380. i^For letter, see C. R. II : 828. The Political Complications. 53 correspondence between Melanchthon and Cardinal Bellay, re- sulting in an invitation to the former to visit France in order to effect an agreement in doctrine with the French theologians. Even prior to these negotiations, in the preceding August, Me- lanchthon, possibly at the suggestion of Margaret of Navarre, sister of Francis, and favorably disposed to the Lutheran cause, had transmitted an outline of doctrine according to which he proposed to reconcile the differences. But as cruelties towards Protestants in France were not abated, and the princes deemed the pledges even of the Emperor more trustworthy than any that could be offered by the king, Melanchthon's desire to accept the invitation was denied by the Elector. At the meeting of the Smalcald League in December, Cardinal Bellay is present with new propositions, " only to hear his schemes, intended purely for political expediency, answered by the admirable Confession that " the League had been established among them for no other reasons than for the pure Word of God, and for preserving and propagating the sound doctrine of faith." Bent on war, how- ever, Francis at last found an ally in the Turks ; and hostilities began in 1536. These difficulties of the Emperor were propitious to Henry, and he hastened to make the best of them. If he could only be admitted into the Smalcald League, and be made its chief, he imagined that he would soon humble both Pope and Emperor, and that Francis also might be made pay a severe penalty for not having espoused his cause. For the League had begun to show an aggressive spirit. The Emperor's brother, Ferdinand, had been compelled by the Landgrave to surrender the royal power of Wiirtemberg, and to restore it to Duke Ulrich, who in 1534, introduced the Reformation. The League itself was just about extending its provisions to the limits for which Riegius and his associates had so urgently plead to no effect in 1532. The pur- pose was being formed which at last was regularly adopted in December, 1535, in the enactment " that all be received into the 1^ C. R. II : 1009 sqq. 54 The Lutheran Movement in England. League who have applied for admission, or shall hereafter apply, provided that they purely, freely and openly confess God and his Gospel, love peace, and live as becomes honorable and upright men."^« 18 Seckendorf, III : lOO. CHAPTER IV. THE ENGLISH COMMISSION TO WITTENBERG. Preliminary Negotiations. Melanchthon's letter to Henry VIII. Renewed Negotiations, and Correspondence. Melanchthon invited to England. The Augsburg Confession as a Basis of Union. The Third Series of Negotiations. Slcetches of Fox and Heath. The Oration of Fox. The The Thirteen Articles of 1535. Henry entangled in his own toils. The Discussions at Wittenberg. Diplomacy vs. Faith. The Augsburg Con- fession under Debate. The Ambassadors won. The Repetitio. Chief difficulty, with the articles on " Abuses." Henry demands an Amend- ment. The Convention at Frankfort. The Proposed Embassy to Eng- land. We have thus far noticed how the truly evangelical element connected with the English Reformation was working at those great centers of religious thought and life, the two great Eng- lish universities, notwithstanding all the opposition which the power of the government could interpose, until finally politi- cal motives caused Henry's break with the Pope, and induced him to try to turn to his own service, and to control and lead the very movement against which he had been pre- viously-arrayed. Unchanged in principle, and guided solely by secular considerations, he sought to be the head of Protestantism, not only in his own land, but on the Continent, and to direct its course in a channel far different from that which it first took, when, with irrepressible force, the yearning of the heart for the assurance of forgiveness of sins burst through the bonds which had been interposed between the sin-burdened soul and its God. In'accordance with this plan of Henry to become master of the Lutheran Smalcald League, Dr. Robert Barnes, was on March nth, 1535, once more in Wittenberg. Melanchthon writes on (55) 56 The Lutheran Movement in England. that date to his friend Camerarius, and inserts several Greek sen- tences to the effect that ' ' a stranger has come to us, sent from Britain, treating only of the second marriage of the king ; but, as be says, the king has no concern for the affairs of the Church," and then he adds in Latin: "There is this advantage about it, that no cruelty is now exercised against those of the purer doc- trine." ^ Two days later Melanchthon, at the suggestion of Dr. Barnes, wrote Henry a letter ^ whose terms of extravagant praise of the king recall the sagacious diplomat rather than the sober and discriminating theologian. " Your Royal Majesty ought justly to be loved by all good men on account of )'our eminent moderation and justice. " His reign is praised as "the golden age" of Britain. Then after having completely fulfilled in many words of flattery, the rule of the great Latin writer on Ora- tory, first to make the hearer well-disposed, he introduces the sug- gestion, to which Archbishop Laurence in his Bampton Lectures on The Thirty-nine Articles, ^ ascribes the origin of the formu- laries of faith which were promulgated during the reign of Henry. "I have no doubt," he writes, " that the controversies concerning religion would be mitigated if your Royal Majesty were to use your authority both to bend other kings to modera- tion and to deliberate with learned men concerning the kind of doctrine. For it is in no way a doubtful matter that some abuses which are not to be dissembled, have insinuated themselves into the church, and that kings are not taking pains to have a simple and sure form of doctrine issued''; and then he adds that "care ought to be taken that cruelty be not inflicted upon good men." In August, Melanchthon dedicates to Henry the edition of his Loci of 1535, not as a patron, but as a censor, whom in the most courtly language he asks to study and criticise the book. The iC. R. II: 851. 2 C. R. II : 861-864. ^ " Nor is it too much to suppose, that the formularies of faith, which were promulgated in the reign of Henry, originated in the advice of Melanchthon, as contained in a letter to that Prince, dated March 3, [13] 1535." Arch- bishop Laurence's Lectures, Fomlh Edition, Oxford, 1853, p. 200. The English Commission to Wittenberg. 57 whole document is a most earnest plea for attention above all things to reformation in doctrine. "It is manifest," he writes, ''that some chief articles of Christian doctrine have lain for a long time enveloped in densest darkness. When the works of some learned and good men began to be produced from this, at once unusual severity, unworthy of the lenity which should char- acterize the Church, began to be exercised. Not only are good and learned men put to death, and abuses confirmed, but zeal for Christian doctrine is altogether extinguished." — "Good and wise princes should seek for suitable remedies. Why is it that they are under any obligations to preserve the Church for poster- ity? This Church will indeed be rent asunder in infinite ways, unless some plan be adopted for the propagation to posterity, of a godly and sure form of doctrine. '^ "I have thought it of the highest importance to present this document to you, the most learned of all kings, that from it, rather than from the calumnies of others, your Majesty may form a judgment concerning me, and the entire kind of doctrine, with which I am employed." * Dip- lomatic as the methods of Melanchthon are, yet back of them we find the earnest effort to win the king and his kingdom over to the truth of the Gospel. His heart is set upon the propagation of the pure doctrine of God's Word, and not upon any scheme of ecclesiastical polity, or any other external relations. The book was entrusted to Alexander Alesius, a Scotchman, to carry, to- gether with a letter to Cranmer, to England. About the middle of September, while the plague was raging at Wittenberg, Dr. Barnes returned with a three-fold proposi- tion : 1 . Would an embassy or ambassador be received, who would be sent for the purpose of conferring calmly with Dr. Luther and the others doctors concerning certain articles ? 2. Would Melanchthon be allowed to visit England, in order to confer with the King ? 3. The King would not be averse to connection with the Smal- *C. R. II: 921 sqq. $8 The Lutheran Movement in England. cald League, provided a place were accorded him proportioned to his rank, and the articles of faith which the League was pledged to defend, were transmitted to him. Even Luther becomes sanguine as to the result, and unites with Jonas, Cruciger and Bugenhagen in a most urgent petition that the Elector give Dr Barnes an audience. "Who knows," they write, "what God will work? His wisdom is higher, and his will better than ours. ' ' ^ The Elector's answer to Dr. Barnes, of September 21st, is im- portant : 1. The doctors of the University shall be directed to meet the proposed legate, attentively hear him, and confer with him in the spirit of love. 2. The question concerning Melanchthon's leave of absence must be deferred until after the return of the other professors to Wittenberg. 3. The terms of the admission of the King of England into the League cannot be decided by the Elector, since he can act only for himself; and has no authority to speak for his colleagues. But one thing is sure. If the King and the Elector are to be members of the League at the same time, the former must be pre- pared to cordially accept and subscribe the AugsbuTg Confession. " We will never reject the correct and pure doctrine of the Gos- pel, useful to the Church, which both our Most Illustrious Fath- ers and we, with the other allies, confessed at the Diet of Augs- burg before the Most Invincible Emperor, our Most Clement Lord, and the other princes and the States of the Roman Em- pire." ® On leaving. Dr. Barnes took with him a letter written for the Elector by Melanchthon, September 26th, professing much affec- tion for the king, not only because of the unbroken friendship between the rulers of Saxony and the Kings of England, but chiefly '.'since we have learned that your Serene Highness is 5 De Wette's Luther's Briefen, IV : 633. 6C. R. II: 942. The English Commission to Wittenberg. 59 possessed of a great desire to reform the doctrine of religion. For this is a care especially worthy the highest kings ; nor can they who govern states, render God any service more grateful. Nor can it be dissembled that many faults have for many generations insinuated themselves into the Church, through the negligence and cupidity of the Roman pontiffs, and that these have need to be corrected. If your Serene Majesty, therefore, will devote his zeal to reforming the doctrine and correcting ecclesiastical abuses, he will in the first place jnake a most pleasing sacrifice to God, and, in the second, will deserve well from the whole Church, and all posterity." ^ A few days later (October ist), Henry, using his new title of " Supreme Head on Earth of the English Church," acknowledges Melanchthon's courtesy in the dedication of his Loci, by a brief note, assuring him of the gratification it had afforded, compli- menting the author's learning, but affording no trace of any se- rious attention paid to the treatment of doctrine.^ The letter was accompanied by a present of two hundred crowns, and the promise that Crumwell would communicate with him further. Burnet regards Melanchthon's invitation to England at this time, simply as a plan which Henry had adopted to counteract the effect upon Melanchthon and the Elector, of the similar invitation which had been received from the French king. The King of England had thus far been made to plainly un- derstand that, while the Lutheran princes and theologians were kindly disposed to the English people, and deeply interested in their welfare, questions of faith and the reformation in doctrine overshadowed all others, and no union could be even for a moment entertained that had not as its basis the unreserved acceptance of the Confessional basis laid at Augsburg. This will still further appear in what is to follow. Early in November 1535, there were further conferences with Barnes and other English legates.* Melanchthon, who so often ■> lb. 944. 8 lb. 948. 9 C. R. II : 967 sqq. 6o The Lutheran Movement in England. was called into service to prepare State papers in which religious questions were involved, wrote for the Elector on November 17th, a letter which accepted the professed earnestness of the king, in regard to a religious reform as though it were serious, and informed him that so far as he and his associates were con- cerned their purpose is: " In this cause, nothing else but that the glory of Christ may be proclaimed, and godly and sound doctrine, harmonizing with the Holy Scriptures be restored to the whole world. ... Let not the King of England have the least doubt but that the confederated princes and states are of such a mind, that since, by God's blessing, they have learned to know the truth of the gospel, so also they will use all care and diligence, throughout all life in defending this holy and godly doctrine, and, by God's help, will never depart from the truth which they have learned. It is, indeed, very agreeable for the princes and confederated states to learn that the King also de- sires to aid the pure doctrine ; and they pray that he may con- tinue in this opinion." Then, after stating how necessary har- mony among the members of the League on this subject, is, he continues : " Nor do those embraced in this confederation have among them any dissent in doctrine or opinions with respect to faith, and they hope by God's aid to persevere and be harmon- ious in that doctrine which they confessed at the Diet of Augs- burg before the Emperor and the entire Roman Empire." They close by expressing their great gratification that the King of England is of such a mind as to desire to agree with them in the matter of Evangelical religion and doctrine, being ready to declare, on every possible occasion his favor in, and zeal for, this most holy cause, as becomes a King of Christian and evangelical doctrine, and to afford with the greatest diligence every means for advancing the cause of the Gospel." Two more influential English commissioners now appeared upon the scene, representing more directly Henry than did Dr. Barnes in whom the King had thus far used an agent, already committed to Lutheranism, and serviceable chiefly because it was The English Commission to Wittenberg. 6i supposed that he would most Hkely be heard by the Reformers. Among the Enghsh clergy of that period, the names of Edward Fox and Nicholas Heath, are of the very first rank. Fox was unquestionably one of the most brilliant men of his day. A graduate of Eton and Cambridge, his very first sermon had so captivated the King that he at once became his chaplain. He had been the King's Almoner, as well as Secretary of State. His gifts shone especially in the pulpit, where "his exposition was so thorough and clear, that the inference might be drawn that all his time was occupied with Biblical studies ; his division was so analytical, as to give the impression that his attention had been devoted chiefly to Logic; while his development was as rich in thought, as though he had laid all the fathers and school- men under contribution." '" Cooper, in his Athenae Caniabrigienses, says, that he was called " the wonder of the University and darling of the court," that " he had a vast capacity for business and was an able and suit- able negotiator," and that his skill as a diplomatist expressed it- self in several proverbs that have become current phrases with posterity, as " The surest way to peace is a constant prepared- ness for war;" "Two things support a government; Gold to reward its friends, and iron to keep down its enemies ;" " Time and I, will challenge any in the world," etc. He had been sent by Wolsey to Rome in 15 18 to negotiate with the Pope concern- ing the proposed divorce. He had been the prominent member of an embassy to France. He was largely instrumental in dis- covering Cranmer, and starting the series of events by which the latter became Primate of the English Church. He had fought the battle of Cambridge where after a long resistance, the nullity of the first marriage was affirmed. Although greatly distrusted by the Elector and Melanchthon, this visit to Germany seems to have decided his theological position, as after his return to Eng- land, he becomes the leading representative of Lutheran opinion ^0 H. L. Benthem's Neu-croffneter Engeldndischer Kirch und Schulen- Staat, p. S89 sqq. 62 The Lutheran Movement m England. in the negotiations that follow, and in the preparation of Henry's first formulary ; even though he be open to the charge of incon- sistency. Unfortunately his career was but a brief one, as he died in 1538. The third of the envoys especially fascinated Melanchthon, who in his private letters cannot speak in sufficiently high terms of his scholarship and character. Nicholas Heath, (born about 1 501), educated at Oxford and Cambridge, had been chaplain to Wolsey,and at the time when sent to Germany, was Heury VIII's own chaplain. After some wavering, in 1548 he identified him- self with the Roman Catholic side; in 1555 became Archbishop of York, and afterwards Lord High Chancellor of England. It was Heath who, under the reign of Mary, was to issue the writ for the execution of Cranmer, No less than two hundred and seventeen persons were to be put to death for Evangelical con- victions when he would hold the seal. The executor of Queen Mary, he was made a member of the Privy Council at the begin- ning of the reign of Elizabeth ; but was soon committed to the tower and excommunicated. After his release he lived in retire- ment until his death in 1579. Such were the ambassadors with whom the Lutheran theolo- gians were to treat. At first Luther and Melanchthon were di- rected to meet them at Jena, but Wittenberg was finally desig- nated as the place of conference. Meanwhile, however, the convention of the League was held at Smalcald. The English commission was present, and on the 24th of December, Fox, as their spokesman, delivered an oration. Notes of it were taken by Spalatin. He claimed that he and his associates were present, not on behalf of a human cause, but for the sake of the Word of God and truth. He showed with what incredible zeal and love in religious matters, their sovereign had been actuated, and how anxious he was to co-operate with the other princes in propagat- ing the pure knowledge of God. The King, he says, does not heed the slanders which have been published concerning the members of the League, but esteems them as evangelical men, The English Commission to Wittenberg. ^■^ who would neither design, nor commit anything unworthy of themselves as confessors the Gospel. The King acknowledges the abuses in the Church of England, and is endeavoring to re- form them. The cause and work of English Christians is the same as that of their brethren in Germany. They should aim at perfect harmony, and, as its basis, should endeavor to come to an understanding touching matters of Christian doctrine. Con- cert of action should also be determined, if possible, concerning the proposed Council. Peace and harmony of Christian doc- trine constitute, however, the very first thing, which, above all others, is to be settled. " Certainly a most admirable speech ! On the next day, Christmas, Melanchthon prepared a paper for the Princes which, after being amended, was adopted, and sub- scribed both by the Elector and Landgrave, and the English ambassadors, as "The Thirteen Articles of 1535." As the translation, given in Strype's Memorials of the Reforma- tion.^'^is defective, we translate anew ■ from the Corpus Reforma- torum : " " I. That the Most Serene King promote the Gospel of Christ, and the pure doctrine of faith according to the mode in which the Princes and confederated States confessed it in the diet of Augsburg, and defended it according to the published Apology, un- less perhaps some things meanwhile justly seem to require change or correction from the Word of God by the common consent of the Most Serene King, and the princes themselves. II. Also, That the Most Serene King, together with the Princes and States confederated, defend and maintain the doctrine of the gospel mentioned, and ceremonies harmonizing with the gospel in a future general council. III. That neither the Most Serene King, without the express consent of the confederated princes and states mentioned, nor the confederated princes and states mentioned, without the ex- " lb. pp. 1028 sqq. I2 1b. V: pp. 559 sqq. 1* II : pp. 1032 sqq. 64 The Lutheran Movement in England. press consent of the Most Serene King mentioned, consent or assent to any call for a general council, which the Pope of Rome, present or future, or any one else, whatever be the pretence of authority, now makes or shall make, nor agree to any place of a future Council, or to the Council itself, but that all these things be conducted and done with the advice and consent of the King and princes, provided, nevertheless, that if certainly, and by just arguments and reasons, it appear that such a Christian, free and general council have been called, as the confederates demand in their answer to Peter Paulus Vergerius, the ambassador of the Pope of Rome, such council is not to be refused. IV. Also, if it should happen that, without the consent of the Most Serene King and the confederated states, concerning the place of the council, or the calling of the council, and yet, the Pope of Rome and the other princes, joined with him in this matter should determine to proceed to the convening of the council or rather caucus {conciliabuli), and that, too, in a place upon which the aforesaid Most Serene King, princes and states have not agreed, that then, and in that case, the aforesaid Most Serene King, as well as the aforesaid Most Illustrious Princes and States confederate shall first strive with all their power, that such calling be hindered and brought to nought, and reach no result. V. Secondly that they will make public and formal protests, and, likewise, cause them to be made by their clergy, by which they will both prove the purity of their faith, and that they dis- sent altogether from such convocation, nor, if such council ac- tually follow, will they be bound by the decrees or constitutions of that council, nor, in the future, will they, in any way, obey the same. VI. Besides, that they never will obey or permit their subjects to obey any decrees, mandates or sentences, bulls, letters or briefs, from any council thus convoked and held, or which pro- ceed in the name of the Bishop of Rome himself or any other power, but that they will account and declare all such writings, decrees, bulls and briefs null and void, and, to remove all scandal, The English CommissioJi to Wtttenberg. 65 will cause such to be thus declared to the people by their bishops and preachers. . VII. Also, that as the Most Serene King is, by the grace of God, united, both in Christian doctrine and in its confession with the confederated princes and states, so also is he deemed worthy, on honorable conditions, to be associated with their league in such manner that his Most Serene Majesty obtain the name and place of Defender and Protector of said league. VIII. Also, that neither the aforesaid Most Serene King, nor the aforesaid Most Illustrious Princes or States confederated, ever will recognize, maintain or defend that the primacy or monarch be held to-day or ever hereafter de jure aivino. Nor will they ever agree or concede that it is expedient for the Christian State that the bishop of Rome be over all the rest, or hereafter exercise, in any way, any jurisdiction whatever in the realms or dominions of the aforesaid Kings and Princes. IX. Also, if it should so happen, that war or any other con- tention, whether on account of religion, or even without such cause, for any other cause or matter whatsoever, should be excited or carried on by any prince, state or people, against the aforesaid Most Serene King, his realms, dominions or subjects, or, also, against the aforesaid Most Illustrious. Princes or States confeder- ated, that neither of the parties mentioned bring aid, or supplies against the other party, nor by advice or favor,, directly or indi- rectly, publicly or privately, assist prince or people, thus invading and waging war. X. Also that the Most Serene King see fit, for the defence of the league and of the cause of religion, to contribute and deposit with these most illustrious princes, sureties being afforded, as is added below, the sum of 100,000 crowns; the half of which money, it shall be lawful for the confederates to use, whenever there shall be need, for the purpose of defence. The other half, the confederates shall take of such money, as they themselves have contributed and deposited to that sum. 6 66 The Lutheran Movemeyit in England. XL That if there he need of a longer defence hecause of the continuation of war, or the invasion of enemies, in such event, since princes and confederates are under obUgation not only for a further contribution of money, but also for mutual defence with their bodies and all their resources and property, the Most Serene King would not refuse, in urgent necessity, to contribute even more, viz. a second 100,000 crowns. This money, nevertheless, the confederates may use to the amount of one half, with their own. And should it so happen, that the war should end earlier, then what is left should be faithfully kept, and be mentioned to the Most Serene King at the conclusion of the confederation. XII. That if the King would have it so done, the Princes prom- ise that they will pledge with sufficient sureties, not only that they will not convert such money to another use than for the de- fence of the league and the cause of religion together with their own money, which they contribute in such confederation, but also that they will faithfully pay and restore to the same Serene Majesty, whatever sum either, be not needed, or that remains after the defence, in case it shall not have been devoted to that use. XIV. Also, since the Most Revered Legates of the Most Serene King are to remain for a time in Germany, and are to confer with men learned in sacred literature on certain articles, the princes ask that they would as soon as possible inquire and learn the mind and opinion of the Most Serene King, concerning the conditions presented in the League, and, that when they have been informed thereon, they would signify it to us, the Elector of Saxony, anci the Landgrave of Hesse. When this is done, the Princes will immediately send legates in their own name and that of the confederated States, to the Most Serene King, and among them one of eminent learning, not only to diligently confer with His Most Serene Royal Majesty on the articles of Christian doc- trine, and to deliberate faithfully concerning changing, estab- lishing and ordaining other ceremonies in the Church, but also The English Commission to Wittenberg. 67 to agree and conclude with His Most Serene Majesty concerning all the articles whereof we have spoken." Edward Herefordens, Nicolaus Heyth, Antonius Barns, John Frederick, Elector. Philip, L. of Hesse. ' ' " The English King was certainly placed in an embarassing po- sition, as men who dissemble, so often are. His ambassadors' word had been received in good faith, that he was anxious chiefly about a reform of doctrine, and wished the aid of Lutheran theo. logians ; and accordingly, measures to which his representatives feel themselves constrained to assent, were taken to aid him in the important work. Yet a letter of Crumwell at this time, pre- served in Burnet, ^' declares : " The King, knowing himself to be the learnedest prince in Europe, thought it became not him to submit to them, but them to submit to him." The matter however, has assumed the shape that Fox and Heath, with Barnes, are to spend several months in theological conferences at Witten- berg, studying the Augsburg Confession and Apology, under the instructions of Melanchthon, and that then if they can accept such basis, some competent Lutheran doctor is to go to Eng- land to help them to complete the work. So scheme was met by scheme, the children of light being for once as wise as the chil- dren of this generation ; for the English historian is perfectly justified in his inference, that the coolness of the Elector came from the impression, that " the King had only a political design in all this negotiation, intending to bring them into a depend- ence on himself, without any sincere intentions with relation to religion." ^^ However, this may be, the course of our princes and theologians in this matter was perfectly clear and consistent. It was solely on questions of religion that they had been forced into a seeming opposition to the Emperor. On these and these ^* C. R. II : 1032 sqq. " XIII " is not found in the document;. ^^ Burnefs History., \lx 698. ^^ lb. p. 699. %. 68 77ie Lutheran Movement in England. only, they were ready to stand or fall. They were unwilling to be embarassed by any alliances that were based on any other grounds. Every convert to these principles, even though the Pope himself, they were ready to welcome to the League ; every one, who sought the friendship of the League from other motives, whether he were the King of France, or the King of England, might as well understand from the beginning that he could not enter. These religious principles on which their League was founded, they had clearly defined already at Augsburg. Every applicant, therefore, was simply asked to read the platform there presented in the Confession and Apology ; and his future relation to the League must be decided by his willingness or unwilling- ness to subscribe what was there set forth. Nor must any oppor- tunity of winning over to the truth those who had come to them from what were probably other reasons than a regard to God's honor, be neglected. They would accept these ambassadors on their professions, however much they distrusted them, and devote on the part of the theologians, months of time and labor, and on the part of the Elector, the expense of the entertainment of royal commissioners in a style becoming their rank, even though he found it a heavy burden. After the adjournment of the Smalcald League, the English ambassadors accordingly repaired to Wittenberg. The begin- ning of the conference there was delayed until the close of Jan- uary, partially because of the absence Of Melanchthon on a tour of investigation and counsel concerning the Anabaptists. An- toniais Musa wrote from Jena on the day after Melanchthon's de- parture for Wittenberg that " he is to discuss at Wittenberg the subject of ' Private Mass.' For the King of England has sent a bishop with several learned men to present their argument, and to endeavor to show that Private Mass ought to be retained. The King of England has become a Lutheran to this extent, viz., that since the Pope would not approve his divorce, he has forbidden all men in his realm at the peril of their lives to regard the Pope as Supreme Head of the church, but commanded them to regard Tlie English Commission to Witteyiberg. 69 himself instead. All other papistrical affairs, monasteries, masses, indulgences, prayers for the dead, etc., they not only retain in England, but even obstinately defend. On this account, ambas- sadors have been sent to fortify and defend masses in a public disputation at Wittenberg." " Even after Melanchthon's return however, on January 15th, there was a reluctance of the ambas- sadors to proceed to serious work. On January 21st, they as- sured Melanchthon that they were ready to begin the discussion " of each article of doctrine in order," ^* yet it is not for weeks that they are disposed to treat on any other subject than the leg- itimacy of the king's divorce. '^'They are excessively fond of quibbling," Melanchthon writes. Luther's letters show how greatly he was annoyed by their course. First, he speaks play- fully of the great importance that must be attached to the opin- ion of himself and his associates, in that while eleven universities have already given their decisions, it seems that all the world will be lost, ''unless we poor beggars, the Wittenberg theologians, be heard." ^* He is determined, however, not to recede from his former opinion that the first marriage was legitimate, but "in other respects I will show myself not unfriendly towards them, in or- der that they may not think that we Germans are stone or wood. ' ' Melanchthon testifies at first that " Luther lovingly embraces them, and is even delighted by their courtesy. " • But he becomes vexed that in three days they do not finish the entire matter, stating that in four weeks he had completed much more impor- tant business than that which occupies them twelve years ; ^° and is indignant at the expense occasioned the elector by their enter- tainment. ^^ Melanchthon grew weary of waiting for the discus- sion on matters of doctrine, and after two weeks at Wittenberg returns to Jena to continue his conflict with the Anabaptists. He I'C. R. Ill: 12. 18 lb. p. 26. 19 De WeUe's, Luther's Briefen, IV : 663, 668. 20 C. R III : 26. 21 De Wette's Luther's Briefen, IV : 671. 70 The Lutheran Movement in Engla7id. Avrote to his friends that nothing at all has been under consider- ation but the divorce. "^"^ Heath followed Melanchthon to Jena. The latter was much gratified by the visit ; and on February loth, returned to Wittenberg. The whole plan of the English ambassadors was probably arranged for the purpose of gaining time, so as to receive instructions from England. They must have soon perceived that any attempt to have the Lutheran theo- logians justify the divorce was useless. We can scarcely conceive that they could have had in thought a bargain by which, if the divorce were endorsed by the Lutherans, every confessional re- quirement would then be at once met by the Anglicans, and the Augsburg Confession and Apology be received for the English Church. It would be a more charitable interpretation to re- gard the ambassadors as sympathizing more or less with the re- form in doctrine, and hoping to win over their sovereign to the faith which they recognize as truth, by obtaining from the Wit- tenberg theologians a concession which would have been sure to have greatly gratified him. Had the divorce been endorsed, it is probable that the English Church would have been pledged to the Augsburg Confession and the Apology ! However this may have been, the critical examination of the Augsburg Confession article by article, and the earnest discus- sion of the points of divergence began at length shortly after Melanchthon's second return, and continued throughout the en- tire month of March. Strype is altogether in error, when he states : " The ambassadors returned home in January, excepting Fox, who, it seems, stayed behind, '""a^ both Melanchthon's and Luther's letters of that period will at once show. Melanchthon again and again speaks of his discussions with them, and especially names Heath ; and at the very close of the month (March 30th,) writes : Sic me Angli exercent, vix ut respirare lie eat. ^* On the 28th, of that month, Luther sent to the Elector a translation of the articles on which they had been able to agree, ^* 22 lb. ^' Memorials, I : 367. ''^C. R. Ill: 53. The Etiglish Commission to Wittenberg. 71 and stated that the English ambassadors before proceeding further, had referred the last four articles to the king, since if any serious modification of them were required, further confer- ence was useless. Two days later, Melanchthon wrote that " the contention between them had not been light, but, nevertheless, there was an agreement concerning most things." ^^ Secken- dorf ^^ gives more ample details : " They made an examination of all the articles of the Augsburg Confession, and the opinions of Luther and his colleagues seem to have been given on all things . . . There is extant a Repetition and Exegesis of the Augsburg Confession, elaborated by the Wittenbergers, and re- ceived and carried home by the Anglican legates. ... In ad- dition to the Repetition " of the Augsburg Confession, the Wit- tenberg theologians elaborated the most troublesome articles into special dissertations." Among other stipulations upon which they agreed was not only the denial of the power of the Pope by divine law, but also the promise that neither side would under any consideration maintain any pre eminence of the bishop of Rome over other bishops, as useful or expedient. ^^ Although Fox affirmed that there had been an abrogation in England of godless pontifical abuses and especially of indulgences, Melanch- thon in one of the dissertations referred to, expressed his aston- ishment that in the English decree no reformation of the abuses of the Mass was proposed. For on reading Henry's decree, the Wittenberg theologians saw at a glance that only the less impor- tant had been touched upon, while the chief abuses had all been retained. ^' Melanchthon writes on the margin the very signifi- cant Greek words ouden hygies, "nothing sound." « lb. p. 683. ''■^Y p. III. sq. 28 lb. p. 112. " Of this " Repetitio," however, we can find no trace, the document ordi- narily known as the " Rep. Aug. Conf.," being the Saxon Confession of 155 1. See Feuerlin, p. 250. Strype regards it confined to the doctrine of the Lord's Supper. "^^ Seckendorf, III: 112, 72 The Lutheran Movement in England. During these discussions, Henry's answer to the " Articles of 1535 " was received, and his legates communicated its purport, ^ stating among other things that harmony was unattainable, un- less "something first, in your Confession and Apology be modified by private conferences and friendly discussions between his and your learned men," and that his Majesty asks that "a man of eminent learning be sent to him, to confer diligently on the articles of Christian doctrine, and changing, establishing and ordaining other ceremonies in the Church." April 24th, the Protestant princes met at Frankfort, and early in the month, the English ambassadors made preparations for attendance there. Because of his distrust of the bishop of Here- ford, whom he evidently thinks well named Fox, the elector re- fuses a farewell audience.^' He writes however, April 22d, ^^ that if the King would propagate in his kingdom " the pure doc- trine of the Christian religion according to the Confession and Apology,'' and adopt ceremonies in accordance with the pure doctrine of the Gospel, he would use every effort that the king should receive the title of " Defender of the Evangelical Faith." But that "if the King hesitated about admitting into his king- dom the pure doctrine of the Gospel according to the Confession and Apology,'' according to the articles recently drawn up at Witten- berg ; the Elector could not imagine what use it would be, either for the King or his allies to make a league or exchange ambassadors. In a letter to Henry of the same date, he assures him of his good will and begs him to undertake the thorough reformation of the English Church. Seckendorf^^ states that the Elector en- deavored besides to have an embassy appointed to visit England, composed of George, Prince of Anhalt, Melanchthon and Vice- chancellor Francis Burkhard. • The Landgrave proposed send- ing the theologians Bucer and Schnepf or Brentz,and the civil- ians. Count Solm and Jacob Sturm. There was some discus- "C. R. Ill: 49. ^'^ Seckendorf,\\\: ill, s^C. R. Ill: 62. 33 III: 113. The English Commission to Wittenberg, 73 sion among the princes as to the terms to be proposed by this embassy, but they were finally reduced, first to the acceptance of the Augsburg Confession, unless amended from the Word of God, and, secondly, its defence in the coming Council ; and, if the King did not approve of the articles, to treat concerning mutual assistance. But as most of the princes and cities were averse to any union with the King of England, the attempt was vain; while new events in England suddenly made a very material change in the situation. CHAPTER V. PROGRESS OF THE WAR FOR THE FAITH IN ENGLAND. Conjectures as to the cause of Anne Boleyn's fall. Her sympathy with tne Reformation. Cranmer's Grief. Melanchthon's Indignation. Melanch- thon warned by Barnes not to visit England. Antagonistic Elements in the English Church. Tavemer's English Augsburg Confession and Apology. Convocation of Canterbury. Sensation caused by Latimer's Sermon. The Sides drawn. The Sixty-Seven Points. The Debates. Alexander Alesius, and his Speech. Foxe's Tribute to German Luth- eranism. It is not improbable that the fate of Anne Boleyn was sealed by Henry's failure to gain for his second marriage the endorse- ment of the Wittenberg faculty. We have already noted how closely connected she was with Cranmer, the months which he had spent in her father's house, and the effect of his visit. We have also seen that she was a diligent reader of Evangelical books, surreptitiously introduced from the Continent, as the dis- covery of her copy of Tyndale's " Obedience of a Christian Man," and its influence upon Henry, prove. She had gener- ously maintained a number of scholars at the Universities ; and all of them, among whom was Heath, were during her life-time earnest champions of the Reformation. One of these scholars was especially active in circulating the works of Luther and Me- lanchthon. Strype gives a letter in which she intercedes for a merchant in trouble for circulating the New Testament : ' ' Anne the queen, trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. And whereas you be credibly enformed, that the bearer hereof, Ry- chard Herman, merchant and citizen of Antwerp, in Brabant, was, in the time of the late Lord Cardinal, put and expelled from (74) Progress of the War for the Faith. 75 his freedom and fellowship of, and in the English House there, for nothing else, as he afifirmeth, but only for that, that he did both with his goods and policy, to his great hurt and hindrance in this world, help to the setting forth of the New Testament in English ; we therefore desire, and instantly pray you with all speed and favor convenient, ye woU cause this good and honest merchant, being my lord's true, faithful and loving subject, to be restored to his pristin freedom, liberty and fellowship aforesaid."^ " The Romanists reckoned her (and that truly enough) a great instrument in putting the King forward to what he had done in reforming religion. Pole, in a letter to the King, written within two months after her death, takes leave to call her the King's domestic evil, which God, as he said, had rid him of ; and that she was thought to be the cause of all his evils. ' ' ^ With such evidence, it is not difficult to see how Cranmer could say : '• I never had better opinion in woman than I had in her. . . . Next unto your grace, I was most bound unto her of all creatures living. ... I loved her not a little for the love I judged her to bear towards God and his Gospel." * Although her writings have no very high autliority, it is, nevertheless, interesting to notice that Miss Benger in her " Memoirs of Anne Boleyn," also suggests the failure of the Wittenberg negotiations as one of the causes of the Queen's downfall. " Drs. Fox and Hethe were sent to Germany, on a mission to the Lutheran divines, with whom many conferences took place, of which the conclusion was little satisfactory to the pride or prejudices of Henry, since even Anne's popularity could not entice them to acknowledge the legality of his divorce, and neither arguments nor promises atoned for his rejection of the Confession of Augsburg. It is, however, more than probable, these difficulties might have been obviated in a subsequent nego tiation, but for the influence of Gardiner, who was, at the same "^ Memorials. of Reformation, 1 : 446. * lb. p. 456. ^Jenkyn's Cranmer, I: 164. ^6 The Lutheran Movement in England. time, employed on an embassy to France, which afforded him facihties for counteracting the united efforts of Hethe and Me- lanchthon, and rendering the whole plan abortive. The un- prosperous issue of the negotiation, was a severe disappointment to Anne." ^ The death of Queen Catherine, January 6th, 1536, had intro- duced a new situation. As his marriage to Anne Boleyn was regarded illegal, not only by the Pope, but also by the Luther- ans, the opportunity was now offered, if he couid in some way rid himself of her, to contract a matrimonial alliance which would be undisputed by all. Both Pope and Emperor might thus be reconciled, and an unquestioned succession be still ob- tained. Besides, the King's dignity had been offended by a just reproof from his queen ; and his superstitions had been quick- ened, as in the former marriage, by the birth of only princesses. These various motives combined to induce him to find some ground, if possible, for a capital charge. The Queen, who, un- conscious of the processes already begun against her, had sat by his side at the tournament at Greenwich, May ist, dies eighteen days later on the scaffold. It was a severe blow to Cranmer. " Do you know what is to happen to-day?" the Primate asked Melanchthon's pupil, Alexander Alesius, who was tarrying with him. " No," said Alesius ; " since the Queen's imprisonment, I have not left my room." " She who has been the Queen of England on earth," said Cranmer, his eyes raised to heaven, and his face wet with tears, " will this day be a Queen in heaven." The Wittenberg theologians, notwithstanding their position con- cerning the divorce, were so greatly shocked that they felt for the time as though all further negotiations with Henry must end. Melanchthon writes to Camerarius, June 9th : "I am altogether freed from anxiety about a journey to England. Since such tragic calamities have occurred there, a great change of plans has followed. The late Queen, accused rather than convicted of adultery, has suffered the extreme penalty. How astonishing the *Jenkyns Cranmer, pp. 286 sq« Progress of the War for the Faith. 77 charges, how they declare to all men God's wrath, into what calamities at this time do even the most powerful fall from the highest eminence ! When I think of these things, I maintain that all Qur troubles and dangers should be borne with the greater patience." * And in a letter to Agricola : " How hor- ribly does this calamity disgrace the king ! Such is the evil which the divorce has brought him ! " ^ To Justus Jonas also he writes that Dr. Barnes has written to him not to undertake the voyage to Britain.' On the same day on which Melanchthon wrote these letters, the Convocation met in England, at which the first Confession of the English Church was framed. This is a matter of such im- portance, that it will aid us to glance first at the course of ecclesiastical affairs in England, since the Act of Supremacy. Every record of those days bears the marks of confusion. " The Old" and " the New Learning," both had their warm adherents. There were those urgent for a thorough reform of religion, prom- inent among whom were both Cranmer and Crumwell. There were others to whom it seemed as though even the Wittenberg Reformers had not proceeded far enough. Without any fixed formulary by which to guide them, they passed by various grada- tions to Zwinglianism and even Anabaptism, although numbering among their adherents no names of influence. The zeal of Lati- mer, however, even then seems to be beginning to carry him be- yond the moderation of the Lutheran Reformation. Emissaries of the Pope were at hand, ready to excite the people against any innovations which might be proposed. Still others vigorously defended the Supremacy of the King, and assailed the Pope, while opposing to the very death any change of doctrine. Their .ideal of the English Church was simply the Mediaeval Church minus the Pope. Their zeal for Roman orthodoxy was made a sufficient answer to the reproach of disloyalty from the successor of Corpus Reformatorum III : 89 sq. 6 lb. ' lb. p. 90 sq. 78 The Lutheran Movemefit hi England. St. Peter. The Evangelical element had favored the divorce sim- ply because in it they found an irreparable breach with the Papacy. These various elements had necessarily to come into conflict. Martyrs had fallen, like Sir Thomas More and Bishop Fisher, because they were faithful to the Pope j and John Fryth, soon to be followed by Francis Lambert, because of ultra- Protestantism. BISHOP GARDINER. As in all periods of confusion, there were leaders that succes- sively rose and fell, now gained their point, and then had to submit to defeat ; and, as their fortunes had vicissitudes, so also the policy of the government veered now to the one side, and then to the other. The negotiations and deliberations that are now to occur cannot be appreciated without some estimate of the character and influence of Stephen Gardiner. Three young men had grown up together and been trained for their future work in the household of Cardinal Wolsey, viz., Thomas More, Thomas Crumwell and Stephen Gardiner. The latter had proved an apt pupil of his great master, and become 'a veritable second Wolsey, only of greater acuteness and more obstinate will. The Cardinal was proud to call him "met dimidiutn,^' " half of my very self. ' ' Henry though distrusting him soon learned to use him. The young secretary was busy plotting with foreign cardinals for Wolsey' s elevation to the Papacy, and at the same time carrying on a correspondence for the king on other matters, which was carefully concealed from the Cardinal's knowledge. With Fox, he had been active in effecting the divorce; with Fox, he had plead Henry's cause before the Pope in 1528; with Fox, he had brought Cranmer to the front, in order by his learning to support the king ; with Fox, he had shared in the honors of the victory of Cambridge. But he never forgave Cranmer for having been preferred to him as Archbishop of Can- terbury. As Bishop of Winchester, as Secretary of State, as Am- bassador to France, as Lord Chancellor, he henceforth had but one purpose, and that was to prevent any change within the Eng- lish Church beyond what had already been effected by the transfer Progress of the War Jor the Faith. 79 of the Supreme Headship to the King. " He deemed the work of reformation complete," says Archdeacon Hardwick, "when the encroachments of the foreign pontiff had beensuccessfuUy re- sisted."* No Hfe was so precious but that it must be sacrificed rather than be allowed to influence any inner change. Shakespeare did not err when he put into his mouth the words : " It will ne'er be well, Till Cranmer, Crumwell, her two hands and she * Sleep in their graves." "He was vindictive, ruthless, treacherous," says Froude, "of clear eye, and hard heart. "^^ Such a discriminating jurist as Lord Campbell in his " Lives of the Lord Chancellors,"" char- acterizes him thus : "Of original genius, of powerful intellect, of independent mind, at the same time, unfortunately, of narrow prejudices." " He was always a determined enemy of the gen- eral Lutheran doctrines ; but for a while he made his creed so far coincide with his interests, as to believe that the Anglican Church, rigidly maintaining all its ancient doctrines, might be severed from the spiritual dominion of the Pope." It was only " for a while;" as on the accession of Mary, he had no difficulty whatever in utterly ignoring all that he had written concerning Henry's true suppremacy, and in not only returning to servile obedience to the Pope, but also in wielding his power as " a man of many wiles," to suppress all other authority. A true Papist at heart through the whole period, and the type of a large class who still boast of the independence of the English Church, and pride themselves in having nothing in common with Pro- testantism ! To such persons, the Lutheran Reformation is still a great offence, and all traces of connection with it must be thoroughly eradicated ! Gardiner had not been inactive while Fox and his associates 8 Hardwick " On the Articles^' p. 48. ^ Anne Boleyn. '^'^ History of England, Nl: 370, " II : p. 61, 63. So The Lutheran Movement in England. were conferring with the theologians at Wittenberg, but from France, where he was watching the course of Francis, and where he had heard of the proposition of a union on the basis of the Augsburg Confession and the Apology, " unless some things be changed by common consent," he urges Henry, not to entertain such proposition, as "the granting of this article would bind the King to the sense of the Church of Germany, and this would be under an obligation, not to make use of the permissions of revelation." '^ The great significance of Gardiner, however, becomes promi- nent in the series of deliberations we are about considering. THE ENGLISH AUGSBURG CONFESSION. Cranmer and Crumwell knew well the character of the conflict before them, and made preparations accordingly. We have no record of the precise circumstances which determined the publi- cation in 1536, of Taverner's translation of the Augsburg Con- fession and Apology, recently brought to the attention of the Church by the scholarly researches of the late Dr. B. M. Sch- mucker. But when in addition to the constant references to these confessions in the negotiations between the English and the German theologians, and the peremptory ultimatum of the Elector on the withdrawal of the English ambassadors, that only on such basis could any agreement in the future be hoped for, we read the speech of Bishop Fox, in the convention hereafter to be no- ticed, in which he glows with enthusiasm over what the German theologians are doing, and trace the influence of especially the Apology on the English Ten Articles of 1536, there seems little doubt that it appeared prior to the Convocation. Its publication afterwards would not have been opportune, nor likely to have met the approval of the government, in view of the many Ro- mish errors still endorsed with emphasis in the same Janus-faced ' ' Articles, ' ' which nevertheless the Apology most severely arraigns and refutes. But, that it was not only for the deliberations of theologians and princes, that this book was published, its very ^"^ Collier's Ecc. History of Great Britain, II : 323, Progress of the War for the Faith. 8i preface shows. Richard Taverner, who even as a youth at Ox- ford, had been persecuted for his sympathy with evangelical doc- trine, had in view a still greater range of influence, and hoped by the use of the name of Crumwell to enlist the interest of a wide circle of English readers. " To the end," he says, "that the people, for whose sokes this book was commanded to be translated, may the more greedily devour the same," etc. As this transla- tion of the Augsburg Confession has so recently been reprinted and republished (Philadelphia, i8S8), further comment upon it here is needless. THE CONVOCATION AT CANTERBURY. We come now to the formulation of the first Confession of the English Church, in the Southern Convocation which began its sessions in St. Paul's, London, June 9th, 1536.^^ On that day, Hugh Latimer, Bishop of Worcester, by the appointment of Cranmer preached the opening sermon. Latimer, as a youth at Cambridge, had distinguished himself by his zeal against Luth- eranism, and had taken as the theme for his inaugural discourse, when in 1524 he received the degree of B. D., an "Examination of the Theological Opinions of Melanchthon, ' ' in which the Prae- ceptor Germaniae was severely criticised. Recognized on this occasion by Bilney as a frank, able and earnest novice, whose chief error was his ignorance of the subject which he handled ; a private interview soon put him on the track, which brought him to the lasting esteem of Protestantism, as an eccentri-c, but godly, fearless, and eloquent champion of the faith which he once assailed. Latimer did nothing by halves. His opening sermon, which seems to have continued through two sessions, was a most scathing denunciation of the great body of his au- dience for their indifference to a thorough purging of the Church of England, from Pontifical abuses, and while admirable as exhibit- ing the progress which the great preacher had made, was not calcu- lated to prepare the minds of his hearers for a calm and impar- ls History of England, III : 57. 7 82 The Lutheran Movement in E?i^la7id. tial consideration of the great questions before them. " The mass," -says Froude, " had been sung. The roll of the organ had died away. It was the time for the sermon, and Hugh Latimer, Bishop of Worcester, rose into the pulpit. Nine-tenths of all those eyes which were then fixed on him, would have glis- tened with delight, could they have looked instead upon his burning." His text was " The Unjust Steward." A few of his sentences which fully justify Ranke's remark, that "Latimer opened the war in a fierce sermon," may serve as a sample: " What have ye done these seven years or more ? What one thing that the people of England hath been the better of an hair? Ye have oft sat in consultation, but what one thing is put forth, whereby Christ is more glorified or else Christ made more holy ? Then,' after enumerating abuses : " Lift up your heads, brethren ; and see what things are to be reformed in the Church of Eng- land. Is it so hard for you to see the many abuses in the clergy, the many in the laity ; abuses in the court of arches, abuses in the consistorial courts of bishops ; in holidays , in images and pictures, and relics, and pilgrimages; in religious rites, in masses, etc." " The sermon," continues Froude,^* " has reached us, but the audience, — the five hundred fierce, vindictive men, who suffered under the preachers' irony — what they thought of it ; with what feelings on that summer day the heated crowd scattered out of the cathedral, dispersing to their dinners among the taverns in Fleet Street and Cheapside, all this is gone, gone without a sound. . . . Not often perhaps has an assembly collected where there was such heat of passion, such malignity of hatred." Crumwell took the precaution of himself presiding over the House of Bishops, as vicegerent of the King. Though two Arch- bishops were present, they were obliged to yield to a layman ; and when his duties in parliament required his absence, he sent another layman. Dr. William Peter, to temporarily fill his place. '* Demaus' Latimer, pp. 224-8. IS History, III : 61. Progress of the War for the Faith. 83 The two sides were clearly drawn. There seems to be no differ- ence in the classification that has made : Protestants, For the Reformation : Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury ; Thomas Goodrich, Bishop of Ely ; Nicholas Shaxton, Bishop of Sarum ; Hugh Latimer, Bishop of Worcester; Edward Fox, Bishop of Hereford; John Hilssey, Bishop of Rochester ; William Barlow, Bishop of St. David's. HiERARCHiSTS, Against THE REFORMATION : Edward Lee, Archbishop of York ; John Stokesley, Bishop of London ; Cuth- bert Tunstall, Bishop of Durham ; Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester ; Robert Sherborne, Bishop of Chichester ; Richard Nyx, Bishop of Norwich ; John Kite, Bishop of Carlisle. THE SIXTY-SEVEN POINTS. # While the Upper House, of the Convocation was thus about equally divided, in the Lower House, the hierarchists were largely in the majority. On June 23d, the Lower House accord- ingly sends the bishops a catalogue of erroneous doctrines, which were publicly preached in the realm, and ironically declares, that they are "worthy special reformation." They comprise sixty-seven items, which are compared by old Thomas Fuller^® to "Jeremy's basket of figs; those that are good, exceeding good, those that are bad, exceeding bad, Jer. 24: 3." It is a strange mixture of truly evangelical statements, with exaggerations and fanatical extravagances, of which some are perversions that are clearly traceable, and others can be explained by the well-known law concerning the relation between extremes. Wherever taught they were the penalty necessarily to be expected where the at- tempt is made to suppress the true conservatism of evangelical teaching, We have found many of the specifications presenting statements either directly given in the Augsburg Confession and Apology, or else such as have been twisted by sinister interpre- tation. The first charge that the sacrament of the altar is not to be es- teemed, is only a perversion of what those confessions teach ^^ Church History of Britain, II : 74. 84 The Lutheran Movetnent iii England. concerning the Romish Mass. The second concerning Extreme Unction correctly states what is taught in the Apology. The third, that priests have no more authority than laity to adminis- ter the Lord's Supper is a perversion of what may be found in the Apology, Article XXII. The fourth, concerning Confirma- tion is probably suggested by the Apology's treatment of the svibject. The sixth, concerning Anti-Christ and the withholding of the cup is correct (Apology, pp. 280, 244). The seventh is the substance of Art. XXIV in both Confession and Apology. The eighth is especially interesting in its connection. " It is preached and taught that the church which is commonly taken for the church is the old synagogue." Now compare the Apology, page 164: 14: "What dif- erence will there be between the people of the Law and the Church, if the Church be an outward polity?" The paragraph continues: " And that the church is the congregation of good men only." With this, compare the Augsburg Confession in Taverner's translation: "The church is a congregation of holy persons." The ninth, item, concerning the Litany, is only a misrepresentation of what is taught in Art. XXI concerning the Invocation of Saints. The tenth, "that man hath no free will " at once suggests Article XVIII. The eleventh seems at first sight to be an Anabaptistic or Lollard extravagance: "That God never gave grace nor knowledge of Holy Scripture to any great estate or rich man ;" yet it is easily explained by what the confessions, in treating of the Freedom of the Will, declare con- cerning the impotence of those in the highest station, especially the learned of this world without the illuminating work of the Holy Spirit, to attain a knowledge of divine things; the standard of these critics, with respect to eminent position, being that of wealth, instead of learning. In the twelfth, " that all religions and professions are clean contrary to Christ's religion" we find a distortion and misapplication of Art. XXVII " On Monastic Vows." The history of the controversies concerning the Luth- eran confessions in this country wall supply many examples of Progress of the War for the Faith. 85 perversions and misinterpretations no less forced and absurd. Were it necessary we might in the same way continue the exami- nation of the entire list, and though we could not trace all, yet we could find the majority either incorrectly stating or misinter- preting what is taught in the Confession and Apology. This catalogue of alleged errors begins with the sacraments, and first^ devotes to them seven paragraphs, that had doubtless been the first, and we may even say, the main, subjects of heated and pro- longed debate in the Upper House ; and nearly two weeks of the session had passed before this paper from the Lower House ap- pears. DEBATES AMONG THE BISHOPS. " O ! what tugging was there betwixt those opposite sides," " writes one in the next century. Three speeches on the Protes- tant side are especially noticeable. One is that of Cranmer, in which he urges the consideration of "the weighty controver- sies," which he defines as not concerned about " ceremonies or light things," but such questions as the following: " The differ- ence between the Law and the Gospel, how to receive the for- giveness of sins, the manner to comfort doubtful and wavering consciences, the true use of the sacraments, justification by faith, and not by any ex opere operato virtue of the sacraments, what are truly good works, whether human traditions be binding, whether confirmation, ordination, etc., should be called sacra- ments."^^ If he had intended to urge the adoption of the Apology how could he have introduced the subject better, or have presented with more correctness an outline of the scope of its matchless discussions? Another speech was that of a Lutheran scholar, whom Me- lanchthon had sent from Wittenberg to Crumwell in August, 1535, as the bearer of the presentation copy of his Loci to the king, with the endorsement that "he was a man of such learn- ing, honor and energy that he could carry no recommendation "lb. p. 75. ^^ See extract in Hardwick" s Articles, pp. 52 sq. 86 The Ltdheran Movement in England. higher than his own virtue." Alexander Alesius (Allan), bom in Edinburgh, and Canon of St. Andrew's had left his country because of his faith in 1532, studied at Wittenberg, was the con- fidential friend of Melanchthon, and after 1540 until his death in 1565, Professor in the University of Leipzig. Crumwell in- troduced him before the bishops to argue the question of the number of the sacraments, which he did with great vigor and learning, but his presence provoked the bishops, so that Cran- mer, on the ground that his life was imperilled, prevailed on him not to return the day after he had begun his argument. Alesius himself narrates the occurrence in a document, part of which is published in Ellis' Original Records." The date 1537 there given, has led some to infer that he narrates the circum- stances of another conference ; but the error is, as most writers maintain, most probably in the year stated. His argument began : " Right honorable and noble lord, and you most reverend fathers and prelates of the church, although I come unprepared unto this disputation, yet trusting in the aid of Christ, which promiseth to give mouth and wisdom unto us, when we be re- quired of our faith, I will utter my sentence and judgment of this disputation. And I think that my lord archbishop hath given you a profitable exhortation that ye should first agree of the sig- nification of a sacrament : Whether ye will call a sacrament a ceremony institute of Christ in the Gospel to signify a special or a singular virtue of the Gospel, or whether ye mean that every ceremony generally which may be a token or signification of an holy thing, to be a sacrament. For after the latter signification I will not stick to grant that there be seven sacraments and more too, if ye will." ^^ When Alesius was proceeding to prove this "not only from Scripture, but by the old doctors and by the school writers also," Bishop Fox interrupted him : "Brother Alexander, contend not much about the mind and sayings of the doctors and school writers, for ye know that they in many "Vol. Ill: 196 sqq. 20 Compare with this argument, Apology, p. 215. Progress of the War for the Faith. 87 places do differ among themselves, and that they are contrary to themselves in almost every article. And there is no hope of any concord if we must lean to their judgment in matters of contro- versy." The speech of Fox, Bishop of Hereford, who only three months before had been conferring with Luther and Melanch- thon at Wittenberg, shows how he had been influenced by what he had seen and heard : " Think not that we can by any sophistical subtleties steal out of the world again the light which every one doth see. Christ hath so lightened the world at this tirne that the light of the Gospel hath put to flight all misty darkness, and it will shortly have the higher hand of all clouds, though we resist in vain never so much. The lay people do know the Holy Scripture better than many of us. And the Germans have made the text of the Bible so plain and easy by the Hebrew and the Greek tongue that now many things may be better understood without any glosses at all than by all the commentaries of the Doctors. And moreover they have so opened their controversies by their writings that women and children may wonder at the blindness and falsehood that hath been hitherto. There is nothing so feeble and weak, so that it be true, but it shall find place and be able to stand against all falsehood. Truth is the daughter of time, and time is the mother of truth : and whatsoever is besieged of truth cannot long continue ; and upon whose side truth doth stand, that ought not to be thought transitory as that it will ever fall. All things con- sist not in painted eloquence and strength of authority ; for the truth is of so great power that it could neither be resisted with words, nor be overcome with any strength, but after she hath hidden herself long, at last she putteth up her head and ap- peareth." It is also worthy of note that Alesius in the account above re- ferred to, reports also: "The right noble Lord Crumwell did defend the pure doctrine of the Gospel hard. ' ' CHAPTER VI. THE TEN ARTICLES OF 1 5 36. Thomas Fuller's Comparison. Archbishop Laurence's Discovery. The Articles of Melanchthonian Origin. The Evidence in Tarallel Columns. Romish Leaven. Explanation of Inconsistencies. Estimates of Foxe (1559), Fuller (1662), Strype (1694), Laurence (1S04), Lingard (1S19), Tracts for the Times (1836), Lathbury (1842), Hardwick (1852), Ranke (1S59), Blunt (1868), Schaff (1877), Geikie (1879), Perry (1S79), Jen- nings (1882), Franklin (1886). Canon Dixon's criticism examined. The result of the Convocation of 1536 was the subscription and publication of the first English Confession : " Articles de- vised by the Kinges Highest Majestic to stablyshe Christen Quietnes and Unitie an^onge us, and to avoyde contentious opinions."^ It is certainly a strange medley, combining the evangelical and Romish doctrines in such strange proportions and with such startling contradictions, as to vividly recall the Roman poet's figure : •' If a painter would put a horse's neck to a human head, and attach feathers to the members," etc. Thomas Fuller, writing a little more than a hundred years after- wards says : * "As when two stout and sturdy travelers meet to- gether and both desire the way, yet neither are willing to fight for it in their passage, they so shove and shoulder one another, that dividing the way betwixt them bath, yet neither get the same ; so those two opposite parties were fain at last in a drawn battle to part the prize between them, neither of them being 1 They may be found in the Appendix to Biirncfs History ; in Hardwick'' s Articles; \q. Strype s Memorials ; in Fuller's Church History; and in Col- lier's Church History. ^ Church Histoiy, II : 75- (88) The Ten Articles of 1536. 89 conquering or conquered ; but a medley-religion as an expedient being made up betwixt them both, to salve the credits of both." We defer making an estimate of this unique document, until we have first examined its contents. The Melanchthonian origin of much that it contains was asserted by Archbishop Laurence in 1804, because of several sentences which he believed had been from Melanchthon's Loci. Every writer has peculiar phrases, and every teacher fixed definitions which are necessarily repeated in various connections. We propose to show that the Apology formed the ground-work for the articles. The Augsburg Con- fession was also used ; as well as certain Articles * which in Feb- ruary, 1536, Melanchthon prepared against the Anabaptists. One of the papers which Melanchthon himself wrote during the March conferences, (possibly the Repetitio of 1536, which the commission carried with them to England) may have embodied all these elements; or one of the evangelical English theologians as Bishop Fox, may have prepared a document thoroughly Luth- eran in its character. This was then amended, and interpolated by Romanizing qualifications, and supplemented by Romanizing articles, possibly by the King's own hand, possibly by that of hier- archical theologians who were scarcely their monarch's equal, or possibly by Cranmer's policy of surrendering much to gain what he regarded more for the cause which he represented, until it is no wonder that its relation to the Apology has not been suspected by English writers. We submit the evidence that has con- vinced us. The *' Ten Articles " are divided into two sections, the first treating of doctrines, and the second of ceremonies. The First Article, on " The principal articles concerning our faith " de- fines the relation of the English Church to the three oecumenical creeds, and is possibly in the main from the pen of Melanchthon, although we have not been able to trace it more definitely. It greatly resembles the Introduction to the First Part of the Cor,- fessio Sax mica of 155 1, and both may have a common origin. 3 Corpus Reforiiiatoruin III : 29 S|q[. 90 The Lutheran Movement in England. The next three articles treat of the Sacraments, as this was the first subject of discussion in the Convocation. The very fact that the number of sacraments is here determined as three, first led us to suspect the fact that the Apology was used in its prep- aration, it being well-known that this is the number fixed in the Apology. The Sacrament of Baptism is treated at considerable length, principally in order to prove the validity of Infant Bap- tism. That one-seventh of the space devoted to doctrine should be occupied with the recapitulation of arguments on asubject con- cerning which there was no difference between the two sides, and no false charge made in the list of sixty-seven points, em- bracing as one would think, every conceivable item of misrepre- sentation, will scarcely admit of any other explanation, than that of the controversies with Anabaptists in Germany, with which Melanchthon was occupied during the presence of the English embassy in Wittenberg. Although Hardwick says of the Ana- baptists : * " Traces of them occur in England as early as 1 5 3 6, " yet they could not have had such importance as to have de- manded such conspicuous treatment at this time. Here we find Melanchthon's " Adversus Anabaptistas " used. ADV. ANABAPTISTAS.5 " Outside of the Christian Church, there is no salvation ; therefore chil- dren must be incorporated into the Christian Church. But if children are to be members of the Christian Church, they must be cleansed by the Holy Ghost and baptism. Therefore Christ says : " No man can enter the Kingdom of Heaven except he be born again of water and the Holy Ghost.' " " It is certain that the grace of Christ, remission of sins and salva- tion, promised in the gospel, belong also to children." * History of Reformation, p. 197. * C orpus Rformatoruin 3 : i^'i^ sq. TEN ARTICLES. " The sacrament of baptism was instituted and ordained in the New Testament by our Saviour Jesus Christ, as a thing necessary for the attainment of everlasting life accord- ing _^to the saying of Christ : ' No man can enter the Kingdom of Hea- ven except he be born of water and the Holy Ghost. " " It is offered unto all men, as well as infants as such as have the use of reason, that by baptism they shall have remission of sins, and the grace and favor of God." The Ten Articles of JS36. 91 TEN ARTICLES. The traces of the Apology become then more apparent APOLOGY (173: 51.) Latin : " The promise of salvation pertaineth also to little children." German : " The promises of grace and of the Holy Ghost belong not alone to the old, but to children." " The promise of grace and of ever- lasting life pertaineth not only unto such as have the use of reason, but also to infants, innocents and chil- dren." Next the Augsburg Confession is called into service. AUGSBURG CONFESSION (ART. II.) [Original Sin] " is truly sin, con- demning and bringing eternal death now also upon all that are not born again by baptism and the Holy Spirit." TEN ARTICLES. " Infants must needs be christened because they be born in original sin, which sin must needs be remitted ; which cannot be done but by the sac- rament of baptism, whereby they re- ceive the Holy Ghost." Passing to Article III, "The Sacrament of Penance," which with certain qualifications the Apology allows as a sacrament, although with a different conception of Poenitentia, which is no longer Penance, but Repentance, the resemblance is, if anything, more striking. AUGSBURG CONF., (ART. XII : I.) " Such as have fallen after baptism may find remission of sins at what time they are converted." TEN ARTICLES. " Such men which after baptism fall again into sin . . . whensoever they . convert themselves . . . shall without doubt attain remission of sins." " The sacrament of perfect pen- ance which Christ requireth, consisteth of three parts, that is to say, contri- tion, confession and amendment of the former life, and a new obedient reconciliation unto the laws and will of God, which be called in Scripture, the worthy fruits of penance." APOLOGY, (181 : 28.) " We have ascribed to repentance these two parts viz.. Contrition and faith. If any one desire to add a third, viz., fruits worthy of repentance^ i. e., a change of the entire life and character for the better, we will not make any opposition." [Cf. Melanchthon's Examen Or- dinandorum (1556): "How many parts of repentance are there ? There are three : Contrition, Faith and Obe- dience.]* The hand of the Romanizing emendator is apparent in the above substitution of " Confession " for "Faith." As a com- * Although the Exatnen is twenty years later, we cite it to show that the formula is Melanchthonian. 92 The Lutheran Movejnent in England. promise, he introduces " Faith " as an element of " Contrition." The " Contrition " of the Ten Articles, therefore, is the "Re- pentance " of the Confession and Apology. AUGSBURG CONF., (XII : 3-5.) " Repentance consisteth properly of these two parts : One is contrition, or terrors stricken into the conscience through the acknowledgment of sin ; the other is faith, which is conceived by the gospel, or absolution, and doth believe that for Christ's sake sins be forgiven." APOLOGY, (181 : 29.) "Contrition is the true terror of conscience which feels that God is angry with sin." " And this contrition occurs when sins are censured from the Word of God. . . When this is taught, it is the doctrine of the Law." APOLOGY, (183 : 42.) " This faith is nourished through the declarations of the gospel, and the use of the sacraments ; for these are the signs of the New Testament." APOLOGY, (196 : 2.) "We also retain confession,' espe- cially on account of the absolution, which is the Word of God, that, by divine authority, the Power of the Keys proclaims concerning individ- uals" 183:39: " The Power of the Keys administers and presents the gospel through absolution." TEN ARTICLES. " Contrition consisteth in two spe- cial parts, which must always be con- joined together, and cannot be disse- vered ; that is to say, the penitent and contrite man must first acknowledge the filthiness and abomination of his own sin . . .; the second part, that is to wit, a certain faith, trust and con- fidence of the mercy and goodness of God, whereby the penitent must con- ceive certain hope and faith that God will forgive him his sins and repute him justified, and of the number of elect, not for the worthiness of any merit or work done by the penitent, but for the only merits of the blood and passion of our Saviour Jesus Christ," " Feeling and perceiving in his conscience that God is angry with him for the same." " Unto which knowledge he is brought by hearing and considering of the Will of God declared in His laws." TEN ARTICLES. " This certain faith is gotten and also confirmed and made more strong "by the applying of Christ's words and promises of His grace and favor, con- tained in His gospel, and the sacra- ments instituted by Him in the New Testament." " To attain this certain faith, the second part of penance is necessary, i. e., confession to a priest." [Here again in "priest," the hand of the emendator is seen.] " For the abso- lution given by the priest was instituted of Christ to apply the promises of God's grace and favor to the penitent." The Ten Articles of 1536. 93 AUGSBURG CONF., (XXV : 3.) " Men are taught that they should not lightly regard absolution, inas- much as it is God's voice, and pro- nounced by God's command." APOLOGY, (183: 40.) " The voice of the one absolving must be believed not otherwise than we would believe a voice from hea- ven." Cf. Aug. Conf. XXV. 4 : " God requires faith, that we believe that absolution is a voice sounding from heaven." There is a very skillful combination of two arguments which by changing the emphasis, and removing the passages from their connection, somewhat changes the meaning of our Lutheran Confessions : APOLOGY, (204 : 43.) " Besides the death of Christ is a satisfaction not only for guilt, but also for eternal death." " They ought to believe that the words of absolution pronounced by the priest be spoken by authority given to him by Christ in his gospel." " That they ought and must give no less faith and credence to the same words of absolution . . . than unto the very words of God Himself if he should speak unto us out of heaven." (212: 77.) " We have already frequently testi- fied, that repentance ought to produce good fruits, and what good fruits are the ten commandments teach, viz., prayer, thanksgiving, the confession of the gospel ... to give to the needy," etc. The argument of the Apology concerning the rewards granted the obedience of believers, not as rewards of merit, but as the promised free gifts of God's love, is also dexterously turned, to a Romish interpretation. TEN ARTICLES. •' Although Christ and his death be the sufficient oblation, sacrifice, satis- faction and recompence, for which God the Father forgiveth and remit- teth to all sinners not only their sin, but also eternal pain due for the same ; yet all men truly penitent, con- trite and confessed, mu&t needs also bring forth the fruits of penitence, that is to say, prayer, fastings, alms, deeds," etc. APOLOGY, (133 : I47.) " Even we concede that the pun- ishments by which we be chastised, are mitigated by our prayers and good works, and finally by our entire re- pentance, I Cor. II : 31, Jer. 15 : 19, Zech. I : 3." TEN ARTICLES. " By penance, and such good works of the same, we shall not only obtain everlasting life, but also we shall de- serve remission or mitigation of these present pains and afflictions in this world, I Cor. II : 31, Zech. I : 3. Article IV. " Of the Sacrament of the Altar," is very Me- lanchthonian in its style, but seems at first sight to vary 94 The Lutheran Movement in England. from the Lutheran doctrine by maintaining that, "under the form and figure of bread and wine the very selfsame body and blood of our Saviour Jesus Christ is verily, substantially, and really contained and cornprehended. " Thus stated, it may be regarded as teaching impanation. Yet the deviation from the phraseology which Melanchthon was in the habit of using at that time, before it was liable to be misinterpreted, is compari- tively slight. Thus the Schwabach Articles of Luther and Me- lanchthon, and their associates, of October ioth-i5th, 1529, forming the groundwork of the first part of the Augsburg Con- fession read (Art. X) : " There is truly present in the bread and wine the body and blood of Christ."® Melanchthon's opinion concerning the Sacramentarians of August ist, 1530, reads: " We teach that Christ's body is truly and really present with the bread, or in the bread," although with the limitation : "We reject the opinion of those who say that the body is contained in the bread like wine in a goblet." " We deny that the body is locally present in the bread." ^ The "contained and compre- hended " are possibly an interpolation and the article in- its original form, is possibly also from Melanchthon. It does not teach transubstantiation as some have inferred. In Article V, " Of Justification," Archbishop Laurence found the sentence by which he connected the Articles with Melanch- thon's Loci. melanchthon's loci " Justification signifieth remission of sins and the reconciliation or ac- ceptation of a person unto eternal life." (C. R. xxi; 412.) APOLOGY, (I09: 37.) " Since justification is reconciliation for Christ's sake, we are justified by faith, because it is very certain that by faith alone the remission of sins is received." Id. I14: 61: " We are justified before God by faith alone, because by faith alone we receive re- mission of sins and reconciliation." ^ Book of Concoi'd, (Jacobs), II : 72. ■^ lb. p. 242, sq. TEN ARTICLES. " Justification signifieth remission of sins, and our acceptation or recon- ciliation into the grace and favor of God." The Ten Articles of 1536. 95 Even the passage in the Apology which seems to confound Justification with Renovation, and which finds its explanation in the fact that like the terms Regeneration, Sacrament, etc., the Protestant definition had not as yet attained its fixed form as determined in the Formula of Concord, is here employed : APOLOGY, (96: 78.) " The making of a righteous man out of an unrighteous." The correspondence in the definition of good works is espe- cially marked : TEN ARTICLES. Our pel feet renovation in Christ." APOLOGY, (85 : 8.) " The Decalogue requires not only outward civil works, iDut also other things placed far above reason, viz., to truly fear God, to truly love God, to truly call upon God, to be truly convinced, that God hears." TEN ARTICLES. " God necessarily requireth of us to do good wcrks commanded by Him; and that, not only outward and civil works, but also the inward spiritual motions and graces of the Holy Ghost ; that is to say, to dread and fear God, to love God, to have firm confidence and trust in God, to invo- cate and call upon God." These citations could be readily multiplied ; but what have been given are sufficient to establish the fact that the evangelical . statements of the articles were taken not only largely from the Apol- ogy, but also from the Augsburg Confession, and other writings of Melanchthon. " It has been denied," says Canon Dixon in his recent "History of the Church of England," ® "that there was any Lutheranism in the First English Confession, and certainly it must not be forgotten that this time the doctrines of Germany were heresy in England. But with all that is known of Henry's negotiations with German princes, it seems impossible to explain away the plain evidence which Laurence has brought to prove that the reformed doctrine infused into the Confession came from Germany." And yet Archbishop Laurence's inference was based upon the evidence of but one or two sentences ! Mr. Fronde's plea for Henry VIII, on the supposition that the deep theological reasoning, employed in the book, (which without sufficient evidence he thinks prepared by the King's own hand) 8 Vol. I: p. 418. g6 The Lutheran Movement in England. is a complete refutation of the generally received opinion of his guilt in the execution of one wife, and the marriage of another only three weeks before/ of course falls to the ground, when the parts of the Articles worthy of especial admiration are found to be the rich fruit of Melanchthon's labors. So far as the articles vary from the Apology, and the other Melanchthonian docu- ments, they certainly do not exhibit any distinguished merit. Ranke approaches very closely the true solution of the origin of the Ten Articles when he says that the first five have their origin " in the Augsburg Confession or in commentaries on it." '" THE ROMISH LEAVEN. While the main treatment in "The Ten Articles" has been shown to be from Melanchthon, yet a little Romish leaven, leavens the whole lump. Much that is conceded to the Luth- eran position is neutralized by other statements to which no evangelical Christian could knowingly subscribe. Scripture is to be received " only as the holy approved doctors of the Church do entreat and defend the same." Repentance is still " doing . penance." Faith can be attained in no other way than through Confession and Absolution. The relation of faith to justifica tion is altogether misinterpreted. It is placed in the same cate- gory Avith prayers, fastings, works of charity, as co-ordinate means of apprehending the merits of Christ. While the very language of the Apology is so freely appropriated, the main point of the most elaborate chapter in that matchless document is directly antagonized, when, -'perfect charity" with " perfect faith," is made a condition of justification. Prayers to the saints 9 " The King, then three weeks married to Jane Seymour, in the first en- joyment, as some historians require us to believe, of a guilty pleasure pur- chased by an infamous murder, drew up with his own hand, a body of artic- les, interesting as throwing light upon his state of mind, and of deeper mo- ment as the first authoritative statement of doctrine in the Anglican Church." Froude's History of England, (London edition_), III : 67. "^^ History of England,!: 157. Cardwell, Hare, Jennings and other An- glican writers concede the connection of the Articles with the Augsburg Confession, but know nothing of its closer dependence on the Apology. The Ten Articles of IS36. 97 and Purgatory are strenuously maintained. The retention of images in the churches, and the long list of ceremonies approved, are less objectionable features, as their defence is accompanied with injunctions that the people shall be taught "they have no power to remit sins, but only to stir and lift up our minds to God," and the "kneeling to, and censing " of images is for- bidden. ESTIMATES. The evangelical theologians of the type of Cranmer, Fox, and Latimer, doubtless thought that so great an advance had been made in the acceptance of the principles of the Augsburg Con- fession, that the Romanizing elements interpolated could be al- lowed to stand and could even be subscribed, as liable, in the presence of the fuller light of the truth, to gradually die out. Of course such an agreement was doomed the very moment it was signed. Opposing systems cannot he reconciled by com- promise. What is truth is truth, and must disengage itself from all compromises with error. Yet we must not regard the Eng- lish Lutheran theologians of that period mere temporizers. Men do not become great reformers all at once ; nor do they under- stand the full force of concessions they may be inclined to make in the interest of peace and external harmony. In the begin- ning, contradictory opinions may be held by the same person, in his unconsciousness that they are contradictory. Luther's Ninety-five Theses are as full of contradictions as the "Ten Articles," and, therefore, could never have had any permanence as a Church Confession. The two elements which they con- tained had to come into conflict, in which the one was to be conquered and expelled by the other. It has been said that when a man is found half way up hill, it makes all the difference, in judging him, if we find from which direction he has come; and on the same principle we are not disposed to harshly con- demn those who unconsciously surrendered the cardinal doc- trines of the Reformation, while, at the same time, confessing so much that is precious. The Interim of 1548 has sometimes. been 8 98 The Lutheran Movement in England. compared with these articles, as both being unfortunate compro- mises. But the Interim was favored by men who had had the full light of Evangelical truth, and had done praiseworthy ser- vice in its diffusion ; it was a retrogression by which expelled Papacy was again to be gradually introduced where the gospel had been established; while "The Ten Articles," with all their objectionable features give royal endorsement to doctrines here- tofore known as heresies, and secure their introduction in churches where previously they had never been heard. Luther ap- preciated the real conditions involved when a few months before, after the negotiations at Wittenberg had ended, he wrote con- cerning affairs in England : " It is indeed true, that we ought to have patience even though everything in doctrine be not realized all at once, (as this has not occurred even among us.)"" Nevertheless we cannot but admire the consistency of Gardi- ner on the other side, in withholding his signature, however strongly we may suspect that his course was only a stroke of pol- icy. It is well to note some of the various estimates placed upon these articles. We must bear in mind in so doing, that from a Lutheran standpoint some of the principles maintained, must necessarily be seen in a far different light than from a Reformed standpoint. There are some features which the latter might judge as Romanizing, that we do not concede as such, however we may agreee in a joint condemnation of the articles on other subjects. John FoxE, (1559): " Wherein although there were many and great imperfections, and untruths not to be permitted in any true reformed church, yet notwithstanding, the king and his council, to bear with the weaklings which were newly weaned from their mother's milk of Rome, thought it might serve some- what for the time. ' ' ^^ " Letter of April 20th, to Vice Chancellor Burkhard, De Wdie's Briefen, IV: 688. '^ Acts and Momnnents. , . The Ten Articles of 1536. 99 Thomas Fuller (1662) : " Some zealots of our age will con- demn the Laodicean temper of the Protestant bishops. Such men see the faults of the Reformers, but not the difficulties of the Reformation. These Protestant bishops weie at this time to encounter with the Popish clergy, equal in number, not inferior in learning, but far greater in power and dependencies. Be- sides the generality of the people of the land, being nestled in ignorance and superstition, could not on a sudden endure the extremity of absolute Reformation. Should our eyes be instantly posted out of midnight into noonday, certainly we should be blinded with the suddenness and excellency of the lustre. Na- ture therefore hath wisely provided the twilight as a bridge, by degrees to pass us from darkness to light." ^^ Strype, (1604): "We find, indeed, many Popish errors mixed with evangelical truths ; which must either be attributed to the defectiveness of our prelate's knowledge as yet in true re- ligion, or being the principles and opinions of the king, or both. Let not any be offended herewith, but let him rather take notice what a great deal of gospel doctrine came to light, and not only so, but was owned and propounded by authority to be believed and practiced. The sun of truth was now but rising and break- ing through the mists of that idolatry, superstition and ignorance, that had so long prevailed in this nation and the rest of the world, and was not yet advanced to its meridian brightness."" Archbishop Laurence, (1804), " Certain articles of religion were drawn up and edited in the king's name, which were evi- dently of a Lutheran tendency." '^ Lingard, (Roman Catholic, 1819-25): "Throughout the work Llenry's attacliment to the ancient faith is most manifest ; and the only concession which he makes to the men of the new learning, is the order for the removal of abuses, with perliaps the omission of a few controverted subjects." ^ ^^ Church History, II : 76. ^* Memorials of Archbishop Cranmer, 1 : 9a ^ Bafnpton Lecttires, p. 201. ^ History of England, VI ; 272. loo The Lutheran Movement in England. Tracts for the Times, (1836): — " It is now universally ad- mitted as an axiom in ecclesiastical and political matters, that sudden and violent changes must be injurious ; and though our own revolution of opinion and practice was happily slower and more carefully considered than those of our neighbors, yet it was too much influenced by secular interest, sudden external events and the will of individuals, to carry with it any vouchers for the perfection and entireness of the religious system thence emerg- ing. The proceedings for instance of 1536 remind us at once of the dangers to which the church was exposed, and of its prov- idential deliverance from the worst part of them ; the articles then framed, being according to Burnet, in several places cor- rected by the king's own hand." " Lathbury, (1842) : " Though much error was retained, yet these articles were calculated to advance the Reformation, for they embody many sentiments at variance with the received doc- trines of the Romish Church. That Cranmer was concerned in the preparation of these articles, there is good reason to be- lieve." ^« Hardwick, (1852): "They are the work of a transition period, of men who had not learned to contemplate the truth in all the fulness of its harmonies and contrasts, and who conse- quently did not shrink from acquiescing in accommodations and concessions which to their riper understanding might have seemed a betrayal of a sacred trust. . . . They were treading upon ground with which few of them were as yet familiar, and we need not wonder if they sometimes stumbled or even wholly lost their way. An example of this want of firmness may be traced in the conduct of Bishop Latimer. Although one of the sermons which he preached at the assembling of the Convoca- tion is distinguished by a resolute assault upon the received doc- trine of purgatory, he ultimately put his hand to the statement, enjoining men to 'pray for the souls of the departed in the "Tract 71, vol. Ill: 25. "^^ History of the Convocation of the Church of England, p. 326. The Ten Articles of 1^36. loi masses and exequies, and to give alms to other to pray for them, whereby they may be relieved and holpen of their pain.' " ^® Ranke, (1859): "The first five are taken from the Confes- sion of Augsburg or from commentaries on it ; as to these the Bishop of Hereford [Fox], agreed with the theologians of Wit- tenberg. In the following articles, the veneration, even the invocation, and n j small part of the existing ceremonies is allowed — though in terms which with all their moderation, cannot disguise the rejection of them in principle. Despite these limitations the document contains a clear adoption of the principles of religious reform as they were carried out in Ger- many." ^° Blunt, (1868) : "It will be observed, that the clergy were now feeling their way to a sound theological basis for the refor- mation of doctrine. . . . Both sides gave way in some particu- lars, for the sake of coming to a common standing ground." ^^ ScHAFF, (1S77): "They are essentially Romish, with the Pope left out in the cold. They cannot even be called a com- promise between the advocates of the ' old learning ' headed by Gardiner, and of the 'new learning ' headed by Cranmer." ^^ Geikie, (1879J: "Like all compromises the Ten Articles pleased neither side." '^'^ Perry, (1879) • " The Ten Articles were the declaration as to how far the English Church was prepared to go with the Augsburg Confession." ^* Jennings, (1882): "In the preparation of the Ten Articles the king was helped probably by Cranmer and Fox, Policy or higher motives infused into this formulary, a spirit of concession, so that while it was a compliment to the Protestants, it enforced ^^ History of Articles, p. 57. ^^ Histoi-y of England, \: 157. '^^ Reformation in the Church of England, 1 : 443. '"'■ Creeds of Christendom, 1 : 611. 2' English Reformation, p. 286. ^History of the Church of England, p. 147. I02 The Lutheran Movement in England. on the conservative party at home nothing which they would deem objectionable. ' ' '^ Franklin, (in Church Cyclopaedia, 1886) : '• The hands of both Gardiner and Cranmer appear in them with not a little of the dash of Henry VIII." We defer, to the last, the words of Canon Dixon, whose " His- tory of the Church of England" in three large octavos, has been received with high favor within that communion and its affiliated branches : " From the beginning to the end, the English Confessions, (of which these articles were the first) have borne the impression of a settled intention which was such as caused them to be differ- ent from the curious, definite and longsome particularity of the Continent. They had the design of preserving the unity of the English Church. This was the characteristic of the nation, and exhibited an undeviating determination which has survived the violence of every age. . . . Though he enslaved and robbed the Church of which he was the Supreme Head, he had no thought of destroying her. ' ' ^^ This is a candid acknowledgment ; and it is worth while not only to seriously test the assertion here made, that it is the aim of the whole series of English Confession to avoid such "defi- nite particularity ' ' as characterizes the Lutheran Confessions, but also, if the statement be true, to note the price that is paid, for readiness to accept even error, or to subscribe in the same document to contradictory and mutually exclusive doctrines, in order thereby to escape from the calamity of " destroying " the Church. There is also another matter worthy of some thought, viz., as to how if a communion be the Church, its clear and de- finite confession of the truth can destroy it, when to the truth of the Church's confession the promise is attached, that " the gates of hell shall not prevail against it ?" Can any association that is in such peril be the Church? ''■'^ Ecdesia Anglicana, p. 182. '^^ History of the C/iinxh of E}igland,l: 411. The Ten Articles of 1336. 103 There is besides another important lesson here suggested, and that is the fatahty attending all efforts to modify and adjust to pe- culiar relations of time and place the unalterable principles set forth in the Augsburg Confession and Apology. CHAPTER Vn. THE bishops' book OF 1537. Failure of the Ten Articles. Cranmer and Luther's Catechism. The Com- mission to prepare another Document. Cranmer and Fox vs. Stokesley. Indebtedness of the " Book " to Luther's Catechisms, the Augsburg Con- fession, the Apology, and Luther's explanation of the ^7^^ Maria. Other Sources. The King's Amendments, and Cranmer's Answer. The Articles of 1536, like all compromises, inspired no en- thusiasm. They were too Lutheran for the hierarchists ', they were too Romish for the Lutherans. They were too ambiguous for those whose consciences demanded the clearest and most definite answers to the questions which, by the agency of the Holy Spirit, most profoundly move the heart. They were too meagre, even where they were clearest. They were too theolog- ical for popular use. The evangelical leaven was doubtless spreading among the people ; a model of plain instruction to be furnished pastors was much needed. There can be no doubt, that Cranmer, during his stay in Germany in 1531 and 1532, and especially while tarrying with Osiander at Niirnberg, learned to know well Luther's Catechisms and their vast influence; and the result shows that they gave an important suggestion concern- ing a new Confession, Early in 1537, we find, therefore, a commission assembled at Cranmer's residence, composed mostly of bishops, en- gaged in the preparation of a book to be promulgated by auth- ority, for the purpose of meeting these various wants. Gardiner and Stokesley were the leading hierarchists. Cranmer and Fox, again headed the Lutheranizing element, while Latimer also was (104) The Bishops' Book of 1537. 105 present with his practical and impetuous mind vexed at the labor spent in the discussion of speculative points of theology, which to him had little interest, and longing to escape from the tur- moil by once more becoming rector of Kingston, instead of Bishop of Worcester. At certain stages of the work, especially that pertaining to the sacraments, questions were submitted by the Archbishop to which each member of the commission gave his answers in writing, which, when gathered, were used in the final formulation of the document. It was completed early in the summer, and its publication was superintended by Bishop Fox. Although generally known as " The Bishops' Book," its proper title is that of " Institution of a Christian Man." Eras- mus, had published a book with this very same title in 15 18. Tyndale's book of 1528 was "The Obedience of a Christian Man." Cranmer is universally conceded to have contributed by far the most part to it, while Fox also must have much of the credit for the contents, as he was their chief advocate in the commission. Although still retaining some Romish elements, it was a great triumph for the Lutheran side, especially as all oppo- sition was for the first time silenced, and even Gardiner added his signature. " By this work, the Reformation was placed on the loftiest ground which it was ever destined to reach during the reign of Henry." ^ "It is altogether an illustrious monu ment of the achievements of Cranmer and his colleagues against the intrigues and opposition of a party, formidable at once for their zeal, number and power. ' ' ^ The very list of contents makes us suspect its origin. They are: " i. The Apostles' Creed. 2. The Sacraments. 3. The Ten Commandments. 4. The Lord's Prayer. 5. The Ave Maria. 6. Justification. 7. Purgatory." This is the frame- work of an exposition which in ordinary type would form a large volume. If some of its contents seem strange, it is well to re- member that among Luther's earlier catechetical works is his ^Le Bas' Cranmer, p. 155. 2 Wordworth's Ecclesiastical Biography, III: 3 1 7. io6 The Lutheran Movement in , England. " Betbiichlein " of 1522, containing : i. The Ten Command- ments. 2. The Apostles' Creed. 3. The Lord's Prayer. 4. The Ave Maria; and that Melanchthon's ' ■ Handbiichlein " of 1523 contains, i. The Lord's Prayer, 2. The Ave Maria, 3. The Apostles' Creed, etc. Our readers should remember that the angelic salutation in Luke certainly admits of an evan- gelical explanation, and, as such, is not to be lightly esteemed. Into this scheme, the material of the Ten Articles wherever possible is introduced, occasionally with slight changes, but gen- erally with verbal exactness. The exposition is to a great extent changed into the form of a personal confession, prayer, etc., after the model of Luther's Small Catechism. What Lohe says of Luther's Catechism : " It is a fact which no one denies, that no other catechism in the world can be made a prayer of but this," must be modified if parts of the Bishops' Book are exam- amined, which are after all nothing but paraphrases of Luther's Catechism, of exquisite beauty, and which should be cherished as of imperishable worth. Froude, writing entirely from a lit- erary standpoint, pronounces it* "in point of language beyond all question the most beautiful composition that had as yet ap- peared in the English language." For those well acquainted with the Small Catechism, we need only quote some extracts from this second confession of the Church of England. " I believe also and confess, that among his other creatures he did create and make me, and did give unto me this my soul, my life, my body, with all the members that I have, great and small, and all the wit, reason, knowledge and understanding that I have ; and finally all other outward substance, possessions and things that I have or can have in this world." This is not ex- actly Luther's Small Catechism, though the same in substance. But its correspondence with Luther's Large Catechism is still closer, which reads (p. 440). " I believe that I am a creature of God, that is, that he has given and constantly preserves to me ^History of England, III : 229. The Bishops' Book of 1537. ^°7 my body, soul and life, members great and small, all my senses, reason and understanding, food and drink, shelter and support, wife and child, domestics, house and possessions, etc." The Bishops' Book continues : "And I believe also and profess that he is my very God, my Lord, and my Father, and that I am. his servant and his own son, by adoption and grace, and the right inheritor of his kingdom, and that it proceedeth and cometh of his mere goodness only, without all my desert, that I am in this life preserved and kept from dangers and perils, and that I am sustained, nourished, fed, clothed, and that I have health, tranquility, rest, peace, or any other thing necessary for this corporal life. I acknowledge and confess that he suffereth and causeth the sun, the moon, the stars, the day, the night, the air, the fire, the water, the fowls, the fishes, the beasts and all the fruits of the earth, to serve me for my profit and my necessity." With the latter sentence compare again Luther's Large Cate- chism : " He causeth all creatures to serve for the necessities and uses of life — sun, moon and stars in the firmament, day and night, air, fire, water, earth and whatever it bears and produces, bird and fish, beasts, grain and all kinds of produce." The exposition of the Second Article of the Creed is of such extraordinary beauty and force, and so happily expands the most precious section of our Catechism, as to justify a long extract. " And I believe also and profess that Jesus Christ is not only Jesus, and Lord to all men that believe in him, but also that he is my Jesus, my God, my Lord. For whereas of my nature I was born in sin, and in the indignation and displeasure of God, and was the very child of wrath, condemned to everlasting death, subject and thrall to the power of the devil, and sin, having all the principal parts or portions of my soul, as my reason and un- derstanding, and my freewill, and all the other portions of my soul and body, not only so destituted and deprived of the gifts of God, wherewith they were first endowed, but also so blinded, io8 The Lutheran Movement in England. corrupted and poisoned with error, ignorance and carnal con- cupiscence, that neither my said powers could exercise the na- tural function and office, for the which they were ordained by God at the first creation, nor I by them could do or think any- thing which might be acceptable to God, but was utterly dead to God and all godly things, and utterly unable and insufficient of mine own self to observe the least part of God's commandments, and utterly inclined and ready to run headlong into all kinds of sin and mischief; I believe, I say, that I being in this case, Jesus Christ, by suffering most painful and shameful death upon the cross, and by shedding of his most precious blood, and by that glorious victory which he had, when he descending into hell, and there overcoming both the devil and death, rose again the third day from death to life, and ascended into heaven, hath now pac- ified his Father's indignation towards me, and hath reconciled me again into his favor, and that he hath loosed and delivered me from the tyranny of death, of the devil, and of sin, and hath made me so free from them, that they shall not finally hurt or annoy me. ... So that now I may boldly say and believe, as indeed I do perfectly believe, that by his passion, his death, his blood, and his conquering of death, of sin, and of the devil, by his resurrection and ascension, he hath made a sufficient expi- ation or propitiation towards God, that is to say, a sufficient satisfaction and recompense, as well as for my original sin, as also for all the actual sins * that ever I have committed, and that I am so clearly rid from all the guilt of my said offences, and from the everlasting pain due for the same, that neither sin, nor death, nor hell shall be able or have any power, to hurt me or to let me, but that after this transistory life I shall ascend into heaven, there to reign with my Saviour Christ perpetually in glory and fehcity." We find also the following amplification of one of the articles in the Third Part of the Creed : "I believe that in this catholic church, I, and all the lively * See Augsburg Confession, Art. Ill : 3. The Bishops' Book of i^sj. 109 and quick members of the same, shall continually and from time to time, so long as we shall live here on earth, obtam remission and forgiveness of all our sins as well original as actual,^ by the merits of Christ's blood and passion, and by the virtue and effi- cacy of Christ's sacraments, instituted by him for that purpose, so oft as we shall worthily receive the same. ' ' We add yet the explanation of the First Commandment, which the reader will do well to compare with that of Luther in the Large Catechism : " To have God is not to have him as we have other outward things, as clothes upon our back, or treasure in our chests ; nor also to name him with our mouth, or to worship him with kneel- ing or other such gestures; but to have him our God is to con- ceive him in our hearts, to cleave fast and surely unto ■ him with heart, and to put all our trust and coniidence in him, to set all our thought and care upon him, and to hang wholly on him, tak- ing him to be infinitely good and merciful unto us." THE bishops' book, AND THE OTHER LUTHERAN CONFESSIONS. We find in the Bishops' Book traces, not only of Luther's Cat- echisms, but also of the other Lutheran Confessions which were then extant. Not only does it incorporate within itself " The Ten Articles," which are based upon the Apology and the Augs- burg Confession, but other passages are directly taken from the same sources. Augsburg Confession, (Art. V.) " For the obtaining of this faith, the ministry of teaching this gospel, and administering tlie sacraments was in- stituted. For by the Word and Sac- raments, as by instruments, the Holy Spirit is given who worketh faith." Bishops' Book. " To the attaining of which faith, it is also to be noted, that Christ hath instituted and ordained in the world but only two means and instruments, whereof the one is the ministration of his word, and the other is the ad- ministration of his sacraments insti- tuted by him ; so that it is not possi- ble to attain this faith, but by one, or both of these two means. ' ^ See Augsburg Confession, Art. Ill : 3. TJie Lutheran Movement in England. Apology {Latin Eng. Trans, p. 163.) " It says Catholic church, in order that we may not understand the church to be an outward government of certain nations, but rather men scattered throughout the whole world, who agree concerning the gospel and have the same Christ, the same Holy Ghost, and the same sacraments." Apology {German, Mueller, p. 153.) " That no one may think that the church is like any other outward polity, bound to to this or that land, kingdom or rank, as the Pope of Rome wants to say ; but that it abides certainly true, that that body and those men are the true church, who here and there in the world from the rising of the sun to its setting, truly believe in Christ, who have one Gos- pel, one Christ, one Baptism and Sac- rament, and are ruled by one Holy Ghost." It will be noticed that the English paraphrase follows the German almost as closely, as the German translation follows the text of the original Latin. The explanation of the Ave Maria shows traces of a sermon of Luther of 1523. * Luther. Bishops' Book. Du siehestu dass hierinne Kein Gebet, sondern eitel Lob und Ehre begriffen ist. Gleichiwie in den ersten Worten des Vater Unsers auch Kein " I believe that; this Holy Church is catholic, that is to say, that it can- not be coarcted or restrained within the limits or bonds of any one town, city, province, region, or country; but that it is dispersed and spread univer- sally throughout all the whole world. Insomuch that in what part soever of the world — be it in Africa, Asia, or Europe, there may be found any num- ber of people, of what sort, state or condition soever they be, which do believe in one God the Father, Crea- tor of all things, and in one Lord Jesu Christ, his Son, and in one Holy Ghost, and do also profess and have all one faith, one hope and one char- ity, according as it is prescribed in holy scripture, and do all consent in the true interpretation of the same scripture, and in the right use of the sacraments of Christ.'' Gebet ist, sondern Lob mid Ehre Gottes, dass er unser Vater and im Himmel sei. This Ave Maria is not properly a prayer, as the Paternoster is Never- theless the church hath used to ad- join it to the end of the Paternoster, as an hymn, laud and praise, partly of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, for our redemption, and partly of the blessed virgin for her humble consent. Eveii the Smalcald Articles which had been subscribed only on February 22d, 1537, in their completed form being but four months earlier than the English Confession may have been util- ized. For the resemblance between not only the historical por- tions of Melanchthon's Appendix " On the Power and Primacy ®Erlangen Ed. xv : 31S. The Bishops' Book of 153J. 1 1 1 of the Pope," but also Luther's treatment in Part II. Art. IV., and the argument against the Papacy in the formula before us, is very marked. The Augsburg Confession, the Apology and the Smalcald Articles all seem to have been laid under contribution in the preparation of the chapter on " The Sacrament of Orders," although a hierarchical doctrine pervades it not found in the Lutheran formularies. ' We know that on March 5 th, Melanch- thon's paper on the reasons why " the princes, estates and cities of the Empire, professing the pure and catholic doctrine of the Gospel, decHned to attend the Council at Mantua," was signed, that it was at once published, and copies sent to the Kings of England and France, ^ that it was " immediately translated into English," ** and published. The translator was Miles Coverdale, distinguished as a translator of the Bible. Such was the impor- tance which the evangelical element of the English Church then attached to everything which emanated from the Wittenberg Faculty. Even though Melanchthon's " De Recusatione Con- cilia were not officially transmitted until November 14th, as seems probable from a letter in the Corpus Rfformat-^rum, the argument for proving the dependence of the English theologians is in no way invalidated. Nor would time be lost, if space permitted, in a careful exam- ination of the source in Lutheran authorities of much of the teaching of this book, even where no special formulary has been closely followed. Sometimes it has been regarded as receding from " The Ten Articles," since while the former, following ' The argument is summarized by Hardwick {^History of the Christian Church during the Reformation) : " They contended that the fabric of the Papal monarchy was aUogether human ; that its growth was traceable partly to the favor and indulgence of the Roman emperors, and partly to ambitious artifices of the popes themselves ; that just as men originally made and sanc- tioned it, so might they, if occasion should arise, withdraw from it their con- fidence, and thus reoccupy the ground on which all Christians must have stood anterior to the Middle Ages." ® Corpus Reformatorum III : 314. ^ Hardzvick' s Articles, p. 3I. 112 The Lutheran Movement in England. the Apology, gives only three sacraments, the Bishops' Book al- lows the full number of seven claimed by the Romanists. But the Rev. Henry Jenkyns who has edited the works of Archbishop Cranmer, found a manuscript in the Chapter House at Westmin- ster showing that this supposition is erroneous. In connection with the Ten Articles a declaration had been made and signed by the evangelical theologians, conceding the name of sacrament to the four other ordinances, but with limitations which the advocates of the Old Learning were unwilling to publish. In the Bishops' Book, what is essentially this declaration comes to light. Its argument is mainly that of the Apology, which is directed entirely to the importance of making a distinction between rites instituted by God's command, in which, through a visible ele- ment, the promise of the gratuitous forgiveness of sins is sealed, and all others. If this distinction be conceded, Melanchthon maintains that it does not make much difference what is called a sacrament, and suggests that even prayer and almsgiving and afflictions might be called sacraments, provided the distinction be- tween them, and what he regarded then as three sacraments, be kept unimpaired. So the Bishops' Book declares : " There is a difference between them and the other three sacraments. First. These three be instituted of Christ. Secondly. They be com- manded by Christ to be ministered and received in their out- ward visible signs. Thirdly. They have annexed and enjoined unto their said visible signs, such spiritual graces whereby our sins be remitted and forgiven, and we be perfectly renewed, re- generated, purified, justified, so oft as we worthily and duly re- ceive the same." THE king's amendments. Without attempting an examination and enumeration of Ro- manizing elements still retained, which are principally those of " The Ten Articles," though to a considerable extent less, there is yet one item of interest connected with its history, that is worthy of notice. There is in the Bodleian Library a copy of " The Institution," or Bishops' Book, with marginal criticisms The' Bishops' Book 0/1^37. 113 in the handwriting of Henry VIII., and in the Library of Corpus Christi College at Cambridge, the annotations of Cranmer upon these proposed corrections of his sovereign, are to be found. Henry's notes indicate no little critical ability, but, at the same time, his real want of thorough understanding or appreci- ation of the doctrine of the Gospel as there set forth. It is his main purpose to introduce limitations and quaUfications, whereby the universality of the divine provisions and promises may be modified, so as to include, if possible, the conditions of the application. Cranmer shows that he has been a sufficiently faithful pupil of the Reformers, to be able with clearness and de- cision to declare to his monarch the real points of discrimination that should be made. For instance, in the explanation of the First Article of the Creed, where the Bishops' Book, says : "He is my very God, my Lord, my Father, and that I am his servant and his own son,'"' Henry proposes to add " as long as I perse- vere in his precepts and laws." To this Cranmer would not hear. The declaration, he maintains, is that of " the very pure Christian faith and hope which every good Christian man ought to profess." It belongs to the sphere, he says, of special faith, and not to that of general faith, which even devils have. The voice of true faith claims God as its own, without the interposi- tion of any such condition ; although of course when this condi- tion is not present, the pure faith thus confessed is "only in the mouth," and not in the heart. He maintains that every man should examine himself as to whether he actually have " the right faith and sure trust of God's favor;" but, this done, " it shall not be necessary to interline or insert in many places, where we protest our pure Christian faith, these words or sen- tences, that be newly added, namely, ' I being willing to follow God's precepts,' ' I rejecting in my will and heart the Devil and his works,' ' I willing to return to God,' 'If I continue not in sin,' 'If I continue a Christian life.' " When the Second Ar- ticle is reached " that Jesus is my Lord," the king again wants this limited by the clause, " I being Christian, and in will to fol- 9 • 114 The Lutheran Movement in England. low his precepts ;" and when it says " I am restored to the light and knowledge of God," he proposes the insertion of "Reject- ing, in my will and heart, the Devil and his works," both of which receive a similar answer. There are other corrections of the king, showing more decidedly his essentially Romanistic posi- tion, as, for example, where he qualifies the statement, which to Cranmer is so important, that Christ's sufferings were a satisfac- tion for original as well as for all actual sins, by a clause limiting the actual sins for which atonement was made, to those alone which were committed "before my reconciliation." Unfortu- nately, Cranmer' s answer shows at this point a weakening, since while opposing the insertion of the qualifying clause, he, at the same time, concedes that the propitiation of Christ cannot be extended to sins committed after reconciliation. CHAPTER VIII. THE ENGLISH BIBLES OF 1 535 AND 1 53 7. Petition of the Convocation of 1534. Miles Coverdale. His Bible of 1535 from " the Douche and Latyn." His dependence on the Ziirich Trans- lation. Relation of the Ziirich Translation to Luther. Relation to Tyndale. Influence on the Authorized Version. His Exposition of Ps. XXn., a literal Translation from Luther. His Hymns, from Lutheran Sources. Illustrated by a number of Examples. Herford's Table of Coverdale's Elymns, and their German Originals. His Theory of their Origin. Matthew's Bible of 1537. John Rogers. His Residence in Wittenberg. A Lutheran Pastor. The first Martyr under Mary. Why he used a Pseudonym ? Probably printed at Wittenberg. We leave for awhile the diplomatic side of the history of the English Reformation, and turn to the less public sphere, in which the quiet work of scholars from the privacy of their studies, was making itself felt. It was one of Cranmer's first efforts to secure a complete trans- lation of the Bible into English, and to authorize and promote its circulation among the people. But, in accord Avith the well- known unwillingness of men to recede from a false position, un- less under some expedient whereby to give the appearance of consistency to their action, the Convocation, in petitioning the king, December loth, 1534, that the Bible should be translated by some learned men, also asked that a demand should be made for all books of suspected doctrine, and that, within three months, they should be surrendered.' This was followed by the publication, October 4th, 1535 of The Btble : that is, the holy ^ StrAfc's memorials of Cranmer, p. 50. ii6 The Lutheran I\IoveincHi in England. Scripture of the Old and New Testament, faithfully translated out of Douche and Latyn into Englishe. MDXXXV. The translator was Miles Coverdale, afterwards bishop of Exeter. Coverdale, born about 1488, Avas one of the band of Cambridge students, whom we have seen meeting for prayer and the study of the Bible and Luther's works, in the house called "Germany." He had entered the monastery of the Augustinians at Cambridge, and there had come under the influence of its prior, Dr. Robert Barnes, so active afterwards at Wittenberg, to whom he ever re- mained a most faithful friend. When Dr. Barnes was arrested in 1526, Coverdale had voluntarily accompanied him, and helped to support him under the trial ; and when, after his mar- tyrdom in 1540, his Confesssion at the stake was maliciously as- sailed by John Standish, Coverdale again came nobly forward, and published a book in vindication of his deceased friend. He had early formed the acquaintance of Crumwell, and enjoyed his confidence, as is shown by letters which have been preserved, and are published in his collected works. When Tyndale's New Testament was published, Coverdale appears among those most prominent in its circulation. For some years, before the first publication of the Bible, the precise residence of Coverdale is not known. Foxe, who knew him well, states that he was for a time with Tyndale at Hamburg, and had assisted the latter in the translation of the Pentateuch. This statement, generally dis- credited by modern writers, is accepted by Westcott. The work on his own translation undoubtedly occupied his time for years. When the Convocation of December 1534 had, accordingly, passed the resolution above given, Crumwell probably informed him that the time had come for its publication. The title-page gives no information as to the place where it was printed and published. Those who have made a special study of the typo- graphy of bibles of that period, have no hesitancy in saying that it came from the press of Froschover of Zurich, the publisher of the Zurich Bible. '^ Notwithstanding the fact that the title-page ex- 2 The comparison may be made in the library of the Lutheran Theological Seminary at Mt. Airy, Philadelphia. The English Bibles of i^j^ and ijjj. 117 pressly states the dependence of the translation upon the German and Latin versions, recent writers have undertaken to deny it. Not only the title-page, but the " Prologue to the Translation " is against this theory. "To help me herein," says Coverdale, "I have had sundry translations, not only in Latin, but also of the Dutch interpreters, whom, because, of their singular gifts and special diligence in the Bible, I have been the more glad to fol- low for the most part-' ' Li the light of such words by Coverdale himself, Canon West- cott is undoubtedly not unjust when he says : " His critics have been importunately eager to exalt his scholarship at the cost of his honesty. If the title-page, said one who had not seen it, runs so, 'it contains a very great misrepresentation.' To an- other, the notice appears to be a piece of advertising tact. Ex- pediency, a third supposes, led Coverdale to underrate his la- bors. And yet it may be readily shown that the words are sim- ply and literally true."' Ginsburg, followed by Westcott, Mombert, and others, has shown the great dependence of Cover- dale upon the Zurich translation of the Bible. This is mainly Luther's translation of the other books, with a translation of the prophets by Leo Judae, Zwingli, Pellicanus and others. It appeared at intervals 1524-9, while Luther's Bible was not complete until 1534, the translation of the prophets not having been finished until 1532. Coverdale, therefore, followed the Zurich edition, largely in order to have the benefit of that in which it anticipated Luther. The direct, as well as the indirect influence of Luther, may be traced. Tyndale was also laid un- der contribution. While some knowledge of the Hebrew and Greek original is not denied, he followed closely preced- ing translators rather than ventured to use his own judgment. * ' History of tJie English Bible, p. 213. * " His Old Testament is not taken at all from the original Hebrew, either professedly or in fact, but is only a secondary translation, based chiefly on the Swiss-German, or Zurich Bible." Eadie, I : 2S5. " In every instance, where he forsakes Tyndale, he is led by Luther and the Zurich Bible," lb. p. 294. ii8 The Lutheran Movement hi England. " Though he is not original, yet he was endowed with an instinct of discrimination which is scarcely less precious than originality, and a delicacy of ear which is no mean qualification for a popu- lar translator."^ "No little of that indefinable quality that gives popular charm to our English Bible, and has endeared it to so many generations, is owing to Coverdale. The semitones in the music of the style are his gift. What we mean will be apparent to any one who compares the Authorized Version, es- pecially in the Old Testament, with the exacter translations of many of the books which have been made by scholars and critics. Tyndale gives us the first great outline distinctly and wonder- fully etched, but Coverdale added those minuter touches which soften and harmonize it. The characteristic features are Tyn- dale's in all their boldness of form and expression, the more delicate lines and shadings arc the contribution of his successor, both in his own version, and in the ' Great Bible.' "^ Two years afterwards, in 1537, two editions of a reprint of Coverdale' s Bible of 1535, were published in London. The same year, Coverdale published "A very excellent and swete exposition upon the two and twentye Psalme of David, called in latyn : Dominus regit me, et nihil. Translated out of hye Almayne in to Englyshe by Myles Coverdale, 1537." This is a very literal translation of Luther's Der 2jst Psalm auf einen Abend i'lber Tisch nach dem Gratias ausgelegt, 1536." This exposition was very likely delivered during the stay of the English ambassadors at Wittenberg. As Dr. Barnes, Coverdale's friend, was a frequent table guest of Luther, he was possibly at the table {ilber Tisch) where this explanation was given. A still more important work must have been occupying him at this time, if not already finished. His '' Goostly Psalmes and Spirituale Songs, drawn out of the holy Scripture" is without date. But as it is on the list of books prohibited by Henry VIII in J539, its publication is necessarily prior to that date. It is 5 Westcott, pp. 216, sq. ® Eadie, T/ie English Bible, 1 : 302. The English Bibles of ijj§ and iSJJ- 119 especially interesting as furnishing the beginning for English Hymnody. They are nearly all readily traceable to Lutheran sources. We are sure that a liberal selection from them will be appreciated. Of Luther's Komm Heiliger Geist Herre Gott. there are three translations. If the readily accessible rendering by Miss Winkworth be consulted by the English reader, he will note how nearly one of the translations of the Sixteenth, an- ticipated that of the Nineteenth Century : Come, holy Spirite, most blessed Lorde, Fulfil our hartes nowe with thy grace ; And make our myndes of one accorde, Kyndle them with love in every place. O Lorde, thou forgevest our trespace, And callest the folke of every countre To the ryght fayth and truste of thy grace, That they may geve thankes and synge to thee, AUeluya, Alleluya. O holy lyght, moste principall, The worde of lyfe shewe unto us ; And cause us to knowe God over all For our owne Father most gracious. Lord, kepe us from lemyng venymous, That we may folowe no masters but Christe. He is the veritie, his word sayth thus ; Cause us to set in hym our truste. Alleluya, Alleluya. O holy fyre, and conforth moste swete, Fyll our hertes with fayth and boldnesse, To abide by the in colde and hete, Content to suffre for ryghteousnesse ; O Lord, geve strength to our weaknesse. And send us helpe every houre ; That we may overcome all wyckednesse. And brynge this olde Adam under thy power. , Alleluya, Alleluya. Luther's summary in verse of the Ten Commandments, is an- other of Coverdale's translations. I20 The Lutheran Movement in England. Mensch, willt du leben seliglich, Und bei Gott bleiben ewiglich : Sollt du halten die zehn Gebot, Die uns gebeut unser Gott. Kyrieleis. Man, wylt thou live vertuously, And with God reign eternally, Man, must thou keep these com- mandments ten, That God commanded to all men. Kirielyson. Nun freut euch lieben christen gmein appears in the following form. There is no abbreviation by Coverdale. We select sev- eral stanzas. Be glad now, all ye Christen men, And let us rejoyce unfaynedly. ' The kindnesse cannot be written with penne, That we have receaved of God's mercy ; Wliose love towards us hath never ende He hath done for us as a frende ; Now let us thanke him h^rtely. I was a prysoner of the devell ; With death, was I also utterly lost ; My synnes drove me dayly to hell ; Therein was I borne ; this may I bost. I was also in them once ryfe ; There was no virtue in my lyfe, To take my pleasure I spared no cost. Than God eternall had pitie on me. To ryd me fro my wyckednesse. He thought of his plenteous great mercy, And wolde not leave me comfortlesse. He turned to me his fatherly herte. And wolde I shoulde with hym have parte Of all his costly ryches. He spake to his deare beloved Sonne, The time is now to have mercye ; Thou must be man's redempcyon. And lowse hym from captivite. Thou must hym helpe from trouble of synne ; From paynfuU death thou must hym wynne, That he may lyve eternally. Luther s paraphrase of media vita; is closely followed. The English Bibles of IS3S '^''i-d 1537. 121 Mitten wir in Leben sind Mit dem Tod umfangen ; Wen such wir, der Hiilfe thu, Dass wir Gnad erlangen ? Das bist du, Herr, alleine. Uns reuet unser Missethat, Die dich, Herr, erzUrnet bat. Heiliger Herre Gott, Heiliger starker Gott, Heiliger, bannhertziger Heiland, Du ewiger Gott, Lass uns nicht versinken In des bittern Todes Noth. Kyrieleyson. In the myddest of our lyvynge, Deathe compaseth us rounde about : Who shulde us now sucour brynge, By whose grace we maye come out ? ^ Even, thou, Lorde Jesu, alone : It doth oure hartes sore greve truly, That we have ol^'ended the. O Lord God, most holy, O Lord God, most myghtie, O holy and merciful Savior, Thou most worthy God eternal!, Suftre us not at our laste houre For any death from the to fall. Kyrieleyson. ON THE BIRTH OF CHRIST. Gelobet seist du, Jesu Christ, Dass du Mensch geboren bist Von einer Jungfrau, das ist wahr, Des freuet sich der Engel Schaar. Kyrieleis. Des ewigen Vaters einig Kind, Jetzt man in der Krippen findt. In unser amies Fleisch und Blut, Verkleidet sich das ewig Gut. Kyrieleis. Now blessed be thou, Christ Jesu ; Thou art man borne, this is true : The angels made a merry noise, Yet we have more cause to rejoyse. Kyrielyson. The blessed son of God onely, In a crybbe full poore dyd lye : With oure poore flesh and our poore bloude, Was clothed that everlasting good. Kyrielyson. ON THE RESURRECTION. Christ lag in Todesbanden, Fiir unser Siind gegeben, Der ist wieder erstanden, Und hat uns bracht das Leben : Dess wir sollen frohlich sein, Gott loben und dankbar sein, Und singen Halleluja. Halleluja. Es war ein wunderlich krieg. Da Tod und Leben rungen, Das Leben behielt den Sieg, Es hat den Tod verschlungen. Die Schrift hat verkiindet das, Wie ein Tod den andern frass, Ein Spott aus dem Tod ist worden, Halleluja. Chrift dyed and suffred great payne, For oursynnes and wickednesse ; But he is now risen agayne, To make us full of gladnesse. Let us all rejoyse therfore. And geve him thanks for evermore, Synginge to him, Alleluya. Alleluya. It was a marvelous great thynge, To se how death with death dyd fyght ; For the one death gat the wynnynge, And the other death lost his myght. Holy Scripture speaketh of it, How one death another wolde byte : The death of Christ hath wonne by ryght. Alleluya, The Lutheran Movement in England. Mit Fried und Freud, ich falir dahin, In Gottes Wille. Getrost ist mir mein Herz und Sinn, Sanft und stille. ■^Vie Gott mir verheissen hat ; Der Tod ist mein Schlaf worden. NUNC DIMITTIS. With peace and with joyfull gladnesse, And with a mery harte, Accerdynge to thy swete promesse, Lorde, let me now departe : Now geve me leave, that I may dye ; For I would be present with the. In Ein feste Bur^, the meter is adopted, but Coverdale fol- lows the Forty -Sixth Psalm more closely than he does Luther. Oure God is a defence and towre, A good armoure and good weapen ; He hath been ever oure helpe and sucoure, In all the troubles that we have ben in. Therefore wyl we never drede, For any wonderous dede By water or by lande, » In hilles or the see side : Oure God hath them al in his hand. Of other Psalms paraphrased by Luther, there are translations of the Twelfth (^Ach Gott von Himmel sick darein ) the Four- teenth (^Es spricht der Unweisen Mund wohl,) Sixty-seventh, One hundred and twenty-fourth, One hundred and twenty-eighth, and One hundred and thirtieth. "UNTO THE TRENTIE." Gott der Vater wohn uns bei, Und lass uns nicht verderben, Mach uns aller Siinden frei, Und helf uns selig sterben. FUr dem Teufel uns bewahr, Halt uns bei festem Glauben, Und auf dich lass uns bauen, Aus Herzengrund vertrauen. God the Father, dwell us by, And let us never do amysse ; Geve us grace with wyll to dye. And make us redy to thy blysse. From the devel's myght and powre, Kepe us in fayth every houre ; And ever let us buylde on the. With hole herte trustynge stedfastly. Another Lutheran hymn-writer from whom Coverdale drew was Paul Speratus, from whom two hymns were taken {Es ist das Heil uns Kommen, " Kirchenbuch," No. 270, and In Gott gelaub ich, Wackernagel, Kirchen-Lied, III: 33.) Lawrence Spengler, whose acquaintance Cranmer must have The English Bibles of 1535 and 1537. 123 formed while at Niirnberg, is represented by his principal hymn, afterwards quoted in the Formula of Concord " Durch Adam s Fall ist ganz verderbt (Kirchenbuch, No. 271). Hans Sachs also furnishes a hymn (IVacli aufin Gottes Name, Wackernagel III: 58). Justus Jonas' paraphrase of Psalm 124, found in Kirchenbuch, No 171, is also followed. Agricola appears in Jch ruf zu dir, Herr Jesu Christ (Kirchenbuch No. 415), and Decius in Ailein Gott i?i der H'dh sei Ehr. One of the most interesting translations is that of a Reforma- tion hymn, of uncertain authorship, but composed before the Diet of Augsburg, O Herre Gott, Dein gottlich Wort {^Kirchen- buch^ No. 191.) O bevenly Lorde, thy godly worde Ilath longe bene kepte alwaye from us : But thorow thy grace now in oure dayes, Thou hast shewed the so plenteous. That very well we can now tell, What thy apostles have written al -, And now we see thy worde openly Hath geven anthyechrist a great fall. It is so cleare, as we may heare, No man by ryght can it deny, That many a yeare thy people deare Have been begyled perlously • With men spirituall, as we them call, But not of thy Spirite truly ; For more carnall are none at al, Than many of these spirites be. They have bene ever sworne altogether, Theyr owne lawes for to kepe alwaye ; But mercyfuU Lorde, of thy swete worde There durst'no man begynn to saye. They durst them call great heritikes al. That did confess it stedfastly ; For they charged, it shuld be hyd. And not spoken of openly. 124 The Lutheran Movement in Eyigland. O mercyfull God, where was thy rod, In punyshynge soch great tyranny ? Why slept thou then, knowynge these men Resist openly the veritie ? For such a hymn semi-papal England was not yet prepared, as the martyrs of 1540, and the six Articles were yet to show. That a volume containing such an arraignment of much that still existed, under authority in England, and with which the king sympathized, should have been prescribed, is only what could have been expected. To recapitulate : Of Coverdale's forty-one hymns, twenty- two are from Luther, two from Speratus, one each from Spen- gler, Sachs, Agricola, Justus Jonas, Decius, and Greiser, four are well-known Lutheran hymns of uncertain origin, and seven we have not been able to identify, although their entire structure and spirit plainly show where they belong.' When, then, the Church of Engfand, and her various daugh- ters, cling so tenderly to the Psalter in the "Book of Common Prayer," and prefer its animated and rythmical expressions to the acknowledged more accurate translation of the Authorized Version, the secret of the charm is found in the influence which the treasures of the first period of Lutheran hymnology had upon the style of him who came to the work of translating the Psalter, with the notes of so many of the masterpieces of Luther and his associates ringing in his ears, and filling his heart with a glow of devout feeling. Coverdale's forty-one hymns were probably the growth of years. None of the originals which he translated is "^ Reference may be made to the interesting tables, tracing the origin of Coverdale's entire list by Prof. Mitchell in The Academy for June 28, 1SS4 ; and in Herford's Literary Relations of Germany and England in the XVI. Centtay (Cambridge 1S86) pp. 17 sqq. The summary of the latter is : From the Latin 6; from Luther, 18; Creutziger, I ; Speratus, 2; Hegenwalt, I; Agricola I ; Moebanius, i ; Sachs, I ; Spengler, I ; Dachstein, i ; Greiser, I ; Decius, 2; Anonymous, 5. The English Bibles of 1535 arid 153? • 125 later tlmn 1531.^ The translations of the hymns and the trans- lation of the Bible may have proceeded cotemporaneously, the former having afforded a relief from the severer work of the latter. We are not through with Coverdale, but must interrupt the narrative at this point, to consider another edition of the English Bible, and its translator, rapidly following that which has just been noticed. John Rogers, born about 1500, was an- other Alumnus of Cambridge ; but does not seem to have been influenced by the Protestant movement until, after being rector for two years of " Trinity the Less," in London, while chaplain to the merchant adventurers in Antwerp, he became intimate with Tyndale. The latter having been martyred October 6th, 1536, Rogers the succeeding year married Adriana Pratt or de Wey-