[* NOV 3 1911 *) 
 
 DA 687 .W5 A3 v.3 
 Robinson, J. Armitage 1858- 
 1933. 
 
 Gilbert Crispin Abbot of 
 Westminster, 
 
 v.3 
 
Digitized by 
 
 the Internet Archive 
 
 
 
 in 2014 
 
 
 
 https://archive.org/details/gilbertcrispinabOOrobi 
 
The earlier numbers of this Series are : 
 
 1. The Manuscripts of Westminster Abbey. By J. 
 
 Armitage Robinson, D.D., Dean of Westminster, and M. R. James, 
 Litt.D., Provost of King's College, Cambridge. Royal 8vo. pp. viii + 108. 
 5s. net. 
 
 2. The History of Westminster Abbey by John Flete. 
 
 Edited by J. Armitage Robinson, D.D., Dean of Westminster. Royal 
 Svo. pp. viii+151. 5s. net. 
 
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 
 
 RELATING TO 
 
 WESTMINSTER ABBEY 
 
 No. 3 
 
 ABBOT GILBERT CRISPIN 
 
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS 
 ILontion: FETTER LANE, E.G. 
 C. F. CLAY, Manager 
 
 CFljinbursl) : loo, PRINCES STREET 
 Btrlin: A. ASHER AND CO. 
 ILcipjifl: F. A. BROCKHAUS 
 i^ftu gork: G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS 
 ISombaH ant Calrufta: MACMILLAN AND CO., Ltd. 
 
 All rig/ils reserved 
 
* NOV 
 
 GILBERT CRISPIN 
 ABBOT OF WESTMINSTER 
 
 A STUDY OF 
 THE ABBEY UNDER NORMAN RULE 
 
 BY 
 
 J. ARMITAGE "^ROBINSON, D.D. 
 
 DEAN OF WESTMINSTER 
 
 CAMBRIDGE: 
 AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 
 191 1 
 
CambrtUge: 
 
 PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A. 
 AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. 
 
COLLEGIS • AMICIS 
 WESTMONASTERIENSIBVS 
 AD . WELLENSES • SVOS • REVERSVRVS 
 HOC • OPVSCVLVM 
 DE • GISLEBERTO • ABBATE 
 CVRIOSIVS • EXARATVM 
 D • D 
 
 ANTEGESSORIS • TANTI • LAVDATOR • INDIGNVS 
 GRATO • ANIMO 
 
PREFACE 
 
 ILBERT CRISPIN is the earliest abbot of Westminster 
 of whom we have any considerable knowledge : and he 
 is one of the greatest of the line, distinguished alike by his 
 noble descent, his high character, the fame of his learning 
 and the length of his rule. Yet, though his effigy has been 
 before the eyes of every generation that has trod the cloisters 
 in the past eight centuries, no one has cared to gather 
 together what may be known of his life and times. Even 
 his biography of Abbot Herluin has never been edited intact, 
 though historians draw from it all they know of the early 
 days of Bee, which gave three archbishops to Canterbury 
 within seventy years. This neglect seems the more strange 
 when we remember that he was a favourite pupil of both 
 Lanfranc and Anselm, some of whose letters to him still 
 survive ; and that his judgment as a theologian could be 
 appealed to on the continent more than a generation after 
 his death. 
 
 He was a true monk and a scholar, with no desire for 
 fame : his vocation and his instincts alike made him shrink 
 from public affairs. His Westminster sons remembered him, 
 as the Bee monks remembered their Anselm, chiefly for his 
 gentleness ; and they wrote the epithet intfis on his tomb 
 before they praised his justice, wisdom, strength and learning. 
 
X Preface 
 
 It has been a pleasure to restore the memory of this 
 blameless man. As fragment after fragment of his story has 
 revealed itself, his character has always remained without 
 a stain. Other evidence may be found which has escaped 
 my search ; but there are few men, I think, of whom we may 
 more safely say, 
 
 Whatever record leap to light 
 He never shall be shamed. 
 
 I owe special thanks to Dr Edward Scott, the keeper of 
 the abbey muniments, to whose wide knowledge and unfailing 
 helpfulness I have had constant recourse ; and to the 
 Reverend R. B. Rackham, whose work I can often hardly 
 distinguish from my own, and who has taken on himself the 
 labour of compiling the Index. For the frontispiece I am 
 indebted to my friend Mr A. G. Walker, the sculptor, who 
 took a kindly interest in Abbot Gilbert's time-worn effigy. 
 
 The Deanery, Westminster, 
 Christmas, 1910. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 Frontispiece To face Title 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Preface ix 
 
 I. Gilbert's Home at Bec 1 
 
 II. The Noble Family of the Crispins 13 
 
 III. Gilbert at Westminster 19 
 
 IV. Details of Administration 28 
 
 1. Domestic Rule 
 
 2. Foundation of Priories 
 
 3. Building 
 
 4. Exemption and Sanctuary 
 
 5. Knight Service 
 
 6. Domestic Economy 
 
 V. Abbot Gilbert's Literary Remains 51 
 
 1. Life of Herluin 
 
 2. Disputation of a Christian and a Jew 
 
 3. De Simoniacis 
 
 4. De Spiritu Sancto 
 5 — 8. Minor Pieces 
 
 9. Disputation of a Christian with a Gentile 
 
 VI. Correspondence 77 
 
 Vita Domni Herluini Abbatis Beccensis 87 
 
 Liber de Simoniacis Ill 
 
 Selected Charters 125 
 
 Additional Notes 158 
 
 A. On the Early Charters of St John's Abbey, Colchester 
 
 B. A Charter of King Ethelred 
 
GILBERT CRISPIN. 
 
 I. Gilbert's Home at Bec. 
 
 When the Conqueror came to be crowned at Westminster on 
 Christmas Day, 1066, he was welcomed by Abbot Edwin whose contact 
 with the Normans of Edward's court had prepared him for the new 
 regime. After Edwin's death the king gave the abbey to one Geoffrey 
 from Jumieges, who misruled it from about 1071 to 1075, when at 
 Lanfranc's advice he was sent back in disgrace to his old monastery. 
 The next abbot was chosen with more care. Vitalis, abbot of Bernay, 
 had raised his abbey ' from little to great,' as William says in writing 
 to demand consent to his appointment from his superior, John the 
 abbot of Fecamp. Of Vitalis all that we know is good. He secured 
 by the king's aid the estates of the abbey, some of which had been 
 jeopardised in the recent changes; he seems to have pressed forward 
 the new monastic buildings ; and doubtless he enforced the improved 
 discipline which the great reformer William of Dijon had left as the 
 heritage of Fecamp. But he was already an elderly man, and he died, 
 as it would seem, in the summer of 1085. 
 
 If Vitalis had come to Westminster late in life, towards the close 
 of an energetic and successful career, the next abbot, Gilbert Crispin, 
 was in the full strength of his manhood at the time of his appointment, 
 and was destined to rule the monastery for thirty-two years. He must 
 have been about forty when he became abbot of Westminster. He 
 had spent some twenty-five years in the abbey of Bec where he was 
 dedicated as a child. Lanfranc and Anselm had been his teachers : 
 Anselm had set him to teach in his turn, and then Lanfranc had called 
 him to serve as his chaplain at Canterbury. To understand his history 
 we must read the story of the foundation of Herluin's abbey at Bec; 
 and we are fortunate in being able to read it in Gilbert's own words, 
 for he himself had the honour of being Abbot Herluin's biographer. 
 Indeed it is to him that we oAve almost all our knowledge of this 
 R. c. 1 
 
2 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 unique and exceptionally important foundation, and also of the career 
 of Archbishop Lanfranc before he came to Canterbury. The close 
 personal friendship between our abbot and Lanfranc's saintly successor 
 is a further reason for dwelling on Gilbert Crispin's early monastic 
 home. 
 
 We begin then with the story of Bee, as Gilbert has written it for 
 us^ It belongs to an early period of Norman history, when the fierce 
 Northmen were first emerging out of barbarism. They had unlearned 
 their native language, and spoke a rude form of French ; but they 
 retained much of their primitive ferocity, and had not yet felt the 
 constraining hand of the great duke William, who was first to discipline 
 their forces and then to lead them to the conquest of England. The 
 Church, as judged by the reformers of the next generation, was in a 
 woefully backward condition. 'There were few in Normandy then,' 
 says Gilbert, ' to point the right road. Priests and bishops freely 
 married and bore arms as lay folk, one and all still living after the 
 primitive fashion of the Danes.' To a man of any force of character 
 two careers alone seemed open, the fierce life of the soldier or the 
 austere devotion of the monk. The secular clergy counted for little: 
 the hope of religion lay in the monasteries, and these in spite of great 
 efforts of reform still left, as we shall presently see, very much to be 
 desired. 
 
 In lower Normandy there is a small river called the Risle, which 
 runs northward into the Seine: about four miles below the ancient 
 town of Brionne it receives a tiny tributary which still bears its old 
 Norse name of 'the beck.' This streamlet gave its name to a new 
 monastery which suddenly became world-famous. For it revived the 
 study of letters in the north of Europe, furnished bishops and abbots 
 to all parts of Christendom, and within a century of its foundation 
 gave three archbishops to Canterbury — Lanfranc, under William the 
 Conqueror, Anselm under his sons Rufus and Henry I, and Theobald 
 in the anarchical days of king Stephen. 
 
 In the times of which we are speaking monasteries were founded 
 by princes or nobles, who called on well-known abbots to provide 
 colonies of monks for the new settlements which they undertook to 
 build and endow. But Bee was an exception to the rule and had a 
 humbler origin. Herluin, its founder, was a soldier of good family, in 
 the service of Gilbert, count of Brionne. In the height of his fortune 
 
 . 1 Vita Herluini, printed below from the Corpus Christi Camb. ms no. 318, a Rochester 
 book of the twelfth century. 
 
Gilbert's Home at Bee 
 
 .3 
 
 he broke off a distinguished career to enrol himself in the militia of 
 God, as it was called, and to embrace the poverty of Christ. It was 
 with difficulty that he released himself from his service at Gilbert's 
 court ; but the crisis came when he was ordered one day to carry out 
 a command which was against his conscience. His refusal was cruelly 
 punished by the burning of his farms, but a reconciliation was pre- 
 sently effected, and he was allowed to go his own way. With two 
 friends he retired to a part of his small property, where he began to 
 build a little church with his own hands. He was thirty-eight years 
 of age and had never learned his letters. He spent the days in 
 manual labour, and the nights in teaching himself to read the psalter. 
 Then he cast about to discover how monks should live. ' He went,' 
 says Abbot Gilbert, ' to a certain monastery to enquire into the life of 
 monks. Having offered up a prayer he approached with all reverence 
 and much fear, coming to the door of the cloister as though it were the 
 gate of Paradise, eager to learn how monks behaved and what were the 
 holy habits of the cloistered life. He found them falling far short of 
 what the monastic rule required : he was much perturbed, and fell in 
 doubt what course of life he should adopt. Then the warden of the 
 monastery, espying his entrance and taking him for a thief, caught 
 him roughly by the neck and dragged him out by the hair of his 
 head.' The high-spirited soldier took the rebuflf with patient silence, 
 and went his way home. On the next Christmas Day he ventured on 
 a fresh attempt, choosing a monastery of higher reputation. But 
 during the solemn procession he was disgusted to see the brethren as 
 they passed along greeting the lay folk with silly smiles, and shewing 
 off their festival attire. Then as they reached the entrance of the 
 church, they scrambled each to get in first, and one monk smote a 
 too insistent brother with his fist and laid him on the ground. ' So 
 barbarous,' says Gilbert, ' were men's manners all through Normandy.' 
 
 Once more Herluin was in despair ; but late that night he prayed 
 in a comer of the church alone, after the night office had been sung. 
 Presently a monk, who also thought that he was alone, stood near him 
 in prayer, then threw himself flat on the ground, and thus continued 
 praying with tears and sobs until the morning dawned. It is a fine 
 example of the power of unconscious influence. That monk's prayer 
 may even be said to have changed the course of history. Abbot Gilbert 
 wisely counts it a true miracle. The enemy of souls was baffled, and 
 Herluin returned assured that God had a purpose for his life. He 
 finished his church, and got the bishop of Lisieux to consecrate it, and 
 
 1—2 
 
4 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 to clothe him as a monk. Presently the bishop ordained him to the 
 priesthood, and put him in charge of his modest abbey. 
 
 But the site Herluin had chosen was waterless and unproductive ; 
 and after five or six years, when he had gained a few recruits, he was 
 forced to come down to the side of the beck, and to build again in the 
 meadow where it joins the main stream of the Risle. Here in 1040 
 his new church was consecrated, and two years later God sent him a 
 man who was to raise his humble monastery out of obscurity and make 
 the Bee a name in history. This was Lanfranc the Lombard from 
 Pavia, a famous teacher who had crossed the Alps a few years before 
 to visit the schools of France, and presently had brought his learning 
 to the powerful but unlettered Normans. He had gained a host of 
 pupils, but a scholar's fame could not satisfy him ; he yearned for the 
 love of God. Caught like many another by the fascinating words, ' If 
 any man will come after me, let him deny himself, and take up his 
 cross and follow me,' he sought for the humblest monastery, where he 
 should be lost to the world of letters and be permitted to serve God 
 in silence : and he found what he sought in Bec^. ' There was none,' 
 says Abbot Gilbert, ' poorer or more despised : and it chanced that on 
 his arrival the abbot was engaged in building an oven with his own 
 hands. His humility of mind and dignity of speech won Lanfranc's 
 veneration and love; and there he became a monk.' We may see 
 to-day, a few hundred yards from the very spot, just such an oven as 
 Herluin was building, a semi-circular structure of flints below and 
 yellow clay above, set against the wall of a little shanty thatched with 
 straw ; and we may easily picture the quaint scene of the simple abbot, 
 standing with grimy hands, half-hidden by his unfinished building, 
 while he grants the request of the most learned man in Europe that 
 he may become a member of his little community. 
 
 For about three years Lanfranc was a monk at Bee before the world 
 found what had become of him. But then the place was invaded, and 
 Lanfranc was soon lecturing again, mainly now on sacred themes, to 
 the youths of noble families, and even to schoolmasters from all parts 
 of Christendom. The modest abbot Herluin was suddenly famous, 
 and the name of Bee was everywhere on the tongues of men. 
 
 Anselm of Aosta was one of those who were drawn into this magic 
 circled He was of a noble family, said even to be of royal descent; 
 
 * Gilbert does not give the story of Lanfranc's capture by robbers. 
 
 * For what follows, see Eadmer's Life of Anselm. Gilbert wrote in Anselm's lifetime, 
 and hardly mentions him at all ; see below, pp. 103, 108. 
 
Gilbert's Home at Bee 
 
 5 
 
 bom in 1034, the year in which Herluin's monastic settlement began ; 
 a native of Aosta, a little town in a valley south of the Alps where 
 the provinces of Burgundy and Lombardy met. He was a gentle, 
 imaginative boy, who had been dedicated by his parents in his child- 
 hood to the service of God. And he dreamed one night that he 
 climbed the mountain side above his home and reached the heaven 
 which was so near to his early boyhood, and sat at the feet of the 
 Lord, and ate the whitest bread in the royal presence. He received 
 a good education, and wished to become a monk; but in this desire 
 he was thwarted again and again. At length, when his pious mother 
 died, he started for the north with a few attendants, crossed Mt Cenis, 
 nearly losing his life in the snow ; and then after various wanderings 
 found himself, at the age of twenty-five, in Lanfranc's lecture-room at 
 Bee. For about two yeai-s he devoted himself to study, living outside 
 the monastery in such rude lodgings as Lanfranc's external students 
 were able to procure. It was a hard life, and his delicate frame 
 suffered much fi:om hunger and cold. He had some thoughts of return- 
 ing to Aosta, where his father had recently died, to live on his own 
 estate and serve the poor. Yet he could not abandon his old desire 
 to be a monk. But if this were his vocation, where was he to fulfil it ? 
 The austerity of Cluny attracted him, but he dared not hope that his 
 feeble health would stand its rigours. Why should he not enter the 
 monastery at Bee ? His life would not there be harder than it was 
 already outside. In later years he made the fi-ank confession to a 
 friend that he had then so little of a monk's humility that he was 
 unwilling to settle where the ability of which he was conscious would 
 be permanently overshadowed by the greatness of Lanfranc, and that 
 he desired to find some place where he too should be a famous teacher. 
 Presently, however, his hesitation came to an end, and in 1060 he 
 became a monk of Bee. Three years afterwards the career which he 
 had denied to his ambition was unexpectedly opened to him by the 
 hand of providence. For in 1063 Lanfranc was appointed to preside 
 over William's new monastery of St Stephen at Caen, and Lanfranc's 
 oflfice as prior of Bee was given to Anselm. 
 
 The abbey of Bee at this moment was literally in a state of tran- 
 sition. The number of monks had grown so large that their buildings 
 were totally inadequate. Moreover, Herluin's second site was humid 
 and unhealthy, and suffered from frequent inundations. Lanfi-anc had 
 accordingly urged him to build afresh on a larger scale higher up the 
 Bee. The old abbot refused, dreading the difficulties of another 
 
6 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 removal ; but the choir of his church collapsed, and at this sign from 
 heaven he yielded. Lanfranc's energy planned the undertaking and 
 found the means of its accomplishment ; for, though no charge was made 
 for his teaching, gifts were accepted from his pupils, many of whom 
 belonged to noble families. Thus large sums were provided for the 
 new building. But Lanfranc's departure for Caen was a crushing 
 blow. He did what he could for Bee, while his own vast church 
 was rising at Caen ; but it was ten years before the monks could 
 enter their new buildings, and the church was not consecrated until 
 1077. 
 
 Anselm was now the abbot's right hand, and besides his home 
 duties as prior he had to do most of the abbot's work in the manage- 
 ment of the estates, and in addition to take over the responsibility of 
 the school. He was not a Lanfranc. He had neither the same 
 physique nor the same capacity for public affairs. He disliked what- 
 ever took him away from home ; and home life was so crowded that he 
 had no time for his own studies and none of the leisured calm which 
 is necessary for speculative thought. 
 
 A monk's life at Bee was not easy or idle. In some of the older 
 and wealthier houses it may have been; for the rule was sometimes 
 ill -kept, and bad customs had relaxed salutary discipline. But Bee 
 in its thirty years had run rapidly through the stages of monastic 
 development, always keeping at the highest level. It began with 
 extreme poverty and hardship, the day divided between prayers in 
 church and work in the fields, the abbot sleeping in the dormitory 
 with his monks, rising with them at two in the morning for the night 
 services, and then after a brief repose sharing with them the full 
 labours of their day. After ten years or more a new element was 
 introduced when schools were opened under Lanfranc; and Herluin 
 himself, though no scholar, urged learning with all his might on the 
 younger men. By this time a more elaborate code had become 
 necessary to supplement the general outline of St Benedict's Rule, 
 and the Customs of Bee were developed, doubtless by Lanfranc and 
 Anselm together, on the basis of such regulations as were in force 
 at Cluny and in other houses of high fame. Though the early books 
 of Bee perished at the French Revolution, we happily possess Lan- 
 franc's statutes which he drew up for the monks of Christ Church, 
 Canterbury, and which found their way into many of the English 
 monasteries under the name of the Customs of Bee. There we can 
 read how full and strenuous the life was, and how great was the 
 
Gilbert's Home at Bee 
 
 7 
 
 responsibility of the position which the young prior Anselm had 
 suddenly been called to occupy^. 
 
 Under the strain of his new tasks Anselm was beginning to break 
 down. This was not the life which he had looked for when he became 
 a monk. He would fain flee to some solitary hermitage. To Maurilius, 
 the saintly archbishop of Rouen, at whose advice he had decided to 
 enter Bee, he now went in his distress. The old archbishop was plain 
 with him : ' Do not give up the service of others,' he said, ' to think 
 only of yourself. I have known instances in which that has proved 
 the ruin of a man's own soul. To save you from that, I command you 
 in the name of holy obedience not to quit your post except at your 
 abbot's orders; and, if you are called to a higher place still, not to 
 refuse ; for I know that such a call will come to you ere long.' So back 
 he went, and for fifteen years he was prior, and then for fifteen more 
 he was abbot of Bec^. 
 
 Amongst the boys whom Anselm found when he first entered the 
 monastery was a youth of about fifteen. His father, William Crispin, 
 was a soldier of distinction belonging to one of the great Norman 
 families, and holding a castle on the border between Normandy and 
 France. William Crispin was devoted to Abbot Herluin, and he and 
 his wife Eva had dedicated their son Gilbert to the service of God at 
 Bee. The boy's name stands on the roll of monks nine places before 
 that of Anselm, who only entered the monastic life in his twenty- 
 seventh year. After the death of William Crispin the lady Eva came 
 to live at Bee. She devoted herself to the religious life, and regarded 
 the monks as her sons, bestowing all she had upon their church. 
 Anselm, in one of his letters, tenderly speaks of her as his mother, 
 and calls himself her eldest son^. We shall presently see with what 
 intense affection he regarded his younger brother Gilbert. 
 
 When William had secured the throne of England, and began to 
 set the Church in order, he wisely summoned Lanfranc to the see of 
 Canterbury. It was with no readiness of will that Lanfranc left his 
 abbey at Caen. He had quite lately refused the archbishopric of 
 Rouen. He knew no English, and was loth to undertake the responsi- 
 bility of a Church which seemed to him half barbarous. William, 
 
 1 Lanfranc's statutes are printed in Eeyner's Apostolatus Benedictiiwrum and in 
 Wilkins' Concilia. For their manuscript tradition see Journ. of Theol. Studies (April, 
 1909). Large portions of their wording are embedded in the Westminster Customary of 
 Abbot Ware. 
 
 2 Eadmer (Rolls S.), p. 327. 
 2 Anselm, Epp. ii 9. 
 
8 
 
 Gilbert Crisjnn 
 
 however, insisted ; and in 1070 Lanfranc was consecrated as archbishop, 
 and became the king's chief counsellor in Church and State. It was 
 well for us that he came ; but his unwelcome task weighed so heavily 
 upon him that three years later he wrote to Pope Alexander II, at 
 whose express bidding he had undertaken it, begging for release. He 
 said that distractions, troubles and losses, the obstinacy, greed and 
 immorality of those with whom he had to do, had made him tired of 
 life itself. He yearned for the quiet of the cloister, and he pleaded his 
 usefulness as a teacher. He was doing no good to souls, he said, where he 
 was, or very little if any at all. While William lived there would be 
 some sort of peace, but after his death no peace or any good could be 
 expected^. And yet this was the man who, in spite of his want of 
 sympathy with English church life, did more than any other man in 
 the next sixteen years to weld together, by his wisdom and his justice, 
 the conquering and conquered peoples, and to lay the foundation in 
 the Church, as William did in the State, of a new and united England. 
 In this mission of reconciliation he was to be followed by Anselm, who, 
 like himself, came from the Italian side of the Alps, and, as being 
 neither Norman nor English, exercised a strange power over both 
 races, 
 
 Lanfranc was visited at Canterbury by the aged Herluin, to whom 
 he insisted on shewing the humble respect due from a monk to his 
 abbot. 'The more crowded his court,' says Gilbert, 'and the more 
 excellent the dignity of those who waited on him, so much the more 
 humble service did Lanfranc render to Abbot Herluin, so that all 
 marvelled, and the English more especially, that an archbishop of 
 Canterbury should so submit himself to any mortal man.' A few years 
 later Lanfranc revisited Bee in order to consecrate the church which 
 many years before he had persuaded Herluin to build. This was in 
 1077, and the next year the abbot passed away at the age of eighty- 
 three, and Anselm was made abbot in his place. 
 
 For fifteen years Anselm had been prior of Bee, and during that 
 time he had lost some of his dearest and best companions and pupils, 
 who had been drafted off by Lanfranc, first to Caen, and then to 
 England. Gundulf had gone to Caen to be Lanfranc's prior, and after- 
 wards to Rochester, where he succeeded another Bee monk as bishop. 
 Henry became prior of Canterbury, and then abbot of Battle : Baldwin 
 and Maurice became monks at Canterbury. Lanfranc could never be 
 refused; and at last he sent for Gilbert Crispin, whom Anselm dearly 
 
 1 Lanfranc, Ejj. 1. 
 
Gilbert's Home at Bee 
 
 9 
 
 loved, and probably regarded as the most likely man to carry on his 
 work in the future at Bee. 
 
 Our first glimpse of Gilbert comes at an earlier date, in a letter 
 which Lanfranc addressed to him about the year 1074, commending 
 his nephew and namesake, whom he had brought from Italy and placed 
 under Anselm's charge at Bec^. This younger Lanfranc was wilful, 
 and destined to give Anselm much pain. The archbishop is anxious 
 about him, and urges Gilbert, who is to be his teacher, to shew him a 
 brother's love, and the more so because the Lady Eva, Gilbert's mother, 
 has been good enough to call him her son. Lanfranc also sends Gilbert 
 a cross, which he may set on the altar when he celebrates the holy 
 eucharist, to be a sign and token between the two young men^. 
 
 About six years after this, when Gilbert was some thirty-four years of 
 age, Lanfranc sent for him to help him at Canterbury, and Anselm's cor- 
 respondence reveals the pain that this new loss inflicted. ' With regard 
 to Dom Gilbert,' he writes, ' I have obeyed your command that I should 
 send him to you : but be assured that if anyone should cause him to 
 remain in England he will inflict a graver loss on the church of Bee 
 in the present and for the future, in its intei^nal and external interests 
 alike, than can easily be put into words. So I pray and beseech you, 
 as earnestly as is consistent with what is right and respectful to 
 yourself, pleading the kindness and love which I know you have for 
 me, that if without going against God's will you see it to be at all 
 possible, you will do your very utmost to secure his return^' 
 
 Later he writes to Gilbert himself, who has sent him some presents 
 from Canterbury : ' Sweet are the gifts, sweet friend, which your sweet 
 love sends ; but they are utterly powerless to console my heart, which 
 is desolated by your absence. No, not if you sent me all the most 
 fragrant spices, the most glittering metals, the most precious stones, 
 the most delicate embroidery, could my soul consent to be comforted, 
 for it is quite beyond its power, unless its other half which has been 
 torn away be given back to it again. My heart's pain bears me witness 
 as I think of this ; so do the tears which cloud my eyes and wet my 
 fingers as I write. You knew indeed, as I knew, my love for you ; nay, 
 I knew it not myself. He who has torn us apart has taught me how 
 
 1 Cf. Lanfranc, Ep. 43, to Anselm while still prior of Bee. 
 
 2 Lanfranc, Ep. 45. This letter is addressed to 'G.,' which D'Achery, though not 
 without hesitation, expands as 'Gundulfo.' But Gundulf had left Bee with Lanfranc: 
 moreover the 'G.' here addressed came to Bee as a boy and is still 'in juventute' ; and 
 the reference to his mother makes it certain that Gilbert Crispin is intended. 
 
 ^ Anselm, Epp. ii 13. 
 
10 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 much I loved you. No one has real knowledge of good or evil who 
 does not experience both. Without experience of your absence I did 
 not know how sweet it was to me to be with you, how bitter to be 
 without you. To you our very separation has given the presence of 
 another, whom you love not less, yea more, than me ; but I have lost 
 you — you, I say; and none has been given me in your place^.' 
 
 So the letter runs on to its close, revealing the pain and suffering 
 which is so near to the purest love. And that this was no mere selfish 
 affection is shewn by the letter Anselm writes a few years afterwards, 
 when the separation was made permanent by Gilbert's appointment to 
 the abbey of Westminster. 
 
 ' To Gilbert, once by God's providence his dearest son, now by God's 
 grace his fellow abbot, brother Anselm wishes a long, holy and prosperous 
 life here, and everlasting happiness hereafter. Though sickness has 
 made me behindhand in writing to my loved and loving friend about 
 the new grace granted him by God, yet it is with no lukewarmness, 
 but with the heartiest goodwill, that I say " Glory to God in the 
 highest," who has revealed His purpose for you which hitherto He 
 has kept dark, although indeed I always believed that good things, 
 as men count them, were in store for you. For in that same life of 
 devotion in which He has preserved you, training you in wisdom and 
 nurturing you in holiness. He has now made you a father and a teacher 
 and a shepherd of souls.' Then, with a charming modesty and self- 
 distrust, he goes on to say: 'Far better things may be hoped of you 
 and the like of you, whose life has been nurtured in holy surroundings, 
 than of me and the like of me, whose life was at one time wasted 
 in the world. For of you it is to be hoped that, in training others to 
 be like yourself, your own holiness will be perfected ; whereas it is to 
 be feared, when we are loaded with such a burden, that our unholiness 
 by God's inscrutable judgment will be increased. The better our hope, 
 then, in your accession to office, the greater and surer our rejoicing in 
 the grace that is granted to you. May God Almighty, who has made 
 you the keeper of others, so help and keep you that He may reward, 
 your holiness and theirs with His eternal blessing^.' 
 
 A later letter manifests the same affection, and gives a playful 
 account of an attack of fever which Anselm had just shaken off. 
 
 ' Brother Anselm to abbot Gilbert, a servant to his lord, a friend to 
 his friend, a lover to his lover — wishing him unending joy. If health 
 
 1 Anselm, Epp. i 75 ; written when Gilbert was with Lanfranc, c. 1080. 
 * Anselm, Epp. ii 16 ; written soon after Gilbert's appointment in 1085. 
 
Gilbert's Home at Bee 
 
 11 
 
 and welfare and prosperity be the lot of my lord abbot Gilbert, who 
 loves me and whom I love, then indeed my heart rejoices, for my 
 longing is fulfilled. If the kind benefactions which you bestow on us 
 were bestowed by a stranger upon strangers, we should make a great 
 display of gratitude lest the supply should run short. But seeing that 
 they come from him of whom we never could have a doubt, we are 
 content to hide our chief thanks, though ever ready to express them, 
 in the strong-room of our heart. I know your love will want to know 
 how I am doing. By God's protecting mercy, within my usual limits 
 and considering these changeful times, all would have been well and 
 prosperous, but that when I was in France, somewhat burdened by 
 various tasks, a slight fever suddenly attacked me, frightening me 
 more than it hurt me. But when it saw that my mind was firmly 
 made up to send round to all my friends for the help of their prayers, 
 after a second attack it fled just as frightened as I was. For some 
 time since I have suffered from a distaste of food, and a difficulty in 
 sleeping, and a general weakness in my limbs. I greet with all possible 
 devotion, my lords and brothers, your most dear sons [the monks of 
 Westminster], in whose kindness which takes so practical a form I 
 rejoice as often as I think of it.' 
 
 The letter goes on to plead that Gilbert will shew indulgence to 
 his servant Richard, who by his orders had followed him to England, 
 and had evidently got into some trouble, but was penitent and should 
 be restored to favour^. 
 
 The scattered notices preserved in charters or chronicles, from 
 which for the most part the lives of our abbots have to be compiled, 
 give us no insight at all into the spiritual side of their character or 
 the success with which they achieved for themselves and for others the 
 lofty aims of a true monasticism. Gilbert Crispin offers a happy ex- 
 ception to the rule. We know at least what his own training was like, 
 and how truly devotional was the atmosphere in which his youth and 
 early manhood were spent. The devout Herluin, the wise Lanft-anc 
 and the gentle Anselm^ — each had left his mark on the young monk, 
 and helped to prepare him for the difficult task of maintaining the 
 noble ideals of Bee in the wholly dissimilar surroundings of royal 
 
 1 Anselm, Epp. ii 47. A similar account of his fever is written to Abbot Gilbert of 
 St Stephen's at Caen: from this we learn that Anselm was returning from Caen and hoping 
 to reach Bee before the feast of St Benedict (that is, probably, 11 July, the Translation), 
 but was delayed by business in France (ii 44). 
 
 - See below, p. 26. 
 
12 
 
 Gilbert Crispiti 
 
 Westminster. The curtain of which a corner has been lifted soon 
 falls again, and though his other writings give us an occasional 
 glimpse of Abbot Gilbert's character and methods and reflect the 
 spirit of his old home, we have little else to assure us that St 
 Anselm's high hopes of his beloved pupil were not unrealised. We 
 have to content ourselves with piecing together isolated facts and 
 jejune references. But it is something to have caught sight of the 
 real man, and to have learned what at any rate he must have wished 
 Westminster to be. 
 
II. The Noble Family of the Crispins. 
 
 In writing on one occasion from Bee to his uncles at Aosta, Anselm 
 mentions that the bearer of his letter is a son of William Crispin. 
 This was a brother of the future abbot of Westminster, and it is 
 interesting to note the terras in which Anselm refers to him and his 
 family. 'He is rich, and of the first nobility of Normandy: yet his 
 mother and brothers are so intimate with me, that his mother calls me 
 her son, and her children call me their brother — only they say, elder 
 brother \' 
 
 In tracing the history of this family, more than one of whom found 
 a home in England, we are fortunate in possessing a curious document 
 entitled, 'The Miracle whereby Blessed Mary succoured William Crispin 
 senior : wherein is an account of the noble family of the Crispins.' It 
 is printed by Luc d'Achery in his appendix to Lanfranc's works : it 
 comes immediately after Milo Crispin's Lives of the Abbots of Bee, and 
 is probably written by Milo Crispin himself, of whom we shall speak 
 lower down^ 
 
 The first of the name, says the writer, was Gilbert, called Crispin 
 from the fashion of his hair, which stood on end — a feature which he 
 transmitted to his descendants, who are still distinguished from other 
 Norman families both by this peculiarity and by the surname to which 
 it gave rise^ The Crispini, he assures us, were as famous among 
 the Normans as were the Fabii and the Manlii among the Romans. 
 With the aid of his rambling narrative we may at once construct a 
 
 > Anselm, Epp. i 18. 
 
 2 Lanfranci Opera, App. p. 52 : ' Miraculum quo,' &c. 
 'Antequam Normanni duce Willelmo Angliam debellarent, fuit in Neustria (quae 
 nunc Normannia vocatur) vir egregius nomine Gislebertus, genere et nobilitate praeclarus, 
 qui ab habitudine capillorum primus Crispini cognomine dicitur insignitus : nam in sua 
 primaeva aetata habebat capillos crispos et rigidos atque sursum erectos, et (ut ita dicam) 
 rebursos ad modum pini ramorum, qui semper tendunt sursum ; quare cognominatus est 
 Crispinus, quasi crispus pinus : quam capillorum rebursionem adhuc videmus in iis qui de 
 ipsius Gisleberti genere descendunt, unde et ipsi eodem cognomine a caeteris Normannorum 
 familiis dirimuntur. ' 
 
14 Gilbert Crispiii 
 
 genealogical table, and afterwards we may comment on individual 
 names. 
 
 Gilbert Crispin I m. Gunnor 
 
 Gilbert Cr. II William Cr. I m. Eva Kobert Emma 
 
 Gilbert Cr. Ill William Cr. II m. Agnes Gilbert Cr. (others) Pierre de 
 I (abbot) Conde 
 
 William Cr. UI 
 
 1. Gilbert Crispin I married Gunnor, the sister of Fulc d'Alnou. 
 This is of interest as shewing the connexion of the Crispins with several 
 Norman families of note. For Fulc's father was Baldric, who had come 
 from Germany to serve under Duke Richard ; and his mother was a 
 niece of Gilbert count of Brionne, the over-lord of Herluin abbot of Bee. 
 Among Fulc's brothers were Robert de Courcy and Baldric de Bocquence 
 (Ord. Vit. Ill 75). 
 
 2. In the next generation there were three sons and two daughters. 
 The eldest son, Gilbert Crispin II, was keeper of the castle of Tillieres ; 
 the youngest, Robert, died at Constantinople : of the daughters, 
 Emma became the mother of Pierre de Conde, and Esilia of William 
 Malet, one of the Conqueror's great men, who ended his life as a 
 monk at Bec^ 
 
 But the second son, William Crispin I, achieved the highest fame. 
 Duke William had entrusted him with the castle of Neaufles, in order 
 to check the incursions of Gautier le Vieux, count of Pontoise, who 
 threatened the Norman Vexin. This castle passed from father to son, 
 ' sicut usque hodie videmus,' says the writer of the Miraculum^. William 
 Crispin was devoted to the abbey of Bee ; and whenever he travelled 
 from Neaufles to attend to his property near Lisieux (' in Lexoviensi 
 pago') he never failed, both going and returning, to visit Abbot 
 Herluin, One day, after parting from the abbot as usual, he suddenly 
 
 • 'Esiliam, matrem Willelmi Malet, qui miles strenuus in seneetute factus est 
 monachus Becci,' &c., Miraculuvi, p. 53. Mr C. E. Mallet in Diet. Nat. Biogr. speaks 
 of 'Hesilia Crispin' as wife of W. Malet, and supposes, after Freeman, that he died in 
 the campaign against Hereward in 1071 : but this supposition has been challenged. 
 
 2 For 'Melfia' must be reai. 'Nielfia' or ' Neelfia.' 'Neaufles, canton de Gisors, 
 arrondissement des Andelys. I< subsiste encore a Neaufles la moitie d'un chateau ou 
 donjon bati au xii" si6cle ' (Poree, Hist, du Bee, i 179). 
 
 William 
 Malet 
 
Family of the Crisjnns 
 
 15 
 
 returned to ask his blessing and the special prayers of the brethren. 
 At the end of his journey, when he was close to his castle, the French 
 sprang out of an ambush in the wood : his companions fled from their 
 attack. He leapt from his horse and sat on the root of a felled tree. 
 The Virgin appeared in answer to his prayers, and throwing the sleeve 
 of her garment over him rendered him invisible to his enemies. His 
 love for St Mary of Bee vastly increased, and it became hereditary 
 in his family. On his death-bed he sent for Abbot Herluin. Before he 
 could arrive, the brave soldier was troubled by demons ; but he had a 
 vision of St Benedict who drove them away. This was related by 
 Herluin and his monk William, who was subsequently abbot of 
 Cormeilles : for they arrived immediately afterwards, and had it from 
 his own lips. He was then clothed as a monk, and dying a few days 
 later was buried near the church of Bee, where the cloister was about 
 to be built. His death seems to have taken place on 8 Jan. 1074^ 
 
 Such was Abbot Gilbert's father. His mother was a French woman, 
 Eva de Montfort, sister of Amaury III, lord of Montfort I'Amaury, a 
 stronghold halfway between Paris and Chartres, from which in later days 
 the famous Simon earl of Leicester had his name. She shared to the full 
 her husband's love for Bee, where their son Gilbert had been dedicated 
 at an early age ; regarding all the monks as if they were her children, 
 and giving precious vestments and ornaments for the service of the 
 church. When her husband died, she made Bee her home, adopting 
 an ascetic life. At length she received the veil from William the 
 archbishop of Rouen. Two other ladies shared her retirement (' dede- 
 runt se in subjectionem Becci ') under the rule of Abbot Anselm : 
 Basilia, the wife of Hugh de Gournay, who himself ended his days as 
 a monk of Bee, and Amfrida her niece. Anselm refers to these ladies 
 several times, in letters written when he was absent from Bee: he 
 speaks of himself as the Lady Eva's eldest son^ By a strange 
 coincidence the three ladies died on three Sundays in January 1099, 
 the 2nd, 16th, and 23rd days of the months The Lady Eva was the 
 
 1 ' The year of William Crispin's death is ascertained from the Nomina Monachorum, 
 the month and day from an extract from the necrology of Beaumont-le-Eoger in the 
 National Library at Paris (Latin, 13905). This document has under " Januarius, 6 idus 
 o[biit] I*^ (i.e. primus) Will. Crispinus monachus nostrae congregationis." ' M. Eule, 
 Anselm i 226 n. 
 
 2 Anselm, Epp. ii 9 'Mandate matri et dominae nostrae Evae quod de filio sue 
 primogenito vobiscum audire pari desiderio expectat,' &c. This was in 1079. See also 
 Epp. II 26 and 51, iii 138 and the quotation made above (p. 13) from Epp. i 18. 
 
 3 The year is fixed by the Sundays : the only other hkely year, 1093, is shewn to be 
 too early by Anselm, Epp. ii 51 and iii 138. 
 
16 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 last to go : she was worn out with age and fasting. Carried into the 
 church on St Vincent's Day (22nd Jan.), she was anointed before the 
 altar of the Crucifix ; and, as the convent withdrew, she raised her hand 
 and made the sign of the cross over them, saying : 'My sons, I commend 
 you to God.' The writer of the narrative adds : ' for she loved us as 
 tenderly as if we had been her own children.' She passed away in the 
 following night, and she was laid to rest near her husband. Brother 
 Kodulphus, we are told, had asked her if possible to appear to him 
 after death : she did so a few days later, and explained that she had 
 been assigned sixty years of penance, because she had been over-fond 
 of pet dogs and other trifles ^ 
 
 3. We come now to the third generation, to which Abbot Gilbert 
 himself belonged. Of his brothers one only is known to us, William 
 Crispin II ^ Like his father he was a benefactor of Bee, and shortly 
 after the Conqueror's death we find him at the court of Duke Robert, 
 fiercely threatening to withdraw the gifts of his family, if the abbey 
 should be allowed to pass into the hands of Robert of Meulan, who was 
 claiming it as an appanage of Brionnel He married Agnes, daughter 
 of Godfi-ey d'Etrepagny. He took Duke Robert's side against K. Henry, 
 and was taken prisoner at Tenchebrai in 1106. Henry in the letter in 
 which he announced his victory to Anselm names William Crispin 
 among his principal captives ^ A little later he conspired with Robert 
 of Belesme, and in 1112, according to the A. S. Chronicle, he was driven 
 out of Normandy. A story is told of his striking K. Henry on the 
 casque at the battle of Br^mule in 1119, whereupon he was over- 
 powered and taken prisoner by Roger fitz Richard ^ But it is hard to 
 believe that this William Crispin was the brother of Abbot Gilbert, 
 
 1 'Quia parvos canes et alia hujusmodi varia, quae homines pro nihilo ducunt, amavi, 
 et ultra modum in iis delectata sum : ideo talem paenitentiam accepi ' (D'Achery, App. to 
 Lanfranc's Works, p. 5). The narrative is found in the Vatican ms ' no. 499, du fonds de 
 la reine de Sufede,' and in the Paris transcript of this, Bibl. Nat. lat. 5427 (Por6e, Hist, 
 du Bee, I 184). 
 
 2 It is probably he who witnesses a charter (c. 1082 ?), in which the Conqueror grants 
 to St Stephen's at Caen ' in Lundonia quamdam terram quae fuit Leureth, sitam prope 
 ecclesiam sancti Petri, quietam de gelth et de scot et de omni alia consuetudine ; quam 
 dedit Wallerannus filius Ranulfi, cum decima totius terrae suae quam habet in Anglia, 
 tam pro anima sua quam pro mea ' {Gall. Christ, xi, instr. 67 : described as ' sitam in 
 Wodestrata prope ecclesiam sancti Petri,' in a St Stephen's chartulary, quoted by Palgrave 
 Eng. Commonwealth ii clxxxi). 
 
 ^ For references to the incident, see Por^e, Hist, du Bee, i 194 ii. 
 
 * Eadmer, Hist. Nov. Bolls S. p. 184. 
 
 ° Por6e, ut supra 196, where references are given. 
 
Family of the Crisjnns 
 
 17 
 
 who had died two years before at the age of seventy at least. Possibly 
 William Crispin III was the audacious hero of this fight. 
 
 4, William Crispin III fought with Geoffrey Plantagenet, count of 
 Anjou, against Robert de Sable who was in revolt in Dec. 1135. He 
 was saved at this battle, so the Miraculum informs us, by St Mary 
 of Bee. Afterwards he was taken prisoner, and on his release, just as 
 he was about to start for Jerusalem in fulfilment of a vow, he died and 
 was buried near his ancestors at Bee. 
 
 Milo Crispin, who held lands in England at the time of the Survey, 
 chiefly in Oxfordshire, was probably the cousin of Abbot Gilbert, and 
 the son of Gilbert Crispin II, who according to Wace's Roman de Rou 
 took part in the Conquests Milo attests the Bee charter of the 
 Conqueror (c. 1077, Por^e ibid, i 645), though he does not appear in it 
 as a donor. In a charter of Henry II, however, which confirms ancient 
 grants, we find that he had given to Bee both Swyncombe (Oxon.) and 
 also tithes at Wallingford (Poree, li 574) : ' et de dono Milonis Crispini 
 Swinecumbam et decimam de dominico de honore de Walingforde.' 
 The Honor of Wallingford came to him through marriage with Matilda, 
 daughter of Robert de Oleio^ In the History of Abingdon we read of 
 ' Milo de Walingaford cognomento Crispin,' as keeping Easter with 
 Prince Henry at Abingdon in 1084'. He died in 1107. Shortly 
 before his death, in recognition of the medical services of the famous 
 abbot of Abingdon, he gave to that abbey a hospice on their road to 
 London*. He appears as attesting two charters of William Rufus to 
 Abbot Gilbert, and also Abbot Gilbert's grant of the manor of Hendon 
 to Gunter and his heirs. The last of these cannot be later than 1102; 
 for in that year Robert the prior, who also attests, was appointed abbot 
 of St Edmund's\ It is possible that all three belong to one date, and 
 
 1 Por^e, ibid, i 179. This is probably the Gilbert Crispin who attests the charter 
 of H. Trin. Caen (1082) : see Gall. Chr. xi, instr. 72. 
 ^ Dugdale, Baronage i 460. 
 » Hist. Abingd. Rolls S. ii 12. 
 
 * Ibid. 97 : ' Milo Crispin, pro servitio quod abbas Faritius ei in sua infirmitate 
 impenderat, dedit in eleemosynam ecclesiae sanctae Mariae et monachis de Abbendonia 
 quoddam hospitium in via Lundoniae apud Colebroc'...anno videlicet vii Henrici regis.' 
 His wife Matilda is mentioned as concurring in the benefaction (ibid. 110). He was 
 also a benefactor to Evesham: 'Milo Crispin dedit dimidiam hidam in Hildendone' 
 (Chron. Evesh. Rolls S. 75). 
 
 * These charters are printed below (nos. 11—13). He attests a charter of Will. I to 
 Lewes Priory, Monast. v 13 (orig. in Cotton Vesp. F. iii, art. 1). 
 
 E. c. 2 
 
18 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 Milo may have been staying at the time with his kinsman the abbot of 
 Westminster. 
 
 Another Milo Crispin was the precentor of Bee who compiled the 
 Life of Lanfranc, and also wrote the lives of several of the abbots of 
 Bee. It would seem from the list of Bee monks that he entered the 
 monastery just after Anselm had ceased to be abbot^ : but he had 
 seen the great archbishop on one of his visits to his old horned He 
 died about 1150^ 
 
 In conclusion we may mention an interesting charter, in which 
 Goscelin Crispin recites and, with the assent of his little son William, 
 confirms the grants of his ancestors the three William Crispins : it is 
 given at Bee in 1155*. 
 
 I find the name of ' Fulco Crispinus ' as the last witness to the Bath 
 Charter of 1090^ : and the name of ' Gislebertus Crispinus ' entered on 
 the Bee roll c. 11126 
 
 1 Poree i 631. 
 
 * Vita Lanfranci c. xiv (D'Achery, p. 15) : ' Hoc beato Anselmo archipraesule referente 
 cum aliis pluribus audivi.' 
 
 3 Por^e I 105, 532. ^ Printed by Poree, i 656. 
 
 ^ Bath Chartularies [Som. Kec. Soo.] i, no. 37. 
 6 Por^e I 632. 
 
III. Gilbert at Westminster. 
 
 It is not always easy to date Anselm's letters, but it seems likely 
 that Gilbert must have gone to Canterbury at the close of the year 
 1079, shortly after Anselm's return from his first visit to England. 
 Of the time which he spent in Lanfranc's service we know nothing ; 
 but that he had proved his worth we may conclude from the fact that 
 it was at Lanfranc's instigation that the king appointed him to 
 Westminster'. 
 
 The date of his appointment to Westminster cannot be fixed with 
 certainty. There is good evidence for placing his death in 1117 ; and, 
 if we may trust the writer of the Miraculum, he was abbot for thirty- 
 two years. This would give us 1085 as the year of his accession : and 
 with this as a provisional date we must at present be contents 
 
 1 Flete (p. 86), quoting from a Bee document, the Miraculum alluded to above, says : 
 'nt...eum Lanfrancus ad regimen Westmonasterii provideret.' Hugh the precentor of 
 York introduces Gilbert into an absurd story about the famous Canterbury Privilege 
 of 1072, which he says was a forged document, issued in many copies to which the royal 
 seal had been fraudulently affixed. The king as he was crossing to Normandy for the last 
 time (1086) was told of this in the Isle of Wight, and repudiated the document, saying that 
 he would do justice between the two archbishops on his return, which never took place : 
 'hoc plures audierunt, inter quos et Eannulphus qui nunc usque superest [tll28] 
 Dunelmensis episcopus, tune quidem capellanus et custos sigilli regis sub Mauricio 
 cancellario postea Londoniensi episcopo, et Gillebertus Crispinus monachus L. archie- 
 piscopi, postea abbas Westmonasterii ; qui ambo coram multis edixerunt, et si quis 
 dubitaret jurare parati, cartam sic confirmatam fuisse, et regem sicut predictum est inde 
 respondisse ; et quod ipse rex Gilleberto Crispino, nobili genere monacho, preceperat 
 ut hoc testimonium Eboracensi ecclesiae perhiberet, quicquid de ipso contingeret ' 
 (Historians of York, ii 102 f.). The same charge is repeated on behalf of Thomas II 
 of York to K. Heru-y I ; and of Gilbert it is said : ' iste tunc temporis Lanfranci 
 archiepiscopi monachus et familiaris erat ' (p. 122). The story is interesting for the light 
 it throws on Gilbert's position : but it is full of contradictions. Gilbert was abbot before 
 1086 ; he was not in England at the time of the controversy in 1072. In the second 
 passage Rannlf and Gilbert are accused of being parties to the forgery, and the king 
 indignantly replies that they are not men of whom such things could be believed. 
 
 ^ Flete brings him in two years earlier, and puts his death in 1115 : and a charter 
 (printed below, p. 38) would confirm this, if we could trust the late copy which alone is 
 preserved of it. But there are difficulties also as to the year of his predecessor's death : 
 see my edition of Flete's History, p. 141 f. 
 
 2—2 
 
20 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 The Conqueror's reign was nearing its close. The great Domesday 
 Survey was being made when the new abbot was fresh in his seat ; and 
 he doubtless attended the meeting at Salisbury on 1 August, 1086, 
 and took the oath to be King William's man against all his enemies. 
 Later in the same year the king left England for the last time. On 
 26 September, 1087, Gilbert must have helped his old master, the aged 
 Lanfranc, to crown William Rufus, and have heard the welcome pledge 
 which the new king gave that in all matters he would be guided by the 
 archbishop's advice. The pledge was quickly broken — ' Who can keep 
 all his promises ? ' — and on 24 May, 1089, the primate was released by 
 death from his thankless responsibility. For the next four years the 
 see of Canterbury was left unfilled, and the Red King drew its 
 revenues. It was well for Westminster that a young and vigorous 
 abbot had recently been appointed : for otherwise it would have shared 
 the miserable fate of the eleven abbeys which as they fell vacant were 
 kept in the king's hands. 
 
 It is possible that before the end of 1086 Gilbert may have 
 received a visit from Abbot Anselm : for a charter granted to him by 
 William (possibly the Conqueror) has for its first witness 'abbas 
 Beccensis^.' At any rate in the beginning of 1093 Anselm was at 
 Westminster. In a letter written to Baldric his prior at Bee he com- 
 mends its bearer, 'a monk of the lord abbot Gilbert, whom I would 
 have you receive with special kindness.' He will tell them, he says, 
 more than can be put into writing. They must know that the king still 
 delays to respond to his request (probably for a confirmation of the 
 English estates of Bee), though both he and all the nobles shew him 
 love and honour beyond anything he could expect. He cannot, he says, 
 now hope to return before Lent^ This was written just before the 
 king's sudden illness and short-lived repentance. Anselm, as it proved, 
 was not to return to Bee, until he came as the exiled archbishop of 
 Canterbury. On the first Sunday in that very Lent (6 March, 1093), 
 the pastoral staff was thrust between his resisting fingers, and after 
 vain endeavours to regain his freedom he allowed himself at last to be 
 enthroned at Canterbury on 25 September. He left England in 
 October, 1097, and did not come back until after the Red King's death. 
 
 In the meantime Gilbert's devoted mother, the Lady Eva, died, as 
 we have seen, at Bee on 21 Jan. 1099. The next year Gilbert was at 
 the Easter court at Winchester, where he witnessed the king's charter 
 
 1 Printed below, no. 17. Probably, however, it should be assigned to 1093. 
 
 2 Anselm, Epp. n 51. 
 
Gilbert at Westminster 
 
 21 
 
 to the monastery of Evesham'. That same year brought Henry's 
 hurried coronation in the abbey, performed by the bishop of London on 
 5 August, 1100. Anselm's return soon followed. 
 
 At Michaelmas, 1102, Anselm held a council at Westminster with a 
 view to the enforcement of reforms in the Church. A canon was 
 passed against clerical marriages, and several abbots were deposed for 
 simony and other causes^ A strange scene is recorded as having taken 
 place before the session of the council. Gerard the archbishop of York 
 had come ; but, as Hugh the precentor of York relates, ' the monks 
 having prepared for their archbishop a seat singularly high, Gerard was 
 wroth, and, publicly invoking God's hate on him who had so set it up, 
 he kicked it over, nor would sit down till a seat of equal dignity had 
 been prepared for him ; desiring to make it perfectly plain that he 
 owed him no subjection I' This was an inherited quarrel, and Gerard 
 was a passionate Norman, the kinsman of our Norman kings who 
 frequently were carried away by uncontrollable anger. Seventy years 
 later St Catharine's chapel in the infirmary witnessed a yet more dis- 
 tressing episode of the same struggle. 
 
 Six months after this council Anselm's difficulties with the new king 
 led him to leave the country again, and he did not return till towards 
 the end of 1106. The king meantime had seized the revenues of the 
 archbishopric, and in other ways had pressed hardly upon the church — 
 so hardly, indeed, that Gerard and several of the principal bishops, 
 who had hitherto refused to support Anselm, wrote earnestly intreat- 
 ing him to come back. The question of the Investitures was not a 
 simple one, and the minds of English churchmen were seriously divided 
 upon it. The time-honoured customs of England pointed one way : 
 the recent legislation of councils, anxious to secure the Church against 
 simoniacal appointments, pointed the other way. We should have 
 been glad to know what a quiet and thoughtful churchman like Abbot 
 Gilbert felt about the merits of the controversy. The question had not 
 
 1 'In quarta feria Paschae,' Chron. Evesh. Eolls S. p. xlix. He had witnessed the 
 charter of Lincoln, sometime previous to Sept. 1090 (Line. Cath. Stat., Bradshaw and 
 Wordsworth, ii 5). 
 
 ^ This is the ' Covmcil of London,' held (as Anselm says) ' in ecclesia heati Petri in 
 occidentali parte juxta Lundoniam sita' (Eadmer, Hist. Nov. Rolls S. p. 141). 
 
 ^ ' Postea placuit Anselmo et Girardo archiepiscopis concilium celebrare : quo in 
 Westmonasterio congregato, cum monachi archiepiscopo suo sedem singulariter celsam 
 parassent, Girardus indignatus, et dei odium ei qui sic paraverat vulgariter orans, pede 
 subvertit, nec sedere voluit donee sibi cum archiepiscopo sede pari parata, liquido volens 
 ostendere ei nullam subjectionem debere ' (Hugo Cantor, Rolls S. p. 110). 
 
22 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 arisen for England when he received his pastoral staff from the 
 Conqueror ; and the matter had therefore no practical bearing for him- 
 self But from his central position he was able to see the disaster 
 which the prolongation of the controversy was bringing on the Church : 
 and we are fortunate in possessing a copy of verses addressed to 
 Anselm, in which he deliberately warns him of the perilous responsi- 
 bility which he is incurring by his continued absence. They are an 
 instructive comment on the situation, coming as they do from one of 
 Anselm's most devoted sons'. 
 
 The tuneful pipe that loved to chant your praise 
 Is hoarse and mournful now. Shepherd, it cries, 
 Why is the Shepherd absent from the fold? 
 The flock is wandering leaderless astray: 
 None brings it back. Pastures it vainly seeks, 
 And knowing not its good takes hurtful food: 
 Wherefore 'tis wholly sick and near to die. 
 
 The cunning foe creeps round, and sees the fold 
 Abandoned: enters here and goes out there 
 Unhindered, finding none to drive him back 
 Or check the full glut of his wolfish rage. 
 
 He scatters all, and all are slain— fat, lean, 
 And old and young. The appetite of wolves 
 What can abate ? One wolf will count too few 
 A thousand thousand sheep : when many come. 
 See how the abandoned fold is given to death ! 
 
 I say, their Master will demand them back: 
 Who asks not back what he has given in charge? 
 I say, these sheep 'tis you who must restore 
 To whom they were committed : none disputes 
 Recovery of a trust : therefore beware ! 
 
 Oh, many a thousand, trusted to your care 
 
 And lost. He asks again. All England first — 
 
 How great a multitude: all Scotland next; 
 
 And then that further distant island, where 
 
 The populous Irish dwell. These ample realms. 
 
 When were they visited? None visits them: 
 
 A year, nay years have passed. Therefore beware ! 
 
 We know from Boso's language in the opening of the Cur Dem 
 homo what liberty of speech Anselm had encouraged in his pupils at 
 Bee. But this is plain speaking indeed ; and it must have wrung his 
 
 * For the text see below, p. 83. 
 
Gilbert at Westminster 
 
 23 
 
 tender heart more than any of the remonstrances that reached him from 
 other quarters'. 
 
 The controversy ended at last with an English compromise. The 
 king should no longer give the staff, the symbol of a spiritual responsi- 
 bility : but the bishops and abbots should still do homage for their 
 temporal possessions. 
 
 On Sunday, 11 Aug. 1107, Anselm consecrated five bishops at 
 Canterbury : and a few days later Robert, Gilbert's former prior, was 
 blessed as abbot of St Edmund's. The new abbot of St Augustine's 
 was deferred, as he was not yet ordained. He would have been blessed 
 shortly after Christmas, but that he demanded that the ceremony 
 should take place in his own church. When Anselm was near London 
 Cjuxta Lundoniam ') at the beginning of Lent, the monks of St 
 Augustine's persuaded the king to command the archbishop to conse- 
 crate Hugh in his own monastery. A deputation was sent by the king 
 to urge Anselm to consent. It consisted of the bishops of Winchester, 
 Sarum and Exeter, together with Gilbert the abbot of Westminster^ 
 Anselm would not yield the point ; and in the end he consecrated Hugh 
 at Lambeth on 27 Feb. 1108. This is the last occasion on which we 
 see the master and the pupil together: on 27 April, 1109 the saintly 
 archbishop passed away at Canterbury. 
 
 Gilbert had dedicated to him three of his works : the famous 
 Disputation with a Jew, and the treatises on Simony and on the Holy 
 Spirit. Each dedicatory letter is addressed to Anselm as archbishop, 
 but none makes reference to his troubles or his absence^. 
 
 We have anticipated the course of events in order to complete the 
 story of Gilbert's relations with Anselm ; and we must now return to 
 consider a notable incident of the year 1102. It is recorded by Ailred 
 the abbot of Rievaulx in the Life of St Edward which he drew up by 
 request of Abbot Laurence on the occasion of the canonisation or the 
 translation of the king (1161, or 1163). But Ailred was merely 
 recasting the earlier Life which Osbert the prior had written in 1138; 
 
 1 Anselm, Ep. iii 121. The pressure which was put upon Anselm at this time to 
 return is fully described by Eadmer, who quotes some striking letters of remonstrance 
 (Hist. Nov. pp. 159—168). 
 
 2 ' Hujus mandati Willelmus episcopus Wintoniensis et Eogerius Serberiensis et 
 Willelmus Exoniensis, cum Gisleberto abbate Westmonasterii, a rege ad Anselmum nuncii 
 fuerunt' (Eadmer, Hist. Nov. p. 189). 
 
 3 The years in which he was in England are 1093—1097, 1100 (Sept.)— IIO.S (April), 
 1107— 1109 : to the first two periods the dedications most probably belong. 
 
24 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 and, as this Life has not yet been printed, I have here translated the 
 following passage, which is in fact our ultimate authority for the story 
 of the opening of the Confessor's tomb in 1102^. 
 
 Inasmuch as it hath pleased our Lord God to disclose to many mortal eyes the 
 fair beauty which adorned this sacred Prince in the flesh, his temporal glory is 
 sufficiently attested by that holy company who on the day of his translation found 
 the king's body whole and incorrupt. Gilbert the lord abbot, whose patronymic was 
 Crispinus, had called to the great solemnity many men of note, chief among whom 
 was Gundulf the venerable prelate of Rochester. Six and thirty years had King 
 Edward lain in the tomb, and many thought that like other men he had fallen to 
 ashes after our common mortal lot. But some there were whose loving thoughts 
 gave them a holy presentiment of somewhat divine attending one whose limbs had 
 never known the loss of virgin purity, and whose body they could not doubt 
 remained in a kind of resurrection glory. Other devout religious men were moved 
 by a great longing to look upon his face, men who had seen his beloved countenance 
 while he yet lived in the flesh. For in his service they had been enrolled, and 
 therefore burned the more ardently in this holy purpose, that with their very eyes 
 they might behold him after so long a time in the tomb. 
 
 So then the upper stone is lifted from the sarcophagus, and his glorious body is 
 found wrapt in a costly robe : slender hands and flexible joints, the finger with its 
 royal ring, the sandals — all are plainly seen to shew no sign of corruption : the 
 sceptre at his side, the crown upon his head, all the regal ornaments of his noble 
 burial are shewn uninjured by the touch of time. So firm and bright was the flesh, 
 so perfect all the garments, that their soundness told that God in truth was 
 magnified in Edward, setting forth in his flesh an image of the resurrection of the 
 saints. 
 
 So great fear fell on all, that none could dare uncover the king's veiled counte- 
 nance, nor disclose on any side the face they longed to see. One man alone, God's 
 holy and righteous bishop Gundulf, was so kindled with the flame of yearning love 
 as to cleave the covering beneath the chin, draw out the beard and arrange it in 
 comely wise betwixt his hands. Then, when he felt it firm set in the flesh, was 
 this great man astonished at the strange miracle. But yet he essayed to draw 
 gently forth a single hair, if perchance it might yield to his touch, that so of the 
 relics of the holy king he might thus be allowed an abundant enrichment. 
 
 But as the lord abbot Gilbert stood and watched, 'What is this,' he cried, 'good 
 bishop, that thou dost ? In the land of the living he hath attained an eternal 
 inheritance with the saints of God : wherefore then dost thou seek to diminish his 
 share of temporal glory ? Cease, honoured Sir, so to presume : vex not the king in 
 his royal bed.' Then was Gundulf wholly resolved in tears, and said, ' Venerable 
 abbot, thou hast spoken aright. Yet know that not any bold presumption sped me 
 to this deed. The flame of holy devotion, wherewith I burned for love of the 
 glorious king, urged me to take but one hair of that snowy beard, to keep it with 
 solemn reverence in his memory as a treasure more precious than gold. But since 
 my hope is gone, and my wish could not be granted, let him keep his own by his 
 own right in peace. Let him rest in his palace, virgin and incorrupt, till with 
 » Brit. Mus. Add. ms 36,737, f. 156 b. 
 
Gilbert at Westminster 
 
 25 
 
 triumphant joy he shall meet the advent of the Judge, and receive in this his flesh 
 tlie abiding glory of a blessed immortality.' 
 
 In the tomb therefore they shut that sacred body, which they had found in its 
 solid perfection, and from whence already such fragrant odours had exhaled as to 
 fill with sweetness the whole house of God. 
 
 The florid magnificence of Osbert's style need not make us distrust 
 entirely the tradition which he records. It is probable that the tomb 
 was opened, though the motives of curiosity or affection are insufficient 
 to account for the disturbance of the royal remains. The rubric which 
 heads the chapter speaks of this as ' the first translation ' of the saintly 
 king; and though this may not come from Osbert's pen, yet he does 
 use the word ' translation ' in his first sentence ; so that it is possible 
 that a new shrine may have been made, or the tomb may have been 
 moved to some position more suitable for one who was already working 
 miracles of healing. It would seem that Anselm was not present : 
 possibly our date is incorrect, and he may have been out of England 
 at the time. But no one had a higher reputation for holiness than 
 Gundulf, Anselm's bosom friend at Bee, who had been twenty-five years 
 at Rochester and had known Gilbert for more than forty years. 
 
 Gundulf's rash act is explained when we remember that a bishop 
 who presided over the translation of a saint carried off as his due some 
 fragment of his body to add to the store of his church's relics. We 
 may here recall a story of Archbishop Thomas who translated our saint 
 in 1163: for it seems to have escaped attention, and it illustrates the 
 common practiced Whereas the archbishop's due was the saint's 
 right arm, St Thomas preferred to take the stone which covered 
 his coffin. Nor need we wonder at his choice. For his conflict with 
 the king had well begun, and this stone was the memorial of an earlier 
 struggle. Had it not received and held the staff of Wulstan when he 
 had refused to yield it at the Conqueror's bidding? The stone, then, 
 went to Canterbury, and for many years it stood by the tomb of the 
 martyred prelate; until at length, when King Henry IV made a chapel 
 of St Edward in the cathedral, it was used for the altar slab. Once more 
 St Edward was left to us intact, escaping the common lot of saints — 
 partly perhaps because he was a king. 
 
 There are no further incidents of general interest to record of 
 Gilbert's tenure of the abbacy, save that on 19 Sept. 1115 a bishop 
 was for the first time consecrated within the abbey walls. At a later 
 date St Catharine's chapel in the infirmary saw many such consecra- 
 
 ' Continuator of Gervase of Canterbury's Gesta Regum, Rolls S. ii 285. 
 
26 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 tions; but in these earlier days the archbishops were peculiarly 
 tenacious of their right to bring the bishop-elect to Canterbury, or 
 at least to some chapel of their own. Ralph was no less jealous on 
 this point than Anselm had been, and it was only because he was the 
 chaplain of the good Queen Maud, and because she specially desired 
 to be present, that Bernard, the bishop of St David's, received his 
 consecration in the abbey church'. 
 
 Gilbert died on 6 Dec. 1117, and he was laid in the south cloister 
 close to his predecessor. The grave of Vitalis was marked by a plain 
 flat stone, on which year by year a carpet and tapers were set on his 
 anniversary. Gilbert is figured with his pastoral staff in high relief 
 on a slab of black Tournai marble — the oldest sculptured monument 
 of the abbey^. The features of the face are wholly gone, worn by the 
 tread of thousands of Westminster boys before the slab was shifted 
 in the eighteenth century to a securer place beneath the long stone 
 bench. But the delicately carved ears remain ; for the deep recesses 
 on each side of the head had been filled in with Roman cement to save 
 the passing foot from tripping. The epitaph has long since disap- 
 peared, but Flete records it; and, though hardly worthy of one who 
 could write such good verses as our abbot, it is not so insipid as these 
 things usually are, and it has the rare merit of truth. 
 
 Hie pater insignis genus altum, virgo senexque, 
 
 Gisleberte, jaces, lux via duxque tuis. 
 raitis eras Justus prudens fortis moderatus, 
 
 doctus quadrivio, nec minus in trivio. 
 sic tamen ornatus nece, sexta luce Decembris, 
 
 spiramen caelo reddis et ossa solo. 
 
 An anonymous monk of Gilbert's former monastery characterises 
 the three great spiritual builders of Bee in the brief sentence : 
 Anselmum mitem, Herluinum, devotum, Lanfrancum sapientem^. ' The 
 gentle Anselm ' was the man whom the Bee monks knew, though the 
 
 ' ' Proposult itaque ilium in ecclesia hospitii sui apud Lambetiiam consecrare. verum 
 quoniam ipsi officio regina interesse volebat, postulatus ab ea sacravit ipsum in ecclesia 
 beati Petri Westmonasterii xiii Kal. Octobris...huic consecratioui interfuerunt et oo- 
 operatores extiterunt suffraganei ecclesiae Cantuariensis episcopi videlicet hi, Willelmus 
 Wintoniensis, Kobertus Lincoliensis, Rogerus Serberiensis, Johannes Bathoniensis, 
 Urbanus Glamorgatensis, Gislebertus Lumniensis de Hibernia ' (Eadmer, Hist. Nov. Rolls 
 S. pp. 235 f.). 
 
 2 For the graves of the abbots in the cloister, see the Introduction to Flete's History, 
 
 pp. 22 e. 
 
 3 Por6e, L'Abbaye du Bee et ses ecoles, p. 66: cf. Hist, du Bee I 536. The letter in 
 question was written c. 1130 — 50. 
 
Gilbert at Westminster' 
 
 27 
 
 world has wondered at his inflexible will and the daring originality of 
 his thought. In the verses above cited the epithet mitis is happily 
 chosen to express the leading trait of Abbot Gilbert's character: we 
 shall find its justification presently in his writings. 
 
 When an abbot died a mortuary roll was carried from abbey to 
 abbey to ask for the prayers of the brethren. Each monastery made 
 its own entry, promising prayers and asking prayers in return on behalf 
 of its own departed brethren or patrons, the chief of whom were 
 commonly mentioned by name. Abbot Gilbert's mortuary roll has not 
 survived ; but the roll of his contemporary. Abbot Vitalis of Savigny, 
 has been fully published in facsimile by the late M. Leopold Delisle^. 
 Vitalis had come to England on a preaching tour: for he was a famous 
 revivalist. We learn from this roll that he had visited our abbey. He 
 died 16 Oct. 1122; and the Westminster entry on his roll is of interest, 
 not only because it names those for whom the prayers of a foreign 
 abbey were desired, but also because it offers a specimen of the hand 
 which was then written by our precentor or in our scriptorium. The 
 entry is as follows: 
 
 TITVLVS i SCI : PETRI i WESTMONASTERIl 
 
 Aniraa eius et anime omnium fidelium defunctorum Reqiiiescant in pace 
 Offa. rege. ^dgaro. rege. Matilda, regina. Crispin. 
 
 Amen. Orate pro nostris. ^ iEowARDO. rege. ^ Vital', abb'. Gisleberto. abb'. 
 
 Riculfo. Turstino. Tur'^illo. ^Egelmiardo. Maiiritio. Willelmo. et pro omnibus, aliis. 
 Concedimus sibi plenam fraternitatem et societatem ^eclesig nostrgK sicut con- 
 cessimus illi cum fratribus qui secum ad nos uenerant. H§c igitur renouantes 
 obnixe uos petimus. ut eadem nobis concedatisK quatinus in superne civitatis 
 arce mereamiir abinuicem in Igticia sempitema uideri. Amen. 
 
 We note that after the entry had been made it was evidently 
 supplemented at the bidding of authority. Ofia and Edgar were 
 prefixed, and the good Queen Maud was added : and Crispin was 
 inserted above Gilbert's name, that none might fail to recognise the 
 well-known personage. Of the monks Riculfus, Turstin, Turkill and 
 Aegelward no other record remains. There was a monk named William 
 in the early days of our abbot ; but the name is too common to allow of 
 a certain identification. We are on more sure ground with Maurice, 
 who is doubtless Bp Wulstan's chaplain, of whom Osbert has told us^ 
 
 1 The last gracious gift which I received from the illustrious scholar was this beautiful 
 product of his declining years, with which he reprinted one of the essays of his youth. 
 Within a year has followed the ' Priez pour Lui.' 
 
 ^ See below, p. 31. 
 
IV. Details of Administration. 
 
 1. Domestic Rule. 
 
 When Lanfranc came to Canterbury, he drew up for the regulation 
 of the monks of Christ Church a book of Customs, which found its way 
 into many of the English monasteries and was known sometimes as 
 the Customs of Canterbury and sometimes as the Customs of Bec\ It 
 represented the result of the experience of Lanfranc and Anselm, as 
 gained and formulated in the eager life of Herluin's new foundation; 
 but it rested largely on earlier codes which can be traced back through 
 Fecamp and Dijon to Cluny and even to that strenuous reformer Benedict 
 of Aniane. Lanfranc made some modifications in detail in deference 
 to English traditions, though in general he was not sympathetic in 
 dealing with the religious life of his new fellow-countrymen. We can 
 hardly doubt that this code, which Gilbert must have seen in force at 
 Canterbury, was brought by him to Westminster. As a matter of fact, 
 considerable portions of it are embodied word for word in the thirteenth 
 century Customary of Abbot Ware. Vitalis, who had come to West- 
 minster from Bernay, which was a cell of F6camp, must have paved 
 the way for the peaceable introduction of the new regulations. From 
 Lanfranc's book a picture might easily be drawn of the daily life of 
 Westminster Abbey at the close of the eleventh century ; but we must 
 confine ourselves here to the more laborious task of gathering together 
 such scattered notices as can be found in charters or elsewhere of 
 Abbot Gilbert's rule. 
 
 Much of an abbot's energy was of necessity expended on the trouble- 
 some business of managing and safeguarding his abbey estates; and 
 what is perhaps the earliest of all the charters addressed to Abbot 
 Gilbert reminds us that he came to his task just when the great Survey 
 
 1 Lanfranc's Monastic Constitutions were printed in Eeyner's Apostolatus Bene- 
 dictinorum (1626), and thence by D'Achery, Lanfranci Opera (1648) : they were printed 
 again by Wilkins, Concilia, i 328, in 1737. I have discussed their title and manuscript 
 tradition in Journal of Theol. Studies, April 1909. 
 
Details of Administration 
 
 29 
 
 of England was being completed ^ Gilbert indeed found time, as we 
 shall presently see, for a good deal of literary work ; and we cannot 
 doubt that he would take a share in the teaching of the more capable 
 of his younger monks. 
 
 All the details of domestic management were in the hands of the 
 prior; and we are fortunate in knowing something of one of Gilbert's 
 priors. Two charters remain which are attested by ' Robertus prior 2.' 
 Towards the end of the year 1102 this Robert succeeded another 
 Robert as abbot of St Edmund's. The story given by the Bury annalists 
 is as follows. Immediately on his accession in 1100 King Henry began 
 to fill up the abbeys which the Red King had kept vacant in order that 
 he might draw their revenues. He appointed to St Edmund's Robert, 
 the illegitimate son of Hugh, count of Chester. The appointment was 
 against the will of the monks, and Anselm wrote to Abbot Roger of 
 St Evroul warning him and his monk Robert of the wickedness of such 
 an intrusion, and refusing to consecrate the abbot-designate^. At the 
 council held in Westminster at Michaelmas, 1102, Robert was deposed. 
 Then ' Robertus, prior Westmonasterii, vir magnae religionis, abbatiam 
 suscepit^' Robert had not been consecrated when Anselm's second 
 exile began in April, 1103: but he ruled his abbey, none the less, for 
 more than four years; and he built 'claustrum, capitulum, refectorium, 
 dormitorium, et cameram suam.' At last he was consecrated by Anselm 
 on 15 Aug. 1107 : but after four weeks and four days he died (16 Sep. 
 1107). He was remembered as a model administrator: 'qui quidem 
 inter omnes abbates optimus custoditor et adquisitor terrarum lau- 
 datur^.' We hear of him long afterwards in one of Jocelin of Brake- 
 lond's gossipping stories. To annoy Abbot Sampson, we are told, 
 Robert's anniversary was celebrated in 1197 with unusual bell-ringing, 
 
 1 This is the famous Charter no. xxiv, exhibited in the Chapter House : 
 
 W. rex Anglorum R. vicecomiti et omnibus ministris suis in Suthreia sal'. Sciatis 
 quia pro salute anim^ me§ concede deo et sancto Petro Westmonasterii et abbati G. viii 
 hidas de manerio Piriford, qu§ in dominio meo sunt infra forestam de Windlesores, 
 quietas amodo semper et liberas a scoto et ab omni mea consuetudine et censu pecuni^ 
 qu^ geld vocatur anglic^. T'. W. episcopo Dunel' et I. Taileb'. Post descriptionem 
 totius Angli^. 
 
 For Rannulf sheriff of Surrey, see below, charter no. 2 : for William bp of Durham and 
 Ivo Taillebois, no. 4. Henry I's confirmation of this charter (no. 19) mentions the new 
 geld 'propter hidagium.' Another charter which has 'post descriptionem Anglie ' 
 (D. f. 489 h) is printed in my edition of Flete's Hintory (p. 141) ; but it is obviously not 
 genuine in the form there given. 
 
 2 See below, p. 38, and charter no. 13. ^ Anselm, Epp. iv 14. 
 * Ann. S. Edmundi, Rolls S. 11 4. ' Ibid, in 355 f. 
 
30 
 
 Gilbert Orispin 
 
 on the ground that he had done a noble deed — 'qui distinxit res et 
 redditus nostros a rebus et redditibus abbatis^' 
 
 Returning now to Westminster, where Robert had learned the art 
 of administration which he exercised so well, we find that Abbot Gilbert 
 himself was specially remembered on his anniversary for having ' ex- 
 tended the camera,' making assignment for the clothing of eighty 
 monks 2. This notice has a twofold interest. For, first, it is the only 
 information we have as to the number of the monks in the Norman 
 period, and in this respect it matches well with the great scale of the 
 abbey buildings, especially the dormitory, refectory and cloister. The 
 number, so far as we can tell, never rose above this figure : our earliest 
 lists of names in the chamberlain's rolls shew us that in the fourteenth 
 century the average was about fifty-two^. And, secondly, this is our 
 first express notice of the system by which the various obedientiaries 
 had their own endowments out of which they discharged the respon- 
 sibilities of their offices. That the almoner, as well as the chamberlain, 
 was thus endowed is suggested by a charter of Gilbert's which mentions 
 the 'domus elemosinaria*.' 
 
 As to the extent of the abbot's own household we have little to 
 guide us; but among witnesses to charters we find names of persons 
 ' de familia abbatis ' ; and these include William the chaplain, Herbert 
 the steward (dispensator), and William the chamberlain^ 
 
 We may also note at this point a royal confirmation to Hugh de 
 Coleham of the office of ' dapifer ' of the abbey — ' videlicet, ut ipse 
 Hugo totius praedictae abbatiae sit dapifer et sub abbate procurator, 
 et heredes sui post eum...sicut unquam aliquis ante eum illud officium 
 melius ac liberius tenuit^' This office, which was even then not a 
 new one, has waxed and waned in importance in the course of the 
 centuries: it reached its zenith when it was held by Lord Burleigh in 
 the days of Queen Elizabeth, and it survives to-day in the honourable 
 sinecure of the Lord High Steward of Westminster. 
 
 1 Jocelin, ibid, i 291 f. ^ Flete, p. 87. 
 
 Thus there were 51 in 1329 ; 52 in 1347 ; 35 in 1355 (the numbers having fallen 
 owing to the Black Death). In 1429 there were 54. 
 
 * Below, p. 38. 5 Below, no. 37. 
 
 ^ Rymer, Foedera, i Pt i, p. 2 (ed. 1816). By this charter K. William confirms a grant 
 of Abbot Gilbert and the convent. The date therefore must fall between 1085 and 1100. 
 The attestations present a curious difficulty {T. Roberto comite de Mellent, Rogero Bigot, 
 Roberto de Bello 3Ionte), the first and third being different names of the same person. 
 Mr Hubert Hall has kindly collated the text with the Cartae Antiquae from which it is 
 derived, and finds no variant. For Hugh de Coleham, see below, no. 27, where he appears 
 among ' homines abbatis ' [c. 1088 — 97]. 
 
Details of Administration 
 
 31 
 
 The names of but few of Abbot Gilbert's monks have come down to 
 us. Nicholas, William and Herbert, as well as Robert the prior, attest 
 the grant to William Baynard which is printed below ^. These were 
 probably all Normans: for, though there was a chapel of St Nicholas 
 in the Confessor's church, that saint was but little known in England 
 before the Normans stole him from Myra in 1096, brought him to 
 Bari, and sent his fame over the world. Nor did monks in those days 
 take new names on entering a monastery. Herbert may well be the 
 almoner who many years later succeeded to Abbot Gilbert's place. It 
 is possible that he followed Gilbert from Bee; for we find a Herbert 
 on the roll of Bee monks about the year 1184^. 
 
 We find the names of Hugh and Warner in a Malvern charter, 
 which recites how these two monks stepped out the limits of a property 
 which Gilbert and the convent made over to the new priory^. These 
 again are not likely to have been Englishmen*. Of Warner we happen 
 to know something more : for the Ely records tell us that when St Ethel- 
 dreda was translated in 1107, and other saints were being moved at the 
 same time, an accident which had occurred to St Withburga's coffin led 
 to the discovery that her body was still incorrupt. None dared remove 
 the face-cloth, till one of the visitors on the great occasion, a holy man, 
 Warner by name, ' of the apostolic fold of Westminster,' ventured to 
 reveal her fair countenance and to lift her still flexible arms^. Doubt- 
 less he had assisted at the uncovering of St Edward some five years 
 before. 
 
 There is one more name, which again has a foreign sound. When 
 King Edward and Count Leofric together saw the child Christ in the 
 eucharist, the king bound the count to secrecy. At a later day Leofric 
 confided the vision to his confessor, a monk of Worcester: charging 
 him to write it down, lest it be lost, but not to reveal it in the king's 
 lifetime. He laid up the parchment in a box among the relics, and 
 long afterwards the box fell to pieces and the secret was disclosed. 
 Among those who saw the document and heard it read out in the 
 church, was Bishop Wulstan's chaplain, ' Mauricius subdiaconus sancti 
 Wulstani Wigorniensis episcopi.' He when his master died became 
 
 » P. 38. 2 Poree, Hist, du Bee, i 631. 
 
 3 Below, p. 33. 
 
 < We find a Warnerius among the monks of Bee, c. 1070 (Poree, tb. 629) : this may be 
 the same man. 
 
 * Liher Eliensis (ed. Stewart) p. 296 : ' quidam senior ex apostolico ovili West- 
 monasterii, Warnerus nomine.' 
 
32 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 a monk of Westminster, and a pattern of devotion for full twenty 
 years ^. 
 
 The narrator of this tale is Osbert of Clare, who whatever his name 
 may suggest was probably an Englishman. This strange personage, 
 who fills the chief place in the abbey's history after Abbot Gilbert's 
 death, must have entered the monastery some time before that event : 
 but his perplexing history does not concern us here^. 
 
 One nameless monk must be added to the list — the London Jew 
 who was converted and baptised as the result of Gilbert's discussion 
 with the learned Jew from Mainz ^. 
 
 2. Foundation of Priories. 
 
 Soon after his appointment Gilbert was called upon to make a new 
 departure in the history of the abbey. Geoffrey de Mandeville*, the 
 sheriff of London and Middlesex, who had succeeded to the functions 
 and estates of Esgar, the staller of King Edward, had buried his first 
 wife Athelais in the unfinished cloister at Westminster, and had 
 granted to the convent for her soul's sake certain lands at Tilbury^ 
 At a later period, having made provision to be buried by her side, he 
 granted also the manor of Eye in the immediate neighbourhood of the 
 abbey ^. Meanwhile he was designing, with the concurrence of his 
 second wife Lesceline, a benefaction on a far larger scale. Among the 
 possessions of Esgar to which Geoffrey had succeeded was the manor 
 of Hurley on the Thames, and here he proposed to found a priory in 
 subjection to the abbey of Westminster. There was already a church 
 in the place, and this was probably enlarged or rebuilt. Osmund 
 the bishop of Sarum, in whose diocese it lay, came to dedicate it 
 afresh as the priory church of St Mary of Hurley ; and he and the new 
 
 1 Osbert's Life of St Edward, Brit. Mus. Add. ms 36,737 f. 147. 
 
 ^ I have attempted to unravel his story in an article in the Church Quarterly Review 
 (July 1909) ; but many of his letters still await publication. 
 8 See below, p. 82. 
 
 4 He was grandfather of Geoffrey of Mandeville, first earl of Essex, the subject of 
 Dr Horace Round's valuable study. I desire here to express my great obligation to 
 Dr Round's works. As he did not deal at any length with the first Geoffrey, the benefactor 
 of Westminster, I have taken the more pains to collect notices of him from the Westminster 
 documents : see below, Selected Charters nos. 1—7, etc. 
 
 = See below, charter of Will. I (no. 1), granted before 1086, while Suain was still sheriff 
 of Essex : ' pro anima uxoris que illic jacet.' 
 
 « See below, charter of G. de M., no. 15, and confirmations by Will. II and Hen. I, 
 nos. 16, 20. 
 
Details of Administration 
 
 33 
 
 abbot Gilbert solemnly invoked the fate of the traitor Judas and the 
 doom of Korah and Dathan on any who should violate this pious 
 foundation. 
 
 The charter was written out thrice on one piece of vellum, which 
 was then cut, so that one copy might be given to the abbey and another 
 to the priory, while the third remained with the founder and his heirs. 
 The middle copy of the three still exists with the founder's seal 
 attached: it came with many other Hurley charters to the abbey 
 muniment room when Henry VIII in 1536 dissolved the priory, and 
 gave back its site to Westminster, in exchange forsooth for Hyde Park 
 and other valuable lands which he took away. The charter is attested 
 by William and Richard, the sons of Geoffrey by his first wife. It 
 bears no date ; but the foundation cannot well be put later than 1086, 
 when the Conqueror left England for the last time: for the founder 
 says that he had obtained the king's consent, and the confirmatory 
 charter of Henry I refers to the grant of K. William his father. 
 
 The history of Hurley priory has been told by the present vicar of 
 the parish, who has devoted immense pains to its investigation. In 
 his book, St Mary's, Hurley, he has given an abstract of 562 Hurley 
 charters which are still preserved among the abbey muniments at 
 Westminster. 
 
 It is not easy to determine the origin of the priory of Great Malvern, 
 or the date of its first connexion with Westminster. There is, however, 
 probability in the account that it began with a local hermit named 
 Aldwyn or Alwy in the time of Edward the Confessor, and that Urse 
 d'Abetot, the despotic and ill-famed sheriff of Worcestershire, founded 
 the priory and agreed to Aldwyn's placing it under the abbot of West- 
 minster^. This robber of churches may well have made some such 
 provision for his future. As the Domesday Survey says nothing of 
 this priory, its foundation probably must belong to Abbot Gilbert's 
 time. This accords with a charter of K. Henry I, issued c. 1125, which 
 grants to the monks of Malvern certain lands, 'according as Gilbert 
 abbot of Westminster with the common consent of the chapter of the 
 church conceded and gave them, and as Hugh and Warner the monks 
 perambulated them 2.' Gilbert had died in 1117 ; Warner, one of his 
 
 1 For references see Miss M. M. C. Calthrop in Victoria County History, Worcestershire, 
 11 137. 
 
 ' 'Et concede eis illas terras de Wrdesfelde et de Limberga ilia nova essarta, sicut 
 Gislebertus abbas Westmonasterii communi consensu capituli ecclesiae concessit et dedit, 
 et sicut Hugo et Warnerus monachi ilia perambulaverunt...et concedo illis illam virgatam 
 
 B. c. 3 
 
34 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 monks, of whom we have spoken already (p. 31), was probably an old man 
 when he visited Ely in 1106 ; and we may assume that Hugh, as he is 
 mentioned first, was his senior. Abbot Gilbert's benefaction probably 
 belongs to the moment of the attachment of the priory to Westminster, 
 and we shall not be far wrong if we assign the transaction to the early 
 years of his administration. 
 
 These two priories stood in very different relations to the mother 
 church. The prior of Great Malvern was elected by his brethren on 
 the spot, and was then sent up to Westminster to receive the abbot's 
 confirmation ; and the loyalty of the priory to the abbey was largely 
 due to a desire to escape the jurisdiction of the bishop of Worcester. 
 The priory of Hurley was a smaller foundation, and much nearer home : 
 its prior was chosen from among the senior monks of Westminster: 
 sometimes he returned after a period of service, in one instance he 
 came back to be abbot. 
 
 One other priory belonged to Westminster, that of St Bartholomew 
 at Sudbury. This was founded by Wulfric, the king's moneyer at 
 Norwich, who would seem to have died as a monk of Westminster. As 
 the king's charter is attested at Westminster by Archbishop Ralph, it 
 cannot be earlier than Easter 1114; nor can it be later than Easter 
 1116, for it is addressed to Herbert Losinga, the bp of Norwich, who 
 died before the king's return from Normandy^. Perhaps the most 
 probable date is the council held at Westminster in Sept. 1115, just 
 before Bernard's consecration to the see of St David's. 
 
 Another cell of Westminster may perhaps have been contemplated 
 in Gilbert's time, though it was actually founded under his successor, 
 Abbot Herbert : for in the first endowment of the canonesses of Kilbum, 
 who were superintended by a senior monk of Westminster, we find 
 mention of a corrody of Abbot Gilbert, and they were under special 
 obligation to pray for this abbot's soul''. 
 
 terrae in Martuna quam Landricus de Clifford reddidit Gisliberto abbati, quam Gislebertus 
 dedit monacbis de Malvernia, sicut ipse Gislebertus abbas consensu communis capituli 
 earn eis dedit et concessit ' Monasticon, iii 448. 
 
 ' Monasticon iii 459 (from Faustina A. ni, f. 79) : H. rex Angl' Herberto episcopo 
 Norwic' et Haymoni dapifero et burgensibus de Suthbery...Sciatis me concessisse deo 
 et sancto Petro et mon' Westm' pro redemptione animae meae ecclesiam sancti Bartholomei 
 de Suthberia, quam Wlfricus monetarius meus ad usum monachorum inibi servientium 
 eis dederat pro fraternitate et monachatu suo quern ibidem susceperat....Test' B. archie- 
 piscopo, R. episcopo London', R. episcopo Sarum, R. cane', Nigillo de Albineio, et aliis 
 multis apud Westm'. 
 
 Can this Wulfric be the same person as 'Wlfricus taynus cognomine Bordewayte,' 
 who held ' Totenhala ' before William Baynard (see p. 38) ? 
 2 Liber Niger Quatemus, f. 125. 
 
Details of Administration 
 
 35 
 
 3. Building. 
 
 The new abbey of Westminster had been planned on a splendid 
 scale. King Edward had built a great church in a style unknown 
 before in England, after the pattern of the church of Jumieges, whose 
 abbot he had brought over and made bishop of London^. We can 
 hardly suppose that he had completed much else of the monastic 
 buildings. The long undercroft beneath the dormitory may belong 
 to his time ; and sufficient indications remain elsewhere to shew that 
 the general scheme had been fixed. Doubtless Abbot Edwin carried 
 forward the work ; and, if it slackened during Geoffrey's brief misrule, 
 we may be certain that Vitalis pressed it on again. Before Gilbert 
 came the dormitory was probably finished and the refectory well 
 begun: for Vitalis lies in the east part of the south cloister walk, 
 under the refectory wall. 
 
 A happy chance has preserved to us the information that Gilbert 
 completed the cloister before the year 1100. In 1807 a piece of 
 carved stone was found in a wall between two taverns which were then 
 being pulled down. This wall was the only surviving fragment of a 
 gateway in King Street, built by King Richard III in 1484, and 
 demolished in 1706. The stone was one of the capitals from the old 
 Norman cloister, and had a broken inscription which seemed to mean 
 that the cloister and refectory (?) were finished under William II and 
 Abbot Gilbert^. Three sides of the stone are figured in Brayley and 
 Britten's Ancient Palace of Westminster, pp. 416, 445 f., and again in 
 plate XXXV ; but the stone is now lost^. Some similar capitals, together 
 with other fragments of the ancient cloister, are now preserved in the 
 Norman undercroft. 
 
 1 See The Church of Edward the Confessor, in Archaeologia, lxii pp. 81 — 100, where 
 I have endeavoured to describe the church as St Edward left it. 
 
 ^ The lettering on the three sides appears in the reproductions to read as follows : 
 •claustrulni]' et rel 
 If sub abb[at]e Gisle 
 H'illelmo • secun 
 
 The carving may be later than Abbot Gilbert's time ; but none the less the record may be 
 true. 
 
 ^ The drawiugs were made by Mr William Capon, who 'sold the Capital to Sir Gregory 
 Page Turner, Bart, for one hundred guineas' {ibid. p. 446). I have failed as yet to discover 
 the present resting-place of this precious fragment. Since the above was written a full 
 account of all that is known of this stone has appeared in Notes and Queries (Sept. 3, 
 1910, p. 181) in a letter from Mr Robert Pierpoint. 
 
 3—2 
 
36 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 We can have little doubt that Gilbert built the abbot's camera (or 
 capella, or perhaps both) over the locutory which formed the entrance 
 to the cloister at its S.W. angle. A similar arrangement is to be seen 
 in the prior's (at first the abbot's) lodging at Gloucester, and formerly 
 existed at Abingdon'. 
 
 4. Exemption and Sanctxmry. 
 
 To Abbot Gilbert's time belongs the first document which can 
 pretend to any validity in the long strife between the abbey and the 
 bishop of London. This document, if genuine, is the earliest of our 
 genuine papal bulls, being a letter of Paschal II (1099 — 1118) to King 
 Henry I, dated at the Lateran 'iv Kal. lulii.' It falls within the last 
 half of Gilbert's period of rule ; but we cannot fix the date more nearly, 
 or decide whether Maurice, who died 26 Sept. 1107, or Richard de 
 Belmeis, who was consecrated 26 July, 1108, was the aggressor whom 
 the pope restrained: both alike were ambitious and contentious 
 prelates. 
 
 Gilbert in appealing to the pope had referred to the controversy as 
 having originated with Robert, Edward's bishop whom he had brought 
 from the abbey of Jumieges and who probably had no small share 
 in directing the building of the new abbey church at Westminster. 
 Robert had insisted, it would seem, as against Abbot Wulnoth (tl049), 
 on the right of entry and of receiving various procurations. The pope 
 now declares the abbey free 'ab omni servitio et dominatione episco- 
 pali...ita ut nullus episcopus, sive Londoniensis seu quicunque aliquis 
 alius, illuc introeat ordinaturus aut aliquid sive in maximo sive in 
 minimo praecepturus, nisi propria abbatis ex petitione et monachorum 
 communi utilitatel' 
 
 The question of the authenticity of this letter must remain at 
 present undecided. Struggles for exemption have been a frequent 
 source of forgery : but monastic forgery offers a problem which needs a 
 critical investigation. It is easy to dismiss a document, and to misread 
 history as the result. 
 
 > Hist. Ahingd. Kolls S. ii 286 : Abbot Faricius (1100—1115) ' omnia a fundamentis 
 aedificavit, sicut hodie cernitur : scilicet claustrum, capitulum, dormitorium, refectorium, 
 lavatorium, cellarium, coquinam, duo locutoria, unum ad orientem juxta capitulum, aliud 
 ad occidentem sub capella abbatis.' 
 
 2 See the extract from the bull in Flete's History, p. 48 ; and, for a further extract, 
 p. 17 of the introduction. This bull afterwards provided phraseology for the pretended 
 Third Charter of the Confessor : see ibid. p. 15. It likewise formed the starting-point 
 of the Second Charter which is dated 1045 {Monasticon, i 295). 
 
Details of Administration 
 
 37 
 
 The question of sanctuary at Westminster has never yet received a 
 proper examination. This is not the place to discuss its origin, history 
 or results: but we may call attention to what appears to be the earliest 
 trustworthy evidence with regard to it which is still extant. The 
 following are copies of writs of Abbot Gilbert, which were probably 
 kept as precedents for the guidance of later abbots. 
 
 Gilbertus abbas et conventus Westm' omnibus fidelibus regis Angliae salutem. 
 Sciatis quod iste Jordanus altare sancti Petri Westm' et corpus regis Edwardi requi- 
 sivit: et ideo precamur ut libertatem sui corporis et pacem regis habeat. Valeted 
 
 G. abbod and alle tha brodera on Westmynstr' gretith X. schirerefan on estsex' 
 godesgretyng" and owr". And we kythath the that this man R. hafeth ge soht' 
 Crist and seint Petr' and Edwarde kynges reste and alle thon halidom th' inne thone 
 halighan mynstr' is. Now bidde we the for godes lofan and for thaer' sokne th' he 
 ge soght' haueth th' thu hine ge myltsie and forgif swa what swa he gilt hafeth. 
 God the ge behalde. amen 2. 
 
 The later hand, which has copied these writs on a blank page of 
 the Westminster ' Domesday,' has written over them : ' De fugitivis 
 visitantibus feretrum regis Edwardi nondum canonizati.' Two other 
 Latin writs of Abbot 'G.' on the same page clearly belong to Abbot 
 Gervase, as is seen by comparing a writ of his quoted in the Monasticon 
 (l 310): the formula has grown by this time, and it speaks of the 
 privilege as granted 'ab antiquis Angliae regibus,' 
 
 5. Knight Service. 
 
 The question of knight service, as aflfecting ecclesiastical corpora- 
 tions in the time of William the Conqueror, has been investigated by 
 Dr Round, who shews that a servitium debitiim was imposed on the 
 abbeys by that king, the number of knights required being as a rule 
 some multiple of five^. He notes that for Westminster in particular 
 the exact number is difficult to fix*. It may be useful here to bring 
 together such early references to knights of Westminster as can at 
 present be discovered : and we may begin with a document which has 
 not yet been printed. 
 
 * D. f. 82 b. Compare a writ of Abbot Herbert in the same words on behalf of 
 'Jordanus de Wygorn ' (Monasticon, 1 310). 
 
 ^ There is a similar writ of ' Gisilberd abbod ' on behalf of Deormaa in Monasticon, 
 I 310. 
 
 ^ Feudal England, pp. 296—307. Ihid. p. 252. 
 
38 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 Anno (lomiiiice incarnationis millesimo lxxx" ni°. Nos Gilbertiis abbas et 
 conventus Westm' concessimus Willelmo Baynard quoddam berwicum de villa 
 AVestm', nomine Totenhala, ad se hospitandum et tota vita sua tenendum, pro 
 servicio unius militis, cum omnibus rebus illi pertinentibus, ita bene et quiete sicut 
 unquam AVlfricus taynus cognomine Bordewayte melius de ecclesia illud tenuerat. 
 consuetudines igitur et libertates quas nos in eodem habemus ipse Willelmus 
 habebit ; exceptis auxiliis nostris, que inde sicut in aliis ecclesie terris de militibus 
 nostris accipiemus ; et exceptis decimis illius terra domui elemosinarie nostre con- 
 stitutis. hec vero sibi tenenda concessimus pro amore et servicio quod ecclesie 
 nostre contulit, eo tamen tenore ut post ejus decessum terra ilia predicta soluta 
 ecclesie nostre maneat et quieta. et super eo quidem affidavit nos predictus 
 Willelmus, quod nec terram prefatam vendet nec in vadium ponet nec alicui ad 
 dampnum ecclesie nostre dimittet. Test', Roberto priore, Nicholao, Willelmo et 
 Herberto monachis, Radulpho Baynard, Herlewyno fratre Grunzonis, etmultis aliis'. 
 
 The date of this document presents a difficulty which I have 
 discussed elsewhere^. It is possible that it formed no part of the 
 original document ; and in any case it may be due to the error of the 
 late copyist who has wTitten it into a vacant space of the Westminster 
 ' Domesday.' Even if we date the charter a few years later, it still 
 remains a very early instance of the enfeoffment of a knight by an 
 abbot. 
 
 The grant is made to William Baynard, and it is attested by Ralph 
 Baynard. Who are these Baynards, and how do they stand in relation 
 to the Baynard who gave his name to Baynard's Castle on the Thames, 
 near the present Blackfriars Bridge ? Three Baynards meet us in the 
 records and chronicles of this period — Geoffrey, Ralph and William. 
 
 (1) Geoffrey. A grant of William I of land at York for a hospital 
 is addressed to 'Galfridus Baynardus' (? as sheriff)^: and according to 
 the A.S. Chron. {sub anno 1096) Geoffrey Bainard accused William of 
 Eu, the king's kinsman, of treason at Salisbury, and overcame him in 
 single combat. A list of the benefactors to Lewes Priory includes 
 ' Geoffrey Bainard and Ralph his brother*.' 
 
 (2) Ralph. Of Ralph Baynard we further know that before the 
 Survey he was sheriff of Essex, and at the time of the Survey he held 
 lands in several parts of that county ^ He is one of those to whom is 
 
 1 D. f. 82, inserted in a fifteenth century hand. 
 
 2 Flete's Hist, of Westm. pp. 141 f. 
 
 " Historians of York, Kolls S. iii 163 n. 
 
 * ' Ecclesiam de Essenduna dedit nobis Gaufredus Bainardus et Radulfus frater ejus ' 
 (Monast. v 14) : see also the confirmatory charter of Stephen in Round's Doc. pres. in 
 France, p. 512. 
 
 ' For Ralph as a Domesday tenant, see Round, Feudal England, pp. 461, 475. 
 
Details of Admmistration 
 
 39 
 
 addressed a writ of William I confirming to Abbot Vitalis among other 
 properties the mill at Stratford (co. Essex): this is previous to the 
 Survey'. So, doubtless, is the famous writ concerning Church courts, 
 which is addressed to R. Baynard, G. de Mandeville and P. de Valognes, 
 and all the liege men of Essex, Hertfordshire and Middlesex^. 
 
 (3) William. A charter printed below (no. 27) speaks of William 
 Baynard as one of the witnesses to a restoration of lands in Worcester- 
 shire, c. 1090—1097. The A.S. Chronicle, suh anno 1110, says that 
 William Baynard forfeited his lands to the king. 
 
 The Chronicle of Dunmow, cited in the Monasticon (vi 147) from 
 Cleop. C. Ill f 29, says, under the year 1104, that 'Juga Baynard domina 
 de parva Dunmowe fecit Mauricium episcopum Londoniensem dedicare 
 ecclesiam de dicta villa'; and, under 1106, that ' Galfridus Baynard 
 filius et haeres Jugae Baynard' introduced canons with the assent of 
 Archbp Anselm. Then, under 1111, it relates that William Baynard, 
 ' sub quo domina J uga tenebat villam de parva Dunmowe,' lost his 
 barony 'per infortunium et feloniam'; and that K. Henry gave it 
 to Robert fitz Richard, who was the son of Richard fitz Gilbert, count 
 of Clare, together with the Honor of Castle Baynard. 
 
 Information derived from this source must be accepted with caution. 
 Geoffrey is here represented as the son of Juga (or it may be read 
 ' Inga ') Baynard. But the point which specially interests us is the 
 descent of the Honor of Castle Baynard : for with it went the West- 
 minster knight's fee. Robert fitz Richard had a son Walter fitz Robert, 
 and in due course the properties came to Robert fitz Walter. Now in 
 1166 we find William Baynard's W^estminster fee evidently held by the 
 second generation of his successors : for in the list of enfeoffed knights 
 of the abbot of Westminster we read : ' In Middlesex Walterus filius 
 Roberti ser\dcium i militis, quod diflforciat^' 
 
 We have next to ask what is the relation, if any, of this grant to 
 the statement as to land held at Westminster by ' Bainiardus ' in the 
 Domesday Survey. It will be well to transcribe the whole entry for 
 the ' vill ' of Westminster at this point. 
 
 Terra sancti Petri Westmon'. In Osuluestane Hundr'. 
 
 In villa ubi sedet ecclesia sancti Petri tenet abbas ejnsdem loci xiii hid' et dim' 
 Terra est ad xi car". Ad dominium pertinent ix hid' et i virg', et ibi sunt iiii car' 
 Villani habent vi car', et i car" plus potest fieri. Ibi ix villani quisqne de i virg', et 
 
 1 Printed below, no. 2. Stubbs, Select Charters, 85. 
 
 ^ Lib. Nig. Scacc. i 51, quoted in Momisticon, i 307. 
 
40 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 i villaniis de i hid', et ix villani quisque de dim' virg' ; et i cotarius de v acris, et 
 xli cotarii qui reddunt per annum xl sol' pro ortis suis. Pratum xi car'. Pastura ad 
 pecuniam ville. Silva c pore', et xxv donius militum abbatis et aliorura liominuni qui 
 reddunt viii sol' per annum. In tot' valent' val' x libr'. Quando recep' similiter. 
 T.R.E. xii libr'. Hoc manerium fuit et est in dominio ecclesie saucti Petri Westm'. 
 
 In eadem villa tenet Bainiardus iii hid' de abbate. Terra est ad ii car', et ibi 
 sunt in dominio, et i cotarius. Silva c pore'. Pastura ad pecuniam. Ibi iv arpenni 
 vinee noviter plantatae. In tot' valent' val' Ix sol'. Quando recep' xx sol'. T.R.E. 
 vi lib'. Hec terra jacuit et jacet in ecclesia sancti Petri. 
 
 We proceed to investigate the 'berewic of the vill of Westminster 
 called Totenhala,' which Abbot Gilbert granted to William Baynard for 
 the service of one knight. Is this to be identified with the three hides 
 in the same 'vill' which Baynard holds of the abbot in the Survey ? 
 
 At the first glance the name suggests to us Tottenham, of which 
 Tottenhall is a variant in later days. But, even if the distance does 
 not render this impossible, we are debarred from such a solution by the 
 Westminster tradition of the twelfth century. The great charters of 
 Edward the Confessor, though they are manifestly unauthentic, have 
 a high value as representing current opinion in the abbey at the time 
 of their composition; and they fi-equently help to interpret the brief 
 charters which furnished them with their materials. In the ' Telli- 
 graphus beati regis Edwardi' we read (D. f. 47): 
 
 Concessi etiam et confirmavi oranes donaciones que a regibus vel ab aliquibus aliis 
 ante me donate sunt : hoc est, in eadem villa in qua idem monasterium est iii hidas 
 et dimidiam ; in berwika quod Tottenheale appellatur iii hidas ; in Tatewelle unam ; 
 in Cnihtebricge iiii ; in Padington' ii ; in Hsemstede v ; in Hesendune cum terri- 
 toriis...suis que appellantur Bleccenham, Codenhlaewe et Lothereslege xx hidas.... 
 
 Here we find that the 'berwika' of 'Tottenheale' has three hides, the 
 exact number held by Baynard at the time of the Survey. But there 
 is an evident mistake in assigning three and a half hides only to the 
 abbey itself. Probably we should read xiii for iii, as in the Survey: 
 and thus, with Tottenheale and also the mysterious Tatewelle added 
 in, we should make up the number of seventeen and a half which is 
 found in the First Charter of the Confessor (D. f. 396): 
 
 Concessi etiam et confirmavi donaciones que ab eisdem regibus ante me donate 
 sunt : hoc est, circa ipsum monasterium xvii hydas et dimidiam ; in Heandune xx ; 
 in Heampstede v.... 
 
 There can be no doubt, then, that in the twelfth century Totenhala, 
 or Tottenheale S was identified with three hides of land in the immediate 
 
 » Cf. Pope Adrian's bull (D. f. 6 ft): In Middelsex' villam Westm', Cnichebrigg', 
 Padinton', Totehal', villam de Eye. ... [See also Addit. Note B, p. 167.] 
 
Details of Administration 
 
 41 
 
 neighbourhood of the abbey. There appears to be some connexion 
 between Totenhala, Tatewelle, and the well-known TothuU or Tothill. 
 
 The twenty-five houses for the abbot's knights and other men 
 suggest that the process of enfeoffment had not been carried far ; and 
 that, as at Abingdon and at Ely^, a number of knights resided in the 
 immediate neighbourhood of the abbey, and perhaps were fed at the 
 abbot's table. Possibly we may find here the explanation of the rebuke 
 administered by Pope Innocent II in 1139 to Abbot Gervase for having 
 knights about him in the abbey : ' militarem praeterea manum et 
 laicorum conventum procul a limitibus monasticae arceas disciplinae^' 
 
 In Geoflfrey de Mandeville's grant of Eye we find the clause : ' super 
 altare predicti apostoli Petri presentavi in presentia Gisleberti abbatis 
 et monachorum, et multorum militum meorum et suorum^' 
 
 For further notices of knight service, see pp. 48 f. 
 
 6. Domestic Economy. 
 
 Among the abbey muniments is a document which appears to have 
 been written in the first quarter of the twelfth century, and which 
 throws light on the domestic economy of the period*. At first sight 
 it is puzzling, but it yields its meaning to a careful study. 
 
 Hec est firnia monachorum in septimana. ad panem vi cumbas : et Ix et vii sol' 
 ad coquinam : et xx hops de brasio, et x de gruto : et iii cumbas avenae ; et ad ser- 
 vientes i marc' argenti. et ilia maueria quae longinqua sunt, et hoc reddere non 
 poterint, reddent pro tota septimana viii et x sol'. 
 
 Ad karitates et pitancias xxxii 1-i, de Bienflet, de Fantoue, de Pakelesam et 
 Winetona, et de Cumbritona. 
 
 Ad ligna xv ii. 
 
 Ad cameram et ad omnia quae necessaria sunt, omnes redditus Lundoniae, 
 Dodintuna, et Cillentuna, et Sippeham, et Sulebi, et i molendinum apud Stretfort, 
 et Perham. Haec est summa: Ix et x ii. 
 
 Ad servientes coquine, et pistrini, et bracini, et orti, et vineae, et infirmatorii, et 
 portarii, de Hanewrde xxx sol', de Coueley xxx sol', de Titebirste x sol', de Merdeleya 
 XV sol', de Elteneya xxiiii sol', et v sol' de Okkenduna ; et xx sol' de illis qui tenent 
 terras vinearum, exceptis illis qui habent terrulas pro solidatis suis. 
 
 Ad servicium cenae domini Ix sol', de Wateleya ; et xx sol' de Knichtebrigge. 
 
 * See Round, Feudal England, p. 300. At Ely the abbot 'habuit ex consuetudine, 
 secundum jussum regis, praetaxatum militiae numerum infra aulam ecclesiae, victum 
 cotidie de manu celerarii capientem atque stipendia' (Lib. Eliens. p. 275). 
 
 2 Quoted by Flete, p. 90. 3 Below, no. 15. 
 
 * Munim. 5670: endorsed ' Extenta conventus Westm. Compositiones. ' It is copied 
 in D. f. 659. 
 
42 
 
 Gilbert Ci'isjnn 
 
 The first paragraph refers to the system of 'firmae,' which is 
 explained by Archdeacon Hales in the introduction to the ' Domesday 
 of St Paul's,' pp. xxxix — li. 'Firma' represents the Anglo-Saxon 
 'feorme,' and means originally provisions supplied by various manors as 
 a rent in kind. The manors rendered one, two, or more 'firmae,' in the 
 sense of provisions for a week: at the end of the eleventh century 
 52 weeks, and something more, were thus provided for ; but afterwards 
 the 'firmae' were only 45. 'The forty-five firmae were furnished by 
 thirteen manors. Each firma consisted of sixteen quarters of wheat, 
 sixteen quarters of oats, and three quarters of barley^.' 
 
 At St Alban's the same system was in force: and it is thus described 
 for the first half of the twelfth century: 
 
 Habemus igitur de maneriis nostris quinquaginta et tres firmas. firmam 
 vocamus quadraginta et sex solidos. tot ergo habemus firmas, quot sunt septi- 
 manae in anno, et unam in antecessum. quae hoc modo proveniunt: qualibet 
 hebdomada quadraginta sex solidos recipiunt cellararii nostri, scilicet monachorum 
 et curiae ; tresdecim vero ex hiis recipit cellararius curiae, noster vero triginta tres. 
 tres autem solidi pro novem sarciuariis, qui victum nostrum a Londoniis vel aliunde 
 debent afierre, statuti sunt ; triginta vero pro victu nostro. hiis vero triginta 
 solidis per hebdomadam adjecit dictus abbas Gaufridus [1119—1146] quinque 
 solidos qualibet septimana, scilicet annuas tresdecim libras ; ita ut cotidie ad coqui- 
 nam nostram quinque solidos haberemus.... habemus etiam ex antiqua statutione 
 qualibet hebdomada annuatim duas summas frumenti ad coquinam nostram, et 
 quolibet anno sexaginta solidos de Apsa ad lac emendum^. 
 
 The 'firma' is given here in money, but whether the commutation 
 had been made so early is not clear. At Westminster, as our document 
 shews us, about half of the 'firma' was i-endered in money, and the 
 other half in kind: but the distant manors paid the 'firma' wholly in 
 money, at the rate of £8. 10^. 
 
 A charter of Abbot Gilbert, printed below (no. 13), is interesting in 
 this connexion. The abbot grants to Gunter and his heir the manor of 
 Hendon ' in feudo finne pro una plenaria septimana firme quoque 
 
 1 Domesday of St Paul's, xLvm. This seems to apply to the 13th centui-y. 
 
 2 Gesta Abbatum (Kolls Series) i 74. Another document which may be compared with 
 these is the account of the provision ' ad ministerium cellerarii ' at Worcester Priory : 
 the last named benefactor is Bp Teolwold (tll23), and the document perhaps belongs to 
 the first half of the 12th cent. Inc. ' In septimana recipiet x sextarios frumenti fannatos ' 
 (Monasticon, i 606). To a somewhat later period would seem to belong the Statute 
 traditionally ascribed to Abbot Aldwin of Bamsey (1091 — 1102) : ' ad celerariam pro victu 
 praedictorum monachorum et hospitum assignavit diversa maneria, quae vocantur tirmas 
 (sic) monachorum,' etc. (Ramsey Chartulary, Rolls S. iii 163 : of. 168 and, more 
 elaborately, 230.) 
 
Detail:^ of Admiuistvation 
 
 43 
 
 anno\' Abbot Herbert confirmed this grant, apparently on the same 
 terms: but Abbot Gervase regranted the manor to Gunter's son Gilbert 
 for an annual rent of £20 ; and this gi-ant was confirmed by Pope 
 Innocent II on 22 April 1139. The change in the rent is noticeable. 
 The value of the manor stands in the Domesday Survey at only £8; 
 but in K. Edward's time it had been worth £12. 
 
 Six coombs w^ould be a very insufficient supply of wheat for the 
 bread of the monastery each week, if the coomb was, as now, half a 
 quarter. Either some larger measure must be signified by the word, 
 or we must suppose that much of the payment in wheat had been 
 commuted for money. 
 
 By ' XX hops de brasio ' we must understand 20 pecks of malt. In 
 one of the Worcester Compotus Rolls published by Canon J. M. Wilson- 
 we find such entries as 'i qr. vii estr. i hop.' and 'iii qr. iii estr. iii hop.' 
 It would appear that the 'esteria' is the eighth part of a quarter (sc. a 
 bushel), and the 'hoop' a fourth part of an 'esteria^.' It is interesting 
 to see that the reckoning in our document is not by the bushel, but by 
 the 'peck o' maut.' 
 
 'Grutum' is defined by Du Cange as barley prepared for making 
 beer: 'gi-out' and 'grout-ale' are still in use for a cheap kind of ale. 
 
 The subsequent paragraphs refer not to weekly but to yearly 
 pa;yments, ' Pitanciae ' and ' caritates ' are extra allowances in the 
 refectory: the manors from which these contributions come are all 
 in Essex, except Comberton which is in Worcestershire. 
 
 The paragi-aph relating to the ' camera,' which supplied the monks' 
 clothing, is illustrated by the following statement of Flete (p. 87) 
 regarding Abbot Gilbert's anniversary: 
 
 Hie quoque pater venerabilis omnes redditus ad cameram pertiuentes couventui 
 assignavit...pro qua quidem assignatioiie camerae anniversarium ipsius principaliter 
 est celebrandum septimo idus Deeembris, ut patet libi'o Consuetudinarii, quarta 
 pai-te, capitulo de anniversariis 57". 
 
 It is unfortunate that the chapter of the Customary to which Flete 
 here refei-s is no longer extant*: but in c. xv under the head of the 
 
 1 The grant cannot be later than 1102 when Robert the prior went to St Edmund's. 
 This charter and those which are subsequently referred to are found in D. f. 129. 
 
 2 pp. 68 f. (Pitancer's roU for 1351—2). 
 
 * The English Dialect Dictionary shews that the 'hoop' varies in different localities 
 from a quarter of a peck to four pecks : but most frequently- it is the equivalent of a peck. 
 
 * The Customary edited by Sir H. Maunde Thompson contained no more than 
 48 chapters: c. xlvi contains a ' recapitnlatio ' only of anniversaries, and here there 
 is a mere fragment about Abbot Gilbert, too imperfect to be of any use (p. 589 of the 
 transcript in the Chapter Library). Flete must have been quoting from a copy which had 
 supplementary chapters, one of which dealt with the anniversaries at full length. 
 
44 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 ' camerarius ' we have this statement, which gives us some light on the 
 matter : 
 
 Extenditur autem camera ex assigaacione commendabilis memoriae abbatis 
 Gilberti ad vesturam et calciamentum quater viginti monachorum, praeter domnum 
 abbatem ; ad quae plenarie exbibenda, una cum aliis subtitulatis rebus usui fratrum 
 necessariis, recipit idem camerarius annuatim de pensionibus ac redditibus quater 
 viginti et octo libras ad minus. 
 
 Our document speaks of £70 as the annual provision ' ad cameram 
 et omnia quae necessaria sunt.' It is reasonable to regard that as the 
 provision made by Abbot Gilbert. In the middle of the 13th century 
 the sum had risen to £88 at the least. 
 
 The next paragraph is of interest for its references to the servants 
 of the monastery and to the vineyards. The newly planted vines are, 
 as we have seen, mentioned in the Domesday Survey: their memory 
 survived till recently in the name of ' Vine Street.' The last paragraph 
 refers to the Maundy. 
 
 It is worth while to compare this document as a whole with a some- 
 what parallel statement preserved in the Liber Eliensis, which refers 
 to the troublous period when Ranulf Flambard was extorting the last 
 penny fi-om the Church for his master William Rufus'. 
 
 Lib. 2, c. 136. Qmd Ranulfus quidamjussu regis annonam monachis, sed brevem, 
 constituit. Haec igitur sunt quae idem Ranulfus et Symeon abbas ex jussu regis 
 Willelmi constitueruut uno quoque anno dari ad opus fratrum. ad vestimenta 
 eorum septuaginta libras 2. ad coquinam eorum sexaginta libras, et ad sagimen 
 ducentos porcos, et porcos qui in curia pascuntur, et totum caseum et butirum, 
 excepto hoc quod est in firma praepositorum ; et unaquaque ebdomada septem 
 treias frumenti et decem treias braisii. ad luminaria monasterii, praesentem eccle- 
 siam cum sepultura villae, et totum quicquid pertinet ad sanctiun Botulfum cum 
 festivitate. et, si tantum fuerit de vino, semper habebunt in lectionibus [in] duo- 
 decim caritatem et in sabbato ; sin autem, medietatem medonis habebimt. 
 
 This Ely reckoning was made about 1093, and no doubt it represents 
 the maximum which was left to the monks when for the last seven 
 years of his reign the abbey was in the king's hands. 
 
 I venture the conjecture that our Westminster document represents 
 the allowance made to the monks when the abbey was in K. Henry's 
 hands from the death of Gilbert in December 1117 till the appointment 
 of Herbert in January 1121^. This, then, might be a copy written by 
 
 • Liher Eliensis, ed. Stewart, p. 278. 
 
 2 This is the same sum as at Westminster : at Ely there were about this time 
 70 monks. 
 
 s In a charter of 1121 occurs the phrase 'dum abbatia fuit in mea manu,' D. f. 58 b. 
 
Details q/ Administration 
 
 45 
 
 a royal official, and left with the monks at the time when the com- 
 position was made. 
 
 Let us now glance at the estates which are mentioned under the 
 various headings. And first let us take those which are assigned to 
 the 'camera'; for here we have a remarkable example of monastic 
 conservatism. In 1381 John Lakingheth, the treasurer, assessed all 
 the offices of the abbey at their true value, and the Liher Niger 
 Quatenius gives us the estates which fiirnished to each office its 
 revenues^ After the mention of certain 'pensiones' from churches 
 which the chamberlain received, we read as follows: 
 
 Bona ejusdem camerarii in civitate London' taxautur ad xxxix li. Item in 
 Stebenhith, xx s. Item in Wokynton ad turm', xx s. Item in Estham Ix s. Item 
 in Dodinton, xii H. Item in Soleby, cii s. Item in Cippenham, 1 s. Item in Cholyngton, 
 xUii s. iiii d. Item in Hamme apud Ospreng, xx s. Item in Hadleya, xl s. 
 
 These 'temporalia' amount to £68. 15. 4; and, when the 'spiritualia' 
 above-mentioned are added in, the total comes to £74. 2. 0. We may 
 compare this total with the £70 of our document, and with the '£88 
 at the least' of Abbot Ware's Customary (c. 1266). It is not unlikely 
 that the estates had fallen considerably in value after the Black Death 
 in 1349, and some of the additional properties in the above list may 
 have been assigned to the chamberlain in consequence. His original 
 assignment was, according to our document: 
 
 Omnes redditus Lundoniae, Dodintuna, et Cillentmia, et Sippeham, et Sulebi, et 
 i molendinum apiid Stretfort, et Perham. 
 
 Two items of this list are gone, and five others have come in to 
 supply their place, in the course of two centuries and a half. 
 
 1. The mill at Stratford (co. Essex) was given to the abbey by 
 Ailnod of London shortly after the Conquest 2. This Ailnod was a 
 nephew of Suain of Essex, who was a considerable benefactor of the 
 abbey, and of whom we shall hear more presently^. In the chamber- 
 lain's roll for 1382-3, that is to say, just after the assessment made by 
 John Lakingheth, we discover that the mill had been in some way 
 alienated, and, though it had been recovered in the previous year, it 
 had brought in nothing, because there was no tenant : 
 
 De XX s. (due from the mill at Stratford) nil hie, quia recuperatur per breve de 
 Cessavit anno proximo preterito, et jacet vac'. 
 
 • Lib. Nig. Qtmt. f. 85 b, B. 140 sqq. 
 
 2 See the charter of Will. I (below, no. 2), which is of considerable interest. 
 » See below, pp. 49 f. and nos. 1, 2, 8. 
 
46 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 The next extant roll of this office is for 1399 — 1400, and there we 
 read: 
 
 Nil adhuc, quia est in maiiu ballivi, et respondet de firma ejusdem compoto suo. 
 
 It had thus passed from the chamberlain to the general account of 
 the convent, and its rent was received by the principal treasurer, who 
 was also styled the bailiff. 
 
 2. Perham (Parham, co. Sussex) is mentioned in the Telligraphus 
 of St Edward (D. f 47), but nothing is said about the way in which 
 it came into the abbey. It occurs duly, however, in the Domesday 
 Survey. We hear of it in the latter half of Henry I's reign, when Abbot 
 Herbert made good his claim to it against an aggressor (D. f. 5975): 
 
 Sciatis quod abbas Herbertus...diracionavit terram de Perehametde Mapeleford 
 erga Herbertum filium Herberti...T'. episcopo Sarum apud Odestocam'. 
 
 In Henry II's time Peter fitz Herbert receives £100 from the abbot 
 and convent for the surrender of his rights. Then Abbot William 
 Postard assigns it to the kitchener, and presently Abbot Ralph confirms 
 this assignment. As all these charters (D. ff. .597 seqq.) occur under 
 the heading of the infirmarer, we must conclude that Parham ulti- 
 mately came to his office. 
 
 3. We now come to the estates which remained with the chamber- 
 lain. Of the London property we need not speak. We begin with 
 Dodintuna (Doddington, 6 m. west of Lincoln). It was given by Ailric, 
 and confirmed by a charter of Will. I to Abbot Vitalis^: and it appears 
 accordingly in the Domesday Survey. The next we hear of it is in a 
 charter by which Hugo de Euremou restores 'Dotinton' to the abbey. 
 Abbot Gilbert had given it to him in exchange for another manor, 
 which K. Henry afterwards took away and gave back to count Eustace 
 (i.e. Eustace the younger of Boulogne). Henry's charter which con- 
 firms the restoration of Doddington tells us that the other manor 
 was Ducesworthe, and that the king gave Hugo an equivalent for its 
 surrender^. 
 
 4. Gillentuna, or Cholyngton, as it is called in the assessment of 
 1381, has proved very difficult to locate. Our first completely trust- 
 worthy notice of it is in a charter of William I (D. f. 168) addressed to 
 
 ' Cf. Hist. Ahingd. Bolls S. ii 5 : ' Herebertus filius Hereberti, i militem pro 
 Lechamstede x hidarum'; in a list of Abingdon knights, temp. Hen. I. 
 
 2 D. f. 524 6: 'manerium Dodinton', quod Alricus Merietisunse dedit.' In William's 
 'First Charter' (D. f. 50 h) : 'Dudintun...Aegelricu8 nomine filius Mergeati.' 
 
 * The texts of these charters are given below, nos. 25 and 26. For Hugo de Euremou, 
 who enters into the legend of Hereward 'the Wake,' see Round, Feud. Engl. pp. 159—161. 
 
Details of Administration 
 
 47 
 
 Abp Lanfranc and Bp Odo, which gives to Abbot Vitalis the hunting 
 in the wood at Battersea, and certain properties in London and else- 
 where: 'et terram de Celintona, quam tenet Boselinus de Diva.' But 
 there is nothing here to fix its locality^. We must therefore try back 
 among our fictitious charters to see what the tradition about it was. 
 In Will. I's First Charter (D. f. 526) and in his Telligraphus (D. f. 496) 
 we find 'villara Cillinctune, quam prius Boselinus de Diva ei [sc. 
 ecclesiae] per vim abstulerat': but this notice is obviously drawn from 
 the charter to which we have just referred. In St Edward's First 
 Charter (D. f. 396) we have 'Colintuna,' which is immediately followed 
 by 'Cillingtune' (cf his Telligi-aphus, D. f 47): this gives us no further 
 light. But in the Telligraphus of Ethelred (D. I 806) we read^: 
 
 Item Aelfwine prefectus meus de Kent tres cassatas cenobio prefato pro animula 
 sua conjugisque largitus est in loco qui vulgo Sillingtune dicitur. 
 
 Here we have at last a hint as to where we must look. If the 
 king's prefect of Kent gives it for his 'poor soul,' it is probably some- 
 where in that county. But the Domesday Survey of Kent does not 
 recognise it. Yet our next mention of it would be in harmony with 
 such a locality: for about the year 1150 Abp Theobald requires two 
 aggressors to give it back to the abbey on pain of excommunication, 
 which shall be strictly enforced throughout the whole of England (D. 
 f. 681, under the heading Scripta vacua nunc): 
 
 T. dei gratia Cant' archiepiscopus, Anglorum primas, apostolice sedis legatus, 
 Gaufrido Batailla et Ricardo de Frachevilla, salutem. Ex parte G[ervasii] abbatis 
 [we have learned that] ingressi estis manerium de Chelindona, quod a tempore 
 Edwardi regis predicta ecclesia possedisse dicitur.... 
 
 We shall see presently that, when Abp Theobald interposed on 
 behalf of Sulby in Lincolnshire, he required the Bp of Lincoln to strike 
 the aggressor with ecclesiastical censures, if need should be^ But in 
 the case before us he acts directly, as he must of necessity do if the 
 place be in his own diocese. Once more therefore we are inclined to 
 look to Kent, though the indications are still but slight; and there is 
 a Shillington and also a Chellington in Bedfordshire, and other counties 
 offer similar names equally attractive*. 
 
 ' In the Domesday Survey for Sussex (f. 16) part of Malliuges is held by ' filius 
 Boselin'.' 
 
 * Comp. St Dunstan's charter, D. f. 36, where it is called SchoUiiigtune. 
 3 Below, p. 48. 
 
 * E.g. Kelituna (now Kenningtons), the Essex part of Keliugton, whioh is across the 
 river in Suffolk. 
 
48 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 The 'Valor Ecclesiasticus ' of Henry VIII generally notes the county 
 in which a property is situated; but here our estate is missing from 
 the list of those held by the chamberlain; and indeed it does not 
 appear anywhere in the list printed in the Monasticon. Our last hope 
 is in the chamberlain's account roll, though it is most unusual to find 
 there any notes of locality. Most fortunately this case is an exception. 
 In the roll for 1382—3 we read: 
 
 Et de redditu de Cholyngtone in parochia de Burne, iii ii. 
 
 In the next extant roll (1399 — 1400) there is a neat erasure at this 
 point, but the extent of it exactly corresponds with the above words : 
 so that it is plain that this property was lost to the chamberlain only 
 a few years after the assessment of 1381. 
 
 Where then is the parish of Burne ? There is no such parish, it 
 seems, in Kent at the present day. But a few miles east of Canterbury 
 we find Bekesbourne, and six miles south-east of that is the village of 
 Chillenden, or Chillingden — for after a thousand years its spelling is 
 still open to question. When now we turn back to the Domesday 
 Survey, we find to our satisfaction that the neighbourhood of what is 
 now called Bekesbourne is described simply as Burne. 
 
 5. Sippenham (Cippenham, co. Bucks) is mentioned in a charter of 
 William Rufus as having come to the abbey by his father's gift. It 
 is confirmed to Abbot Gilbert, who had established his claim before 
 certain of the king's barons. Subsequently Abbot Gilbert in the last 
 years of his life granted it to William de Bokeland for a yearly rent of 
 fifty shillings, the sum which appears in the assessment of 1381. The 
 two charters here referred to are printed below'; the second contains 
 the interesting phrase, 'quando rex Angl' communiter accipiet xx solidos 
 de milite.' 
 
 6. Sulebi (Sulby, co. Northampton) was connected with West- 
 minster in K. Henry I's time, as we gather from later documents. A 
 writ of Archbp Theobald, apparently between 1147 and 1154, requires 
 Robert de Chesny, bp of Lincoln, to see that Robert Foliot restores Sulby 
 which he has taken away (D. f 6806); and a charter of Robert Foliot 
 confirms to the abbey the perpetual tenure of the manor of Sulby, for 
 the service of one knight, as in the time of his predecessors under 
 K. Henry-. In the Red Book of the Exchequer (ed. Hall), p. 331, we 
 read : 
 
 • No8. 9 and 37. 
 
 ' ' Sciatis me et Margaretam uxorem meam . . .eodem servicio quo faciebant predecessori- 
 bus meis tempore regis Henrici, videlicet servicium unius militis' (D. f. 523). 
 
Details of Administration 
 
 49 
 
 Carta Roberti Foliot. 
 De baronia Roberti Foliot de veteri fefFamento: 
 
 Abbas de Westmonasterio, i militem. 
 
 It is possible that further research may throw more light on the early 
 history of this property^. In later days the manor was let to Sulby 
 Abbey (40 Hen. Ill) for 102 shillings, the figure at which it stands 
 a hundred years later still in John Lakingheth's assessment. 
 
 The other properties mentioned in our document must, with one 
 exception, be briefly dismissed with a mere mention of their localities. 
 Bienflet is Benfleet, and Fan tone is Little Faunton^ in North Benfleet: 
 Pakelesam^ and Winetona* are Paglesham and Wenington: all these 
 are in co. Essex. Cumbritona-^ is Comberton, co. Worcester. Hane- 
 wrde and Coueley'' are Hanworth and Cowley in co. Middlesex. Tite- 
 birste and Merdeleya are Titeburst in Wheathampstead and Mardley, 
 both in CO. Hertford. Elteneya^ and Okkenduna^ are Ilteney and 
 Ockendon in co. Essex. Knichtebrigge is the familiar Knightsbridge. 
 Of Wateleya (Whatley or Wheatley, co. Essex) it is worth while to 
 speak more particularly. 
 
 Watelea occurs in the Domesday Survey as part of the land of Suain 
 of Essex. A charter of Abbot Gilbert grants it to Robert son of Suain 
 for sixty shillings a year, at which figure it stands in our document. 
 Suain had given it for his soul's sake to St Peter, and Robert with his 
 mother had made gift thereof on the altar of St Peter on the day of 
 his father's burial^. 
 
 ' In a Northampton survey of the time of Hen. I, Richard Foliot is said by Dr Round 
 to be the heir of Guy of Renbodcurt, or Raimbercurt, a Domesday owner, see Feudal 
 England, 219 f. Was this Richard the father of the Robert Foliot of our charter? 
 According to Dugdale (Baronage), Richard's father was Robert Foliot, who married 
 Margery, daughter of Richard de Reincurt. 
 
 2 For confirmations of Fanton by Hen. I see below, nos. 23, 24. 
 
 3 Given by Ingulfus (Edw. Telligr. D. f. 47 h). 
 
 * This is the ' Winton ' of a charter which speaks of the church having been broken 
 into: see below, no. 31. 
 
 5 See the charters printed below, nos. 27, 28. 
 
 6 Cofenlea in St Dunstan's charter. D. f. 36. Under the cellarer in D. f. 469. 
 
 ^ Telligr. Will. I (D. f. 49 h): ' Deinde in Eastsex' prope burgum Maldune, in Elteneie 
 XXX agellos arabilis terre,' given by Geoffrey de Mandeville. 
 
 * Under the cellarer in D. f. 461). Wokendune and Fering were held by Harold, and 
 were given by the Conqueror to the abbey as part of the exchange for Windsor (D. f. 254). 
 Henry's confirmation of this grant is printed below, no. 22. 
 
 9 The charter is printed below, no. 8. 
 
 R. c. 4 
 
50 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 Suain of Essex was the son of Robert fitz Wimarc^ This Robert 
 was a staller under Edward the Confessor. He became sheriff of 
 Essex, and was succeeded in that office by Suain 2. Suain's son, Robert 
 of Essex, was the father of Henry of Essex, who lost the royal standard 
 in battle and forfeited his lands to K. Henry II, Wateleya, which was 
 a manor in the Honor of Rayleigh, thus came to the king. 
 
 Henry II's daughter Matilda was married to Henry the Lion, duke 
 of Saxony, in 1168. The duke was banished in 1180, and resided in 
 England for some years after 1182: his daughter Matilda was married 
 in 1189 to Geoffrey count of Perche. These facts will explain a charter 
 by which Geoffrey count of Perche confirms the gift of sixty shillings 
 annually, originally made by Suain of Essex, to be paid on Palm Sunday 
 for the approaching Maundy (D. f. 5206): 
 
 ...ego Gaiifridus dei gracia comes de Pertico...confirmavi, consensu Matildis 
 uxoris mee, donacionem illam quam Swanus de Essexa, avus videlicet Henrici de 
 Essex' dedit... videlicet sexagiuta solidatas redditus in villa de Wateleya... perci- 
 piendas...dominica scilicet in Ramis palmarum, ad mandatum pauperum faciendum 
 proxima die Jovis. 
 
 The obligation recorded in our document thus remained attached to 
 the property: 'ad servicium cenae domini Ix sol' de Wateleya.' 
 
 1 Wimarc was his mother : her name is Breton, according to Dr Bound (Vict. Co. 
 Hist. Essex, p. 345 ; and cf. Bict. Nat. Biog. ' Eobert the Staller '). 
 
 2 Then came Ealph Baynard, and after him, at the time of the Survey, Peter de 
 Valognes. 
 
V. Abbot Gilbert's Literary Remains. 
 
 The esteem in which Gilbert Crispin was held as a theologian some 
 thirty years after his death is strikingly illustrated by an incident 
 which is recounted by John of Salisbury in the Historia Pontificalis'^. 
 After the formal proceedings of the Council held at Rheims in 1148 by 
 Eugenius III were concluded, certain bishops and abbots were still 
 retained to consider various errors imputed to Gilbert de la Poree, 
 bishop of Poitiers. St Bernard gathered a private conference in his 
 lodging, and tried to get the consent of some influential persons to 
 certain positions in advance, in order to shew that Gilbert de la Poree 
 had contravened them and so to secure his condemnation. At this 
 conference there were present, as the writer could attest ('quod vidi 
 loquor et scribo'), Theobald abp of Canterbury, Geoffrey of Bordeaux, 
 Henry (Murdoc) of York, Suger abbot of St Denys, Baldwin abbot of 
 Castellio (Chatillon) — all of whom were now dead ; also Thomas of 
 Canterbury, Roger of York and many others. St Bernard asked them, 
 if he were wrong in opposing Gilbert de la Poree, to correct him: if 
 not, to defend the Church. Then he made certain propositions, which 
 one of his monks wrote down and read out, saying Placet vobis ? The 
 first was ' Quod deus est deitas, et e converse': they said Placet The 
 second was 'Quod tres personae sunt unus deus, et e converso': again 
 they said Placet, but they did not like this method of procedure. The 
 third was ' Quod essentia dei incarnata est, sive natura ' : once more 
 they gave their assent. 
 
 Quarto loco subintiilit quod quoniam deus simplex est et quicquid in deo est 
 deus est, proprietates personarum sunt ipsae personae, et quod pater est paternitas, 
 filixis est filiatio, spiritus est processio, et e converso. quae cum similiter prioribus 
 excepta essent et iuterrogata, surgens archidiaconus quidam Catalauuensis, scilicet 
 Robertu.s de Bosco, et tam voce quam manu silentium impetrans petiit hujus re- 
 sponsionis dilationem. audierat enim, ut dicebat, in scolis clarissimorum doctonim 
 fratmm Anselmi et Radulfi Laudunensium hoc fuisse quaesitum ; sed ab eis minime 
 receptum e.st, quia verebantiir transgredi terminos quos posuerant patres. sed nec 
 
 ^ c. 8 (ed. Arndt, in Pertz's Mon. Germ. Hist. SS. xx, p. 523). I am indebted for my 
 knowledge of this interesting incident to Mr C. C. .J. Webb. 
 
 4—2 
 
52 
 
 GUherf Crispin 
 
 Gilbertus Universalis, qui post fuit episcopus Lundonensis, nec Albericus Remeiisis, 
 qui post in archiepiscopum Bituris sublimatus est, hoc ob eandem causam adraittere 
 voluerunt: nam et ipsos audierat et super hoc interrogaverat. item, ut aiebat, 
 omnibus his sibi litteratiw visus est (Jillehertus abbas Westimonasterii prope Lun- 
 doniam, qui hoc Jiunquam concedere adquievit. cousuluit ergo ut in re tanta nou 
 praecipitarent sententiam, praesertim cum ab hac diffinitione tanti viri abstinu- 
 erint interrogati, et domnus papa praesens esset et ecclesia Romana, et ad illam 
 convenerant qui praestantiores esse videbantur in orbe Latino, paritum est con- 
 silio ejus, conventu sic soluto. 
 
 St Bernard however got at the Pope himself, and dictated a form of 
 words in which judgment was given : but Gilbert de la Poree consented 
 to correct his commentary on Boethius de trinitate accordingly, and was 
 acquitted. 
 
 The position which Robert du Bois assigns to Abbot Gilbert of West- 
 minster is very remarkable in view of the eminence of the theologians 
 to whom he prefers him. We have now to ask what were the writings 
 which gained him so great a reputation. 
 
 We shall begin by considering the evidence of certain mediaeval 
 lists in which his name occurs. 
 
 (1) Catalogues of the library of Bee. Although most of the manu- 
 scripts of Bee have perished, we fortunately possess two early lists 
 which are of considerable interest^ They are both reprinted in Migne 
 P. L. 150, col. 771 ff. from Ravaisson Rapports sur les bibliotheques des 
 departenients de I'Ouest, Paris, 1841 ; and a more recent edition is found 
 in Cat. des MSS. biblioth. publiques de France, t. il pp. 385 f. 
 
 The first belongs to the early part of the twelfth century and is 
 entitled ' Tituli librorum Beccensis almarii.' Here we find a volume 
 containing works (a) of St Chrysostom and (6) of Gilbert Crispin. The 
 entry is as follows : 
 
 Libri beati lohannis eognomine Chrisostomi. 
 
 In uno vol. De reparatione lapsi, lib. i. Item ejusdem ad Deraetrium de com- 
 punctione cordis, lib. i. Item de eadem re ad Stelechium, lib. i. Item omelia 
 ejusdem de subscriptione i' Psalmi. Item omelia ejusdem de i° Psalmo. Item 
 contra Judeum lib. Gisleberti Crispini abbatis Westimonasterii. Item ejusdem de 
 Simonia.cis, et de veritate corporis et sanguinis Domini. Item ejusdem sermo in 
 dedicatione ecclosie. Item omelia ejusdem suj^er Ciim ingressus Jesus. Item ejus- 
 dem epistole iii. 
 
 ' For a full discussion of the subject see Histoire de I'abbaye du Bee par le Chanoine 
 Poree, Cur6 de Bournainville (Evreux, 1901, 2 vols.), i 91 — 94. This scholarly work, to 
 which I have already had occasion to refer, is written by a country parish priest in the 
 neighbourhood of Bernay, and is of the first importance for the study of Norman 
 monasticism. It deserves to be better known in England. 
 
Literary Remains 
 
 53 
 
 The second list was drawn up by Robert of Torigny, when the Bee 
 library had received a legacy of books from Philippe d'Harcourt, bp 
 of Bayeux, who died in 1164. Here in a composite codex we find: 
 ' Gislebertus contra Judeum.' 
 
 If we add the 'Vita domni Herluini abbatis,' which occurs without 
 the name of the author in the first list, we complete the tale of his 
 writings to be found in his old home at Bee in the middle of the 
 twelfth century, 
 
 (2) Boston of Bury. This learned librarian of St Edmund's mon- 
 astery expanded in the fifteenth century a catalogue of books existing 
 in English libraries, which had originally been drawn up by the 
 Franciscans^. Here we have this entry: 
 
 Gilbertus Abbas Westm floruit circa A. Ch. et scripsit 
 
 De disputatione Judaei cum 
 Christiano i. cum seipso 
 tunc Abbate ad Anselmum 
 
 Archiepiscopum Lib. i. Reverendo pronunciabatur 82. 165. 11. 
 De anima Lib. i. Unde infanti sub judice 168. 
 
 De casu diaboli Lib. i. De angelo honoret 168. 
 
 The numbers refer to the various libraries: 82 = Bury, 165 = Brink- 
 bourne, 11 = Westminster : 168 is a mistake for 165, the last number 
 being 167: this is proved by another entry under 'Gilbert of Swynes- 
 hed' in Boston's own catalogue, where we have without 'incipit' or 
 * explicit,' and on the authority of ' Catalogus librorum Angliae,' the 
 following : 
 
 De anima Lib. i 165 
 
 De casu diaboli Lib. i 163 
 
 But in the Septem Custodiae both have the number 165. 
 
 We see then that in England in the fifteenth century Gilbert was 
 best known by his Disputation with a Jeiv; but that two other tracts 
 were also supposed to be his, which were not in the Bee lists. It seems 
 probable that at Brinkbourne the three were to be found in one 
 volume. 
 
 (3) We may now supplement the information gained from these 
 ancient lists by the evidence of existing manuscripts. The first which 
 
 ' See note by Dr M. R. James in Westminster Abbey MSS. p. 22. Tanner's Bibliotheca 
 gives the fullest printed information ; but I quote from transcripts made for Dr James by 
 Mr Rogers of the Cambridge University Library. 
 
54 
 
 Gilbert Crisjnn 
 
 we shall notice shews us that the three works last mentioned were 
 actually to be found in one volume in the twelfth century. 
 
 i. Brit. Mus. Addit. 8166 : described in Gatal. of Romances, ll 352, 
 as a tall quarto, vellum, twelfth century, which ' seems to have been in- 
 tended to form a collection of the works of Gilbert Crispin, abbot of 
 Westminster.' 
 
 f. 3 begins with a table of syllogistic forms : ' Si sit a cum sit b. e. c' : followed by 
 interpretations of names, inc. 'Ephesus, voluntas vel consilium' (7 churches, 
 12 tribes, Hebrew alphabet), e.vpl. 'Tau, signum.' 
 
 f. 3 5. Disputacio Gisleherti abbatis Westmonasterii contra htxieos (see below, 
 pp. 60 ff.). 
 
 f. 17 6. Sermo eiusdem in ramis palmarum: Exigit solempnitas... expl. coheredes 
 
 autem Christi, cui &c. 
 f. 186. De angelo perdito Veritas Aic\t... expl. incircumscriptus est, cui honor et &c. 
 
 (see below, p. 72). 
 
 f. 22 6. Quod de altaris sacramento fides catholica... expl. deus et homo, cui honor 
 
 et imperium &c. (see below, p. 72). 
 f. 28. Poems (leonines) De confessione Crimina deploret... ; De corpore et sanguine 
 
 domini Mysterio magno.... 
 f. 28 6. A Lyric (adonics) Ad Anselmum archiepiscopum Que modulando... (see 
 
 below, p. 83): followed by Elegiacs De creacione sex dierum Unde dies 
 
 inquam.... 
 
 f. 29. Disputacio xpiani cd gentili de fide Christi edita a Oilleberto abbate West- 
 monasterii A duobus philosophis,.. (see below, pp. 73 ff.). 
 
 f. 37. Disputacio Gisleberti abbatis de anima Unde infanti anima... expl. sub 
 iudice lis est (see below, p. 72). 
 
 f. 39 6. Proverbial sayings (from A to I) : Alienum est.... 
 
 f. 40. Versus eiusdem de rege querenti uxorem. The poem which follows seems to 
 have nothing to do with this title : it is one of two Aesopic Fables in hexa- 
 meters— (i) Kite in Hawk's nest, (ii) Ram in Dog's skin. These fables are fully 
 described in the Cat. of Romances above mentioned. 
 
 We may note that the form of the Disputation with a Jew here found 
 varies somewhat from the form in which the book ordinarily occurs : it 
 looks like a first draft, made before Anselm became archbishop ^ Possibly 
 the compiler of this codex had access to various literary remains of 
 Abbot Gilbert, and wished to make a single collection out of them ; but 
 some foreign matter has evidently crept in, and there is a great deal of 
 confusion. Nevertheless we have here a valuable addition to our know- 
 
 ' See the notes to the dedicatory letter, printed below, p. 82. After the ascription of 
 praise which closes the book as hitherto known ('per omnia saecula saeculorum . amen.') 
 this MS continues: 'Ex condicto item convenimus die altero, et considentes loqui cepimus. 
 Kogasti ut cogitarem ac recogitarem....' New matter here follows (fif. 15 — 17 6) down to 
 ' et scripture sacre auctoritatem esse probatur. ' 
 
Literary Remains 
 
 55 
 
 ledge of Gilbert's writings ; and we have certainly got the two treatises 
 ' De anima ' and ' De casu diaboli ' of which Boston of Bury speaks. 
 
 ii. Brit. Mus. Cotton. Vesp. A. xiv : described in Gatal. of Romances, 
 II 529, as a small quarto, vellum, about A.D. 1200. Three MSs are here 
 bound up together ; and the middle one, which concerns us, is badly cut 
 at the bottom in binding. 
 
 1. flF. 1 — 105. Kalendar, with saints mainly Welsh; followed by lives of some. 
 
 2. f. 106. Correspondence between Gregory the Great and Augustine : from Beds, 
 f. 109. O. abbot of Westminster to A. abp of Canterbury: On the Holy Spirit 
 
 (see below, p. 70). 
 f. 111. Vision of Drihthelm, &c. : from Bede. 
 
 3. ff. 114— 179. Epp. of Alcuin, &c. 
 
 Here we have another tract of Gilbert's, oddly preserved amid alien 
 matter'. 
 
 iii. St Johns College, Oxford, no. 149. This codex is described in 
 detail in Coxe's catalogue : I shall therefore state its contents sum- 
 marily, only calling attention to one or two new points of interest''. 
 Coxe assigns it to the beginning of the thirteenth century : it may be 
 rather earlier : some leaves, as we shall see, are undoubtedly earlier. 
 
 f. 1. Ailred's Life of St Edward. [I have collated this with Twysden's edition : the 
 chapter-headings are throughout different; and it contains the story of the 
 devil and the money-bags, which is not in Twysden, but is to be read in 
 Richard of Cirencester, Spec. Hist, iv 9. Twysden got his ms from Ussher: it 
 is probably no. 172 in Triu. Coll. Dublin: it was a Westminster book.] 
 
 f. 59 b. Abbo's Life of St Edmund. 
 
 f. 72 b. Passion of St Kenelm. 
 
 f. 82. „ „ St Christina. 
 
 f. 91 b. „ „ SS. Faith, Hope and Charity. 
 
 f. 99. I'lidpit liber domni Gisleberti de synioniacis (see below, pp. 57 ff.. Ill — 24). 
 
 f. 111. Virtues of St Gregory of Neo-Caesarea. 
 
 f. 114. Revelations of St Elizabeth. 
 
 f. 170. Poem on B.V.M. 
 
 f. 176. Passion of St Margaret. 
 
 f. 181 b. Passion of 11,000 virgins of Cologne. [The page, by means of enlarge- 
 ments of the letter «, is made to end with ' pregustaret ' : the next page (182 a) 
 
 1 It was noticed by the learned authors of the Histoire Litteraire de la France in their 
 account of Gilbert Crispin (t. x. pp. 192—201). My attention was called to both the above- 
 mentioned Mss by Mr Herbert of the Britisli Museum. 
 
 2 I have to thank the President and Fellows for granting me special facilities for 
 consulting this ms, so that I was able to transcribe Gilbert's treatise in the abbey in which 
 he wrote it. 
 
56 
 
 Gilbert Crispm 
 
 goes on 'ut inenarrabilcm ' in an earlier hand; and there is the remainder of a 
 leaf which has been cut away before this. The Passion ends on f. 191 a {ad fin.) 
 without an explicit: f. 191 6 is blank.] 
 
 f 192. 'Concilium remis habitum presidente papa calixto' (still the earlier hand). 
 
 f 193. Proverbial venses (returning to the hand of the first portion of the codex). 
 
 f. 198. Lections for SS. Cyriacus, &c. 
 
 f. 205 b. Scraps of proverbs, &c. by various hands, but giving no guidance a.s to the 
 provenance of the book. 
 
 It is a mystery how Abbot Gilbert's treatise De Simoniacis came to 
 be embodied in a collection of this kind. Its recovery puts an end to 
 an interesting speculation of H. Boehmer, in his valuable book on 
 ' Church and State in England and Normandy in the eleventh and 
 twelfth centuries.' He had suggested that a tract ' De sacramentis 
 hereticorum,' which is the answer of a certain ' magister G.' to a ques- 
 tion put by a ' discipulus G.', might be the work which the Bee catalogue 
 ascribed to Abbot Gilbert under the title ' De simoniacis et de veritate 
 corporis et sanguinis domini.' The fact that the judgment of a certain 
 ' sacer senex,' presumed to be Anselm, is referred to, and the occurrence 
 of Gilbert's Disputation with a Jew in the same codex, formed the 
 gprounds of the theory : but the highly rhetorical style of the writer 
 made the identification very doubtful. It need not now be further 
 considered ^ 
 
 We pass now to consider certain works which have been wrongly 
 assigned to Gilbert Crispin. 
 
 (1) Homil. 47 in Cantica Canticorum. The only evidence for giving 
 this to our Gilbert appears to be Leland, who found a copy of it at 
 Wardon (Collectan. iv 12); but when he next mentions the book (as at 
 Peterhouse, Cambridge) he assigns it simply to ' Gilbertus monachus.' 
 Gerberon (Migne, P.L. 158, col. 1167) refers to these Homilies, 'quas 
 apud Eberbacenses exstare monet additiuncula in Trithem.' Boston of 
 Bury, however, attributes them to ' Gilbertus Albus monachus et abbas 
 de Swyneshed.' This is Gilbert of Hoyland, who was a pupil of St 
 Bernard and by him made a Cistercian (Tanner). There is no doubt 
 that this is the true attribution : for St Bernard's 86 discourses on the 
 Song of Songs'' end at iii 1, where his exposition was cut short by 
 death. Gilbert took it up at this point, but his own death cut it short 
 again at v 10. 
 
 1 See Boehmer, Kirche u. Staat, p. 172 ; and for the text of the tract Monumenta 
 Germaniue Historica, Lib. de lite in 12 — 20 (from Wolfenbiittel ma 782). 
 « Migne, P. L. 184, col. ii. 
 
Literary Remains 
 
 67 
 
 Besides the Peterhouse ms, there is one at Trin. Coll. Dublin, 
 no. 117 [A. 5. 5] : ' Incipit tractatus Gisleberti abbatis super cantica. 
 canticorum, ab eo loco [iii 1]: In lectulo meo...Varii sunt aniantiuni 
 atfectus... ': 47 tractates, ending, ' qui approximant illi approxiuiant igni. 
 amen. Expliciunt cantica canticorum secundum magistrum Gilbertum.' 
 
 (2) Covimentary on Jeromes Prologues. Cave, Hist. Litt. i 634 
 (Lond. 1688), assigns to Gilbert Crispin : 
 
 Item in prologos S. Uieronymi super Biblia, ibid. [i.e. Peterhouse]. 
 Contra peccata cogitationis, locutionis et operis, in bibliotheca privata Gualteri 
 Cope. 
 
 Of the second of these I know nothing. Of the first there is a 
 MS at Turin (Pasini, cod. mclx : f. ii 21 : saec. xiv), which on Cave's 
 authority is assigned to Gilbert Crispin. I have examined the Peter- 
 house MS (Bernard's Catal., 1754 : Dr James's, 259). On a fly-leaf in 
 a seventeenth century hand is written, ' Com. Gilberti in prologos 
 Hieronomi in Biblia.' On f 77a we find a mention of Gilbert, which 
 probably has led to the error : ' Incipit prologus vel potius introitus 
 gilberti pictagavensis in apocalipsim.' Gilbert de la Poree, bishop of 
 Poitiers, appears to be meant. 
 
 (3) Commentaries on Isaiah and Jeremiah, assigned to our Gilbert 
 by Pits, and perhaps some other expository writings so assigned, may 
 also with probability be given to Gilbert de la Poree. 
 
 (4) Liber de statu Ecclesiae, also assigned to our Gilbert by Pits, 
 belongs to 'Gilbertus Lunicensis,' bp of Limerick: see Migne, P.L. 159, 
 col. 995 and 1003. 
 
 Of the genuine writings of Gilbert Crispin there remain three items 
 in the Bee list which still elude us^ : 
 
 Sermo in dedicatione ecclesiae. 
 Omelia super Cu7n ingressus Jesus. 
 Epistolae in. 
 
 But we may feel satisfied that we have undoubtedly got nearly 
 everything that is mentioned on good authority as having been 
 
 ' The De veritate coiporis et sanguinis domini, which follows the De Simoniacis in the 
 Bee list, is doubtless meant for a separate title. In Brit. Mus. Addit. 8166 (described 
 above) after the discussion ' de angelo perdito ' (f. 18 6) follows a discussion ' de altaris 
 Sacramento' which perhaps is the tract in question. There is also in the same manuscript 
 a poem entitled De corpore et sanguine domini, which begins: ' Mysterio magno legali 
 vescimur agno.' But it consists of only about twenty-five lines, and is not at all likely to 
 have been singled out for notice in a catalogue. 
 
58 
 
 Gilbert Crisnin 
 
 written by him. The following is a summary list of his extant 
 works : 
 
 1. Life of Herluin: Corp. Chr. Camb., 318. 
 
 2. Disputation with a Jew : many MSS. 
 
 3. De Simoniacis : St John's, Oxf , 149. 
 
 4. De Spiritu Sancto : Vesp. A. xiv. 
 
 5. De casu diaboli : 
 
 6. De anima : 
 
 7. Sermo in ramis palmarum : J- B. M. Addit. 8116. 
 
 8. Versus ad Anselmum : 
 
 9. Disputatio Christiani cum gentili 
 
 1. The Life of Herluin, first abbot of Bee. 
 
 It is somewhat remarkable that this, which in course of time has 
 come to be the most important of Gilbert Crispin's works, should 
 never have been printed in a complete form. It is the foundation of all 
 our knowledge of the great Norman abbey which gave Lanfi-anc and 
 Anselm, and afterwards Theobald, to the archiepiscopal throne of 
 Canterbury ; and, as Gilbert lived at Bee for twenty-five years, and only 
 left it a few years after Herluin's death, his narrative has a unique 
 worth which careful historians have not failed to recognise. But in 
 truth, paradoxical as it may sound, its very value as a historical docu- 
 ment has involved its text in this unmerited neglect. For the writer of 
 Lanfranc's Life' relied almost exclusively upon it for the earlier part of 
 the archbishop's career, and embodied large sections of it in his bio- 
 graphy. When Luc d'Achery edited Lanfranc's works in 1648, he 
 prefixed to them the Vita Lan/ranci, and he added in an appendix 
 Gilbert's Vita Herluini. But in order to save repetition he did not 
 print the latter work in full ; and he puts us off again and again with a 
 disappointing ' &c.,' referring us for the omitted passages to the earlier 
 pages of his volume. Unfortunately the changes and additions which 
 the author of Lanfranc's Life had introduced make it impossible thus to 
 reconstruct Gilbert's work with accuracy : we are in constant danger of 
 ascribing to Gilbert words that he never wrote. The most striking 
 instance of this is the stoiy of Lanfranc's adventure with the robbers, 
 which is commonly supposed to have decided him to adopt the monastic 
 life. Of this adventure there are two somewhat different traditions. 
 
 ' Milo Crispin, precentor of Bee (t c 1150) : see above, p. 18. 
 
Literary Remains 
 
 59 
 
 One of them is given in the Vita Lanfranci, where it occurs in the 
 middle of a passage borrowed from Gilbert's work : hnt as a matter 
 of fact it is altogether absent from the Vita Herluini, and thus loses 
 what has hitherto appeared to be its most important attestation. 
 
 It is only in this mutilated form that Gilbert's Life of Herluin has 
 hitherto been known to scholars^. It exists in manuscript in the library 
 of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, in a codex (no. 318) given to 
 Abp Parker by the Dean of Rochester. This is a Rochester book of the 
 twelfth century, beginning with Ailred's Life of St Edward, and con- 
 taining among other pieces Eadmer's Life of St Anselm. 
 
 It is also found in a codex of the Vatican (no. 399 fonds de la reine 
 de Su^e), which contains the lives of the early abbots and the Chronicon 
 Beccense. This MS was written c. 1480 : a copy of it made by Andrd 
 Duchesne is in the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris (lat. 5427). See 
 L. Delisle, Notice swr vingt manuscrits du Vatican, 1877 (extr. de la 
 Bibliotheque de I'^lcole des Chartes), and Por^e, Chronique duBec (1883), 
 p. xiv. 
 
 D'Achery probably printed his text from one of the MSS described 
 by Montfaucon {Bihliotheca biblioth. MSS, ii 254) as existing at Bee at 
 the end of the seventeenth century. 
 
 In the Historia Normannorum of William of Jumieges (1. vii, c. 22 : 
 Duchesne, p. 279), after a brief mention of Abbot Herluin, we read : 
 
 Si quis vero conversionem et conversationem ipsius plenius nosse desiderat, 
 librum qui de vita ejusdem patris venerandi elegauti sermone conscriptiis est a viro 
 religioso Gisleberto Crispino, po.stea abbate Westemonasterii, et tarn nobilitate 
 generis quam scientia saeculari et divina pollenti, perquirens relegat, in quo suffi- 
 cienter reperiet vmde suo desiderio satisfaciat. 
 
 In 1. vi, c. 9 of the same work (Duchesne, pp. 261 — 265) large por- 
 tions of Gilbert's book are actually embodied. M. Leopold Delisle, 
 however, writing of two MSS of W. of Jumieges at Leyden (nos. 20 and 
 77) in Melanges de Pal. p. 173, says that it is known that Orderic 
 Vitalis, c. 1130, in the abbey of St Evroul revised and completed the 
 work of W. of Jumieges, and that some ten years later this text was 
 further developed by Robert of Torigny in the abbey of Bee. This 
 particular chapter, commencing ' Circa haec tempora,' which concerns 
 the history of Bee, has long been pointed out as an interpolation by 
 
 » It is reprinted in Mabillon, Acta SS. Ord. Ben. s. vi, in Migne P. L. 150, col. 697 S., 
 and by Giles (Lanfranc's Works, Oxf. 1844) : Giles knew of no us of the Vita (ibid, i 406), 
 
60 
 
 Gilbert Crisjnu 
 
 Robert. In one of the Leyden MSS it has been added subsequently, 
 and a leaf has been inserted to make room for it. 
 
 Gilbert's work has been I'ecast in the Altera vita Herluini, printed 
 in the Acta SS. ordinis S. Benedicti (saec. vi, part ii, pp. 335 — 365) from 
 an ancient Bee codex. After the prologue, ' Quoniam Christi militis 
 Herluini,' &c., it begins : ' Felix in domino vir Herluinus, primus pater 
 et fundator Beccensis ovilis,' &c. This is to be found in a Jumieges 
 codex in the public library at Rouen, U. 102, saec. xii — xiii. The 
 writer does not mention Gilbert's name : perhaps he did not know it, 
 for the Vita Herluini probably circulated anonymously \ He says that 
 some found the old Life tasteless and others found it tedious I His 
 new Life, however, extends to much the same length ; and two sentences 
 will suffice to shew the style which he preferred : (p. 362) ' Coepit ergo 
 deo dignus minister digna dignis altaribus digne ministrare ' : (p. 363) 
 ' Dux siquidem immundorum in mundum immundum egressuro im- 
 mundo per immunda loca immunditiae suae signaverat sero vestigial' 
 We may be thankful that Abbot Gilbert did not consult ' the urbanity 
 of the moderns ' after this fashion. 
 
 2. Disputation of a Christian and a Jew. 
 
 If it is beyond all reasonable question that the Life of Abbot Herluin 
 is now the most interesting and most valuable of Gilbert Crispin's 
 works, it was otherwise in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Far 
 more popular was the Disputatio Judaei cum Christiana, a controversial 
 work of exceptional fairness, dedicated by Gilbert to his old master 
 Archbishop Anselm, and in temper at any rate not unworthy of his 
 school. 
 
 Two copies of this book were in the Bee library in the middle of the 
 twelfth century, the second being part of the legacy of Philip Harcourt, 
 bp of Bayeux. In England Boston of Bury vouches for copies at West- 
 minster, Bury and Brinkbourne in the fifteenth century. The following 
 
 1 In the xiith cent, list of the Bee library it occurs in the following entry without the 
 name of the author : ' In uno. Dicta beati Gregorii pape super cantica, et vita domni 
 Herluini abbatis, et vita beati Anselmi archiepiscopi Cantuariensis ' (cf. Migne P. L. 150 
 col. 771 f.). 
 
 2 Prologue (p. 359) : ' Licet olim digesta sit a viro ut fertur erudito sen etiam lingua 
 diserto, sterilem tamen in ea prolixitatem et incompositam dictaminis barbariem moder- 
 norum abhorret urbanitas : praesertim cum ex uno insipida ex altero taediosa non immerito 
 judicetur.' 
 
 8 Cf. infra p. 95. 
 
Literary Remains 
 
 61 
 
 list of existing MSS, which makes no pretence of completeness, will 
 
 shew at a glance how widely it was distributed in early times. 
 
 1. British Museum, Addit. 8166 [xii]. 
 
 2. „ „ Tit. D. xvi [xii] : from St Alban's. 
 
 3. Oxford, Bodl. 839 [xii]. 
 
 4. Paris, Bibl. Nat. Lat. 12,311 [xii]. 
 
 5. „ „ „ Lat. 14,858 [xii]. 
 
 6. Troyes, 423 [xii]. 
 
 7. Valenciennes, 249 [xii] : from St Amand. 
 
 8. Rouen, 1174 (fragm.) [xii]. 
 
 9. Evreux, 4 [xii] : from abbey of Lyre. 
 
 10. Munich, Lat. 14,509 (fragm. init.) [xii]. 
 
 11. „ Lat. 324 [xiii]. 
 
 12. Wolfenbiittel, 782 [xii] : from Lampspring. 
 
 It was printed by Dom Gabriel Gerberon in his great edition of 
 St Anselm in 1675 ('In ms. biblioth. Remig. B. 10, et ex ms. Victorino 
 cc. 9, et ex ms. San-Germanensi '). It is reprinted in Migne, P. L. 159, 
 col. 1005 flf. 
 
 In the Bihliotheca Patrum, Lugd. xx, p. 1884, there is printed under 
 the name of William de Champeaux a treatise entitled Altercatio 
 Christiani cum Judaeo de fide Catholica. This is preceded by an epistle 
 dedicatory to Alexander, bp of Lincoln, which is closely parallel to 
 Gilbert's letter of dedication to St Anselm^ : and the opening sentences 
 of the dialogue itself bon-ow thoughts and phrases from the beginning 
 of Gilbert's work, though presently the writer takes an independent line 
 of his own. 
 
 William de Champeaux (de Gampellis) is a notable figure in the 
 history of philosophy at the beginning of the twelfth century : he was 
 for a time the teacher of Abelard, and he afterwards became bishop of 
 Chalons-sur-Mame. It is exceedingly unlikely that he should have 
 written such a treatise as that which we are considering. Indeed the 
 only reason for referring it to him appears to be its occurrence in a 
 ' codex Catalaunensis.' Now William of Champeaux is said to have died 
 in Jan. 1121 ; and, even if this be Jan. 1122 of our reckoning, we cannot 
 escape an anachronism : for Alexander was nominated to the bishopric 
 of Lincoln at the Easter court of 1123, and was consecrated in the 
 following July. 
 
 1 This letter, which is anonymous, is printed at the end of Gilbert's Dispntatio in 
 Migne, P. L. 159, col. 1036. 
 
62 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 We may with probability attribute the work to some English 
 admirer of Gilbert's treatise, who wished to ingratiate himself with 
 a powerful bishop. But it does not reflect Gilbert's modest and gentle 
 spirit. It is worth while to read the two works together in order to see 
 how much Gilbert rises above the ordinary controversialist of his day. 
 The later writer is evidently dissatisfied with the leniency with which 
 the earlier writer treats his opponent. He is determined to secure the 
 victory for the Christian disputant: he substitutes threatenings for 
 arguments, and overwhelms his opponent with New Testament quota- 
 tions : it is obvious that he is writing a book rather to please Christians 
 than to convert Jews. 
 
 As Gilbert's Disputatio is not here reprinted, it will be well to give 
 some account of it in detail. It is not cast in the form of a conversa- 
 tional dialogue, but consists of seven set speeches on either side ; those 
 of the Jew, who raises the objections, being much shorter than those of 
 the Christian, who has to make somewhat elaborate replies, and also to 
 carry on a counter-attack. The whole treatment is eminently fair : the 
 difficulties propounded by the Jew are genuine difficulties, and to some 
 of them a fully satisfactory reply cannot easily be given. There is no 
 loss of temper on either side, and at the end there is no token of sur- 
 render and no note of triumph. 
 
 That the Christian position was sufficiently maintained from the 
 standpoint of the early middle ages is shewn by the wide and rapid 
 circulation of the book, and by the fame which Gilbert acquired by 
 means of it. And that his kindly reasonableness was not without 
 immediate effect we may gather from the closing paragraph of his 
 dedicatory letter to St Anselm. For, while he does not claim to have 
 influenced his learned opponent, who had been educated at Mainz, he 
 says that a London Jew by God's mercy had been converted at West- 
 minster, had there made public profession of his faith and received 
 baptism, and had enrolled himself in Christ's service as a monk of 
 Gilbert's own abbey. 
 
 A few quotations will serve to shew how keen a disputant Gilbert 
 had to deal with, and will also bring out some minor points of interest 
 which lie buried in a treatise that not many people are likely to read. 
 
 (1) The Jew makes his own position clear: he believes Christ to 
 have been a great prophet ; he will even, he says, ' believe Christ ' ; but 
 he will not ' believe in Christ,' but only in the One God : 
 
 Christum credo prophetara quidem omni virtutum praerogativa excellentissi- 
 mum, et Christo credain ; sed in Christum neque credo, neque credam ; quia non 
 
Literary Remains 
 
 63 
 
 credo nisi in deum, et unum. Audi, inquit, Israel, deus tuus deus unus est : unus, 
 non triplex, sicut vos Christiani et negando dicitis et dicendo negatis 
 
 (2) Quoting Isa. ii. 3, he contrasts the invitation to ' go up to the 
 house of the God of Jacob ' with the Christian custom of calling 
 churches by the names of saints: 
 
 Alii vestrum dicunt, Eamus ad domum Petri ; alii, Ad domum Pauli ; alii, Ad 
 domum Martini : nuUi vero dicunt, Eamus ad domum dei lacob (col. 1012). 
 
 In his reply Gilbert says : 
 
 Quod autem dicere nos arguitis, Eamus ad domum Petri, eamus ad domum 
 Pauli, ad domum Martini; nullus qui sane sapit hoc ita dictum esse intelligit. 
 nullam quippe domum Petro seu Paulo facimus, sed in honorem atque memoriam 
 Petri seu Pauli deo eam condimus. nec ulli pontificum fas est dicere in con- 
 secrationibus ecclesiarum, Tibi Petro, seu Paulo, banc domum vel hoc altare 
 consecramus : sed, Tibi deo in honorem Petri, seu Pauli, banc domum vel hoc 
 altare consecramus. propterea vero haec domus potissimum appellatur domus dei 
 Jacob, ac specialius nominatur Jacob, quia primus omnium legitur Jacob deo 
 instituisse banc domum. Erexit, inquit, Jacob lapidem in titulum, fundens oleum 
 desuper; et dixit, Vere locus iste sanctus est: et enumeratis quae viderat caelesti- 
 bus mysteriis obstupefactus addidit, Quam terribilis est locus iste, non est hie 
 aliud nisi domus dei et porta caeli. domus ergo dei nostri est domus dei Jacob, 
 quia deum quem colimus coluit Abraham quoque Isaac et Jacob, in hac domo dei 
 cotidie divinus sermo recitatur, populus fidelis quae bona appetat et quae mala 
 fugiat edocetur, ac simul quae appetendorum sint praemia et quae mala quae 
 agxmtur poena comitetui" (col. 1014). 
 
 (3) Speaking of the prophecy of Emmanuel, the Jew says : 
 
 Animo libenti accipimus de Christo dictum, Et vocabitur nomen ejus Nobiscum 
 deus : hoc est, tantae dignitatis et gratiae erit apud deum, ut in eo et per eum 
 dominus, id est domini virtus, sit nobiscum. numquid quotiens ad vestrarum 
 solemnia missarum dicitis, Dominus vobiscum, statim consequitur ut deus homo 
 fiat, vel in turba homo factus consistat? 
 
 (4) From the scheme of the Atonement which Gilbert sets out at 
 length in col. 1021 ff. (beginning, 'Nosti quoniam Genesis...), one 
 passage may here be given : 
 
 Quod si novus vel aliunde natus homo, seu angelus factus homo, hominem 
 liberaret, non sic ad pristinum dignitatis ingenitae statum restitui posset, cum 
 enim angelis homo par creatus, non natura sed rationis et concessae libertatis 
 gratia, soli deo creatori ad serviendum obnoxius erat, ad eundem libertatis statum 
 seu per hominem seu per angelum restitui non valebat : a quo enim quis a servitute 
 redimitur, ei ad serviendum obnoxius esse judicatur. quia ergo per alium plena 
 
 1 Migne, P. L. 150, col. 1011. In the following quotations 1 have corrected the text 
 from Brit. Mus. Addit. 8166 and Titus D. xvi. 
 
64 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 hominis restitutio fieri non valebat, necesse fuit ut creator creaturae subveniret, 
 creaturam creator subiret, ut per ipsum creatorem homo restitutus soli creator! ad 
 serv-iendum obnoxius remaneret, et hostis jure ditionem supra genus humanum 
 habitam amitteret. nihil enim in Christo suum hostis invenerat, qui neque in 
 iniquitatibus conceptus erat, neque in peccato partus fiierat, neque ullam prorsus 
 peccati maculam vivendo contraxerat. quia igitur praesuniptione injusta mors in 
 eum feriendo deliquit, in quo nihil suum reppererat, nil omnino juris habebat ; 
 jure amisit earn jurisdictionem quam peccato primi hominis in hominera primum 
 ejusque posteritatem obtinuerat (col. 1023). 
 
 The first half of this passage finds a close parallel in the fifth chapter 
 of the first book of the Cur Deus Homo : but it may be questioned 
 whether Gilbert would have written the latter part after the publica- 
 tion of that work, which Anselm finished during his exile at Capua 
 in 1098. For Anselm had perceived the objection to admitting any 
 ' claim ' of the devil {ibid. ll, c. 7), and had lifted the whole question 
 into a higher region. 
 
 (5) The Jew has already complained of the violence done to the 
 Scriptures by the determination of the Christians to find everywhere 
 prophecies of Christ. In the following passage he recurs to this topic, 
 and then proceeds to challenge the text of the Old Testament which 
 Christians use. 
 
 Si fas est Christianis hoc modo scripturas de Christo legere et interpretari, 
 multo plura invenietis quae ita quoquo modo poteritis interpretari. nos vestras 
 litteras uescimus, et fortasse multa dicitis esse apud vos scripta quae apud nos 
 scripta esse non credimus. sed si deus mibi et tibi vitam praestare voluerit, majori 
 otio ad te revertar, librorum conferemus et apud nos et apud vos exemplaria, et 
 ista requiremus exempla. ipse quidem fateor summae ineptiae, immo dementiae, 
 esse sen me seu te contra evidentia scripturarum exempla et auctoritates resistere ; 
 et idcirco ad praesens non est opus te ulterius disputando procedere. nam revera 
 vos Christian! multa profertis de lege et prophetis, quae non sunt scripta in lege et 
 prophetis. illud enim quod de Jeremia posuisti: Post haec in terris deus visus 
 est, et cum hominibus conversatus est {Barmh iii 38), multaque huic versui 
 superius annexa, Jeremias non dixit, non scripsit. quod si hoc in Jeremia scriptum 
 esse inveneris, caetera veracissime dicta esse concede; si autem in Jeremia non 
 inveneris, depone tantam adversum nos animositatem ; erubesce adinventam contra 
 nos falsitatem, et agnosce primam permanere apud nos in lege et prophetis veritatem 
 (col. 1026). 
 
 This is a dignified rebuke. It is followed up by a challenge of 
 the famous prophecy of Isaiah (vii 14), ' Ecce virgo concipiet,' where he 
 says that the meaning is not ' virgo,' but ' abscondita ' : and he adds 
 that, even if the rendering ' virgo ' be admitted, he cannot allow the 
 Christian gloss of the perpetual virginity. 
 
Literary Remains 
 
 65 
 
 Nam et illud quod universi vos Christiani ore tarn securo adversum nos pro- 
 fertis: Ecce virgo concipiet et pariet filium, Isaias non dixit, non scripsit; sed 
 tantum, Ecce, inquit, abscondita concipiet et pariet filium. tamen si hoc ipsum 
 dixisset Isaias quod dicitis, Ecce virgo concipiet et pariet filium, non tamen addidit 
 quod vestra ex parte additis, quod virgo in conceptu mansit et post partum virgo 
 permansit. hoc nec Isaias dixit, nee ullus alius propheta (col. 1027). 
 
 (6) Gilbert clearly knows no Hebrew, and he falls back on the 
 Septuagint translators as unbiassed witnesses of the true text. But the 
 Jew on his part knows nothing of any Seventy, except the elders whom 
 Moses set to rule the people. The discussion (col. 1027 f) is too long 
 to quote ; but it has an interest of its own, and it is noteworthy that 
 Gilbert makes no reference to the work of St Jerome. 
 
 (7) The last objection raised by the Jew is interesting for its refer- 
 ence to the Christian art of the day : it may even have been suggested 
 by a 'Majesty' in Gilbert's new refectory. The Christian has quoted 
 the passage : ' Confundantur omnes qui adorant sculptilia et qui glori- 
 antur in simulacris suis ' ; and the Jew replies : 
 
 Ex hac igitur tua illatione colligi potest, Confundantur et Christiani ; quia et 
 Christiani adorant sculptilia et gloriantur in simulacris suis. ipsum etenim deum 
 effigiatis aliquando miserum pendentem in patibulo, cruci clavis aflfixum (quod ipso 
 etiam visu horrendum est), idque adoratis; et circa crucem efifigiatis semipuerum 
 solem nescio unde exterritum et fugientem, lunam semipuellam lugubrem, semum- 
 que lucis suae cornu occultantem. aliquando autem deum effigiatis sublimi solio 
 sedentem manuque porrecta signantem; et circa eum, quasi magno dignitatis 
 praestigio', aquilam et hominem, vitulura et leonem. has effigies Christiani ex- 
 sculpunt, fabricant et depingunt unde possunt et ubi possunt, et adorant et colunt : 
 quod lex a deo data omnimodo fieri vetat (col. 1034). 
 
 Gilbert's defence is good. He reminds the Jew of the cherubim in 
 the temple (1 Kings vi 29), and of the twelve oxen which supported 
 the laver (1 Kings vii 23—25). He justifies the evangelic symbols 
 from the Old Testament itself (Ezek. i 10) ; and he distinguishes care- 
 fully between the adoration of God and the adoration of the Cross. 
 
 Facimus deo picturas, facimus deo caelaturas, facimus et sculpturas ; sed divine 
 cultu nec adoramus nec colimus eas. nam ipsam crucem, quam crucem sanctam 
 dicimus, utique lignum non deum esse dicimus, nullamque in se aut ex se virtutem 
 habere eam dicimus : at postquam benedictione pontificali sanctificatur in memo- 
 riam dominicae passionis, jam crucem non divino sed debito venerationis cultu 
 attollimus, adoramus et colimus ; sicut in psalmo dicitur, Adorate scabellum pedum 
 ejus, quoniam sanctum est (col. 1035). 
 
 As Gilbert's dedicatory letter, which speaks of the visits paid him 
 on matters of business by the Jew who had been educated at Mainz, 
 ' Addit. 8166 has 'presagio': but Ducange gives praestigiitvi=praete.Ttum. 
 K. C. 5 
 
66 
 
 Gilher-t Crispin 
 
 and also of the conversion of a London Jew, gives us what is perhaps 
 the earliest historical reference to Jews resident in England, we may- 
 quote here the passage in which William of Malmesbury informs us 
 that the Conqueror had brought them from Rouen and settled them 
 in London. Writing of William Rufus, he says: 
 
 Insolentiae vel potius inscientiae contra deum hoc fuit signum. Judaei qui 
 Londoniae habitabant, quos pater a Rothomago illuc traduxerat, eum in qiiadam 
 solempnitate adierunt xeuia ofFerentes : quibus delinitus ausus est animare ad 
 conflictum contra Christianos. Per vultum, ait, de Luca ! pronuntians quod si 
 vicissent in eorum sectam transiret. 
 
 Thus William of Malmesbury wrote in the first edition of his Oesta 
 Regum, about the year 1125: but some ten years or more afterwards, 
 when in a new recension he softened down many of his more piquant 
 statements, he recast the passage as follows : 
 
 Insolentiae in deum Judaei suo tempore dedere indicium : semel apud Rotho- 
 magum, ut quosdam ab errore suo refugas ad Judaismum revocarent, muneribus 
 inflectere conati ; alia vice apud Londoniam, contra episcopos nostros in certamen 
 animati, quia ille ludibundus, credo, dixisset quod si vicissent Christianos apertis 
 argumentationibus confutatos in eorum sectam transiret. magno igitur timore 
 episcoporum et clericorum res acta est, pia sollicitudine fidei Christianae timentium. 
 et de hoc quidem certamine nihil Judaei praeter confusionem retulerunt, quamvis 
 multotiens jactarint se non ratione sed factione superatos. 
 
 Here the ' insolence ' of Rufus has become the ' insolence ' of the 
 Jews : Rouen is mentioned only as the scene of an attempt to recover 
 converts by bribery ; and the writer directs his sarcasm at the bishops 
 who tremble at the possible issue of an open debated 
 
 The kindly feeling of St Anselm towards converted Jews is shewn 
 by a letter which he writes to Ernulf the prior of Christ Church, 
 Canterbury [1096—1107], and William the archdeacon of Canterbury, 
 bidding them see to the welfare of a convert named Robert : 
 
 Ut ea hilari pietate et pia hilaritate, qua omnes Christiani debent occurrere et 
 subvenire de Judaismo ad Christianitatem fugienti, curam habeatis hujus Roberti, 
 ne ulla indigentia vel occasione quam avertere possimus cogatur paenitere, qui 
 propter Christum parentes suos et legem eorum reliquerit.... Ordinate itaque vos, 
 domne prior, de eleemosyna, non per servientes (qui plus quaerunt quae sua sunt 
 quam quae dei sunt), sed per monachum eleemosynarium ; et vos, domine Willelme, 
 ex his quae mihi ex archidiaconatu servare debetis, quatenus ille cum familiola sua 
 nullam duram patiatur indigentiam, sed gaudeat se de perfidia transiisse ad veram 
 
 » W. of Malmesb. Gesta Regum, Rolls S. ii 371. The outrageous conduct of Kufus in 
 taking the bribes and terrifying the converted Jews into renunciation of their new faith is 
 passed over by this writer: but it is told at full length by Eadmer, Hist. Nov. Rolls S. 99 ff. 
 
Literary Remains 
 
 67 
 
 fidem, et probet ex ipsa nostra pietate quia fides nostra propinquior est deo quam 
 Judaicai. 
 
 Gilbert's book is written in the spirit of his master, and it is a book 
 that was plainly called for by the circumstances of the time. 
 
 3. De Simoniacis. 
 
 Gilbert's treatise De Simoniacis deals with a burning question 
 of the day, and administers a quiet rebuke to many angry and foolish 
 words which were being spoken about it. Herbert Losinga, the other- 
 wise excellent bishop of Norwich, had paid a large sum to William 
 Rufus for his appointment : he had afterwards gone to Rome and with 
 a deep sense of repentance resigned his office into the Pope's hands: 
 he had been absolved and reinstated. Several English abbots were 
 charged with simony at the Council of Westminster in 1102, and were 
 deposed by Anselm. Moreover the struggle regarding Investitures was 
 represented by the reforming party as a crusade against simony. Theo- 
 logical confusion had been introduced, and the minds of pious people 
 had been upset, by some who taught that the sacraments administered 
 by simoniacally ordained persons were no sacraments at all, and that 
 the blessing of such persons was a curse. 
 
 The subject was mixed up with high politics as well as with 
 common Christian duties. It needed to be dealt with on its merits : as 
 a question of theology it called for a calm and even academic treatment. 
 Gilbert wisely refuses to consider what is, so to say, only constructive 
 simony: he limits himself to simony in its proper sense, that is, the 
 giving of money in order to obtain holy orders ^ We need not here 
 trace his argument. It is enough to say that his method is absolutely 
 fair : he sets out the severer view first, in terms which could hardly be 
 improved on by its advocates; and then he confronts it with obvious 
 facts, with the judgments of authority, and with delicate reasonings. 
 He undertakes no more than to state the case on either side for 
 Anselm's judgment. The tract ends abruptly without any peroration. 
 It is as though he had asked a question, and then waited. But there 
 
 • Ans. Epp. Ill 117. 
 
 ^ The curious phraseology 'munus a manu, munus ab officio' is explained by a passage 
 of Gregory (Horn, in Evanp. i 4. 4) : ' Unde bene, cum justum virum describeret propheta, 
 ait: Qui excutit manus suas ab omni munere (Isa. xxxiii 15). neque enim dicit, Qui 
 excutit manus suas a munere ; sed adjunxit ab omni : quia aliud est munus ab obsequio, 
 aliud munus a manu, aliud munus a lingua, munus quippe ab obsequio est subjectio 
 iudebite impensa, munus a manu pecunia est, munus a lingua favor.' 
 
 5—2 
 
68 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 can be no doubt as to his own position. The unworthiness of the 
 minister, in his view as in ours, hinders not the effect of the sacraments, 
 'which be effectual, because of Christ's institution and promise, although 
 they be ministered by evil men^.' 
 
 Abbot Gilbert dwells much on the arguments urged against the 
 validity of the sacramental ministrations of simoniacal persons in a 
 book which he knew as the ' De observatione episcoporum ' of Ambrose. 
 It is clear from the way in which he quotes from it that he has not a 
 copy before him as he writes ; for he prefaces his quotation by saying, 
 'si non eisdem verbis, eodem omnino sensu ista dicit.' In the Bee 
 library there were two copies of 'Ambrosius de observantia episco- 
 porum'; and we may safely assume that Gilbert was relying on his 
 recollection of one of these, and that he failed to reproduce the exact 
 title of the work. 
 
 The book is printed in the appendix to the works of St Ambrose 
 (Migne, P.L. xvii, col. 567: but in the reprint of Migne it is trans- 
 ferred to Gerbert's works) under the title De dignitate sacerdotali. Its 
 editor remarks that, though almost every manuscript of it has a dif- 
 ferent title, they all with one single exception assign it to St Ambrose, 
 to whom as internal evidence shews it cannot, in his opinion, possibly 
 belong. The single exception seems to point to the true authorship : 
 Sermo Gilberti philosophi, papae urbis Romae, qui cognominatus est 
 Silvester, de informatione episcoporum. It is accordingly assigned to 
 that remarkable personage, Gerbert, who as Pope Silvester occupied 
 the Roman see from A.D. 999 to 1003. 
 
 Unfortunately for this theory a large quotation from the treatise is 
 made by Abbo of Fleury in his Apologeticus, addressed to the kings 
 Hugh and Robert, the former of whom died in 996 : and Abbo gives 
 as its author 'beatus Ambrosius in sermone pastorali^.' Pfluck-Hart- 
 tung, who has pointed this out, gives back the tract to St Ambrose^; 
 and supposes that Gerbert may have worked it up for his own purposes 
 in the considerably modified form in which it appears in the one 
 exceptional MS which bears his name, and from which Mabillon edited 
 the text in Vetera Analecta, ii 103 ff. The reasons offered for the 
 Ambrosian authorship are by no means strong: possibly they are 
 capable of being reinforced. It should at any rate be noted that the 
 biblical quotations point to a pre-Hieronymian text. 
 
 1 See Article xxvi. 2 jiigng p. L. 139, col. 466. 
 
 * Neues Archiv der Gesellgchaft fur die dltere deutsche Geschichtskunde, i 587 £f. 
 
Literary Remains 
 
 69 
 
 The first half of the book is mainly an exposition of St Paul's 
 description of a bishop's qualifications: the second half is a vigorous 
 denunciation of the simony which was everywhere current in the 
 author's day. How shamelessly the practice was defended appears 
 from his statement that a bishop would say: It is true that I paid 
 the archbishop so much for my consecration: but otherwise I should 
 never have become a bishop at all. If I live, I shall ordain priests 
 and deacons, and out of the proceeds I shall rectify my account, so that 
 in the end I shall be able to say, See ! my bishopric cost me nothing ! 
 
 The words which Gilbert gives as conveying the author's arguments 
 do not occur together in the treatise, but are scattered over a con- 
 siderable passage which is of sufficient interest to be quoted in fulP. 
 
 Ita ut videas in ecclesia passim quos non merita sed pecuniae ad episcopatus 
 ordinem proveserunt: nugacem populum et indoctum, qui talem sibi adsciverunt 
 sacerdotem. quos si percunctari fideliter velis, quis eos praefecerit sacerdotes, 
 respondent mox et dicunt : Ab archiepiscopo sum nuper episcopus ordinatus, cen- 
 turaque ei solidos dedi ut episcopalem gratiam consequi meruissem : quos si minime 
 dedissem, hodie episcopus non essem : imde melius est mihi aurum de sacello 
 invehere quam tantum sacerdotium perdere. aurum dedi et episcopatum com- 
 paravi : quos tamen solidos, si vivo, recepturum me ilico non difl&do. ordino presby- 
 teros, consecro diaconos, et accipio aurum : nam et de aliis nihilominus ordinibus 
 pecuniae quaestum profligare confido. ecce et aurum quod dedi in meo sacello 
 recepi: episcopatum igitur gratis accepi. 
 
 Nempe hoc est quod doleo, quia archiepiscopus carnaliter episcopum fecit, nam 
 propter pecunias spiritaliter leprosum ordinavit. Pecunia, inquit, tua tecum sit 
 in perditionetn ; quia donum sancti spiritus gratiae pretio comparasti, et commercium 
 miserabile in animarum exitium peregisti. et nescii homines et indocti in ordi- 
 nationibus eonun clamant et dicunt, Dignus es et Justus es ; et conscientia misera, 
 Indignus es et injustus es, dicit. pronuntiat enim episcopus hujusmodi ad popu- 
 lum dicens : Pax vobis. oculis quidem carnalibus videtur quasi episcopus magnus, 
 et divinis obtutibus inspicitur leprosus magnus. per pecuniam acquisivit indebitum 
 ordinem, et apud deum perdidit interiorem hominem. caro suscepit dignitatem, 
 et anima perdidit honestatem. caro ancilla domina facta est animae, et anima quae 
 erat domina facta est famula carnis. caro dominatur popidis, et anima servit 
 daemoni. carni sacerdotium comparavit, et animae detrimentum paravit. et quid 
 prodest hujusmodi homini, si totum mundum lucretur et animae suae detrimentum 
 patietur? aut quam dabit homo commutationem pro anima sua? quod dedit cum 
 ordinaretur episcopus aurum fuit, et quod perdidit anima fuit. cum alium ordi- 
 uaret, quod accepit pecunia fuit, et quod dedit lepra fuit haec sunt mercimonia 
 iniquorum in pemiciem eorum. 
 
 Interrogo tamen fratrem et coepiscopum nostrum, quia et ego episcopus sum et 
 
 1 The first portion is in fact that which Abbo quotes, introducing it with the words : 
 'Beatus Ambrosius in sermone pastoraU, flendo potiua quam ridendo, post multa 
 subjuugit.' 
 
70 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 cum episcopo loquor. Die ergo mihi paulisper, frater episcope : cum dares pecuniam, 
 quid accepisti ? Gratiam episcopalem accepi. Ergo interrogo te : Haec gratia cur 
 tali vocabulo nuncupatur? respondet: Cur, inquis? ut reor, pro eo quod gratis 
 datur, ideo gratia vocitatur. Ergo si gratia gratis datur, et auro non aestimatur, 
 a te cur gratia pecuniis comparatur? respondet : Non, inquit, mihi daretur, si 
 pecuniis non emeretur ; nec episcopus fuissem ordinatus, si pecunias non dedissem. 
 Ergo, ut apparet ex responsionibus tuis, gratiam cum ordinareris non suscepisti, 
 quia gratuito eam non meruisti. et ideo, frater, si gratiam non accepisti, quomodo 
 episcopus effici potuisti ? nam et ad discipulos suos dominus dicit : Gratis accepistis, 
 gratis date, cur ergo gratuitam aestimasti te pretio possidere gratiam? nam, ut 
 video, aurum dans perdidisti, et gratiam sanctam non acquisisti. 
 
 Adhuc tamen semel adiciens fratrem perquiro episcopum, ne quid de approba- 
 mentis veridicis nos praetermisisse videamur : Quis dat, frater, episcopalem gratiam ? 
 deus an homo ? respondes sine dubio : Deus. sed tamen per hominem dat deus : 
 homo imponit manus, deus largitur gratiam : sacerdos imponit supplicem dexteram, 
 et deus benedicit potenti dextera : episcopus initiat ordinem, et deus tribuit digni- 
 tatem. 0 justitia, o aequitas ! si homini pecunia datur, qui nihil in ordine amplius 
 operatur nisi solum servitium quod ei creditur, cur deo totum negatur, qui ipsum 
 ordinem tibi largitur? justumne tibi videtur ut servus honoretur, et dominus 
 injuriam patiatur; et injuste accipiat sacerdos pecuniam, et deus patiatur ab 
 homine injuriam ? sed quia pro concesso ordine deus a te nihil exspectat, cur a te 
 sacerdos pecuniam impudenter exspectat? deus homini concedere voluit gratis, et 
 episcopus rapax pecuniam ab homine expetit : deus homini, ut certe benignus, 
 gratis donavit, et sacerdos malignus eum sine causa praedavit. quid enim hahes 
 quod non accepisti? si autem accepisti, quid gloriaris, quasi non acceperis ? 
 
 It will be found that Abbot Gilbert recalls not only the arguments 
 of this striking passage, but also nearly every one of its biblical quota- 
 tions^. He puts its reasonings very succinctly, and they lose little by 
 his abbreviation. He was prepared to give them full weight, but he was 
 convinced that there was another side to the question, and that the 
 ecclesiastical problem could not be settled by such arguments alone. 
 
 4. De Spiritu Sancto. 
 
 Our only knowledge of this treatise is derived from the Cottonian MS 
 mentioned above (p. 55). That it is a genuine work of Gilbert Crispin 
 will, I think, scarcely be questioned. The opening and closing para- 
 graphs are strong evidence of his authorship, and incidental confirmation 
 
 ' Gilbert frequently quotes scripture loosely. He has a wide knowledge of the Bible, 
 and he obviously trusts his memory in many of his quotations. In citing the text ' Quod 
 tetigerit immundus immundum erit,' he has reproduced the form in which Pope Innocent 
 bad quoted it in a passage immediately preceding that which is afterwards given in this 
 book. The Vulgate has (Num. xix 22) 'Quidquid tetigerit immundus immundum faciet' : 
 but Aug. Quaest. xxxiii de Num. (ad Jin.) has ' Omne quodcunque tetigerit illud inmundus 
 inmundum erit' [LXX larai]. 
 
Literary Remains 
 
 71 
 
 of this view is furnished by several other passages within the brief 
 compass of the tract. It begins with the following dedicatory letter 
 to Archbishop Anselm : 
 
 Domino et patri revereiulo ecclesiarum Angliae pastori A., frater G. abbas 
 Westmoiiasterii, quicquid rectori subditus potest optare jocundius. 
 
 De sacris paginis imdecunque apud nos sit quaestio, controversiae finis est ut 
 determinationi vestrae nostra committatur altercatio. quaerunt aliqui de spiritu 
 sancto, non id an deus sit : nam omnes Christiani credunt quia deus est pater, deus 
 est filius, deus est spiritus sanctus : sed qua relatione seu habitudine sanctus 
 spiritus dicatur patria et filii esse spiritus. quicquid enim id quod est alterius 
 dicitur esse, aliqua specie habitudinis ab eo necesse est id quod est esse, sub 
 persona igitm* interrogantis magistri et respondentia discipuli tractetur, quaeso, 
 haec nostra disceptatio. 
 
 M. Primo discutiamus an indubitanter dici et astrui possit, quod sanctus spiritus 
 dicatur patris et filii esse spiritus : deinde inquiramus qua habitudine id esse 
 dicatur. 
 
 D. Non fit quaestio inde, nec alicui fas est inde dubitare. audi ab ipso 
 Christo dictum ad discipulos : Non enim vos estis qui loquimini, sed spiritus patms 
 vestri.... 
 
 M. Pace tua dictum sit, non videtxir id adhuc posse concludi. numquid enim 
 quando ait apostolus: An experimentum vultis ejus qui in me loquitur Christxis? 
 intelligi voluit quod in eo personaliter loquebatur Christus \ sed loquitur in apostolo 
 Christus, quando apostolus ea loquitur quae loeutus est Christus.... 
 
 Several other proof texts are alleged, but the master refuses to 
 be satisfied, and forces his pupil to a more thoughtful consideration. 
 Presently, after the pupil has come to the end of a long piece of reason- 
 ing, the master replies: 
 
 M. Ne tacitumitate mea aliquod mihi praejudicium fiat, unam harum con- 
 sequentiaram concedo, alteram concedere non audeo ; sed induxisti nos in laqueum 
 et in condensam silvam quaestionum.... 
 
 A careful discussion follows, in which the master refuses to accept 
 the loose argumentation of the pupil in reference to the Procession of 
 the Holy Spirit ; and the pupil in despair challenges him to remove the 
 stumbling-blocks which he has placed in the way of his faith. More 
 accurate definition follows, and at the end the pupil presses a new 
 question as to why the Incarnation of the Son should not involve the 
 Incarnation of the Father and the Spirit also. Here however the master 
 checks him, and closes the discussion: 
 
 M. Noli altum sapere sed time ; et oportet te ad sobrietatem sapere^. 
 
 D. Fateor me sapere ad sobrietatem, quia indubitanter credo esse et trinitatem 
 in unitate et unitatem in trinitate : et, si non intelligo id quomodo sit, credo tamen 
 firmissime quia sit. 
 
 » Eo. xi. 20, xii. 3. 
 
72 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 We shall presently see that the phrase ' Pace tua dictum sit ' occurs 
 in a somewhat similar context at the beginning of the tract De cam 
 diaholi. The illustration of the Holy Trinity by the Nile (which is 
 'fons, rivus et lacus/ and yet not three Niles, but one Nile) is found 
 both in this tract and in the Disputation with a Gentile. 
 
 Gilbert draws to a considerable extent upon St Augustine De 
 Trinitate. The following references may be of use to a future student of 
 his work : De Trin. v 10 [ed. Ben. viii 838] 'Tamen cum quaeritur quid 
 tres, magna prorsus inopia humanum laborat eloquium. dictum est 
 tamen t?-es peisonae, non ut illud diceretur, sed ne taceretur': vi 12 
 [ib. 851] 'oportet igitur — apparet vestigium': vii 7 858] ' et dum 
 intelligatur saltem in aenigmate quod dicitur, placuit ita dici — verius 
 enim cogitatur deus quam dicitur, et verius est quam cogitatur.' 
 
 5 — 8. Minor pieces. 
 The treatise De casu diaholi begins thus : 
 
 Interrogatio. De angelo perdito Veritas dicit in evangelio : In veritate non 
 stetit.... 
 
 Responsio. Pace tua dictum sit, res confuse et permixta ponis... 
 This topic is soon followed by questions on freewill, man's creation 
 to supply the place of the fallen angels, and the use of ' unitas ' and 
 ' numerus ' in respect to the godhead. Presently we pass without any 
 clear break in the manuscript to a discussion of the Eucharist (see 
 above, p. 57 note): 
 
 Quod de altaris sacramento fides catholica credit et tenet, teneo et credo : scilicet 
 quod panis et vinum quae ofFeruntur sacerdoti ad consecrandum, per sacerdotalem 
 consecrationem fiunt substantialiter corpus et sanguis Christi, manente priori forma 
 et qualitate panis et vini. credo item et teneo quod ipsum corpus Christi, quod ab 
 altari sumptum comeditur, resurgens a mortuis jam non moritur, et nulla comestionis 
 lesione corrumpitur. credo item et teneo quod uuum et idem numero est corpus 
 hoc et illud..., Quaero itaque utrum haec, quae fide indubitata ita credimus esse, 
 aliqua ipsius naturae potentia ita posse esse possimus demonstrare.... 
 
 The little tract De anima is a modest enquiry as to the origin of the 
 soul of an infant. The creationist and traducianist hypotheses are dis- 
 cussed in simple language, and the preference is given to the latter, not 
 on any grounds of philosophy, but for the reason that the theory of the 
 atonement requires that the soul of Christ should have its ultimate 
 derivation from the soul of the first man Adam. If the one stood in 
 no relation to the other, it is inconceivable how the suffering of the one 
 should atone for the sin of the other. The difficulty that original sin 
 
Literary Remains 
 
 73 
 
 would have thus been transmitted to the soul of Christ is met in the 
 following noteworthy sentences: 
 
 Sola consilii siii sapientia deus ex nichilo creavit omnia, qui ergo ex non 
 existentibus fecit existentia, ex ipsa jam exiatenti materia potest assumere massam 
 de massa sine assumptae alicujiis infectionis macula, de came peccati cum peccato 
 sumpta est caro beatae Mai-iae matris Christi : tamen de ipsa came matris Christi 
 sumpta est sine peccato caro Christi. si hoc ipsum de anima vult facere omni- 
 poteutia dei, potest si vult ex anima de traduce peccati sumpta aliam sumere 
 animam de eadem massa sine peccati culpa et fermenti macula. 
 
 These words shew that on a question which was to be much debated 
 in the next generation Gilbert held the same view as his master 
 Anselm. 
 
 The tract has interest also for its simple statements on the Atone- 
 ment. As to the main question which he has proposed, Gilbert only 
 professes to have answered it in a tentative manner: 'de hac quaestione 
 multi multa dixerunt atque scripserunt ; sed adhuc manet illud dictum 
 antiquum : Grammatici certant, et adhuc sub judice lis est.' 
 
 The Sermon for Palm Sunday begins : 
 
 Exigit solempnitas hodiema...et processionis sacrae facies insolita, ut de Sacra- 
 mento hujus diei dicamus vobis prout deus dederit.... 
 
 The Versus ad Anselmum are printed below, p. 83. 
 
 9. Disputation of a Christian imth a Gentile. 
 
 The opening passage of this treatise represents so curious a scene, 
 that it is worth while to transcribe it in full. 
 
 A duobus philosophis sumpta erat disputatio de unius dei cultu et verae fidei 
 unitate. noveram locum, sed non praesumebam ire, quia multus erat et varius 
 exitus viae, summonuit me quidam illuc ire et verae fidei assertiones audire. 
 obtendi meam debilitatem totque viarum dubiam mihi varietatem. promisit du- 
 catum, porrexit manum et amica me violentia coepit trahere post se. tandem 
 venimus ad diversorium quod videbamus. intravit ille domum, quia erat de in- 
 traneis : extra remansi, quia eram de extraneis ; circa ostium consedi, quia eram 
 notus de ostiariis uni. 
 
 Considebant ibi plures litterati homines, et, ut mihi videbatur, logicae disci- 
 plinae studens. nam quaestio ista inter eos tunc erat : quomodo sit accipiendum 
 quod Aristotiles ait : Non existentibus primis substantiis impossibile est ahquid 
 aUorum esse. Porphirius enim et alii astruunt philosophi quod ea quae sunt 
 individua non tollunt secum species ac genera, species vero ac genera tollunt secum 
 individua. individua dicit Aristotiles esse primas substantias ; et secundas sub- 
 stantias dicit esse species ac genera. 
 
74 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 Altera inter duos alios juxta me habebatur quaestio, videlicet utrum grammatica 
 sit logica. nam si grammatica non est logica, non erunt tres logicae artis species 
 nec septem liberales artes. sed constitutivae partes cuj usque generis sunt consti- 
 tutivae partes speciei ejusdem generis, inventio et judicium sunt constitutivae 
 partes logicae : erunt igitur et grammaticae, aut grammatica non erit species 
 logicae. at de inventione et judicio in disciplinis grammaticae nusquam fit sermo. 
 grammatica itaque non videtur ars esse naturalis, nec logica, nec ars liberalis. 
 
 Harum quaestionum expectabam solutionem ; sed mox melioris causae suscepi- 
 mus actionem, ecce ab eis qui erant intus venit ad nos qui eramus foris persona 
 dignae speciei. paucis et gravibus verbis silentium jussit fieri, et ut intenti (in- 
 tendi cod.) ac debita reverentia quae intus dicebantur audierimus imperavit. propius 
 accessi, intro aspexi, et introivi. sermo erat inter duos magnae famae sed diversae 
 sectae philosophos. unus erat gentilis et Christianae fidei sub rationis executione 
 callidus impugnator : alter erat e contra veris assertionibus ejusdem fidei expug- 
 nator. sic itaque gentilis ille intulit.... 
 
 If this philosophers' club with its inner and outer circles be not 
 altogether a fiction of the imagination, it shews us an unsuspected side 
 of the London life of Abbot Gilbert's day. No doubt there is an 
 imaginary element in the dialogue, and perhaps the 'Gentile philosopher' 
 is an anachronism : yet we can imagine that he might have found 
 toleration under Rufus, who is said to have encouraged public dispu- 
 tations between Christians and Jews, and to have sworn with his usual 
 oath that he would join the latter if they got the better of the argu- 
 ment. The abbot's weak health and his unwillingness to venture 
 himself in the perilous maze of the streets seem realistic touches. 
 If the picture is a fancy one, it is at any rate an evidence of learning 
 and literary skill. 
 
 The opponent of Christianity begins by asserting that the ancient 
 poets while they oflfered pleasant fables to the vulgar taught deep truths 
 to those who could understand them. Man must act under the guidance 
 of reason and justice, and ever remember what is due to God his 
 Creator. 
 
 The Christian philosopher at once quotes scripture on ' the whole 
 duty of man.' But his opponent objects to arguments from sacred 
 writings, and demands reason rather than authority. Christians profess, 
 he says, that the author of their scriptures and the Jewish scriptures is 
 one and the same; and yet neither will Christians keep the Jewish 
 law, nor Jews the Christian. He will have no arguments based on the 
 authority of the scriptures. 
 
 The Christian accepts his terms, and proceeds to argue, on grounds 
 of reason only, for the unity and against the plurality of deity. In his 
 reply the opponent with a naive inconsistency objects that the Christian 
 
Literary Renmins 
 
 75 
 
 speaks of the immutability of the deity, but his scriptures speak of 
 changes in the divine intentions: 'Haec est mutatio dexterae excelsi ' ; 
 and he instances in particular the Deluge. The Christian replies with 
 the illustration of the gentler and severer methods of the same physi- 
 cian, who is not cruel when his treatment causes pain. The objector is 
 satisfied on this point, but proceeds to attack the doctrines of the 
 Incarnation and the Trinity. 
 
 After much interesting discussion, in which he has made many 
 admissions, the objector declares that no argument can ever convince 
 him of the doctrine of the Trinity; and he sadly and respectfully takes 
 his leave. Thereupon the rest of the audience, who are Christians, beg 
 that so great a master will not leave them uninstructed in those deeper 
 reasons for the Catholic Faith which could not properly be proposed to 
 an unbeliever. 
 
 One of their number having agreed to state the difficulties as an 
 enquiring disciple, the master proceeds. A discussion follows in which 
 among other points the gradual revelation of the Faith through the 
 teachers of the Old Covenant, through our Lord Himself, and through 
 the apostles and the later doctors of the Church, is skilfully drawn out, 
 and the necessity of belief in accordance with available knowledge in 
 each period is emphasized. 
 
 The closing sentences may be quoted, as illustrating the temper of 
 Anselm's pupil. 
 
 Qui ergo deitatis unitatem et in deitatis uuitate personariim iutelligit esse 
 trinitatem, agat deo gratias : et qui capere non potest, ita esse indubitanter credat. 
 in parvulis vero baptizatis, quorum aetas et sensus ad haec capienda minime potest 
 assurgere, et in laicis qui sunt idiotae catholici, fides et baptismus sahitem operatur ; 
 sicut promittit ipse dominus : Qui crediderit et baptizatus fuerit, salvus erit. gratias 
 deo, qui omnibus nobis dedit hoc refugium vitae et salutis. 
 
 So this Disputation ends. But in the manuscript it is followed at 
 once by a short exposition ^ of the meaning of Septuagesima, the period 
 of seventy days which comes to a close on the Saturday in Easter week, 
 on which day a duplex Alleluia is sung. Whether Gilbert is its author 
 or not, the exposition is worth transcribing for its liturgical 'interest. 
 
 Legitur quod fihi Israel septuaginta annis peregrinati sub rege Babiloniae : septua- 
 gesimo vero anno data est eis hcentia revertendi, et reversi sunt ab exilio in patriam, 
 a Babilone in Jerusalem, in memoriam cujus peregrinationis et reversionis nos 
 
 1 It is preceded by Gentilis (rubricated) as if it were a continuation of the Disputation : 
 but this is due to the ignorance of the scribe, who has already used Gentilis for the 
 Christian disciple who takes up the discussion after the Gentile philosopher has departed. 
 
76 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 etiam in praesenti ecclesia septuagesimam celebramus, partim in dolore in signum 
 peregrinationis, partim in gaudio in signum reversionis. 
 
 Habet autem haec septuagesima iiiitium a Circiimdederunt me, et peragitur cum 
 luctu et maerore usque ad sexagesimum tertium diem, qui est sabatum paschale. 
 deinde in gaudio procedit usque ad octavum diem, id est, ad sabatum quod est 
 in ebdomada paschae, ubi est terminus septuagesimae. hoc autem totum fit in 
 figuram peregrinationis quam in praesenti vita habemus, in qua peregrinamur a 
 domino, longe a patria in regionem dissimilitudinis recedentes, civibus Babiloniae 
 admixti corpore etsi non mente. tota enim praesens vita non patria sed exilium 
 est. 
 
 In figuram cujus peregrinationis pars septuagesimae in jejuuio et luctu cele- 
 bratur, usque ad sabatum paschale, ubi per baptismum datur repatriandi licentia, 
 quando veterera hominem deponimus et novum induimus : et ideo dies ille baptismo 
 est consecratus. et quia post acceptam licentiam jam laeti surnus spe redeundi, 
 ideo statira cantamus canticum domino, scilicet Alleluia: Confitemini domino. 
 sed quoniam nondum Babiloniam exivimus, sed exilio tenemur, mente tamen 
 suspirantes ad patriam, et interim quia grandis restat via difficultatem itineris 
 abhorrentes ; quia, inquam, hoc est, post canticum tractum, post Alleluia Laudate 
 subjungimus. deinde vero in sequenti dominica, quae pascha dicitur, incipimus 
 proficisci et cum filiis Israel ab exilio transire in patriam, et quia illis sex diebus 
 a die paschae in itinere gradimur, ideo per totam septimanam illam graduale 
 cantatur, Haec dies quam fecit dominus. sed quoniam, licet nondum pervenerimus, 
 tamen quodammodo gaudeamus spe futuri, ideo post graduale sequitur Alleluia. 
 septimo autem die, quae est octava a sabato paschali, jam laeti re praesenti, jam 
 potiti patria, et tractum tq...t graduale omnino deponimus, et in siginim perfectae 
 laeti tiae duplex Alleluia decantamus. 
 
 Vel possimus dicere quod tota volubilitas hujus saeculi, quod per sex dies vel 
 per sex aetates discurrit, sit quasi una septuagesima, in quam per peccatum primi 
 parentis ejecti a patria exulamus. sed in morte cujusque, cum anima a carcere 
 corporis solvitur, datur licentia repatriandi, turn anima exuta a corpore in aeternam 
 beatitudinem resurgit ; et ideo psalmus ille, qui dicitur canticum pro verbo trans- 
 migrationis 1, scilicet Te decet ymnus, deus, in Sion praecipue cantatur in exequiis 
 mortuoruni. sed quia quandoque per jjurgatorium ignem transeundum est, et quia 
 corpus in sua foeditate permanens corrumpitur, ideo nondum est perfecta laetitia 
 usque ad octavam quae erit in finem, revolutis vii diebus vel vii aetatibus praesentis 
 saeculi ; scilicet, cum corruptibile hoc induerit incorruptionem, et mortale corpus 
 fiet immortale ; et sic duplicem stolam habebimus. et ideo in sabato quod est 
 in octavis paschae cantatur duplex Alleluia, cum in praecedenti sabato simplex 
 cantaretur. . 
 
 ' In the heading of Ps. Ixiv (Vulg.) we have ' populo transmigrationis ' ; but ' de verbo 
 peregrinationis ' is found in mss of the ' Gallican Psalter.' 
 
VI. Correspondence. 
 
 1. Lanfranc to Gilbert. 
 
 Dilectissimo suo G. dilectissimus suus Lanfrancus dilectionis coeptae 
 felicem perseverantiam. 
 
 Fratres quos, carissime frater, litteris edocendos bonisque moribus 
 instruendos praecipue transmisi, honeste et secundum voluntatem meam 
 tractari quorundam relatione cognovi : pro qua re gratias benignitati 
 tuae refero, et ut coeptis insistas, si tamen admonitione indiges, admo- 
 nere te cupio. carissimum mihi fratris mei filium, fratrem videlicet 
 tuum, caritati tuae commendo, rogans sicut rogari oportet a me jocun- 
 dissiraum filium fratremque meum, quatenus cum magna jocunditate 
 animi tui eum diligas et ad vitam laudabilem pro viribus tuis informare 
 non desinas. fratrem tuum propterea dixi ilium, quoniam revera sic ^ 
 esse volo multumque rogo : nam et revera venerabilis mater tua, sicut 
 mihi relatum est, filium suum eundem vocare dignatur, cum ilia de 
 excellentissimo genere, iste humili loco sit natus, proculdubio receptura 
 ab eo mercedem suam qui dixit: Qui se humiliat exaltabitur. crucem 
 cum reliquiis fraternitatis tuae oculis dum missam celebras conspicien- 
 dam tibi transmitto, quam perpetuae amicitiae monumentum inter te 
 et ipsum esse desidero. 
 
 Magno gaudio me replesti quia promissionem in pueritia factam in 
 juventute adhuc per divinam misericordiam te servare scripsisti: quam 
 si ad finem illaesam perduxeris, terribilem aliis judicem pi-oculdubio 
 cum magna securitate videbis. omnipotens deus cordi tuo per sancti 
 spiritus sui inspirationem inserere dignetur quatenus in omni aetate 
 tua sic me diligas, sicut in pueritia et adolescentia tua quondam diligere 
 me solebas: et ipse te benedicat atque ab omnibus peccatis propitiatus 
 absolvat. 
 
 Lanfranc, Ep. 45. Written while Gilbert was at Bee, c. 1074. See above, p. 9. 
 1 D'Achery (Lanfranci 0pp. p. 323) has : 'quem {al. quoniam) revera sibi.' 
 
78 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 2. Anselm to Lanfranc. 
 
 Domino et patri reverendo archiepiscopo Lanfranco frater Anselmus 
 servus servorum dei Becci remanentiura, cum eisdem dominis suis, quod 
 domino fideles servi, quod reverendo patri reverentes filii. 
 
 De domno Gisleberto, ut eum vobis mitteremus, vestrae satisfecimus 
 jussioni: quod autem tardius quam jussistis, verum est quod non est 
 factum negligentia, sed ob multa quae nunc enarrare longum est im- 
 pedimenta, sed scitote quia, si quis fecerit ut ipse in Anglorum terra 
 remaneat, nimis grave et majus quam breviter dici possit damnum in 
 praesenti et in futuro interius et exterius ecclesiae nostrae et tristitiam 
 faciet. quapropter precamur et obsecramus quantum salva justitia et 
 vestrae sanctitatis reverentia nobis licet, per pietatem et per caritatem 
 quam erga nos vestram semper habere paternitatem cognovimus, ut si 
 absque dei voluntatis obviatione fieri posse videritis, potius fratribus 
 et amicis desiderantibus ad certam suam salutem et aliorum utilitatem 
 per vestram instantiam reddatur, quam quibuslibet alienis ad periculum 
 sui damni et illorum utilitatem dubiam ingeratur. breviter quod 
 multum volumus et expedire credimus obsecramus; quia sapientiae 
 vestrae pauca verba sufficere non ignoramus, quod si divinam disposi- 
 tionem nostrae sic resistere petitioni vestra cognoverit prudentia, ut 
 aliter fieri necesse sit, quod mihi si praesens essem vestra prudentia de 
 re ipsa concedere aut facere consuleret, vestrae committo potestati. 
 
 Anselm, Epp. ii 13. Probably written at the end of 1079, soon after Anselm's 
 return from his first visit to England. See above, p. 9. 
 
 3. Anselm to Gilbert 
 
 Domno, fratri, amico, dilecto dilectori Gilberto frater Anselmus, 
 quod scribere non valet. 
 
 Dulcia mihi sunt, amice dulcissime, munera dulcedinis tuae ; sed 
 nequaquam consolari possunt desolatum de te cor meum a desiderio 
 dilectionis tuae. certe si mittas omnem aromatum odorem, omnem 
 metallorum nitorem, omnem lapidum pretiositatem, omnem texturae 
 varietatem, renuet, immo non poterit, consolari a scissura sua, nisi 
 recepta altera parte sua scissa anima mea. testis est angor cordis mei 
 hoc ipsum cogitantis, testes lacrimae obtenebrantes oculos et rigantes 
 faciem et digitos id ipsum scribentes. et quidem tu sciebas sicut ego 
 ipse erga te dilectionem meam. sed utique ego ipse nesciebam eam: 
 qui nos scidit ab invicem, ills me docuit quantum te diligerem. vere 
 
Correspondence 
 
 79 
 
 non habet homo scientiam boni vel mali, qui non experitur utrumque. 
 nesciebam enim, non expertus absentiam tuam, quam dulce mihi erat 
 esse tecum, quam amarum sine te esse, sed tu habes ex ipsa nostra 
 disjunctione praesentem alterum quem non minus aut certe plus amas: 
 mihi vero tu, tu inquam, es ablatus et nullus pro te oblatus. te igitur 
 in consolatione tua gaudente, solum mihi vulnus remansit in mente. 
 forsitan gaudentes de te oflfenduntur a me ista tibi dicente. sed si 
 ipsi gaudent quod desiderant tenentes, cur prohibent vel dolere quod 
 semper amat perdentem ? ex se excusent me, si me vident in sc. alio- 
 quin vel tu intellige quam compatienter, quam consolanter ipsi haec 
 faciant; et unde mitescat dolor meus, quera nemo vult consolari qui 
 potest, nemo potest qui vult. sed ille qui omnia quae vult potest sic 
 consoletur me, ut nullum contristet ; sic nullum contristet, ut amorem 
 tui integrum ubique conservet. amen. 
 
 Anselm, Epp. i 75. Written when Gilbert was with Lanfranc, c. 1080. 
 
 4. Anselm to Gilbert. 
 
 Suo dilectissimo, olim divina dispositione filio, nunc dei gratia 
 coabbati, Gisleberto frater Anselmus, in hac vita diu sancte vivere cum 
 prosperitate, in futura feliciter cum aetemitate. 
 
 Etsi tarde propter aegritudinem impedientem dilecto dilectori meo 
 pro nova sibi divinitus data gratia scribo, non tamen tepide quantum 
 ad voluntatis benevolentiam pertinet, dico : Gloria in altissimis deo, et 
 in terra gaudium hominibus bonae voluntatis; qui judicium suum de te 
 manifestavit, quod hactenus apud se occultum, licet semper de te pro 
 humana aestimatione bona crederemus, servavit. in eo namque vitae 
 proposito, in quo te custodiendo semper ejus gratia sapientia erudivit 
 et in sanctitate nutrivit, patrem et doctorem pastoremque animarum 
 te constituit. multo enim melius de te sperandum est et de similibus 
 tuis quorum vita est in sancta conversatione nutrita, quam de me et de 
 similibus meis quorum vita olim est saeculari conversatione detrita. 
 de vobis enim sperandum est, cum ad aliorum curam promoveraini, 
 quod dum et alios ad vestri similitudinem instruitis justitia vestra 
 perficiatur : de nobis vero timendum est, cum tanto pondere gravamur, 
 ne injustitia nostra occulto dei judicio augeatur. quanto igitur melius 
 est de tua sanctitate in suscepto officio sperandum, tanto magis est et 
 securius de tibi concessa gratia gaudendum. omnipotens deus, qui te 
 custodem aliorum constituit, ipse te sua gratia sic adjuvet et custodiat 
 ut pro tua et illorum justitia aeternam tibi beatitudinem retribuat. 
 Anselm, Epp. ii 16. Shortly after Gilbert's appointment to Westminster, 1085. 
 
80 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 5. Anselm to Gilbert. 
 
 Amico fratri, domino patri, dilecto dilectori, reverendo abbati Gisle- 
 berto frater Anselmus, perseverantem in longa vita cum prosperitate 
 sanctitatem, et indeficientem in aeternitate felicitatem. 
 
 Si velim scribere mutuae nostrae dilectionis affectum, timeo ne aut 
 videar ab ignorantibus veritatem excedere, aut necesse sit aliquid veri- 
 tati subtrahere. qui affectus quantus et quam verus sit, cum multum 
 cognoscerem quando sese oculo ad oculum, osculo ad osculum, amplexu 
 ad amplexum ostenderet, nunc multo magis experior cum abesse ilium 
 irrecuperabiliter in quo tanta jocunditate delectabar intueor. sicut 
 enim abundans nescit quid sit indigenti, ut qui deliciis affluit ignorat 
 quid sit esurienti, ita qui amico fruitur non sentit languorem animae 
 carentis. quoniam ergo nec scribi sufficienter potest quid nobis in- 
 vicem sit, nec ignoranti loquor, his interim omissis oro vobiscum ut 
 aliquando nos invicem videntes oculo ad oculum, osculo ad osculum, 
 amplexu ad amplexum, non oblitum amorem recolamus. 
 
 De his autem quae de vitae suae conversatione caritas vestra mihi 
 dignata est exponere, gratias ago deo quia nihil ibi videre possum quod 
 non sit laudabile. de fratre illo quern in claustrum reduxistis, quod 
 vultis donee vobis aut nobis aliter videatur concedo; sed occulta ejus 
 vestra discutiens prudentia prout judicaverit illi consulat. de damno 
 vestro quod mandastis miror et condoleo. quod dignatur vestra caritas 
 excusare se, quia non potest modo facere quod vellet, gratias ago vestrae 
 dignationi et bonae voluntati. de domno Lanfranco nihil melius scivi 
 aut potui, quam quod in Anglia feci et dixi. valete. 
 
 Anselm, Epp. ii 36. The younger Lanfranc is here referred to. 
 
 6. Anselm to Gilbert. 
 
 Domino servus, amico amicus, dilecto dilectus, domno abbati Gisle- 
 berto frater Anselmus, sempiternum gaudere. 
 
 Si sane, si bene, si prospere cuncta sunt erga domnum abbatem 
 Gislebertum dilectum dilectorem meum, vere inde gaudet cor meum, 
 quia certe sic est desiderium meum. si dilectionem et beneficia quae 
 nobis et nostris rebus impenditis alienus alienis impenderet, utique 
 gratiarum magnam actionem in scriptis et voce exhiberemus ne 
 deficeret. sed quoniam hoc ille facit de quo nunquam possumus 
 desperare, sufficere credimus majores gratias cum semper prompta 
 voluntate, praesertim cum hoc ipsum non ignoretis, indesinenter in 
 
Cwrespondence 
 
 81 
 
 cordis area servare. scio quia vestra dilectio quomodo se habeat status 
 noster desiderat cognoscere: qui deo protegente, secundum modum 
 nostrum et secundum teraporis hujus varietatem, in cunctis bene esset 
 et prospere, nisi quia cum nuper in Francia essera aliis quibusdam 
 affectum laboribus levis quaedam febris subito irruens plus me terruit 
 quam laesit. sed cum videret mentem meam intentissime conversam 
 ut ad amicos nostros pro auxilio mitterem orationum, exterrita bis 
 tactum fugit exterritum. unde aliquamdiu post passus sum cum 
 edendi fastidio dormiendi difficultatem et membrorum majorem im- 
 becillitatem. 
 
 Dominos et fratres nostros, dilectissimos filios vestros, quanta possum 
 devotione saluto ; de quorum erga me dulci dilectione re mihi cognita 
 quoties recogito exulto. de Ricardo serviente vestro, qui vos in 
 Angliam secundum jussionem vestram secutus est, vellem vestram si 
 vobis non displiceret benignitatem rogare ; quoniam quem deus suo 
 judicio ab impacto crimine excusavit, si ipse ab incepto fideli servitio 
 non deficit, jam nihil est quod bonae vestrae voluntati quam de eo 
 incepistis debeat obviare. Justus [/or.s. justum] enim est, et plus 
 decet honestatis vestrae auctoritatem, ut vestra constantia cujuslibet 
 perversitatis impetus circa ilium repellat, quam ut aliena non lauda- 
 bilis pertinacia laudabilem intentionem benevolentiae vestrae reflectat. 
 valeat semper dulcis mihi vestra dilectio. 
 
 Ansehn, Epp. ii 47. Anselm writes a similar letter to Gilbert, abbot of Caen 
 (n 44) : from which we learn that he was returning from Caen and hoping to reach 
 Bee before the feast of St Benedict (21 March, or the Translation 11 July), but was 
 delayed by business in France. 
 
 7. Gilbert to Anselm. 
 
 Reverendo patri et domino Anselmo sanctae Cantuariensis ecclesiae 
 archiepiscopo suus servus et filius, frater Gislebertus, Westmonasterii 
 coenobii procurator et servus, prosperam in hac vita diuturnitatem et 
 beatam in futura aeternitatem. 
 
 Patemitati et prudentiae tuae discutiendum mitto libellum quem 
 nuper scripsi, paginae commendans quae Judaeus quidam olim mecum 
 disputans contra fidem nostram de lege sua proferebat, et quae ego ad 
 objecta illius pro fide nostra respondebam. nescio unde ortus, sed apud 
 Maguntiam litteris educatus, legis et litterarum etiam nostrarum bene 
 sciens erat et exercitum in scripturis atque disputationibus contra nos 
 ingenium habebat. plurimum mihi familiaris saepe ad me veniebat, 
 B. c. 6 
 
82 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 turn negotii sui causa, turn me videndi gratia, quoniam in aliquibus illi 
 multum necessarius eram ; et quotiens conveniebamus mox de scrip- 
 turis ac de fide nostra sermonem amico animo habebamus. 
 
 Quadam ergo die solito majus mihi et illi deus otium concessit, 
 et mox unde solebamus inter nos quaestionari coepimus. et quoniam 
 quae opponebat convenienter satis et consequenter opponebat, et ea 
 quae opposuerat non minus convenienter prosequendo explicabat; nostra 
 vero responsio vicino satis pede ad proposita illius respondebat et scrip- 
 turarum aequo testimonio nitens eidem ipsi concessu facilis esse vide- 
 batur et approbanda; rogaverunt qui aderant ut memoriae darem 
 banc nostram disceptatiunculam, fortasse aliquibus profuturam. scripsi 
 ergo: et, tacito mei et ipsius nomine, scripsi sub persona Judaei cum 
 Christiano de fide nostra disceptantis ; scriptumque et exaratum hoc 
 opus tuae transmitto examinandum censurae. 
 
 Si res approbanda est, tuo placebit approbata judicio; si vero 
 respuenda est, seu tota seu pars ejus aliqua, quidquid respuendum erit 
 accipite amico dictum in aure, et quia soli amico innotuit silentio 
 supprimatur nec alicui haec ad legendum pagina communicetur : salvo 
 quidem amore mutuo et integra prorsus pace mutua deleatur quidquid 
 delendum esse tibi placuerit, aut corrigatur si quid est quod corrigi posse 
 tibi visum fuerit. fateor quamlibet protuleris sententiam animo libenti 
 excipiam et aure obtemperanti audiam. 
 
 Tamen quidam ex Judaeis qui tunc Londoniae erant, opitulante 
 misericordia dei, ad fidem Christianam se convertit apud Westmonas- 
 terium, coram omnibus fidem Christi professus baptismum petiit, 
 accepit, et baptizatus deo se inibi serviturum devovit, et monachus 
 factus nobiscum remansit. 
 
 Sic ergo Judaeus ille disputator, aliis pluribus interpositis, me 
 provocando adorsus est. 
 
 This is the dedicatory epistle prefixed to the famous Disputation of a Jew with 
 a Christian. Where the text differs from that printed in Migne P. L. 159, col. 1005, 
 I have followed the readings of Titus D xvi. There are two notable omissions in 
 Brit. Mus. Add. 8166 ; it omits the words ' sanctae Cantuariensis ecclesiae archi- 
 episcopo,' and also the account of the conversion of the London Jew ('tamen 
 quidam ex Judaeis... nobiscum remansit'). These omissions suggest that we have 
 in this MS an earlier form of the work, written before Anselm became archbishop. 
 See further, p. 54 above. 
 
Correspondence 
 
 Quae modulando 
 clara solebat 
 dicere laudes 
 fistula vestras, 
 
 5 murmure rauco 
 nunc canit, atque 
 lugubris extat: 
 dicit et Unde 
 vos ab ovili, 
 
 10 pastor, abestis ? 
 grex duce nullo 
 devius errat : 
 nemo reducit : 
 pascua quaerit ; 
 
 15 et, quia quae sunt 
 commoda nescit, 
 noxia sumit ; 
 morbidus ergo 
 et moribundus 
 
 20 omnis habetur. 
 
 Insidiosus 
 circuit hostis ; 
 spectat ovilis 
 septa relicti : 
 
 25 undique liber 
 intrat et exit, 
 exit et intrat: 
 nemo repellit. 
 ille lupinas 
 
 30 intus agendo 
 exerit iras : 
 nemo resistit. 
 
 Omnia sternit; 
 cuncta necantur, 
 35 debile, pingue, 
 agnus ovisque. 
 quippe luporum 
 nil satis extat 
 ingluviei : 
 
 8. Gilbert to Ansehn. 
 
 40 non satis esse 
 aestimat unus 
 milia mille. 
 accipe plures 
 intus adesse, 
 
 45 atque videto 
 quanta relicti 
 undique strages 
 fiat ovilis. 
 
 Creditor, inquam 
 50 ilia requiret : 
 nam sua quaerit 
 credita quisque. 
 vos, ut opinor, 
 restituetis ; 
 55 quippe fuerunt 
 credita vobis. 
 debita reddi 
 nemo refellit: 
 ergo timendum. 
 
 60 Milia quippe 
 multa requirit, 
 quae sub ovili 
 credita vestro 
 perdita fiunt. 
 
 65 Anglia tota, 
 gens populosa: 
 Scotia tota : 
 insula longe 
 longior illis, 
 
 70 gens numerosa, 
 sunt et Hiberni 
 quando revisa 
 regna perampla 
 ista fuere ? 
 
 75 nemo revisit: 
 annus et anni 
 praeteriere : 
 ergo timendum. 
 
84 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 For this epistolary poem, which is entitled in the manuscript Ad Amelmum 
 archiepiscopum, see above pp. 22 and 54. I subjoin the following variants : 
 2 solebat] sedebat MS. 
 18 morbidus] moribus MS. 
 23 ovilis] ovile MS. 
 
 65 — 72 The ms has these lines thus (reading across the page): 
 Anglia tota Gens populosa .a. 
 
 Scotia tota Insula longe 
 
 Sunt et hiberni Quando revisa 
 Longior illis Gens numerosa .b. 
 
 The scribe has attempted to rectify the disorder : but plainly it is the last two 
 lines that require transposition. 
 
 77 praeteriere] preterire ms. 
 
VITA DOMNI HERLUINI ABBATIS BECCENSIS 
 LIBER DOMNI GISLEBERTI ABBATIS DE SIMONIACIS 
 SELECTED CHARTERS WITH NOTES 
 
VITA DOMNI HERLUINI ABBATIS BECCENSIS. 
 
 Herluin re- 
 nounced the 
 world, when 
 it was most 
 attractive. 
 
 His noble 
 origin. 
 
 He is trained 
 under Gilbert 
 count of 
 Brionne. 
 
 His prowess, 
 
 and mag- 
 nanimity. 
 
 QUONIAM in re militari quae quis memoratu digna egit scripto 
 eduntur ad posteritatis exhortationem, et laudibus attoUuntur 
 prout ingenium scriptoris et facundia praestat, silentio supersederi 
 non debet ad divinae virtutis gloriam et magnae in deum fidei 
 formam, quae in satellitio Christi nostra memoria praeclare egit 
 abbas venerabilis Herluinus Beccensis ; cujus virtutis hoc ad 
 quendam titulum praescribatur, quia mundum sibi jocundissime 
 ad votum arridentem ea aetate penitus recusavit qua vehementius 
 alii se ingerunt recusanti, et in qua patria tunc incolumem armis 
 inilitem abrogatis monachum fieri portentum habebatur. 
 
 A Danis qui Normanniam primi obtinuere pater ejus originem 
 duxit ; mater proximam ducum Flandriae consanguinitatem attigit; 
 Ansgotus ille, ista Helois nomen habebat. Gilebertus Brionnensis 
 comes, primi Ricardi Normanniae ducis nepos ex filio consule 
 Godefrido, ilium enutritum penes se inter omnes curiae suae 
 primates habuit acceptissime. habilis ille ad arma plurimum 
 erat, nec minori ea animositate gestabat. onmes omnium totius 
 Normanniae majorum familiae in electis ilium habebant, in armis 
 omnique rei militaris usu et cultu corporis sui attoUebant. ab 
 inhonestis avertebat animum, honestis quae curiae magni faciunt 
 impendebat omne studium. domi ac militiae commilitonum 
 suorum praestantissimus non esse impatiens erat. quibus de 
 rebus non solum singularem domini sui obtinuerat favorem, 
 verum et apud Robertum totius patriae ducem et apud exterarum 
 dominos regionum pepererat sibi nomen plurimum accessumque 
 familiarem. alia, quae ad captandum nomen in saeculo plurima^ 
 fecit, omittamus: hoc ad fortitudinem ^ animi illius ac fidei con- 
 stantiam et in armis confidentiam non sileamus. indigne passus 
 
 The variants of the MS are given, where the edited text has been preferred. 
 > om. plurima. ^ fortitudinis. 
 
88 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 Injured by aliquando factam sibi a domino iniuriam famulatus sui commodum 
 leaveniim -^^ ei subtrahendo contulit se eo inviso longe alioi-sum. eo itaque 
 sub tempore comes ipse Gilebertus quoiumdam potentissimorum 
 Normanniae lacessitus injuriis multam militum manum contraxit, 
 injurias suas effere volens ultum iri : homo ferocis animi, magni 
 potentatus, nominisque supremi avidus, utpote ducum tantorum 
 propinquus, ad potentiae suae ostentatum per nuntios eis non 
 prope diem belli sed per plures ante dies id se facturum et 
 quando transmisit. ita condicto tempore bellum utrimque ap- 
 paratur, quod exequi non posset sine multa partium utrarumque 
 strage, nec amplius evitari salva eorum dignitate. quod vir 
 but comes to animosus^, quem scribendum accepimus, ubi compertum habuit, 
 bis aid in a -j-g^ iniuriarum oblitus viginti secum delectos milites assuraens 
 
 moment ot <> .... 
 
 danger: pergit ad diem certaminis, minime cum domino verum seorsum 
 procul ab agmine illo; suae etenim suorumque salutis objectu fidei 
 suae sponsionem asserebat, mortis periculo appetebat, nuUius 
 emolumenti vicem ab illo exquirens. dictum satis est, et iis 
 lucide agnosci potest, quis fuerit. non desertores pugnae quos 
 in aliorum pemiciem metus absolvit, sed quos in dominorum 
 necem et patriae excidium cupiditas inducit, hoc exemplo allo- 
 quimur, nec tarn militaris gloriae obtentu quam servandae causa 
 fidei proferimus. dux per excelsi montis latus agmen cum 
 deduceret, videt a tergo viginti armatos eminus in piano subsequi, 
 ac hostile aliquid verens imperat confestim qui essent scitum ire. 
 a reconcilia- accedunt suos et causam agnoscunt : approbant plurimum mag- 
 tion follows, i^r^j^iniitatem, ac duci renuntiant. admiratus pro injuriis tanti sibi 
 servitii vicem restitui, ilico remittit accessum, cum ampliori gratia 
 reddens omnia quae sua fuerant. bellum quod instabat crastinae 
 lucis sub exortu nuntii praedicti provinciae ducis Roberti noctu 
 ante venientes dirimunt, jus fidemque sacram obtestati, ut ab 
 armis discedant, et judicium belli curiae suae expectant definitioni. 
 itaque pars utraque ac neutra superior altera discessit ab armorum 
 excisione. divina sibi providentia lignum illud ad omne opus 
 bonum utile conservabat. nolebat summus artifex violentia saecu- 
 laris aurae jam plus illud distorqueri aut infructuosis afFectationibus 
 exhumectari. 
 
 At the age of Vitae hujus jocundissimo statu annos ille jam excesserat triginta 
 thirty-seven geptem,cum tandem divino [metujsuccendi amore mens illius coepit, 
 
 ' animos. 
 
Life of Herluin 
 
 89 
 
 his soul was et ab amore mimdi tepescere sensimque in dies frigescere, ab ex- 
 divhlelove:^ terioribus oculum cordis convertens ad se ipsurn. ibat frequentius 
 ad ecclesiam, orabat devote, ac saepe pronimpebatur in lacrimas. 
 ludicra re omni omissa, jam minus frequens erat in curia, qua hoc 
 solo retinebatur, quod praedia sua deo secum lucrari satagebat. 
 quod et obtinuit, extorquens ea sibi a domino suo multa instantia 
 servitii. saepe sub diem pemoctabat orans in ecclesiis, et mane 
 in curia primus coram aderat ad mensam domini. quia inter sodales 
 parsimoniam exercere nolebat, multis quae adinveniebat impedi- 
 mentis absens, saepe totum jejuniis transigebat diem, in armis 
 in cultu corporis non idem studium quod prius satis indicabat 
 altercationem animi illius, quam adhuc seria dissimulatione celabat. 
 angebatur mens et in plura cogitationum deliberatione distrahe- 
 batur. militiae ac ceterae saecularis rei usum relinquere summa 
 but there was erat voti. verum quo se conferret, quod vivendi genus assumeret, 
 gui^^him. ignorabat. rarus in Nonnannia tunc recti tramitis index aut 
 The Norman praevius erat ; sacerdotes ac summi pontifices libere conjugati et 
 secvflLrsed^ arma portantes ut laici erant; veterum ritu Danorum universi 
 adhuc vivebant. sed sicut spiritus ubi vult spirat, ita quern 
 His rigorous aspirat unctio ejus docet de omnibus, abrenuntians ergo militiae, 
 at^Gilbert's**^ ^ili tegumento indutus, barba et crine intonsus inter aulicos ea 
 court. quidem diu servivit quam diximus intentione, exiturus ab Egypto 
 
 ille Hebraeus, ea videlicet transiliens quae transeunt ac omni 
 conamine se extendens in ea quae aetema existunt, ab eis qui 
 remanebant mutuatum in opus dei asportare' conabatur quicquid 
 pretiosum poteratjam domini sui laetus assidens ad mensam inter 
 multimodas epulas et comessantes pane asperiori vescebatur et 
 aqua: ridebatur ab universis, amentiae quicquid agebat reputabatur. 
 minis, promissis, injuriis, dominus et universi satellites nil poterant 
 a proposito suo eum avertere conantes. mittebatur homo olim 
 universis acceptissimus saepenumero ad curias sedens asinum, 
 moeror ac risus diversis quo adveniebat, servitiorum quidem 
 gratiositate, quia metuebat saeculo irretiri nec equitare jam 
 volebat, asinando serviens domino sine cujus permissu discedere 
 nolebat-. et quia pro deo abjectus esse nequaquam erubuit, nec 
 deus ilium erubescens super terram quoque amplissimam illi 
 restituit vicem. 
 
 A crisis comes Comes Gilebertus de cujusdam compatriotae sui danmo agens 
 * absportare (adsportare ed.). 2 volebat. 
 
90 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 when he de- quod in illius vergebat perniciem, ad principem Normanriiae 
 j'usTmL^ion." Robertum, cujiis quicquid super hoc agebatur intererat, praedicto 
 viro hac de re imposiiit allegationem. at vir pacis ferre damnosa 
 alicui machinamenta penitus recusavit. perstat dominus in sen- 
 tentia hortans et comminans, iit homo sibi intimus verbum consilii 
 sui ad dominum suum perferendo referat. agitur ut jam ostendat 
 miles ad utrumlibet positus, cui servire, superno an terreno domino, 
 malit. sed mox nt superni causa domini exegit, ilico funem, quo 
 sub terreni servitio domini retinebatur, abrupit: abdicata^ omnino 
 legatione discedit a curia, quin tamen iret comes Gilebertus nuUo 
 modo discredens post paucos dies curiam ivit, rescire volens quid 
 dux responderet. veruin ut cognovit ad eum non fuisse perlatum, 
 efferatus in ilium cui imposuerat, mandat abduci quicquid habebant 
 His lands are ipse et sui. continuo abripiuntur omnia sua, nec curat ; vastantur 
 ^ ■ quoque pauperes sui, unde non parva sollicitatur cura. pauperum 
 He returns to ergo transmissus questu et lacrimis post parva dierum intervalla 
 poo^rVepend- rediit ad dominum, nullamque sui curam gerens egit suppliciter 
 causam innoxiorum. accersitur negotium totius curiae, et acerrime 
 in causam deducitur. intenduntur crimina, quae humili et sufficienti 
 ratione cuncta purgando removebat; qui in eo judici respondebat 
 spiritus dei, tacitis unde judex potius erat infestus, alia quaedam 
 admissa intendebat, sciens iste quid lateret in fundo. Quae mea 
 sunt, inquit, hinc accepta universa distrahantur, dum pauperibus, 
 qui vestram nullo crimine iram meruerunt, sua restituantur. 
 motus ad pietatem dominus, quern mundanae celsitudinis fastus 
 plurimum obtinebat, abducto in partem viro perquisivit animi 
 commutationem et finem consilii. cui paucis ille verbis cum 
 multis lacrimis respondit : Saeculum amando et tibi obsequendo 
 nimium deum ac me ipsum hactenus neglexi. quae corporis erant 
 cultui omnino intentus nuUam animae meae eruditionem accepi. 
 quapropter precor, si quid unquam bene merui a te, liceat vitae 
 quod superest in monasterio transigi salvo circa me amore tuo, et 
 The count is da mecum deo quae habui. habitae diu deliberationi finis iste 
 melted : consedit : corde in lacrimis concitato sustinere nequit ille ulterius 
 loquentem : abripit se in cameram. pietas humana multa in eo 
 and granta erat circa ilium militem suum, multa et illi circa dominum ; ac vix 
 release, ^0 missionem requirere valebat, sed praevalebat fortis ut mors 
 
 dilectio. tandem gratissimo clienti expetitam concedit, tam sui 
 
 " abdi|dicata. 
 
Life of Herhiin 
 
 91 
 
 quam suorum omnium facultatem. quern eatenus ut bene obse- 
 quentem sibi amaverat, jam coepit amare ut dominum, ac libens 
 obsequebatur illi. plures dies multo cum honore detentum apud 
 with all hia ^e debita honorifieentia remisit, ditioni illius ac servitio tradens 
 patrimony, quidquid paterni juris habebant fratres sui, qui eadem dignitate 
 geniti pares extiterant sibi : quia dignior et vera nobilitate 
 generosior germanis efficiebatur, jure ab eis illi subici nec in- 
 dignum aut injuriosum aestimabatur. 
 He retreats to Protinus in villa quae dicitur Bumenvilla extruendum servitio 
 BonneWlle, dei opus axTipuit non parvum brevi peractum. ipse non solum 
 chapeh ^ * operi praesidebat, sed opus ipsum efficiebat, terram fodiens, 
 fossam efferens, lapides sabulum calcemque humeris comportans 
 ac ea in parietem ipsemet componens. quibus alii horis aberant, 
 ipse congerebat quae ad opus exigebantur, excludens otium ab 
 omni parte diei, quanto vanitate tumida olim delicatior, tanto 
 vera humilitate nunc ad omnem laboris tolerantiam propter deum 
 patientior. cibum praeter quibus non licet diebus semel accipiebat, 
 nec exquisitum et parce satis, expleto cum die opere suo. et quia 
 and learns at interdiu nequibat, ediscendo psalterio noctem paene totam impen- 
 uight to read debat. his exercitiis multa iocunditate exercebatur novus tiro 
 
 his psalter. ^, . . 
 
 Christi. 
 
 His great Prima litterarum elementa didicit cum jam existeret annorum 
 
 proficiency prope quadraginta ; et divina opitulante gi-atia eo usque processit, 
 grace. ut etiam ipsis apprime eruditis grammatica in exponendis ac 
 
 intelligendis divinarum scripturai'um sententiis merito haberetur 
 admirabilis. quod ut solius divinae gratia efficientiae actum 
 credatur, nocturnis tantum horis huic studio vacabat, quia propter 
 lectionem nunquam divini operis intermisit executionem. non 
 solum in cithara confiteri domino, verum et in psalterio decem 
 chordarum psallere gestiebat, congrua temporum distributione, 
 nunc attentus bonae actioni, nunc intentus lectioni atque orationi. 
 He goes to see Nova rursus molimina contra eum hostis antiquus invenit. 
 livJ-™"'^^^ quod summum in humana vita ille excogitaverat, monasterialis 
 videlicet ordinis fastigium, paene dissuasit his occasionibus. coeno- 
 bium quoddam adiit gratia inquirendi de vita monachorum. habita 
 oratione accessit omni cum reverentia multo cum timoi-e ad ostium 
 claustri, velut ad ostium paradisi, desiderantissimus scire qui 
 monachorum habitus, qui mores, quae in claustro sedendi sit 
 religio. vidit longe ab ea quam coenobialis ordo exposcit gravi- 
 tate morum omnes haberi. turbatus est, jam omnino incertus 
 
92 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 but is ejected 
 as a thief. 
 
 He visits 
 other monks, 
 but finds 
 them vain 
 
 aucl barbar- 
 ous. 
 
 One praying 
 brother re- 
 stores his 
 hope. 
 
 These 
 victories of 
 faith are true 
 miracles. 
 
 quod vivendi genus approbaret. ad haec qui monasterii custos 
 erat, ut ilium sic introrsus accedentem conspexit, furem suspicatus 
 immisso quanta vi potuit coUo illius pugno per capillos foris usque 
 ad ostium extrusit. at vir patientissimus pro illata sibi injuria 
 milium monacho laicus verbum impatientiae respondit. talibus 
 quidem accedere plurimum extimuit: sed palmes propagatus ab ea 
 quae vera vitis existit nullo adversitatum aestu arescere potest, 
 alte radicatus in illius caritate quae omnia suffert. 
 
 Hoc de illo aedificationis referens solatium, aliud ea de re 
 proximo natali dominico adiit majoris nominis coenobium. festiva 
 processione cum fratres in die solemnitatis exissent, vidit indecenti 
 benevolentia monachos passim arridere laicis, aggaudere in para- 
 tioribus^ ornamentis ostentando^ ea aliis, ad introitum contentioso 
 tumultu anticipare aditum. ad haec insistentem sibi nimium 
 fratrem quidam monachus monachum pugno repercussum avertit, 
 ac impulsum supinis dentibus demisit ad solum : adhuc enim, ut 
 dictum est, omnes omnium per Normanniam mores barbari erant. 
 hac rerum insolentia ne bonum damnaret inceptum, tantam 
 actuum levitatem, tantam morum improbitatem contuens in illis 
 ad quorum normam vitam suam corrigere vole bat, dei manus 
 effecit subveniens labanti. sequenti nocte expleto matutinorum 
 officio diu ante lucem aliis emissis oraturus ipse remansit occultatus 
 in quodam angulo oratorii. mox quidam monachus eo non viso 
 prope constitit ad orandum, qui nunc toto corpore prostratus nunc 
 tantum genibus flexis cum lacrimis orans usque mane clarum 
 perstitit. ejus igitur exemplo omnino redintegratus est. 
 
 Referimus miracula, sed eis unde vulgus fert sententiam 
 multum potiora ; quanquam non defuerunt et ipsa, quid enim glori- 
 osius(quam) quod victus ab eo ubique hostis deo vincente succubuit? 
 robur constantiae illius duris hactenus adversitatum ictibus per- 
 fringere conabatur, sed conamen ejus omne frustrabatur : nunc 
 malis pravorum exemplis suffodere molitur. verum ut in canticis 
 legimus canticorum : Uniuscuj usque viri ensis super femur suum 
 propter timores uocturnos ; seu diurna oppugnatione seu nocturna 
 subdole rationis alicujus suggestione accedat, invenit eum excu- 
 bantem in propugnaculis. gerit in manu gladium, qui universas 
 hostis compages ac medullas exequitur, dinoscens ac exterminans 
 quae ab illo cogitationes atque intentiones suggeruntur: ad 
 
 imparatioribus. 
 
 ostendando (ostendendo ed.). 
 
Life of Herluin 
 
 93 
 
 excipiendos ictus longanimitatis et patientiae forti clypeo munitur. 
 
 positus infra divinae custodiae murum ad omnia illius molimina 
 
 Ps. cxxi 4. vigilis sui commonitione soUicitatur, quia non dormitabit, neque 
 
 dormiet qui custodit Israel, igitur non exploratis ad votum quae 
 
 volebat castrorum domini, redit firmaturus suum quod contra 
 
 spirituales incursus^ extruebat. avulsit ilico patemas domos, 
 
 unde servorum dei habitacula construxit. 
 
 He is clothed Sacrata vero quam construxit ecclesia ab episcopo Lexovii 
 as a monk, . i i t ■ 
 
 nomme Hereberto, comam totondit, ac saecularem habitum de- 
 
 ponens ab eodem pontifice sacrae habitum religionis accepit, miles 
 
 Christi per tot pericula fortis ante expertus. ejusdem ordinis cum 
 
 ordained^ and eo jugum subierunt duo sui. postmodum a praefato praesule 
 
 sacerdos consecratus, pluribus ducatui illius jam adscitis^ fratribus 
 
 abbas praeficitur. tuto imitandus aliis praeponitur, qui per annos 
 
 tres improperium vitae spiritualis patientissime tulit coram saecu- 
 
 laribus alienatus spectaculis, quibus innutritus cotidie alios videbat 
 
 oblectari, rigorem abstinentiae non relaxans inter affluentissimas 
 
 dominorum mensas, omni denique abjectioni corpus suum subiciens 
 
 in curia, quos ergo regendos acceperat, arctissime sed more patrum 
 
 The simple priorum regebat. videres peracto in ecclesia officio abbatem collo 
 life of his , , , i ■ , 
 
 community, sementem, manu rastrum vel sarculum gestantem ad agriculturam 
 
 praeire monachos omnes, ruris operi sub diei terminum insistere. 
 
 sentibus et spinis alii agrum emundabant, alii fimum scapulis 
 
 comportantes spargebant, hi sarriebant, illi serebant, nemo panem 
 
 absumebat in otio, ad horam agendi officium in ecclesia omnes ad 
 
 unamquamque horam ^ conveniebant. victus quotidianus panis 
 
 siligineus et herbae cum aqua et sale, aqua non nisi lutulenta, 
 
 quia fons nusquam praeter* ad duo miliaria habebatur. caeleste 
 
 aiebant beneficium, cum panis melior et caseus vel aliquod aliud 
 
 edulium undecumque habebatur. exemplum magistri et conatus 
 
 omnem murmurandi excludebat aditum. abbas prior ad opus, ab 
 
 opere discedebat ultimus, operator ipse continuus. simili se inibi 
 
 propter deum servituti nobilis mater ejus addixit, et concessis dec 
 
 praediis quae habebat, ancillae fungebatur officio, servientium dec 
 
 pannos abluens et quicquid injungebatur extremi operis accura- 
 
 tissime agens. 
 
 ^eril'and'^'^'^ Ad opus servorum dei quadam die cum annonam torreret, 
 escape. nescio quo casu domus undique succensa est. cucurrit quidam 
 
 * incurias. ^ additis. ^ om. horam. * om. praeter. 
 
94 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 ejulando nuntians abbati domos ainbustas et matrem ejus inibi 
 esse combustam. at ille licet lacrimis sulfusus ad deum manus 
 levavit; Gratias tibi, deus, inquiens, quod in officio servientium 
 tibi matrem meam ignis absumpsit. fortis in amore dei constantia, 
 quae tot diaboli arietibus impulsa labare non poterat : malleos ac 
 ignes inimicus nesciens suggerebat, quibus vir patiens minime 
 fundebatur, sed purgatus ad coronam gloriae formabatur. nil 
 tamen mali in ilia conflagratione praedicta domina passa fuit. 
 He moves to Dein post aliquantum temporis per visum divinitus commonitus 
 haHuble spot ^st, ut dimissa solitudine campestri, quae competenti oportunitate 
 near the Bee. omnino carebat, eum ad locum sui juris mansionem transferret, qui 
 a rivo illic mananti Beccus appellatur, ad miliarium a castro quod 
 vocatur Brionnium. est hie locus in ipso saltu Brionnensi, valle 
 ima montibus saltuosis hinc inde occlusa, omni oportunitate 
 humano usui commodus : propter densitatem ac rivi recreationem 
 ferarum illuc multus erat accursus. trium tantum molendinorum 
 tres domus illic erant, et solum habitabile permodicum. quid ergo 
 faceret ? molendinorum in uno pars sibi nulla, aliorum duorum sua 
 pars erat tertia; nec tantum soli liberum quantum oportuna 
 domuum capacitas exigebat. comes Gilebertus nil usquam eo 
 saltu pretiosius possidebat. quid plura ? spe in deo firmata coepit 
 operari, ac deus evidentissime cooperari ; nam consortes et conter- 
 mini quas habebant partes seu venditione seu gratuita donatione 
 omnes sibi suas dedere, ac brevi sub tempore silvam Brionnii quae 
 circum erat totam obtinuit. 
 He builds a Consecrata paucis extructa annis non parva ecclesia, columnis 
 and a wooden ligneis claustrum construxit, in quo ad morem patriae fratres 
 cloister which y^j^ nusquam progressuros considere instituit. nocte vero subse- 
 
 collapses in ... . i • i i ... 
 
 the night. cuta, orationi eo intento m stratu suo, diabolus futuri illic bonorum 
 operum incrementi primordia cernens impatientissime tulit. tectum 
 dormitorii multa vi conscendit, unde quasi conamine multo coUi- 
 gens se supra novam novorum parietum insiluit cooperturam, ac in 
 unum ad terram universa dejecit. verum his non erat semen quod 
 in petrosis ortum areat, quia non habet humorem ; sed pingui terra 
 exceptum attulit fructum in patientia. mane quia inimicus hoc 
 fecerat indicavit fratribus, et dejectos eorum animos redintegrans 
 claustrum ex lapidibus reaedificare coepit. 
 A godless Juxta vicinus degebat nomine Rodulfus cognomine Pinellus, 
 
 fate*'^""' homo saeculi plurimum addictus concupiscentiis; qui ab ipso abbate 
 cum saepenumero ad bene vivendum moneretur spernebat, irridebat: 
 
Life of Herluin 
 
 95 
 
 irridendo, cum ab armis defessus ac mundi voluptate satiatus esset, 
 monachum se futurum respondebat. quadam ergo die dominica pro 
 quibusdam altercationum controversiis praedictum abbatem adiit, 
 penes quern demoratus in vesperum, nocte jam ingruente more solito 
 admonitus, rogatus et irridens, domum rediit, et circa ejusdem noctis 
 is revealed to medium morte subita praeventus hominem exuit. quod abbas ipse 
 the abbot. eadem hora agnovit, animam illius raptam a daemonibus audiens 
 miserabili planctu ejulantem, et ita per longum temporis et loci 
 intervallum abduci. mittit sub acceleratione quid de illo ageretur 
 inquisitum iri. legatus illuc pervolans pulsatas fores irrupit, 
 irrumpens ad cubile pervenit, in cubile jam gelidum ac membris 
 omnibus rigidum ad latus nesciae uxoris invenit. hujus miraculi 
 unum fratribus testem habuit, qui cum eo ejusdem ejulatus audivit. 
 A ghostly Quadam die circa vespertinas horas cum foris ad opus resideret, 
 
 away a^inful ^^^^^ daemonem sub habitu clerici prope locum transire et earn 
 monk. dormitorii officinam, in quam fratrum ad necessaria secessus est, 
 
 adire. re vera suspicatus clericum et quod ad oratorium ire 
 voluisset, fecit a compluribus inclamari qua ibat non esse viam 
 oratorii. nequaqu&m exaudienfcem prosequitur missus qui revocaret, 
 sed elapsi nulla prorsus vestigia invenit. intellexit tandem inimici 
 praestigium, ac rei eventum expectavit. nocte proxima quidam 
 monachus de monasterio fugiens per eadem loca egressus discessit, 
 ut e vestigio subsecutus prodidit. quod mane ille cum comperisset 
 dixit, cui militabat et qui eum abducere sategit, a vespertinis horis 
 praestolabatur ibi immundus immundum dominus satellitem per 
 immunda jure abducturus. 
 The abbot Variis ergo simultatibus quae saepe introrsus oriebantur coepit 
 
 Fn'ruling hfs^ dolere multum et anxiari. ad ea enim componenda qui in claustro 
 monks. praesideret minime erat, sumptuum congerendorum necessitas 
 ilium extra immorari compellabat. hac de re multotiens deum 
 cum jam exorasset, divina sibi miseratio accommodavit auxilium, 
 sufficiens ad universa quae agenda forent suffragium. 
 Lanfranc, a Ortus Italia quidam vir erat, quem Latinitas, in antiquum ab 
 great sc o ar, restituta scientiae statum, tota supremum debito cum amore et 
 honore agnoscit magistrum, nomine Lanfrancus^: ipsa quoque in 
 liberalibus studiis magistra gentium^ Graecia discipulos illius 
 libenter audiebat et admirabatur. is patria egressus, quamplures 
 multi nominis scholares sccum habens, in Normanniam devenit. 
 
 ' Lanfrancum. - ovi, gentium. 
 
96 
 
 Gilbert Origin 
 
 considerans vero scientissimus vir quod captare auram mortalium 
 vanitas est, et quia ad non esse prona sunt universa, praeter eura 
 qui semper est et qui ei intendunt, ad obtinendum ejus amorem 
 turns from animum convertit et studium. quod igitur in litteris perfectius 
 invenit consilium placendi deo arripuit, ut relictis omnibus, abdicato 
 Mt. XVI 24. etiam sui ipsius jure, ilium sequeretur qui dixit : Si quis vult post 
 me venire, abneget semetipsum, et toUat crueem suam et sequatur 
 me. et quia, quanto magnus fuerat, tanto fieri optabat humilior, 
 locum adire disposuit ubi litterati aliqui non essent qui eum honori 
 and comes to ac reverentiae haberent. Beccum itaque adiit, quo nullum usquam 
 unknown.^ pauperius aestimabatur vel abjectius coenobium. forte tunc abbas 
 extruendae fornaci occupatus ipsemet operabatur manibus suis : 
 cujus humilitatem animi sermonisque dignitatem ille plurimum 
 veneratus et amans, monachus ibi efficitur. 
 The abbot and Videres ergo inter eos pium certamen. abbas quondam cleri- 
 recruit.^'*''^ catus ex grandaevo laico verebatur sibi subditam tanti doctoris 
 celsitudinem. ille nullam pro eminenti scientia gerens insolentiam, 
 humillime ad omnia parebat, attendebat, admirabatur, et praedi- 
 cabat quam ipsi in intelligendis scripturis gratiam deus concesserat. 
 abbas erga ilium debita veneratione, ille erga eum omnimoda con- 
 tendebat submissione : forma gregi uterque vivendi, unus active. 
 The abbot's alter Contemplative, abbas peritus erat in dirimendis causarum 
 and°strenuou8 saecularium controversiis, prudens in iis quae ad exteriora pertinent; 
 life- in aedificando et procurando quae necessaria forent neque prudentior 
 
 neque efficacior salva religione poterat esse, praesentia corporalis 
 foris inter curas mundi cum residebat, animus ad sui curam et 
 amorem dei praecipue intendebat ; nullam saecularis pompae curam 
 gerens, soli deo in actibus suis gratificari gestiebat. humillimus, 
 summae patientiae, in exequendo carnis appetitu modesto rigore 
 continentissimus, semper ad orationem primus exsurgebat, nec 
 diurni laboris multa defatigatio ilium in lecto post alios retinebat^. 
 quo jure, qua tranquillitate subditos sibi regebat: legum patriae 
 scientissimus praesidium suis erat contra iniquos exactores; et si 
 quid inter eos controversiae nascebatur, aequissimo confestim statu 
 componebat. undecumque vel quibuscumque loquebatur, sermo 
 ejus dignitatem in se maximam gerens obaudiebatur. 
 The scholar's At doctor ille maximus in claustro omnem operam impendebat 
 solitude quieti et silentio, cordis sui novalia verbi sacri excolens assidua 
 
 * requiebat. 
 
Life of Herluin 
 
 97 
 
 lasts for three lectione, irrigans ea diilci quani saepe obtinebat lacrimarum corn- 
 years, punctione. sic per tres annos vixit solitarius infrequentia hominum, 
 gaiidens quod ibi nesciebatur, praeter paucissimos quibus aliquando 
 He is found loqiiebatur omnibus ignotus. rumor ut hoc factum prodidit^ longe 
 crowds' of lateque protulit, et fama viri praeclarissima Beccum et abbatem 
 pupils flock Herluinum brevi per orbem terrarum extulit. accurrunt clerici, 
 
 to Bee. .. .... ... . . 
 
 ducum filii, nominatissimi scholarum Latinitatis magistri ; laici 
 potentes, alta nobilitate viri multi pro ipsius amore multas eidem 
 ecclesiae terras contulere. ditatur ilico Beccensis locus ornamentis, 
 possessionibus, pereonis nobilibus et honestis : interius religio atque 
 eruditio multum accrescere, exterius rerum omnium necessariarum 
 subministratio coepit ad plenum abundare. adimpletur visio quae 
 in eodem monasterio visa est paucos ante dies quam vir ille tantus 
 ad ordinem coenobialem venisset : fons videbatur ortus in valle 
 monasterii, cujus aqua ad montimn cacumina excrescens, hinc inde 
 effusa, per campestrium difFundebatur amplitudinem. abbas fons 
 erat in convalle scilicet humilitatis exortus : ^aquae exundantes et 
 hinc inde latissime effluentes, monachi qui ab illo incrementum 
 acceperunt religionis"^^, divinae videlicet eruditionis disciplinam, 
 qua multi ab eodem loco longe lateque postea sunt meliorati. 
 Lanfranc Ad administranda^ quoque totius regni negotia summus ab 
 
 becomes duke • -vt • j itt-ii i •!• • 
 
 William's ^P^*^ jNonnanniae duce Willelmo consiliarius assumitur. cujus 
 counsellor: gratiae nimiam quae una die irruit repente obnubilationem, 
 insperato deus confestim laetificavit sereno, dignoque relatu. 
 but is quorundam accusationibus delatorum dux in eum vehementer 
 
 banished*"^ amaricatus mandat ut monasterio exturbatus patria discedat : 
 nec motus animi sui hac vindicta sedare valens mandavit juris 
 ejusdem monasterii villam, quae Parous* dicitur, flammis excidi : 
 paretur tam efferae jussioni. eo discedente, qui gaudium omne 
 fratribus erat et consolatio, dolor altus remanet. quia melior non 
 habebatur, tripes quarto pede inutili equus illi tribuitur, et unus 
 Lam. iii 26. famulus. instant itaque fratres orationi, juxta illud Jeremiae, 
 praestolantes cum silentio salutare domini. protinus quam ille 
 discedebat, duci obvius venienti appropinquans, equo per singulos 
 passus caput ad terram submittente, dominum salutat. innocentiae 
 quidem conscius, si locus dicendi daretur, non diffidebat causae, 
 majestas ilia humana primo vultum avertit, sed divina agente 
 dementia mox miserando respectat,et nutu benivolentiae loquendi^ 
 
 ' prodiit. * xic ed. : coder hohet qni ab illo incrementi aque exundantes hinc 
 
 illinc latissime effluerent accepit. ' ministranda. •* parens. * loquenti. 
 R. c. 7 
 
 He meets 
 duke, 
 
98 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 jests with aditum concedit. tunc ille decenti joco ait: Tuo jussu tua pro- 
 vincia discedo pedes, hoc inutili occupatus quadrupede : vel ut 
 jussioni tuae parere queam, da equum mihi meliorem. cui dux 
 subridendo, Quis, inquit, ab ofFenso judice, infecto criminis illati 
 negotio^, munera exposcit ? tandem disertissimus orator petiit 
 clears himself, audientiam et accepit : causaeque finem in eo constituens qui 
 linguas infantium fecit disertas, dicendi opem subministrantibus 
 eis qui pro illo ad deum orabant, causam exorsus brevi ad optatum 
 and is finem peroravit. in amplissimam confestim gratiam receptus ac- 
 
 fullfavour *^^P^^ promissum quod nulla deinceps accusatione subiret purgandi 
 se praejudicium. gi-atissimi mox succedunt amplexus et oscula, 
 quibus argumentis omnino subsedit adversariae partis omne firma- 
 mentum. multo etiara cum augmento restituenda promittuntur 
 quae dux depopulari nuperrime jusserat. alacerrime quidam 
 praecurrens nuntiat fratribus ilium redire. commutantur lacrimae : 
 The monks personat non semel, ut fieri solet in ecclesia, sed ubique et per 
 aU day long*" totum diem ab universis altius corde quam ore pium Te deum 
 laudamus. abbas rei inopinae fidem adhibere non poterat, 
 donee desideratus advenit, quem per diem metus per annos 
 reddiderat absentem. accumulatur gaudium, quia incensorum fit 
 integerrima restitutio, terrarum quoque plurium^ concessarum 
 eidem ecclesiae ab eodem domino obtinetur^ confirmatio. 
 Great growth Qui ergo in ipsius monasterii inchoatione domibus necessariis 
 of the abbey, g^i^jj^-^ gufficiens non habuit, ejus paucos infra annos ad miliaria 
 protenditur dominium. quid referam illic servorum dei usui 
 extructas commoditates, stagna, virgulta, culturas, vineta ? nulla 
 est abbatia quae omni hominum commoditati magis commodificata 
 existat. 
 
 Non multo post propter inhabitantium multitudinem contigit 
 Isa. xlix 20. in ea illud dictum* a domino per Isaiam prophetam : Angustus 
 mihi est locus, fac spatium mihi ut inhabitem. adunatam etenim 
 Lanfranc illic fratrum multitudinem quia domorum spatiositas iam capere 
 bufwings^on valebat, et quia situs loci degentium incolumitati contrarius 
 
 a new site. existebat, venerabilis Lanfi-ancus abbatem Herluinum de majoris 
 monasterii et officinarum aedificatione compellare coepit. tanti 
 Herluin operis solam commonitionem^ ille extimuit, aetatis jam deficientis 
 viribus plurimum diffidens. confortari, adhortari, ac saepe id 
 ipsum ingerere, qui coeperat non omisit. nolente ille ullatenus 
 
 1 om. negotio. ^ plurimum: om. ed. ^ obtinet. ^ om. dictum. 
 ^ commotiopem ed. 
 
 refuses, 
 
Life of Herluin 
 
 99 
 
 till the 
 presbytery of 
 the church 
 falls down. 
 
 A healthier 
 site is chosen 
 and large 
 buildings are 
 begun. 
 
 The abbot's 
 faith brings 
 unfailing 
 suiiplies. 
 
 Lanfranc is 
 made abbot 
 of Caen. 
 
 The work, 
 retarded for a 
 moment, goes 
 forward 
 rapidly again. 
 
 Lanfranc 
 goes to 
 Canterbury. 
 
 adquiescere, divino nutu monasterii presbyterium corruit. anxianti 
 super hoc et midtum conturbato abbati suus in omni sua desola- 
 tione consolator accessit, obsecrans ut vel nunc adquiescens ampliora 
 inchoaret aedificia. tandem victus, spem in deo certissimam gerens 
 et plurimum in consiliarii sui ope confidens, cujus opera sibi bona 
 omnia proyeniebant, in salubriori multum situ nova inchoavit 
 ' raonasterium et officinas, opus pergi-ande, dignum, cuius dignitati 
 ditiores multae non accedunt abbatiae. ad initiandum hoc opus 
 tantum non res suae, quia permodicae erant, sed maxima in deum 
 fides animum firmavit, quae universa conferendo sic accumulavit 
 quod a die qua primo fundamenta posita sunt usque ad extremi 
 lapidis impositionem nec materia defuit nec sumptus. testantur 
 per quorum manus expensae agebantur, quod septimana exacta 
 multotiens ante horam quod daretur operariis minime habebatur, 
 et ad horam undecumque ad sufficientiam deus largiebatiir. 
 
 Post triennii vero corapletionem, sola necdum completa basilica, 
 venerabilis Lanfi'ancus coepti operis institutor, tam domini quam 
 Normanniae primatum supplicatione coactus, ecclesiae Cadomensi 
 abbas praeficitur. remoratur coepta aedificatio aliquantisper, verum 
 illius consilium ac beneficientia, prout opus fuit, praesto semper 
 extitit. denique tot et tanta Beccensis ecclesia jam habebat, 
 tanta vigebat sollertia praesidentis, quod cessare opus nulla in- 
 digentia coegit : illam vero ad tempus expletionis moram subsecuta^ 
 iterum prosperitas nimia acceleratione compensavit. 
 
 Interea saepedictus Normannorum dux Willelmus, haeredi- 
 tarium sibi Angliae regnum pervadens, imperium rebelle armis ad 
 quae voluit jura composuit. deinde ad meliorandos ecclesiarum 
 status animum intendit. totius igitur Christianitatis summi 
 pontificis Alexandri, viri vita et scientia excellentissimi, consulto 
 et rogatu, omnium quoque Anglici et Normanni imperii magnatum 
 libentissimo assensu, rex Willelmus, quod potissimum solumque 
 acceptabat consilium, doctorem supra memoratum ad hoc elegit 
 negotium. victus multiplici ratione in Angliam traducitur, et, 
 quae insularum transmarinarum primatum obtinet, Cantuariensia 
 ecclesiae suscepit praesulatum. qui multarum ditatus amplitudine 
 terrarum, auro argentoque locupletatus, executus mandatum quod 
 in Exodo mandatur, Honora patrem tuum et matrem, ut sis 
 longaevus super terram, omnibus modis benignus extitit circa 
 
 * subsecutam (hunc locum non habet ed.). 
 
100 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 patrem suum spiritualem et matrem ecclesiam. cujus ad eas 
 partes transmigratio, paucos ante dies quam inde allegatio 
 veniret, venerabili abbati Herluino per visum ostensa est hoc 
 modo. videbatur quod in virgulto arborem malum habebat, cujus 
 ramorum spatiositas multa erat et magna fructuum ubertas, 
 pomorum vero species delectabilis et sapor optimus.. hanc rex 
 supradictus exposcebat, volens ad quoddam suum earn '"transferre 
 hortum"". reluctante isto et quod sola ea sustentaretur opponente, 
 quia dominus erat evicit et arborem asportavit. verum radices 
 penitus avelli non potuerunt ; ex quibus puUulantes virgulae con- 
 festim in arbores magnas excreverunt. post parvum denique sub 
 eo visu intervallum memoratus rex de arboris ipsius nimia fructi- 
 ficatione coram illo gaudebat, et ille se ex ea laetissimas habere 
 propagines aggaudendo respondebat. invitabatur a rege ut ipsum 
 arboris translatae incrementum iret videre, sed parantem pro- 
 ficisci nescio quae alia impediebant. haec autem omnia sicut visio 
 digessit rerum eventus explicuit, ""praeterquam quod"^^ revera ivit 
 et quod audierat vidit. 
 
 Virgultum abbatis erat Beccensis ecclesia, cujus arbor maxima, 
 ille doctor, non solum eam verum alias omnes per patriam suo 
 exemplo et doctrina sustentabat ecclesias. qui ob religionis sacrae 
 institutionem tradendam Anglis a praedicto rege ad transmarina 
 migrare per abbatem suum, cui tanquam deo ipsi parebat, 
 postulatus, multum invitus salva obedientia atque ab invito 
 abbate jussus paruit. cujus quantus inibi postea extiterit 
 fructus, latissime attestatur innovatus usquequaque institutionis 
 ecclesiasticae status ; coenobialis ordo, qui omnino ad laicalem 
 prolapsus fuerat dissolutionem, ad probatissimorum reformatur 
 disciplinam monasteriorum ; clerici sub canonicali coercentur 
 regula ; populus, rituum barbarorum interdicta vanitate, ad rectam 
 credendi atque vivendi formam eruditur. 
 
 Hanc fructuum deo suavissimorum fragrantiam, cujus ex odore 
 domus dei per orbem impleta est, quam et ipse abbas absens 
 jocundissime senserat, postea praesens quanto vicinius tanto 
 jocundius sensit, profectus ad eum in Angliam. quo in itinere 
 evidentibus miraculorum signis multa circa ilium gratia divina 
 innotuit. cum enim Boloniam venisset, volens egredi ad portum 
 qui plus sex leugis ab urbe non distat, tentavit qui cum eo ibat 
 
 ' virgultum transferre ed. 
 
 prcaeter quia (quia super ras.) 
 
Life of Herluin 
 
 101 
 
 comitatus, comitissa quoque comitis Eustachii conjunx, femina 
 deo amabilis, persuadere plurimum sategit, ut in urbe remaneret, 
 quoniam in portu navis nulla erat, et ventus, qui de transmarinis 
 eas referret, jam per quadraginta fere dies nuUus omnino extiterat. 
 at ille certissima in deo spe ait : Ibimus ad navalia, naves sine 
 mora habituri ; fratres qui domi remanserunt oraturi pro nobis 
 sine cunctatione eas nobis praesto habebunt. dixit, et ventus 
 statim convertitur. itur sub omni acceleratione ad portum, quo 
 tamen prius sedecim naves appulit ventus quam pervenissent. 
 noctis erat tunc priraordium, cujus ante medium rursus aspirante 
 vento qui transferret, circa aurorae exortum puppes omnes in 
 fluctus retrahuntur. ingressurus navim, aliis ad alia quae tarn 
 tumultuosae rei conveniunt intentis, abbas cum monachis baud 
 A strange procul letaniam dicebat. repente juxta quidam, nescitur unde, 
 shipmate. astitit homo grandaevae aetatis et modestissimae alacritatis. 
 
 frater qui letaniam pronunciabat ilium vidit, et ab universis 
 putabat conspici, aestimans pauperem esse qui praestolaretur, 
 ut finitis letaniis postularet aliquid sibi dari. verum intrantibus 
 eis vidit eundem jam in navi loco eminenti consedisse. suspicatus 
 igitur magni alicujus meriti ilium existere, qui pauper habebat 
 se tam imperiose, assidens prope circa ilium attentius manebat. 
 navis cum in altum mare evecta fuisset, territi sunt nautae qui- 
 busdam monstris quae in salo videbant. hac tumultuatione 
 prospectantibus aliis ille gravi quadam dignitate subridens metum 
 eorum reprehendebat, tunc primo, ut aiebant, visus ab eis. 
 exigentibus confestim nauticis, quis foret, quis induxisset, vel 
 quo pretio navem locaret, eo auctoritate multa se habente et nil 
 omnino respondente, dixit frater qui jam diu eum viderat : Ex quo 
 letaniam diximus in portu nobiscum manet, et ut credo plus eo 
 navigium quam ipse navi indiget. coeperunt ergo mirari, et 
 mirando ilium omnes contueri. viderat abbas quondam cui valde 
 conformis erat, et quaesivit nominatim an is esset. ille paululum 
 vultu exhilarato hoc solum respondit, Non sum. hoc unum in tota 
 ea navigatione protulit verbum. navi prosperrimo cursu apud 
 Dofifrensem^ portum appulsa, per comitatus hominum qui in 
 navibus erant multum requisitus ille comes navigii nusquam 
 reperiri vel qui eum exiisse vidisset potuit. dein omnium rerum 
 cum incolumitate quinto die ad archiepiscopum abbas pervenit. 
 He visits Quae tunc inter eos submittendi sese ad invicem pia contentio ? 
 
 Lan franc : 
 
 ' Dorobernensem. 
 
102 
 
 Gilhert Crispin 
 
 who receives summus antistes et in ecclesiis transmarinis vices apostolicas 
 deepest*^ gerens snbmittebat se suo quondam abbati, ut alius quivis 
 humility. monachus ; secundus ab eo ubique nisi ad missarum sollemnia 
 residendo, et nianum illius cum ab eo aliquid accipiebat, nisi 
 raptim ille avertisset manum, osculando. illi sedes eniinentior 
 ac imperandi jus omne tribuebatur. donabat famulorum delin- 
 quentiuin reatus, ac caetera in domo quae libebat. domini nomen 
 alius, sed ille auctoritatem gerebat. quanto curia sua frequentior, 
 quanto utriusque ordinis personarum totius regni excellentium 
 conventvxs fiebat numerosior, tanto niajori obsequio coram omnibus 
 ilium archiepiscopus praeferebat. nnxltum mirabantur universi, 
 maxime Angli, archiepiscopum Cantuariensem sic submitti ulli 
 mortalium. sumant itaque oboediendi formam, qui subditi con- 
 tumaces existunt praepositis, cum vir tantus in ipsa tot gentibus 
 praelatione humilitatis adhuc spontaneus sustineat jugum atque 
 oboedientiae. 
 
 The honours Abbas vero quam debebat dignitati tantae submissionem 
 ofthe humble. pQj^g^l^^^^ J, exsolvere, sed nullatenus permittebatur. eece quid 
 in hac etiam vita servientibus sibi opulentissima dei manus 
 retribuit. qui pauperiem Christi assumens ab universis olim 
 contemptui habebatur, habet nunc qui morem sibi gerebat 
 primatem totius regni Angliae cum omnibus sibi commissis 
 pontificem. eam benignitatis dei vicem et ille acceperat, qui, 
 abnegans semetipsum sibi cui olim pro deo sui tradiderat liber- 
 tatem, videt ecclesiastici juris censura nunc ad vestigia sua 
 provolvi, ut omittam consulares multos, immo maxime totum sibi 
 acclive regnum. 
 
 His prosper- Praedicto abbati rursus mirabili rerum successu ad votum 
 ous return. ovinia cesserunt, mox ut redire disposuit. nam die qua voluit, 
 circa sextam diei horam venientibus quos ad mare archiepiscopus 
 praemiserat ac renuntiantibus ventum omnino esse contrarium et 
 pelagus infestum, assueta in deo ille confidentia discessit ad mare 
 obluctantibus universis et nocte jam ingruente ; quo multa parte 
 noctis exacta perveniens, ventum quem volebat, et qui commodior 
 erat ad transferendum, eadem hora praesto habuit. interim 
 somnum capiens, dum naves ad mare impelluntur, prime lucis 
 sub exortu navem ingressus tam ipse quam omnes sui confestim 
 transvecti sunt prosperrimo omni navigii eventu. non amplifi- 
 camus rem gestam, sed simplici narratione scribentes relinquimus 
 eam aliis considerandam dignaque amplificatione attollendam. 
 
Life of Herluin 
 
 103 
 
 The notable De arboris illius magnae radicibus quae in horto suo remanse- 
 
 fruitsofBec: ^j. somnium viderat, vidit postea praedicandus vir 
 
 pullulantes quasdam virgulas in arbores magnas excrevisse, multos 
 videlicet ad magna bonoriun operum incrementa per illius in- 
 stitutionem aceessisse : illius etenim sementis existit quicquid 
 unquam boni fi-uctus in Beccensi coenobio vel ab eo extiterit. 
 
 Anselm, arbor fi-uctibus opima fuit venerabilis Anselmus ecclesiae Au- 
 gustensis clericus, qui ilium doctorem maximum ad ordinem 
 monachorum subsecutus ad prioratum quoque ejusdem coenobii 
 Beccensis post eum accessit, et defuncto beatae memoriae supra- 
 dicto Herluino abbati successit ; quique postea successit in 
 episcopatum venerandae recordationis saepedicto Lanfranco Can- 
 tuariensi archiepiscopo : vir ingenio admirabilis, facundia non 
 impari, et quod ad humanum spectat indicium morum omnium 
 probitate insignis. quod de approbanda actuum ejus honestate 
 dicimus, vicinitas universa testatur, longe lateque Normarmia 
 
 William, attestatur, et Gallia amplissime contestatur. arbor fructuum 
 jocunditate plurimum acceptabilis fuit ecclesiae Cormeliensis 
 abbas Willelmus, apprime nutritus et eruditus. arbor alta atque 
 
 Henry, fructuosa extitit Henricus Cantuariensis ecclesiae decanus, qui 
 postmodum abbas fuit de Bello, vir ecclesiasticis omnibus disci- 
 plinis optime instructus. arbores bonorum operum fertilitate 
 
 Hernost, multum gravidae in domo domini extiterunt venerabilis Hernostus 
 
 and Gundulf. ecclesiae Rofensis episcopus, et qui ei ad idem officium ibidem 
 successit, vir morum sanctitate admodum reverendus, Gundulfus 
 episcopus. hos ecclesiae suae filios vidit gi-andaevus pater aliis 
 ecclesiis patres constitutos. hi sunt filii de quibus in psalmo 
 
 Ps. cxxviii 4. dicitur, Filii tui sicut novellae olivarum ; qui ab inferioribus 
 extenuati, ad superiora roborati, caritatis dei adipe et pinguedine 
 repleti aliorum animas verbis ac bonis exemplis reficiendo roborant, 
 roborando sustentant, sustentando ad summa virtutum incrementa 
 educunt. multam quoque educaverat sobolem spe certissima 
 posteritatis spiritualiter in domino jam juvenescentem ; nobilissi- 
 morum etenim atque optimorum tam clericorum quam laicorum 
 ex multis partibus orbis illic adunatus numerus ad centenariam 
 pertingebat summam. vidit filios filiorum, ex sancto videlicet 
 Cadomensi coenobio fratres ad idem opus assumptos, in extremis 
 nationibus multos gignere in domino. 
 
 Herluin grows Corporeae eum vires jam deserebant, quas per tot annos 
 laboris vehementia, vigiliarum et inediae continuatio plurimum 
 
104 
 
 GUhert Crispin 
 
 sight^^*'^ attriverat. visus maxime destituebatur officio, et ab horis 
 
 vespertinis indigebat ducamine. quamobrem non in dormitorio 
 
 cum fratribus, neque ad psallendum chore interesse jam valebat ; 
 
 relax llis"°* sed taineii ad nocturnale officium primus surgebat, nec ulla diurni 
 
 strictness of laboris defatigatio in lecto ilium post alios retinebat. cibi ac potus 
 
 parcimonia, quae in juventute, eadem servabatur in senectute ; 
 
 praeter quod ab omni fratrum conventu coactus, exceptis legalium 
 
 jejuniorum diebus, bis comedebat in die : quod quidem ipsum non 
 
 tam refocillandi lassi corporis cura concesserat, quam ut escam 
 
 sumens eis sumentibus, quibus ad opus praesidebat, insistere 
 
 posset, operi usque in vesperam, ac persaepe etiam usque in 
 
 noctem consistebat. otium aut voluptas nullum in eo sibi locum 
 
 sortita est. non aetas eum annorum numerum jam excedens de 
 
 Ps. xc 10. quo dicitur in psalmo, Et amplius eorum labor et dolor, non 
 
 vehemens qua multum saepe in internis angebatur infirmitas 
 
 ilium ab actionibus necessariis retinebat. paterno affectu omni 
 
 modo circa monachos suos intentus, districta eos disciplina regebat 
 
 m?gligence °' affectuosissimo amore diligebat. si quem inter fratres segnem, 
 
 and of si quem sui ordinis ac studii litterarum negligentem, si quem 
 
 Ignorance. ecclesia somnolentum deprehendebat, hunc omnino invisum 
 
 habebat. semper inquibat, Homo litterarum et mandatorum dei 
 
 nescius quid praestat ? quem considerabat vigilantiorem, stu- 
 
 diosiorem, ad virtutum exercitia promptiorem, hujus non abbas 
 
 sed servus exstabat, plerosque plus ad studium incitabat illius 
 
 favor quam scientiae ipsius amor, sedulus enim perquirebat quis 
 
 omnium eorum qui erudiebantur acutioris ingenii esset, quis 
 
 tenacioris memoriae existeret, quis vehementius instare cuivis 
 
 studio valeret, denique ex omnibus quis ad singulas virtutes et 
 
 amorem dei plus intenderet : nec minus quam in se amabat et 
 
 enutrire satagebat quidquid amandum videbat in singulis, litte- 
 
 ratus aliquis volens monachus fieri, quando ad ilium veniebat, 
 
 qua exultatione suscipiebatur, quae suscepto benignitas et veneratio 
 
 exhibebatur. laicos qua instantia ut ad discendum psalmos in- 
 
 tenderent agebat, quibus modis ut quod inchoaverant amando 
 
 tenerent instabat. omnibus omnia se conformans omnes ut filios 
 
 et illi ut patrem eum amabant. 
 
 He desires Nova necdum sacrata erat ecclesia, quam ab ipso, cuius eam 
 
 that Lanfraiic ... . . . ' 
 
 may conse- Consilium inchoavit et auxilium consummavit, expectabat con- 
 church*^*^ secrari, instanter hoc a deo exposcens : cujus petitioni, qui ad 
 caetera sibi benignus exstiterat, optatum deus concessit effectum, 
 
Life of Herhnn 
 
 105 
 
 adimplens per omnia super hac re illius aflfectum. multo enim 
 ampliori quam praesuiuere ])oterat honorificentia consecrata est, 
 et a quo exoptabat. nam pro quibusdam negotiis tarn saecu- 
 laribus quam ecclesiasticis saepe supramemoratus gentium 
 transmarinarum apostolicus ad curiam venit eminentissimi regis 
 Anglorum Willelmi in sua terra Normannorum tunc commo- 
 rantis. 
 
 Lanfranc Sed primo veniens ad ipsum monasterium qua non potuit 
 
 comestoBec: j^^gj^j.- hmj^iiJtate cum fratribus se habuit, juxta quod scriptum 
 Ecclus. iii 20. est : Quanto magnus es, humilia te in omnibus, ad abbatis jam 
 senio incurvati osculum accedens, tantae eminentiae archiepiscopus 
 ad pedes ejus advolvi conatur; verum illo e contra id ipsum 
 conante, longo uterque luctamine dum alteram sustentat, neuter 
 explevit quod satagebat. post midtuni^ diuque optatos amplexus 
 cum fratribus in claustro sedit archiepiscopus ut quivis alius 
 ipsorum ; senes, juvenes ac infantes, unumquemque compellans 
 his kindly singulatim et debita confortatione adhortans. ad mensam dex- 
 fHiuihanty, t^j-gj-gnj^ et sinistrorsum fratres cum archiepiscopo sedere, ac 
 communi calice et scutella una cum eo coguntur cibum sumere. 
 pontificali amota celsitudine ipsis etiam puerulis affandum se 
 exhibebat, benignitatis exhibitione ad amorem dei aetatem 
 invitans, quae sermonis sui capere nequibat altitudinem. quem 
 enim summi in saeculo viri admodum verebantur, nec solum a 
 consessu verum ab accessu procul arcebantur, illis ob sacrae 
 professionis habitum communis habebatur. neque sola aedifi- 
 cationum - solatia fratribus impendit ; quia, exceptis quae pretiosa 
 and generous multum ecclesiae concessit omamenta, tanto hospite digna hospi- 
 tium locavit munificentia, ut^ ex reliquiis festive geminari 
 potuerint* octavae. 
 
 He obtains Compellatus ab universis de consecratione ejusdem ecclesiae, 
 leave^tcf^ paratus eorum morem gerere voluntati, ad curiam inducias re- 
 consecrate, spondendi postulavit ab eis et accepit. tantam quippe rem 
 noverat pendere ab edicto regis et consilio. dein affectuosissimis 
 fratrum omnium votis et lacrimis commendatus ad regem pervenit. 
 locutus cum eo unde rogatus discesserat diem dedicationis accepit, 
 et confestim nuntium remisit non modo qui diceret, verum et 
 unde fieret. 
 
 Preparations. Dies ergo a multis per multos annos multum exoptatus longe 
 
 1 multos ed. - aedificatione ed. ^ om. ut. ■* potuerunt. 
 
106 
 
 Gilbert Crisjmi 
 
 Ps. cxiii 7. 
 
 23 Oct. 1077. 
 
 A great 
 assemblage. 
 
 Scenes of 
 enthusiasm. 
 
 lateque insinuatur. ex longinquis regionibus viri consulares, 
 ecclesiasticorum graduum summae personae, hominum genus 
 infinitum adventurum praenuntiatur, libentissime accipitur. con- 
 geruntur maxinii sumptus ad suscipiendum omne genus hominum ; 
 ubi adimpletur, Pluviani voluntariam segregabit deus hereditati 
 suae, nil ab aliquo exactum, nil expetitum ; se ipso sufficiens 
 quod coeperat perfecit deus, qui de stercore erigit ac in sublimi 
 ponere pauperem consuevit; solo suae manus gestamine, cujus in 
 consummatione hujus operis sui manus adeo larga exstitit. quod 
 res sumptuosissime acta universis ad votum et sufficientiam 
 fuit, nec ullam in posterum contraxit indigentiam. ad tantum 
 solemnitatis tantae gaudium languor, qui per octo ante dies 
 vehementissimus tenuerat, mortis imminentis metu ipsum mona- 
 sterii patrem deesse minitabatur. porro, ne quod moeroris 
 nubilum diei illius lucem offunderet, deo miserante ad diem 
 plenissime convaluit. 
 
 Igitur decimo kalendas novembris, anno ab incarnatione domini 
 millesimo septuagesimo septimo, sanctae omni ecclesiae reverendus 
 gentium transmarinarum sumnius pontifex Lanfrancus advenit 
 consecrando consummaturus ecclesiam, quam inspirante deo 
 inchoavit, et in cujus extruendis fundamentis lapidem secundum 
 ipse manu sua imposuit. convenerunt universi Normanniae 
 episcopi, abbates, et alii quique viri religiosi; atfuerunt proceres 
 regni ; rex aliis detentus negotiis adesse non potuit. x'egina 
 Mathildis libens affuisset, nisi regiis detenta occupationibus 
 fuisset; afFuit tamen per condecentem beneficientiae suae largi- 
 tionem. noluit rex supernus operi gratiae suae regem terrenum 
 supremam manum imponere, sibi totum reservans operis con- 
 summati gaudium, quod infra sedecim annos solis pauperum 
 expensis complevit monasterium cum omnibus officinis, opus 
 pulchrum et maximum. afFuerunt et regni Franciae clarissimi 
 consules, et ex aliis ejusdem regni primatibus complures ; clerici, 
 monachi ex universis adjacentibus provinciis. confluxit innumerum 
 genus hominum. agitur dedicatio laetissima solemnitate et 
 solemnissima omnium alacritate, alacritati hominum aer ipse 
 purissimus diesque lucidissimus arridebat. prae tumultu circum- 
 euntium populorum vix exaudiuntur chori canentium. in tanta 
 compilatione nuUus laesionis alicujus sensit molestiam, nulla in 
 agendis turbatio obvenit. peracta processione vix pontificibus 
 intrare licet sine coUisione. irrupit sequens populus avulsis 
 
Life of Herhiin 
 
 107 
 
 omnibus januis, universis tamen illaesis, quantum ecclesiae^ spa- 
 tiositas jwtnit adstriiigere. distribuuntur altaria consecranda 
 pontificibus, ipsum principale sacrandum archiepiscopo reinansit. 
 fit per totam ecclesiam summa celebritas, et in agenda celebritate 
 pia quaedam contentiositas. vix semet ipsum quisque cantantiiim 
 exaudit prae multitudine vociferantium. multi jubilantes quid 
 dicebatur nescientes, aut quibus concinerent minime attendebant. 
 Tlie older gi'aves ejusdem monasterii personae, quae propter nimiam aliorum 
 aowded mit. multitudineni paucae aderant, solis lacrimis et devotione cordis 
 solemnitatem explebant. personabat in aliis vox laetitiae et 
 jocundationis, in illis modulabatur domino cum lacrimis sola sibi 
 Tlie service is soli^ tota intenta affectio mentis, quid plura ? finitur majori 
 fea'st^^^ " quam coepta fuerat jocunditate solemnitas : itur ad refectionem. 
 
 paschales nulli defuerunt epulae, a mane usque ad profundam 
 noctem succedentibus fratrum turmis qui ad festum venerant, 
 quantum refectorii tabulae continere valebant, universis tam 
 notis quam ignotis, nec solum in domibus circumpositis, verum 
 in villis etiam remotis, quae ad usus necessarios petierunt, sponsata 
 deo regi ecclesia libens ministravit affluentia nuptiali : majoribus 
 quibusque sic ad placitum et sufficientissime, ut qui accipiebant 
 dicerent modum excessisse : neque solum ea die, sed multis per 
 The aged aliquot ante dies dum operiebantur, ita servitum est. venerabilis 
 Uiankfalness. abbas requirens a ministris, qui ibant ac redibant nec momento 
 uno loco stare poterant, quid agerent, quid dicerent, an sumptus 
 adhuc deficerent, cum potius abundare audiebat ab eis, quoties 
 Ps. cxvi 12. ilia die dixit. Quid retribuam domino pro omnibus quae retribuit 
 mihi ? et dicendo ista solas retribuebat domino laeriraas agentes 
 gratias pro concessis sibi tot beneficiis. ac merito, quia, exclusa 
 omni penuria, omni a deo sumministrata serviebatur sufficientia. 
 Lanfranc's Tertio die saeculis memorandus jam saepe dictus Cantuariorum 
 
 departuie, archiepiscopus ab universis fratribus eundi missionem poposcit. 
 
 quis tantum tantae inter eos benignitatis virum recedentem siccis 
 oculis aspicere potuit ? omnes eruperunt in lacrimas ; parvuli 
 non valebant consolari. consulto maturavit recessum, quatenus 
 a fletu se continerent vel post ejus discessum. abbas Herluinus, 
 eum supra omnes mortales amans et ab eo amatus, discedentera 
 per duo miliaria prosecutus est amicum ad suos visus nunquam 
 in hac vita ulterius rediturum. quae cordis amaritudo, qui fletus, 
 
 ' om. ecclesiae. - sibi soli] solis. 
 
108 
 
 Gilbert Crispm 
 
 quamvis comprimerentur, in ipso ultimo Vale et ultimo ab invicem 
 and the ^ discessu. postquam reversus est, sedens in camera solus cum solo, 
 dimial/. '""^ si^i 6^ omnibus er<at familiarissimus, concitatis permittens 
 lacrimis habenas ad caelum manus levavit, et his verbis ait : Nunc 
 Lc. ii 29 f. dimittis, domine, servum tuum in pace, quia viderunt oculi mei, 
 quod ut viderem antequam morerer summopere optabam et 
 indesinenter a te orabam. adimplesti quae volui. nunc servus 
 tuus laetus ad te ibit quacumque hora tibi placuerit. sic verba 
 compressit, sed lacrimarum affluentiam cohibere non potuit, donee 
 frater qui cum eo loquebatur diutius nequiens sustinere aliunde 
 sermonem induxit. 
 
 His mortal Ex tunc omni membrorvim officio destitui penitus coepit, et 
 
 Aug^icns!^ longe ante diei ipsius annuam revolutionem quod oraverat obtinuit. 
 (ley. quarto) nam proxime subsecuto mense Augusto, decimo Hertio* kalendas 
 Septembris, die dominico, ex toto lecto decubuit. sensit pater 
 longaevus certis indiciis jam adesse mortem, quod ubi amantissi- 
 mae congregationi innotuit, mors quaedam universes pervasit. 
 anguor et ex anguore quidam stupor animos cunctorum obsedit. 
 cibus percipi non poterat : somnus recessit ab oculis. tertio die ab- 
 solvi se et caetera quae morientibus exhibentur officia sibi exhiberi 
 rogavit. adsunt filii valefacturi amatissimo patri eo primo orbandi ; 
 lacrimis et singultibus psalmos et caeteras orationes interrum- 
 pentibus, tandem ventum ad agendam confessionem. confiteri 
 coepit, verum remanentium pietate filiorum superatus et ipse in 
 lacrimas eflfusus dicere nil potuit. vix tamen eluctatus in vocem 
 absolvit filios, dansque benedictionem et pacem omnibus, tam 
 absentes quam praesentes immortali eos patri omnes commendavit, 
 ac discedentes, quia plus non poterat, ut pro se orarent postulavit. 
 dolor et lacrimae orationes fiebant, quoniam vix ab eis psalmus 
 continuari valebat. dum quisque in alterum respiciebat, quasi 
 jam cerneret fratrem patre orbatum, erumpebat in lacrimas. 
 coram illo plangere nequaquam audebant, quia spe bona laeta- 
 bundus non lacrimantes sed laetantes eos omnes videre volebat. 
 si cujus in lacrimas concitati singultum sentiebat, confestim solita 
 gravitate compescebat. profunda jam noctis parte transacta, quae 
 in sabbatum illucescebat, cujus ad vesperum obiit, reverendissimus 
 vir ejusdem ecclesiae prior Anselmus, de proximo illius fine non 
 tam suspectus quam certus, collocavit se longiuscule ab eo, et 
 clanculo, nolens ut ille agnosceret, quia moleste ferebat aliquem 
 circa se. verum mox ut primum ad matutinas sonuit signum, ilico 
 
Life of Herluin 
 
 109 
 
 excitavit domnum abbatem Rogerium, qui secus caput ejus ac- 
 cumbebat, et ait : Excitate priorein, ut dicat nobiscura matutinas. 
 plurimum miratus est ille quomodo id agnovisset, quia nec coram 
 60 venerat, nec aliquis ei dixerat, et post accubuerat. summo 
 vero mane omnes diei horas coram se dici rogavit. denique jam 
 The boly ingruentem mortis horam sentiens communicari se expostulavit, 
 Ma ic m. animam sibi commendari. festinato ivit abbas Rogerius, sed 
 
 nullam in eucharistia hostiam invenit. turbati sunt fratres 
 universi. mors instabat, et tutamen salutare dominici corporis, 
 quod ille acciperet, non erat. verum circa morientem minime 
 defuit, quae circa viventem miserationis divinae gratia praesto 
 semper fuit. forte tunc quidam sacerdos pro eo missam celebrans 
 sumendum adhuc in manibus tenebat corpus dominicum. ejus 
 itaque oblationis, quae pro commendando illius exitu oblata deo 
 fuerat, praedictus abbas portionem unam suscepit, et ei ad 
 viaticum tulit. commendaturi exitum ilico fratres omnes ac- 
 currunt, quorum lacrimationem nec tunc sustinere praevalens, 
 peracta ex more Christiano commendatione, quo valuit nutu 
 verboque monuit ut in claustrum redeant, tanto instantius ei 
 subvenientes, quanto ad exitum propinquare videbant. 
 The last Jam sola exitus hora expectabatur, ac pi'ecum et lacrimarum 
 
 moments. armis communitur. quotiens camerae in qua decumbebat ostium 
 aperiebatur, verens quisque ne jam migrasse nuntiaretur, attonitus 
 prosiliebat, et quod verebatur audire expectabat. transegit diem 
 sic usque ad vesperam, ac saepe quasi aliunde reversus dicebat 
 abbati Rogerio, qui proximus astabat : Quid faciunt domini nostri ? 
 cur morantur ? quid esse putatis ? cur non accedunt ? ille quan- 
 quam de aliis eum crederet loqui personis, respondebat ac si 
 loqueretur de fratribus monasterii, Quid, inquiens, jubetis? sunt 
 in claustro, orant pro vobis, aderunt mox ut voletis. tacebat, et 
 parvum post intervallum eadem commotius iterabat. laborabat 
 ille addiscere quorum moram causabatur et accessum praestola- 
 batur, verum nil plus ab eo audiebat. vespertina a fratribus 
 peracta sinaxi, cum diei ac diurni officii fine, vitae humanae 
 stadium felici cursu peregit, nocte jam proxima, quae in dominicum 
 26 Aug. 1078. illucescebat, septimo kalendas Septembris. 
 
 The funeral. Irruunt universi, nec jam solum monachi, verum ex familia 
 servientes, et qui ex villis confluxerant, fores et claustra ctfringere 
 conati. quos abbas Rogerius, qui sancto viro in ultima aegritudine 
 obsequentissimus fuerat, prudenti confortatione adhortans detinuit, 
 
110 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 donee corpus decentissime funeratum solemni processione in 
 ecclesiam est perlatum. in communi igitur posito jam licet 
 omnibus communem lamentari desolationem. quae vivum semper 
 assequebatur, in funere quoque ilium gloria comitatur. ad per- 
 solvendum ultimum obsequium fratri, qui apud omnes maximi 
 amoris atque reverentiae ob eximiam religionem fuit, animo libenti 
 convenerunt plurimi abbates multaeque personae venerabiles. 
 advenit et totum exequiale oflficium celeberrime egit^ Ebroicensis 
 episcopus, honestae vitae magnaeque litterarum scientiae vir 
 venerandus Gislebertus. 
 The abbot's Factum est in capitulo illi monumentum bonorum actuum, 
 toe'clmpteV" aeternum filiis monumentum. jure quo de spiritualibus locuturi 
 house. studiis conveniunt illius praesentatur memoria, qui ex tyranno 
 
 religiosus, ex multum saeculari omnino spiritualis, loci illius atque 
 ordinis primus exstitit fundator et abbas, maximos patre ama- 
 tissimo orbatorum filiorum questus referre supersedeo, ne dolorem 
 legenti inferam, neu lectorem ref'erendo moveam in lacrimationem. 
 illo decenti honorificentia tumulato, largissimis expensis recreantur 
 pauperes qui ex tota vicinitate confluxerunt. aetemam animae 
 illius recreationem praestet, si votis opus est, qui vivit et regnat 
 per omnia saecula saeculorum. amen. 
 
 OVl. egit. 
 
GISLEBERTI ABBATIS DE SIMONIACIS 
 
 Gilbert seeks DiLlGENDO patri et domino, sanctae Cantuariensis ecclesiae f. 
 juT^ient as ^"''"^'^^ pontifici, Anselmo frater Gilbertus abbas Westmonasterii : 
 to simoniacal quae praeparavit deus diligentibus se. 
 
 persons. Quia vobis multam deus concessit gratiara in scripturarum 
 
 sensibus, precor ut audiatis quid me ac plures alios mecum mo- 
 veat de simoniacis, et quid super hoc tenendum sit ecclesiasticis 
 He will set assei'tionibus edoceatis. utque minori taedio ad quaesita respon- 
 onVoth Tides quae hinc atque inde dicuntur coram posita liberius 
 
 atque subtilius discutiatis, utramque partem quaestionis ad quern 
 potui finem vestigando perduxi, et quae ex utraque parte dici 
 possunt aeque scripta posui, quid conveniant, et unde contro- 
 versia existat. 
 
 All agree that Id equidem apud omnes convenit et constat de simoniacis, 
 heresy^- quia sunt haeretici. simoniacos dicimus qui munus dant pro 
 sacris ordinibus. excludo^ munus a lingua, munus ab officio, 
 et si qua alia nobis sunt occulta exhibitionum genera, vereor 
 1 Cor. iv 5. comminantem apostolum : Nolite, inquit, ante tempus judicare 
 donee veniet dominus, qui et illuminahit abscondita tenebrarum et 
 manifestabit consilia cordium. tamen audiant nobiscum quod 
 Gal. vi 7. idem ait apostolus: Nolite errare; deus non irndetur. audiant et 
 Isa. xxxiii 15. unde justum hominem propheta commendat: Qui excutit manus 
 suas ab omni munere. 
 
 Sed haec omitto. communi sensu accipio simoniacos, qui 
 datione auri et argenti fiunt, verbi gratia, episcopi, et nisi id eis 
 emeret datio auri et argenti non fierent episcopi. qua, inquam, 
 and com- auctoritate istis communicamus ? sancit lex divina, sanciunt 
 heretic" canones et decreta, ut cum haereticis nullam prorsus commu- 
 forbidden. nionem habeamus. quod approbari opus non est : quia ita esse 
 nuUi in ecclesia dei dubium est. deus^ in evangelio nihil medium 
 Matt, xii 30. ponit: Qui non est, inquit, mecum, adversum me est. si quis ergo 
 
 ' Incipit liber domni Gisleberti abbatis de Symoniacis ms. excluso ms 
 
 (vide supra p. 37 n.). ^ fors. domiuus. 
 
112 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 adversariis dei commnnicando dicit cum deo se esse, circa idem 
 duo contraria statuit esse, quod non potest esse, inde ait et 
 2 Cor. vi 15. apostolus : Quae participatio fideli cum infideli t infideles vero 
 
 dicimus et credimus esse oinnes haereticos. 
 These err At si quis obicit infideles dici eos tantum qui errando a 
 
 thaT grace veritate fidei animo pertinaci contemnunt redire ad veritatem 
 comes gnitis. fidei, concedimus. quia dicimus simoniacos omnino errare a 
 veritate fidei, quia credunt id quod dei est pecunia emi posse: 
 Matt. X 8. cum Veritas ipsa in evangelio dicit^: Gratis, inquit, accepistis, 
 gratis date, unde et ipsum donum dei, quia gratis accipitur, 
 gratis datur, gratia dei vocatur. neque enim dicimus eos tantum 
 haereticos qui errant a veritate fidei seu in discretione trinitatis 
 seu in unitate deitatis, sed etiam omnes eos qui animo pertinaci 
 nolunt esse in omni ea | unitate fidei quam credit et tenet uni- f. lOO. 
 versalis ecclesia Christi. 
 What is Quod itaque comparatur, gratis non datur: si gratis non datur, 
 
 not^^rotl"™*^^ gratiae nomen jam ibi prorsus evacuatur. igitur gratia dei non 
 and is not emitur : alioquin gratia non diceretur. ad haec : quae sua sunt 
 T^he bishop episcopus operatur, exteriora videlicet officiorum signa, et ea seu 
 ou'twarV^^ vendere seu gratis conferre potest si vult. qui ergo ab episcopis 
 signs: God ordines emunt, id emunt quod episcopi vendere possunt: sola 
 grace videlicet exteriora officiorum signa. donum et gratiam dei, quae 
 sua non sunt, nuUo modo episcopi vendere possunt. alioquin aut 
 deus omnipotens non esset, si violentia sibi ulla inferretur; aut 
 Justus non esset, si ab eo pravitati assensio ulla praeberetur. si 
 autem non credunt simoniaci donum dei pecunia posse emi, emunt 
 tamen, aut decipi deum posse putant, qui furtiva comparatione 
 donum ejus sibi vindicant, aut injuriae tantae debitum ultorem 
 and this they esse deum non aestimant, qui injusta pervasione donum ejus 
 cannot buy. j.apimjt, tenent atque usurpant. quia vero nihil horum de deo 
 dici fas est, et gratia dei nuUo modo pecunia emitur, quicquid 
 aliud confertur infructuose omnino exhibetur. 
 What then is Quid ergo juvat indulta ab illis peccatorum remissio ? prius^ 
 ti^n'^worth?" ^^^^ dominus in evangelio: Accipite spiritum sanctum; et 
 Joh. XX 22 f. postea subintulit : Quorum remiseritis peccata, remissa erunt, et 
 quorum retinueritis, retenta erunt. peccata ergo neque remitters 
 neque retinere possunt qui spiritum sanctum prius non acceperunt. 
 01 their quid denique confert illorum benedictio ? bencdictionis gratiam 
 
 benediction ? 
 
 ' dicat MS. " primus ms. 
 
De Simoniacis 
 
 113 
 
 dare non possunt qui benedicendi gratiam non acceperunt: imino 
 
 nialedictionem pro benedictione inducunt. 
 0. T. proofs : Ut de veteri testamento aliqua supersumamus exempla, in 
 makeT*'^^*" lege scriptum est: Quod tetigeiit immundus, immundum erit. quod 
 unclean. 
 
 Num. xix 22. . .... ... , .... 
 
 mundus enim ent quisquis immunditiam atque haeresim alicujiis 
 
 agnoscens ab eo tactus atque tractus ad sui communionem fuerit. 
 None with a et alibi: Locutus est dominus ad Moysen dicens, Omnis qui habuent 
 approach"the ^<^cidam de semine Aaron sacerdotis, non accedet offerre hostias 
 altar. . domino, nec panes deo suo: vescetitr tamen panibus qui offeruntur 
 21—23. ' in sanctuario, ita dumtaxat ut intra velum non ingrediatur, nec 
 accedat ad altare; (quia maculam habet) et contaminare non debet 
 sanctuarium meum. per quamvis maculam peccatum signatur, 
 per leprae maculam haeresis designatur : qui ergo ab ipso altaris, 
 immo veli, accessu arcetur, ab omni altaris officio omnimodo 
 inhibetur. si itaque is qui maculam gerit, quamvis existat de 
 semine Aaron sacerdotis, cujus solam stirpem deus assumpserat 
 ad officium altaris, omnimodo prohibetur ab altaris accessu, nulla 
 prorsus quaestio restat de eo qui leprae macula infectus erit 
 I et qui de semine Aaron non fuerit. nulla igitur simoniacus f. lOl. 
 ratione potest accedere ad altare; quia si accedit non sacrat sed 
 contaminat sanctuarium dei, utpote immundus atque haeresis, hoc 
 est leprae, macula infectus, et a semine Aaron sacerdotis omnino 
 Hebr. V 4. alienus: sumit enim ipse sibi honorem, et non [et] vacatur a deo 
 tanquam Aaron. 
 
 Authorities : Beatus quoque Ambrosius, in libro de observatione episco- 
 above"^. 68)^. porum inde disputans, inter alia si non eisdem verbis eodem 
 omnino sensu ista dicit: Quid accipit episcopus ? aurum. aurum, 
 inquit, est quod accipit episcopus, ponit in sacello ; sed accipiendo 
 Matt, xvi 26. pecuniam perdit animam suam : quid vero prodest homini si totum 
 jnundum lucretur, animae vero suae detrimentum patiatur? qui 
 autem dat pecuniam pro ordinibus episcopo, quid sumit ab 
 Leprosy, not episcopo ? lepram, inquit, non gratiam : maledictionem, inquit, 
 receh'es^ a benedictionem. Item, Quando simoniacus dicit ad populum, 
 
 curse, not a Pax vobis, quod habet dare potest, hoc est damnationem quam 
 
 blessing, he . . 
 
 gives. habet: benedictionem et gratiam dei dare eis non potest, quia non 
 
 habet. qui enim dat pecuniam pro ordinibus episcopo, quia pro 
 
 Or, again, gratia dei nihil dat deo, utique nil sumit vel accipit a deo. utique 
 
 he receives ^jg verbis beatus Ambrosius plane ostendit quia simoniacus nil 
 nought, gives ...... ' ^ 
 
 nought. accipit, uil tradit. 
 
114 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 Leo, Ep. 
 clxvii (ad 
 Rusticum) 
 inq. 1. 
 
 Innocent, Ep. 
 xvii (nd 
 Riifum) §§ 7, 
 12. 
 
 How then 
 does he dif 
 from a 
 layman ? 
 
 1 Cor. iv 7. 
 
 Scriptural 
 warnings : 
 Korah, 
 Num. xvi 35. 
 
 Uzzah, 
 
 2 Kegg. vi 3, 
 
 6, 7. 
 
 Leo papa in decretis suis inter alia sic ait: Unde cum saepe 
 quaestio de male accepto honore nascatur, quis ambigat nequa- 
 quam ab istis esse tribuendum, quod non eis docetur fuisse 
 coUatum ? his quoque verbis ostenditur quia nihil confertur 
 simoniaco, nihil tribuitur a simoniaco. uterque enim appellatur 
 simoniacus, et qui dat pecuniam et qui accipit pecuniam pro 
 sacris ordinibus. 
 
 Innocentius papa haec ita dicit: Adquiescimus et verum est 
 certe, quia quod non habuit simoniacus dare non potuit (et nihil 
 in dante erat quod posset accipere qui emebat)^: damnationem 
 utique quam habuit per pravam manus impositionem dedit : et 
 qui particeps factus est damnato quomodo debeat honorem ac- 
 cipere in venire non possum, ad summam: certe qui nihil a Bonoso 
 acceperunt, rei sunt usurpatae dignitatis, qui conficiendorum 
 sacramentorum sibi vindicaverunt auctoritatem, atque id se pu- 
 taverunt esse quod nulla eis fuerat regulari ratione concessum. 
 
 Id attestari et contestando astipulari videntur quamplurimae 
 aliorum quoque patrum in canonibus et in decretis sententiae. si 
 igitur nil tradit qui sacros ordines vendit, nil accipit qui sacros 
 ordines emit, quid refert inter simoniacum et aliquem sine or- 
 dinibus laicum, quantum ad altaris officium ? nec ille nec iste 
 quicquam habet, quia non accipit. unde apostolus Paulus ait : 
 Quid enim habes quod non accepisti? ut ergo per partes | dicam, f. 102. 
 aut missa non erit quam simoniacus celebrabit, sacrata ecclesia 
 non erit quam simoniacus sacrabit, cum sacros ordines non habeat 
 quia nihil ab ordinante accepit; aut missa erit quam laicus cele- 
 brabit, sacrata ecclesia erit quam laicus sacrabit, qui item nuUos 
 ordines habet quia non accepit: de similibus enim idem judicium. 
 
 In libro Numeri sic legitur: Chore et multitude quae cum illo 
 erat temerario ausu posuerunt incensum et thymiama coram 
 domino, et ignis egresstis a domino interfecit ducentos quinquaginta 
 viros qui offerebant incensum coram domino, debitam igitur isti 
 exceperunt temeritatis suae vindictam, quia non acceperunt 
 officium a domino ut adolerent incensum atque thymiama coram 
 domino, neque pro sacrificio sacrificium hoc habitum est a domino, 
 item in libro Regum legimus quod David et universus populus 
 Israel ducebant archam dei: Oza, inquit, et Aio filii Aminadab 
 minabant plaustrum novum, postquam autem venerunt ad aream 
 N<tchor, extendit manum Oza ad archam dei et tenuit earn, quoniam 
 
 ' Verba uiicinis inclusa superius scripserat Innocentius. 
 
De Simoniacis 
 
 115 
 
 calcitraverunt boves et declinaverunt earn, iratusque est dovdnas 
 indignatione contra Ozam, et percussit eum dominus super temeri- 
 tate ; qui vioi-tuus est ihi jvxta archavi dei. nihil ergo huic 
 contulit accedere ad archam dei, qui mortuus est juxta archam 
 dei. officiurn eis impositum erat minare^ plaustrum : jiista 
 fortasse videbatur occasio et vicina necessitati ratio ; calciaverunt 
 boves, inclinaverunt archam ; extimuit Oza pro archa dei, et 
 extendit manuin ad archam dei: et tamen percussit eum dominus 
 super temeritate, et mortuus est ibi; quia officiurn illi impositum 
 non erat extendere manum ad archam dei. lignea erat archa, et 
 quamvis sancta tamen lignea. in archa erat manna, tabulae 
 testamenti, et virga Aaron quae fronduerat. et quantum distat 
 inter haec sancta et sancta sanctorum, corporis et sanguinis 
 Christi mysteria. ilia idcirco erant sancta, quia horum sacrorum 
 erant umbra et figura; haec ipsius sanctimoniae sunt Veritas et 
 causa, si ergo percussit dominus Oza super temeritate sua, non 
 quidem prorsus excogitata atque deliberata, sed ad tempus 
 fortuito^ casu illata; qua poena percutietur qui deliberatione 
 continua fur et malitiosus cotidie extendit manum ad ilia terrifica 
 sacri altaris mysteria ? non obtinuit ille pro temerario accessu 
 gratiam, sed debitam excepit ultionis sententiam. non obtinebit 
 et iste pro temerario accessu gratiam, sed meritam excipiet 
 temeritatis suae^ vindictam. 
 The Gentile In libro Machabeorum primo legimus, quod Judas Machabeus 
 cleansed* but populus qui cum eo erat mundaverunt^ sancta quae prius ritu 
 destroyed. lege institute sanctificata et a gentibus contaminata erant: illud 
 43 ff^'^ vero altare quod gentes construxerant atque sanctificaverant non 
 
 emundaverunt, | sed a solo penitus destruxerunt et lapides ejus in f. 103. 
 loco immundo reposuerunt. quantum vero attinet ad rei istius 
 mysterium, quid refert inter gentilem et simoniacum ? sacrat 
 gentilis altare qui non accepit a deo id facere, atque idcirco 
 peccat, quia illud consecrare praesumit et usurpat. sacrat et 
 simoniacus altare, cui omnino fas non est id facere, atque idcirco 
 peccat, quia illud sacrilega praesumptione et, ut ita dicam, velit 
 nolit deus, consecrare attemptat. denique si verum est avari- 
 Cf. Col. iii 5. tiam esse idolatriam, sicut ait apostolus, quis avarus dicetur 
 idolatra, si idolatra non dicitur simoniacus, qui etiam dei boni- 
 tatem pecunia^ venalem putat ? quibusdam itaque nostrum 
 
 ' minari ms. - fortitudo Ms. ' snam sis. ■* manducaverunt ms. 
 
 5 pecuniam ms. 
 
 8—2 
 
116 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 are invalid, 
 
 videtur quia altare quod simoniacus sacrat nulla emundari sancti- 
 ficatione potest, sed prorsus a solo destrui ex auctoritate debet, 
 quod de altari dicimus, hoc ipsum de aliis sacratis rebus sentimus. 
 
 Ut igitur quaestionis nostrae partem unde agimus summatim 
 colligamus, attende et paucis. multis de causis, auctoritatibus 
 atque exemplis dicimus quia simoniacus nihil ab ordinante 
 accipit, nihil ipse ordinando aliquem illi tradit. gratiam enim 
 dei seu emi seu vendi non potest, ipsa vero officiorum signa 
 quae suscipit, quia furatur et rapit, nihil ei conferunt nisi male- 
 Jer. xlviii 10. dictionem, sicut scriptum est : Maledictus qui facit opus domini 
 fraudulenter. ad nullum denique sacramenti effectum ea ab eo 
 and worse^^ alii accipere possunt : immo damnato fit particeps quisquis ab eo 
 id scienter accipere conatur, unde ille fur et damnationis reus esse 
 notatur. haec igitur ita se habent. 
 
 E contra: 
 everywhere 
 things con- 
 secrated hy 
 such men are 
 simply recon- 
 ciled ; 
 
 and persons 
 also, after 
 due penance. 
 
 Canons of 
 Toledo, etc. 
 Bruns i 313 
 (§9). 
 
 This implies 
 that the 
 consecration 
 was real. 
 
 At vero ex alia parte per totum fere orbem terrarum videmus 
 loca sacra, sicut aiunt, a simoniacis sacrata sic manere ; neque, 
 cognita hujus benedictionis sacrilega usurpatione, more sueto ilia 
 sacrari, sed solummodo per debitum reconciliationis ordinem ab 
 episcopo reconciliari. item vidimus a simoniacis ordinatos post 
 peractum paenitentiae tempus ecclesiastico more non sacrari, sed 
 solummodo per manus episcopi impositionem reconciliari : et id 
 quorundam auctoritas canonum, sicut aiunt, concedit posse fieri. 
 
 In Toletano concilio xi° sic legitur : Unde si digna simoniacos 
 satisfactio paenitentiae tempore invenerit, non tantum com- 
 munioni^, sed et loco et totius ordinis officiis a quibus separati 
 fuerant restituendi sunt, in pluribus aliis canonibus atque 
 decretis has permissorias restitutiones circa simoniacos fieri posse 
 legimus. quod vero restituitur, in eo statu quem prius habuit 
 atque amisit iterum statuitur. habuit itaque simoniacus sacronim 
 ordinum dignitatem, cui restitui potest per paenitentiae satisfac- 
 tionem. si ergo haec ita fieri licet et | Veritas ita se habet, dicimus f. 104. 
 quia simoniacus benedicendi quoque gratiam accepit et habet, 
 quam aliis ex officio suo conferre potest, si locus enim sacratus 
 non esset, aliquando eum more debito sacrari necesse esset. si 
 episcopi ordinem non accepisset episcopus simoniace ordinatus, 
 aliquando eum canonico ritu ordinari oporteret. at quia haec 
 non fiunt, nec fieri necesse esse dicunt, concedi oportet quia haec 
 eis aliquando exhibita [haec] fuerunt. id equidem nos perturbat. 
 
 communioms ms. 
 
De Simoniacis 
 
 117 
 
 et inde controversia existit, quia haec fieri posse ratio et auc- 
 
 toritas contradicit et item fieri posse permittit. 
 The parallel Ad ea quae proposuimus respondet fortasse aliquis : Ea, inquit, 
 Hving bishop, i^uctoritate communicare possumus simoniacis, qua auctoritate licet 
 
 communicare raptoribus, ebriosis et non continentibus episcopis. 
 
 haec enim non sunt opera lucis, sed opera tenebrarum ; et quae, 
 2 Cor. vi 14. sicut ait apostolus Paulas, societas luci ad tenebras ? verum quam- 
 who must be diu seu hos seu illos ecclesia dei tolerat, donee s3niodalis censura 
 deposed*by 60S canonice discussos judicet ac deponat, tolerandi sunt ab sub- 
 a synod. ditis, atque sine periculo exhiberi eis potest obedientia ab subditis. 
 
 in his quae dei sunt obedientia illis exhiberi potest, assensio vero 
 
 pravitatis uUa eis adhiberi non debet, quid enim nostra interest 
 Cf. Phil. 1 18. seu ex occasione seu ex veritate Christus annuncietur, dum populus 
 
 vocem dei audiat, et quae agenda sunt undecumque summonitus 
 
 agat ? quid nostra refert qua intentione episcopus super cathe- 
 Cf. Matt. dram Moysi sedeat ? audi commonitionem^ evangelii: Qi<ae, inquit, 
 
 dicunt facite, quae autem faciunt facere nolite. 
 Cf. Matth. Obicis vero mihi illud ex evangelio: Ingressus in templum 
 
 ■ dominus cathedras vendentium columbas, et mensas nummulari- 
 
 orum evertit, et illos procul a templo exturbavit. super cathedram 
 
 eversam quis, inquies, sedere potest ? qui in templo dei remanere 
 
 Obj. : he has non sinitur, quae, inquies, dicit in domo dei unde audiatur? super 
 
 place: the cathedram itaque Moysi simoniacus sedere non potest, quia eum 
 
 others have nullam cathedram in domo dei habere fas est, nec istud exemplum 
 not. . . . . . . .. 
 
 referri potest ad simoniacum. ad illos referri debet qui legitime 
 
 inthronizati super cathedram Moysi sedent in domo dei. 
 Yet they are Sed, rogo, attende. verum est, dicitur, quia indubitanter coram 
 however they' deo cathedra simoniaci evertitur, et ipse a conspectu dei damna- 
 got there. tione pei-petua eliminatur. si tamen violenter cathedram obtineat, 
 velis nolis super cathedram Moysi sedeat, quamdiu deus id pa- 
 tiatur, quae dicit audi et fac, quae facit facere noli, accipe testem 
 Eccles. x4. inde et commonitionem sacrae scripturae auctoritatem : Si ascen- 
 dent spiritus super te potestatem habens, non dimittas locum tuum^. 
 ascendit super te, quando tu illi non potes resistere. tu tamen 
 non dimittas locum tuum, etiam si ille super te arripit locum ; 
 quamdiu te quidem | sinit tenere locum tuum. unde et apostolus f. 105. 
 Rom. xiii 1 f. Paulus ait: Non est, inquit, potestas nisi a dec: quae autem a deo 
 
 ' commotionem ms. ^ Apud Eccle.t. legitur : si spiritus potestatem habentis 
 ascenderit super te, locum tuum ne dimiseris. 
 
118 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 sunt, (yrdinata sunt^: itaqiie qui potestati resistit, ordinationi dei 
 resistit. ac si diceret: Jndicem hnnc sen ilium dens constituit 
 super te, et te constituit subditum illi esse: noli ordinationi dei 
 Eom. xiii 3. resistere; sed age quod alibi ipse ait: Bonum f<ic, et habehis 
 laudem ex ilia, cum enim de potestatibus ordinatis a dec trac- 
 taret, hoc tandem in finem consilium dedit : Vis non timere 
 potestatem? bonum fac, et habebis laudem ex ilia, item: Tu quis 
 Rom. xiv 4. es qui judicas alienum servum ? suo domino stat ant codit. ac si 
 Cf. Rom. ii 5. diceret : Si ille quod male accepit usurpando thesaurizat sibi iram 
 in die irae justi judicii dei, tu sub eo positus exercendo patientiam 
 Cf. Luc. xxi in patientia tua possidebis animam tuam. 
 
 Dicis vero mihi : Scio evidenter quia simoniacus est, quia a deo 
 The Lord did alienus est: quomodo illi communicare audebo? accipe. sciebat 
 communk)ii evidenter et dominus quia Judas fur erat, quia proditor erat, quia 
 with Judas, et diabolus erat: dominus, inquam, qui Judae subditus non erat, 
 immo magister et dominus Judae erat: et tamen cum illo edebat, 
 bibebat, et in nullo a communione sua eum amovebat, donee 
 aperte malitia illius detecta in semet judicando se ipsum indignum 
 It need not et exsortem exivit a consortio aliorum. de illis quidem qui faciunt 
 sen^!^ et consentiunt debitum jamdudum controversia finem accepit: 
 
 Cf. Rom. i 32. facientes, inquit, et consentientes pari vindicta plectentur. agimus 
 tantummodo de illis quos, velint nolint, necesse est esse sub illis. 
 'What is their Quaeris : Quid ju vat indulta ab illis peccatorum remissio ? nil 
 wor°th'?'°" quidem obest, immo juvat et prodest, si animo fideli quaeritur, 
 debito paenitendi ordine expetitur et quasi a vicario dei excipitur. 
 Isa. xliii 26. in Ysaia scriptum est : Narra si quid habes,utjustijiceris. dominus 
 Luc. xvii 14. vero dicit in evangelio leprosis: Ite, ostendite vos sacerdotibus : et 
 dum irent mundati sunt, quamdiu ergo in ecclesia dei sacerdotis 
 officium simoniacus gerit, et id eum gerere sinit, tu qui sub ipso 
 sacerdote vivis, vade, ostende te sacerdoti: narra si quid habes. 
 Look not to ut justificeris: quia ab homine non obtinetur justificatio, sed a 
 
 the minister, , . ■, . ^ ^ ■ ^ ■ ^ • • ^ 
 
 but to God, deo. SI sacerdos Justus est, juvant quidem preces ejus, juvant 
 as giver of merita ejus; sed gratia dei te justificat. si sacerdos iustus non 
 
 sacramental . . , . . . 
 
 grace. est, juvat quidcm cordis tui mansuetudo, juvat exhibita ilh 
 
 propter deum debita summissio; sed gratia dei te justificat. sicut 
 
 Joh. i 33. enim de baptismo evangelium dicit: Hie est qui baptizat, deus 
 videlicet, quisquis baptisrai minister existat; ita de orani sacra- 
 
 1 Cor. xii 11. mento seu gratiae dei dono apostolus ait: Haec, inquit, omnia 
 operatur unus atque idem spiritus, dividens singulis prout vult. 
 ^ Sic apud Aug. contra Gaud. i. 20 (torn, ix col. 643 d). 
 
De Simoniads 
 
 119 
 
 ac si diceret: Quisquis sacramentorum | executor sit in quolibet f. 106. 
 genere sacramenti, seinper unus atque idem spiritus operatur 
 gratiam et virtutem sacramenti. non enim quicquam excepit, 
 qui omnia unum atque eundem spiritum operari asserit. 
 If a man by Saepe quoque executor gratiae dei id ad mortem suam ex- 
 equitur, quod a deo per eum salus ad vitam confertur. inter dona 
 
 black arts 
 restores 
 
 health not a .. . .„ 
 
 gift of God ? stigiosus aliquis ahqua malencu sui arte innrmum aliquem sanat, 
 numquid sanitas ipsa non est sanitas, aut sanitas ipsa non est 
 donum dei sicut alia quaelibet sanitas ? et tamen unde iste 
 1 Cor. xiii 3. salvatur, ille damnatur. Si, inquit apostolus, distrihuero in cibos 
 If alms profit pauperum omnes facultates meas, et si tradidero corpus vieum ita 
 less giver, ardeam, caritatem autem non habeam, nihil mihi prodest si 
 
 may not the ergo elemosina nihil illi prodest a quo sine caritate confertur, 
 
 receiver be . . . ^ o ■ i 
 
 profited? numquid ilh non prodest cui confertur, et benencium hoc gratiae 
 
 dei donum esse (non) dicetur ? 
 The promise De sacramento corporis Christi dominus dicit in evangelio : 
 stands fast Q^*' fnanducat carnem meam et bibit sanguinem meum, in me 
 for the worthy nianet et ego in eo. apostolus vero dicit ad Corinthios : Qui 
 Joh. vi 56. manducat et bibit indigne, judicium sibi manducat et bibit, non 
 1 Cor. XI 29. clijudicans corpus domini. unum et idem ergo sacramentum aliis 
 est ad vitam, aliis est ad mortem, qui manducat et bibit digne, 
 vitam sibi manducat et bibit: qui vero manducat et bibit indigne, 
 judicium sibi manducat et bibit, non dijudicans corpus domini. 
 Eccles. vii 20. quia vero hominis est peccare, sicut scriptum est: Non est homo 
 qui faciat bonum et non peccet; dei vero est justificare, de quo 
 Ps. ciii 3. scriptum est: Qui propitiatur omnibus iniquitatibus tuis, qui sanat 
 The Spirit omnes infirmitatcs tuas; spiritus sanctus remittit etiam per simo- 
 absolves the niacos peccata, ubi pura confessione peccatum paenitendo narratur, 
 penitent. atque dignus paenitentiae fructus sequitur. 
 
 ' What is their Quaeris: Quid confert illorum benedictio ? si, inquam, bene- 
 worthT' dictio est, plurimum confert. benedictionem vero esse quis 
 
 prohibet ? Judas enim proditor cum caeteris apostolis praedi- 
 Judaswas cabat, miracula faciebat, benedictiones super populum dabat. 
 and^heal'^^an'd' "^umquid propter malitiam Judae sacramentorum virtus atque 
 bless. benedictio irrita fiebat ? qui verbum fidei ab ore illius percipie- 
 
 bat, credebat, numquid salvus non fiebat ? absit. dicit enim 
 Rom. X 11. scriptura: Omnis qui crediderit in eum non confundetur. per 
 
 males autem ministros potens est bonitas dei benedictionis et 
 
 gratiae suae dona operari. Isaac volens atque omnino credens se 
 
120 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 Isaac's benedicere filium suum primogenitum Esau, Jacob alteram filium 
 
 bJessuig*"'^ suum benedixit. quia ergo ille non volens, immo deceptus, alterum 
 
 was a true benedixit, iste patri veritatem celando^ furtivam ab eo benedic- 
 blessing. . . . 
 
 tionem surripuit, numquid ilia benedictio idciico benedictio non 
 
 Gen. xxvii 33. fuit ? fuit plane: nam postea scriptum est: Expavit Isaac stupore 
 
 vehementi, et ultra quam credi potest admirans ait: Quis igitur 
 
 ille est qui dudum captam venatio\nem attulit mihi, et comedi ex f. 107. 
 
 omnibus priusquam tu venires? henedixique ei et erit henedictus. 
 
 quoquo itaque modo ilium benedixit, benedictum ilium esse 
 
 asserait. 
 
 Former Exempla scripturaram quae posuisti debito sensu accipimus, 
 
 allowed"with ^^q^e per omnia tecum sentimus. illud enim in lege scriptum : 
 reserves. Quad tetigerit immundus iinmundum erit, eo sensu dictum acci- 
 all is clean, pimus quo apostolus Paulus etiam abundantius ait: Omnia munda 
 Tit. 1 15. mundis; coinquinatis auteni nihil munduni, neque mens eorum 
 neque conscientia. si ergo immundus aliquid tangit, siquidem 
 immundum est, immundum manet, et eo immundius jure com- 
 putatur. si vero sacrum et mundum pro temerario suo tactu 
 immundum illi et perniciosum reputatur; sicut de sacramento 
 1 Cor. xi 29. corporis Christi apostolus testatur : Qui manducat et libit indigne, 
 judicium sibi manducat et bibit, non dijudicans corpus domini. 
 sicut enim radius solis aeque mundus per munda et immunda 
 loca transit ; et sicut aeque commodus in se ipso semper manet, 
 quando etiam lippo oculo in eum intuenti noxius existit: ita et 
 The sacra- sacramentum corporis Christi aeque mundum et sacrum, immo 
 noTloselts sanctimoniae causa, in se ipso semper subsistit, sive vitam sive 
 power. judicium sibi manducat et bibit, qui ad illud percipiendum 
 accedit. 
 
 If he cannot Quod autem beatus Ambrosius dicit: Quando simoniacus dicit 
 God*can^^'°^' populum. Pax vobis, maledictionem dare eis potest quam habet, 
 through him; benedictionem et gratiam dei dare eis non potest, quia non habet: 
 concedimus, et per omnia viri tanti auctoritatem sequimur. bene- 
 dictionem et gratiam dei ex merito suo dare non potest, quia non 
 habet. sed per eum dominus benedictionem et gratiam suam 
 dare eis potest, quia habet, potens cuicumque vult exhibere 
 divitias bonitatis suae: qui per malignos quoque spiritus saepe 
 gratiae suae dona operatur. quando vero simoniacus dicit ad 
 if a son of populum. Pax vobis, non dicit. Pax mea vobis ; sed pacem dei 
 to receive i^^ orat a deo eis concedi^: et si quis fuerit inter eos filius pacis, 
 ' zelando ms. concedit ms. 
 
De Simoniacis 
 
 121 
 
 utique reqiiiescet super eum pax dei ; si autem non fuerit inter 
 eos filius pacis, et infructuose dicitur, hoc minime fit culpa illius 
 a quo caritative oratur, sed culpa illius super qtieni imprecatur. 
 • Leprosy, not Item beatus Ambrosius dicit : Qui dat pecuniam pro ordinibus 
 vetT holy" episcopo, quid sumit ab episcopo ? leprani, inquit, non gratiam. 
 thing may be plane id ita esse credimus. qui enim quae sancta sunt datione 
 
 given, which, ^ . . , . . . .... 
 
 though death auri et argenti tradit, datione auri et argenti sumit, indigne lUe 
 to others^ ^'^^ tradit, indigne iste sumit; ad perniciem et judicium sibi ille 
 tradit, ad perniciem et judicium sibi iste sumit: tamen sacra sunt 
 et quae ille tradit, et quae iste sumit. sicut de corpore Christi 
 constat : qui indigne tradit, judicium sibi tradit ; qui indigne 
 sumit, judicium sibi sumit: tamen corpus Christi et ille tradit, 
 et iste sumit. nisi enim aliquid sacri usurpando vel ille tra- 
 jderet vel iste sumeret, unde vel ille tradendo vel iste sumendo f. 108. 
 puniretur ? 
 
 The outward Quae, inquies, sacra ? ipsa, ut tu ipse dicere soles, exteriora 
 tilings*'^ ^"^■^ sacrorum officiorum signa, quae tunc ceperant, gratia dei fructuose 
 traduntur, fructuose sumuntur quando in neutra parte quicquam 
 aliud consideratur, nisi ut serviendo deo amor ejus et gratia inde 
 Matt, vi 22 f. obtineatur. unde dominus in evangelio : Si oculus tuus fuerit 
 simplex, totum corpus tuiim lucidum erit: si autem nequam fuerit, 
 totum corpus tuum tenebrosum erit. quia vero sic male traditus 
 ordo injuste traditur, injuste sumitur, et ad perniciem usurpando 
 tenetur, exigente justitia necesse est ut amittatur^ donee digno 
 Their use may paenitentiae fructu gratia dei obtineatur, et tandem debito jure 
 but^artenvards ^xequendi officii gradus restituatur. quod ubi restituitur, alia 
 restored. reiteratione consecrationis res non indiget, sed sola per manus 
 episcopi impositionem reconciliatione opus est. sicut enim quando 
 deponitur ipsa singulorum ordinum signa sibi toUuntur, ita quando 
 restituitur eadem singulorum ordinum signa sibi redduntur, et 
 sic per debitae benedictionis gratiam deo reconciliatur. 
 The vessels Precor, attende. praecepit dominus Moysi ut omnia utensilia 
 company^ templi debito ritu sacrarentur: alitor vero deo indigna atque 
 were treated profana haberentur. legimus tamen in libro Numeri : Locutus 
 Num*.' xvi 5-7. ^^t Moyses ad Chore et ad omnem multitudinem : Hoc igitur 
 facite; tollat unusquisque thuHhula sua, tu Chore et omne con- 
 cilium tuum, et Imusto eras igne ponite desuper thymiama coram 
 Num. xvi 31. domino; et quemcunque elegerit, ipse erit sanctus. sequitur: Con- 
 festim igitar ut cessavit loqui, dirupta est terra sub pedibus eorum 
 
 ' admittatur ms. 
 
122 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 et aperiens os suum devoravit illos cum tabernaculis suis et universa 
 Num. xvi stibstantia. sed et ignis egressus a domino interfecit ducentos 
 35-37. quinqmiginta viros qui offerebant incensnm. loctdusque est dominus 
 
 ad Moysen, dicens: Praecipe Eleazaro filio Aaron sacerdotis, ut 
 tollat thunbula quae jacent in incendio, et ignem hue illucque 
 dispergat, quondam sanctijicata sunt in mortibus peccatorum ; pro- 
 ducatque ea in laminas et affigat altari, eo quod oblatum sit in eis 
 incensum domino et sanctijicata sint. qui ergo contra legis statuta 
 incensum et thymiama obtulerunt domino, pro teraeritate sua 
 debita ultionis vindicta percussi sunt : thuribula vero, quae teme- 
 rario tactu profanata erant, in mortibus peccatorum dicit esse 
 sanctificata. non dicit ea iterum sacrari oportere, sed in mortibus 
 peccatorum expiata digno expiationis atque paenitentiae fructu 
 dicit esse sanctificata. 
 Things and Ita igitur et quando a siraoniacis loca consecrantur, ipsi pro 
 consecrated^ temerario ausu debita ultionis vindicta percutiuntur: ea vero per 
 need only to sanctificatae aquae aspersionem I ab episcopis reconciliata debito f. 109. 
 be reconciled. . .„ • -i- ...... . , 
 
 jure sanctmcantur. similiter ordmati a simoniacis pro temeraria^ 
 
 praesumptione sacrorum digna ultionis vindicta percutiuntur; et 
 post peractum paenitentiae tempus, digno paenitentiae fructu 
 quasi quodam igne anxiati spiritus sanctificati, sola per manus 
 episcopi impositionem reconciliationis benedictione indigent. 
 No consecra- sanctificatio quidem nulla existit, nisi per fidem dominicae pas- 
 th°crossof sionis et assignationem dominicae crucis. sicut enim in veteri 
 Christ, testamento sine sanguinis effusione non fiebat sanctificatio, ita et 
 in novo testamento sine crucis assignatione nulla fit sanctificatio. 
 crux quippe ipsius dominicae mortis est signum atque ostensio. 
 A right con- Hac igitur ratione multum distat inter gentilem et simoni- 
 be''effect"dTy ^^um. gentilis quando sacrat, neque ipse est qui sacrare debet, 
 one who neque sacrat cui debet, immo cui non debet, idolo videlicet, et 
 consecrate;" omnino aliter quam debet, simoniacus quando sacrat, licet ipse 
 non sit qui sacrare debet, tamen sacrat cui debet, deo videlicet. 
 Gen. iv 7. et omni eo ritu quo debet, revera quidem concedi oportet : Si 
 recte offeras, recte autem non dividas, peccasti. tamen et concedi 
 oportet, quod multo vicinius saluti peccat quisquis intra fidem 
 christianam positus peccat, quam is qui omnino extra fidem 
 Joh. iii 14 f. christianam extat. unde dominus in evangelio : Sicut Moyses 
 exaltavit serpentem in deserto, ita exaltari oportet filium hominis; 
 ut omnis qui credit in eum non pereat, sed habeat vitam aeternam. 
 1 temerario ms. 
 
De Simoniacis 
 
 123 
 
 Heb. xi G. 
 
 wliereas a 
 Gentile 
 consecration 
 is nought. 
 
 Siiuiiuary 
 of reply. 
 
 Th. re is a 
 duty of sub- 
 jection for 
 those who 
 cannot 
 remove such 
 persons. 
 
 Cf. 2 Cor. vi 
 15. 
 
 Ro. xiii 2. 
 
 Communion 
 with them is 
 only wrong 
 if it implies 
 assent. 
 
 They receive 
 nought and 
 give nought, 
 in the sense 
 that they 
 receive and 
 give amiss. 
 
 But they 
 differ from 
 laymen, who 
 receive not 
 at alt. 
 
 qui ergo credit in deuni potest non perire, si fidem habeat, quae 
 sine operibus mortua existit ; at vero qui non credit nulla ratione 
 non potest non perire : sine fide enini, sicut ait apostolus Paulus, 
 ivipossibile est placere deo. altare ergo illud, de quo in libro 
 Machabeoruni legitur quod gentes construxerant, Judas Machabeus 
 et populus qui cum eo erat jure a solo prorsus destruxerunt ; quia 
 ubi nulla sanctificatio fuit nulla prorsus emundatio esse potuit. 
 
 Ut igitur et nos responsionis nostrae summam colligamus, 
 paucis attende. dicimus tecum quia simoniacus revera haereticus 
 est, dicimus tecum quia communicandum sibi non est ; sed com- 
 municare dicimus unum cum illo esse voluntatis assensu atque 
 actione. si idcirco regulariter atque canonice subditi eum amovere 
 possunt, tolerandus non est, immo omnino amovendus est. si 
 autem competenter id facere non possunt, patienter tolerandus est, 
 et sine periculo in his quae fieri licet a subditis ei obedientia 
 exhiberi potest atque debet, sub Nabuchodonosor, qui erat in- 
 fidelis atque idolatra, vixit per annos multos imperiis ejus parendo 
 Daniel propheta, vir fidelis atque verus Israelita. si ergo obicis 
 mihi auctoritatem apostoli: Quae communicatio fideli cum infideli? 
 par pari referimus : obicimus et nos auctoritatem ejusdem 
 apostoli : Qui potestati resistit, ordinationi^ dei resistit. et for- 
 |tassis utraque sic servatur auctoritas, nec alteri altera repugnat, f. no. 
 si communicare alicui dicimus unum cum illo esse voluntatis 
 assensu atque actione. hoc enim modo cavere possumus ne ali- 
 quibus in maligno positis communicemus. ad cumulum vero 
 hujus cautelae atque observantiae plerumque praecipitur a quibus 
 fieri debet, et quibus id observare licet, ne cum ejusmodi ulla 
 prorsus communio vel in cibo vel in potu vel in colloquio habeatur. 
 ad praesens enim loquimur non de illis sub quorum censura ex- 
 istunt simoniaci, at de illis quos necesse est (esse) sub illis, et 
 quorum causae non interest judicare de illis, sed judicari ab illis. 
 
 Item dicimus tecum quia simoniacus nil accipit, nil tradit. 
 sed id idcirco dicimus quia aliter quam debet accipit, injuste 
 accipit, ad perniciem et ad judicium sibi accipit; aliter quam debet 
 tradit, injuste tradit, ad perniciem et ad judicium sibi tradit : 
 tamen et ille tradit et iste accipit quae in sacris actionibus ab 
 homine tradi possunt et accipi. 
 
 Refert quidem, et plurimum refert, inter simoniacum et sine 
 ordinibns laicuin. nauKjue laicus absolute nihil omnino accipit; 
 ' ordinatio ms. 
 
124 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 simoniacus vero et aliquid ab ordinante accipit et nihil ab 
 ordinante accipit. quamvis enim ad perniciem accipiat, aliquid 
 tamen accipit, quia ordines sacros accipit ; sed idcirco dicitur quia 
 nihil accipit, quoniam propter quod debet et ad (juod debet ordines 
 sacros non accipit : neque enim propter deum accipit, neque enim 
 ad suscipiendam dei gratiam ordines sacros accipit. idcirco 
 dicimus quia nihil accipit, quia dicere solemus rem non esse 
 quae aliter est quam debet esse, et aliquid non fieri quod aliter 
 This common fit quani debet fieri^. undo frequentissimo usu loquendi dicimus 
 wcn-d^nought' ®^ aliud quam debet dicit. Nihil est quod dicisl quamvis 
 enim revera aliquid dicat, revera aliquid faciat, quia non dicit 
 illud aliquid (piod debet dicere, nec fticit illud aliquid quod debet 
 facere, dicimus quia non dicit seu facit aliquid, quoniam tantundem 
 valet ac si non faceret uUum aliquid; immo melius esset non 
 fecisse aliquid, quam fecisse illud aliquid quod non debuit. si 
 enim malum est non fecisse quod debuit, multo gravius malum 
 existit et non fecisse quod debuit et fecisse quod non debuit. 
 illustrated Accipe in scripturis quoque multa hujusmodi locutionum ex- 
 
 scripture^ empla. in epistola ad Corinthios dicit apostolus: Si hahuero 
 1 Cor. xiii 2. omnem fidem, ita ut monies transferam, caritatem autem non habeam, 
 nihil sum. quamvis enim aliud aliquid existat, quia non est aliud 
 aliquid quod debet esse, nihil hoc est, non aliquid dicit se esse. 
 Gal. vi 3. Item in epistola ad Galathas : Qui autem putat se esse aliquid cum 
 nihil sit, se ipsum seducit : cum nihil, hoc est non aliquid, sit, 
 quia non est illud aliquid quod debet esse, unde in psalmo 
 Ps. xlix 20. dicitur : Homo cum in honore esset non intelleodt, comparatus est 
 jumentis insipientibus et similis /actus est illis. ac si diceret: 
 Destitit esse homo, | quando destitit facere quod facere debet homo f. ill. 
 Eccles. xii 13. et ad quod factus est homo, unde scriptura : Deum tim£, et man- 
 data ejus observa: hoc est omnis homo, si igitur homo est qui 
 ratione utitur, deum timet, et mandata ejus observat; qui ratione 
 abutitur, deum non timet, et mandata ejus non servat, hominem 
 esse eum contradicit scriptura, licet gerat speciem hominis et 
 formam, eo itaque modo dici potest quia simoniacus nil accipit, 
 nil tradit; quia quod accipit, aliter omnino quam debet accipit; 
 quod tradit, omnino aliter quam debet tradit ^ 
 
 1 fieri] esse, et aliquid non fieri quod aliter fit quam debet fieri (fieri 2° supr. lin.) 
 MS. dicit MS. * Explicit liber de symoniacis ms (rubr.). 
 
SELECTED CHARTERS. 
 
 The charters which here follow are for the most part printed for the 
 first time. The originals of six of them are preserved among the abbey 
 muniments (nos, 6, 7, 23, 24, 35, 36). The rest come from Westminster 
 chartularies, and offer for the most part texts of the end of the thirteenth 
 or the beginning of the fourteenth centuries, a few being only of the 
 fifteenth century \ I have described these books elsewhere, and will 
 only speak briefly of them here. The Westminster ' Domesday ' (as it 
 was called in Q. Elizabeth's time) is a very large folio containing nearly 
 fourteen hundred pages. I have ransacked it again and again, but as 
 it has no index I cannot pretend to have discovered all that may be 
 of interest for Abbot Gilbert's time. Faustina A. ill is unhappily no 
 longer in its old home : it passed by some illicit process, now undis- 
 coverable, into the Cottonian collection. Portions of it are copied from 
 the Westminster ' Domesday ' ; but parts of it are perhaps a little 
 earlier, and certainly offer independent texts. I have, therefore, some- 
 times given its variants, either as being in themselves of value, or as 
 illustrating the degree of freedom with which scribes copied charters 
 into these large collections. For a few of the charters printed below we 
 depend on the Liber Niger Quaternus of the fifteenth century. 
 
 I have had no previous experience in the perilous but fascinating 
 work of classifying charters ; and I am prepared to find that my ignor- 
 ance has led me into serious blunders. I have learned much from 
 Dr Horace Round's valuable books, and I have good hope that some of 
 the facts which I am able to offer for the first time will be of interest 
 to him and to other exact students. I need hardly add that I shall be 
 grateful for their aid in correcting mistakes. 
 
 For the sake of those who are unfamiliar with such charters and 
 with the problems of classification, I may say that only one of these 
 charters bears a date, and curiously enough that date appears to be a 
 wrong one. We are dependent entirely on the subject matter of each 
 
 1 For these chartularies see MSS of Westminster Abbey, pp. 93 S. 
 
126 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 charter and the names of the persons granting, addressed, witnessing, or 
 otherwise mentioned. K. Henry I's reign is, fortunately for our purpose, 
 conspicuously marked in two years by the inroads of death. In 1107 
 quite a number of his old and trusted servants passed away, men who 
 had served his brother and his father, and frequently attested his 
 charters up to that date: and on 23 Nov. 1120 William, his son and 
 heir, with the most promising young men of his court, sank with the 
 White Ship. It is obvious that limits are thus often provided below 
 which charters cannot be placed. The king's frequent absences in 
 Normandy offer further limitations for those of his charters which are 
 issued in England. He appears to have been in England, during the 
 time with which we are concerned, for the following periods^: 
 
 5 Aug. 1100 (Coronation)— Whitsuntide 1104, 
 
 Christm. 1104— Lent 1105, 
 
 Aug. 1105— July 1106, 
 
 Easter 1107— July 1108, 
 
 Whitsun. 1109— Aug. 1110, 
 
 July 1113—21 Sep. 1114, 
 
 July 1115— Easter 1116. 
 After this he did not return till Nov. 1120; and meantime Abbot 
 Gilbert had died on 6 Dec. 1117, and Q. Matilda on 1 May 1118. 
 
 This will suffice to shew the nature of the problem. I have tried in 
 the notes to make the charters intelligible to those who have no detailed 
 knowledge of the matters and persons referred to. I have frequently 
 referred to the History of Abingdon edited by Mr Stevenson in one of 
 the earliest numbers of the Rolls series: for Abbot Faricius (1100 — 
 1117) was an eminent physician, who drew many great benefactors to 
 his abbey and was in high favour with the king : accordingly he secured 
 a quite unusual number of royal charters of confirmation, and these are 
 frequently of service for the illustration of the Westminster charters I 
 
 I have not included in this series the general charter of Hen. I, 
 confirming the liberties of the abbey at the opening of his reign 
 (D. f 57 h) : it is obviously a forgery, and its only interest lies in the 
 problem of its real date and its relation to similar fabrications, of which 
 Westminster possessed a handsome series^*. These would undoubtedly 
 1 I state the periods somewhat vaguely, and depend for the statement largely on the 
 investigations of others. 
 
 ^ Mr Stevenson made a brave attempt at arranging these in an appendix ; but his dates 
 appear to need a careful scrutiny. He accepted too readily the statements contained in 
 the History, which are often demonstrably erroneous. 
 
 ' See the Introduction to Flete's History of Westminster, pp. 12 ff. 
 
Selected Charters 
 
 127 
 
 repay the labour of a minute investigation, which ought to reveal the 
 motives which led men of general excellence and honesty to invent 
 documents of this kind — documents in which they never appear to 
 claim anything to which their monastery was not, in their own time at 
 least, fully entitled. But the subject stands by itself, and does not 
 belong to our present purpose. 
 
 The series includes some charters of the time of Gilbert's predecessor 
 Vitalis (1076 — 19 June 1085), and some also of the time of his successor 
 Herbert, who was not appointed until January 1121. They illustrate 
 what has been said earlier in this volume, or they are of value for 
 purposes of reference. I have not undertaken to give all charters that 
 belong to Gilbert's time : the task of discrimination is often very 
 diflScult. Some important documents have been printed and com- 
 mented on above, and may for convenience be named here : The 
 Piriford charter granted ' post descriptionem totius Anglie ' (p. 29) ; 
 two writs of Abbot Gilbert concerning Sanctuary (p. 37) ; the grant 
 of Totenhale to William Baynard (p. 38) ; 'Firma monachorum ' (p. 41). 
 
 I have expanded the abbreviations, except where expansion seemed 
 quite unnecessary, or where (as generally in the case of proper names) 
 there was good reason for keeping the abbreviated form. 
 
 1. D. f 678. 
 
 W. rex Angl' S. vicecom' et fidelibus suis de Exssexe salutem. 
 Sciatis quia ego concessi sancto Petro Westm' terram et mariscum 
 qui vocatur Tillabyri, quem Goffridus de magna villa dedit eidem 
 ecclesie pro anima uxoris que illic jacet. T'. Ricardus fil' Gisleberti 
 comitis et R. de Oleyo. 
 
 [c. 1071—85.] For Geoffrey de Mandeville, see above pp. 32, 39, 
 and below, charters nos. 2—7, 10, 12, 15, 16, 20, 35, 36. 
 
 For Suain of Essex, see pp. 49 f and no. 2. Suain had ceased to be 
 sheriff of Essex before the Survey was taken; so had Ralph Baynard also. 
 
 On the other hand, as Geoffrey's wife Athelais was buried in the 
 cloister (see below, no. 15), it is hardly likely that the charter is earlier 
 than Abbot Edwin's death in 1071. 
 
 Richard fitz Gilbert (Richard de Bienfaite) was the son of Gilbert 
 count of Brionne, the lord of Herluin who founded the abbey of Bee. 
 
 Robert de Oleio appears as a benefactor of Abingdon {Hist. Ah. 
 Rolls S. II 25). He attests nos. 4, 5, below. He died c. 1094, and was 
 succeeded by his brother Nigel de Oleio (see below, no. 21). Robert's 
 
128 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 daughter Matilda was married to Milo Crispin : Nigel had a son Robert 
 de Oleio, the younger, who succeeded him, 
 
 2. D. f. 520 6. 
 
 Willelmus rex Angl' Walchelino episcopo et Hugoni episcopo 
 et Radulpho Baynard et Rannulpho et Goffrido vicecomitibus et 
 omnibus baronibus suis Francis et Anglis de Suthereya et Estsexia 
 salutem. Sciatis (me) concessisse deo et sancto Petro et Vitali 
 abbati et monachis Westm' illas quatuor hidas in Totingas quas 
 Sueyn ibidem dedit, et quas Ailnoth de Lond' nepos ejus nunc 
 tenet de sancto et monachis illius ecclesie. praeterea concedo illis 
 terram de Lundon' et molendinum de Stratforde cum tota terra 
 sibi pertinent!, unde praedictus Ailnod' predictam hereditavit 
 ecclesiam, teste Odone episcopo Baioc' et Rob' comite de Merit' et 
 Willelmo filio Osberni. Valete. 
 
 [1076 — 85.] Walkelin bp of Winchester was consecrated 30 May 
 1070, and died 3 Jan. 1098. Hugh bp of London, consecrated in 1075, 
 died 12 Jan. 1085. For Ralph Baynard, see above, p. 38. Rannulf 
 appears as sheriff of Surrey in the Survey. ' Goffridus ' is probably 
 Geoffrey de Mandeville. 
 
 The attestations do not belong to this writ : for Vitalis came in 1076, 
 whereas W. fitz Osbern was killed in 1071. They must be regarded as 
 recited in the writ, which itself is not attested, but ends with ' Valete.' 
 I have therefore placed after ' ecclesiam ' a comma only. 
 
 Odo bp of Bayeux and Robert count of Mortain were half brothers 
 of the Conqueror. Odo was arrested in the Isle of Wight towards the 
 end of 1082. 
 
 Edward the Confessor by a Saxon charter (D. f 529) grants the four 
 hides in Tooting which Suain held of him and gave to the abbey. 
 Hen. I's grant of them to Abbot Gilbert is printed below, no. 21. The 
 abbey of Bee held an adjoining property (Tooting Bee), which was given 
 by Richard fitz Gilbert and his wife Rohaise (Monast. vi 1052 f). Of 
 Ailnodus or Aelfhoth we read in the Survey in regard to Tooting : ' Suen 
 tenuit de rege Edwardo. banc terram recepit Wallef comes de Suen 
 post mortem R.E., et invadiavit pro ii markis auri Alnodo Lundoniensi, 
 qui concessit sancto Petro pro anima sua, scilicet quod ibi habebat.' 
 And in the Telligraphus of Will. I (D. f. 50) we have : ' Aelfnothus 
 civis Lundoniensis, qui ibidem monachus effectus fuit.' (Cf First 
 Charter of Will. I, D. f 52 b.) For Suain see also nos. 1, 8. 
 
Selected Charters 
 
 129 
 
 3. D. f. 181. 
 
 W. rex Angl' Walchelino episcopo Winton' et omnibus baronibus 
 et ministris suis Francis et Anglis de Sutrega salutem. Sciatis me 
 concessisse et confirmasse deo et sancto Petro et abbati Vitali et 
 monachis Westm' illas tres hidas quas Gaufridus filius comitis 
 Eustachii pro Beatrice uxore sua ibidem libere donavit, annuente 
 tamen Gaufrido de magna villa: unam videlicet in Belgeham et 
 duas in Waletona juxta Mordon'. et precipio quod predictus abbas 
 et monachi Westra' has prenominatas tres hidas perpetuo teneant 
 bene et in pace, libere et honorifice, quietas de murdro et geldo vel 
 danegeldo ; et defendo ne aliquis eis super banc meam regiam 
 libertatem et concessionem injuriam vel torturam faciat. T.' 
 Wluoldo abbate et Gaufrido de magna villa. 
 
 [1076—84.] ' Wluoldus' is probably Wulfwold, abbot of Chertsey 
 (tl084). Comp. with this charter Round, Feud. Eng. 330: 'the 
 Mandeville fief in Surrey, where we read of " Aultone " : — " De his hidis 
 tenet Wesmam vi hidas de Goisfrido filio comitis Eustachii ; banc terram 
 dedit ei Goisfridus de Mannevil cum filia sua " (i 36).' Combining this 
 statement with our charter, we get the interesting fact that Godfrey of 
 Bouillon, who took the cross in 1096 and was elected king of Jerusalem 
 in 1099, had married Beatrice, the daughter of Geoffrey de Mandeville. 
 
 For his brother Eustace count of Boulogne (junior), see below 
 no. 26. 
 
 4. D. f. 100 6. 
 
 Willelmus dei gracia rex Anglorum G. de magna villa et vicec' 
 et Willelmo cam' et omnibus civibus et ministris suis London' 
 salutem. Sciatis me concessisse deo et sancto Petro et Vitali 
 abbati et monachis ecclesie Westmon' pro salute anime mee et 
 amore pie memorie cognati mei predecessoris regis Edwardi in 
 civitate Londonia omnes terras quas idem rex predicto loco sue 
 sepulture dederat, et quas ego postea addideram, vel quas ipsi in 
 eadem urbe ante tenuerant quicunque eas dedisset, cum saka et 
 sokna et toll et theam et miskennige et sceawinge ; et ut libere et 
 quiete et honorifice habeant nundinalia et argisteria, id est merca- 
 toria loca, cum seldis et scoppis et redditibus suis, et macella sua 
 cum consuetudinibus et rectitudinibus suis theloneoque suo, que 
 sint ad illuminacionem ecclesie, sicut idem constituit. preterea hiis 
 concessionibus me is adjeci ut omnes merca tores noti vel ignoti, 
 
 B. c. 9 
 
130 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 incole vel advene, hujus vel alterius cujuslibet patrie, qui tera- 
 poribus predecessoris mei, videlicet regis Edwardi, descenderunt 
 sive applicuerunt in soca seu seldis vel hwervis sancti Petri ad 
 hospitandum, ad easdem nunc revertantur; et ibi sint bene et 
 honorifice, et firmam pacem meam habeant in eundo et in redeundo. 
 et firmiter prohibe(o) quod nemo vicecomitum, procuratorum, 
 exactorum vel ministrorum meorum eos disturbet, neque injuriam 
 vel contumeliam faciat ; et nuUus se intromittat inde omnino, nisi 
 per abbatem et monachos suos, sicut idem benignissimus rex 
 Edwardus per cartas suas concessit atque confirmavit. et ideo 
 videte, sicut amorem meum diligitis, ne inde clamorem audiam 
 pro recti penuria, super x libr' forisfacture. Testibus, Walkelino 
 Winton' episcopo, Willelmo Dun' episcopo, H. comes de War', 
 R. com' de Mall', Yvone Tailebois, Roberto de 01', Rog' Big', apud 
 Westm' in pentec'. 
 
 [1081 — 5.] William of St Carileph was consecrated to Durham 
 3 Jan. 1081. Vitalis died, probably, in 1085. 
 
 Geoffrey de Mandeville was sheriff of London and Middlesex. 
 
 William the chamberlain is referred to in Hist. Ahingd. ll 128 as 
 ' Willelmus regis camerarius de Lundonia ' : he had land close to 
 Abingdon, which he held for the service of a knight ; but, when Robert 
 invaded England in 1101, he refused to provide the knight, and the 
 abbot had to find one instead. He is mentioned {ibid. 54) as present 
 when a grant was made on the altar at Abingdon by William de Curci 
 on 23 Oct. 1105. A Middlesex grant is addressed to and attested by 
 him at London, 1100 — 1 (no. 20, below, see also nos. 17, 39). In the 
 Ramsey chartulary we find ' Will, camerarius regis ' at Brampton 
 attesting a royal writ in 1110 (Rolls Ser. I 148); and 'Will, camerarius 
 London' (1114 — 30; ib. I 142): but we cannot be sure that we are 
 always dealing with the same man. 
 
 In the Telligraphus of Will. I (D. f 50 6) we read: 'Willelmus 
 camerarius meus pro concessa sibi fraternitate et beneficiis memorate 
 ecclesie, et pro monachatu cujusdam Huberti sui familiaris amici, quem 
 vice sua pro dei amore ibidem monachum fecerat (gave three hides in 
 Kingsbury, co. Middles.).' Though that charter is not genuine, the 
 tradition may be true. 
 
 Henry, earl of Warwick, was son of Roger of Beaumont: he died 
 20 June 1123. He usually attests after Robert, count of Meulan, his 
 elder brother. Robert (f 1118) was the father of Robert, earl of 
 Leicester. 
 
Selected Charters 
 
 131 
 
 Ivo Taillebois sometimes attests simply as ' Ivo dapifer.' He has a 
 bad name in the Pseudo-Ingulphus as a robber of Croyland abbey. 
 See below, nos. 9, 27. 
 
 For Robert de Oleio, see above, no. 1. 
 
 Roger Bigod (f 15 Sep. 1107) was 'dapifer' under Will. II and 
 Hen. I. He is 'not traced in English records before 1079' (Maunde 
 Thompson, Diet. Nat. Biog.). He was succeeded by his son William, 
 who was drowned in 1120; then by his second son Hugh ('dapifer' in 
 1123). 
 
 I have some doubt as to the genuineness of this charter : the style 
 ' dei gratia ' is suspicious (but cf. no. 9). The much larger charter which 
 immediately precedes it (D. f. 99) is certainly fictitious : it is partly 
 founded upon this ; it also bears a very close resemblance to the charter 
 said to have been granted in the same year (1081) by Will. I to 
 St Peter's, Ghent (see Round's Cal. oj Doc. preserved in France I 
 502). 
 
 5. D. f. 529, Faust. A. iii, f. 64. 
 
 W. rex Angl' M. London' episcopo et G. de magna villa et 
 omnibus ministris suis ac fidelibus Francis et Anglis de Lundon' 
 salutem. Sciatis me concessisse deo et sancto Petro Westm' et 
 G. abbati donum quod Aluuardus de Lundonia eis dedit pro 
 anima sua; id est, ecclesiam sancte Marie que dicitur Niwecirke, 
 cum omnibus rebus ad eam pertinentibus, sicut idem Aluuardus 
 melius et plenius eis concesserat. et volo et firmiter precipio ut 
 bene et quiete et honorifice et libere et absque omni calumpnia et 
 inquietudine et sine cujuslibet reclamatione, cum terris et domibus, 
 cum saca et socna et toll et team et latrone, et cum omnibus rebus 
 et consuetudinibus et legibus eam teneant. et defendo ne aliquis 
 inde illis aliquam torturam faciat. Testibus, Walchel' Winton' 
 episcopo, Willelmo Dunelm' episcopo, et R. de Mell', et R. com. de 
 Warwic, et R. de Oleio, et R. Bigodo, apud Westm'. 
 
 [1086.] Maurice was appointed bishop of London at the Christmas 
 court of 1085 at Gloucester, and was consecrated [5 Apr. ?] 1086 at 
 Winchester. The king knighted his son Henry at Westminster 'in 
 hebdomada Pentecostes ' : later in the year he crossed to Normandy, 
 not to return. Probably, therefore, Whitsuntide 1086 is the date of 
 this charter. 
 
 It is wrongly ascribed to Will. II in the rubric of D. 
 
 9—2 
 
132 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 The witnesses are the same, save for the omission of Ivo Taillebois, 
 as in the preceding charter. ' R.' (earl of Warwick) should be ' H.' 
 
 For other charters relating to this church of St Mary see nos. 10, 11; 
 and for the controversy regarding it see the detached note On the early 
 charters of St John's Abbey, Colchester (pp. 158 — 166). 
 
 6. Mun. 2001. 
 
 Sciant presentes et futuri, universe sancte matris ecclesie fideles 
 et filii, quod ego Goffridus de magnavilla concessi et mea liberali 
 donatione donavi deo et sancto Petro et ecclesie Westmonasterii, 
 necnon et sancte Marie de Hurleya, pro salute et redemptione 
 anime mee et uxoris mee Leceline, cujus consilio gratia divina 
 providente hoc bonum inchoavi, et pro anima Athelaise prime 
 uxoris mee matris filiorum meorum jam defuncte, necnon et 
 heredum meorum omnium mihi succedentium, eandem ecclesiam 
 sancte Marie de Hurleia in Bearrocsira, cum tota predicta villa de 
 Hurleia et cum toto circumjacenti nemore eidem ville adjacenti, 
 sine participatione aut divisione cujuscunque hominis in ipsa 
 parrochia manentis aut aliquid tenentis ; excepta terra solummodo 
 Aedrici prepositi, et excepta terra rusticorum de parva Waltham, 
 quam in mea manu ad me hospitandum retinui. concessi quidem, 
 dico, et firmiter donavi ecclesie eidem de Hurleia cum toto dominio 
 meo libere et quiete in campis et silvis, pratis et pascuis, pasturis 
 et molendinis, aquis et piscariis atque piscationibus et cum omnibus 
 appendiciis suis, id est ecclesia de Waltam cum una hida terre et 
 dimidia que sibi subjacent, et cum socna capelle de Remenham, 
 et cum omnibus aliis rebus et decimis et possessionibus in vivo et 
 mortuo sine parte et divisione, cum omnibus consuetudinibus et 
 libertatibus illi antiquitus debitis, ita libere et quiete ab omnium 
 hominum inquietudine et exactione, sicut dominus mens rex ea 
 mihi dedit et concessit. dedi etiam predicte ecclesie cum 
 supradictis ea die qua feci eam dedicare, Osmundo episcopo 
 Saresberiensi presente cum multis aliis magne auctoritatis viris 
 et personis, terram Aedwardi de Watecumba in dotalicium libere 
 et quiete cum omnibus sibi pertinentibus. qua vero die supra- 
 dictus episcopus venerabilis pontificali auctoritate, assistentibus 
 secum magne auctoritatis et dignitatis personis, confirmavit omnes 
 donationes meas quas eidem sancto loco pro anime mee et omnium 
 heredum meorum salute eterna libere contuli ; scilicet, in omnibus 
 maneriis que in dominio meo eo tempore erant, terciam partem 
 
Selected Charters 
 
 133 
 
 decirne totius annone mee, et duas partes decime totius pecunie 
 omnium maneriorum meoi-um sine parte in vivo et mortuo, et 
 totam decimam pasnagiorum meorum in porcis et denariis sine 
 parte, et totam decimam caseorum sine parte, et totam decimam 
 lini et lane sine parte, et totam decimam puUorum equorum et 
 vitulorum et pomorum et vinearum sine parte, et totam decimam 
 omnium aliarum rerum mearum, de quibuscunque juste et recte 
 debet deo decima reddi. insuper igitur in unoquoque manerio 
 totius dominii mei dedi prenominate ecclesie mee de Hurleia unum 
 rusticum qui octo acras terre habeat libere et quiete ab omni 
 consuetudine, et in parco meo unam porcariam cum terra porcarii, 
 his etenim addidi adhuc in insula de Hely unam piscariam que 
 reddit unum millearium et dimidium siccarum anguillarum, et 
 unum presentum anguillarum, quadraginta videlicet grossas an- 
 guillas : et in villa que Mosa vocatur tria concessi extra prenominata 
 millearia siccorum alleccium, Turoldus quidem dapifer mens 
 concessit eidem ecclesie, et dextera sua super altare confirmavit 
 cum oblatione Radulfii filii sui, duas partes decime totius annone 
 sue de Wochendona et totam decimam totius pecunie sue in vivo 
 et mortuo sine parte; et in Bordesdense totam decimam totius 
 annone sue et totius pecunie sue sine parte. Aedricus prepositus 
 mens totam decimam totius annone sue et totius pecunie sue 
 ibidem donavit in vivo et mortuo sine parte, ego vero ad exple- 
 tionem hujus tanti boni, et ad sustentationem solummodo conventus 
 monachorum in eadem ecclesia deo imperpetuum servientium, 
 gratia disponente divina impetravi a domino meo rege Willelmo 
 hec omnia ad honorem dei et ad salutem anime mee et omnium 
 heredum meorum mihi succedentium pro loci integritate eterna 
 et stabilitate confirmari, et quod locus ille, locus quoque regio 
 munimine insignitus, in protectione mea et defensione semper sit 
 precipuus et mei capud honoris, ab omnium hominum inquietudine 
 liber et quietus, feci itaque in eadem die qua dedicata est ec- 
 clesia, ab eodem episcopo et ab abbate Westmon' Gilleberto, cum 
 multis aliis magne auctoritatis viris et personis, omnes infractores 
 seu diminutores hujus mee elemosine excommiinicari, ut sit 
 habitatio illorum perpetua cum Juda maledicto proditore domini, 
 et viventes descendant in eterne perdicionis baratrum cum Dathan 
 et Chore cum maledictione eterna, nisi emendaverint digna satis- 
 factione. contestor igitur omnes filios meos, heredes videlicet, 
 et omnes posteros meos per tremendum dei judicium et per 
 
134 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 omnipotentiam ejus in celo et in ten-a, ne ipsi faciant aut fieri 
 sinant uUam infractionem huic mee donationi ; immo augeant et 
 stabiliant illam, ita iit deus augeat et stabiliat dies et vitam illorum 
 in eterna beatitudine, et habeant partem in hac niea elemosina 
 mecum in celesti requie. Test'. Idem episcopus Osmundus. Gill' 
 abbas Westm'. Lecelina domina uxor mea. Will' de magnavilla. 
 Ric' de magnavilla. Hugo mascherell'. Turoldus de Wochend' 
 dapifer. Goffridus de Wochend'. Walt' mascherell'. Acelinus 
 capellanus. Agamundus persona de Wochend'. Goduuinus de turroc 
 capellanus. Roulf de Hairun. Hacinulf de Grenetbrd. Rob' nepos 
 ejus. Engheram pincema. Richerius miles. Rog' Blundus. Wi- 
 mundus de blangeo. Aedricus propositus. Alfricus cementarius. 
 cum aliis multis inenarrabilibus magne auctoritatis et dignitatis 
 viris et personis in eadem die apud Hurleiam assistentibus. Ex 
 hac vero donatione mea et institutione, consilio proborum sumpto 
 virorum, tria acta sunt brevia: unum apud Westmonasterium, 
 aliud apud eandem ecclesiam de Hurleia, tercium mihi et 
 heredibus meis succedentibus, pro loci integritate etema et 
 stabilitate reposui. 
 
 [1085 — 6.] See above, p. 33. It is interesting to note that Ralph, 
 the son of Turold the dapifer of Geoffrey de Mandeville, is the first 
 youth dedicated to the priory at Hurley. The expression ' mei capud 
 honoris ' is a technical one : ' the chief place of my Honor.' William 
 de Mandeville was Geoffrey's son and heir, and father of the notorious 
 Geoffrey de Mandeville, earl of Essex : see below, nos. 15, 20. Richard 
 de Mandeville was a younger son. 
 
 Hugo Mascherell is the first witness to Geoffrey de Mandeville's 
 grant of Eye (no. 15), and he is there followed by his brother Roger. 
 A younger Hugo Mascherell occurs in a charter of Hen. I, temp. Abbot 
 Herbert (D. f. 579 6). The priory of nuns at Wix (co. Essex) was 
 founded by Walter Mascherell, Alexander and Edith, the children of 
 Walter the deacon, who held the manor at the Survey : the charter was 
 granted c. 1125 — 35. Can we assume any connexion with the Walter 
 Mascherell who attests here ? 
 
 ' Goduuinus de turroc ' : ' Turruc ' was held by the count of Eu at 
 the Survey (Essex, p. 63). 
 
 Ralph de Hairun and Richerius attest no. 15. 
 
 'Alfi:icus cementarius' was no doubt the master mason who was 
 engaged on the building of the new priory. 
 
Selected Charters 
 
 135 
 
 For notes on the localities mentioned in this charter, see St Mary's, 
 Hurley, by the Reverend F. T. Wethered, 
 
 7. Man. 3780. 
 
 G. de mandavilla vEdrico preposito suo omnibusque horainibus 
 suis de Uualtham salutem. Sciatis quod prior et monachi mei de 
 Hurleia mihi gi-aviter conquesti sunt de hoc quod boscum suum 
 absque eis et eorum licencia tarn male vastatis et destruitis. unde 
 vobis mando et super feoda vestra precipio et defendo ne amodo 
 vos neque de aqua sua intromittatis, neque in bosco suo extra 
 sepes vestras sine prioris aut suorum documento quicquam capiatis. 
 si que vero ad domos vestras reficiend[as] necessaria vobis fuer[int] 
 et sepes [in]de precipio [ut] vobis necessari[a] prioris vel suorum 
 documento habeatis. quia omnia que in ten-a et in aqua et in 
 omnibus rebus pro anime mee atque meorum salute ipsis dedi et 
 concessi, volo et firmiter precipio ut ipsi habeant ita b[ene] et 
 quiete [et] [sicut] ea dedi ac concessi deo et ecclesie mee de 
 Hurleia, die qua feci eam dedicare, Valete. 
 
 [c. 1086 — 1100,] No precise date can be given to this charter. 
 For Edric the prepositus, see the preceding charter. The spelling 
 ' Mandavilla ' is of interest. 
 
 8. D. f. 526 6. 
 
 G. abbas et conventus Westm' concedunt Rotberto filio Suenonis 
 ut ipse teneat de sancto Petro et de abbate pro Ix sol' per singulos 
 annos terram, scilicet Wateleyam, quam pater suus dedit sancto Petro 
 pro anima sua, et de qua terra ipse Rotbertus cum sua matre fecit 
 donacionem super altare sancti Petri in eodem die quo sepultus 
 est pater suus, videntibus baronibus suis Godobaldo, Turaldo et 
 VVillelmo fratre suo et multis aliis, in presencia abbatis et mona- 
 chorum. et tarn diu sic eam teneat, donee pro predicta terra det 
 cambium iiij ti, quod abbas et monachi gratanter accipere debeant. 
 hii sunt termini den': in ramis palmarum xxx sol', in festivitate 
 apostolorum Petri et Pauli xxx sol'. 
 
 [c. 1087.] This transaction probably took place immediately after 
 the death of Suain: perhaps soon after the Survey, in which he still 
 appears as holding lands in Essex, though no longer sheriff. See above, 
 pp. 49 f., and nos. 1, 2. 
 
136 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 9. D. f. 523. 
 
 W. dei gracia rex Anglorum Hug' de Bello campo et fidelibus 
 suis Francis et Anglis de Buchingeham salutem. Sciatis quod 
 Gillebertus abbas Westm' meo precepto deracionavit coram baroni- 
 bus meis, episcopo Dunolm', episcopo Winton', Eudone dapifero, 
 Ivone Taillebosc, Roberto dispensatore, terram de Burnham et 
 Sippenham per donum patris mei. et ego concede ut cum 
 omnibus consuetudinibus terram illam solute et quiete habeat. 
 T.' episcopus Dunhelmi et episcopus Winton'. 
 
 [Sep. 1087 — early in 1088.] Probably granted before Odo's rising 
 in 1088, which was joined by William of St Carileph, the bishop of 
 Durham. But it might be after William's restoration to his bishopric, 
 3 Sep. 1091. 
 
 The style 'dei gracia' may be due to the copyist: see above, no 4. 
 
 Hugh de Beauchamp held lands at the Survey chiefly in Bedford- 
 shire. He had three sons, Simon, Pain (m. Rohaise) and Milo : so 
 Dugdale, Baronage I 224, who concludes that Walter de Beauchamp, 
 of Elmley, was of the same family. Hugh is mentioned as having 
 been witness of a grant made by Robert Dispensator, whose niece 
 Walter married (see below, no. 27), 
 
 Eudo dapifer was son of Hubert de Rie, a Norman noble said to 
 have been sent by Duke William to K. Edward. For his story, see 
 Monasticon iv 604. He succeeded W. fitz Osbern as dapifer to Will. I, 
 and served also under Will. II, whom he had greatly assisted by 
 securing Dover and other ports on the Conqueror's death. Will. II 
 granted him Colchester, where he founded a monastery in 1096. At 
 the beginning of Henry's reign, he was suspected of favouring the 
 claims of Duke Robert ; but Henry feared to strike him on account of 
 his powerful connexions. For he had married Rohaise, daughter of 
 Richard fitz Gilbert and his wife Rohaise (sister of William Giffard 
 who became bp of Winchester). By the intervention of the bishop 
 and of Peter de Valognes, who had married Eudo's sister, he regained 
 the royal favour. He was buried at Colchester on the same day as his 
 nephew Walter Giffard, the last day of Feb. 1120; for the last fifteen 
 years of his life he was blind, and apparently resided at his castle at 
 Pr^aux, where he died. It is difficult to distinguish between fact and 
 fiction in Eudo's story ; but it may be taken as practically certain that 
 he died at his castle in Normandy in the winter of 1119 — 20 (Round, 
 Eng. Hist. Rev. xvi 728). No. 18 below is addressed to him. 
 
Selected Charters 
 
 137 
 
 Deradonavit = 'made good his claim to': cf. no. 12. For Burnham 
 and Sippenham, see above, p. 48, and below, no. 37. 
 
 10. Faust. A. Ill, f. 76. 
 
 Willelmns rex Angl' Mauricio Lond' episcopo et Gaufrido de 
 magna villa et vie' et omnibus baronibus Lond' Francis et Anglis 
 salutem. Sciatis me concessisse deo et sancto Petro Westm' 
 ecclesiam Niwecerch' liberam et quietam et solutam ab omni 
 calumpnia, sicut Agelwardus clericus predicto apostolo dedit, et 
 sicut pater meus per breve suum concessit, et prohibeo ne aliquis 
 eis inde aliquam torturam faciat, vel aliquis aliquam intromis- 
 sionem habeat, nisi per concessionem abbatis et monachorum. 
 T.' G. episcopo de Const', W. episcopo Dunelm', R. Bigot, apud 
 Winton'. 
 
 [Sep. 1087 — early in 1088.] The bishops of Coutances and Durham 
 joined Odo's rising in 1088. The MS has ' Henricus ' for ' Willelmus ' ; 
 but this is impossible, for Bp Geoffrey died in 1093. The rubric 
 assigns it to Henry II, but it must be Will. II. For the charter of 
 Will. I, here referred to, see above, no. 5. 
 
 For Bp Maurice, see above, no. 5. 
 
 11. D. f. 529, Faust. A. in, f. 64. 
 
 W. rex Angl' Francis et Anglis de Lundon' salutem. Sciatis 
 me concedere sancto Petro Westm' ecclesiam sancte Marie 
 Newecirce et omnes res pertinentes ad eam, quam Aluuardus de 
 Lundon' ei dederat. et precipio ut ita solutam et quietam habeat 
 sicut pater meus precepit per breve suum. T.' com' Alanus et 
 Milo Crispinus et Rogerus Bygod. 
 
 [1087—1100.] Count Alan, of Richmond (Yorks.), was a Breton 
 follower of the Conqueror. 
 
 For Milo Crispin, see above, p. 17 : the next two charters are also 
 attested by him. 
 
 In both chartularies this writ is wrongly assigned to Will. I, see 
 above, no. 5. With the address comp. the Rutland charter of Will. I, 
 D. f. 621: ' W. rex Angl' Francis et Anglis salutem^' 
 
 ' This charter, which grants to Abbot Gilbert the churches held by ' Albertua 
 Lotharingus,' is quoted in full from Monasticon [i 301] by Dr Round in his interesting 
 identification of this Lotharingian cleric {Commune of Loudon, 37). Under Will. II these 
 churches are held by 'Osbernus clericus' (below, no. 14). 
 
138 
 
 Gilbert Crispm 
 
 12. Faust. A. Ill, f. 55, Lib. Nig. f. 25. 
 
 Willelmus rex Angl' Hugoni de Bokel' et vicecomifci et omni- 
 bus fidelibus suis de Middelsexa salutem. Sciatis quod volo et 
 firmiter precipio quod terra de Gyveneya que est pastura de 
 manerio de Stanes, quam Vitalis abbas tempore patris mei 
 contra Walterum filium Oteri deracionavit ad opus ecclesie sancti 
 Petri Westm', sit in pace ; ita ut nuUus illi molestiam aut inquie- 
 tudinem inde faciat; neque abbas Gislebertus ejusdem loci alicui 
 inde respondeat nisi coram episcopis et baronibus justificatoribus, 
 qui fuerunt ibi ubi ipsa terra deracionata fuit. neque uUo modo 
 consentire volo ut aliquis inde quicquam toUat aut minuat; sed 
 in ea concessione et stabilitate qua a rege Edwardo donata est 
 sine aliqua imminucione permaneat. Testibus Alano comite, 
 Rogero Bygod, Milone Crispino, Gofifrido de magna villa, et 
 pluribus aliis. 
 
 [1087—1100.] The Hist. AUngd. (Rolls S. ii 7) tells us that Walter 
 fitz Oter was keeper of Windsor Castle early in the reign of Will. I ; 
 and that he had then appropriated certain land, which he long after- 
 wards restored to that monastery {ib. 29) when the new church was 
 consecrated, c. 1095. 
 
 Of Hugh de Buckland we read in the History oj Abingdon, ii 43 : 
 ' et Berchescire vicecomes et publicarum judiciarius compellationum 
 a rege constitutus ' ; ib. 117, 'qui non solum Berchescirae, sed etiam 
 aliis vii sciris praeerat vicecomes, adeo erat nominatus vir et carus regi.' 
 He was still living in May 1114 (ib. 147), but in 1119 William de 
 Buckland was sheriff of Berkshire {ib. 160). See below, nos. 20, 27, 
 29, 37 and 38. 
 
 13. D. f. 129. 
 
 G. abbas Westm' concessit Guntero homini suo et heredi illius 
 manerium Hendon' in feudo firme, pro una plenaria septimana 
 firme quoque anno. Testes : Milo Crispinus, Gislebertus Pipardus, 
 Robertus prior et conventus monasterii in capitulo. 
 
 [1086 — 1102.] The lower limit is given by the appointment of 
 Robert to the abbey of St Edmund in 1102 : see above, p. 29. 
 
 Shortly before his death in 1107 Milo Crispin made a grant to 
 Abingdon abbey, which was placed on the altar by ' Gillebertus 
 Pipardus,' his dapifer {Hist. Ab. ll 97). Somewhat later ' Gillebertus 
 
Selected Charter i 
 
 139 
 
 Pipard ' occurs with ' Hugo fil' Milonis ' as present at Waddesdon (co. 
 Bucks.) when a grant is made to the same abbey {ib. 109). As the 
 name is uncommon, we may note that Walter and Robert Pipard attest 
 a Bee charter c. 1147 (Round, Doc. 'pres. in France, p. 121). 
 For una plenaria septimana firme, see above, p. 42. 
 
 14. D. f. 621, Faust. A. ill, f. 65. 
 
 W. rex Angl' W. vicecom' salutem. Mando et precipio tibi ut 
 facias omnem rectitudinem abbati Westm' de ecclesiis de Rotelanda, 
 quas Osbemus clericus tenet de illo ; et omnes consuetudines quas 
 ecclesie per rectum habere debent, fac eum habere, sicut habuerunt 
 tempore patris mei. T.' Rannulfus Passseflamblart. 
 
 [1087 — 99.] Ranulf Flambard was consecrated to Durham 5 June 
 1099. The form of the attestation is noteworthy : for he usually attests 
 as ' Ranulfus capellanus ' before he became the bishop of Durham. 
 
 For these Rutland churches, see above, no. 11 (note). 
 
 Faust. A. Ill reads Hoshertus, and Ranulfo passeflamhard' . 
 
 15. D. f. 103, Faust. A. iii, f. 281 h, Lib. Nig. f. 5 h. 
 
 Ego Gofifridus de magna villa pro anima mea et pro anima 
 conjugis mee Athelais in claustro sancti Petri sepulte, qui etiam 
 juxta earn sepeliendus sum ; pro animabus quoque filiorum filia- 
 rumque mearum ; dedi sancto Petro Westmon' maneriolum quod 
 juxta ecclesiam ejus habebam, scilicet Eye, in perpetuam heredi- 
 tatem, sicut illud unquam melius tenui. et hoc donum deo et 
 sancto Petro cum uxore mea Letselina concessione filii mei 
 Willelmi quem mihi heredem facere disposui, quos etiam hujus 
 elemosine participes fieri per omnia volo, super altare predict! 
 apostoli Petri presentavi in presencia Gisleberti abbatis et mona- 
 chorum et multorum militum meorum et suorum: et continue per 
 Radulfum de Hairun de predicto manerio sanctum Petrum saisiri 
 feci. hujus igitur concessionis testes sunt Hugo Maskereal, 
 Rogerius frater ejus, Willelmus fil' Martelli, Richerius, Radulfus 
 de Hairun, Goiffridus nepos ejus, Willelmus nepos Turaldi, 
 Goffridus miles ejus, Leuricus Cnivet, Gofiridus et multi alii. 
 
 [1087 — 97.] As the next charter confirms this, and as Hen. I in 
 no. 20 speaks of the grant as made by his brother, I have assigned the 
 same limits to this charter as to the next. 
 
140 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 Hugo Mascherell, Roulf de Hairun and Richerius miles attest the 
 Hurley foundation charter, no. 6. 
 
 For the burial of Athelais, see no. 1. 
 
 16. D. f 103, Lib. Nig. f. 5h. 
 
 Willelmus rex Anglorum baronibus suis et omnibus fidelibus 
 Francis et Anglis de Middelsexa salutem. Sciatis me concessisse 
 deo et sancto Petro Westm' et Gisleberto abbati manerium de Eye, 
 quod GofFridus de magna villa et uxor ejus dederunt eidem ecclesie 
 pro animabus eorum. et volo et concedo ut omnes leges et consue- 
 tudines quiete et solute in illo manerio habeat sanctus Petrus et 
 abbas ; hoc est, sacam et socam, toll et theam, latronem et omnes 
 consuetudines in via et extra, in festo et extra, et defendo ne 
 aliquis sit ausus ei vel suis hominibus inde super hoc aliquam 
 injuriam facere. T.' Walchelinus episcopus et Haim' et alii, apud 
 London'. 
 
 [1087—97.] See Henry I's confirmation, no. 20. 
 Walkelin bp of Winchester died 3 Jan. 1098. 
 
 Haimo dapifer was brother of the famous Robert fitz Haimo, for 
 whom see Professor Tout's art. ' Fitzhamon ' in Diet. Nat. Biogr. They 
 may have been sons of ' Haimo vicecomes,' who holds lands in Kent and 
 Surrey at the Survey. Both brothers attest K. Henry's letter inviting 
 Anselm to return in 1100. Robert died in 1107, but Haimo was still 
 living in 1113. 
 
 17. D. f. 254. 
 
 W. rex Anglorum P. vicecomiti et omnibus ministris suis sal'. 
 Sciatis me concedere abbati Gisleberto in manerio de Feringes 
 soccam et saccam in omnibus rebus, in via et extra viam, in festo 
 die et extra, latronem et omnes illas leges et consuetudines quas et 
 Vi talis abbas et alii antecessores ejus tempore regis Edwardi 
 habuerunt. T.' abbas Beccensis, W. camerarius et alii. 
 
 [1093.] Peter de Valognes was sheriff of Essex at the Survey. An 
 earlier grant, which gives Fering and three houses at Colchester which 
 belonged to Harold, as part of the exchange for Windsor, is addressed 
 to Suain as sheri{F (D. f. 254). The mention in the present grant of its 
 having been held by abbots imder K. Edward is an error more likely to 
 have been made under Will. II than under Will. I. It would appear 
 
Selected Charten 
 
 141 
 
 therefore to belong to the period between 6 March and 5 Sept. 1093, 
 when Anselm was still refusing to accept the archbishopric. 
 For William the chamberlain, see no. 4. 
 
 18. D. £ 363, Faust. A. iii, f 78 6. 
 
 H. rex Angl' Eudoni dapifero et Herbert© camerario salutem. 
 Precipio quod conventus Westm' et Winton' et Gloecestrie in 
 omnibus festivitatibus quibus in eisdem ecclesiis coronatus fuero 
 plenariam de me habeant liberacionem, et eainim cantores unciam 
 auri habeant, sicut Mauricius episcopus Lundon' testatus est 
 tempore predecessorum meorum eos habuisse. T'. Willelmo electo 
 Wint' apud Westm'. 
 
 [1100.] Probably issued on the occasion of Henry's coronation at 
 Westminster, 5 Aug. 1100. It was the habit of William the Conqueror 
 to wear his crown at the three great festivals, and in this he probably 
 continued the practice of his predecessor. 
 
 William Giffard was appointed to Winchester immediately on 
 Henry's accession and before his coronation. He was present at the 
 council held at Westminster, 20 Sep. 1102; but refusing to be conse- 
 crated by Gerard, abp of York, he was banished. He accompanied 
 Anselm to Rome in 1103. Shortly afterwards he appears to have been 
 restored : he was one of the bishops who urged Anselm to return in 
 1106. He was consecrated 11 Aug. 1107, and died 25 Jan. 1129. He 
 had been chancellor to William Rufus, and continued to act for a short 
 time under Hen. I. See below, no. 21. 
 
 Herbert the chamberlain is mentioned below in no. 27 as witnessing 
 a grant c. 1087 — 97 (' Herbertus camerarius regis de Winton'). See 
 also Hist. Ahingd. ll 43 (end of Will. I's reign) : ' regis cubicularius et 
 thesaurarius ' ; and ih. 54 (c. 1102). 
 
 19. Faust. A. Ill, f. 67. 
 
 Henricus rex Anglorum Gisleberto vicecomiti de Suthreia 
 salutem. Mando et precipio ut dimittas esse quietam terram 
 sancti Petri Westm' et abbatis Gisleberti que est in dominio meo 
 infra parcum et forestam de Windlesor', et nominatim viii hidas 
 de manerio de Piriford quod pater mens concessit eidem ecclesie 
 amodo semper liberas ab omni geldo et scotto et omnibus aliis 
 rebus, et nominatim clamo eas quietas de novo geldo propter 
 hidagium et de omnibus aliis geldis sicut pater mens et frater 
 concesserunt per brevia sua. T'. R, Bigot apud Bisselegam. 
 
142 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 [1100 — 1107.] Gilbert of Surrey was sheriff of Surrey, Cambridge- 
 shire and Hunts, in 1114 (Round, Commune, 122). This charter 
 (attested by Roger Bigod, see no. 4) shews that he was sheriff of 
 Surrey at least as early as 1107. A charter regarding Battersea 
 granted to Abbot Herbert, probably in 1121, is also addressed to 
 Gilbert as sheriff (D. f. 168). Fulk, his nephew, was sheriff not later 
 than 1126 (Round, ih. 121). 
 
 Possibly the phrase ' de novo geldo propter hidagium ' may help to 
 fix the date of this charter more precisely. 
 
 The charter of William here referred to is the well-known Piriford 
 charter printed above, p. 29 (note). 
 
 20. Faust. A. iii, f. 73 b, Lib. Nig. f. 6. 
 
 Henricus rex Angl' H. de Boch' et W, camerario et W. de magna 
 villa et omnibus fidelibus suis Francis et Anglis de Middelsex' 
 salutem. Sciatis me concessisse deo et sancto Petro Westm' et 
 Gilleberto abbati donum quod Goffridus de magna villa et uxor 
 ejus dederunt eis pro animabus eorum, terram dico de Eye. 
 et volo et precipio ut bene et honorifice teneat ipse abbas, et sicut 
 Willelmus frater mens concessit per breve suum. Testibus Matild' 
 regina et W. cancellario apud London'. 
 
 [1100 — 1.] Q. Matilda was married and crowned 11 Nov. 1100. 
 William Giffard was chancellor until he was succeeded by Roger 
 (afterwards bp of Salisbury) in Sep. 1101. 
 
 This charter suggests that William de Mandeville had succeeded 
 his father as sheriff of Middlesex. About the same time William Avas 
 in charge of the Tower of London, where Ranulf Flambard was im- 
 prisoned in Aug. or Sep. 1100, till his escape about Feb. 1101 (Ord. 
 Vit. bk 10, c. 18). 
 
 The charters referred to in this confirmation are printed above, 
 nos. 15, 16. 
 
 21. D. f. 529, Faust. A. iii, f 67 6. 
 
 H. rex Angl' W. Giffardo episcopo Winton' et omnibus baronibus 
 suis Francis et Anglis de Suthregia salutem. Sciatis me dedisse 
 deo et sancto Petro et abbati Gileberto et monachis ecclesie 
 Westm' iiij'"' hidas in Totinges, ut eas ita bene et plenarie et 
 honorifice teneant et habeant sicut habuerunt tempore patris mei 
 et antecessorum meonim. et prohibeo super forisfacturam meam 
 
Selected Charters 
 
 143 
 
 ne ullus eis inde injuriam faciat, neque abbas inde alicui nisi ante 
 me respondeat. T'. Roberto comite Mellent' et Nig' de Oleio, 
 apud Winton'. 
 
 [1100 — East. 1116.] The lower limit is given by the king's de- 
 parture for Normandy in the year before Abbot Gilbert's death. The 
 writ may have been addressed to William Giffard before his con- 
 secration in Aug. 1107. 
 
 I give the chief variants of Faust. A. ill to illustrate the freedom 
 with which charters were copied into chartularies : om. suis, concessisse 
 (for dedisse), Gisleberto, Rodberto comite de Mellent et Nigillo de Oleyo. 
 
 For Robert count of Meulan (f 1118), see no. 4; and for Nigel de 
 Oleio, no. 1. 
 
 22. D. f. 254, Faust. A. iii, f. 74. 
 
 H. rex Angl' omnibus baronibus et rainistris suis de Esex' sal'. 
 Volo ut sanctus Petrus de Westm' ita quietam et liberam habeat 
 cum omnibus consuetudinibus omnem terram de Ferynges et de 
 Okendune sicut pater mens concessit et dedit. et precipio ut super 
 hoc nuUus ei injuriam faciat. T'. Willelmo de Curceio apud 
 Havering'. 
 
 [1100 — c. 1109.] William de Curci was a benefactor to Abingdon 
 Abbey: in confirming a grant of his, 23 Oct. 1105, the king speaks of 
 him as 'dapifer meus' {Hist. Ah. ii 54). He attests at Westminster, 
 Whits. 1107: also at Winchester, Matilda's charter {ih. 116) between 
 July 1108 and May 1109 (or between Aug. 1111 and the summer of 
 1113): also other charters c. 1105 — 7 (always by his full name, and not 
 as 'dapifer'). 
 
 This seems to justify our placing this charter early in Henry's reign: 
 but as William de Curci was succeeded by a son of that name {ih. 54 f.), 
 it may conceivably be later. 
 
 Orderic Vitalis has much to say about Richard de Curci (of Courci- 
 sur-Dives), and of his son and grandson, both named Robert: but 
 nothing of the English branch of the family. 
 
 For ' Okendune ' see above, p. 49. 
 
 23. Ch. XXX (copies in D. f. 482, Faust. A. ill, f 75 h). 
 
 H. rex Angl' omnibus vie' suis in quorum vicecomit' elemosina 
 pauperum Westm' habet terras sal'. Sciatis me clamasse liberam 
 
144 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 et quietam terrg elemosing de Westm' de placitis et querelis et 
 sciris et hundr', et murdr', et a scotis et auxiliis, et de wardp' et de 
 omnibus occasionibus et consuetudinibus : scilicet terrain Padinton' 
 et Fenton' et Cleigate ; et quicquid habuit in villa vel silva de 
 Ditona tempore regis Eadwardi et patris mei, sicut carte eorum 
 testantur, volo ut plenar' habeat. T', Math' regina, apud Lund'. 
 
 [1100 — 16.] There is nothing to fix the date within narrower limits. 
 For Fanton (co. Essex) see above, p. 49. In the Domesday Survey the 
 monks of Westminster were accused of holding it per falsum breve. 
 
 24. Ch. xxix (copy in D. f 482). 
 
 H. rex Angl' omnibus vicecomitibus in quorum vicecomitatu 
 elemosina pauperum Westmonasterii habet terras sal'. Sciatis me 
 clamasse liberam et quietam terram elemosine de Westmonasterio 
 de placitis et scotis et auxiliis et omnibus querelis et omnibus aliis 
 consuetudinibus: scilicet terram Patintonse et Fantona et Clai- 
 gata ; et quicquid habuit in tempore regis Edwardi in silva Dittong 
 et in omnibus aliis locis, volo ut habeat. et defendo ne aliquis 
 inde injuriam faciat : quia hoc facio pro anima patris et fratris 
 mei, et pro salute anime mee et Mathildis regine uxoris mee et 
 subolis mee. T'. Math' regina, apud Lond' post purific' sancte 
 Marie. 
 
 [Feb. 1103—16.] The queen's first child was born in Aug. 1101, but 
 died in infancy; the second was Matilda, bom in Aug. 1102: William 
 was born the next year. 
 
 A third charter combines the privileges of this and the preceding 
 one (D. {. 482), ' precatu regine,' ' T'. ejusdem regine apud Lond'.' 
 
 25. D. f 525. 
 
 Domino suo episcopo R. et baronibus Lincoln' Hugo de Euremou 
 salutem. Sciatis me reddidisse sancto Petro Westm' manerium de 
 Dotinton'; quia manerium quod pro illo dederam sancto Petro 
 rex a me accepit, et comiti Eustachio reddidit ; nec volo ut causa 
 mei ecclesia dei ullo modo dampnum habeat. 
 
 [1102 — 3.] See note on the next charter. 
 
 Robert Bloet, bp of Lincoln, was consecrated 12 Feb. 1094, and died 
 10 Jan. 1123. 
 
Selected Charters 
 
 146 
 
 26. D. f. 525, Faust. A. iii, f. 74. 
 
 Henricus rex Anglorum R. episcopo Lincoln' et R. filio Ran- 
 nulfi et omnibus baronibus suis Francis et Anglis de Lincolnesire 
 salutem. Sciatis quia me presente et concedente Hugo de Euremou 
 reddidit sancto Petro Westm' et abbati Gisleberto manerium de 
 Dotintune, quod ab eodem abbate coram fratre meo rege Willelmo 
 ipse Hugo accepcrat in cambium pro manerio de Ducesuuorthe 
 quod abbati Gisleberto dederat. sed ego manerium de Duces- 
 uuorthe comiti Eustachio reddidi, et inde Hugoni cambium dedi ; 
 et propterea Hugo sancto Petro manerium suum reddidit. T'. 
 episcopus Lincoln' R., Henricus comes de Warwihc, Gislebertus 
 filius Ricardi, Willelmus de Werewast et multi alii apud Westm' 
 in pentecosten. 
 
 [Whits. 1102 — 3.] ' Dochesworde ' (co. Camb.) belonged at the 
 Survey to Eustace count of Boulogne, senior: see further. Feud. Eng. 
 463. Early in 1088 Count Eustace junior received Odo into Rochester 
 castle, capturing him (' calliditate episcopi,' it was said) when he came 
 to demand its surrender to Rufus. The king afterwards took the 
 castle, and banished them both. Eustace took the Cross in 1096, 
 returned in 1100, and married Maria, sister of Q. Maud, at the end of 
 
 1102 (Sim. of Durh. Rolls S. ll 216, 227, 232, 235, mainly from Florence 
 of Wore). It was doubtless about this time that Hugh de Euremou 
 restored Doddington to the abbey, as the king had given back to 
 Eustace his old manor of ' Dochesworde.' See above, p. 46. 
 
 Hugo de Euremou attests an Abingdon charter, dated in Lent 1111 
 {Hist. Ah. II 73). 
 
 Gilbert fitz Richard of Clare (or, Gilbert of Tunbridge) was the son 
 of Richard fitz Gilbert (f c. 1090), for whom see no. 1. He is first 
 mentioned as fortifying Tunbridge castle against Rufus, 1088 (together 
 with Roger his brother) ; next as warning Rufus against an ambuscade, 
 1095. He settled in Wales 1107(?): attests his mother's charter, 1113; 
 died 1114 (or 1117) after a long illness (Round, Diet. Nat. Biogr.). 
 
 William Warelwast was much out of England from the autumn of 
 
 1103 until Anselm's return. He was consecrated to Exeter in August 
 1107. 
 
 I give the following variants from Faust. A. ill: AngV, Ranulphi, 
 Lincolnescire, Gilleberto, Dudinton, Ducesworth, manerium suum sancto 
 Petro, R, episcopo Lincoln , Warewik, om. multi: all the attestations 
 are in the ablative case. 
 
 R. c. 10 
 
146 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 27. D, f. 313 Z). 
 
 Robertus dispensator reddidit in vita sua sancto Petro Westm' 
 pro aniraa sua terram et manerium Cumbrinton, quod de beneficio 
 ejusdem ecclesie emerat a Gisleberto fil' Toraldi : et insuper red- 
 didit eidem ecclesie terram quam de abbate Gisleberto ejusdem 
 monasterii ad firmam tenebat in manerio ipsius ecclesie, quod 
 dicitur Wich et est membrum manerii de Persore. Testes hujus 
 reddicionis sunt : episcopus Walchelinus, Urso frater ejusdem 
 Roberti, Herbertus camerarius regis de Winton', Ivo Taillebosc; 
 et homines ipsius Roberti, Godardus, Robertus de Echinton, Hugo 
 de Holauesssel ; de aliis baronibus regis, Hugo de Belcampo, 
 Willelmus Bainardus, Petrus de Valunnis, Willelmus camerarius, 
 Hugo de Bochelanda, Otto aurifex, et multi alii clerici et laici ; 
 homines ipsius abbatis, Otbert de Surreia, Willelmus clericus, 
 Girardus frater ejus, Hugo de Coleham, Richerius. banc red- 
 dicionem presente episcopo Walchelino et predictis testibus posu- 
 erunt super altare sancti Petri uxor ipsius Roberti et Urso frater 
 ejusdem Roberti per duo candelabra argentea, unum turribulum, 
 unum pallium, unum tapete. 
 
 [1100 — c. 1108.] This memorandum was probably drawn up when 
 application was being made for K. Henry's confirmation (which here 
 follows). Robert Dispensator, the brother of the notorious Urse 
 d'Abetot, had bought the manor of Comberton (co. Wore.) from Gilbert 
 fitz Thorold, who appears as holding it at the time of the Survey. 
 Robert also held in farm from Abbot Gilbert a member of the Pershore 
 manor, called Wich. Both these properties he had given back to the 
 abbey in his lifetime. 
 
 As the leading witness to this restoration. Bp Walkelin, died 3 Jan. 
 1098, and as the properties had come into Robert's hands after 1086, 
 we may date the restoration somewhere within the first ten years of 
 Will. II's reign (probably towards the end of that period). 
 
 For Herbert the chamberlain, see above, no. 18 ; and for Ivo Taille- 
 bois, no. 4. 
 
 Robert de Echintone came from Eckington, the next village to 
 Comberton: it is abbey land in Domesday (Aichintune), and the patron- 
 age of the living is still with the Dean and Chapter. 
 
 For Hugh de Beauchamp see no. 9 : for William Bainard, above, 
 p. 39 : for Peter de Valognes, no. 19 : for William the chamberlain, 
 no. 4: and for Hugh de Buckland, no. 12. 
 
Selected Charters 
 
 147 
 
 For Otto the goldsmith, ' lord of Gestingthorpe,' and his descendants, 
 hereditary masters of the mint, see Dr Round in V. C. Hist. Essex, i 
 351. He appears in the Survey as Otto aurifaher. He was employed 
 by Rufus to make his father's tomb at St Stephen's, Caen: ' auri et 
 argenti gemmarumque copiam Othoni aurifabro erogavit, et super 
 patris sui mausoleum fieri mirificum memoriale precepit,' Ord. Vit., 
 bk viii, c. 1). He appears in a charter [1104 — 7] printed in Hist. Rev. 
 XXIV 427: 'Othoni aurifabro de Lond'.' 
 
 For Hugh de Coleham, see above, p. 30. A knight named Richerius 
 attests Geoffrey de Mandeville's charters, above, nos. 6 and 15. 
 
 28. D. f. 313 6, Faust. A. iii, f. 74. 
 
 H. rex Angl' Ur' de Ab' et baronibus suis de Wirecestrascira 
 salutem. Sciatis me concessisse sancto Petro Westm' terra de 
 Cumbertona, quam Robertus dispensator dedit ecclesie sancti 
 Petri de Westm' : et volo et precipio ut bene et honorifice teneat, 
 et nullus ei injuriam faciat. T'. Rob' Line' episcopo apud Windres'. 
 
 [1100 — c. 1108.] This charter must be dated after Robert's death 
 and before that of Urse his brother. But neither of these dates appears 
 to be known. If we may assume, from the fact that Robert's restoration 
 was made at Westminster on his behalf by his wife and brother, that 
 he himself was sick and dying, we should place his death not later 
 than 1097. He attests the grant of the city of Bath to Bishop John 
 (1094 — 97), printed by W. Hunt in Somerset Record Society, Bath 
 Cartulary, I, no. 38. His non-appearance in the list of reliefs demanded 
 on the vacancy of the bishopric of Worcester in 1095 (Feud. Eng. 309) 
 might be due to his recent death having left his fief in the king's 
 hands. This however is but conjecture; and it may be that there are 
 known facts to the contrary. The date of Urse's death, I gather, is 
 not earlier than 1108 {Feud. Eng. 170). 
 
 Variants of Faust. A. ill are : Abet', Wircestrascira, deo et sancto 
 Petro, terram, Rodbertus, R. episcopo Line, Windelsoras. 
 
 29. D. f. 516 6. 
 
 H. rex Angl' H. de Bokelande et vie' omnibusque fidelibus ac 
 ministris suis Francis et Anglis London' salutem. Sciatis me 
 concessisse deo et sancto Petro ac monachis Westm' illas ten-as 
 quas tres filie Deormanni pro salute animarum suarum et sepul- 
 turis suis, et ut plenam haberent ejusdem ecclesie societatem, 
 
 10—2 
 
148 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 consilio et voluntate Ordgari fratris earum, in Lundon' eis de- 
 demnt. unde volo et firmiter precipio ut bene quiete honorifice 
 et absque omni calumpnia, cum saca et soca, consuetudinibus et 
 legibus, illas teneant. et defendo et omnimodis prohibeo ut nullus 
 molestiam aut torturam illis inde faciat. T'. R. cane' et G. de 
 Clinton' et R. Basset. 
 
 [1107 — c. 1115.] The upper limit is given by Ranulf as chancellor 
 (see no. 35), the lower by the address to Hugh de Buckland, who seems 
 to have died c. 1115 (see nos. 37, 38). 
 
 ' Orgarus filius Deremanni ' (as well as ' Orgarus le Prude ') was 
 one of the members of the Cnichtengild who gave their soke to Holy 
 Trinity Priory in 1125 in return for the privilege of fraternity. It is 
 interesting to see that his three sisters had already linked themselves 
 in a similar way to the abbey of Wogtminster. For further notes on 
 this family see Round, Commune, 106. 
 
 It would appear from Diet. Nat. Biogr. that the first occurrence of 
 Geoffrey de Clinton's name hitherto known is in a charter of 1121 — 3. 
 The charter here printed shews him to us seven or eight years earlier. 
 
 For ' R. Basset ' see the next charter. 
 
 30. D. f. 101. 
 
 Henricus rex Angl' episcopo f G. f London' et archid' et toti 
 capitulo sancti Pauli sal'. Precipio quod abbas et ecclesia sancti 
 Petri Westm' et presbyteri eorum habeant et teneant ecclesias 
 suas quas pater meus eis dedit : ligneam scilicet capellam sancte 
 Margarete de Eschep, cum parochia et cum terra et domibus ad 
 eam pertinentibus ; et medietatem lapidee capelle sancti Magni 
 martiris cum tota parochia ; et ecclesiam sancti Laurentii cum 
 omnibus sibi pertinentibus ; et ecclesiam sancti Jacobi super 
 ripam : ita bene et in pace et honorifice, sicut melius tenuerunt 
 tempore patris mei, et meo actenus, sine calumpnia, et temporibus 
 Hugonis et Mauricii episcoporum. et prohibeo ne super hoc breve 
 inde placitent. T'. Matild' regina et R. Basset apud London'. 
 
 [July 1108— East. 1116.] Probably issued to Richard de Belmeis 
 soon after he entered on his bishopric. 'G' is a scribe's error for 'R', 
 as is shewn by the similar writ issued to Gilbert the Universal (cons. 
 22 Jan. 1128, "flO Aug. 1134), where 'G' is right, and 'Ricardi' is added 
 to 'Hugonis' and 'Mauricii' as one of the predecessors (D. f. 101 h). 
 
Selected Charters 
 
 149 
 
 Ralph Basset is probably the witness here : see below, no. 39. But 
 it might be Richard Basset. 
 
 This charter is of special interest for its reference to London 
 churches held by the abbey in the Conqueror's reign. 
 
 31. Faust. A. Ill, f. 74. 
 
 Henricus rex Angl' Ricardo episcopo de Lundon' sal'. Mando 
 tibi ut facias plenum rectum abbati Westm' de hominibus qui fre- 
 gerunt ecclesiam suam de Winton' noctu et armis. et nisi feceris, 
 barones mei de scaccario faciant fieri, ne audiam clamorem inde 
 pro penuria recti. T'. &c. 
 
 [July 1108 — 1127.] As the witnesses are not given, we cannot say 
 whether this belongs to the time of Abbot Gilbert or to that of Abbot 
 Herbert. Winton' is for Wineton (Wenington): see above, p. 49. 
 
 32. Faust. A. iii, f. 79. 
 
 Henricus rex Angl' Ricardo de Monte salutem. fac habere 
 abbati Westm' x solidos de elemosina mea, sicut est in rotulis 
 meis. T'. episcopo Sarum apud Canoe. Et hoc quoque anno. 
 Teste eodem. 
 
 [?c. 1110 — East. 1116.] Richard de Monte was sheriff of Oxfordshire 
 in 1111 {Hist Ah. il 119 f): so that the abbot here refeiTed to is not 
 improbably Abbot Gilbert. 
 
 'Canoe' is for Cannock (co. Staff.). 
 
 The writ is of interest for its reference to the king's rolls. 
 
 For Hugo de Monte, see below, no. 37. Gilbert de Monte occurs 
 in the Northamptonshire Survey, which Dr Round assigns to c. 1120 
 (with later modifications): see Feud. Eng. 219. 
 
 33. Faust. A. iii, f. 76. 
 
 Henricus rex Angl' omnibus vicecom' et ministris tocius Angl' 
 salutem. Precipio quod totum corredium et omnes res abbatis 
 de Westm', unde homines sui poterint affidare quod sint sue 
 proprie, sint ita quiete de theloneo et passagio et omnibus con- 
 suetudinibus sicut unquam melius fuerunt tempore antecessorum 
 suorum. T'. cane' apud Merleb'. 
 
150 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 [? Summer, 1113 — Sep. 1114.] A charter of similar import and of 
 exactly the same attestation, on behalf of the abbey of Abingdon, is 
 addressed to Hugh de Buckland (Hist. Ab. ll 79), and is therefore not 
 later than c. 1114. I have therefore assigned this conjecturally to 
 Abbot Gilbert's time. 
 
 34. D. f. 5Sb. 
 
 H. rex Ang} justic' vicec' et omnibus ministris totius Angl' 
 et portuum maris salutem. Precipio quod totum corredium 
 monachorum de Westm' et quicquid in victu et vestitu ad usum 
 eorum pertinet, quod homines eorum poterint affidare suum esse 
 dominicum, sit quietum de theoloneo et passagio et omni alia 
 consuetudine. et super hoc nuUus illud nec homines eorum in- 
 juste disturbet, super x libr' forisfacture. T'. Rann' cancell' per 
 Otuelum fir comitis apud Turrim Lundon'. 
 
 [Summer, 1113— Sep. 1114 (prob.).] For the probability of this 
 date, see the next charter, which bears exactly the same attestation. 
 For Otwel fitz Count, see nos. 35, 36, 37, 40. 
 
 35. Mun. 3765. 
 
 H. rex Angl' justic' vicec' et omnibus ministris et fidelibus 
 suis per Angliam sal'. Precipio quod prior^ et monachi ecclesie 
 sancte Marie de Hurnleia teneant omnia tenementa sua que 
 tenent de feud' Gaufridi de Magnavilla in quocumque fuerint 
 comitatu, in bosco et in piano, in terra et in aqua, in ecclesiis et 
 in decimis, in possessionibus et in consuetudinibus, in libertatibus 
 et in omnibus rebus, et insuper in maneriis que in manu mea sunt 
 de honore ipsius Gaufridi de Magnavilla, tarn bene et libere et 
 quiete et plenarie sicut ipse Gaufridus melius et liberius et 
 plenarius ea ecclesie sue de Hurnleia pro anima sua dedit in 
 elemosina et concessit et carta sua confirmavit, die qua fecit eam 
 dedicare, et sicut rex Willelmus pater meus eis per cartam suam 
 concedit et confirmat. quare volo et precipio et firmiter defendo 
 ne uUus super hoc preceptum meum de rebus ecclesie illius se 
 intromittat, nisi per priorem et monachos ecclesie, nec eos inde 
 disturbet, nec injuriam sive contumeliam faciat. T'. Rann' cancell' 
 per Otuelum fil' comitis apud Turrim Lund'. 
 
 [Summer, 1113— Sep. 1114 (prob.).] This charter indicates that 
 
Selected Charters 
 
 151 
 
 Geoffrey de Mandeville had recently died, his Honor being still in the 
 king's hands. He attests an Abingdon charter, apparently granted in 
 Lent 1111 {Hist. Ahingd. Rolls S. il 73), and Q. Matilda's charter 
 which speaks of the Domesday book at Winchester, and which must 
 be dated either between July 1108 and May 1109, or between Aug. 1111 
 and the summer of 1113 : see Round, Feudal England, p. 143. 
 
 If Geoffrey de Mandeville was alive in 1111, this charter must be 
 subsequent to the king's return in the summer of 1113 : and probably 
 it was granted before the king went to Normandy again in Sept. 1114, 
 and at any rate before his prolonged absence from Easter 1116 — Nov. 
 11201. 
 
 The earliest signature of Ranulf as chancellor is said to be between 
 Easter and Sept. 1107 : he died at Christmas 1122 {Feud. Engl. 485). 
 
 36. Mun. 3587. 
 
 H. rex Angl'. Justic'. Vicec'. Baron', et Omnibus Ministris suis. 
 et hominibus franc', et Angl' de Berchesir':^ sal'. Sciatis me con- 
 cessisse et firmiter confirmasse omnes donationes quascumque 
 Gaufr' de Magnauill' Ecclesie sancte Marie de Herleia pro sua et 
 heredum suorum redemptione et salute libere donauit. et carta sua 
 confirmauitr^ Videl'. to tarn eandem villam de herl' et circumiacens 
 Nemus eidem ville pertinenti. sine participatione cuiuscumque 
 hominis in Eadem parrochia manentis:^ in terris. et Ecclesiis. in 
 decimis. et possessionibus:^ in bosco. et piano. Campis. et Pratis. 
 Siluis. et Pasturisr^ Aquis. et Molendin'. Piscariis. et Piscationibus:^ 
 Pasnagiis. Porcis. et Denarr^ cum tota tercia parte Decime totius 
 annone Omnium Maneriorum totius dominii sui. et cum duabus 
 partibus decime totius Pecunie omnium Maneriorum dominii sui 
 in viuo. et mortuoJ^ et Cum omnibus aliis Rebus sine participatione 
 cuiuscumque hominis de quibuscumque decima deo dari debet. 
 Excepta solummodo terra Aedrici prepositi et .vii. Rusticorum de 
 parua Waltham:^ quam in sua Manu ad se hospitand' retinuit. 
 Concedo igitur et inper[p]etuum confirmo Ecclesie eidem de Herl' 
 Ecclesiam meam de Waltham cum una hida terre et dimid' que 
 ad Ecclesiam illam de Waltham pertinet. et ecclesie de Herl' 
 subiacentr^ et totam terram illam Edwardi que dicitur hwatecumba. 
 
 1 Since writing this I have observed that Geoffrey de Mandeville and Haimo Dapifer 
 attest Hen. I's Savigny charter at Avranches, 7 Mar. 1113 (Round, Doc. pres. in France, 
 p. 287) ; but I retain what is said above for the sake of its references, and as not being 
 inconsistent with the fresh evidence. 
 
152 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 et ecclesiam eiusdem ville cum Omnibus sibi pertinentiis in bosco. 
 et Planor^ et Pasturis. tanquam eiusdem supi'anominate ecclesie 
 de hell' dotaliciumr^ ita bene, et libere. et quiete. et plenarie in 
 Omnibus rebus, sicut idem Gaufr' ea Ecclesie sue de heil' dedit. et 
 concessit.*^ et per cartam patris mei et suam confirmavit. Concede 
 etiam et confirmo. ut Eadem ecclesia de herl' habeat Porcariam 
 suam in parco libere et quiete. et in Omnibus maneriis dominii sui 
 quicunque ea tenuerintr^ unum Rusticum qui Octo Acras terre 
 habeat. et cum Omnibus donationibus suis aliis-quas in insula de 
 Heli. uel in villa que Mosa uocatur-ecclesie de Herl' contulit. siue 
 etiam Decimas quas Turoldus dapifer in Wochendona. et in Bordes- 
 dena. et Edricus eius prepositus ibidem pro animabus eorum 
 contuler'. et Omnia alia quecunque ecclesie prefate ab eodem 
 Gaufr' seu ab alio quocunque viro ibidem sunt coUata et concessa. 
 Quare nolo et concede, et firmiter precipio. ut Ecclesia eadem de 
 herl' omnem habeat libertatem et firmam pacem. in bosco. et piano, 
 in terra et in Aqua, per totam terram suam. et habeat Socam. et 
 Sacam. et toll, et team, et InfangheneSof:^ et terra et homines 
 ecclesie eiusdem quocunque loco sint per Angliam. sint liberi. et 
 quieti de Shir', et Hundr'. de placitis. et querelis:^ Geld', et Daneg'. 
 Scottis. et Auxiliis omnibus et de Omnibus operationibus et occa- 
 sionibusr^ et exactionibus. et Assisisr^ Excepto solummodo Murdro. 
 et probato latrocinio. Quodsi huiusmodi forisfactura super terram 
 ecclesie euenerit. precipior^ quod Prior et n Monachi inde suam 
 plenarie habeant curiam, et defendo ne in Aliis locis quocumque 
 mode placitent:^ nisi in eadem Curia sancte Marie, et sua. De aliis 
 uero placitis uel forisfacturis-q' super terram ecclesie. et Prior' con- 
 [tigerijnt. si quis de hominibus suis in forisfactura mea Justo iudicio 
 et causa Aperta missus fuerit de .xx. manchis. adquietet se ante 
 indicium per .v[i.] denar'. et post Indicium:^ per .xii. denar'. et 
 semper iudicetur. per indicium Curie sancte Marie et Prior' ecclesie. 
 Preterea nolo, et firmiter precipio. quod dimittatis esse in pace 
 imperpetuum .vi. hidas ecclesie eiusdem de Dominio Prior' et 
 Monachorum de omnibus Geld', et Daneg'. [et thjeloneo per Angl' 
 
 q[ ]r dominicum conredium et usum pertinet. et Passagiis 
 
 etiam per Angl'. et Assartis que de Dominica terra eorum sintK 
 
 et ex Omnibus Actionibus [ ] pertinent et consuetudinibus. 
 
 Defendo etiam et firmiter precipio ne francos sues plegios recenseant 
 alibi Annuatim Prior et monachi nisi in eadem Curia sancte Marie et 
 suar^ et ut nullus. neque Vicec' neque Minister [aliquis] super hanc 
 
Selected Charten 
 
 153 
 
 libertatem quam pro animabus patris et matris mee. et pro salute 
 et redemptione anime mee eis concedo et confirmo:^ eos amodo 
 placitis aut occasionibus. aut homines suos grauet aut laboretr^ aut 
 iniiiriam uel contuineliam faciat. Quoniam eideiu ecclesie omnia 
 pertinentia pro mea et m[a . . ] mee salute et Imperatricis filie mee 
 peticione et pro anime sue redemptione;^ ex omni exactione et 
 consuetudine regia. et Omnium hominum in[quietudine] soluta et 
 
 libera finabiliter clam[ ]a. T'. eadem Imperatrice. et Rog. 
 
 episcopo Sar'. per Otuelnm fil' Comitis. Ap' Turrim Lund'. 
 
 [ ? ] If this charter is genuine, it cannot be dated later than Easter 
 1116, when the king left England. For when he returned in 1120, 
 Otwel fitz Count, the son of Hugh earl of Chester, was one of those 
 who perished in the White Ship. 
 
 But the charter is granted at the request of Matilda the Empress, 
 and is also attested by her. Now Matilda left England in 1110, before 
 she was eight years old. She was crowned at Mainz as Empress in 
 1114, and after the Emperor's death she returned to England in 1126. 
 
 If, then, the evidence of this charter is to be accepted, Matilda must 
 have visited England between 1114 and 1116. But of such a visit we 
 have no other record. 
 
 We approach the charter therefore with some suspicion. And first 
 we ask whether it is probable that a charter to Hurley Priory should 
 have been gi-anted ' at the request of the Empress,' who even at Easter 
 1116 was not yet fourteen years old ? 
 
 Next, we observe that in one sentence Henry makes the gi-ant ' pro 
 animabus patris et matris mee et pro redemptione anime mee'; and in 
 the next sentence ' pro mea et m[a . .] mee salute, et imperatricis filie 
 mee peticione et pro anime sue redemptione.' It would be absurd to 
 read ' matris ' again in the second sentence ; and in any case we look 
 for some mention of Matilda, Henry's queen. The 'a' is almost certain ; 
 and we might perhaps read ' marite,' instead of the more usual ' uxoris.' 
 
 We must consider together with this charter the much shorter 
 charter (no. 35), in which K. Henry confirms the properties of Hurley, 
 when the Honor of Geofirey de Mandeville has come into his hand 
 through Geoffrey's decease. This occasion of that confirmation is a 
 natural one. The date of it must be placed between July 1113 and 
 September 1114, or else between July 1115 and Easter 1116. It is 
 attested, like the short Westminster charter (no. 34), by Ranulf the 
 chancellor per Otuelnm fil' Comitis apud Tun~im Lwid'. 
 
154 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 I confess that the fuller charter (no. 36) looks to me as if it had 
 been composed at a time when the Empress Matilda had come to be a 
 more important figure in England than she could have been in 1116 ; 
 at a time when it had become worth while to suggest that Henry had 
 been moved by her to grant special privileges to the priory of Hurley 
 in addition to the ordinary confirmation of its properties. The writer 
 has bungled in the phrases by which he describes the king's motives : 
 he has avoided the risk of using the chancellor's name (Ranulf died at 
 Christmas 1122), and has preferred the safer name of Roger bishop of 
 Salisbury ; but he has retained to his ultimate confusion the addition 
 per Otuelum fiV Gomitis apud Turrim Lund'. 
 
 Henry II's charter of confirmation {Mun. 3751) follows closely upon 
 the lines of this charter, and expressly refers to the charter of his 
 grandfather. I gravely suspect that it was for his benefit that the 
 forgery was made. 
 
 The handwriting appears to me to offer no decisive evidence ; and 
 the charter still retains a broken red seal which arouses no suspicion. 
 
 37, D. f. 528. 
 
 Hec est convencio inter G. abbatem et conventum Westm' et 
 Willelmum de Bocholanda. s. G. abbas et conventus Westm' dant 
 et concedunt Willelmo de Bocholanda et heredibus suis in heredi- 
 tate terram de Sipenham et de Burnham in feudo pro 1 solidis per , 
 singulos annos pro omni servicio preter commune geldum regis : et 
 terram de Tecewrde et de Tunge similiter concedunt ei et heredibus 
 suis pro Ix solidis per singulos annos pro omni servicio preter 
 commune geldum regis : et placeam que est ante domum suam 
 similiter concedunt ei pro iiij°"' denariis in feudo. s. Celceiam 
 tenebit in vita sua pro iiij""^ libris quoque anno pro omni servicio 
 preter commune geldum regis; et post mortem ipsius Willelmi 
 remanebit Celceia in dominio ecclesie Westm'. et de feudo de 
 Tecewrde et de Tunge, quando rex Angl' communiter accipiet xx 
 solidos de milite, Willelmus de Bocholanda adquietabit ecclesiam 
 Westm' de xx solidis. et de Celceya in Nativitate domini reddet xl 
 solidos, et in die Ascencionis xl solidos ; et de feudo suo in Annun- 
 ciacione sancte Marie Iv solidos et ij denarios, et viij dies ante 
 festum sancti Michaelis Iv solidos et ij denarios, 
 
 Hii sunt testes : Rotbertus episcopus Lincoln', Bernardus epis- 
 copus de sancto David, Otuerus fil' comitis, Clarebaldus medicus, 
 Radulfus fir Algodi, Radulfus diabolus, Ricardus de Rami cur', 
 
Selected Charten 
 
 155 
 
 Ricardus de magna villa, Hugo de nionte, Asciulus de Taneyo, 
 Sagiinus, Osbertus de Bernivilla, Wariniis de Hamesclape, Hugo 
 de Midelton' ; de familia abbatis, Willelmus capellanus, Willelmus 
 fir Fulconis, Gilebertus frater ejus, Herbertus dispensator, Picotus, 
 Rotbeitus de Beslun, Willelmus camerarius, Willelmus Germinus, 
 Ricardus fil' Herberti, Oini et Tovius Ganet, et multi alii. 
 
 [1115—1117.] Bernard was appointed to St David's 19 Sept. 1115, 
 and consecrated in Westminster Abbey by desire of the queen, whose 
 chaplain he was. 
 
 It is probable that this grant was made after the death of William's 
 father, Hugh de Buckland, who was alive, as we have seen, in 1114; 
 see nos. 12, 20, 29. 
 
 For Radulfus fil' Algod, a member of the Cnichtengild in 1125, see 
 Round, Commune of London, 102 ; for Otwel fitz Count, above, no. 36 ; 
 for Richard de Mandeville, above, nos. 6, 20 ; for Hugo de Monte, 
 no. 32 (note). 
 
 Richard de Rami cur' may be Richard son of Guy de Raimbercurt 
 {Feud. Eng. 220). 
 
 With Warin de Hamesclape comp. Michael de Hanslape {ih. 220). 
 
 With ' Oini ' (the first letter is uncertain) comp. Oini and Wini 
 (both genitives) in Hist. Ah. ll 53, 100, 138, 144 (but as he died before 
 1117, I do not suggest identification as probable). 
 
 Tovius Ganet attests a later charter (D. f. 528 h). 
 
 For Burnham and Sippenham, see above, p. 48, and no. 9. 
 
 38. D. f. 516 h. 
 
 M. Angl' regina Ricardo episcopo et vie' et omnibus baronibus 
 London', Francis et Anglis, salutem. Sciatis me dedisse et con- 
 cessisse deo et sancto Petro et Gisl' abbati de Westm' hoc quod 
 Hugo de Bochelanda tenebat de me in Londonia super hwerviim 
 ejusdem abbatis, cum soca et saca et cum omnibus aliis consue- 
 tudinibus quas ego ibi habebam. et hoc facio pro incolumitate anime 
 et corporis Henrici regis domini mei et mea et filiorum nostrorum, 
 T'. episcopo Lincoln' et com' David, apud Westm'. 
 
 [c. 1115 — 1117.] David, the queen's brother, afterwards king of 
 Scotland, became count of Huntingdon in 1114. For Hugh de Buck- 
 land, see above, no. 12 : his death may be implied by tenebat. 
 
 Hwervum seems to mean ' wharf (see no. 4). 
 
156 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 39. D. f. 363 6. 
 
 H. rex Angl' Willelino camerario et Alberico de Ver et omnibus 
 vestris successoribus camerariis et vicecomitibus Lond' salutem. 
 Date de firma London' sacriste sancti Petri de Westm' i obol' 
 quaque die ad emendum lucernam que ardeat coram sepulcro 
 regine Math' a die festi sancti Michaelis proxima transacta usque 
 in sempiternum. T'. Rogero Salesberiensi episcopo et Roberto 
 Line' episcopo et Rann' cancellario et Radulfo Basset apud Westm'. 
 
 [c. 1121.] Probably issued soon after the king's return at the end 
 of 1120. Q. Matilda had died in his absence, 1 May 1118. Ranulf the 
 chancellor died at Christmas time 1122, and Bishop Robert a few days 
 later (Round, Feudal England, 485). 
 
 For William the chamberlain, see above, nos. 4 and 20; and for 
 Ralph Basset, nos. 30, 43. For Aubrey de Ver, see no. 43, and Round, 
 G. de M. 388 ff. This Aubrey de Ver was the son of Aubrey de Ver, 
 and became his heir through the death of his eldest brother Geoffrey de 
 Ver. Geoffrey on his death-bed gave property at Kensington to 
 Abingdon Abbey, in gratitude for the medical services of Abbot 
 Faricius : and Henry's confirmation of this gift is addressed to Maurice 
 bishop of London and Gilbert abbot of Westminster {Hist. Ah. ll 56). 
 
 40. Faust. A. iii, f. 75. 
 
 Henricus rex Angl' Rodberto de Bertherol et omnibus baroni- ^ 
 bus de honore qui fuit Otueri fil' com' salutem. Sciatis me dedisse 
 et concessisse deo et sancto Petro et monachis Westm' ecclesiam de 
 Sabricheswrd'. et volo et firmiter precipio ut bene et in pace et 
 quiete et honorifice teneant cum terris et decimis et omnibus 
 rectitudinibus et omnibus rebus ipsi ecclesie pertinentibus, et ita 
 ne aliquis illos inde disturbet vel injuriam faciat super forisfacturam 
 x libr'. Test' cancellario et Gaufrido de Clinton'. 
 
 [? c. 1121.] This would appear to have been issued shortly after 
 the death of Otwel fitz Count, while his Honor was still in the king's 
 hand. See above, no. 36. 
 
 ' Robert de Berquerola ' occurs in Harley Roll c 8 (of early govern- 
 ment of London) : see Kingsford's edition of Stow's Survey ll 382 (note 
 on ' Robert Bar Querel Prouost ' in latter part of Hen. I's reign). 
 
 41. Faust. A. Ill, f 75. 
 
 Henricus rex Angl' justic' et vicecom' et omnibus baronibus et 
 ministris suis Angl' salutem. Precipio quod totum corredium 
 
Selected Charters 
 
 157 
 
 et omnes res quas ministri monach' Westm' qui sunt apud 
 Sabricheswrd' affidaverunt suas esse dominicas sint quiete de 
 toll et passagio et omni consuetudine. T'. cancell' &c. 
 
 [? c. 1121.] This was probably issued at the same time as the 
 previous writ. 
 
 42. Faust. A. iii, f. 67 6. 
 
 Henricus rex Angl' Rodberto episcopo Lincoln' salutem. Pre- 
 cipio quod teneas plenariam convencionem Herberto abbati et 
 monachis Westm' de manerio suo de Leosne quod de illis tenes, 
 sicut firmatum fuit inter te et Gilebertum abbatem et eosdem 
 monachos tempore fratris mei ; et ita quod inde amplius clamorem 
 non audiam. Teste Rogero filio Ricardi et aliis multis apud 
 Wodestoke. 
 
 [1121 — Chr. 1122.] I insert this for the sake of its reference to 
 Abbot Gilbert, and also as a contribution to the somewhat obscure 
 history of the relation of Westminster to the manor of Leosne. 
 
 Roger fitz Richard was one of the many sons of Richard fitz Gilbert : 
 see above, no. 26, and for the pedigree, Round, Feud. Eng. 472 fif. 
 
 43. Faust. A. iii, f. 78 6. 
 
 Henricus rex Angl' R. Basset et Alberico de Ver sal'. Facite 
 ita habere abbati Westm' estallos suos in novo opere sicut solebat 
 habere in veteri, et sicut precepi, ne audiam inde clamorem pro 
 penuria recti. T'. &c. 
 
 [Prob. 1 121— 30.] Though this probably belongs to Abbot Herbert's 
 time, I have added it here in order to correct a misapprehension 
 regarding it. It appears in the cartulary under the rubric of Henry II, 
 and has been accordingly supposed to give proof that ' novum opus,' or 
 new building, was being carried on in the church in that reign under 
 Abbot Laurence. Some have referred it to the chapel of St Catherine 
 in the infirmary, which doubtless belongs to that period. But a glance 
 at the writ shews that, like several others in Faustina A. ill, it has been 
 erroneously entered under Henry II instead of under Henry I. 
 
 What ' novum opus ' is here meant must remain uncertain : and it is 
 very doubtful whether choir-stalls are intended, as has hitherto been 
 assumed. Possibly some rebuilding was going on under the king's 
 directions outside the abbey ; and the stalls may be market-stalls, or 
 even stables. 
 
ADDITIONAL NOTE A. 
 
 ON THE EARLY CHARTERS OF ST JOHN'S ABBEY, COLCHESTER. 
 
 Three charters are printed above which relate to St Mary New- 
 church in London: one is granted by Will. I (no. 5), two are granted 
 by Will. II (nos. 10, 11). The first of the three has been already printed 
 {Monasticon i 302). Besides these the grant of this church to West- 
 minster is included in what is called the First Charter of Will. I (Cotton 
 Charter vi 3 = D. f. 52 h), a long document reciting grants of properties, 
 which though not genuine contains a good deal of valuable tradition : 
 ' deinde quidem ecclesiam sancte Marie que Newecirke appellatur, cum 
 terris et omnibus rebus ad eam pertinentibus, quam Alfwardus cogno- 
 mento Grossus in predicta urbe pro salute anime sue ei dederat, sicut 
 idem melius et plenius prenominato sancto contulerat, omnimodis im- 
 mutabiliter concessi.' 
 
 The donor appears in these various charters as 
 
 (1) ' Aluuardus de Lundonia' (nos. 5 and 11) 
 
 (2) ' Agelwardus clericus ' (no. 10) 
 
 (3) ' Alfwardus cognomento Grossus.' 
 
 On the other hand we notice the absence of this church from the 
 interesting charter (no. 30) in which Hen. I confirms [1108 — 1116] the 
 grants of London churches made by the Conqueror : to wit, the wooden 
 chapel of St Margaret Eastcheap, half the stone chapel of St Magnus 
 Martyr, the church of St Laurence and the church of St James 'super 
 ripam.' Moreover there is extant^ a charter of Abbot Herbert [1121 — 
 1136(?)j, in which he assigns to the sacrist among other revenues 
 'Niwecirce in Lundonia, quando auxiliante deo ilia diracionari poterit 
 ad honorem et proficuum hujus ecclesie.' From this it is clear that 
 Westminster had lost its hold on the property: nor does it appear ever 
 to have regained it, in spite of its express inclusion in a bull of Adrian IV 
 to Abbot Gervase (D. f. 1h: et omnes ecclesiasticas possessiones quas 
 habetis in London': scilicet Newechurch' et ceteras ecclesias cum 
 omnibus libertatibus et dignitatibus ad easdem pertinentibus). 
 
 1 Printed in Monasticon, i 307 from Harley Charters 84 F. 46; a late copy is also 
 preserved (Man. 3435), and it is also found in D. f. 408 b. 
 
Early Charters of St John's Abbey, Colchester 159 
 
 The charters of Will. I and Will. II (D. f. 529) are followed by 
 a charter of Hen. I [after 1121], which is stated in the rubric to refer to 
 the same church : 
 
 Carta regis H. primi de ecclesia sancte Marie Newekirke. 
 H. rex Anglorum vie' et baron' de Lundon' salutem. Precipio quod abbas 
 Herbertus et monachi sancti Peti-i Westm' teneant bene et in pace ecclesiam saucte 
 Marie quam Goslanus eis dedit cum terris eidem ecclesie pertinentibus. et 
 precipio ne aliquis se intromittat nisi per abbatem. T'. R. Basset apud Windlesh'. 
 
 With this must be read a charter of Stephen to Abbot Gervase 
 (D. f. 61): 
 
 S. rex Angl' jiistic' et vicec' et baronibus et omnibus ministris suis London'. 
 Precipio vobis quod sicut me diligitis custodiatis et manuteneatis omnes terras et 
 tenuras G. abbatis de Westm' filii mei sicut meas dominicas ; et ad posse ve.strum 
 faciatis ei habere redditus sues et debita que ei debentur, et nominatim ecclesiam 
 sancte Marie ei faciatis habere, quam Gislanus ei dedit, cum terris appendentibus : 
 et tantum inde faciatis quod gratis inde vobis sciam. T'. Ad' de Beln' apud 
 Westm' 1. 
 
 When we take this with the confirmation by Pope Adrian, we can 
 hardly doubt that St Mary Newchurch is referred to : but ' Goslanus,' 
 or 'Gislanus,' introduces a new element of perplexity. 
 
 So much for the Westminster side of the controversy, to which 
 justice has not hitherto been done^. We find the rival claimant in the 
 abbey of St John the Baptist at Colchester, the important chartulary of 
 which was printed from Earl Cowper's manuscript for the Roxburghe 
 Club in 1897. The historical value of some of these Colchester charters 
 was pointed out by Dr Round in an article in the English Historical 
 Review (xvi 721 — 30). With the question of the authenticity of most 
 of the earliest charters he dealt severely. It is necessary for our present 
 purpose to take a further step in the path of criticism which he has 
 marked out ; and in doing so we shall discover that the monks of 
 Colchester not only deprived their Westminster brethren of one of their 
 churches, but also stole their very choicest thunder. 
 
 The chartulary opens with the foundation charter of Eudo Dapifer. 
 Of this it is sufficient to say ^vith Dr Round, that ' it obviously is not 
 genuine in the form in which it is transcribed.' 
 
 1 Adam de Beln' attests a Lincoln charter at Oxford, Feb. — Dec. 1146 {Eiuj. Hist. Rev. 
 XXIII, 727). 'Adam de Balnai ' appears in a document relating to the Cnichtengild soke 
 as present at Westminster in the second year of K. Stephen (Round, Commune 99). 
 
 2 See, e.g., Mr Kinprsford's hriof dismissal of it in his valuable edition of Stow's Stiri'et/ 
 (n 317). 
 
160 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 The next item (p. 4) relates how Gilbert a monk of Bee, having 
 been made abbot of Colchester, found that the muniments of his church 
 were grievously defective, and caused a charter to be written out and 
 sent across the sea to Eudo and his wife, who were living at Preaux, 
 begging them to obtain its confirmation from King Henry; which 
 accordingly they did at a council at Rouen in the year in which Henry's 
 son William was married (i.e. 1119). The charter was read out by a 
 Norman clerk, who however came to a standstill at the long list of 
 English words in which certain privileges were granted. The king 
 thereupon took the document out of his hands, and read out and 
 explained the terms in question^. We shall not comment on this story 
 further than to say that there is good reason for believing that Eudo 
 could not have been present on this occasion, though the king is repre- 
 sented as conversing with him. 
 
 The document which next follows is the pretended charter which the 
 king is said then to have granted. One thing certain about it is that it 
 was written, as we have already gathered, by a Colchester monk. But 
 before we consider the sources upon which he drew for his phraseology, 
 we must look at the sixth item in the chartulary (p. 11), which Dr Round 
 accepts ' as the original confirmation by the king of Eudo's foundation 
 of the house,' and which he thinks was almost certainly written in 1104. 
 
 That charter falls into four main divisions : 
 
 (1) A preamble of 17 lines : ' Quia inter multa bona opera — 
 castitate copulavit.' 
 
 (2) A confirmation of the church and monastery founded by Eudo, 
 with a list of properties granted to the same. 
 
 (3) A grant of privileges, briefly stated in these words : ' Huic 
 ecclesie et cuncte ejus possessioni eandem libertatem et easdem leges 
 quas habet ecclesia sancti Petri Westmonasterii in perpetuum possidere 
 constituo.' 
 
 (4) Then follow the attestations, introduced by: 'Quod subse- 
 quenter dominice crucis karectere ad confirmationem subsigno ^ annu- 
 ente eodem domino nostro Jesu Christo, qui vivit et regnat et gloriatur 
 in individua trinitate per omnia secula seculorum.' 
 
 We may suppose that the charter was composed in the abbey and 
 brought to the king for confirmation. This will account for its peculiar 
 
 1 ' Legit itaque cartam Johannes Baiocensis, clericus nobilis et regis consanguineus ; 
 cumque ventum esset ad consuetudines Anglice scriptas, cessavit, profitens nescire quid 
 esseut : tunc rex ipse (erat enim optime litteratus) cartam accepit, legit, et iis qui aderant 
 exposuit.' 
 
• 
 
 Early Charters of St Johns Ahbei/, Colchester 161 
 
 phraseology. But it remains very difficult to conceive that Henry I 
 should have granted privileges in so vague a form as the statement that 
 St John's Abbey at Colchester was to have the same liberties and 
 customs as St Peter's Abbey at Westminster. There may be parallels 
 to this of which I am ignorant : but, until they are pointed out, I must 
 confess my inability to believe that this clause stood in the original 
 charter granted by that prudent king. 
 
 Another ground of suspicion occurs to my mind. This charter, as 
 we shall presently see, grants St Mary Newchurch in London to the 
 abbey of Colchester, and the charter is attested by Gilbert abbot of 
 Westminster. We have already noted that Abbot Herbert, Gilbert's 
 successor, still looked forward to establishing Westminster's claim to 
 this church ('quando auxiliante deo ilia diracionari poterit'): but this 
 could hardly have been a possibility, if Gilbert Crispin had attested a 
 royal charter giving it to Colchester some twenty years before. On the 
 other hand, we have a clear motive for the introduction of Gilbert's 
 attestation, if the charter be not in its present form a genuine document. 
 
 We may now return to the pretended charter of 1119 (p. 4). This 
 falls into the same four divisions. 
 
 (1) The preamble: 'Quia inter multa bona opera — castitate copu- 
 lavit.' This is repeated from the charter of 1104. 
 
 (2) The first clause here is the same, save that 'Mahaldis' 
 has become ' Matildis,' and for the words ' pro memet ipso et uxore mea 
 Mahalde regina,' we now have ' pro memet ipso et uxore mea Matilde 
 regina atque pro filiis meis^' The list of properties has considerably 
 increased, as might be expected in the first fifteen years of a new 
 foundation. Otherwise the phraseology is copied from the former charter 
 with slight changes. The first items may be set side by side, as they 
 stand in the two charters, to call attention to the past tense used of 
 Eudo, who as Dr Round has noted does not attest the later charter : 
 
 Picheseye, excepto feudo Ranulfi de done et manerium Picheseye. hec tria 
 Mundona et excepta terra Alwini Soche- raaneria Integra sicut Eudo ea de me 
 
 1104. 
 
 Manerium Wileye et manerium 
 
 1119. 
 
 Manerium Wileye et manerium Mun- 
 
 man. 
 
 tenebat, excepto in Picheseya feudo 
 Eanulfi de Mundune et excepta terra 
 Alfuuini Socheman. 
 
 1 As both Matilda and William were born before 1104, we might have expected such 
 a phrase in the former charter : of. ' subolis mee ' in no. 24, above. 
 
 B. C. 11 
 
162 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 (3) It is the third section that gives its special character to this 
 charter. The brief clause which granted the privileges enjoyed by 
 Westminster is repeated thus : ' Huic ecclesie et cuncte ejus possessioni 
 concede eandem libertatem et easdem leges quas habet ecclesia sancti 
 Petri Westmonasterii.' But the time for vagueness has gone by, and 
 the charter goes on to define the privileges thus: ' Primum videlicet ut 
 tantus honor,' &c.: a passage occupying 53 lines of the printed text, and 
 granting exemption from all episcopal and judicial control, rights of 
 sanctuary, customs cited by their English names, &c. 
 
 The whole of this long passage, from ' ut tantus honor ' to ' peni- 
 tencia satisfecerit,' is copied out of the so-called Third Charter of Edward 
 the Confessor. 
 
 In one single point the privilege claimed by Colchester falls short of 
 the privilege claimed by Westminster. For Colchester claims, on behalf 
 of any one who takes sanctuary: memhroruvi suorum ac vite impuni- 
 tatem consequatur : but in the Third Charter of St Edward we read 
 (in what purports to be the original with St Edward's seal, ch. xx; in the 
 Westminster 'Domesday'; and in the Monasticon which quotes from 
 Faust. A. Ill): immunis sit omnino ac plenum libertatem consequatur. 
 
 It is obvious that the Westminster privilege here is much larger 
 than that which is claimed for Colchester; and yet there can be no 
 doubt that the Colchester fabricator had St Edward's Third Charter as 
 his authority. 
 
 Now an examination of 'Domesday' shews that the text has been 
 tampered with at this point, since the chartulary was written; and 
 portions of letters can still be seen which correspond with the Colchester 
 reading. When we turn to the ' original ' ch. xx, all seems in perfect 
 order — except possibly the abbreviated omnino which looks darker and 
 a little crooked. It so happens that the word omnino comes earlier in 
 the charter, and has there a different abbreviation ; and a minute 
 inspection reveals slight differences in the shapes of various letters, 
 though not a trace of the obliterated letters can be detected. 
 
 It is possible that this Westminster alteration would never have 
 come to light but for the Colchester forgery. When was it made ? 
 It cannot have been made when the long charter of K. Stephen was 
 forged (Ch. xxxiii): for this refers to the privilege of St Edward, and 
 gives the earlier form at this particular point. It cannot have been 
 made when the 'Domesday' chartulary was written (c. 1303): for the 
 earlier form was then copied, and it was subsequently erased to make 
 way for the later form. It is not unlikely that it belongs to the great 
 period of strife as to sanctuary in the reign of K. Richard II. Abbot 
 
Earhf Charters of St Johux Ahhey, Colchester 163 
 
 Litlyngton then pleaded the cause of Westminster at the Parliament 
 at Gloucester with good success. 
 
 We go on now to the fourth item in the chartulary (p. 10), which 
 also purports to be a charter granted by Henry I at Rouen in 1119. 
 Its prefatory rubric declares it to be an abridgement of the fuller 
 charter, more suitable for can-ying about. Its genesis however is best 
 explained by setting side by side with it a charter granted by the same 
 king to Herbert, who became abbot of Westminster in 1121. 
 
 Westminster. 
 
 Henricus rex Angl' archiepiscopis, 
 episcopis, abbatibus, comitibiis, optima- 
 tibus, \-icecomitibus, omnibusque mini- 
 stris et fidelibus eiu-s Francis et Anglis 
 in illis comitatibus in quibus sanctiis 
 Petrus de Westm' habet teiTa.s et 
 homines, salutem. 
 
 Sciatis me concessisse deo et sancto 
 Petro et Herberto abbati Westm', pro 
 salute anime mee et Edwardi regis cog- 
 nati mei et antecessorum et successorum 
 meonmi, 
 
 sacam et socam, toll et theam et 
 infangenethef et flemeuesfirmth', mis- 
 keuninge et sceawinge, 
 
 et pacis fracturam et domus invasi- 
 onem et omnes assultus in suo jure, in 
 via et extra, in urbe et extra, in festo et 
 extra, et omnes leges et consuetudines 
 in aqua et in terra tarn plene et tam 
 
 Colchester. 
 
 Henricus dei gratia rex Anglorum et 
 dux Normannorum arcbiepiscopis, epi- 
 scopis, abbatibus, comitibus, baronibus, 
 et omnibus vicecomitibus in quonim 
 vicecomitatibus sanctus Johannes Bap- 
 tista de Colecestria terras habet et 
 homines, et omnibus fidelibus suis 
 Francis et Anglis totius Anglie, salu- 
 tem. 
 
 Sciatis me concessisse deo et sancto 
 Johanni Baptiste de Colecestria et 
 monachis ejusdem loci cuncteque eorum 
 possessioni eandem libertatem et eas- 
 dem leges quas habet ecclesia sancti 
 Petri AVestmonasterii : scilicet sakam 
 et sokam, et toll et team, mundbrj'ce, 
 burhbryce, miskenninge, sceawinge, hlea- 
 stinge, frythesocna, flemenefirmtbe, 
 waerg^'ldweof, uthleap, forfeng, feohfeng, 
 feordwite, feohtwite, weardwite, heng- 
 wite, hamsocna, forsteall, infogenatheof, 
 et omnia jura qualiumcunque causa- 
 rum et omnes alias leges et consue- 
 tudines que ad me pertinent, in terra 
 et in aqua, et in urbe et extra, in 
 domo et extra, in %-illa et extra, in 
 placito, in soko et saka, in theloneo, in 
 furis apprehensione et emissione, in 
 sanguinis effusione, et in omnibus aliis 
 rebus in orani tempore et in omnibus 
 locis. 
 
 Has ergo omnes leges et consue- 
 tudines concede deo et sancto Johanni 
 Colecestrie in perpetuum possidere, in 
 aqua et terra tam plene et tam liberc 
 sicut egomet illas melius habeo. 
 
 11—2 
 
164 
 
 GUhert Crispin 
 
 libere et tarn firmiter sicut predictus rex 
 Edwardus illas unquam melius conces- 
 serat et sicut per privilegium carte sue 
 confirmavit. 
 
 Et nuUo modo volo eonsentire ut 
 aliquis banc ecclesie sancti Petri con- 
 cessam a nobis libertatem ullo tempore 
 iufringere presumat, aut in aliquo de 
 omnibus que ecclesie juris fuerint se 
 intromittat, nisi abbas et monachi ad 
 utilitatem monasterii. 
 
 T'. R. arcbiepiscopo <Cantuar' et 
 G. arcbiepiscopo > ' Rotbom' et R. epi- 
 scopo London', W. episcopo Winton' et 
 R. episcopo Sar', R. episcopo Lincoln' et 
 Ranulpbo cancellar' et Johanne Baioc', 
 com' David, R. filio regis et W. Tan- 
 cardivilla, W. de Alben' et N. de 
 Albeneye, G. de Clinton' et R. Basset, 
 apud Windlesor'. 
 
 Et nuUo modo volo ut aliquis banc 
 ecclesie sancti Jobannis concessam a me 
 libertatem idlo tempore infringere pre- 
 sumat. 
 
 Testibus Radulfo arcbiepiscopo Can- 
 torberie et Gaufrido arcbiepiscopo Rotbo- 
 magi et Turstino arcbiepiscopo Eboraci 
 et Rannulfo episcopo Dunelmie et Ber- 
 nardo episcopo de Sancto David et 
 Ranwlfo cancellario et Henrico comite 
 de Auco et Waltero GifFardo comite et 
 Willelmo comite de Warenna, 
 apud Rotomagum, in mense et anno 
 quo Willelmus filius regis desponsavit 
 uxorem suam filiam comitis Andega- 
 vensium. 
 
 It appears from a comparison of these two charters, that the 
 Colchester compiler, when he had written the words ' sakam et sokam, 
 et toll et team,' observed that the Westminster charter did not give so 
 full a list of English privileges as had been copied from St Edward's 
 Third Charter into the longer Colchester charter of 1119. He therefore 
 returns to the more complete list with the words 'mundbryce, burhbryce,' 
 etc., and then takes a succession of phrases out of the longer charter 
 until he comes back to Abbot Herbert's charter at the words ' omnes 
 leges et consuetudines.' It is interesting to see that he thus per- 
 petrates a 'doublet': for he has first 'in terra et in aqua' from the 
 longer charter, and then 'in aqua et terra' from Abbot Herbert's 
 charter. 
 
 Further criticism of this shorter Colchester charter is unnecessary. 
 But we may note with interest the style of the king, and also the 
 designation ' arcbiepiscopo Cantorberie,' which may point to Normandy. 
 
 The fifth item (p. 11) is a bull of Pope Calixtus II [1119—24], which 
 is said to be a confirmation of what has preceded. I do not think 
 
 ' Cf. a similar charter of liberties in London granted at the same time and place 
 (D f. 101). 
 
Early Charters of St John's Abbey, Colchester 165 
 
 it is likely to be genuine. In any case it is of no special historical 
 importance. 
 
 I pass on to the charter of William Rufus (p. 18). Dr Roimd has 
 already said enough to condemn this as a forgery, I would only add 
 that, besides the two manors which were not granted till about twenty 
 years after his death, the king is also made to confirm the questionable 
 possession of 'ecclesia de Niewechirche.' 
 
 To St Mary Newchurch we must, in conclusion, return. It is granted 
 to Westminster by a charter of Will. I and by two charters of Will. II: 
 but in Abbot Herbert's time it had somehow been alienated. He still 
 hoped for its recovery, and his successor Gervase got a confirmation of 
 it from Pope Adrian IV — a sign, at the least, that Westminster per- 
 sisted in claiming it. 
 
 St John's Colchester however had evidently got hold of it, and 
 defended its claim by a forged charter of Will. II ; a forged charter of 
 Hen. I dated 1119; a forged foundation deed of Eudo Dapifer; and, as 
 we shall see, a forged charter of Richard bishop of London. I am 
 inclined to add to this list of forged evidences the charter of Henry I 
 which bears the attestation of Abbot Gilbert of Westminster in 1104: 
 but I refi-ain from a positive statement on this point. 
 
 It is in the forged charter of Eudo alone that any details regarding 
 the gift or the donor appear. There we read : ' ecclesiam sancte Marie 
 de Westchepinge Lundonie, que vocatur Niewecherche, concedente Ail- 
 wardo grosso presbitero^, qui in eadem ecclesia ex donatione antecessoris 
 mei Huberti de Ria personatum consecutus fuerat ; postmodum vero 
 juri personatus sponte renuntiavit, pensionarius ecclesie sancti Johannis 
 de eadem ecclesia foetus ' (p. 3). On this Dr Round remarks : ' One 
 would hardly expect Eudo to describe as his antecessor Hubert de Rye, 
 who was his father. Moreover, so far as I know, we have no other 
 evidence of Eudo's father preceding him as a holder of lands in 
 England^.' 
 
 The forged charter of Bishop Richard (p. 82) has been exposed by 
 Dr Round, who has set side by side with it the stoiy of the monks (p. 50) 
 on which it is based. Of this latter I will only remark that it intro- 
 duces the name of ' Gunduinus monachus Becci.' Now the list of Bee 
 shews us a ' Gundwinus ' as entering the monastery c. 1085, and also a 
 'Gunduinus' c. 1112^ So we are dealing with a real person. Indeed 
 
 1 Compare the 'Alfwardus cognomento Grossus' of the fictitious First Charter of 
 Will. I, quoted above, p. 158. 
 
 2 Eny. Hist. Rev. xvi 726. » Poree, Hist, du Bee i C30, 632. 
 
166 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 the names mentioned in these Colchester documents, whether as attest- 
 ing charters or otherwise, are surprisingly accurate, and seem to prove 
 that the compiler or compilers of these forgeries must have had a 
 number of genuine documents, which, though insufficient for the pur- 
 poses contemplated, furnished the necessary historical setting. There 
 must have been genuine charters of Eudo Dapifer and of Henry I when 
 the abbey was founded, and there may have been a confirmatory charter 
 of the king in 1119 granted at Rouen either just before or just after 
 Eudo's death. We may doubt whether either of the king's charters 
 contained any reference to St Mary Newchurch or to the Westminster 
 privilege : we may be certain that neither of them cited the exposition 
 of that privilege in the terms of the Third Charter of St Edward. The 
 real charters would be superseded by the forgeries, and perhaps even 
 destroyed as conflicting evidence of a very compromising character. 
 
 The long charter of Hen. I (1119) reappears on p. 14 as granted 
 afresh by Hen. II, and in a considerably extended form (especially in 
 regard to the Westminster privilege) on p. 42 as granted by Rich. I. 
 The short charter of Henry I (1119) reappears on p. 80 as granted by 
 Stephen. A charter of Hen. Ill (p. 56) refers to Richard's charter, and 
 gives an interesting interpretation of three of its English terms ; this is 
 supplementary to an Inspeximus of Richard's charter, which is printed 
 immediately after it. If we could accept the charter of He'nry II as 
 genuine, we should have a valuable starting-point for discussing the 
 date of St Edward's Third Charter: but the position which it occupies 
 in the Colchester chartulary is not in its favour. 
 
ADDITIONAL NOTE B. 
 
 A CHARTER OF KING ETHELRED. 
 
 (Westminster ' Domesday,' f. 80 b.) 
 
 Telligraphus ejusdem regis de quadam parte terre in loco qui dicitur 
 Berewican, cum libertate ejusdem terre. 
 
 Regente perpetualiter summo celorum opifice cunta, que convenienti 
 dum non erant condidit serie, qui jure tripudiando in electorum agmine 
 triumphatur, cui voluntarie supera atque infima deservire conantur per 
 cromata ne nos pellacis circumveniendo vapide insidiatoris astutia im- 
 paratos mole presses inmisericorditer ut sui moris est excruciet ex omni 
 mentis conamine cordisque auditu prout vii-es divina opitulante clemen- 
 cia nostrse animadvertendum est alma quid apostolica cotidie intonat 
 tuba dicens: Ecce nunc tempus acceptabile, ecce nunc dies salutis; 
 et item : Dum tempus habemus operemus bonum (ad) omnes, maxime 
 autem ad domesticos fidei. 
 
 Quam ob rem ego /Edelraed dei favente dementia Angligene nationis 
 imperator quandam telluris portionem, id est duas mansas ten-e in loco 
 qui celebri vocabulo at Berewican appellatur ad monasterium beatis- 
 simi Petri celestis clavigeri in loco nobili qui Westminster nominatur pro 
 anime mee remedio ad sustentac(i)onera fratrum deo inibi deservientium 
 in perpetuam confirmo hereditatem quatinus ipsa congregacio pervigiles 
 pro me jugiter intercessiones exsolvat solertique industria deo ej usque 
 apostolo felici habitu deserviat. nam ejusdem loci abbas vocitamine 
 iElfvvi ipsaque familia banc prefatam terram a me cum centum auri 
 obrizi mancusis comparavit, ea etiam interposita condicione ut tres- 
 centas pro me missarum oblaciones ofFerant, totidemque Davitici cursus 
 modulationes pro me mente devota persolvant. 
 
 Sit autem hec prefata terra deo ejusque apostolo donata ab omni 
 secularis gravidine servitutis exinanita cum universis que ad dictam 
 pertinere noscuntur in magnis sive modicis rebus, exceptis tribus, 
 expeditione videlicet pontis arcisve recuperacione. si quis autem, quod 
 non optamus hoc nostre munificencie donum pervertere conamine stolido 
 studuerit, collegio privatus perpetue felicitatis aerumpnam hauriat 
 
168 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 atrocissime calamitatis mortis, nisi ante terminum presumptionem banc 
 temerariam legati satisfaccione emendare studuerit. 
 
 Istis terminis predicta tellus circumcincta clarescit. 
 
 iErest of pan hlape into theoburnan. norS anglang teoburnan to 
 Cuforda. of Cuforda to paetlinga straete. east andlang straste to j^am 
 setle. of pam setle on hinan croftes ge xnsere. panon souS to )?an ealdan 
 straete. of pare straete eft to patlinga straete. andlang strate to Jjare 
 ealden perbrode. ]?anan to f as ealder mannes ge maere. ];anan suS rihte 
 to akemannestraete. pest andlang straete to cyrringe. I^anon eft on pone 
 blape. 
 
 Anno dominice incarnacionis .M.ij. indictione .xv. anno vero prefati 
 regis Aedelraedi .xxiiij. scripta est bee scedula hiis bierarcbis con- 
 sentientibus, quorum nomina inferius caraxantur. 
 
 ^ Ego Aedelraed rex Anglorum boc donum dedi et confii-mavi. 
 tj< Ego Aelfric arcbiepiscopus Dorovernensis ecclesie concessi. »J< Ego 
 Aelfbean episcopus corroboravi. ^ Ego Wulfstan episcopus impressi. 
 ^ Ego Aelfstan episcopus adnotavi. Ego Aelfbean episcopus con- 
 sensi. (J« Ego Aedelric episcopus imposui. >J< Ego Adulf episcopus 
 adquievi. ^< Ego Aelfpeard abbas. ^< Ego Aelfsige abbas. >J( Ego 
 Kenulf abbas. ^ Ego fulfgar abbas. »i< Ego Godpine abbas. ^< Ego 
 Aelfric dux. ij( Ego AeSelmaer minister. ^< Ego Ordulf m. >J« Ego 
 ^ulfgeat in. lii Ego fulpbeah m. »J< Ego fulfric in. >h Ego Eadric m. 
 iji Ego iESelric m. ^ Ego Ulfhcitel in. 
 
 In discussing tbe ' berewic of tbe vill of Westminster called Toten- 
 bala' on p. 40, I was unwilling to introduce a furtber complication 
 by referring to the above charter of K. Ethelred which grants ' two 
 manses in the place called at Berewican.' But it is possible that this 
 charter may have some bearing on tbe problem ; and in any case I 
 am glad to print it here, as it has never, I think, seen tbe light, and its 
 ancient boundaries deserve to be studied in connexion with those given 
 for the abbey estate in the well-known charter of K. Edgar. 
 
 That charter of K. Edgar confirms to Westminster Abbey five 
 manses, which belonged to the church in the time of K. Offa. These 
 five manses are confirmed by K. Ethelred in the general charter which 
 precedes the present one (£ 80). Here K. Ethelred adds two manses 
 • at Berewican.' 
 
 K. Edward the Confessor confirms seventeen manses and a half' circa 
 illud monasterium ' : in some of his charters they are called hides. 
 
A Charter of King Ethelred 
 
 169 
 
 The following translation of the boundaries in K. Ethelred 's charter 
 is kindly given me by Professor Skeat. 
 
 First from the mound to Teoburne : northwards along Teoburne to Cuford. 
 From Cuford to Watling street : eastwards along (the) street to the dwelling-place. 
 From the dwelling-place to Hinan-croft's boundary. Thence southwards to the 
 old street. From the street back to Watling street : along (the) street to the 
 old gallows. Thence to the Alderman's boundary : thence southwards straight to 
 Akeman's street. Westwards along (the) street to Cyrriuge. Thence back to the 
 mound. 
 
 On the text Professor Skeat makes the following notes : 
 
 The copy seems to be a Norman scribe's copy, as it has a few mistakes which 
 an A.S. scribe would hardly make. 
 
 1. 1. Theohurnan : error for Teo — . anglang : for andlang. 
 
 1. 3. hinan a-oft had better be left as Hinan-croft, which is quite .safe. It cannot 
 here mean ' hence,' as that would require hinan on (not on hinan). 
 
 1. 3. SOU'S : Norman for suS. An important spelling, as ou for u is seldom found 
 before 1300. 
 
 1. 4. strate : miswritten for strcete ; quite inadmissible : strete was possible. 
 1. 5. ealdea : for ealdan. jierkrode : for jiearhrode. ]>ana7i : better panon. ealder : 
 better ealdor. 
 
 In view of these notes it is interesting to add — what the Professor 
 did not know at the time — that the copy was made about the year 
 1306 : this being the approximate date of the Westminster ' Domesday.' 
 
 I add the following valuable comments from a letter which Professor 
 Skeat has also written : 
 
 It is only safe to take Hinancroft as a proper name. It probably means ' croft of 
 the hind ' or farm-servant. But the history of the word ' hind ' is imperfectly known, 
 and this is the earliest example of the form hinan, with a final n. 
 
 It is even possible that Hinan is the gen. sing, of Hivxi ; ealder marines is the gen. 
 of ealderman = ' alderman ' ; ' old ' would be ealdes or ealdan. 
 
 You will see that I give an older boundary, about 959, which seems to go round 
 the other way, and coincides for a short distance. ' From Cuford along Tyburn ' 
 instead of 'along T. to C [see below]. 
 
 I find several points of interest. 
 
 1. Teoburne is the old form of Tyburn, which ought rather to have come out 
 as Teeburn. 
 
 2. CM/o?'rf=Cu-ford = Cowford. It keeps (3;2,/orc? in countenance ! 
 
 3. Mention of Akemann Street, which went to Akemannes-ceaster, i.e. to Bath. 
 
 4. Cyrringe: inferior spelling of Cerringa, gen. pi. of Cerringas='' t\\Q sons of 
 Cerr,' in very early times pronounced Kerr, riming with the German Herr. It is the 
 same name as Charing in Kent, which is mentioned a.d. 799. 
 
 This is important, as it is by far the oldest mention of Charing in Loudon. 
 Places like this are fouud in all three forms : (1) nom. pi. Cerringas, (2) gen. pi. 
 Cerringa (later -ge), (3) dat. pi. Cerringum. They indicate family settlements. 
 
 11—5 
 
170 
 
 Gilbert Crispin 
 
 The older boundary to which Professor Skeat refers is that of 
 K. Edgar's charter. It is printed in Birch, Cartularmm Saxonicum ill 
 261, and less satisfactorily by Widmore and in the Monasticon. I print it 
 here from the ultimate source, Ch. no. v of the Westminster muniments, 
 which if not the original is certainly an early copy. 
 
 iErest up of temese. andlang merfleotes. to pollene stocce. spa on bulunga 
 fenn. of '5am fenne. seft 'Sajr ealdan die to cuforde. of cuforde upp andlang 
 teoburnan to J^seife ]>ide] here street, sefter ^Joere here strset. to •Ssere ealde stoccene 
 see andreas cyrieean. spa innan lundene fenn. Andlang fennes sud on temese. 
 on midden streame. andlang stremes be lande 7 be strande eft on merfleote. 
 
 1. 3. Birch prints teobernan (a misprint). 
 
 1. 5. The scribe has omitted the a of streames. 
 
 An expanded form of this charter is found in Ch. no. vi, a faulty 
 transcript of which is printed in an appendix by Birch (iii 693). To 
 that transcript is apparently due the form ' Bulinga,' which has obtained 
 a wide currency. But ' Bulunga ' is the reading of the charter ; and 
 its only actual variants from Ch. no. v, so far as the boundaries are 
 concerned, are the following: 
 1. 2. Om. of cuforde. 
 
 1. 3. stret (bis) : ^oere (secundo loeo)] there. 
 1. 4. cyrieean'] on Holeburne : Lundane : sufS. 
 
 1. 5. middan. ' 
 
 Once again I have to thank Professor Skeat, who has given me 
 the following translation : 
 
 First, up from the Thames along Merfleet to Pollene-stock. So, to Bulungs' fen. 
 From the fen, following the old dike, to Cuford. From Ciiford, up along Teoburne, 
 to the wide army-street : along the array-street to the old foundation ^ of St Andrew's 
 church. So, within London-fen. Along the fen southwards to the Thames to mid- 
 stream [i.e. giving rights over the nearer half of the liver] : along the stream, by land 
 and by strand [i.e. along the edge, for those on foot], back to Merfleet. 
 
 1 See note in Earle, Land Charters, p. 465. 
 
INDEX 
 
 [The figures refer to the pagex; except those with 'No.' prefixed, which refer to 
 the Selected Charters, pp. 125—157] 
 
 Abbo of Fleury 68, 69 n. 
 Abetot, Urse de 33, Nos. 27, 28 
 Abingdon, abbey of 17, 36, 41, Nos. 1, 
 
 4, 13, 22, 33, 39 : see Faricius 
 History of Abingdon 17, 46 n., 126, 
 
 Nos. 4, 12 f., 18, 22, 26, 35, 37 
 Acelinus, capellanus No. 6 
 Adam de Beln' 15',) 
 Adrian IV, pope 158 f., 165 
 Aedric, prepositus Nos. 6f., 36 
 Aedward of Watecumba No. 6 
 Aegeluuard, monk of Westminster 27 
 Aelfric, abp of Canterbury 168 
 Aelfwine, prefectus de Kent 47 
 Agamundus, parson of Wochendon No. 6 
 Agelwardus clericus 158, No. 10 : cf. Alf- 
 
 wardus, Aluuardus 
 Agnes, wife of Will. Crispin II 14, 16 
 Ailnod (Aelfnoth) of London 45, No. 2 
 Ailred, abbot of Eievaulx 23, 55, 59 
 Ailric 46 
 
 Akeman's Street 168 f. 
 
 Alau of Eichmond, count Nos. 11 f. 
 
 Alberic de Ver Nos. 39, 43 
 
 of Eheims 52 
 
 Albertus Lotharingus No. 11 n. 
 Albineio, Nigel de 34 n., 164 
 
 W. de 164 
 
 Alderman's Boundary 168 f. 
 Aldwin, abbot of Eamsey 42 n. 
 Aldwyn (Alwy), a hermit 33 
 Alexander II, pope 8 
 
 • bp of Lincoln 61 
 
 Alfricus cementarius No. 6 
 
 Alfwardus (Ailwardus) grossus 158, 165 : 
 
 cf. Agelwardus, Aluuardus 
 Alfwin (Alwin), socheman 161 
 Alleluia (duplex) 75 f. 
 
 almonry of Westminster {domus clemo- 
 sinaria) 30, 38 
 
 Alnou, Fulc d' 14 
 
 Aluuardus de Lundonia 156, Nos. 5, 11 : 
 
 cf. Agelwardus, Alfwardus 
 Amaury III of Montfort I'Amaury 15 
 Ambrose, St 68, 69 n., 113, 120 f. 
 Amfrida 15 
 
 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 16, 38 f. 
 
 Auselm If.; at Bee 4-12, 15, 18 f., 103, 
 108, No. 17 ; abp of Canterbury 20-3, 
 25, 29, 39, 66 f., 141 ; mitis 26 ; dedica- 
 tions to 60, 71, 111 ; on the Immaculate 
 Conception 73 
 
 his Letters 78-81, 7 n., 9-11, 13, 
 
 15 n., 19 f., 23 n., 29 n., 66 
 Cur deus homo? 22, 64 
 
 Anselm of Laon 51 
 
 Ausgotus 87 
 
 Aosta 5, 13 
 
 Asciulus de Taneyo No. 37 
 
 Athelais, first wife of G. de Mandeville 
 
 32, Nos. 1, 6, 15 
 Augustine, St, Quuest. in Kum. 70 n. ; de 
 
 Trinitate 72 
 Aultona No. 3 
 
 bailiff of Westminster 46 
 Bainiardus 39 f. : cf. Baynard 
 Baldric, father of Fulc d'Alnou 14 
 
 de Bocquence 14 
 
 prior of Bee 20 
 
 Baldwin, abbot of Castellio (Chatillon) 51 
 
 monk of Bee and Canterbury 8 
 
 Bari 31 
 Basilia 15 
 
 Basset, B(alph) 159, 164, Nos. 29, 30, 
 
 39, 43 
 Batailla, Geoffrey 47 
 Bath 18, No. 28 
 
 John, bp of 26 n.. No. 28 
 
 Battersea 47, No. 19 
 
172 
 
 Index 
 
 Battle Abbey, see Henry 
 Bayeux, John of 160 n., 164 
 
 bps of, see Harcourt, Odo 
 
 Baynard, Geoffrey 38 f. 
 
 Juga (?Inga) 39 
 
 Kalph 38 f., 50 n., Nos. If. 
 
 William 31, 38-40, No. 27 
 
 Bayuard's Castle 38 f. 
 Beatrice, dau. of Geoffrey Mandeville No. 3 
 Beaucbamp (Bello Campo), Hugh de 
 Nos. 9, 27 
 
 Milo, Pain, Simon and Walter No. 9 
 
 Beaumont-le-Eoger, necrology of 15 n. 
 Beaumont, Roger of No. 4 
 
 Robert (de Bello Monte) 30 n. : of. 
 
 Robert 
 
 Bee, abbey of 1-9, 11, 14-8, 20, 58, 94, 
 96-110, No. 13; St Mary of 15, 17; 
 Abhas Beccensis 20, No. 17 ; Lives of 
 the Abbots of p. 13, 18 ; Customs of 6, 
 28; Library of 52-3, 59 f., 68; monks 
 of 8f., 14-6, 18, 20, 31, 103, 160, 165; 
 Tooting Bee, No. 2 
 
 Bekesbourne 48 
 
 Belesme, Robert of 16 
 
 Belgeham No. 3 
 
 Benedict's Rule, St 6 
 
 Benfleet 41, 49 
 
 Berewican 167 f. : see berwika 
 
 Berkshire Nos. 6, 12, 36 
 
 Bernard, St 51, 56 
 
 • bp of St David's 26, 34, 164, 
 
 No. 37 
 
 Bernay 1, 28 
 
 Bernivilla, Osbertus de No. 37 
 Bertherol (Berquerola), Robert de No. 40 
 benoika (benvicum) of Westminster 38, 40, 
 
 168 : cf. Berewican 
 Beslun, Robert de No. 37 
 Bigod, Hugh No. 4 
 
 Roger .30 n., Nos. 4f., 10-2, 19 
 
 WiUiam No. 4 
 
 Birch, Cartularium Saxonicnm 170 
 Bisselega No. 19 
 Black Death, the 45 
 Bloccenham No. 40 
 Bocquenc^, Baldric de 14 
 Boehmer, H., Church and State 56 
 Bonneville (Burnenvilla) 91 
 Bordeaux, Geoffrey, bp of 51 
 Bordesdena Nos. 6, 36 
 Bosco, Robert de (du Bois) 51 f. 
 Boselinus de Diva 47 
 
 Boston of Bury 53, 55 f. , 60 
 Boulogne 100 : see Eustace, Godfrey 
 Brampton No. 4 
 
 Brayley and Britton, Ancie7it Palace of 
 
 Westminster 35 
 Bremule, battle of 16 
 Brinkbourne 53, 60 
 Brionne 2, 16, 94 ; see Gilbert 
 Buckingham No. 9 
 
 Buckland, Hugh de Nos. 12, 20, 27, 29, 
 33, 37 f. 
 
 WilHam de 48, Nos. 12, 37 
 
 Bulungs' Feu 170 
 Burleigh, Lord 30 
 Burne 48 
 
 Burnham Nos. 9, 37 
 
 Bury, abbey of St Edmund 29 : abbots 
 of, see Robert, Sampson ; library of 53, 
 60 : see Boston 
 
 Caen, St Stephen's 5-8, 11 n., 16 n.. No. 
 27 ; Gilbert, abbot of 81 : see Lanfranc 
 Holy Trinity 17 n. 
 
 Calixtus II, pope 164 
 
 Calthrop, Miss M. M. C. 33 n. 
 
 Cambridgeshire No. 19 
 
 camera, see chamberlain 
 
 Cannock (Canoe') No. 32 / 
 
 Canterbury 1 f., 7 f., 20, 23, 25 f., 99, 102 ; 
 abps of, see Aelfric, Anselm, Lanfranc, 
 Ralph, Theobald, Thomas ; privilege of 
 19 n. ; William, archdeacon of 66 
 
 Christ Church 28 ; customs of 28 ; 
 
 priors of 8 (Henry), 66 (Ernulf) ; monks 
 of 8 
 
 St Augustine's, Hugh, abbot of 23 
 
 Capon, Mr Will. 35 n. 
 Celceia No. 37 
 
 cellarer of Westminster 49 n. 
 Chalons, R. du Bois, archdeacon of 51, 
 62 
 
 chamberlain's office at Westminster 30, 
 
 41, 43-5, 48 
 Champeaux, William of, 61 
 Charing (Cyrringe) 168 f. 
 Chatillon, Baldwin, abbot of 51 
 Chertsey, Wulfwold, abbot of No. 3 
 Chester, Hugh, earl of 29, No. 36 
 Chillenden (Cillentuna, Sillingtune, Cho- 
 
 lyngton) 41, 45-8 
 Cippenham (Sippenham) 41, 45, 48, Nos. 
 
 9, 37 
 
 Clarebaldus medicus No. 37 
 
Index 
 
 173 
 
 Cleygate Nos. 23 f. 
 
 Clifford, Landricus de 34 n. 
 
 Clinton, Geoffrey de 164, Nos. 29, 40 
 
 Cluny 5, 6, 28 
 
 Cnicbtongild Nos. 29, 37 
 
 Codenhlawe 40 
 
 Colchester Nos. 9, 17 ; abbey of St John 
 the Baptist No. 9, pp. 158-66 ; Gilbert, 
 abbot of, 160 
 
 Colebroc' 17 n. 
 
 Coleham, Hugh de 20, No. 27 
 Comberton (Cumbritona, Cumbrinton) 41, 
 
 43, 49, Nos. 27 f. 
 Cond6, Pierre de 14 
 Constantinople 14 
 'coomb' 41, 43 
 
 CormeiUes, William, abbot of 15, 103 
 Courcy, Kobert de 14, cf. Curci 
 Coutances, G., bp of No. 10 
 Cowley (Coueley) 41, 49 
 Crispin, meaning of 13 
 
 Emma 14 
 
 Esilia 14 
 
 Fulk 18 
 
 Gilbert I 13 f. 
 
 Gilbert II 14, 17 
 
 GUbert lU 14 
 
 Gilbert, abbot of Westminster: see 
 
 Gilbert 
 
 Gilbert, monk of Bee 18 
 
 Goscelin 18 
 
 Mile, precentor of Bee 13, 18, 58 n. 
 
 MUo (of England) 17, Nos. 11-3 
 
 Kobert 14 
 
 William I 7, 13 f. 
 
 William II 14, 16 
 
 William HI 14, 17 
 
 WiUiam IV 18 
 
 Croyland abbey No. 4 
 Cuford (Cow-ford) 168-70 
 Curci, William de No. 4, 22 
 
 Richard No. 22 
 
 Robert No. 22, cf. Courcy 
 
 Customary, abbot Ware's 28, 43-5 
 customs of Bee 6, 28 ; of Canterbury 
 28 
 
 D'Achery 9 n., 13, 28 n., 58 f., 77 n. 
 
 David, count of Huntingdon 164, No. 38 
 
 DeUsle, M. Leopold 27, 59 
 
 Deorman 37 n. ; three daughters of No. 29 
 
 Dijon 28; William of 1 
 
 Ditton (Ditona) Nos. 23 f. 
 
 Doddington (Dodintuna, Dotinton) 41, 45 f., 
 Nos. 25 f. 
 
 Domesday Survey 17, 20, 28-9, 33, 38-40, 
 43, 46-9, Nos. If., 6, 8, 16 f., 23, 
 26 f. 
 
 Book at Winchester 35 
 
 of St Paul's 42 
 
 of Westminster 37 f., 125, 162, 169 
 
 Dover 101 
 
 Duces worthe (Dochesworde) 46, No. 26 
 Duchesne, Andr6 59 
 Dunmow, Chronicle of 39 
 Dunstan's charter, St 47 n., 49 n. 
 Durham, bps of; see Eanulf Flambard, 
 William of St Carileph 
 
 Eadmer 7n., 21 n., 23 n., 26 n., 66 n. 
 Eckinton, Robert de No. 27 
 Edgar, king 27 ; his charter 168, 170 
 Edward the Confessor, St : the opening of 
 his tomb 24 f. ; his church at West- 
 minster 35, and feretrum 37; 27, 31, 
 33, 163, Nos. 2, 4, 9, 12 ; his staUers 
 p. 32, 50; his charters 40, 47, 162, 
 164, 166, 168; tevipore Edwardi Nos. 
 17, 23 f. ; Ailred's Life of p. 23, 55, 59 
 Edwin, abbot of Westminster 1, 35 
 Elmley No. 9 
 
 Ely 31, 34, 41, 44; Symeon abbot of 44: 
 cf. Hely 
 
 Liber Eliensis 31 n., 44 
 
 enfeoffment of a knight 38, 41 
 
 Eugheram pincerua No. 6 
 
 Ernulf, prior of Ch. Ch. Canterbury 66 
 
 Esgar, the staller 32 
 
 Essenduna 38 n. 
 
 Essex 32 n., 38 f., 43, 45, 49 f., Nos. If., 
 
 8, 17, 22 
 Estham 45 
 
 Etheldreda, translation of St 31 
 Ethelred, telligraphus of king 47 ; charter 
 
 of 167 ff. 
 Etr6pagny, Godfrey de 16 
 Eu, count of No. 6 
 
 Henry count of (de Auco) 164 
 
 William of 38 
 
 Eudo dapifer 159-61, 165 f., Nos. 9, 18 
 Eugenius III, pope 51 
 Euremou, Hugh de 46, Nos. 25 f. 
 Eustace, count of Boulogne, senior No. 
 26 ; his wife 101 
 
 junior 46, Nos. 3, 25 f. 
 
 Eva (Crispin), the lady 7, 9, 14-6, 20 
 
174 
 
 Index 
 
 Evesham, abbey of 17 n., 21; Chronicle 
 
 of Evesham 21 n. 
 Evreux, Gilbert, bp of 110 
 Exeter, bp of 23 : see William Warehvast 
 Extenta Conventus Westm' 41 
 Eye 41, Nos. G, 15 f., 20 
 
 Fanton (Fenton) 41, 49, Nos. 23 f. 
 Faricius, abbot of Abingdon 17 n., 36 n., 
 
 126, No. 39 
 Fecamp 1, 28; John, abbot of 1 
 Fering (Feringes) 47 n., Nos. 17, 22 
 Jirma 41 f. 
 
 Fitz Algod, Ralph No. 37 
 Fitz Count, see Otwel 
 Fitz Fulk, William No. 37 
 Fitz Gilbert, Eiehard 39, Nos. 1 f., 9, 26, 
 42 
 
 Fitz Haimo, Eobert No. 16 
 Fitz Herbert, Herbert 46 
 
 Peter 46 
 
 Richard No. 37 
 
 Fitz Martel, William No. 15 
 
 Fitz Milo, Hugh No. 13 
 
 Fitz Osbern, William, dapifer Nos. 2, 9 
 
 Fitz Oter, Walter No. 12 
 
 Fitz Ralph, R. No. 26 
 
 WaUeran 16 n. 
 
 Fitz Richard, Gilbert No. 26 
 
 Robert 39 
 
 Roger 16, Nos. 26, 42 
 
 Fitz Robert, Walter 39 
 
 Fitz Suain, Robert 49 f., No. 8 
 
 Fitz Thorold (Toraldi), Gilbert No. 27 
 
 Fitz Walter, Robert 39 
 
 Fitz Wimarc, Robert 50 
 
 Flete, Histonj of Westminster 19 n., 26, 
 
 29 n., 30 n., 36 n., 41 u., 43 
 Foliot, Richard 49 n. 
 
 Robert 48 f . 
 
 forgeries, monastic 36, 126 f., 162, 165 f. 
 Fraehevilla, Richard de 47 
 Fulk, nephew of Gilbert of Surrey No. 19: 
 see d'Alnou, Crispin, Gilbert 
 
 Gallia Christiana 16 
 
 gallows, the old 168 f. 
 
 Gautier le vieux, count of Pontoise 14 
 
 Geoffrey, abbot of St Albans 42 
 
 bp of Bordeaux 51 
 
 of Jumi^ges, abbot of Westminster 
 
 1, 35 
 
 de Mandeville : see Mandeville 
 
 Geoffrey, miles No. 15 
 
 count of Perche 50 
 
 Plantagenet, count of Anjou 17 
 
 abp of Rouen 164 
 
 Gerard, abp of York 21, No. 18 
 
 Gerberon, Dom Gabriel 61 
 
 Gerbert (Pope Sylvester) 68 
 
 Gervase, abbot of Westminster 37, 41, 43, 
 
 47, 158 f., 165 
 Gestingthorpe No. 27 
 Ghent, abbey of St Peter No. 4 
 Giffard, Walter 164, No. 9 
 
 William, bp of Winchester: see 
 
 William 
 
 Gilbert Crispin, abbot of Westminster 
 1-4 ; at Bee 7, 15 ; at Canterbury 8 f., 
 19; at Westminster 10-2, 17, 19-27; 
 his administration 28-49, 161, 165, 
 Nos. 2, 5f., 8f., 11 n., 12 f., 15-7, 19- 
 21, 26 f., 31-3, 37-9, 42; his epitaph 
 26 ; his fame 52 ; mss of his writings 
 53-6 ; writings falsely attributed to him 
 56-7 ; his literary remains 58-76 ; cor- 
 respondence 77-82 
 
 Vita Herluini 58-60, 87-110; Dis- 
 
 putatio Judaei cum Christiana 23, 52-4, 
 58-67, 81-2 ; de Simoniacis 23, 52, 55 f., 
 58, 67-70, 111-124; de Spiritu Sancto 23, 
 55, 58, 70-2; de Casu Diaholi 53 f., 58, 
 72; de Anima 53 f., 58, 72 f. ; Sermo in 
 Ramis Palmarum 54, 58, 73 ; Versus ad 
 Anselmum 22, 54, 58, 83 ; Disputatio 
 Christiani cum Gentili 54, 58, 73-5 ; de 
 veritate Corporis et Sanguinis Domini 
 52, 54, 57 n. , 72 ; Sermo in dedicatione 
 ecclesiae 52, 57 ; Omelia super Cum in- 
 gressiis Jesus 52, 57 ; Epistolae Hi 52, 
 57 
 
 Gilbert, count of Brionne 2 n., 3, 14, 87- 
 90, 94, No. 1 
 
 abbot of St Stephen's, Caen 11 n., 
 
 81 
 
 of Bee, abbot of Colchester 160 
 
 of Hoyland, abbot of Swyneshed 53, 
 
 56-7 
 
 bp of Limerick 26 n., 57 
 
 de la Por6e, bp of Poitiers 51, 57 
 
 sheriff of Surrey No. 19 
 
 the Universal, bp of London 52, 
 
 No. 30 
 
 frater Willelmi (filius Fulconis), 
 
 No. 37 
 
 Girardus frater Willelmi No. 27 
 
Index 
 
 175 
 
 Glamorgan, Urban, bp of No. 26 n. 
 Gloucester 163, No. 5; abbey of 36, 
 
 No. 18 
 Godard No. 27 
 Godfrey of Bouillon No. 3 
 Godobald No. 8 
 
 Godwin of Turroc, capellanus No. 6 
 Goslanus (Gislanus) 159 
 Gournay, Hugh de 15 
 Gregory the Great 67 n. 
 Greneford, Hacinulf of No. 6 
 gruium 41, 43 
 Grunzo 38 
 
 Gundulf, prior of St Stephen's, Caen 8 ; 
 
 bp of Rochester 9 u., 24 f., 103 
 Gundwinus, monk of Bee 165 
 Gunuor, wife of Gilbert Crispin I 14 
 Gunter 17, 42 f ., No. 13 
 
 Hacinulf de Greneford, and Robert nepos 
 
 ejus No. 6 
 Hadleigh (Hadleya) 45 
 Haimo dapifer 34 n. , No. 16 
 Hairun, Roulf de Nos. 5 f., 15 ; and 
 
 Geoffrey nepos ejus No. 15 
 Hales, Archdeacon 42 
 Hall, Mr Hubert 30 u., 48 
 Hamme apud Ospreng 45 
 Hampstead (Haemstede) 40 
 Hamslape (Hamesclape), Warinus de 
 
 No. 37 
 
 Michael No. 37 
 
 Hanworth (Hanewrde) 41, 49 
 
 Harcourt, Philippe de, bp of Bayeaux 
 
 53, 60 
 
 Harold, king 49 n.. No. 17 
 Havering No. 22 
 Helois 87 
 
 Hely (Heli), insula No. 6, 36; cf. Ely 
 Hendon (Heaendune) 17, 40, 42, No. 13 
 Henry I 16 f., 19 n., 23, 29, 33 f., 36, 39, 
 
 44, 46, 126, 158-61, 163, 165-6, Nos. 
 
 4-6, 9, 16, 18-24, 26-36, 38-43 
 Henry II 17, 46, 50, 166, Nos. 36, 43 
 Henry IV 25 
 Henry VIII 33, 48 
 
 Henry, dean of Canterbury, and abbot of 
 Battle 8, 103 
 of Essex 50 
 
 the Lion, duke of Saxony 50 
 
 earl of Warwick Nos. 4 f., 26 
 
 Herbert, monk of Bee 31 
 the chamberlain Nos. 18, 27 
 
 Herbert, bishop of Lisieux 3, 93 
 
 Losiuga, bp of Norwich 34, 67 
 
 "abbot of Westminster 31, 34, 37 n., 
 
 43 f., 46, 158, 161, 163-5, Nos. 19, 
 31, 43 
 
 monk of Westminster 31, 38 
 
 the steward (di>ipensator) of the 
 
 abbot of Westminster 30, No. 37 
 Mr .1. C. 55 u. 
 
 Hereward 14 n., 40 n. 
 
 Herlewyn, frater Grunzonis 38 
 
 Herluin, abbot of Bee 1-G, 8, 11, 14 f. ; 
 devotus 26 ; Gilbert Crispin's Life of 58- 
 60, 87-110; altera vita 60 
 
 Hernostus, bp of Rochester 103 
 
 Hertfordshire 39, 49 
 
 Hildendone 17 n. 
 
 Hinan-croft 168 f. 
 
 Holauesssel, Hugo de No. 27 
 
 Holborn 170 
 
 ' hops ' de brasio 41, 43 
 
 Hubert de Rye (Ria) 165, No. 9 
 monk of Westminster No. 4 
 
 Hugh, abbot of St Augustine's, Canter- 
 bury 23 
 
 earl of Chester 29, No. 36 
 
 de Coleham, dapifer of Westminster 
 
 30, No. 27 
 (de Orivalle), bp of London Nos. 
 
 2, 30 
 
 monk of Westminster 31, 33 f. 
 
 precentor of York 19 n. , 21 
 
 Huntingdonshire Nos. 19, 38 
 Hurley Priory 32-4, Nos. 6f., 35 £. 
 Hyde Park 33 
 
 Ilteney (Elteneya) 41, 49 
 infirmarer of Westminster 46 
 Ingulfus 49 n. 
 
 Innocent I, pope 70 u., 114 
 
 II, pope 41, 43 
 
 investitures, question of 21, 67 
 
 Iveney (Gyveneya) No. 12 
 
 Ivo Taillebois 29 n., Nos. 4, 9, 27 
 
 James, Dr M. R. 53 n., 57 
 Jerusalem 17 
 
 Jews in London GO ; the Jew of Mainz 
 
 81-2; converted Jews 32, 66, 82 
 Jocelin of Brakelond 29 
 John, bp of Bath 26 n.. No. 28 
 
 of Bayeux 164, 160 n. 
 
 of Fecamp 1 
 
176 
 
 Index 
 
 John of Salisbury 51 
 Jordanus 37 
 
 Jumi6ges 1, 35 f., 60: see Geoffrey, Robert, 
 William 
 
 Kelington (Kelintuua) 47 u. 
 Kensington No. 39 
 Kent 47, No. 16 
 Kilburn Priory 34 
 Kingsbury No. 4 
 kitchener of Westminster 46 
 Knightsbridge 40, 41 
 knight service 37-41 
 
 Lakingheth, John, monk of Westminster 
 45, 49 
 
 Lambeth 23, 26 n. 
 
 Landricus de Clifford 34 n. 
 
 Lanfranc If., at Bee 4, 95-9; abbot of 
 Caen 5 f. , 99 ; abp of Canterbury 7- 
 10, 20, 99, 102, 105-7 ; sapiens 26 ; his 
 statutes 6, 7n., 28; letters 8f., 77-8; 
 opera (ed. D'Achery) 13, 16 n., 18 n., 
 28 n., 58; vita LanJ'ranei 18, 58 f. 
 
 Lanfranc the younger 9, 77, 80 
 
 Laon, Anselm and Kalph of 51 
 
 Laurence, abbot of Westminster 23, No. 43 
 
 Lecelina (Letselina), second wife of Geoffrey 
 de Mandeville Nos. 6, 15 
 
 Lechamstede 46 n. 
 
 Leicester, Robert, earl of No. 4 
 
 Leland 56 
 
 Leo I, pope 114 
 
 Leofric, count 31 
 
 Leosne (Lesnes) No. 42 
 
 Leureth 16 n. 
 
 Leuricus Cnivet No. 15 
 
 Lewes Priory 17 n., 38 
 
 Liber Niger Quatenius 45 
 
 Limberga 33 n. 
 
 Limerick, Gilbert, bp of 26 n., 57 
 Lincoln 21 n., Nos. 25 f. ; bps of, see 
 Alexander, Robert Bloat, Robert de 
 Chesney 
 Lisieux 14 ; bp of, see Herbert 
 Litlyngton, abbot of Westminster, 163 
 London : via Lunduniae 17 ; life in Lon- 
 don 74; sheriff, etc., of 32, 159, Nos. 
 4 f. , 10 f., 29, 38 f . ; rents and property 
 in 41 f., 45, 47, 158, Nos. 2, 4, 29, 
 38 f.; apud Lund' Nos. 16, 23 f. ; Tur- 
 rim Lundon' Nos. 34-6 : see Ailnod, 
 Aluuard, Jews 
 
 London, council of 21 n. 
 
 bps of : exemption from 36 : see 
 
 Gilbert, Hugh, Maurice, Richard, 
 Robert 
 
 Holy Trinity Priory No. 29; 
 
 churches in : St James super ripam, 
 St Laurence, St Magnus Martyr, St 
 Margaret Eastcheap No. 30, St Andrew 
 Holborn 170 ; see Newchurch (St Mary) 
 
 Leureth in Lumlonia 16 n. ; Wood 
 
 Street (Wodestrata) 16 n. ; London fen 
 170 ; see Alderman's Boundary, Hinan- 
 croft, the old gallows 
 Lotherslege 40 
 
 MabUlon 68 
 
 Mainz 81, No. 36 
 
 Malet, William 14 
 
 Mallet, Mr C. E. 14 n. 
 
 Mallinges 47 n. 
 
 Malmesbury, see William 
 
 Malvern Priory 31, 33 f. 
 
 Mandeville, Geoffrey de, 32, 39, 41, 
 
 49 n., Nos. 1-7, 10, 12, 15, 16, 20, 
 
 35, 36 
 
 Geoffrey de, the younger, earl of 
 
 Essex 32 n.. No. 6 
 
 • • Richard de 33, Nos. 6, 37 
 
 William de 33, Nos. 6, 15, 20 
 
 Mapleford 46 
 
 Maria, sister of Queen Maud No. 26 
 Mardley (Merdeleya) 41, 49 
 Marlborough No. 33 
 Martuna 34 n. 
 
 Mascherell, Hugh Nos. 6, 15 
 
 Hugh, junior No. 6 
 
 Roger Nos. 6, 15 
 
 Walter No. 6 
 
 Matilda, wife of William I 106 
 
 (Queen Maud), wife of Henry I 
 
 26 f., 126, 161, Nos. 20, 22-4, 30, 35 f., 
 38 f. 
 
 the empress Nos. 24, 36 
 
 dau. of Henry II 50 
 
 wife of Milo Crispin 17 n.. No. 1 
 
 Maundy, the 41, 44, 50 
 Maurice, bishop of London 19 n., 21, 39, 
 Nos. 5, 10, 18, 30, 39 
 
 monk of Canterbury 8 
 
 monk of Westminster 27, 31 
 
 MauriHus, abp of Rouen 7 
 Merfleet 170 
 
 Meulan (Mellent), see Robert 
 
Index 
 
 177 
 
 Middlesex 32, 39, 49, Nos. 12, 20 
 
 Midleton, Hugo de No. 87 
 
 Milo, see Crispin 
 
 Miraculum quo, etc. 13 f., 17, 19 
 
 Monte, Gilbert de No. 32 
 
 Hugo Nos. 32, 37 
 
 Richard No. 32 
 
 Montfort I'Amaury 15 
 
 Simon de, earl of Leicester 15 
 
 Mordon No. 3 
 
 Mortain, Eobert, count of No. 2 
 Mosa (villa) Nos. 6, 36 
 Mundona, Ranulf de 161 
 Myra 31 
 
 Neaufles 14 
 
 Newcliureb, St Mary (de Westehepinge) 
 
 15&-166, Nos. 5, 10 f. 
 Nicholas, monk of Westminster 31, 38 
 
 chapel of St 31 
 
 Nigel de Oleio Nos. 1, 21 
 Northamptonshire 48, 49 n., No. 32 
 Norwich 34 ; bishop of, see Herbert Lo- 
 singa 
 
 Notes and Queries 35 n. 
 
 Ockendon (Okkenduna, Wokynton) 41, 45, 
 49, No. 22 
 
 de Observantia Episcoporum 68-70 ; see 
 Ambrose 
 
 Odo, bp of Bayeux 47, Nos. 2, 56 
 Offa, king 27 
 Oini No. 37 
 
 Oleio, Nigel de Nos. 1, 21 
 
 Eobert de 17, Nos. 1, 4 f. 
 
 Robert de, the younger No. 1 
 
 Orderic Vitalis 59, Nos. 22, 27 
 
 Ordgar fitz Deorman No. 29 
 
 Osbernus clericus No. 11 n., 14 
 
 Osbert of Clare, prior of Westminster 
 23-5, 27, 32 
 
 Osmund, bp of Salisbury 32, No. 6 
 
 Osuluestane hundred 39 
 
 Otbert de Surrey No. 27 
 
 Otto aurifex No. 27 
 
 Otwel fitz Count Nos. 34-7, 40 
 
 Oxfordshire 17, No. 32 
 
 Paddington 40, Nos. 23 f. 
 Paglesham (Pakelesam) 41, 49 
 Palgrave, English Commonwealth 16 n. 
 Parham (Perham) 41, 45 f. 
 Parker, abp 59 
 
 Paschal II, bull of 36 
 Passffiflamblart, see Ranulf Flambard 
 Perche, Geoffrey, count of 50 
 Pershore No. 27 
 
 Peter de Valognes 39, 50 n, Nos, 9, 17, 
 27 
 
 Pfluck-Hartung 68 
 Picheseye 161 
 Picotus No. 37 
 Pierpoint, Mr Robert 35 n. 
 Pierre de Cond6 14 
 
 Pipard, Gilbert, Robert and Walter No. 13 
 Piriford 29 n., No. 19 
 pitanciae et caritatis 41, 43 
 Pits 57 
 
 Plantagenet, Geoffrey 17 
 PoIIeue-stock 170 
 
 Pontoise, Gautier le vieux, count of 14 
 Poree, Gilbert de la, bp of Poitiers 51 f., 
 57 
 
 Por6e, M. le Chanoine 52 n., 14 n., 16 n., 
 
 17, 18 n., 26 n., 31 n., 59 
 Prdaux 160, No. 9 
 
 Eadulphus diabolus No. 37 
 Raimbercurt (Renbodcurt), Guy de 49 n., 
 No. 37 
 
 Ralph, abp of Canterbury 26, 34, 164 
 
 abbot of Westminster 46 
 
 Rami Cur', Richard de No. 37 
 Ramsey, abbey of 42 n.. No. 4 ; see 
 Aldwin 
 
 Ranulf Flambard, bp of Durham 19 n,, 
 44, 164, Nos. 14, 20 
 
 the Chancellor 34 n., 164, Nos. 29, 
 
 34-6, 39 
 
 sheriff of Surrey 29 n., No. 2 
 
 Rayleigh 50 
 
 refectory at Westminster 65 
 Remenham No. 6 
 Rheims, Council of (a.d. 1148) 51 
 Richard I 166 
 Ill 35 
 
 son of Henry I 164 
 
 duke of Normandy 14, 87 
 
 de Belmeis, bp of London 34 n., 
 
 164 f., Nos. 30 f., 38 
 
 Anselm's servant 11, 81 
 
 Richerius (miles), Nos. 6, 15, 27 
 Richmond, count Alan of Nos. 11, 12 
 Eiculfus, monk of Westminster 27 
 Robert, prior of Westminster and abbot 
 of Bury 17, 23, 29, 31, 38, No. 13 
 
178 
 
 Index 
 
 Kobert, sou of Hugh, earl of Chester 29 
 
 Dispensator Nos. 9, 27 f. 
 
 Bloet, bp of Lincoln 26 n., 164, 
 
 Nos. 25 f., 28, 37-9, 42 
 
 de Chesney, bp of Lincoln 47 f. 
 
 of Jumi^ges, bp of London 33 f. 
 
 de Bello Monte, count of Mellent 
 
 16, 30 n., Nos. 4f., 21 
 
 count of Mortain No. 2 
 
 duke of Normandy 16, 87, No. 9 
 
 a converted Jew 66 
 
 Eochester, 8, 25, 59, No. 26 ; bps of, sec 
 
 Gundulf, Hernostus 
 Kodulphus, monk of Bee 16 
 Koger, Blundus No. 6 
 
 abbot (of Lessay) 109 
 
 abbot of St Evroul 29 
 
 bp of Salisbury 23, 26 n., 34 n., 
 
 164, Nos. 20, 32, 36, 39 
 
 abp of York 51 
 
 Kobaise, wife of Pain Beauchamp No. 9 
 
 wife of Kichard Fitz Gilbert Nos. 
 
 2, 9 
 
 wife of Eudo dapifer No. 2 
 
 Eouen 66, 160, 163 f., 166; abps of, sec 
 
 Geoffrey, Maurilius, William 
 Bound, Dr J. H. 32 u., 37, 38 u., 41 n., 
 
 46 n., 49 n., 50 n., 125, 159-61, 165, 
 
 Nos. 3, 4, 9, 11 n., 13, 27, 29, 32, 
 
 37, 39 
 
 Kye (Kia), Hubert de Nos. 9, 11, 14 
 
 Sable, Robert de 17 
 Sagrinus No. 37 
 St Albans, the firma at 42 
 St Botolph, Ely 44 
 St Davids, bp of, see Bernard 
 St Evroul 59, see Koger 
 St Paul's, London, archdeacon and chap- 
 ter of No. 30 
 Salisbury 20, 38 ; bps of, see Osmund, Roger 
 Sampson, abbot of Bury 29 
 sanctuary, rights of 37 
 Savigny, sec Vitalis 
 Sawbridgeworth Nos. 40 f. 
 Septuagcsima, meaning of 75-6 
 Sippenbam, see Cippenham 
 Skeat, Prof. W. W. 168 £f. 
 (e)staUi No. 43 
 staller 32, 50 
 Stanes No. 12 
 Stebenhith 45 
 
 Stephen, king 159, 162, 166 
 
 steward of Westminster 30 
 Stratford, mill at 39, 41, 45, No. 2 
 Suain (Sueyn) of Essex 32, 45, 49, 50, 
 
 Nos. 1 f., 8, 17 
 Sudbury, St Bartholomew's priory 34 
 Suger, abbot of St Denys 51 
 Sulby (Sulebi) 41, 45, 48 f. 
 Surrey 29 n., Nos. 2 f., 16, 19, 21 
 Sussex 47 u. 
 Swyncombe 17 
 Swyneshed, see Gilbert 
 
 Taillebois, see Ivo 
 Tancardivilla, W. 164 
 Taneyo, see Asciulus 
 Tatewelle 40 f. 
 Tecewrde No. 37 
 Tenchebrai, battle of 16 
 Teolwold, bp of Worcester 42 n. 
 Thames 170 
 
 Theobald, abp of Canterbury 2, 47 f., 51 
 Thomas Becket, abp of Canterbury 25, 51 
 
 II, abp of York 19 n. 
 
 Tilbury (Tillabyri) 32, No. 1 
 
 Tilli^res 14 
 
 Titebirst 41, 49 
 
 Toledo, 11th Council of 116 
 
 Tooting (Totinges) Nos. .2, 21 
 
 Torigny, Robert of 53, 59 
 
 Totenhala 38, 40 f., 168 
 
 Tothill 41 
 
 Tottenham 40 
 
 Tout, Prof. No. 16 
 
 Tovius Ganet No. 37 
 
 treasurer of Westminster 45 f. 
 
 Tunbridge No. 26 
 
 Tunge No. 37 
 
 Turaldus, No. 8 ; William nepos Turaldi 
 No. 15 
 
 Turkill, monk of Westminster 27 
 Turner, Sir Gregory Page 35 n. 
 Turoldus dapifer (de Wochendona) Nos. 
 
 6, 36, Radulphus filius eius No. 6 
 Turroc, see Godwin 
 Turstin, abp of York 164 
 
 monk of Westminster 27 
 
 Tyburn (Teoburnan) 168 £f. 
 
 Urban, bp of Glamorgan 26 n. 
 Urse, see Abetdt 
 
 Valognes, Peter de 39, 50 n., Nos. 9, 
 17, 27 
 
Index 
 
 179 
 
 Valor Ecclesiasticus 48 
 
 de Ver, Aubrey Xos. 39, 43 
 
 Geoffrey No. 39 
 
 Vesin, the 14 
 
 Vineyards 41, 44 
 
 Vitalis, abbot of Savigny 27 
 
 abbot of Westminster 1, 2G-S, 35, 
 
 39, 46 f., Nos. 2-4, 17 
 
 Wace, Roman de Rou 17 
 Waletona iuxta Mordon' No. 3 
 Walkelin, bp of Winchester Nos. 2 f., 5, 
 
 9, 16, 27 
 Wallef comes No. 2 
 Wallingford, Honor of 17 
 Walter the Deacon, children of No. 6 
 Waltham (parva) Nos. 6 f., 36 
 Ware's Customary, abbot, see Customary 
 Warenne, see W^illiam 
 Warner, monk of Westminster 31, 33 
 Warwick, Henry, earl of Nos. 4 f., 26 
 Watecumba No. 6 
 Watling Street 168 f. 
 Webb, Mr C. C. J. .51 n. 
 Wenyngton (Winetona) 41, 49, No. 31 
 Wesmam No. 3 
 
 Westminster 1, 10-2, Nos. 4 f., 18, 26, 
 38 f. ; councils at 21, 29, 67, No. 18 ; 
 consecration of bps at 25-6, No. 37 ; 
 in Domesday 39^0 ; the berewic of 38- 
 41, 167 ; King's street 35 
 
 Titulus sancti Petri Westm' 27 ; cells 
 
 of 32-4 ; exemption and sanctuary 36-7 ; 
 extenta conventusWestm' , and jirmae 41-4 ; 
 properties of 44-50, 168 ; administration 
 of the abbey, see ahnonry, bailiff, cel- 
 larer, chamberlain, infirmarer, kitchener, 
 steward, treasurer ; the abbot's house- 
 hold 30 
 
 building at 30, 35-6, No. 42 f. ; 
 
 domus elemosinaria pp. 30, 38 ; cloister 
 35, refectory 65, St Nicholas' chapel 31, 
 St Katharine's chapel 21, 25, No. 43 
 
 abbots of, see Edwin, Geoffrey, 
 
 Gervase, Gilbert Crispin, Herbert, Lau- 
 rence, Ealph, Vitalis, William Postard, 
 Wulnoth ; priors of, see Osbert, Robert ; 
 monks of 27, 31 f., 33-4, 38, 45, 49, 
 62, 68, No. 4, number of monks 30 
 
 the Westminster Domesday, see 
 
 Domesday 
 Wethered, Rev F. T. 33, No. 6 
 "VVhatley (Wateleya) 41, 49 f.. No. 8 
 
 Wich No. 27 
 Wileye 161 
 
 Wilkins, Concilia 7n., 28 n. 
 
 William I, the Conqueror 1 f., 5, 7 f., 14, 
 16 n., 17, 19 f., 22, 2.5, 29 n., 33, 37-9, 
 46, 97-9, 105, Nos. 1-6, 9-12, 18 f., 21, 
 35 ; first charter of pp. 46 n., 47, 49 n., 
 158, 165; Telligraphus No. 2, 4 
 
 n, Rufus 17, 20, 35, 44, 48, 66 f., 
 
 158, 165, Nos. 4f., 9-12, 14, 16-8, 20, 
 26 f. 
 
 son of Henry I 126, 160, 164, 
 
 No. 24 
 
 the chamberlain Nos. 4, 17, 20, 
 
 27, 39 
 
 of Champeaux 61 
 
 abbot of Cormeilles 15, 103 
 
 of Dijon 1 
 
 of St Carileph, bp of Durham 29 n., 
 
 Nos. 4f., 9, 10 
 Warelwast, bp of Exeter 23, No. 
 
 26 
 
 of Jumieges, Historia Normannorum 
 
 59 
 
 of Malmesbury 66 
 
 abp of Rouen 15 
 
 comes de Wareuna 164 
 
 Postard, abbot of Westminster 46 
 
 monk of Westminster 31, 38 
 
 Giffai-d, bp of Winchester 23, 26 n., 
 
 164, Nos. 9, 18, 20 f. 
 clericus No. 27 
 
 the abbot's chamberlain 30, No. 
 
 37 
 
 the abbot's chaplain 30, No. 37 
 
 Germinus No. 37 
 
 frater Turoldi No. 8 
 
 Wilson, Canon J. M. 43 
 Wimund de Blaugeo No. 6 
 Winchester 20, Nos. 5, 10, 18, 21 f. ; 
 Domesday book at No. 35 ; bps of, see 
 Walkelin, William Giffard 
 Windsor (Windlesores) 29 n., 49 n., 159, 
 
 164, Nos. 12, 17, 19, '28 
 Withburga, St 31 
 Wix priory No. 6 
 Wochendon Nos. 6, 36 
 
 Geoffrey of No. 6 
 
 Wokendune 49 n. 
 
 Woodstock 46 (Odestocam), No. 42 
 Worcester, priory of 42 n., 43; bp of 34, 
 
 see Teolwold, Wulstan 
 Worcestershire 39, 43, 49, No. 28 
 
180 
 
 Wrdesfelde 33 n. 
 
 Wulfric, the king's mone3'er 34 
 
 Bordewayte 38 
 
 Wulfwold, abbot of Chertsey No. 3 
 Wulnoth, abbot of Westminster 36 
 
 Index 
 
 Wulstan, bp of Worcester 27, 31 
 
 York 38 ; abps of, see Gerard, Roger, 
 Thomas II, Turstin ; precentor of, see 
 Hugh 
 
 CAMBRIDGE : PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A. AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 
 
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 WESTMINSTER ABBEY 
 
 No. 1. The Manuscripts of Westminster Abbey. By J. 
 
 Armitage Robinson, D.D., Dean of Westminstei', and M. R. James, Litt.D., 
 Provost of King's College, Cambridge. Royal 8vo. pp. viii-J-108. 5s. net. 
 
 " The Library of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster contains now 
 but a small batch of manuscripts, and these have for the most part no 
 connexion with Westminster Abbey. They represent however the last of 
 three quite distinct collections, of which the first was dispersed or destroyed 
 at the dissolution of the mimastery, and the second perished by fire in 1694. 
 It so happens that of both these earlier collections a considerable amount of 
 evidence is preserved in various quarters. 
 
 The Westminster Muniments contain a good deal of scattered information 
 as to the care of books both in monastic times and in the later period, and 
 this has been drawn together here as a small contribution to the history of 
 the Abbey. 
 
 The division of responsibility for this little book is indicated by the 
 initials in the table of contents. The Dean and Chapter are under a great 
 obligation to the Provost of King's for having placed his unrivalled experience 
 in these matters at their disposal. They hope that this may be the first of 
 a series of studies bearing on the history of the Church of which it is 
 their high privilege to be the guardians." Preface 
 
 No. 2. The History of Westminster Abbey by John Flete. 
 
 Edited by J. Armitage Robinson, D.D. Royal 8vo. pp. viii + 152. bs.net. 
 
 " The only medieval writer who has attempted a history of Westminster 
 Abbey is John Flete, a monk of the house from 1420 to 1465. Sulcard 
 indeed, nearly four centuries earlier, wrote its story, then for the most part 
 legendary, in the days of William the Conqueror. Widmore, three centuries 
 after Flete, availed himself of Flete's labours, and also diligently investigated 
 the treasures of the Muniment Room : he compiled a history, accurate, 
 judicious and concise, which has been the foundation of all subsequent work. 
 
 The present edition is an attempt to do tardy justice to a writer, who, 
 though he displays no graces of style and not the most rudimentary sense of 
 humour, has devoted vast pains to his task, has copied actual documents in 
 attestation of his statements, and refrains from guessing where he can find 
 no evidence. 
 
 To have accompanied this edition with adequate notes would have meant 
 an indefinite postponement of its publication, and would have demanded an 
 intimate acquaintance with monastic institutions to which the present editor 
 can make no claim. A trustworthy text is the first and immediate need. 
 This is what is here attempted. Some introductory remarks deal with the 
 growth of the legend of the consecration of the Church by St Peter ' in the 
 spirit ' ; with the authenticity of some royal charters and papal bulls ; with 
 the relics and indulgences, the effigies of the Norman abbots, and the ancient 
 tapestries of the choir." Extract from Preface 
 
 Cambridge University Press 
 London : Fetter Lane, E.G. 
 C. F. Clay, Manager 
 
DATE DUE 
 
 CAYLOKO