^. 5 . • Srom t^e &i6rari? of (profesBor ^dmuef (gXifPer m (glemorg of 3ubge ^amuef (Qliffet (gtecftinribge ^dmuef (ttttfPer (jSrecftinribge feong to f^e feifirar)? of (prtnceton C^eofogicaf ^eminarj Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2011 with funding from Princeton Theological Seminary Library http://www.archive.org/details/historyofearlypaOOf .e.^ ^1 V HISTORY ^y^m^J(^(UK EARLY PART OF THE REIGN OF JAMES THE SECOND; WITH AN INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. BY THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES JAMES FOX To which is added, AN APPENDIX PHILADELPHLV : PRINTED BV ABHAHAM SMALL, FOS BIRCH AND SMALL, C. AND A. CONltAD AND CO. MATHEW CAREV BRADFORD AND INSKEEP, HOPKINS AND EARLE ; AND FOR E. MORFORD, CHARLESTON, SOUTH CAROLINA 1808. h\€\^, »\ 10 THE REx\DER ^%rw^ MR. FOX was for some years engaged in an historical Work, which he did not live to complete. The curiosity excited by the knowledge that he was so employed, would be sufficient to justify the publication of any Fragment of his labours, even if it had been found in a more unfinished state than the chapters which compose the body of this volume. It is, therefore, conceived, that although the work is incomplete, any apolog)' would be misplaced, and that in fact, I only fulfil the wishes of the public, in laying before them all that can now be obtained of a history so earnestly expected from the pen of Mr. Fox. An explanation, however, of the circumstances attending a posthumous publication, if not necessary for the satisfac- tion of the reader, is due to the memory and reputation of the author himself. Some notion of what he projected, seems requisite towards forming an estimate of what he performed ; and in this instance, the rumours formerly cir- culated concerning the nature of his undertaking, and the materials which he had collected, render indispensable, a short statement of his intentions, and of the manner in which he prosecuted his researches. It will be yet more necessary to explain the state in which the manuscript was found, and the com-se which had been pursued in printing a work, respecting wluch no positive injunctions were ever received from the author. A II TO THE READER. The precise period at which Mr. Fox first formed the design of writing a history, cannot be ascertained. In the year 1797, he announced publicly his intention of devoting " a greater * portion of his time to his private pursuits :" He was even on the point of relinquishing his seat in Par- liament, and retiring altogether from public life, a plan which he had formed many years before, and to the execu- tion of which he always looked forward with the greatest delight. The remonstrances, however, of those friends,, for whose judgment he had the greatest deference, ultimately prevailed. He consequently confined his scheme of retreat to a more uninterrupted residence in the countrj^, than he had hitherto permitted himself to enjoy. During his retire- ment, that love of literature, and fondness for poetry, which neither pleasure nor business had ever extinguished,, re- vived with an ardour, such as few in the eagerness of youth, or in pursuit of fame or advantage, are capable of feeling. For some time, however, his studies were not directed to any particular object. Such was the happy dis- position of his mind, that his OM'n reflections, whether sup- plied by conversation, desultory reading, or die common occurrences of a life iu the country, were always sufficient to call forth the vigour and exertion of his faculties. Inter- course with the world had so little deadened in him the sense of the simplest enjoyments, that even in the hours of apparent leisure and inactivity, he retained that keen relish of existence, which, after the first impressions of life, is so rarely excited but by great interests and strong passions. Hence it was, that in the interval between his active atten- dance in Parliament, and the undertaking of his History^ ' Vide Paiiiamciitary Debates, May 26, 1797. TO THE READER. 5ii tit never felt the tedium of a vacant day. A verse in Cow- ■per, which he frequently repeated, How various his employments whom the world Calls idle ! was an accm-ate description of the life he was then leading ; imd I am persuaded, that if he had consulted his own grati- fications only, it would have continued to be so. The cir- cumstances which led him once more to take an active part in public discussions, are foreign to the purposes of this Preface. It is sufficient to remark, that they could not be foreseen, and that his notion of engaging in some literary vmdertaking was adopted during his retii-ement, and with the prospect of long and uninterrupted leisure before him. When he had determined upon employing some part of it in writing, he was, no doubt, actuated by a variety of con- siderations, in the choice of the task he should undertake. His philosophy had never rendered him insensible to the gratification Avhich the hope of posthumous fame so often produces in great minds ; and, though criticism might be more congenial to the habits and amusements of his retreat, an historical work seemed more of a piece with the tenour of his former life, and might prove of greater benefit to the public, and to posterity. These motives, together with his intimate knowledge of the English Constitution, naturally led him to prefer the histor}' of his o^\^l country, and to select a period favourable to the illustration of the great general principles of freedom, on which it is founded ; for his attachment to those principles, the result of practical observation, as well as philosophical reflection, far from having abated, had acquired new force and fresh vigour in his retirement. iV TO THE READER. With these views, it was almost impossible that he should not fix on the Revolution of 1688. The event was cheer- ing and animating. It was the most signal triumph of that cause to which his public life had been devoted ; and in a re- view of its progress, he could not fail to recognize those prin- ciples which had regulated his own political conduct. But the choice of that period was recommended by yet higher considerations ; the desire of rescuing from misrepresenta- tion, the most glorious transaction of our history ; the op- portunity of instructing his countrymen in the real nature of their Constitution j and the hope of impressing on man- kind those lessons applicable to all times, which are to be flrawn from that memorable occurrence. The manner in which the most popular historians, and other writers of eminence, had treated the subject, was likely to stimulate him more strongly to such an undertak- ing. It could not escape the observation of Mr. Fox, that some, from the bias of their individual opinions, had given a false colour to the whole transaction ; that others had wil- fully distorted the facts to serve some temporary purpose ; and that Bolingbroke, in particular, had confounded the distinct and even opposite views of the two leading parties, who, though they concurred in the measure, retained even in their union, all their respective tenets and fundamental distinctions. According to his first crude conceptions of the work, it would, as far as I recollect, have begun at the Revolution ; but he altered his mind, after a careful perusal of the latter part of Hume's histor}% An apprehension of the false im- pressions which that great historian's partiality, might have left on the mind of his readers, induced him to go back to the accession of King James the Second, and even to prefix TO THE READER. V an Introductor}' Chapter, on the character and leading events, of the times immediately preceding. From the moment his labour commenced, he generally spoke of his plan as extending no further than the settle- ment at the Revolution. His friends, however, were not without hopes, that the habit of composition might engage him more deeply in literary undertakings, or that the differ- ent views which the course of his enquiries would open, might ultimately allure him on further in the histoiy of his country. Some casual expressions, both in conversation and correspondence, seemed to imply that the possibility of such a result was not entirely out of his o^\'n contemplation. He acknowledged that some papers which I had the good fortune to procure in Spain, " though they did not relate to " his period exactly, might be very useful to him, and at all *' events entertaining; nay, possibly, that they might make " him go on further than he intended."*.. ..As his work advanced, his allusions to various literary projects, such as an edition of Dryden, a Defence of Racine and the French Stage, Essay on the Beauties of Euripides, Sec. &c. be- came more frequent, and were more confidently expressed. In a letter written to me in 1803, after observing that a modem ^vriter did not sufficiently admire Racine, he adds ...." It puts me quite in a passion. Je veux contre eux ''^ fair e wi jour un gr OS livre^^s Voltaire says. Even Dry- *' den, who speaks with proper respect of Comeiile vili- "/>^wrc fi^^m Oxford. 38 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. CHAP. I. important to the several objects of persecution, it may seem scarcely worth while to notice the expul- sion of John Locke from Christ Church College, Ox- ford. But besides the interest which every incident in the life of a person so deservedly eminent, natu- rally excites, there appears to have been something in the transaction itself characteristic of the spirit of the times, as well as of the general nature of absolute power. Mr. Locke was known to have been inti- mately connected with Lord Shaftesbury, and had very prudently judged it advisable for him, to pro- long for some time his residence upon the Continent, to which he had resorted originally on account ot his health. A suspicion, as it has been since proved, unfounded, that he was the author of a pamphlet which gave offence to the government, induced the King to insist upon his removal from his studentship at Christ Church. Sunderland writes, by the King's command, to Dr. Fell, Bishop of Oxford, and Dean of Christ Church. The reverend prelate answers, that he -has long had an eye upon Mr. Locke's be- haviour; but though frequent attempts had been made, (attempts of which the Bishop expresses no disapprobation,) to draw him into imprudent conver- sation, by attacking, in his company, the reputation^ and insulting the memory, of his late patron and friend, and thus to make his gratitude, and all the best feelings of his heart, instrumental to his ruin, these attempts all proved unsuccessful. Hence the Bishop infers, not the innocence of Mr. Locke, but that he was a great master of concealment, both as to words and looks ; for looks, it is to be supposed^ would have furnished a pretext for his expulsion, more decent than any which had yet been discover- ed. An expedient is then suggested, to drive Mr. Locke to a dilemma, by summoning him to attend fNTRODUCTOUY CflAFIKK. 3S the College on the first of January ensuing. If he do CHAP. I not appear, he shall be expelled for contumacy ; if he come, matter of charge may be found against him, for what he shiJl have said at London, or elsewhere, where he will have been less upon his guard than at Oxford. Some have ascribed Fell's hesitation, if it c;m be so called, in executing the King's order, to his unwillingness to injure Locke, who was his friend; others, with more reason, to the doubt of the legality of the order. However this may have been, neither his scruple nor his reluctance was regarded by a court \rho knew its own power. A peremptory order was accordingly sent, and immediate obedience ensued.* Thus, while, without the shadow of a crime, Mr. Locke lost a situation attended with some emolument, and great convenience, was the University deprived of, or rather thus, from the base principles of servi- lity, did she cast away, the man the having produced whom is now her chiefest glory ; and thus, to those who are not determined to be blind, did the true na- ture of absolute power discover itself, against which the middling station is not more secure than the most exalted. T)Tanny, when glutted with the blood of the great, and the plunder of the rich, will conde- scend to hunt humbler game, and make a peaceable and innocent fellow of a college the object of its per- secution. In this instance one would almost imagine there was some instinctive sagacity in the govern- ment of that time, which pointed out to them, even before he had made himself kno'svn to the world, the man who was destined to be the most successful ad- versary of superstition and tyranny. * Vide Sunderland's correspondence with the Bishop of Ox- ford, in the Appendix. 40 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. CHAP. I. The King, during the remainder of his reign, seems, Forfeiture of ^'^^ ^^^ exception of Armstrong's execution, which Charters. must be added to the catalogue of his murders, to have directed his attacks more against the civil rights, properties, and liberties, than against the lives of his subjects. Convictions against evidence, sentences a- gainst law, enormous fines, cruel imprisonments, were the principal engines * employed for the purpose of breaking the spirit of individuals, and fitting their necks for the yoke. But it was not thought fit to trust wholly to the effect which such examples would pro- duce upon the public. That the subjugation of the people might be complete, and despotism be established upon the most solid foundation, measures of a more general nature and effect were adopted ; and first, the charter of London, and then those of almost all the other corporations in England, were either forfeited, or forced to surrender. By this act of rlolcucc two important points were thought to be gained ; one, that in every regular assemblage of the people, in any part of the kingdom, the crown would have a com- manding influence ; the other, that in case the King should find himself compelled to break his engage- ment to France, and to call a parliament, a great ma- jority of members would be returned by electors of his nomination, and subject to his controul. In the af- fair of the charter of London, it was seen, as in the case of ship-money, how idle it is to look to the inte- grity of judges for a barrier against royal encroach- ments, when the courts of justice are not under the constant and vigilant controul of Parliament. And it is not to be wondered at that, after such a warning, and with no hope of seeing a Parliament assemble, * The expedient of transportiijg men among common felons fur political offences was not then invented, which is the more ex- traordinary, as it had beg^n in this reign to be in some degree made use of in religious persecutions INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 41 even they who still refained their attachment to the CHAP. I. ti'ue constitution of their country, should rather gi\e way to the torrent, than make a fruitless and danger- ous resistance. Charles being thus completely master, was deter- Despotism mined that the relative situation of him and his sub- jects should be clearly understood, for which purpose he ordered a declaration to l)e framed, wherein, after having stated that he considered the degree of confi- dence thev had reposed in him as an honour particu- lar to his reign, which not one of his predecessors had ever dared even to hope for, he assured them he would use it with all possible moderation, and con- vince even the most violent republicans, that as the crown was the origin of the rights and liberties of the people, so was it their most certain and secure support- This gracious declaration was ready for the pi-ess at the time of the King's death, and if he had lived to issue it, there can be little doubt how it would have been received, at a time when minquam Libertas gratior extat Quam sub Reg'c pia, v/as the theme of every song, and by the help of some perversion of Scriptuj'e, the text of eveiy sermon- But whatever might be the language of flatterers, and how loud soever the cry of a triumphant, but deluded part}', there were not wanting men of nobler senti- ments, and of more rational views. I^Iinds once Despondency thoroughly imbued with the love of what Sidney, in o^B'^o'^^^" his last moments, so emphatically called the good old cause, will not easily relinquish their principles ; nor was the manner in which absolute power was exerci- sed, such as to reconcile to it, in practice, those who had always been averse to it in speculation. Tlie hatred of tyranny, must, \n such persons, have been 42 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. CHAP. I. Intended change of measures. exasperated by the experience of its effects, and their attachment to liberty proportionably confirmed. To them the state of their country must have been into- lerable : to reflect upon the eflbrts of their fathers, once their pride and glory, and whom they themselves had followed with no unequal steps, and to see the re- sult of all in the scenes that now presented themselves, must have filled their minds with sensations of the deepest regret, and feelings bordering at least on despondency- To us, who have the opportunity of combining, in our view of this period, not only the preceding but subsequent transactions, the considera- tion of it may suggest reflections far diff'erent, and speculations more consolatory. Indeed I know not that history can furnish a more forcible lesson against despondency, than by recording, that within a short time from those dismal d;.)'s in which men of the greatest constancy despaired and had reason to do so, within five years from the death of Sidney, arose the brightest sera of freedom known to the annals of our country. It is said that the King, when at the summit of his power, was far from happy ; and a notion has been generally entertained, that not long before his death he had resolved upon the recall of Monmouth, and a cor- respondent change of system. That some such change was apprehended seems extremely probable, from the earnest desire which the court of France, as well as the Duke of York's party in England, entertained, in the last years of Charles's life, to remove the Mar- quis of Halifax, who was supposed to have friendly dispositions to Monmouth. Among the various objections to that nobleman's political principles, we find the charge most relied upon, for the purpose of injuring him in the mind of the King, was found- ed on the opinion he had delivered in council, in iXTHOnUCrORY CHAPTER. 43 iavour of modelling the charters of the British Co- CHAP. I. lonies in North America upon the principles of the rights and privileges of Englishmen. There was no room to doubt, (he was accused of saying,) that the same laws under which we live in England, should be established in a country composed of Eng- lishmen. He even dilated upon this, and omitted none of the reasons by which it can be proved, that an absolute government is neither so happy nor so safe as that which is tempered by laws, and which limits the authority of the prince. He exaggerated, it was said, the mischiefs of a sovereign power, and declared plainly, that he could not make up his mind to live under a king, who should have it in his power to take, when he pleased, the money he might have in his pocket. All the other ministers had combat- ed, as might be expected, sentiments so extraordina- rj"- ; and without entering into the general question of the comparative value of different forms of govern- ment, maintained that his Majesty could, and ought to govern countries so distant, in the manner that should appear to him most suitable for preserving or augmenting the strength and riches of the mother country. It had been therefore resolved, that the government and council of the Provinces under the new charter, should not be obliged to call assemblies of the colonists for the purpose of imposing taxes, or making other important regulations, but should do what they thought fit, without rendering any account of their actions, except to his Britannic Majesty. The affair having been so decided with a concurrence only short of unanimity, was no longer considered as a matter of importance, nor would it be worth record- ing, if the Duke of York and the French court had not fastened upon it,* as affording the best evidence of ■• Vide Barillou's Dispatches, 7lh Dec. 1684. 44 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. CHAP. I. the danger to be apprehended from having a man ot Halifax's principles in any situation of trust or power. There is something curious in discovering, that, even at this eai-ly period, a question relative to North A- merican liberty, and even to North American taxa- tion, was considered as the test of principles friendly, or adverse, to arbitrary power at home. But the truth is, that among the several controversies which have arisen, there is no other wherein the natural rights of man on the one hand, and the authority of artificia(I institution on the other, as applied respectively, by the Whigs and Tories, to the English constitution, are so fairl)' pvit in issue, nor by which the line of separation between the two parties is so strongly and distinctly marked. Charles's There is some reason for believing- that the court ^eb % ' ^^ Versailles had either wholly discontinued, or at least had become very remiss in, the payments of Charles's pension ; and it is not unlikely that this consideration may have induced him either really to think of calling a parliament, or at least to threaten Lewis with such a measure, in order to make that prince more punctual in performing his part of their secret treaty. But whether or not any secret change was really intended, or if it were, to what extent, and to w^hat objects directed, are points which cannot now be ascertained, no public steps having ever been taken in this affair, and his Majesty's intentions, if in truth he had any such, becoming abortive bv the sudden illness which seisjed him on the first of. Februarv, 1685, and which, in a few days afterwards, put an end to his reign and life. His death v.as by many supposed to have been the effect of poison ; but al- though there is reason to believe that this suspicion was harboured by persons very near to him, and a- mong others, as I hav c heard, by the Dutchess cf INTRODUCTORY CHAl'TEH. 45 Portsmouth, it appears, upon the whole, to rest upon CHAi'. l. \ er}- slender foundations.* "With respect to the character of this Prince, upon ills charac- the delineation of which so much pains have been em- ^'^' ployed, by the various writers who treat of the history o( his time, it must be confessed that the facts which liave been noticed in the foi-egoing pages, furnish but too manv illustrations of the more unfavourable parts of it. From these we may collect, that his ambition was directed solely against his subjects, while he was completely indifferent conceniing the figure which he or they might make in the general affairs of Europe ; and that his desire of power was more unmixed with the love of glor}^ than that of any other man whom histor}- has recorded; that he was unprincipled, un- grateful, mean, and treacherous, to which may be added vindictive, and remorseless. For Burnet, in refusing to him the praise of clemency and forgive- ness seems to be perfectly justifiable, nor is it conceiv- able upon what pretence his partizans have taken this ground of panegjTic. I doubt whether a single in- stance can be produced, of his having spared the life of any one whoni motives, either of policy, or of re- venge, prompted him to desti'oy. To allege that of Monmouth, as it would be an affront to human nature, 30 would it likewise imply the most severe of all sa- tires against the monarch himself, and we may add too an undeserved one. For in order to consider it aF an act of meritorious forbearance on his part, that he * jSIr. Tox had this report from the flimily of his mother, grcat- grandaughter to the Dutches of Portsmouth. ...The Dutches of Portsmouth lived to a very advanced ag'c, and retained her fa- cvdties to the period of her death, which happened in 1734, at Aubigny....^fr. Fox's mother, when very young, saw her at that place ; and many of the Lenox famil}-, with whom Mr. Fox was subsequently acquainted, had, no doubt, frequently conversed with her. * 46 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. CHAP. I. did not follow the example of Constantine, and Philip ~~~ the Second, by imbruing his hands in the blood of his son, we must first suppose him to have been wholly void of every natural affection, which does not appear to have been the case. His declaration, that he would have pardoned Essex, being made when that nobleman was dead, and not followed by any act evincing its sinceri- ty, can surely obtain no credit from men of sense. If he had really had the intention, he ought not to have made such a declaration, unless he accompanied it with some mark of kindness to the relations, or with some act of mercy to the friends, of the deceased. Considering it as a mere piece of h}qpocrisy, we can- not help looking upon it as one of the most odious passages of his life. This ill-timed boast of his in- tended mercy, and the brutal taunt with which he ac- companied his mitigation, (if so it may be called,) of Russel's sentence, show his insensibility and hardness to have been such, that in questions where right and feelings were concerned, his good sense, and even the good taste for which he has been so much extolled, seemed wholly to desert him. His g-ood On the other hand, it would be want of candor to qualities. maintain, that Charles was entirely destitute of good qualities ; nor was the propriety of Burnet's compa- rison between him and Tiberius ever felt, I imagine, by any one but its author. He was gay and affable, and, if incapable of the sentiments belonging to pride of a laudable sort, he was at least free from haughti- ness and insolence. The praise of politeness, which the Stoics are not perhaps wrong in classing among the moral virtues, provided they admit it to be one of the lowest order, has never been denied him, and he had in an eminent degree that facility' of temper which, though considered by some moralists as nearly allie^i to vice, yet, inasmuch as it contributes greatly INTRODUCTORY CIIAPTLR, 47 to the happiness of those around us, is, in itself, not CHAV. i. onlv an engaging, but an estimable quality. His sup- port of the Queen during the heats raised by the Po- pish plot, ought to be taken rather as a proof that he was not a monster, than to be ascribed to him as a merit ; but his steadiness to his brother, though it may and ought, in a great measure, to be accounted for upon selfish principles, had at least a strong resem- blance to virtue. The best part of this Prince's character seems to have been his kindness towards his mistresses, and his affection for his children, and others nearly con- nected to him by the ties of blood. His recommen- dation of the Dutchess of Portsmouth and Mrs. Gwyn, upon his death-bed, to his successoi-, is much to his honour ; and they who censure it, seem, in their zeal to show themselves strict moralists, to have suffered their notions of vice and virtue to have fallen into strange confusion. Charles's connection with those ladies might be vicious, but at a moment when that connection was upon the point of being finally, and irrevocably dissolved, to concern himself about theii' future welfare, and to recommend them to his brother with earnest tenderness, was virtue. It is not for the interest of moralitv that the good and evil actions, even of bad men, should be confounded. His affec- tion for the Duke of Gloucester, and for the Dutchess of Orleans, seems to have been sincere and cordial. To attribute, as some have done, his grief for the loss of the first to political considerations, founded upon an intended balance of power between his two bro- thers, would be an absurd refinement, whatever were his general disposition ; but when we reflect upon that carelessness which, especially in his youth, was a con- spicuous feature of his character, the absurdity be- comes still more striking. And though Burnet more covertly, and Ludlow more openly, insinuate that his 48 Introductory chapter. CHAP. I. Reflections upon the probable consequen- ces of his reign and deatli. fondness for his sister was of a criminal nature, I never could find that there was any ground whatever for such a suspicion ; nor does the little that remains of their epistolary correspondence give it the smallest countenance. Upon the whole, Charles the Second was a bad man, and a bad king: let us not palliate his crimes ; but neither let us adopt false or doubtful im- putations, for the purpose of making him a Monster. Whoever reviews the interesting period which we have been discussing, upon the principle recommend- ed in the outset of this chapter, Avill find, that, from the consideration of the past, to prognosticate the fu* ture, would, at the moment of Charles's demise, be no easy task. Between two persons, one of whom should expect that the country would remain sunk in slavery, the other, that the cause of freedom would revive and triumph, it would be difficult to decide, whose reasons were better supported, whose specula* tions the more probable. I should guess that he who desponded, had looked more at the state of the pub- lic, while he who was sanguine, had fixed his eyes more attentively upon the person who was about to mount the throne. Upon reviewing the two great parties of the nation, one observation occurs very for- cibly, and that is, that the great strength of the Whigs consisted in their being able to brand their adversaries as favourers of Popery ; that of the Tories, (as far as their strength depended upon opinion, and not merely upon the power of the crown,) in their finding colour to represent the Whigs as republicans. From this ob- servation we may draw a further inference^ that, in proportion to the rashness of the Crown, iii avowing and pressing forward the cause of Popery, and to the moderation and steadiness of the Whigs, in adhering to the form of monarchv, would be the chance of the people of England, for changing an ignominious des- potism, for glory, liberty, and happiness. CHAPTER II. HISTORY OF THE EARLY PART OP THE REIGN 01 JAMES THE SECOND. '* Accession of James II His Declaration in Council :u..Acceptii- " hie to the Nation Arhitrary Designs of his Reign Former " Ministers continued Money Transactions with France " Revenue levied witlioiit Authority of Parliament Persecu- " tion of Dissenters Character of JefTeries The King's Af- •' fcctation of Iiulependcncc Advances to the Prince of " Orange The primary Object of this Reign Transactions *' in Scotland.. ..-Severe Persecutions there Scottish Parlia- " ment Cruelties of Government English Parliament; Its " Proceedings Revenue Votes concerning Religion Bill " for Preservation of the King's Person Solicitude for the " Churcli of England Reversal of Stafford's Attainder reject- " ed Parliament adjourned. r... Character of the Tories Situa- *' tion of the Whigs." CHARLES the SECOND expired on the sixth of CHAP. n. February 1684-5, and on the same day his successor 16S5. •Nvas proclaimed King in London, with the usual for- Accession of malities,by the title of James the Second. The great Feb. 6th. influence which this prince was supposed to have pos- sessed in the government, during die latter years of his brother's reign, and the expectation which was en- tertained, in consequence, that his measures, when monarch, would be of the same character and com- plexion with those which he was known to have highlv approved, and of which he was thought by many to have been the principal author, v/hen a subject, left little room for that spirit of speculation, which gene- rally attends a demise of the Crown. And thus an event, which, when apprehended a few years before. G '■ 50 HISTORY OP THE REIGN CHAP. n. had, according to a strong expression of Sir William 1685. Temple, been looked upon as the end of the world, was now deemed to be of small comparitive impor- tance. First steps of Its tendency, indeed, was rather to ensure persever- ■^' ance than to effect any change in the system which had been of late years pursued. As there are, however, some steps indispensably necessaiy on the accession of a new prince to the throne, to these the public atten- tion was directed, and, though the character of James had been long so generally understood, as to leave little doubt respecting the political maxims and princi- ples by which his reign would be governed, there was probably much curiosity, as upon such occasions there always is, with regard to the conduct he would pursue in matters of less importance, and to the general lan- guage and behaviour which he would adopt in his new situation. His first step was, of course, to assemble the privy council, to whom he spoke as follows : His declara- " Before I enter upon any other business, I think ^jl " " fit to say something to you. Since it hath pleased " Almighty God to place me in this situation, and 1 " am now to succeed so good and gracious a king, as " well as so very kind a brother, I think it fit to de- " clare to you, that I will endeavour to follow his ex- " ample, and most especially in that of his great cle- " mency and tenderness to his people. I have been '''• reported to be a man for arbitrary power ; but thai ^' is not the only story that has been made of me : and ^'' I shall make it my endeavour to preserve this go- " vernment, both in Church and State, as it is now by " law established. I know the principles of the Church " of England are for Monarchy, and the members of " it have shown themselves good and lo}'al subjects ; " therefore I shall always take care to defend and " support it.. I know too, that the laws of England are OF JA>fES THE SECOND 51 ^ sufHcicnt to make tlie King as great a monarch as I CHAP. H. '' can wish; and as I shall never depart from the just jgg^ '' rights and prerogatives of the crown, so I shall *^ never invade any man's propert)'. I liave often *•' heretofore ventured my life in defence of this na- *' tion ; and I shall go as far as any man in preserving " it in all its just rights and liberties."* "NV'ith this declaration the council were so highly Accci^table satisfied, that they supplicated his Majesty to make it public, which was accordingly done ; and it is reported to have been received with unbounded applause by the greater part of the nation. Some, perhaps, there were, who did not think the boast of having ventured his life, very manly, and who, considering the transactions of the last years of Charles's reign, were not much encouraged by the promise of imitating that monarcli in clemency and tenderness to his subjects. To these it might appear, that whatever there was of consola- toiy in the King's disclaimer of arbitraiy pov/er, and professed attachment to the laws, was totally done away, as well by the consideration of what his majes- ty''s notions of power and law were, as by his declara- tion, that he would foUoAV the example of a predeces- sor, Avhose government had not only been marked with the violation, in particular cases, of all the most sacred laws of the realm, but had latterly, by the dis- use of parliaments in defiance of the statute of the sixteenth year of his reign, stood upon a foundation radically and fundamentally illegal. To others it might occur, that even the promise to the Church of England, though express with respect to the condition of it, which was no other than perfect acquiescence in what the King deemed to be the true principles of monarchy, was rather vague with regard to the nature, or degree of support to which the royal speaker might ' K'liinct, III. 420. 52 HISTORY OF THE REIGX 1685. Triumph of the Tories. CHAP. II. conceive himself engaged. The words, although, in any interpretation of them, they conveyed more than he possibly ever intended to perform, did by no means express the sense which at that time, by his friends, and afterwards by his enemies, was endea- voured to be fixed on them. There was indeed a promise to support the establishment of the Church, and consequently the laws upon which that establish- ment immediately rested ; but by no means an engage- ment to maintain all the collateral provisions which some of its more zealous members might judge ne- cessary for its security. But whatever doubts or difficulties might be felt, few or none were expressed. The Whigs, as a van- quished party, were either silent, or not listened to, and the Tories were in a temper of mind which does not easily admit suspicion. They were not more de- lighted with the victory they had obtained over their adversaries, than with the additional stability which, as they vainly imagined, the accession of the new mo- narch was likel}'' to give to their system. The truth is, that, his religion excepted, (and that objection they were sanguine enough to consider as done aM'ay by a few gracious words in favour of the Church,) James was every way better suited to their purpose than his brother. They had entertained continual apprehen- sions, not perhaps wholly unfounded, of the late King's returning kindness to Monmouth, the consequences of which could not easily be calculated ; whereas, every occurrence that had happened, as well as every cir- cumstance in James's situation, seemed to make him utterly irreconcileable with the Whigs. Besides, after the reproach, as well as alarm, which the notoriety oi Charles's treacherous character must so often ha^e caused them, the very circumstance of having at their head a Prince, of whom they could with any colour OF J AMES THE SECOND. 53 hold out to their adherents, that his word was to be CllAl'. II. depended upon, was in itself a matter of triumph and 1685" exultation. Accordingly the watchword of the party was ever)' where, JTc have the iwrd of a King^ and a luord never yet broken ; and to such a length was the spirit of adulation, or perhaps delusion, carried, that this royal declaration wiis said to lie a better security for the liberty and religion of the nation, than any which the law could devise.* The King, though much pleased, no doubt, with the The King's popularity which seemed to attend the commence- sLn/'"^ ^ ment of his reign, as a powei-ful medium for estab- lishing the system of absolute power, did not suffer himself, by any show of affection from his people, to be diverted from his design of rendering his govern- ment independent of them. To this design we must look as the main-spring of all his actions at this period; for with regard to the Roman Catholic religion, it is by no means certain that he had yet thought of obtain- ing for it any thing more than a complete toleration. With this view, thei-efore, he could not take a more Ministers re judicious resolution than that which he had declared ^P^°'" '^ in his speech to the privy council, and to which he seems, at this time, to have steadfastly adhered, of making the government of his predecessor the model for his own. He therefore continued in their offices, notwithstanding the personal objections he might have to some of them, those servants of the late King, dur- ing whose administration that Prince had been so suc- cessful in subduing his subjects, and eradicating al- most from the minds of Englishmen cv^ery sentiment of libert}' . Even the Marquis of Halifax, who was supposed Haliiac. to have remonstrated against many of the late mea- ,suves, and to have been busy in recommending a ' Burnet 54 CHAP. II. 1685. Rochester. HISTORY OP THE REIGK change of system to Charles, was continued in high employment by James, who told him, that, of all his past conduct, he should remember only his behaviour upon the Exclusion Bill, to which that nobleman had made a zealous and distinguished opposition ; a hand- some expression, which has been the more noticed, as well because it is almost the single instance of this Prince's showing any disposition to forget injuries, as on account of a delicacy and propriety in the wording of it by no means familiar to him. Lawrence Hyde, Earl of Rochester, whom he ap- pointed Lord Treasurer, was in all respects calculated to be a fit instrument for the purposes then in view. Besides being upon the worst terms Avith Halifax, in whom alone, of all his ministers, James was likely to Hnd any bias in favour of popular principles, he was, both from prejudice of education, and from interest, inasmuch as he had aspired to be the head of the To- ries, a great favourer of those servile principles of the Church of England, which had lately been so highly extolled from the throne. His near relation to the Dutchess of York might also be some recommen- dation, but his privity to the late pecuniary transac- tions between the courts of Versailles and London, and the cordialitv with which he concurred in them, were by far more powerful titles to his new master's confidence. For it must be observed of this minis- ter, as well as of many others of his party, that his high notions, as they are frequently styled, of power, regarded only the relation between the King and his subjects, and not that in which he might stand with respect to foreign Princes ; so that, provided he could, by a dependence, however ser\-ile, upon Lewis the Fourteenth, be placed above the controul of his Par- liament and people at home, he considered the ho- nour of the crown unsullied. OP JA\rES THE SECOND. 55 Robert Spencer, Earl of Sunderland, who was con- CHAP. ii. tinued as Secretary of State, had been at one period i685. a supporter of the Exclusion Bill, and had been sus- Sundevland. pectcd of having offered the Dutchess of Portsmouth to obtain the succession of the crown for her son, the Duke of Richmond. Nay more, King James, in his memoirs, charges him with having intended, just at the time of Charles's death, to send him into a second banishment ; * but with regard to this last point, it appears evident to me, that many things in those me- moirs relative to this Earl, were written after James's abdication, and in the greatest bitterness of spirit, when he was probably in a frame of mind to believe any thing against a person by whom he conceived himself to have been basely deserted. The reap- pointment, therefore, of this nobleman to so impor- tant an office., is to be accounted for partly upon the general principle above mentioned, of making the new reign a mere continuation of the former, and partly upon Sunderland's extraordinary talents for in- gi-atiating himself with persons in power, and per- suading them that he was the fittest instrument fof their purposes ; a talent in which he seems to have surpassed all the intriguing statesmen of his time, or perhaps of any other. An intimate connection with the court of Versailles Money tran.s- being the principal engine by which the favourite pro- ^^^^^"^ ^"*" jcct of absolute monarchy was to be effected, James, for the pui-pose of fixing and cementing that connec- tion, sent for M. De Barillon, the French ambassa- dor, the \er\' day after his accession, and entered into the most confidential discourse with him. He ex- plained to him his motives for intending to call a par- liament, as well as his resolution to Itvy b}- authority, * Macpherson's State Papers, I. 147 55 HISTORY OF THE REIGN" CHAP. II. the revenue which his predecessor had enjoyed iu 1685. virtue of a grant of parliament which determined with his life. He made general professions of at- tachment to Lewis, declared that in all affairs of im- portance it was his intention to consult that monarch, and apologized, upon the ground of the urgency of the case, for acting in the instance mentioned without his advice. Money was not directly mentioned, owing, perhaps, to some sense of shame upon that subject, which his brother had never experienced ; but lest there should be a doubt whether that object were implied in the desire of support and protection, Rochester was directed to explain the matter more fully, and to give a more distinct interpretation of these general terms. Accordingly, that minister waited the next morning upon Barillon, and after having repeated, and enlarged upon the reasons for calling a parliament, stated, as an additional argument, in defence of the measure, that without it, his master would become too chargeable to the French King ; adding, however, that the assistance which might be expected from a Parliament, did not exempt him al- together from the necessity of resorting to that prince for pecuniary aids, for that without such, he would be at the mercy of his subjects, and that upon this beginning Avould depend the whole fortune of the reign.* If Rochester actually expressed himself as Barillon relates, the use intended to be made of Par- liament, cannot but cause the most lively indignation, while it furnishes a complete answer to the historians who accuse the parliaments of those days of unsea- sonable parsimony in their grants to the Stuart Kings ; for the grants of the people of England were not des- tined, it seems, to enable their Kings to oppose th( * Barillon'.s Letter, Ftbruavy 19, 168.\, in tlic Appendix OF JAMES THE SECONU. 57 power of France, or even to be independent of her, CHAP. n. but to render the influence which Lewis was resolved igyj to preserve in this country, less chargeable to him, by furnishing their quota to the support of his royal dependant. The French ambassador sent immediately a detail- The King's J P , ... , abject KTali- ed account ol these conversations to his court, where, ^^j^ probabl}-, they were not received with the less satis- faction on account of the request contained in them having been anticipated. Within a very few days fi-om that in which the latter of them had passed, he was empowered to accompany the delivery of a letter from his master, with the agreeable news of having received from him bills of exchange to the amount of five hundred thousand livres, to be used in whatever manner might be convenient to the King of England's ser\ice. The account which Barillon gives, of the manner in v.liich this sum was received, is altogether ridiculous : the King's e}-es were full of tears, and three of his ministers, Rocliester, Sunderland, and Godolpliin, came se\erally to the French ambassador, to express the sense their master had of the obliga- tion, in terms the most lavish.* Indeed, demonstra- tions of gratitude from the King directly^ as well as through his ministers, for this supply, were such, us if they had been used by some unfortunate individual, who, with his whole family, had been saved, by the timely succour of some kind and powerful protector^ from a gaol and all its horrors, would be deemed ra- ther too strong than too weak. Barillon himself seems surprised when he relates them ; but imputes them to what was probably their real cause, to the ap- prehensions that had been entertained, (very unrea* ' B.u-il'.on's Letter, Feb. 26, in llie .Vppenl'X- H 58 HISTORY OF THE REIGN CHAP. II. sonabie ones !) that the King of France might no 1585. " longer choose to interfere in the affairs of England, and consequently his support could not be relied on for the grand object of assimilating this government to his own. Sagacity and If such apprehensions did exist, it is probable that L^wis the they were chiefly owing to the very careless manner, fourteenth, to say the least, in which Lewis had of late fulfilled his pecuniary engagements to Charles, so as to amount, hi the opinion of the English ministers, to an actual breach of proiTiise. But the circumstances were in some respects altered. The French King had been convinced that Charles would never call a parliament ; nay further, perhaps, that if he did, he would not be trusted by one ; aiid considering him therefore en- tirely in his power, acted from that principle in inso- lent minds, which makes them fond of ill-treating and insulting those whom they have degraded to a depen- dence on them. But James would probably be obli- ged at the commencement of a new reign, to call a parliament, and if well used by such a body, and aban- doned by France, might give up his project of arbi- trary power, and consent to govern according to the laws and constitution. In stich an event, Lewis easily foresaw, that, instead of an useful dependant, he might find ttpon the throne of England a formidaljle cnemy» Indeed, this Prince and his ministers seem all along, with a sagacity that does them credit, to have fore- seen, and to have justly estimated, the dangers to which they v/ould be liable, if a cordial union should ever take place bet^v^een a King of England and his Parliament, and the iiritish councils be directed by men enlightened and warmed by the genuine prin- ciples of libert_y. It was therefoie an object of great moment to bind tlie new King, as cariy as possible, to the system of dependency upon France ; and mat- OK JAMES TIIK SECOND. 59 teiofno less triumph to the court of Versailles to cn.\P. II. have retained him by so moderate a fee, than to that i685. of London to receive a sum, Avhich, though small, was thought valuable, as an earnest of better wages, and future protection. It had for some time been Lewis's favourite object Treaty with to annex to his dominion what remained of the Span- ^P^'" , u. ' _ Ijcnsed \vitri. ish Netherlands, as well on account of their own in- trinsic value, as to enable him to destroy the United Provinces and the Prince of Orange ; and this object Charles had bound himself, by treaty Avith Spain, to oppose. In the joy, therefore, occasioned by this no- ble manner of proceeding, (for such it was called by all the parties concerned,) the first step was to agree, without hesitation, that Charles's treaty with Spain determined with his life ; a decision v.hich, if the disregard that had been shown to it, did not render the question concerning it nugatory, it would be diffi- cult to support upon any principles of national law or justice. The manner in which the late King had conducted himself upon the subject of this treaty, that is to say, the violation of it, without formally re- noimcing it, Avas gravely commended, and stated to be no more than Avhat might justly be expected from him ; but the present King was declared to be still more free, and in no v,^ay bound by a treaty, from the execution of which his brother had judged himself to be sufficiently dispensed. This appears to be a nice distinction and what that degree of obligation was, from v/hich James was exempt, but which had lain upon Charles, who neither thought himself bound, nor was expected by ot'ners to execute the treaty, it is difficult to conceive.* ' Barillon's Dispatches, May 5, 1685. Appendix. 60 HISTORY OF THE REIGN CHAP. II. This preliminary being adjusted, the meaning of 1685. which, through all this contemptible shuffling, was More money that James, by giving up all concern for the Spanish solicited Netherlands, should be at liberty to acquiesce in, or from Lewis. ' _ -^ /^ ' to second, whatever might be the ambitious projects of the court of Versailles, it was determined that Lord Churchill should be sent to Paris to obtain further pe- cuniary aids. But such was the impression made by the frankness and generosity of Lewis, that there was no question of discussing or capitulating, but every thing was remitted to that Prince, and to the informa- tion his ministers might give him, respecting the exi- gency of affairs in England. He who had so hand- somely been beforehand, in granting the assistance of five hundred thousand livres, was only to be thanked for past, not importuned for future, munificence.*' Thus ended, for the present, this disgusting scene of iniquity and nonsense, in which all the actors seemed to vie with each other in prostituting the sacred names of friendship, generosity, and gratitude, in one of the meanest and most criminal transactions which history records. The principal parties in the business, besides the King himself, to whose capacity, at least, if not to his situation, it was more suitable, and Lord Churchill, who acted as an inferior agent, were Sun^'erland, Ro- chester, and Godolphin, all men of high rank, and considerable abilities, but M'hose understandings, as well as their principles, seem to have been corrupted by the pernicious schemes in which they were engaged. With respect to the last mentioned nobleman in par^ ticular, it is impossible, without pain, to see him en- gaged in such transactions. With what self-humilia-. * Barillon's Dlspatcliee, Feb. 26, 1685. Appendix, OF JAMES THE SECOND 61 tion must he not have reflected upon them in subse- CHAP. II qutnt periods of his life ! How little could Barillon i685 guess that he was negociating with one who was des- tined to be at the head of an administi-ation, which, in a few years, would send the same Lord Churchill, not to I'aris to implore Lewis for succours towards en- slaving England, or to thank him for pensions to her monarch, but to combine all Europe against him, in the cause of liberty ; to rout his armies, to take his towns, to humble his pride, and to shake to the founda- tion that fabric of power which it had been the busi- ness of a long life to raise at the expense of ever)- sentiment of tenderness to his subjects, and of justice and good faith to foreign nations ! It is with difficultj- the reader can persuade himself that the Godolphin and Churchill here mentioned, are the same persons who were afterwards, one in the cabinet, one in the field, the great conductors of the war of the Succes- sion. How little do they appear in one instance ! how great in the other ! And the investigation of the cause to which this excessive diiference is principally owing, will produce a most useful lesson. Is the difference to be attributed to any superiority" of genius in the prince whom they served in the latter period of their lives ? Queen Anne's capacity appears to have been inferior even to her father's. Did they enjoy in a gi-eater degree her favour and confidence ? The very reverse is the fact. But in one case they were the tools of a King plotting against his people; in the other, the ministers of a free government acting upon enlarged principles, and with energies which no state that is not in some degree republican can supply. How forcibly must the contemplation of these men in such opposite situations teach persons engaged in po- litical life, that a free and popular government is de» 62 HISTORY OF THE REIGN CHAP. II. sirable, not only for the public good, but for their own 1685. greatness and consideration, for every object of gene- rous ambition ! Customs le- The Kinff havincj, as has been related, first privately vied without . ° , , . . . , t^ , i authority of Communicated his intentions to the trench ambassa- Parliament. (Jqj,^ issued proclamations for the meeting of Parlia- ment, and for levying upon his sole authority, the customs and other duties which had constituted part of the late King's revenue, but to which, the acts granting them having expired with the Prince, James was not legally entitled. He was advised by Lord Guildford, whom he had continued in the office of Keeper of the Great Seal, and who upon such a subject therefore, was a person likely to have the greatest weight, to satisfy himself with directing the money to be kept in the Exchequer for the disposal of Parlia- ment, which was shortly to meet ; and by others, to take bonds from the merchants for the duties, to be paid when Parliament should legalize them.* But these expedients were not suited to the King's views, who, as v.'ell on account of his engagement with France, as from his own disposition, was determined to take no step that might indicate an intention of governing by Parliaments, or a consciousness of his being de- pendant upon them for his revenue. He adopted, therefore, the advice of Jefferies, ad\ice not resulting so much, probabl}', either from ignorance or violence of disposition, as from his knowledge that it would be most agreeable to his master; and directed the duties to be paid as in the former reign. It was i)retended, that an interruption in levying some of the duties mighc be hurtful to trade j but as ever}- difficulty of that kind was obviated by the expedients proposed, this arbitrary and violent measure can with no colour * Life of Lord Keeper Nortli. or JAMES THE SECOND. 63 >e ascribed to a regard to public convenience, nor to cilAP. ii. any other motive than to a desire of" reviving Charles 1685. the First's claims to the power of taxation, and of furnishing a most intelligible comment upon his speech to the council on the day of his accession. It became evident what the King's notions were, with respect to that regal prerogative from which he professed him- self determined never to depart, and to that property which he would never in\'ade. What were the re- maining rights and liberties of the nation, which he was to preserve, might be more difficult to discover j but that the laws of England, in the royal interpreta- tion of them, Avere sufficient to make the King as great a monarch as he, or indeed any prince, could desire, was a point that could not be disputed. This viola- tion of law was in itself most flagrant : it Avas applied to a point vrell understood, and thouglit to have been so completely settled by repeated and most explicit declarations, of the legislature, that it must have been doubtful whether even the most corrupt judges, if the question had been tried, would have had the audacity to decide it against the subject. But no resistance was made ; nor did the example of Hampden, which a half century before had been so successful, and ren- dered that patriot's name so illustrious, tempt any one to emulate his fame ; so completely had the crafty and sanguinary measures of the late reign attained the ob- ject to which they were directed, and rendered all men either afraid or unwilling to exert themselves in the cause of liberty. On the other hand, addresses the most servile were Addresses. daily sent to the throne. That of the University of Oxford stated, that the religion which they professed bound them to unconditional obedience to their sove- reign, without restrictions or limitations ; and the 64 HISTORY OF THE REIGN^ 1685. CHAP. n. Society of Barristers and Students of the Middle Temple thanked his Majesty for the attention he had shown to the trade of the kingdom, concerning whichy and its balance, (and upon this last article they laid particular stress,) they seemed to think themselves peculiarly called upon to deliver their opinion ; but whatever might be their knowledge in matters of trade, it was at least equal to that which these addres- sers showed in the laws and constitution of their country, since they boldly affirmed the King's right to levy the duties, and declared that it had never been disputed but by persons engaged in what they were pleased to call, rebellion against his royal father. The address concluded wnth a sort of prayer, that all his Majesty*s subjects might be as good lawyers as them- selves, and disposed to acknowledge the royal prero- gative in all its extent. If these addresses are remarkable for their servility, that of the Gentlemen and Freeholders of the county of Suffolk was no less so for the spirit of party vio- lence that was displayed in it. They would take care, they said, to choose representatives who should no more endure those who had been for the Exclusion Bill, than the last Parliament had the abliorrcrs of the association; and thus not only endeavoured to keep up his Majesty's resentment against a part of their fellow subjects, but engaged themselves to imitate, for the purpose of retaliation, that part of the conduct of their adversaries, which they considered as most illegal and oppressive.* It is a remarkable circumstance, that among all the adulatory addresses of this time, there is not to be found, in any one of them, any declaration of disbe- lief in the Popish Plot, or any charge upon the late Observa- tions on llicm. R;n>iiT OF JAMF.S THF. SECOND e^ 1685. Parliament, for having prosecuted it, though it could ciiAP. ii. not hut he well known, that such topics would, of all others, be most agreeable to the Court. Hence we ma}- collect that the delusion on this subject was by no means at an end, and that they who, out of a de- sire to render history conformable to the principles of political justice, attribute the unpopularity, and down- fall of the Whigs, to the indignation excited by their furious and sanguinary prosecution of the plot, are egregiously mistaken. If this had been in any degree the prevailing sentiment, it is utterly unaccountable, that, so far from its appearing in any of the addresses of these times, this most just ground of reproach upon the "Whig party, and the Parliament in which they had had the superiority, was the only one omitted in them. The fact appears to have been the very reverse of what such historians suppose, and the activity of the late parliamentar}"^ leaders, in prosecuting the Po- pish plot, was the principle circumstance which re- conciled the nation for a time, to their otlier proceed- ings ; that their conduct in that business, (now so justly condemned,) was the grand engine of their power, and that Avhen that failed, they were soon overpowered by the united forces of bigotry and cor- ruption. They were hated by a great part of the na- tion, not for their crimes, but for their virtues. To be above corruption is always odious to the corrupt, and to entertain more enlarged and juster notions of philosophy and government, is often a cause of alarm to the narrow jnindcd and superstitious. In those days particularly, it was obvious to refer to the confusion, greatlv exaggerated, of the times of the Common- wealth ; and it was an excellent watch-word of alarm, to accuse every lover of law and liberty', of designs to revive the tragical scene which had closed the life of the first Charles. In this spirit, therefore, the Exclu- l 65 HISTORY OF THE REIGN CHAP. II. sion Bill, and the alleged conspiracies of Sidney and jgg^ Rus&el were, as might naturally be expected, the chief charges urged against the Whigs ; but their conduct on the subject of the Popish plot, was so far from be- ing the cause of the hatred borne to them, that it was not even used as a topic of accusation against them. Late King's In order to keep up that spirit in the nation, which Declaration, ^^^g thought to be manifested in the addresses, his Majesty ordered the Declaration, to which allusion was made in the last chapter, to be published, inter- M'oven with a history of the Rye-house plot, which is said to have been drawn by Dr. Sprat, Bishop of Ro- chester. The principal drift of this publication was, to load the memory of Sidney and Kussel, and to blacken the character of the Duke of Monmouth, by wickedly confounding the consultations holden by them, with the plot for assassinating the late King\ and in this object, it seems in a great measure to have succeeded. He also caused to be published, an at- .■ind attesta- testation of his brother's having died a Roman Ca- tion 01 his " 11- dying- a Ca- tholic, together with two papers, drawn up by hmi, tholic pub- -^^^ favour of that persuasion. This is generally consi- dered to have been a very ill-advised instance of zeal ; but probably James thought, that, at a time when people seemed to be so in love with his power, he might safely venture to indulge himself in a display of his attachment to his religion ; and perhaps too, it niight be thought good policy, to show that a Prince, who had been so highly complimented as Charles had been, for the restoration and protection of the church, had, in truth, been a Catholic, and thus, to inculcate an opinion, that the Church of England might not only be safe, but highly favoiu'ed, urider the reign of a Popish Prince. PcTsecution Partly from similar motives, and partly to gratify of Dissent- -Jig natural vindictivene?s of his temper, he pt rscvcred OF JA\fES THE SECOND. <>; m a most cruel persecution of the Protestant Dissent- CIIAP. IT. ers, upon the most frivolous pretences. The courts of jgg^ justice, as in Charles's days, were instruments equally ready, either for seconding the policy, or for gratify- ing the bad passions, of the Monarch ; and Jefferies, whom the late King had appointed Chief Justice of England, a little before Sidney's trial, was a man en- tirely agreeable to the temper, and suitable to the purposes, of the present government. He was thought Jcffcrics' iK)t to be very learned in his profession : but what '^ might be wanting in knowledge, he made up in po • sitiveness ; and indeed whatever might be the difficul- ties in questions between one object and another, the fashionable doctrine which prevailed at that time, of supporting the King's prerogative in its full extent, and without restriction or limitation, rendered, to such as espoused it, all that branch of law, which is called constitutional, extremely easy and simple. He was as submissive and mean to those above him, as he was haughty and insolent to those who were in any degree in his power ; and if in his own conduct he did not exliibit a very nice regard for morality, or even for decency, he never failed to animadvert upon, and to punish, the most slight deviation in others, with the utmost severity, especially if they were per- sons whom he suspected to be no favourites of the Court. Before this magistrate was brought for trial, by a Ricimrd jur}' sufficiently prepossessed in favour of Tory poli- tul^j^^' tics, the Rev. Richard Baxter, a dissenting minister ; • a pious and learned man, of exemplary character, al- ways remarkable for his attachment to monarchy, and for leaning to moderate measures in the differences between the church, and those of his persuasion. The pretence for this pi-osecution was, a supposed refer- ence of some passages in one of his works, to the G8 HISTORY OF THE REIGK 1685. QHAP. II. bishops of the church of England ; a reference tvhich was certainly not intended by him, and which could not have been made out to any jury that had been less prejudiced, or under any other direction than that of JefFeries. The real motive was, the desire of punish- ing an eminent dissenting teacher, whose reputation was high among his sect, and who was supposed to favour the political opinions of the Whigs. He was found guilty, and JefFeries, in passing sentence upon Jiim, loaded him with the coarsest reproaches and bitterest taunts. He called him sometimes, by way of derision, a saint, sometimes, in plainer terms, an old rogue ; and classed this respectable divine, to whom the only crime imputed, v/as the having spoken dis- respectfully of the bishops of a communion to which he did not belong, with the infamous Oates, v/ho had been lately convicted of perjury. He finished with declaring, that it was matter of public notoriety, that there was a formed design to ruin the King and the nation, in which this old man v/as the principal incen- diary. Nor is it improbable that this declaration, ab- surd as it was, might gain belief, at a time when tli^ credulity of the triumphant party v/as at its height. Of this credulity it seems to be no inconsiderable testimony, that some affected nicety, which James had shown, with regard to the ceremonies to be used towards the French ambassador, was highly magiii- fied, and represented to be an indication of the differ- ent tone that was to be taken by the present King, in regard to foreign powers, and particularly to the court Versailles. The King was represented us a Prince eminently jealous of the national honour, and deter- mined to preserve the balance of power in Europe, b)' opposing the ambitious projects of France, at the veiy time when he was supplicating Lewis to be his pen-- sioner, and expressing the most exti-ai,ngant gratitude, Credulity of the nation. OF JAMES 1 HE SECOND. 69 for having been accepted as such. From the intor- CHAP. U. mation which we now have, it appears that his apph- ^685. cations to Lewis for money were incessant, and that the difficulties were all on the side of the French court.* Of the historians who wrote prior to the in- spection of the papers in the Foreign Office in France, Burnet is the only one who seems to have known that James's pretensions of independency with respect to the French King, were, (as he terms them,) only a show J but there can now be no reason to doubt the truth of the anecdote which he relates, that Lewis, soon after, told the Duke of Villeroy,f that if James showed any apparent uneasiness concerning the ba- lance of power, (and there is some reason to suppose he did,) in his conversations with the Spanish, and other foreign ambassadors, his intention was, proba- bly, to alarm the court of Versailles, and thereby to extort pecuniary assistance to a greater extent ; while, on the other hand, Lewis, secure in the knowledge, that his views of absolute power must continue him in dependancc upon France, seems to have refused fur- ther supplies, and even in some measure to have with- drawTi those which had been stipulated, as a mark of his displeasure with his dependant, for assuming a higher tone than he thought becoming.:|: Whether with a view of giving some countenance Hisadvan- to those who were praising him upon the abovemen- p^^n^g f tioned topic, or from what other motive it is now not Orange, easy to conjecture, James seems to have wished to be upon apparent good terms, at least, with the Prince of Orange ; and after some correspondence with that Prince, concerning the protection afforded by him, and * Vide Appendix passim. t Vide Burnet, Vol. II. p. 30C. t Lewis's Letter to Barillon. April 2.4. Appendix. fO HiSTOilV OF THE REIGK CHAP. II. the States General, to Monmouth, and other obnoxious 1685 persons, it appears that he declared himself, in conse- quence of certain explanations and concessions, per- fectly satisfied. It is to be remarked, however, that he thought it necessary to give the French ambassador an account of this transaction, and in a manner to apo- logize to him for entering into any sort of terms with a son-in-law, who was supposed to be hostile in dispo- sition to the French King. He assured Barillon, that a change of system, on the part of the Prince of Orange, in regard to Lewis, should be a condition of his reconciliation: he afterwards informed him, that the Prince of Orange had answered him satisfactorily in all other respects, but had not taken notice of his wish that he should connect himself with France ; but never told him that he had, notwithstanding the Prince's silence on that material point, expressed him- self completely satisfied with him.* That a proposi- tion to the Prince of Orange, to connect himself in po- litics with Lewis, would, (if made,) have been reject- ed, in the manner in which the king's account to Ba- rillon implies that it was, there can be no doubt ; but whether James ever had the assurance to make it, is more questionable ; for, as he evidently acted disin- genuously Avith the ambassador, in concealing from him the complete satisfaction he had expressed of the Prince of Orange's present conduct ;f it is not un- reasonable to suppose, that he deceived him still fur- ther, and pretended to have made an application, which he had never hazarded. However, the ascer- taining of this fact is by no means necessary for the illustration, either of the general history, or of James's particular character ; since it appears, that the propo- * Bariilon's Dispatches, March 1, and 5. Appendix. f Dalrymple's Mem. II. 116. . OF JAMBS THE SECOND. 71 sition, if made, was rejected; and James is, in any chap. it. case, equally convicted of insincerity ; the only point igs5. in question being, whether he deceived the French ambassador, in regard to the fact of his having made the proposition, or to the sentiments he expressed upon its being refused. Nothing ser\-es more to show the dependance in which he considered himself to be upon Lewis, than these contemptible shifts, to which he condescended, for the piuposes of explaining, and apo- logizing for, such parts of his conduct, as might be supposed to be less agreeable to that monarch than the rest. An English Parliament acting upon constitu- tional principles, and the Prince of Orange, were the two enemies whom Lewis most dreaded ; and accord- ingly, whenever James found it necessaiy to make ap- proaches to either of them, an apology was immedi- ately to be offered to the French ambassador, to which truth sometimes, and honour was always sacrificed.* Mr. Hume says, the King found himself, by de- The primary crees, under the necessitv of falling into an luiion ^")^'^^ *^* "'"' o ' ' . reign, with the French monarch, who could alone assist him, in promoting the Catholic religion in England. But when that historian v/iote, those documents had not been made public, from which the account of the com- munications with Barillon has been taken, and by which it appears that a connection with France was, as well in point of time, as in importance, the first ob- ject of his reign, and that tlie immediate specific mo- tive to that connection, was the same as that of his brother; the desire of rendering himself independent of Parliament, and absolute, not that of establishing Popery in England, which was considered as a more remote contingency.! That tliis was the case, is evi- • Vide Appendix passim . t Appendix passim. 72 HIStORY OF THE REtGN 1685. misrepre- sented by historians. CHAP. n. dent from all the circumstances of the transaction, and especially from the zeal with which he was serv- ed in it by Ministers who were never suspected of any leaning towards Popery, and not one of whom (Sunderland excepted,) could be brought to the mea- sures that were afterwards taken in favour of that re- ligion. It is the more material to attend to this dis- tinction, because the Tory historians, especially such of them as are not Jacobites, have taken much pains to induce us to attribute the violences and illegalities of this reign to James's religion, which was peculiar to him, rather than to that desire of absolute power, which so many other princes have had, have, and al- ways will have in common with him. The policy of such misrepresentation is obvious. If this reign is to be considered as a period insulated, as it were, and unconnected with the general course of history, and if the events of it are to be attributed exclusively, to the particular character, and particular attachments of the monarch, the sole inference will be, that we must not have a Catholic for our King; whereas, if we con- sider it, which history well warrants us to do, as a part of that system which had been pursued by all the Stuart Kings, as well prior, as subsequent, to the Re- storation, the lesson which it affords is very different, as well as far more instructive. We are taught, gene- rally, the dangers Englishmen will always be liable to, if, from favour to a Prince upon the throne, or from a confidence, however grounded, that his views are agreeable to our own notions of the constitution, we, in any considerable degree, abate of that vigilant, and unremitting jealousy of the power of the crown, which can alone secure to us the effect of those wise laws that have been provided for the benefit of the subject ; and £till more particularly, that it is in vain to think of making a compromise with power, and by yielding to it in other points, preserving some favourite object. OF JAMES THE SECOND. ?" such, for instance, as the church in James's case, Irom CHAP. H. Its grasp. 1G85 Previous to meeting his English Parliament, James Scottish Par- directed a parliament which had been summoned in a^'"?9'- the preceding reign, to assemble at Edinburgh, and appointed the Duke of Queensbury his commissioner. This appointment is, in itself, a strong indication, that the King's views, with regard to Scotland at least, were similar to those which I have ascribed to him in England ; and that they did not at that time extend to the introduction of Popery, but were altogether di- rected to the establishment of absolute power as the cnd^ and to the support of an episcopal church, upon the model of the church of England, as the Tneans. For Queensbury had explained himself to his Majes- ty, in the fullest manner, upon the subject of religion ; and while he professed himself to be ready, (as indeed his conduct in the late reign had sufficiently proved,) to go anv length in supporting royal power, and in persecuting tlie Presbyterians, had made it a condi- tion of his services, that he might understand from his Majesty, that there was no intention of changing tlie established religion ; for if such was the object, he could not make any one step with him in that matter. James received this declaration most kindly; assured him he had no such intention, and that he would have a parliament, to which he, Queensbury, should go as commissioner; and giving all possible assurances in the matter of religion, get the revenue to be settled, and such other laws to be passed, as might be neces- sary for the public safety. With these promises the Duke was not only satisfied at the lime, but declared, at a subsequent period, that they had been made in so frank and hearty a manner, as made him conclude, that it was impossible that the King should be acting a part. And this nobleman was comsidered, and is K 74 HISTORY OF THE REIGN CHAP. II. handed dovvn to us by contemporary writers, as a man 1685. of a penetrating genius, nor has it ever been the na- tional character of the country to which he belonged, to be more liable to be imposed upon, than the rest of mankind. The Ring's The Scottish Parliament met on the 23d of April, and was opened by the Commissioner, with the fol- lowing letter from the King : " My Lords and Gentlemen, " The many experiences we have had of the loyal- " ty, and exemplary forwardness of that our ancient " kingdom, by their representatives in parliament as- " sembled, in the reign of our deceased, and most " entirely beloved brother, of ever blessed memor)'-, *' made us desirous to call you at this time, in the be- " ginning of our reign, to give you an opportunity, *' not only of showing your duty to us in the same "manner, but likewise of being exemplary to others, *' in your demonstrations of affection to our person, *' and compliance with our desires, as you have most " eminently been in times past, to a degree never to " be forgotten by us, nor, (we hope,) to be contra- " dieted by vour future practices. That which we " are at this time to propose unto you is, what is as " necessary for your safety as our service, and whaf *' has a tendency more to secure your o'WTi privileges " and properties, than the aggrandizing our power ^' and authority, (though in it consists the greatest se- " curity of your rights and interests, these never hav- " ing been in danger, except when the royal power *' was brought too low to protect tlicm,) which now " we are resolved to maintain in its greatest lustre, " to the end we may be the more enabled to defend " and protect your religion as established by law ; " and your rights and properties (which was our de- OF JAMES THE SECOND 75 ** sign in calling this parliament) against fanatical con- CHAP. If. *' trivances, murderers and assassins, who having no ^qq^ " fear of God, more than honour for us, have brought " you into such difilculties, as only the blessing of " God upon the steady resolutions, and actings of our " said dearest royal brother, and those emplojcd by " him, (in prosecution of the good and wholesome " laws, by you heretofore oftered,) could have saved " you from the most horrid confusions, and inevitable " ruin. Nothing has been left unattempted by those '' wild, and inhuman traitors, for endeavouring to " overturn your peace : and therefore, we have good •' reason to hope, that nothing will be wanting in you, " to secure yourselves and us from their outrages and " violence, in time coming ; and to take care that " such conspirators meet with their just deservings, *' so as others may thereby be deterred from courses *' so little agreeable to religion, or their duty and al- *■' legiance to us. These things we considered to be '' of so great importance to our royal, as well as the '' universal, interest of that our kingdom, that we '* were fully resolved, in person, to have proposed the "•' needful remedies to you. But things having so '•' fallen out, as render this impossible for us, we have •■' now thought fit, to send our right trusty, and right '^ entirely beloved cousin, and counsellor, William '■' Duke of Queensberry, to be our commissioner '•' amongst you ; of whose abilities and qualifications " we have reason to be fully satisfied, and of whose " faithfulness to us, and zeal for our intei-est, we have "■ had signal proofs, in the times of our greatest diffi- '' culties. Him we have fully entrusted in all things ■•' relating to our service, and your own prosperity " and happiness, and therefore, you are to give him •' entire trust and credit, as you nov/ sec we have ' done, from whost- prudence, and your most dutiful 76 HISTORY OF THE REIG.N CHAP. II. " affection to us, we have full confidence ot your en - J ^35 " tire compliance and assistance in all those matters, " wherein he is instructed as aforesaid. We do " therefore, not only recommend unto you, that such " things be done as are necessary in this juncture, for " your own peace, and the support of our royal in- " terest, of which we had so much experience when " amongst you, that we cannot doubt of your full and " ample expressing the same on this occasion, b)- " which the great concern we have in you, our ancient " and kindly people, may still increase, and you ma)' *' transmit your loyal actions, (as examples of duty,) " to your posteritv. In full confidence whereof we " do assure you of our roj^al favour and protection, " in all your concerns ; and so we bid you heartily " farewell.'' This letter deserves the more attention, because, as the proceedings of the Scotch parliament, according to a remarkable expression in the letter itself, were intended to be an example to others, there is the greatest reason to suppose the naatter of it must have been maturely weighed and considered. His Ma- jesty first compliments the Scotch parliament, upon their peculiar loyalty, and dutiful behaviour in past times, meaning, no doubt, to contrast their conduct with that of those English parliaments who had pas- sed the Exclusion Bill, the Disbanding Act, the Ha- beas Corpus Act, and other measures hostile to his favourite principles of government. He states the granting of an indcpendant revenue, and the sup- porting the prerogative in its greatest lustre, if not the aggrandizing of it, to be necessary for the preser- vation of their religion, established by law, (that is the Protestant Episcopacy,) as M'ell ;is for the security of their properties against fanatical assassins luid mur- derers ; thus emphaticaliv nnnnunring a complete OF JAMES THE SECOND. ft union of interests between the Crown and the Church. VAWV ii. jHe then bestows a complete and unqualified approba- 1685. tion of the persecuting measures of the last reign, in which he had borne so great a share : and to those measures, and to the steadiness with which they had been persevered in, he ascribes the escape of both church and state from the fanatics, and expresses his regret that he could not be present, to propose in per- son, the other remedies of a similar nature, which he recommended as needful in the present conjuncture. Now, it is proper, in this place, to enquire into the Transactions nature of the measures thus extolled, as well for the purpose of elucidating the characters of the King and his Scottish ministers, as for that of rendering more intelligible the subsequent proceedings of the parlia- ment, and the other events which soon after took place in that kingdom. Some general notions may be formed of that course of proceedings, which, ac- cording to his Majesty's opinion, had been so lauda- bly and resolutely pursued during the late reign, from the circumstances alluded to in the preceding chap- ter, when it is understood, that the sentences of Ar- g}-le and Laurie of Blackwood were not detached in- stimces of oppression, but rather a sample of the ge- neral system of administration. The covenant, which had been so solemnly taken by the whole kingdom, and, among the rest, by the King himself, had been declared to be unlawful, and a refusal to abjure it had been made subject to the severest penalties. Episco- pacy, which was detested by a great majority of the nation, had been established, and all public exercise of religion, in the forms to which the people were most attached, had been pi-ohibited. The attendance upon field conventicles had been made highly penal, and the preaching at them capital ; by which means, according to the computation of a latv" writer, no les-^ 78 HISTORY OF THE REIGN CHAP. II. remarkable for the accuracy of his facts, than for the 1685. force and justness of his reasonings, at least seven- teen thousand persons in one district were involved in criminality, and became the object of persecution. After this, letters had been issued by government, forbidding the intercommuning with persons who had neglected, or refused, to appear before the privy coun- cil, when cited for the above crimes ; a proceeding, by which, not only all succour or assistance to such persons, but, according to the strict sense of the word made use of, all intercourse with them, was rendered criminal, and subjected him who disobeyed the pro- hibition to the same penalties, whether capital or others, which were affixed to the alleged crimes of the party with whom he had intercommuned.* Measures of These measures not proving effectual for the pur- persecu ion. p^gg f^j. ^yhich they were intended, or, as some say, the object of Charles the Second's government being to provoke an insurrection, a demand was made upon the landholders, in the district supposed to be most disaffected, of bonds, whereby they were to become responsible for their wives, families, tenants, and ser- vants ; and likewise for the wives, families, and ser- vants of their tenants, and finally, for all persons living upon their estates ; that they should not withdraw from the church, frequent or preach at conventicles, nor give any succour, or have any intercourse with per- sons with whom it was forbidden to intercommune ; and the penalties attached to the breach of this engage- ment, the keeping of which was obviously out of the power of him who was required to make it, were to be the same as those, whether capital or other, to which the several persons, for whom he engaged, might be liable. The landholders, not being willing to * Laing's History, Vol. IV. 34. 60. 74. Woodrow. OF JAMES THE SECOND. 79 subscribe to their own destruction, refused to execute CHAP. H. the bonds, and this was thought sufficient grounds 1585. for considering the district to which they belonged as in a state of rebellion. English and Irish armies were ordered to the frontiers ; a train of artillery, and the militia, were sent into the district itself; and six thou- sand Highlanders, who were let loose upon its inhabi- tants, to exercise every species of pillage and plunder, were connived at, or rather encouraged, in excesses of a still more atrocious nature.* The bonds being still refused, the government had Writs of recourse to an expedient of a most extraordinary na- ^.^^,^5 ture ; and issued what the Scotch called a writ of Law-burrows, against the whole district. This writ of Law-burrows is somewhat analagous to what we call siuearing the peace against any one, and had hitherto been supposed, as the other is with us, to be applica- ble to the disputes of private individuals, and to the apprehensions, which, in consequence of such disputes they may mutually entertain of each other. A Go- vernment swearing the peace against its subjects was a new spectacle ; but if a private subject^ under fear of another^ hath a right to such a security^ how much more the government itself? was thought an vmanswer- able argument. Such are the sophistries which tyrants deem satisfactory. Thus are they willing even to de- scend from their loftiness, into the situation of subjects or private men, when it is for the purpose of acquiring additional powers of persecution ; and thus truly for- midable and terrific are they, when they pretend alarm and fear. By these writs, the persons against whom they were directed, were bound, as in case of the for- mer bonds, to conditions which were not in their pow - er to fulfil, such as the preventing of conventicles and * Burnet. Wcodrow. Laing, IV. 83. 80 HISTORY OF THE REIGN CHAP. 11. the like, under such penalties as the privy council 168.5. might inflict, and a disobedience to them was followed by outlawry and confiscation. Approved of The conduct of the Duke of Lauderdale who was at x)irit. ^YiQ chief actor in these scenes of violence and iniquity, was completely approved and justified at Court , but, in consequence, probably, of the state of politics in England, at a time when the Whigs were strongest in the House of Commons, some of these grievances were in part redressed, and the Highlanders, and. writs of Law-buiTows were recalled. But the country was still treated like a conquered country. The High- landers were replaced by an army of five thousand regulars, and garrisons were placed in private houses. The persecution of conventicles continued ; and ample indemnity was granted for every species of violence that might be exercised by those employed to suppress Assassinati- them. In this state of things, the assassination and on of Arch- jy^uv^^cr of Sharp, Archbishop of St. Andrews, by a Sharp. troop of fanatics, who had been driven to madness by the oppression of Carmichael, one of that prelate's in- struments, while it gave an additional spur to the vindictive temper of the government, was considered by it as a justification for every mode and degree of cruelty and persecution. The outrage committed by a few individuals, was imputed to the whole fanatic sect, as the government termed them, or, in other words, to a description of people which composed a great majority of the population in the low-lands of Scotland ; and those who attended field or armed conventicles, were ordered to be indiscriminately massacred. Insurrection By such means an insurrection was at last produced n .^j"^'^^^'^^' which, from the weakness, or, as some suppose, from the wicked policy of an administration eager for con- fiscations, and desirous of such a state of the country or .1AMKS THE SKCOND. 81 as might, in some measure, justify their course of CHAP. II. go\'ernment, *[made such a progress that the insur- 1685"" gents] became masters of GlasgOM', and the country adjacent. To quell these insurgents, who, undisciplin- ed as the\' were, had defeated (iraham, afterwards Viscount Dundee, the Duke of Monmouth was sent with an army from England ; but, lest the generous mildness of his nature should prevail, he had sealed orders, wliich he was not to open till in sight of the i-cbels, enjoining him not to treat with them, but to fall upon them, without any previous negotiation. In pursuance of these orders, the insurgents were attack- ed at Bothv.-ell Bridge, Avhere, though they were en- tirely routed and dispersed, yet, because those who surrendered at discretion were not put to death, and the arm}-, by the strict enforcing of discipline, were prevented from plundel* and other outrages, it was re- presented by James, and in some degree even by the King, that Monmouth had acted as if he had meant rather to put himself at the head of the fanatics than to repel them, and were inclined rather to court their friendship than to punish their rebellion* All com- plaints against Lauderdale were dismissed ; his power confirmed ; and an act of indemnity, which had been procured at Monmouth's intercession, was so clogged with exceptions, as to be of little use to any but to the agents of tyranny. Several persons, who were neither directly, nor indirectly concerned in the murder of the Archbishop, were executed as an expiation for that offence ; f but many more were obliged to compound for their lives, by submitting to the most rapacious * The words between the brackets liave been inserted to com- plete the senae, there having been evidently an omission in the inaniiscvipt copy. + T-ainpr, iV 164. Woodrow, TI. S7 90. 82 HISTORY OF THE REIGN CHAP. II. extortion, which at this particular period seems to 1685. have been the engine of oppression most in fashion, and which was extended, not only to those who had been in any way concerned in the insurrection, but to those who had neglected to attend the standard of the King, when displayed against what was styled, in the usual insulting language of tyrants, a most unna- tural rebellion. Klore severe The quiet produced by such means, was, as might ^ ■ be expected, of no long duration. Enthusiasm wa& increased by persecution, and the fanatic preachers found no difficulty in persuading their flocks, to throw off all allegiance to a govermnent which afforded them no protection. The King was declared to be ai> apostate from the Covenant, a tyrant, and an usurper ; and Cargill, one of the most enthusiastic among the preachers, pronounced a formal sentence of excommu- nication against him, his brother the Duke of York, and others, their ministers and abettors. This out- rage upon majesty, together with an insurrection, con- temptible in point of numbers and strength, in which. Cameron, another field preacher, had been killed, fur- nished a pretence which was by no means neglected, for new cruelties and executions ; but neither death nor torture were sufficient to subdue the minds of Cargill, and his intrepid followers. They all gloried in their sufferings ; nor could the meanest of them be brought to purchase their lives by a retractation of their principles, or even by an expression that might be construed into an approbation of their persecutors^ The effect of this heroic constancy upon the minds of their oppressors, was to persuade them not to lessen the numbers of executions, but to render them more private ;* whereby they exposed the true character of * Woodrow-. U, 180. OF JAMES THE SECOND 83 their government, which was not seventy, but vio- CIIAP. II. ience, not justice, but vengeance : for, example being i685. the only legitimate end of punishment, where that is likely to encourage, rather than to deter, (as the go- vernment in these instances seems to have apprehend- ed,) and consequently to prove more pernicious than salutar)', every punisliment inflicted by the magistrate is cruelty; every execution, murder. The rage of punishment did not stop even here; but questions were put to persons, and in many instances to persons imdcr torture, who had not been proved to have been in any of the insurrections, whether they considered the Archbishop's assassination as murder^ the rising at Bothxuell Bridge rebellion^ and Charles a laxvful King. The refusal to answer these questions, or the answer- ing of them in an unsatisfactory manner, was deemed a proof of guilt, and immediate execution ensued. These last proceedings had taken place while James Act of Suc- himself had the government in his hands, and under tesT "" ^^ his immediate directions. Not long after, and when the Exclusionists in England were supposed to be en- tirely defeated, was passed, (James being the Kiiig's commissioner,) the famous Bill of Succession, declar- ing that no difference of religion, nor any statute or law grounded upon such, or any other pretence, could defeat the hereditary right of the heir to the crown, and that to propose any limitation upon the future administration of such heir, was high treason. But the Protestant religion was to be secured ; for iliose who were most obsequious to the Court, and the most willing and forward instruments of its tyranny, were, nevertheless, zealous Protestants. A Test was there- fore framed for this purpose, which was imposed upon all persons exercising any civil or militaiy functions whatever, the royal family alcme excepted : but to the declaration of adherence to the Protestant religioHj 84f" HISTORY OF THE REIGN CHAP. II. ^vas added a recognition of the King's .supremacy m 1585 ecclesiastical matters, and a complete renunciation in civil concerns, of every right belonging to a free sub- ject. An adherence to the Protestant religion, ac- cording to the confession of it referred to in the test, seemed to some inconsistent with the acknowledgment of the King's supremacy, and that clause of the oath which related to civil iiiatters, inasmuch as it declared against endeavouring at any alteration in the Chuixh or State, seemed incompatible with the duties of a counsellor or a member of parliament. Upon these grounds the Earl of Argyle, in taking the oath, thought fit to declare as follows : Argyle con- " I have considered the test, and I am very desirous h^s^D^lana- " ^° S^^^ obedience as far as I can. I am confident tionofthe " the Parliament never intended to impose contradic- " tory oaths ; therefore I think no man can explain it " but for himself. Accordingly I take it, as far as it " is consistent with itself, and the Protestant religion. " And I do declare, that I mean not to bind up my- " self in my station, and in a lawful way, to wish and ^' endeavour any alteration I think to the advantage of " the Church or State, not repugnant to the Protestant " Religion and my loyalty. And this I understand as *' a part of the oath.".... And for this declaration, though unnoticed at the time, he was in a few days afterwards committed, and shortly after sentenced to die.* Nor was the test applied only to those for whom it had been originally instituted, but by being * The disgaisting- case witii which James, (m his Memoirs, INIacpherson's State Papers, I. 123) speaJis of Argyle's case,.his pretence that he put his life in jeopardy only willi a view to seize his property, seem to destroy all notions of this Prince's having had any honour or conscience ; nor after this, can we give much credit to the declaration, tliat Argyle's life was net aimed at Xotefrom Mr. Fox's Coinmon Place Book. \ i OlMAMI-.S TllK SKCOND. 8. oftercd to those numerous classes of people who were chap. ii. within the reach of the late severe criminal laws, as 16^5 an alternative for death or confiscation, it might fairl)- be said to be imposed upon the greater part of the coiuitn-. Not long after these transactions, James took his finid lea^'e of the government, and in his parting speech recommended, in the strongest terms, the sup- port of the church. This gracious expression, the sincerity of which seemed to be evinced by his con- duct to the convenliclers, and the severity with which he had enforced the test, obtained him a testimonial from the Bishops of his affection to their Protestant church ; a testimonial, to which, upon the principle, that they are the best friends to the church, who are most willing to persecute such as dissent from it, he was, notwithstanding his own non-conformity, most amply entitled.* Queensbeny's administration ensued, in which the Quecnsbei- maxims that had cruided his predecessors were so far ^7 ^ e^toi"- °. '■ lions, from being relinquished, that they were pursued, if possible, with greater steadiness and activity. Law- rie of Blackwood was condemned for having holden intercourse with a rebel, whose name was not to be iound in any of the lists of the intercommuned or proscribed ; and a proclamation was issued, threat- ening all who were in like circumstances with a simi- lar fate. The intercourse with rebels having been in great parts of the kingdom promiscuous and univer- sal, more than twent}'^ thousand persons were objects of this menace. f Fines and extortions of all kinds were employed to enrich the public treasury, to which, therefore, the multiplication of crimes became a fruit- ful source of revenue ; and lest it should not be suf- ' Burnet. j Burnet. Laiiig-, l."2. 86 HISTORY OF THE REIGN CHAP. II. ficiently so, husbands were made answerable, (and 1685. that too with a retrospect,) for the absence of their wives from church ; a circumstance which the Pres- byterian women's aversion to the episcopal form of worship, had rendered very general.* Declaration This system of Rovemment, and especially the ri- ofthe Came- •/,•,, , • , , • ronians. go^^ with which those concerned in the late insurrec- tions, the excommunication of the King, or the other outrages complained of, were pursued and hunted, sometimes by blood-hounds, sometimes by soldiers almost equally savage, and afterwards shot like wild beasts, | drove some of those sectaries who were sty- led Cameronians, and other proscribed persons, to measures of absolute desperation. They made a de- claration, which they caused to be affixed to different churches, importing that they would use the law of retaliation, and " rve xvill^'' said they, '■'■ punish as *' enemies to God^ and to the covejiant^ sttch persons as " shall make it their xvork to imbrue their hands in our *''' blood ; and chiejiy^ if they shall continue obstinately^ " and xvith habitual malice to proceed against us^'' w4th more to the like effect. :|: Upon such an occasion, the interference of government became necessary. The government did indeed interfere, and by a vote of council, ordered, that whoever owned, or refused to disown, the Declaration on oath, should be put to death, in the presence of two witnesses, though un- Massacre of armed when taken. The execution of this massacre. Fanatics. j^^ ^^^ twelve counties v/hich were principally con- cerned, was committed to the military, and exceeded, if possible, the order itself. The disowning the De- claration was required to be in a particular form pre- scribed. Women, obstinate in their fanaticism, lest female blood should be a stain upon the swords of sol- * Burnet 140. f Woodrow, II. 447. 449. % Ibid. Apend. J OF JAMES THE SECOND 87 diers engaged in this honourable employment, were CHAP. ll. drowned. The habitations, as well of those who had i685. fled to save themselves, as of those who suffered, were burnt and destroyed. Such members of the fa- milies of the delinquents as were above twelve years old, were imprisoned for the purpose of being after- wards transported. The brutality of the soldiers was such as might be expected from an army let loose from all restraint, and employed to execute the royal justice, as it was called, upon wretches. Graham, who has been mentioned before, and who, under the title of iord Dundee, a title which was probably confer- red upon him by James for these or similar services, was afterwards esteemed such a hero among the Ja- cobite party, pazticularly distinguished himself. Of six unarmed fugitives whom he seized, he caused four to be shot in his presence, nor did the remaining two experience any other mercy from him than a de- lay of their doom ; and at another time, having in- tercepted the flight of one of these victims, he had him shown to his family, and then murdered in the arms of his wife ! The example of persons of such high rank, and who must be presumed to have had an education in some degi-ee correspondent to their station, could not fail of operating upon men of a low- er order in society. The carnage became every day more general and more indiscriminate ; and the mur- der of peasants in their houses, or while employed at their usual work in the fields, by the soldiers, was not only not reproved or punished, but deemed a me- ritorious service by their superiors.* The demise of King Charles, which happened about this time, cau- sed no suspension or relaxation in these proceedings, which seenjed to l;iave been the crowning measure, as * Burnet. Woodrow. Laing', S8 HISTORY OF THE REIGN CHAP. n. it were, or finishing stroke, of that system, for the 1685. steady perseverance in which, James so much admi- red the resolution of his brother. Obscrva- j^- ]^^^ b^-gi^ iudffed necessary to detail these trans- tions. . . 1-1 actions, m a manner which may, to some readers, ap- pear an impertinent digression from the narrative in which this history is at present engaged, in order to set in a clearer light, some points of the greatest im- portance. In the first place, from the summary re- view of the affairs of Scotland, and from the compla- cency with which James looks back to his own share of them, joined to the general approbation he expres- sed of the conduct of the government in that king- dom, we may form a pretty just notion, as well of his maxims of policy, as of his temper and disposition, in matters where his bigotry to the Roman Catholic On the dis- religion had no share. For it is to be observed, and Jame"" " carefully kept in mind, that the church, of which he not only recommends the support, but which he show- ed himself ready to maintain, by the most violent means, is the Episcopalian church of the Protestants ; that the test which he enforced at the point of the bayonet was a Protestant test, so much so indeed, that he himself covild not take it ; and that the more marked character of the conventicles, the objects of his persecution, was hot so much that of heretics ex- communicated by the Pope, as of dissenters from the church of England, and irreconcileable enemies to the Protestant Liturgy and the Protestant Episcopacy. But he judged the church of England to be a most fit instrument for rendering the monarchy absolute. On the other hand, the Presbyterians were thought na- turally hostile to the principles of passive obedience, and to one or other, or with more probability, to both, of these considerations, joined to the natural » violence of his temper, is to be referred the wliole of his con- UF JAMES THK SK(JONU ^9 duct, in this part of his life, which in this view, is ra- cllAP. ir. tional enough ; but on the supposition of his having i685. conceived thus early, the intention of introducing Po- pery upon the ruins of the church of England, is wholly unaccountable, and no less absurd, than if a general were to put himself to great cost and pains to furnish with ammunition, and to strengthen with for- tifications, a place of which he was actually meditat- ing the attack. The next important observation that occurs, and to On tlie pri- which even thev who are most determined to believe "j.'^^ ("ject that this Prince had always Popery in view, and held vernmcnt eveiy other consideration as subordinate to that pri-> mary object, must nevertheless subscribe, is, that the most confidential advisers, as well as the most furious supporters, of the measures we have related, were not Roman Catholics. Lauderdale and Queensberry were both Protestants^ There is no reasbn, there- fore, to impute any of James's violence afterwards to the suggestions of his Catholic advisers, since he who had been engaged in the series of measures above re- lated, with Protestant counsellors and coadjutors, had surely nothing to learn from Papists, (whether priests, Jesuits, or others,) in the science of tyranny. Lastly^ On the state from this accoimt we are enabled to form some notion ° ' '^o^ ^ of the state of Scotland, at a time when the parlia- ment of that kingdom was called to set an example for this, and we find it to have been a state of more absolute slavery that at that time subsisted in any part of Christendom. The affairs of Scotland being in the state which frocccding-.'^ we have described, it is no wonder that the King's p^uluament * letter was received with acclamations of applause, and April ^?P.. # that the parliament opened, not only with approbation of the government, but even with an enthusiastic zeal, to signalize their' l(n-altv, as Avell bv a perfect acquis M 1685. 90 HISTORY OF THE REIGN CHAP. II. escence to the King's demands, as by the most ful- some expressions of adulation. " What Prince in Eu- " 7-ope^ or in the whole ivorld^'' said the Chancellor Perth, " -(joas ever like the late King^ except his present *' Majesty^ -who had undergone every trial of prospe ■ " rity and adversity^ and whose vnxvearied clemency '•'■ was not among the least conspicnons of his virtues ? "• To advance his honour and greatiiess^ was the duty " of all his subjects^ and ought to be the endeavour of " their lives xvithoiit reserve,''^ The Parliament voted an address, scarcely less adulatory than the Chancel- lor's speech. '■'• May it please your Sacred Majesty, " Your Majesty's gracious and kind remembrance *' of the services done by this, your ancient kingdom, " to the late King your brother, of ever glorious me- " mory, shall rather raise in us ardent desires to ex- " ceed whatever we have done formerly, than make " us consider them as deserving the esteem your Ma- *' jesty is pleased to express of them in your Letter " to us, dated the twenty-eighth of March. The " death of that our excellent Monarch is lamented by " us to all the degrees of grief that are consistent *' with our great joy for the succession of your Sacred " Majesty, who has not only continued, but secured *' the happiness, which his wisdom, his justice, and " clemency procmxd to us : and having the honour *■' to be the first Parliament which meets by yoiu- *•*• Royal Authority, of which we are very sensible, " your Majesty may be confident, that we will offer " such laws as may best secure your Majesty's sacred " person, the royal family, and government, and be so " exemplary loyal, as to raise your honour and great- " ness to the utmost of our power, which we shall '•' ever esteem both our duty and interest. Nor shall OF JAMES THE SECOND 91 ** we leave any thing undone for extirpating all fana- CHAP. n. " ticism, but especially those fanatical murthercrs and ^[^ " assassins, and for detecting and punishing the late " conspirators, whose pernicious and execi-able designs •■' did so much tend to subvert your Majesty's go- '*■ vernment, and ruin us and all your Majesty's faith- *' ful subjects. We can assure your Majesty, that " the subjects of this your Majesty's ancient kingdom '' are so desirous to exceed all their predecessors in ^' extraordinary marks of affection and obedience to *•" your Majesty, that (God be praised,) the only way " to be popidar with us, is to be eminently loyal. "' Your Majesty's care of us, when you took us to be *■' your special charge, your wisdom in extinguishing •■' the seeds of rebellion and faction amongst us, your '■' justice, which was so great, as to be for ever ex- '' emplary, but above all, your Majesty's free and '' cheerful securing to us our religion, when you were " the late King's, your Royal Brother's Commissioner, " now again renewed, when you are our Sovereign, '■' are what your subjects here can never forget, and '' therefore your Majesty may expect that we will '' think your commands sacred as your person, and "•' that your inclination will prevent our debates ; nor "' did ever any who represented our Monarchs as "' their Commissioners, (except your royal self,) meet *■' with greater respect, or more exact observance " from a Parliament, than the Duke of Queensberiy, '•' (whom your Majesty has so wisely chosen to rc- " present you in this, and of whose eminent loyalt}^, '•'■ and great abilities in all his former employments, *•' this nation hath seen so many proofs,) shall find '•' from " May it please your Sacred Majest)^, "• your Majest}''s most humble, most faithful, and "' most obedient subjects and servants, " PERTH, Cancell'^ t*i HISTORY OF THE REIGN CHAP. II. 1685. Its tyi'anni- cal acts. Nor was this spirit of loyalty, (as it was then cal- led,) of abject slavery, and unmanly subservience to the will of a despot, as it has been justly denominated by the more impartial judgment of posterity, confined to words only. Acts were passed to ratify all the late judgments, however illegal or iniquitous, to in- demnify the privy council, judges, and all officers of the Crown, civil or military, for all the violences they had committed ; to authorize the privy council to impose the test vipon all ranks of people under such penalties as that board might think fit to impose ; to extend the punishment of death, which had formerly attached upon the preachers at field conventicles on- ly, to all their auditors, and likewise to the preachers at house conventicles ; to subject to the penalties of treason, all persons who should give, or take the co- venant, or write in defence thereof, or in any other way own it to be obligatory; and lastly, in a strain of tyranny, for which there was, it is believed, no precedent, and which certainly has never been sur- passed, to enact, that all such persons as, being cited in cases of high treason, field or house conventicles, or church irregularites, should refuse to give testi- mony, should be liable to the punishment due by law to the criminals against whon-j they refused to be witnesses. It is true that an act was also passed, for confir;ning all former statutes in favour of the Protestant religion as then established, in their whole strength and tenor, as if they were particularly set down and expressed in the said act ; but when we recollect the notions which Queensberry at that tinu entertained of the King's views, this proceeding- forms no exception to the general system of servilit) which characterized both ministers and parliament. All niatters in relation to revenue were of course settled in the manner most agreeable to his Mut OF JAMES THE SFjCOND. #3 jesty*s wishes, and the recommendation of his Com- cilAiv ii. missioner. 1685. While the legislature was doing its part, the execu- Cruelty of , , . 1 , , . . ^, (Jovcrnmcnt. live government was not behmd hand m pursumg the system which had been so much commended. A re- fusal to abjure the Declaration in the terms prescrib- ed, was everywhere considered as sufficient cause for immediate execution. In one part of the country, information having been received, that a corpse had been clandestinely buried, an enquiry took place : it was dug up, and found to be that of a person pro- scribed. Those who had interred him, were suspected not of having murdered, but of having harboured him. For this crime, their house was desti^oyed ; and the women and children of the family Ueing driven out to wander as vagabonds, a young man belonging to it was executed by the order of Johnston of Wes- teiraw. Against this murder even Graham himself is said to have remonstrated, but was content with protesting, that the blood was not upon his head ; and not being able to persuade a Highland officer to exe- cute the order of Johnston, ordered his own men to shoot the unhappy victim.* In another county, three females, one of sixty-three yearsof age, one of eighteen, and one of twelve, were charged with rebellion ; and refusing to abjure the Declaration, were sentenced to be drowned. The last was let off, upon condition of her father's giving a bond for a hundred pounds. The elderly woman, who is represented as a person of eminent piet}', bore her fate with the greatest con- stancy, nor does it appear that her death excited any strong sensations in the minds of her savage execu- tioners. The girl of eighteen was more pitied ; and after many entreaties, and having been once under *' Woodrow, ir. HOT 94 HISTORY OF THE REI6N CHAP. U 1685. Kng-lish Par liament. .May 15. water, was prevailed upon to utter some words, which might be fairly construed into blessing the King, a mode of obtaining pardon not unfrequent in cases where the persecutors were inclined to relent. Upon this it was thought she was safe ; but the merciless barbarian who superintended this dreadful business, was not satisfied, and upon her refusing the abjuration, she was again plunged into the water, where she ex- pired.* It is to be remarked, that being at Bothwell Bridge and Air's-moss were among the crimes stated in the indictment of all three, though, when the last of these affairs happened, one of the girls was only thirteen, and the other not eight years of age. At the lime of the Bothwell Bridge business, they were still younger. To recite all the instances of cruelty which occurred. Would be endless ; but it may be necessary to remark, that no historical facts are better ascer- tained than the accounts of them which are to be found in Woodrow. In every instance wliere there has been an opportunity of comparing these accounts with re- cords, and other authentic monuments, they appear to be quite correct. The Scottish Parliament having thus set, as they had been required to do, an eminent example of what was then thought duty to the Crown, the King met his English Parliament, on the 19th of May, 1685, and opened it with the following speech: " My Lords and Gentlemen, " After it pleased Almighty God, to take to his *•' mercy the late King my dearest brother, and to " bring me to the peaceable possession of the throne " of my ancestors, I immediatelv resolved to call a ■•' Parliament, as the best means to settle every thing WoodroM-, II. 506. «)F J VMKS I'HE SKCONU. 95 " upon* those foundations, as may make my reign both CIIAP. U. '' easy a)id happy to you ; towards which, I am dis- TfiiJ " posed to contribute all that is fit lor mc to do. " What I said to my Privy Council, at my first " coming there, I am desirous to renew to you ; where- " in I fully declare my opinion concerning the princi- " pics of the Cliurch of England, whose members have " showed themselves so eminently loyal in the worst " of times, in defence of my father, and support of ''■ my brother, (of blessed memor}',) that I will alwaj's " take care to defend and support it. I will make it " my endeavour to preser\-e this government, both in " church and state, as it is by law established : And '-' as I will never depart from the just rights and pre- '' rogatives of the Crown, so I will never invade any " man's propert}' ; and you may be sure, that having '" heretofore ventured my life in the defence of this " nation, I will still go as far as any man in preserv- " ing it in all its just rights and liberties. " And having given this assurance concerning the '' care I will have of your religion and property, whicli " I have chose to do, in the same words which I used " at my first coming to the Crown, the better to evi- *' dence to you, that I spoke them not by chance, and " consequent!}-, that you may firmly rely upon a pro- " mise so solemnly made ; I cannot doubt that I shall " fail of suitable returns from you, with all imaginable *' dut}- and kindness on your part, and particularly to " what relates to the settling of my revenue, and con- " tinning it, during my life, as it was in the lifetime " of my brother. I might use many argmnents to " enforce this demand, for the benefit of trade, the " support of the navy, the necessity of the Crown, and " the well being of the government itself, v^iich I " must not suffer to be precarious. But I am confi- " dent, your own consideration of what is just and 96 HISTORY OF THE REIGK CHAP. II. " reasonable, will suggest to you whatsoever might ht 1685. " enlarged upon this occasion. " There is one popular argument, which, I foresee, " may be used against what I ask of you, from the " inclination men have for frequent parliaments: " which some may think would be the best security, " by feeding me from time to time, by such propor- *"' tions as they shall think convenient : And this ar- " gument, it being the first time I speak to you from " the Throne, I will answer once for all, that this " would be a very improper method to take with me ; " and that the best way to engage me to meet you " often, is always to use me well. " I expect therefore, that you will comply with me " in what I have desired, and that you will do it speedi- " ly ; that it may be a short session, and that we may " meet again to all our satisfactions." My Lords and Gentlemen, " I must acquaint you, that I have had news this " morning from Scotland, that Argyle is landed in the " West Highlands, with the men he brought with him " from Holland: That there are two Declarations " published ; one in the name of all those in ai-ms, the " other in his own. It would be too long for me to " repeat the substance of them ; it is sufficient to tell " you, I am charged with usurpation and tyrannv. " The shorter of them I have directed to be forthwitJi " communicated to you. " I will take the best care I can, that this declara- " tion of their own faction and rebellion may meet with " the reward it deserves: and I will not doubt but " you will be the more zealous to support the govern- " ment, and give me my revenue as I have desired it, ^' without delav." OF JAMES THK SECONI?. 97 The repetition of the words made use of in his first CHAP. il. speech to the privy council, shows, that in the opinion 1685. of the Court at least, they had been well chosen, and The King's had answered their purpose ; and even the haughty ^mhicd.^*" language which was added, and was little less than a menace to parliament, if it should not comply with his wishes, was not, as it appears, unplcasing to the party which at diat time prevailed, since the revenue enjoy- ed by his predecessor, was unanimously, and almost immediately, voted to him for life. It was not re- marked, in public at least, that the King's threat of governing without parliament, was an unequivpcal ma- nifestation of his contempt of the law of the countrj-, so distinctly established, though so ineffectually secur- ed, by the statute of the 16th of Charles the Second, for holding triennial parliaments. It is said. Lord Keeper Guildford had prepared a different speech for his Majesty, but that this was preferred, as being the King's own words ;* and, indeed, that part of it, in which he says that he must ansAver once for all, that the Commons' giving such proportions as they might think convenient, would be a very improper way with him, bears, as well as some others, the most evident marks of its royal origin. It is to be observed, how- ever, that in arguing for his demand, as he styles it, of revenue, he says, not that the parliament ought not, l)ut that he must not suffer the well-being of the go- vernment depending upon such revenue, to be precari- ous ; whence it is evident, that he intended to have it understood, that, if the parliament did not grant, he purposed to levy a revenue without their consent. It is impossible that any degree of party spirit should so have blinded men, as to prevent them from perceiving, in this speech, a determination on the part of the * I.iFe of Lord Keeper North. Kalpli N 98 illS lOKY UF 1 Hti ItEIGN' 1685. CHAP. ir. King, to conduct his government upon the principles of absohite monarchy, and to those who were not so possessed with the love of royalty, which creates a kind of passionate affection for whoever happens to be the wearer of the Crown, the vindictive manner in which he speaks of Argyle's invasion, might aiford sufficient evidence of the temper, in which his power would be administered^ In that part of his speech he first betrays his personal feelings towards the unfortu- nate nobleman, whom, in his brother's reign, he had so cruelly and treacherously oppressed, by dwelling upon , his being charged by Argyle with tyranny and usurpa- tion, and then declares, that he will take the best care, not according to the usual phrases, to protect the loyal and well disposed, and to restore tranquillity, but that the Declaration of the factious and rebellious may meet with the re-^vard it deserves ; thus marking out revenge and punishment as the consequences of victory, upon which he was most intent. It is impossible, that in a house of Commons, how- ever composed, there should not have been many members who disapproved the principles of govern- ment announced in the speech, and who were justly alarmed at the temper in which it was conceived. But these, overpowered by numbers, and perhaps afraid of the imputation of being concerned in plots and insurrections, (an imputation which, if they had shown any spirit of liberty, would most infallibly have been thrown on them,) declined ejcpi-essing their sen- timents; and, in the short session which followed, there was an almost uninterrupted unanimity in grant- ing every demand, and acquiescing in every wish of the Government. The revenue was graiited, without any notice being taken of the illegal manner in which the King had levied it upon his own authority. Ar- gyle was stigmatized as a traitor, nor was any desire Proceeding'^ of Parlia- ment. OF JAMES THR SECOND. 99 expressed to examine his Declarations, one of which chap. il. seemed to be purposely withheld from parliament. 1535 Upon the communication of the Duke of Monmouth's landing in the West, that nobleman was immediately attainted by Bill. The King's assurance was recog- nized as a sufficient security for the national religion ; and the liberty of the press was destroyed by the re- vival of the statute of the 13th and 14th of Charles the Second. This last circumstance, important as it is, does not seem to have excited much attention at the time, which, considering the general principles then in fashion, is not surprising. That it should have been scarcely noticed by any historian, is more wonderful. It is true, however, that the terror inspired by the late prosecutions for libels, and the violent conduct of the courts upon such occasions, rendered a formal de- struction of the liberty of the press a matter of less importance. So little does the magistracy, when it is inclined to act txTannically, stand in need of tyranni- cal laws to effect its purpose. The bare silence and acquiescence of the legislature is, in such a case, fully sufficient to annihilate, practicallv spe^.'king, every right and liberty of the subject. As the grant of revenue was unanimous, so there Misrcpre- does not appear to have been any thing which can ^j" Hume'.s. justly be styled a debate upon it : though Hume em- ploys several pages in giving the arguments M^hich, he affinns, were actually made use of, and, as he gives us to understand, in the House of Commons, for and against the question ; arguments v.'hich, on both sides, seem to imply a considerable love of freedom, and jealousy of royal power, and arc not whollv unmixed even with some sentiments disrespectful to the King. Now I cannot find, either from tradition, or from .contemporary writers, any gi-ound to think, th:it, "ither the reasons which Hume has adduced, or indeed any 100 HISTORY OF THE REIGN CHAP. II. 1685. Mr. Sey- mour's the only speech in opposi- tion Other, were urged in opposition to the grant. 1 he only speech made upon the occasion, seems to have been that of Mr. (afterwards Sir Edward,) Seymour, who, though of the Tory party, a strenuous opposer of the Exclusion Bill, and in general, supposed to have been an approver, if not an adviser, of the tyran- nical measures of the late reign, has the merit of hav- ing stood forward singly, to remind the House of what they oAved to themselves and their constituents. He did not, however, directly oppose the grant, but stated, that the elections had been carried on under so much court influence, and in other respects so illegally, that it was the duty of the House first to ascertain, who were the legal members, before they proceeded to other business of importance ? After having pressed this point, he observed, that, if ever it were necessary to adopt such an order of proceeding, it was more pe- culiarly so now, when the laws and religion of the na- tion were in evident peril ; that the aversion of the English people to Popery, and their attachment to the laws, were such, as to secure these blessings from destruction by any other instrumentality than that of parliament itself, which, however, might be easily ac- complished, if there were once a parliament entirely dependant upon the persons who might harbour such designs ; that it was already rumoured that the Test, and Habeas Corpus Acts, the two bulwarks of our re- ligion and liberties, w ere to be repealed ; that what he stated was so notorious as to need no proof. Having descanted with force and ability upon these, and other topics of a similar tendency, he urged his conclusion, that the question of royal revenue ought not to be the first business of the parliament.* Whedier, as Burnet * Barillon's Dispatches, June 2c1, and 4tli, Appendix. Bur- net, II. 322. OF JAMES THK SECOND 101 thinks, because he was too proud to make any previ- c;HAP. n. ous communication of his intentions, or that the strain iq^^ of his argument was judged to be too bold for the times, this speech, whatever secret approbation it might excite, did not receive from any quarter either applause or support. Under those circumstances it was not thought necessary to answer him, and the grant was voted unanimously, without further discussion. As Barillon, in the relation of parliamentary pro- ceedings, transmitted by him to his Court, in which he appears at this time to have been very exact, gives the same description of Seymour's speech and its ef- fects, with Burnet, there can be little doubt but their account is correct. It will be found as well in this, as in many other instances, that an unfortunate inat- tention on the part of the reverend historian, to forms, has made his veracity unjustly called in question. He speaks of Seymour's speech as if it had been a motion in the technical sense of the word, for enquiring into the elections, which had no effect. Now no traces remaining of such a motion, and, on the other hand, the elections having been at a subsequent period in- quired into, Ralph almost pronounces the whole ac- count to be erroneous ; whereas the only mistake con- sists in giving the name of motion to a suggestion, upon the question of a grant. It is whimsical enough, that it should be from the account of the French am- bassador, that we are enabled to reconcile to the re- cords, and to the fonns of the English House of Commons, a relation made by a distinguished mem- ber of the English House of Lords. Sir John Reres- by does indeed say, that among the gentlemen of the House of Commons whom he accidental!}- met, they in general seemed willing to settle a handsome reve- nue upon the King, and to give him money ; but whether their grant should be permanent, or only 102 HISTORY OF THE REIGN CHAP. II. temporary, and to be renewed from time to time by 1585, parliament, that the nation might be often consulted, was the question.* But besides the looseness of the expression, which may only mean that the point was questionable, it is to be observed, that he does not re- late any of the arguments which were brought for- ward, even in the private conversations to which he refers ; and when he afterwards gives an account of what passed in the House of Commons, (where he was present,) he does not hint at any debate having taken place, but rather implies the contrar}^ This misrepresentation of Mr. Hume's is of no femall importance, inasmuch as, by intimating that such a question could be debated at all, and much more, that it was debated with the enlightened views, and bold topics of argument with which his genius has supplied him, he gives us a veiy false notion of the character of the parliament, and of the times which he is describing. It is not improbable, that if the argu- ments had been used, which this historian supposes, the utterer of them would have been expelled, or sent to the Tower ; and it is certain, that he would not have been heard with any degree of attention, or even patience. \otes con- Xhe unanimous vote for trusting the safety of reli- cermng reli- . i t-- ■» -r-» i • i • i i gion. gion to the Kmg s Declaration, passen not without ob- servation ; the rights of the ciiurch of England being the only point upon which, at this time, the parliament were in any degree jealous of the roval poAver. The committee of religion had voted unanimously, " That " it is the opinion of the committee, that this House " will. stand by his Majestv with their lives and for- " tunes, according to their bounden duty and allegi- - ^' ance, in defence of the reformed Church of Eng- * Rcrcsbv's Memoirs, 192. OF JAMES THE SECOND. 103 " laiid, as it is now by law established ; and that an CHAI' ii. " humble address be presented to his Majesty, to i^ *' desire him to issue forth his Royal Proclamation, " to cause the penal laws to be put in execution a- " gainst all dissenters from the Church of England " whatsoever." But ui)on the report of the House, the question of agreeing with the committee was evaded by a previous question, and the House, with equal unanimit}- resolved, " That this House doth " acquiesce, and entirely rely, and rest wholly satisfi- " ed, on his Majesty's gracious word, and repeated " declaration to support and defend the religion of " the Church of England, as it is now by law estab- " lished, which is deai-er to us than our lives." Mr. Echard and Bishop Kennet, two writers of differ- ent principles, but both churchmen, assign, as the motive of this vote, the unwillingness of the party then prevalent in parliament, to adopt severe mea- sures against the Protestant dissenters ; but in this notion they are by no means supported by the ac- count, imperfect as it is, which Sir John Reresby ' gives of the debate ; for he makes no mention of tenderness towards dissenters, but states, as the chief argument against agreeing with the committee, that it might excite a jealous}- of the King ;* and Baril- lon expressly says, that the first vote gave great offence to the King, still more to the Queen, and that orders were, in consequence, issued to the court n\embers of the Plouse of Commons, to devise some means to get rid of it.f Indeed, the general circumstances of the times are decisive against the hypothesis of the two reverend historians ; nor is it, as far as I know, adopt- ed by any other historians. The probability seems to • Echard. Kennet, 44-1. Reresby, 198 t Vid<; Bs-rillon's letter. Appendix 104 HISTORY OF THE REIGN CHAP. n. be, that the motion in the committee had been origi" 1685. nally suggested by some Whig member, who could not, with prudence, speak his real sentiments openly, i and who thought to embarrass the government, by touching upon a matter, where the union between the church party and the King, would be put to the seve- rest test. The zeal of the Tories for persecution, made them at first give into the snare ; but when, upon reflection, it occurred, that the involving of the Catho- lics in one common danger with the Protestant dis- senters, must be displeasing to the king, they drew back without delay, and passed the most comprehen- sive vote of confidence, which James could desire.* Bill for the Further to manifest their servility to the King, as of'the K^'ne" ^^^^^ ^^ their hostility to every principle, that could by peraou. implication be supposed to be connected with Mon- mouth or his cause, the House of Commons passed a Bill for the Preservation of his Majesty's Person, in which, after enacting that a written or verbal declara- tion of a treasonable intention, should be tantamount to a treasonable act, they inserted two remarkable clauses, by one of which, to assert the legitimaci/ of MonmoutJi's birth — by the other, to propose in par- liament am/ alteration in the succession of the crorvn^ were made likewise high treason. We learn from Burnet,f that the first part of this bill was strenuous!) '* A most curious instraice of the circuitous mode, and deep de- vices to which the Whigs, if they wished at this time to oppose the court, were obliged to resort, is a scheme which seems to have been seriously entertained by them, of moving to disqualify from office all persons who hnd voted for the exclusion. Disqua- lification from oiBces, whicli they had no means of obtaining, was to tliem of no importance, and by obliging tlic King to removv Godolphin, and more especially Sunderland, tliey might put the court to considerable difficulties. Vide Appendix. I Ralph unjustly accuses Burnet of inaccuracy on this occasion, and asserts, " Thatimfortunately for us, or this Riglit Ucverend OP JAMES THE SECOND. 105 and warmly debated, aiid that it was chiefly ojjposed CHAP. II. by Serjeant Majnard, whose arguments made some i685 impression even at that time ; but whether the Ser- jeant was supported in his opposition, as the word ch'iejiij would lead us to imagine, or if supported, by whom, that historian docs not mention ; and unfortu- nately, neither of iMa\niard's speech itself, nor indeed of any opposition whatever to the bill, is there any other trace to be found. The crj-ing injustice of the clause, M-hich subjected a man to the pains of treason, merely for delivering his opinion upon a controverted fact, though he should do no act in consequence of such opinion, was not, as far as we are informed, ob- jected to, or at all noticed, unless indeed the speech above alluded to, in which the speaker is said to have " author, there is not the least trace of any such bill to be found " in any of the accounts of tliis parliament extant ; and therefore " we ai"e under a necessity to suppose, that if any such clause " was offered, it was by way of supplement to the bill for the prc- *' serration of his Majesty's person and government, which, no *' doubt, was strict enoug'h, and which passed the House of Com- " mons while Monmouth was in arms, just before the adjourn- " ment, but never reached the Lords." II. 911. Now the enact- ment to which the Bishop alludes, was not, as Ralph supposes, :i supplement to the bill for tlie preservation of his Majesty'.? person, but made part of the very first clause of it ; and the only inaccuracy, if indeed it d£serves that name, of which Burnet is ijuilty, is that of calling the bill what it really was, a bill for De- claring Treasons, and not giving it its formal title of a Bill for the Preservation of his ^Majesty's I'erson, Sec. The bill is fortu- nately preserved among the papers of the House of Commons, and as it is not, as far as I know, any where in print, I have sub^ joined it in my Appendix. Perhaps some persons might think it more discreet, to leave such a production in obscurity, lest it should ever be made use of as a precedent ; but whoever peruse.* with attention some of our modern statutes, will perceive, that though not adduced as a precedent, on account, perhaps, of the / inauspicious reign in which it made its appearance, it has butttn:- often been used as a modei. f-o , 106 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1685. Solicitude for the Church of England. CHAP. II. descanted upon the general danger of making words treasonable, be supposed to have been applied to this clause, as well as to the former part of the bill. That the other clause should have passed without opposi- tion, or even observation, must appear still more ex- traordinary, when we advert, not only to the nature of the clause itself, but to the circumstances of there be- ing actually in the House, no inconsiderable number of members who had, in the former reign, repeatedly voted for the Exclusion Bill. It is worthy of notice, however, that, while every principle of criminal jurisprudence, and every regard to the fundamental rights of the deliberative assem- blies, which make part of the legislature of the na- tion, were thus shamelessly sacrificed to the eager- ness which, at this disgraceful period, so generally prevailed, of manifesting loyalty, or rather abject ser- vility to the Sovereign, there still remained no small degree of tenderness for the interests and safety of the Church of England, and a sentiment approaching to jealousy upon any matter which might endanger, even by the most remote consequences, or put any restriction upon her ministers. With this view, as one part of the bill did not relate to treasons onl}-, but imposed new penalties upon such as should by writing, printing, preaching, or other speaking, at- tempt to bring the King or his government into ha- tred or contempt, there was a special proviso added, '■'■ that the asserting, and maintaining by any writing, " printing, preaching, or any other speaking, the doc- *' trine, discipline, divine worship, or government of " the Church of England as it now is by law esta- " blished, against Popery or any other different or " dissenting opinions, is not intended, and shall not '* be interpreted, or construed to be any offence within OF JAMES THE SECOND. 107 ** the words or meaning of this act."* It cannot CHAP. IT. escape the reader, that only such attacks upon Poperj' i685. as were made in favour of the doctrine and discipline of the church of England, and no other, were pro- tected by this proviso, and consequently that, if there Avere any real occasion for such a guard, all Protes- tant dissenters who should write or speak against the Roman superstition, were wholly unprotected by it, and remained exposed to the danger, whatever it might be, from Avhich the church was so anxious to exempt her supporters. .This Bill passed the House of Commons, and was 'I'he Bill sent up to the House of Lords on the 30th of June, g^jj It was read a first time on that day, but the adjourn- ment of both houses taking place on the 2d of July, it could not make any further progress at that time ; and when the parliament met afterwards in autumn, there was no longer that passionate affection for the monarch, nor consequently that ardent zeal for servi' tude, which were necessar)'' to make a law with such clauses and provisos, palatable or even endurable. It is not to be considered as an exception to the general complaisance of Parliament, that the Speaker, when he presented the Revenue Bill, made use of some strong expressions, declaring the attachment of the Commons to the national religion. f Such sentiments could not be supposed to be displeasing to James, af- • Vide Bill for tlie Preservation, &c. Appendix. ■f " The Commons of England have here presented your Ma- ♦' jesty witli tlie Hill of Tonnage and I'oundag-c, will all readi- " ness and cheerfulness ; andtliat without any security for their " religion, though it be dearer to them than their livts, reiving " .wholly on your royal word for the security of it ; and humbly " beseech your Majesty to accept this their ofler," &c, Kennet, !I. 427- iG8 HISTORY OF THE REIGN CHAP. II. tcr the assurances he had given of his regard for the church of England. Upon this occasion hiy Majesty made the following speech : 168j Speech on passing- the Revenue BiU. " My Lords and Gentlemen, " I thank you very heartily for the bill you have " presented me this day ; and I assure you, the rea- " diness and cheerfulness that has attended the dis- ^' patch of it, is as acceptable to me as the bill itself. " After so happy a beginning, you may believe I " would not call upon you unnecessarily for an extra-- ^' ordinary supply : but when I tell you, that the ^' stores of the navy and ordnance are extremely ex- '^' |iausted ; that the anticipations upon several branches *' of the revenue are great and burthensome ; that the " debts of the King my brother, to his servants and *' family, are such as deserve compassion ; that the " rebellion in Scotland, without putting more weight " upon it than it really deserves, must oblige me to a *' considerable expense extraordinary ; I am sure, such " considerations will move you to give me an aid to *' provide for those things, wherein the security, the *' ease, and the happiness of my government are so *' much concerned. But above all, I must recom-- ** mend to you the care of the Nav}', the strength and " glory of this nation ; that you will put it into such a " condition, as may make us considered and respected " abroad. I cannot express my concern, upon this " occasion, more suitable to my own thoughts of it, *' than by assuring you, I have a true English heart, " as jealous of the honour of the nation as you can be ; " and I please myself v/ ith the hopes, that, by God's " blessing, and your assistance, I may carry the repu- " tation of it yet higher in the world, than ever it ha.s " been in the time of any of my ancestors ; and as I " will not call upon you for supplies, but >vhen they 1 OF J.WfES THE SECOND. 109 *' are of public use and advantage ; so I promise you, CHAP, ii " that what you give me upon such occasions, shall be 1685. " managed with good husbandry, and I will take care, " it shall be employed to the uses for which I ask " them." Rapin, Hume, and Ralph observe upon this speech, Misreprc- that neither the generosity of the Commons' grant, historians, nor the confidence they expressed upon religious mat- ters, could extort a kind word in favour of their reli- gion. But this observation, whether meant as a re- proach to him for his want of gracious feeling to a generous Parliament, or as an oblique compliment to his sincerity, has no force in it. His Majesty's speech was spoken immec^iately upon passing the bills which the Speaker presented, and he could not therefore take notice of the Speaker's words, unless he had spoken extempore j for the custom is not, nor I believe ever was, for the Speaker to give, beforehand, copies oi addresses of this nature, James would not certainly have scrupled to repeat the assurances which he had so lately made in favour of the Protestant religion, as he did not scruple to talk of his true English heart, honour of the nation, &c. at a time when he was en- gaged with France ; but the speech was prepared for an answer to a money bill, not for a question of the Protestant religion and church, and the false profes- sions in it are adapted to what was supposed to be the only subject of it. The only matter in which the King's views were in Reversal ot any degree thwarted, was the reversal of Lord Staf- tainderre-^* ford's attainder, which, having passed the House of jectcd, Lords, not without opposition, was lost in the House of Commons ; a strong proof that the Popish plot was still the subject upon which the opposers of the Court had most credit with the public. Mr. Hume, not- withstanding his just indignation at the condemnation 110 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1685. CHAP. II. of Stafford, and his general inclination to approve of royal politics, most unaccountably justifies the Com- mons in their rejection of this bill, upon the principle of its being impolitic at that time to grant so full a justification of the Catholics, and to throw so foul an imputation upon the Protestants. Surely if there be one moral duty that is binding upon men in all times, places, and circumstances, and from which no sup- posed views of policy can excuse them, it is that of gi-anting a full justification to the innocent; and such Mr. Hume considers the Catholics, and especially Lord Stafford, to have been. The only rational way of ac- counting for this solitary instance of non-compliance on the part of the Commons, is eiiiier to suppose that they still believed in the reality of the Popish plot, and Stafford's guilt, or that the church party, which was uppermost, had such an antipathy to Popery, as indeed to every sect, whose tenets differed from theirs, that they deemed every thing lawful against its professors. On the 2d of July, parliament was adjourned for the purpose of enabling the principal gentlemen to be present in their respective counties, at a time when their services and influence might be so necessary to government. It is said that the House of Commons consisted of members so devoted to James, that he declared there was not forty in it, whom he would not himself have named. But although this may have been true, and though from the new-modelling of the corporations, and the interference of the court in elec- tions, this Parliament, as far as regards the manner of its being chosen, was by no means a fair representa- tive of the legal electors of England, yet there is rea- son to think that it afforded a tolerably correct sample of the disposition of the nation, and especially of the church part)', which was then uppermost. Parliament adjourned. OF JAMES THE SECOND. 11 J The general character of the party at this time ap- CHAF. ii. pears to have been a high notion of the King's consti- i685. tutional power, to which was superadded, a kind of Cliaractcr of rehgious abhorrence of all resistance to the Monarch, pj^fty not only in cases where such resistance was directed against the lawful prerogative, but even in opposition to encroachments, which the Monarch might make beyond the extended limits which they assigned to his prerogative. But these tenets, and still more, the principle of conduct nattirally resulting from tliem, were confined to the civil, as contradistinguished from the ecclesiastical, polity of the country. In church matters, they neither acknowledged any very high au- thority in the Crown, nor were they willing to submit to any royal encroachment on that side ; and a steady attachment to the Church of England, wuth a pi-opor- tionable avei-sion to all dissenters from it, whether Catholic or Protestant, was almost universally preva- lent among them. A due consideration of these dis- tinct features in the character of a party so powerful in Charles's and James's time, and even when it was lowest, (that is, during the reigns of the two first Princes of the House of Brunswick,) by no means in- considerable, is exceedingly necessary to the right un- derstanding of English History. It affords a clue to many passages otherwise unintelligible. For want of a proper attention to this circumstance, some histo- rians have considered the conduct of the Tories in^ promoting the Revolution, as an instance of great in- consistency. Some have supposed, contrary to the clearest evidence, that their notions of passive obedi- ence, even in civil matters, were limited, and that their support of the government of Charles and James, was founded upon a belief, that those Princes would never abuse their prerogative for the purpose of introducing arbitrary sway. But this hypothesis is contrary to thp 112 HISTORY OF THE REIGN CHAP. II. evidence both of their declaration and their conduct. 1685. Obedience without reserve, an abhorrence of all resist- ance, as contrary to the tenets of their religion, are the principles which they professed in their addresses, their sermons, and their decrees at Oxford ; and surely nothing short of such principles, could make men esteem the latter years of Charles the Second, and the opening of the reig-n of his successor, an aera of national happiness, and exemplary government. Yet this is the representation of that period, which is usually made by historians, and other writers of the church party. " Never were fairer promises on one " side, nor greater generosity on the other," says Mr. Echard. " The King had as yet, in no instance, in- " vaded the rights of his subjects," says the author of the Caveat against the Whigs. Thus, as long as James contented himself with absolute power in civil matters, and did not make use of his authority against the church, every thing went smooth and easy ; nor is it necessary, in order to account for the satisfaction of ihe parliament and people, to have recourse to any implied compromise, by which the nation was willing to yield its civil liberties as the price of retaining its religious constitution. The truth seems to be, that the King, in asserting his unlimited power, rather fell in with the humour of the prevailing party, than offered any violence to it. Absolute power in civil matters, under the specious names of monarchy and preroga- tive, formed a most essential part of the Tory creed ; but the order in which Church and King are placed in the favourite device of the party, is not accidental, and is well calculated to show the genuine principles of such among them as are not corrupted by influence. Accordingly, as the sequel of this reign will abun- dantly show, when they found themselves compelled to make an option, they preferred, without any degree Of J A MES THE SECOND. 1 1 J of inconsistency, their first idol to their second, and CHAP. II. when thcv could not preser\e both church and King, 1685. declared for the former. It gives certainly no veiy flattering picture of the Situation o\ countr}', to describe it as being in some sense fairly ^^^ "^'' represented by this servile Parliament, and not only acquiescing in, but delighted with, the early measures of James's reign ; the contempt of law exhibited in the arbitrary mode of raising his revenue ; his insult- ing menace to the Parliament, that if they did not use him well, he w ould go\cm without them ; his furious persecution of the Protestant dissenters, and the spirit of despotism which appeared in all his speeches and actions. But it is to be remembered, that these mea- sures were in no wise contrary to the principles or prejudices of the chuixh party, but rather highly agreeable to them ; and that the Whigs, who alone were possessed of any just notions of libert}', were so out-numbered, and discomfited by persecution, that such of them as did not think fit to engage in the rash schemes of Monmouth or Argyle, held it to be their interest to interfere as little as possible in public affairs, and by no means to obtrude upon unwilling hearers, opinions and sentiments, Avhich, ever since the disso- lution of the Oxford Parliament in 1681, had been generally discountenanced, and of which the peaceable, or rather triumphant accession of James to the throne, was supposed to seal the condemnation. CHAP. III. 1685. Earl of Ar- gyll . CHAPTER III. "'Attempts of Argyle and Monmouth Account of their follow - " ers Argyle's Expedition discovered His descent in Ar^ " g^'leshire Dissensions among his followers Loss of his " shippiiig His army dispersed, and himself taken prisoner.... " His behaviour in prison His execution The fate of his fol- " lowers.. ..Rumbold's late declaration examined. ...Monmouth's " Invasion of England His first success and reception His " delays, disappointment and despondency Battle of Sedge- " more He is discovered and taken His Letter to the King •' His interview with James His preparations for death Cir- " cumstances attendmg- his execution His Character." IT is now necessary to give some account of those attempts in Scotland by the Earl of Argyle, and in England by the Duke of Monmouth, of which the King had informed his Parliament in the manner re- cited in the preceding Chapter. The Earl of Argyle was son to the Marquis of Argyle, of whose unjust execution, and the treacherous circvimstances accom- panying it, notice has already been taken. He had, in his youth, been strongly attached to the royal cause, and had refused to lay down his arms, till he had the exiled King's positive orders for that purpose. But the merit of his early services could neither save the life of his father, nor even procure for himself a com- plete restitution of his family honours and estates ; and not long after the restoration, upon an accusation of Leasing- Making, an accusation founded, in this instance, upon a private letter to a fellow-subject, in which he spoke with some freedom of his Majesty's Scottish ministry, he was condemned to death. The sentence was suspended, and finally remitted ; but not till after an imprisonment of twelve months and upwards. In this affair he was much assisted by or JAMES THE SECOND. US ihe friendship of the Duke of Lauderdale, with whom CHAP. III. he ever afterwards Uved upon terms of friendship, i685. though his principles would not permit him to give active assistance to that nobleman in his government of Scotland. Accordingly, we do not during that pe- riod, find Arg}le's name among those who held an)- of those great employments of state, to which, !:>)- his rank and consequence, he was naturally entitled. When James, then Duke of York, was appointed to the Scotch government, it seems to have been the Earl's intention to cultivate his Royal Highness' fa- vour, :md he was a strenuous supporter of the Bill "which condemned all attempts at exclusions, or other alterations in the "succession of the crown. But hav- ing highly offended that Prince, by insisting on the occasion of the Test, that the royal family, when in office, should not be exempted from taking that oath which they imposed upon subjects in like situations ; his Roval Highness ordered a prosecution against him, for the explanation with which he had taken the Test ■oath at the council board, and the Earl was, as we have seen, again condemned to death. From the time of his escape from prison, he resided wholly in foreign / countries, and was looked to as a principal ally by such of the English patriots as had at any time entertained thoughts, whether more or less ripened, of delivering their countiy. James Duke of Monmouth was the eldest of the Duke of late King's natural children. In the early part of his ^^^"'""iitli life, he held the first place in his father's affections ; and even in the height of Charles's displeasure at his political conduct, attentive observers thought they could discern, that the traces of paternal tenderness were by no means eff"aced. Appearing at Court in the iiis cliarac bloom of youth, with a beautiful figure, and engaging ^^^> manners, known to be tlie darling of the Monarch, it p- XIS IIISTOKY UF THE KE1G^ CHAP. IH. itJ no wonder that he was eai-ly assailed by the arts oi' »1685, flattery : and it is rather a proof that he had not the strongest of all minds, than of any extraordinary weakness of character, that he was not proof against them. He had appeared with some distinction in the Flemish campaigns ; and his conduct had been noticed with the approbation of the commanders, as well Dutch as French, under whom he had respectively served. His courage was allowed by all, his person admired, his generosity loved, his sincerity confided in. If his talents were not of the first rate, they were, by no means contemptible; and he possessed in an eminent degree, qualities which, in popular govern- ment, are far more effective than the most splendid talents ; qualities by which he inspired those w ho fol- lowed him, not only with confidence and esteem, but with affection, enthusiasm, and even fondness. Thus and arabi- endowed, it is not surprising that his youthful mind was fired with ambition, or that he should consider the putting of himself at the head of a party, (a situation 'for which he seems to have been peculiarly qualified by so many advantages,) as the means by which he was niost likely to attain his object. His private Many Circumstances contributed to outweigh the motives. scruples which must have harrassed a man of his ex- cellent nature, when he considered the obligations of filial duty and gratitude, and when he reflected, tliat the particular relation in which he stood to the King rendered a conduct, which in anv other subject would have been meritorious, doubtful, if not extremely cul- pable in him. Among these, not the least was the de- clared enmity which subsisted between him and hi.i vnicle, the Duke of York. The Earl of Mu]gra\-e, afterwards Duke of Buckinghamshire, boasted in his Memoirs, that this enmity v/as originally owing to his rontrivances j and v.hile he is relating a conduct, upon I Ol- JAMES THE SECOND. J 1 7 which the only doubt can be, whether the object or cilAlMii. the means were the most infamous, seems to applaud \6H5. himself, as if he had atchieved some notable exploit. While, on the one hand, a prospect of his uncle's suc- cession to the cro\vn was intolerable to him, as involv- ing in it a certain destruction of even the most rea- sonable and limited views of ambition which he might entertain, he was easily led to believe on the other hand, that no harm, but the reverse, was intended to- wards his royal father, whose reign and life might be- come precarious, if he obstinately persevered in sup- porting his brother ; whereas, on the contrary, if he could be persuaded, or even forced, to yield to the wishes of his subjects, he might long reign a power- ful, happy, and popular Prince. It is also reasonable to believe, that with those per- Political mo- sonal and private motives, others might co-operate of ^^^'^^ "* '"* IT 1 r 1,1 rr-i, conduct. a public nature, and or a more noble character. The Protestant religion, to which he seems to have been sincerely attached, w ould be persecuted, or perhaps, exterminated, if the King should be successful in hi.s support of the Duke of York, and his faction. At least, such was the opinion generally prevalent, while, with respect to the civil liberties of the countr}', no doubt could be entertained, that if the Court pai-t} prevailed in the straggle then depending, they would be completely extinguished. Something may be at- tributed to his admiration of the talents of some, to his personal friendsliip for others, among the leaders of the Whigs, more to the aptitude of a generous na- ture to adopt, and, if I may so say, to become ena- moured of, those principles of justice, benevolence, lyid equality, which form the true creed of the part^ which he espoused. I am not inclined to believe that it was his connection witli Shaftesbury that inspired him v.^ith ambitious views, but rather to reverse cause IIB HISTORY OF THE fiEIGN CHAP. HI. and effect, and to suppose, that his ambitious views 1685 produced his connection with that nobleman ; and whoever reads with attention Lord Grey's account of one of the party meetings at which he was present, will perceive that there was not between them that perfect cordiality which has been generally supposed, but that Russel, Grey, and Hampden, were upon a far more confidential footing with him. It is far easier to determine generally, that he had high schemes of am- bition, than to discover what was his precise object ; and those who boldly impute to him the intention of ' succeeding to the crown, seem to pass by several weighty arguments which make strongly against their hypothesis j such as, his connection with the Dutchess of Portsmouth, who, if the succession were to go to the King's illegitimate children, must naturally have been for her own son ; his unqualified support of the Exclusion Bill, which, without indeed mentioning her, most unequivocally settled the Crown, in case of a de- mise, upon the princess of Orange : and above all the circumstance of his having, when driven from Eng- land, twice chosen Holland for his asylum. By his cousins he was received, not so much with the civility and decorum of Princes, as with the kind familiarity of near relations ; a reception to which he seemed to make every return of reciprocal cordiality.* It is not rashly to be believed, that he, who lias never been ac- cused of hardened wickedness, could have been upon such terms with, and so have behaved to, persons whom he purposed to disappoint in their dearest and best grounded hopes, and to defraud of their inheri- tance. His exile Whatever his views might be, it is evident that they Ian™. "^' "vverc of a nature wholly adverse, not only to those of * D'Avaiix, OF JAMES THE SECOND. 119 the Duke of York, but to the schemes of power en- CHAP. in. teitained by the King, with Avhich the support of his 1685 brother was intimately connected. Monmouth was therefore, at the suggestion of James, ordered by his father to leave the country, and deprived of all his offices, civil and military. The pretence for this exile was a sort of principle of impartiality, which obliged the King, at the same time that he ordered his brother to retire to Flanders, to deal equal measure to his son. Upon the Duke of York's return, (which was soon after,) INIonmouth thought he might without blame return also ; and persevering in his former measures, and old connections, became deeply involved in the cabals to which Essex, Russel, and Sidney fell mar- t^Ts. After the death of his friends he surrendered himself, and upon a promise, that nothing said by him should be used to the prejudice of any of his sun'iv- ing friends, wrote a penitentiary letter to his father, consenting at the same time to ask pardon of his un- cle. A great parade was made of this by the Court, as if it was designed by all means to goad the feelings of Monmouth : his Majesty was declared to have pardoned him at the request of the Duke of York, and his consent was required to the publication of what was called his confession. This he resolutely refused at all hazards, and was again obliged to seek refuge abroad, where he had remained to the period of which we are now treating. A little time before Charles's death, he had indul- Acbanffcex- ged hopes of being recalled, and that his intelligence P^^ted be- fore the lute to that effect was not quite unfounded, or, if false, was King's death. at least mixed with truth, is clear from the following circumstance: From the notes found when he was taken, in his memorandum book, it appears that part of the plan concerted between the King and Mon- njouth's friend, (probably Halifax,) was that the Duke 120 HISTORY OF THE REIGK 168^ CHAP. HI. of York should go to Scotland,* between which, and his being sent abroad again, Monmouth and his friends saw no material difference. Now in Barillon's letters to his Court, dated the 7th of December, 1684, it ap- peared that the Duke of York had told that ambassa- dor of his intended voyage to Scotland, though he represented it in a very different point of view, and said that it would not be attended with any diminu- tion of his favour or credit, f This was the light in which Charles, to whom the expressions, " to blind '' my brother, not to make the Duke of York fly out," and the like, were familiar, would certainly have shown the affair to his brother, and therefore of all the cir- cumstances adduced, this appears to me to be the strongest in favour of the supposition, that there was in the King's mind, a real intention of making an im.- portant, if not a complete, change in his councils and measures. Besides these two leaders, there were on the Cour tinent at that time, several other gentlemen of great consideration. Sir Patrick Kume of Polworth had early distinguished himself in the cause of liberty. When the privy council of Scotland passed an order, compelling the counties to pay the expense of the gar- risons arbitrarily placed in them, he refused to pay his quota, and by a mode of appeal to the Court of Ses- sion, Vv^hich the Scotch lawyers call a bill of Suspen- sion, endeavoured to pi'ocure redress. The council ordered him to be imprisoned, for no other crime, as it should seem, than that of having thus attempted to procure, by a legal process, a legal decision upon a point of law. After having remained in close con- finement in Stirling Castle, for nearly four years, he was set at libert}^ through the favour and interest of Exiles from Scotland. ' Wclwootrs ^rcmoirs. 7 Sec AppcmViN OF JAMES THE SECOND. 121 Monmouth. Having afterwards engaged in schemes CHAP. HI. connected with those imputed to Sidney and Russel, 1685. orders were issued for seizing him at his house in Berwickshire; but having had timely notice of his danger, from his relation, Hume of Ninewells, a gen- tlemen attached to the royal cause,* but whom party spirit had not rendered insensible to the tics of kin- dred, and private friendship, he found means to con- ceal himself for a time, and shortly after to escape be- yond sea. His concealment is said to have been in the family burial-place, where the means of sustaining life were brought to him by his daughter, a girl of fifteen years of age, whose duty and aftection furnished her with courage to brave the terrors, as well superstitious as real, to which she was necessarily exposed in an intercourse of this nature. f Andre vr Fletcher of Salton, a young man of great Fletcher of spirit, had signalized himself in opposition to Lauder- ^''^"<^" dale's administration of Scotland, and had afterwards connected himself with Argyle and Russel, and what was called the coimcil of six. He had, of course, thought it prudent to leave Great Britain, and could not be supposed unwilling to join in any enterprize which might bid fair to restore him to his countiy, and his countrymen to their lost liberties, though, up- on the present occasion, which he seems to have judged to be unfit for the purpose, he endeavoured to dis- suade both Arg}de and Monmouth from their attempts. He was a man of much thought and reading, of an honourable mind, and a fiery spirit, and from his en- thusiastic admiration of the ancients, supposed to be * It is not without some satisfaction, that I learnt, \ipon enqui- ry, that this gentleman was the ancestor of Hume the historian, who, in similar circumstances, would most certainly have follow - ^•d his grandfather's example. + MS. account of Sir P. Home Q 122 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1685. Sir John Cochrane. English exiles. Lord Grey of Wark. CHAP. m. warmly attached, not only to republican principles, but to the form of a commonwealth. Sir John Cochrane of Ochiltree had fled his country on account of the transactions of 1683. His property and connections were considerable, and he was supposed to possess extensive influence in Airshire and the adjacent counties. Such were the persons of chief note among the Scottish emigrants. Among the English, by far the most remarkable, was Ford, Lord Grey of Wark. A scandalous love intrigue, with his wife's sister, had fixed a very deep stain upon his private character ; nor were the circumstances attending this affair, which had all been brought to light in a court of justice, by iiny means calculated to extenuate his guilt. His an- cient family, however, the extensive influence arising from his large possessions, his talents, which appear to have been very considerable, and above all, his hither- to unshaken fidelity in political attachments, and the general steadiness of his conduct in public life, might in some degree countervail the odium which he had incurred on account of his private x^ices. Of Matthews, Wade, and Ayloffe, v/hose names are mentioned, as having both joined the preliminar}' councils, and done actual service in the invasions, little is known by which curiosity could be either gratified or excited. Richard Rumbold, on every account, merits more particular notice. He had formerly ser\-ed in the re- publican armies; and adhering to the pi'inciples of liberty, which he had imbibed in liis youth, though no wise bigotted to the particular form of a common- wealth, had been deeply engaged in the politics of those who thought they saw an opportunitv of rescu- ing their country from the tyrannical government of the late King. He xvas one of tlie persons denounced in Kejling's narrative, and was accused of having con- Rumboid. OF .TAMES THE SECOND. 123 spired to assassinate the royal brothers, in their roxid chap. nr. to Newmarket; an accusation belied by the whole i685 tenor of his life and conduct, and wliich, if it had been true, would have proved him, who was never thought a weak or foolish man, to be as destitute of common sense, as of honour and probity. It was pretended, that the seizure of the Princes was to take place at a farm called Rye-house, which he occupied in Hert- fordshire for the piirpnsr.s of his trade as a nTaltster ; and from this circumstance, was derived the name of the Rye-house Plot. Conscious of having done some acts, which the law, if even fairly interpreted, and equitably administered, might deem criminal, and cer- tain that many which he had not done, would be both sworn, and believed against him, he made his escape, and passed the remainder of Charles's reign in exile and obscurity ; nor is his name, as far as I can leai-n, ever mentioned, from the time of the Rye-house plot to that of which we are now treating. It is not to be understood that there were no other Other exiles, names upon the list of those who fled from the tyran- ny of the British government, or thought themselves unsafe in their native country-, on account of its vio- lence, besides those of the persons above mentioned, and of such as joined in their bold and hazardous enterprize. Another class of emigrants, not less sensi- ble probably to the Avrongs of their country, but less sanguine in their hopes of immediate redress, is enno- bled by the names of Buniet the historian, and Mr. Burnet's opi- Locke. It is difficult to accede to the opinion, which "'O"- the first of these seems to entertain, that though par- ticular injustices had been committed, the misgovem- ment had not been of such a nature as to justify re- sistance by arms.* But the prudential reasons against • Burnet, H. 309. 124 HISTORY OF THE ItEIGN on resist ance. CHAP. HI. resistance at that time were exceedingly strong ; 15^5_ and there is no point in human concerns, wherein the dictates of virtue, and worldly prudence, are so iden- tified, as in this great question of resistance by force to established government. Success, it has been invidi- ously remarked, constitutes, in most instances, the sole difference between the traitor and the deliverer of his Observations country. A rational probability of success, it may be truly said, distinguishes the well considered enterprize of the patriot, from the rash schemes of the disturber of the public peace. To command success, is not in the power of man ; but to deserve success, by choosing a proper time, as v/ell as a proper object, by the pru- dence of his means, no less than by the purity of his views, by a cause not only intrinsically just, but likely to ensure general support, is the indispensible duty of him, who engages in an insurrection against an existing government. Upon this subject, the opinion of Ludlow, who though often misled, appears to have been an ho- nest and enlightened man,, is striking and forcibly ex- pressed. " We ought," says he, " to be very careful " and circumspect in that particular, and at least be ^' assured of very probable grotmds, to believe the *' power under which we engage, to be sufficiently able " to protect us in our undertaking ; otherwise, I should *' account myself not only guilty of my own blood, " but also, in some measure, of the ruin and destruc- ■'' tion of all those that I should induce to engage with " me, though the cause were never so just."* Reasons of this nature, mixed more or less with considerations of personal caution, and in some, perhaps, v/ith dislike and distrust of their leaders, induced many, who could not but abhor the British government, to wait for bet- ter opportunities, and to prefer cither submission at Ludlow's opinion on vcsistance. * l-udlow's aiemoii's, p. 235. (^F JAMES THE SECOND. 12o home, or exile, to an undertaking, which if not hope- CHAP, m less, must have been deemed by all, hazardous in the 1^5 extreme. In the situations in -which these two nobleman, Ar- Monmouth'? gyle and Monmouth, were placed, it is not to be won- [^ attempt dered at, if they were naturally willing to enter into an mvasion. any plan, by which they might restore themselves to their countiy ; nor can it be doubted, but they honest- ly conceived their success to be intimately connected with the welfare, and especially with the liberty, of the several kingdoms to which they respectively belonged. Monmouth, whether because he had begun at this time, as he himself said, to wean his mind from ambi- tion,* or from the observations he had made upon the apparently rapid turn which had taken place in the minds of the English people, seems to have been very averse to rash councils, and to have thought that all attempts against James ought at least to be deferred till some more favorable opportunity should present itself. So far from esteeming his chance of success the better, on account of there being, in James's par- liament, many members who had voted for the Exclu- sion Bill, he considered that circumstance as unfavor- able. These men, of whom however he seems to have over-rated the number, Avould, in his opinion, be more eager than others, to recover the ground they had lost by an extraordinary' show of zeal and attachment to the Crown. But if Monmouth was inclined to dilatory councils, far different were the views and designs oi other exiles, who had been obliged to leave their coun- tr}' on account of their having engaged, if not with him personally, at least in the same cause with him, and who were naturally enough his advisers. Among these * Yide his letter in Wellwood's Memoirs, and in Ralph, 1 953. 126 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1685. Impatience of Arg-yle. CHAP. III. were Lord Grey of Wark and Ferguson ; though the latter afterwards denied his having had much inter- course with the Duke, and the former, in his narra- tive,* insinuates that he rather dissuaded than pressed the invasion. But if Monmouth was inclined to delay, Arg)'le seems, on the other hand, to have been impatient in the extreme to bring matters to a crisis, and was, of course, anxious that the attempt upon England should be made in co-operation with his upon Scotland. Ralph, an historian of great acuteness, as well as dili- gence, but who falls sometimes into the common er- ror of judging too much from the event, seems to think this impatience wholly unaccountable ; but Ar- gyle may have had many motives, which are now un- known to VIS. He may not improbably have foreseen, that the friendly terms upon which James and the Prince of Orange affected at least to be, one with the other, might make his stay in the United Provinces impracticable, and that, if obliged to seek another asy- lum, not only he might have been deprived, in some measure, of the resources which he derived from his connections at Amsterdam, but that the very circum- stance of his having been publicly discountenanced by the Prince of Orange and the States General, might discredit his enterprise. His eagerness for action may possibly have proceeded from the most laudable piotives, his sensibility to the horrors which his coun- trymen were daily and hourly suffering, and his ardor to relieve them. The dreadful state of Scotland, * It is ho^vcver notorious that he did press ^Monmouth very much ; and this circumstance, if any were wanting, would suffi- ciently prove that his Narrative is very little to be relied upon, iii any point where he conceived the falsification of a fact might serve him with the King, upon whose mercy his life at that time depended. OF JAMES THE SECOND. 127 t %vhile it affords so honourable an explanation of his cilAP. ill. impatience, seems to account also, in a great measure, i685. for his acting against the common notions of prudence, in making his attack without any previous concert ■with those whom he expected to join him there. That this was his view of the matter is plain, as we are in- formed by Burnet that he depended not only on an army of his own clan and vassals, but that he took it for granted, that the western and southern counties would all at once come about him, when he had ga- thered a good force together in his own countrj' ; and surely, such an expectation, when we reflect upon the situation of those counties, was by no means unrea- sonable. Argyle's counsel, backed by Lord Grey and the rreparations rest of Monmouth's advisers, and opposed by none f^\..J|j)" " except Fletcher of Salton, to whom some add Captain Matthev/s, prevailed, and it was agreed to invade immediately, and at one time, the two kingdoms. Monmouth had raised some money from his jewels, and Argyle had a loan of ten thousand pounds from a rich widow in Amsterdam. With these resources, Ai-g-yle's cx- such as they were, ships and arms were provided, May 2. and Argj'le sailed from Vly on the second of May, with three small vessels, accompanied by Sir Patrick Hume, Sir John Cochrane, and a few more Scotch gentlemen, and by two Englishmen, Ayloffe, a ne- phew by marriage to Lord Chancellor Clarendon, and Rumboldthe maltster, who had been accused of being principally concerned in that conspiracy which, from his farm in Hertfordshire, where it was pretended Charles the Second was to have been intercepted in his way from Newmarket, and assassinated, had been called the Rye-hoUse plot.* Sir Pati-ick Hume is • The detailed account of the exiles from England and Scot- land, from pag-e 120 to 123, was inserted in the work by Mr. 128 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1685. CHAP. nr. said to have advised the shortest passage, in order to come more unexpectedly upon the enemy ; .but Ar- g}^ie, who is represented as remarkably tenacious of his own opinions, persisted in his plan of sailing round the north of Scotland, as well for the purpose of land- ing at once among his own vassals, as for that of being nearer to the western counties, which had been most severely oppressed, and from which, of course, he ex- pected most assistance. Each of these plans had no doubt its peculiar advantages ; but, as far as we can judge at this distance of time, those belonging to the Earl's scheme seem to preponderate ; for the force he carried with him was certainly not sufficient to enable him, by striking any decisive stroke, to avail himself even of the most unprepared state in which he could hope to find the King's government. As he must therefore depend entirely upon reinforcements from the country, it seemed reasonable to make for that part where succour was most likely to be obtained, even at the hazard of incurring the disadvantage which must evidently result fi-om the enemy's having early notice of his attack, and consequently propor- tionable time for defence. Unfortunately, this hazard was converted into a certainty, by his sending some men on shore in the Orkneys. Two of these, Spence and Blackadder, were seized at Kirkwall by the bishop of the diocese, and sent up prisoners to Edinburgh, by which means the government was not only satisfied of the reality of the intended invasion, of which, however, they had before had some intimation,* but could gues!^ Fox, after this passage was written. — As it is there introduced. Mr. Fox would, no doubt, have erased the repetition oi" it ; but it has been the object of the Editor to preserve scrupulously th^ words of the MSS. E. * Vide Appendix Hurnet U "13- Woodrow, U 51"! Discovered by his land- ing- in the Orkneys. OF JAMKS THE SECOND. 1^ with a reasonable certainty, the part of the coast CHAP. Ill where the descent was to take place j for Argyle 1685, could not possibly have sailed so far to the north with an}' other view, than of maicing his landing either on his own estate, or in some of the western counties. Among the numberless charges of imprudence against the unfortunate Argyle, charges too often inconside- rately urged against him who fails in any enterprize of moment, that which is founded upon the circum- stance just mentioned appears to me to be the most weighty, though it is that which is the least men- tioned, and by no author, as far as I recollect, much enforced. If the landing in the north was merely for the purpose of gaining intelligence respecting the disposition of the country, or for the more frivolous object of making some few prisoners, it was indeed imprudent in the highest degree. That prisoners, such as were likely to be taken on this occasion, should have been a consideration with any man of common sense, is impossible. The desire of gaining intelligence concerning the disposition of the people^ was indeed a natural curiosity ; but it would be a strong instance of that impatience which has been often alleged, though in no other case proved, to have been part of the Earl's character, if, for the sake of gratifying such a desire, he gave the enemy any important advantage. Of the intelligence which he sought thus eagerly, it was evident that he could not, in that place, and at that time, make any immediate use ; whereas, of that which he afforded his enemies, they could, and did avail themselves against him. The most favourable account of this proceeding, and which seems to desen^e most credit, is, that having missed the proper passage through the Orkney islands, he thought proper to send on shore for pilots, and that Spence very impVudentlv took the opportiuiit}' pf 4 130 HISTORY OP THE REIGN 1685. His descent on Argylc- shire. CHAP. III. going to confer with a relation at Kirkwall ; * but it is to be remarked, that it was not necessary, for the purpose of getting pilots, to employ men of note, such as Blackadder and Spence, the latter of whom was the Earl's Secretary ; and that it was an unpardonable neglect not to give the strictest injunctions to those who were employed, against going a step further into the country than was absolutely necessary. Argyle, with his wonted generosity of spirit, was at first determined to lay siege to Kirkwall, in order to recover his friends ; but partly by the dissuasions of his followers, and still more by the objections made by the masters of the ships, to a delay which might make them lose the favourable winds for their intended voyage, he was induced to prosecute his course, f In the mean time the government made the use that it was obvious they would make, of the information they had obtained, and when the Earl ar- rived at his destination, he learned that considerable forces were got together to repel any attack that he might meditate. Being prevented by contrary winds from reaching the isle of Hay, Avhere he had propo- sed to make his first landing, he sailed back to Duns- tafnage in Lorn, and there sent ashore his son, Mr. Charles Campbell, to engage his tenants, and other friends, and dependants of his family, to rise in his behalf; but even there he found less encouragement and assistance than lie had expected, and the Laird of Lochniel, who gave him tlie best assurances, treacU,- erously betrayed him, sent his letter to the Govern- ment, and joined the royal forces under the Marquis of Athol. He then proceeded southwards, and landed at Campbelltown in Kintyre, where his first step was to publish his Declaration, which appears to ha^e pro- duced little or no effect. ' WoodroV. 11. 51'^. Woolirov. U. 531 OF JA\rES THR SECOND. 1 31 This bad beginning served, as is usual in such ad- CiiAP. IiL . cntures, rather to widen than to reconcile the differ- 1685. ences which liad early begun to manifest themselves Difference between the leader and his followers. Hume and «P'"'"" Cochrane, partly construing perhaps too sanguinely the intelligence which was received from Airshirc, Galloway, and the other lowland districts in that quar- ter, partly from an expectation that where the oppres- sion had been most grievous, the revolt would be pro- poitionably the more general, were against any stay, or, as they termed it, loss of time in the Highlands^ but wei-e for proceeding at once, weak as they were in point of numbers, to a country where every man en- dowed with the common feelings of human nature, must be their well-wisher, every man of spirit their coadjutor. Argyle, on the contrary, who probabl}' considered the discoui'aging accounts from the Low- lands as positive and distinct, while those Avhich were deemed more favourable, appeared to him to be at least uncertain and provisional, thought the most pru- dent plan was, to strengthen himself in his own coun- tr}% before he attempted the invasion of provinces where the enemy was so well prepared to receive him. He had hopes of gaining time, not only to increase his own army, but to avail himself of the Duke of Monmouth's intended invasion of England, an event which must obviously have great influence upon his ^airs, and which, if he could but maintain himself in a situation to profit by it, might be productive of advantages of an importance and extent of which no man could presume to calculate the limits. Of these two contraiy opinions, it may be difficult at this time of day to appreciate the value, seeing that so much depends upon the degree of credit due to the different accounts from the lowland counties, of which our im- perfect information docs not enable us to form any 132. HisTORV OF THE keig:> 168^ CHAP. III. accurate judgment. But even though we should nut decide absokitely in favour of the cogency of these reasonings which influenced the chief, it must surely be admitted, that there was at least sufficient probabi- lity in them, to account for his not immediately giving way to those of his followers, and to rescue his me- mory from the reproach of any micommon obstinacy, or of carrying things, as Burnet phrases it, with an air of authority that Avas not easy to men who were setting up for liberty. On the other hand, it may be more difficult to exculpate the gentlemen engaged with Argyle, for not acquiescing more cheerfully, and not entering more cordially into the views of a man whom they had chosen for ^.heir leader and general ; of whose honour they had no doubt, and whose opinion, even those who dissented from him, must confess to be formed upon no light or trivial grounds. The differences upon the general scheme of attack, led, of course, to others upon points of detail. Upon every projected expedition there appeared a contrarir ety of sentiment, which on some occasions produced the most violent disputes. The Earl was often thwart- ed in his plans, and in one instance actually over-ruled by the vote of a council of war. Nor were these di'* visions, which might of themselves be deemed suffici- ent to mar an enterprise of this nature, the only ad- verse circumstances which Argyle had to encounter. By the forward state of preparation on the part of the Government, its friends were emboldened ; its ene- mies, whose spirit had been already broken by a long series of sufferings, were completely intimidated, and men of fickle and time-serving dispositions, were fixed in its interests. Add to all this, that where spirit was, not wanting, it ^yas accompanied with a degree and species of perversity wholly inexplicable, and which Can hardlv gain belief from am- one, whose experi- Dissensions with his fol- lowers. QF JAMES THE SECOND. 133 ence has not made him acquainted with the extreme CHAP. III. difficulty of persuading men, who pride themselves .gg^ upon an extravagant love of libert}-, rather to com- promise upon some points with those who have, in the main, the same views with themselves, than to give power, (a power which will infallibly be used for their own destruction,) to an adversary of principles diame- trically opposite ; in other words, rather to concede something to a friend, than every thing to an enemy. Hence, those even, whose situation was the most des- perate, who were either wandering about the fields, or seeking refuge in rocks and caverns, from the au- thorized assassins who were on eveiy side pursuing them, did not all join in Argyle's cause with that frankness and cordiality which, v/as to be expected. The various schisms which had existed among differ- ent classes of Presb}'terians, were still fresh in their memoiy. Not even the persecution to which they had been in common, and almost indiscriminately subject- ed, had reunited them. According to a most expres- sive phrase of an eminent minister of their church, who sincerely lamented their disimion. The furnace had not yet healed the rents and breaches among them.* Some doubted whether, short of establishing all the doctrines preached by Cargill and Cameron there was any thing worth contending for ; while others, still further gone in enthusiasm, set no value upon libert}-, or even life itself, if they were to be pre- served by the means of a nobleman, who had, as well bv his services to Charles the Second, as by other in- stances, been guilty, in the former parts of his con- duct, of what they tenned unlawful compliances. Perplexed, no doubt, but not dismayed, by these jii^ pia„ cUfficulties, the Earl proceeded to Tarbet, which he ovcr-ride,c] -' Woodrov, ir. 530 134 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1685. CHAP. III. had fixed as the place of rendezvous, and there issued a second Declaration, (that which has been mentioned as having been laid before the House of Commons,) with as little effect as the first. He was joined by Sir Duncan Campbell, who alone of all his kinsmen, seems to have afforded him any material assistance, and who brought with him nearly a thousand men ; but even with this important reinforcement his whole army does not appear to have exceeded two thousand. It was here that he was over-ruled by a council of war, when he proposed marching to Inverary; and after «iuch debate, so far was he from being so self-willed as he is represented, that he consented to go over with his army to that part of Arg}'leshire called Cow- al, and that Sir John Cochrane should make an at- tempt upon the Lowlands ; and he sent with him Ma- jor FuUerton, one of the officers in whom he trusted, and who appears to have best deserved his confidence. This expedition could not land in Airshire, where it had at first been intended, owing to the appearance of two king's frigates, which had been sent into those seas ; and when it did land near Greenoch, no other advantage was derived from it, than the procuring from the town a very small supply of provisions.* When Cochrane, with his detachment, returned to Cowal, all hopes of success in the Lowlands seemed, for the present at least, to be at an end, and Argyle's original plan was now necessarily adopted, though un- der circumstances greatly disadvantageous. Among these the most important was, the appi-oach of tlie frigates, which obliged the Earl to place his ships un- der the protection of the castle of Ellengreg, which he fortified and garrisoned, as well as his contracted means would permit. Yet even in this situation, de loss of his shipping. Woodrow. i.>Jh JAMES THE SECOND. 135 prived of thp co-operation of his little fleet, as well CHAP.III. as of that part of his force which he left to defend i685. It, being well seconded by the spirit and activity of Riunbold, who had seized the castle of Ardkinglass near the head of J.och Fine, he was not without hopes of success in his main entcrprize against In- verary, when he was called back to Ellengreg, by intelligence of fresh discontents having Ijroken out there, upon the nearer ajjproach of the frigates. Some of the most dissatisfied had e\en threatened to leave both casde and ships to their fate ; nor did the ap- pearance of the Earl himself by any means bring widi it that degree of authority which was requisite in such a juncture. His first motion was to disregard the su- perior force of the men of war, and to engage them with his small fleet; but he soon discovered that he was far indeed from being furnished with the mate- rials necessary to put in execution so bold, or as it may possibly be thought, so romantic a resolution. His associates remonstrated, and a mutiny in his ships was predicted as a certain consequence of the attempt. Leaving therefore, once more, Ellengreg with a garrison under the command of the Laird of Lopness, and strict orders to destroy both ships and fortifications, rather than suffer them to fall into the hands of the enemj', he marched towards Gareloch. But whether from the inadequacy of the provisions with which he was able to supply it, or from cowar- dice, misconduct, or treachery, it does not appear, the castle was soon evacuated without any proper mea- sures being taken to execute the Earl's orders, and the military stores in it to a considerable amount, as well as the ships which had no other defence, were abandoned to the King's forces. This was a severe blow ; and all hopes of acting His armv according to the Earl's plan of establishing himself ^ii^perscd. 136 HISTORY OP THE REIGN 1685. CHAP. ni. strongly in Argyleshire, were now extinguished. He therefore consented to pass the Leven, a Httle above Dumbarton, and to march eastwards. In this march he was overtaken, at a place called Killerne, by Lord Dumbarton at the head of a large body of the King's troops ; but he posted himself with so much skill and judgment, that Dumbarton thought it prudent to wait at least, till the ensuing morning, before he made his attack. Here again Argyle was for risking an en- gagement, and in his nearly desperate situation, it was probably his best chance, but his advice, (for his repeated misfortunes had scarcely left him the shadow of command,) was rejected.* On the other hand, a proposal was made to him, the most absurd as it should seem, that ever was suggested in similar cir- cumstances, to pass the enemy in the night, and thus exposing his rear, to subject himself to the danger of being surrounded, for the sake of advancing he knew not whither, or for what purpose. To this he could not consent ; and it was at last agreed to deceive the enemies by lighting fires, and to decamp in the night towards Glasgow. The first part of this plan was exe- cuted with success, and the army went off unperceiv- ed by the enemy ; but in their night march they were mislead by the ignorance, or the treachery of their guides, and fell into difficulties which would have caused some disorder among the most regular and best disciplined troops. In this case such disorder was fatal, and produced, as among men circumstan- ced as Argyle's were, it necessarily must, an almost general dispersion. Wandering among bogs and mo- rasses, disheartened by fatigue, terrified by rumours of an approaching enemy, the darkness of the night aggravating at once every real distress, and adding * Lord Fountainhall's Memoirs, MS. AVoodrow, 536 OF JAMES THE SECONl). 137 terror to every vain alarm; in this situation, -when CHAP. iii. even the bravest and tlie best, (for according to one x6S6i account Rumbold himself was missing for a time,) were not able to find their leaders, nor the corps to which they respectively belonged; it is no wonder that many took this opportunity to abandon a cause now become desperate, and to effect individually that escape which, as a body, they had no longer any hopes to accomplish.'* Wlien the small remains of this ill-fated army got together, in the morning, at Kilpatrick, a place far dis- tant from their destination, its number was reduced tO Tess than five hundred. Argjde had lost all authority ; nor indeed, had he retained any, does it appear that he could now have used it to any salutary purpose. The same bias which had influenced the two parties in the time of better hopes, and with regard to their early operations, still prevailed, now that they were dri\en to their last cxtremit}-. Sir Patrick Hume and Sir John Cochrane would not stay even to reason the matter with him whom, at the onset of their expedi- tion, they had engaged to obey, but crossed the Clyde, with such as Avould follow them, to the number of about tM'o hundred, into Renfrewshire.! Arg\'le, thus deserted, and almost alone, still look- Argyle taker ed to his own country as the sole remaining hope, P^i**oner and sent off Sir Duncan Campbell, with the two Dun- cansons, father and son, persons all three, by whom he seemed to have been sei-ved with the most exemplary ;ieal and fidelity, to attempt new levies there. Having done this, and settled such means of coiTespondencc as the state of affairs would permit, he repaired to the house of an old servant, upon whose attachment ht had relied for an asylum, but was peremptorily de- " Woodrow, U. 535, 526: ilh\d, 53-^ 1 38 HISTORY OF THE REIGN CHAP. III. nied entrance. Concealment in this part of the country 1685. seemed now impracticable, and he was forced at last to pass the Clyde, accompanied by the brave and faithful FuUarton. Upon coming to a ford of the Inchanon, they were stopped by some militia men. FuUarton used in vain, all the best means which his presence of mind suggested to him to save his General. He at- tempted one while by gentle, and then by harsher lan- guage, to detain the commander of the party till the Earl, who was habited as a common countryman, and whom he passed for his guide, should have made his escape. At last when he saw them determined to go after his pretended guide, he offered to surrender him- self without a blow, upon condition of their desisting from their pursuit. This agreement was accepted but not adhered to, and two horsemen were detached to seize Argyle. The Earl, who was also on horseback, grappled with them, till one of them and himself came to the ground. He then presented his pocket pistols, on which the two retired ; but soon after five more came up, who fired without effect, and he thought himself like to get rid of them, but they knocked him down with their swords, and seized him. When they knew whom they had taken they seemed much trou- bled, but dared not let him go.* FuUarton perceiving, * In my relation of the taking' of Argyle's person, I have fol- lowed his own account, and mostly in his own words. As the authenticity of the paper written in prison, wliercin he gives this account, has never been called In question, it seems strange tliat any historian should have adopted a different one, I take no no- tice of the story, by which he is made to exclaim in falling, " Un- " fortunate Argyle !" and thus to discover himself Besides, that there is no authority for it, it has not the air of a real fact, but ra- ther resembles a clumsy contrivance in some play, where the po. et is put to his last shift, for means to produce a discovery neces_ sary to his plot. OF JA.MES THE SECOND. 1^9 ihat the stipulation on which he had surrendered him- cilAP. III. self was viohxted, and determined to defend himself i685. to the last, or at least to wreak, before he fell, his just vengeance upon his perfidious opponents, grasped at the sword of one of them, but in vain ; he was over- powered and made prisoner.* Argyle was immediately cax'ried to Renfrew, thence Tlic indigni- to Glasgow, and on the 20th of June was led in tri- ^^ jj^^ umph into Edinburgh. The order of the council was particular; that he should be led bare-headed, in the midst of Graham's guards, with their matches cocked, his hands tied behind his back, and preceded by the common hangman, in which situation, that he might be the more exposed to the insults and taunts of the vulgar, it was directed that he should be carried to the Castle by a circuitous route, f To the equanimity endured with which he bore these indignities, as indeed to the )^i'^|t'"'^^"^ manly spirit exhibited by him throughout, in these last scenes of his life, ample testimony is borne by all the historians who have treated of them, even those who are the least partial to him. He had frequent opportunities of conversing, and some of writing, during his imprisonment, and it is from such parts of these conversations and writings as have been pre- sented to us, that we can best form to ourselves a just notion of his deportment during that trying period j at the same time, a true representation of the temper of his mind, ift such circumstances, will serve, in no small degree, to illustrate his general character and disposition. We have already seen how he expressed himself His mildness with regard to the men, who by taking him, became ^j^^j ^^'^ the immediate cause of his calamity.^; He seems to * Woodrow, 336, 527- f Woodrow, 538. T " As soon as they knew wliat I was, they seemed to be much " troiibledj but durst not let me go." Woodrow, 537. In ano- 140 HISTORY OF THE REIG?. f CHAP. Ill, I'eel a sort of gratitude to them, for the sorrow he saw, 1685. or fancied he saw in them, when they knew who he >vas, and immediately suggests an excuse for them, by saying, that they did not dare to follow the impulse q( their hearts. Speaking of the supineness of his countr}^men, and of the little assistance he had receive ed from them, he declares with his accustomed piety, his resignation to the will of God, which was that Scotland should r^ot be delivered at this time, nor es- pecially by his hand ; and then exclaims, with the re- gret of a patriot, biit with no bitterness of disappoint- ment, " But alas! y/ho is there to be delivered! There '■'' may," says he, " be hidden ones, but there appears " no great party in the country, who desire to be re- . " lieved."* Justice, in some degree, but still more, that warm affection for his own kindred and vassals, which seems to have formed a marked feature in this noblenaan's character, then induces him to make an ex- ception in favour of his poor friends in Argyleshire, in treating for whom, though in what particular Avay does not appear, he was employing, and with some hopes of success, the few remaining hours of his life. In recounting the failure of his expedition, it is impos- silale for him not to touch upon what he deemed the misconduct of his friends ; and this is the subject upon which, of all others, his temper must have been most irritable. A certain description of friends, (the woi'ds describing them are omitted,) were all of them, with- out exception, his greatest enemies, both to betray and destroy him ; and and (the names again omitted,) were the greatest cause of his rout, and his being taken, though not designedK" he acknow- tber paper, he says, " Of the mliitia who wounded and took me, '•' borac v.e.pt, but dursi; no let mc g'o." Id. 538. Supra, '20o. E. • A\oodrow. .'?.^8. or JAMES THE SECOND. 141 ledges, but by ignorance, cowardice, and faction.* CHAl'. HI. This sentence had scarce escaped him, when, not- j685. withstanding the qualifying words with which his candor had acquitted the last mentioned persons of intentional treacheiy, it appeared too harsh to his gen- tle nature, and declaring himself displeased with the hard epithets f he had used, he desires they may be put out of any accoimt that is to be given of these transactions. The manner in which this request is worded, shows, that the paper he was writing was in- tended for a letter, and as it is supposed, to a Mrs. Smith, who seems to have assisted him with money ; but whether or not, this lady was the rich widow of Amsterdam, before alluded to, I have not been able to learn. When he is told that he is to be put to the torture, Threatened he neither breaks out into any high-sounding bravado, ^" ° ^^^ any premature vaunts of the resolution with which he will endure it, nor, on the other hand, into passionate exclamations on the cruelty of his enemies, or unman- 1\- lamentations of his fate, After stating that orders * " friends were our greatest enemies, all witiiout- *' exception, both to betray and destroy us ; and indeed " and were the greatest cause of our rout, and (of) my " being' taken ; though not designedly I acknowledge, yet by ig- " norancc, cowardice, and faction." E. y " I am not pleased with myself. I have such hai'd epithets " of some of my countrymen, seeing they are Christians ; pray " put it out of any account you give ; only I must acknowledge, " they were not governable, and the humour you found begun, '• continued." Woodrow, II. 538. After an ineffeClual research to discover the original MS. Mr. Fox observes in a letter, " Cork. " vane and Hume certainly filled up tlie two principal blanks ; " with respect to the other blank, it is more difficult, but neither •^ is it very material." Accordingly, the blanks in the text, and in the preceding note, may be filled up thus, " {Cochrane' s) " friends were our greatest enemies," &c. " and indeed Ifums " and Cochrane, were the greate.?t cause of our rout." &c. E. 142 HISTORY OF THE REIGS CHAP. HI. 1685. His exami- nation by Queensber- ry. Considers his entei'- prize as law- ful.. were arrived, that he must be tortured, unless he an= swers all questions upon oath, he simply adds, that he hopes God will support him ; and then leaves off writing, not from any want of spirits to proceed, but to enjoy the consolation which was yet left him, in the society of his wife, the Countess being just then admitted. Of his interview with Queensberry, who examined him in private, little is known, except that he denied his design having been concerted with any persons in Scotland ; that he gave no information with respect to his associates in England ; and that he boldly and frankly averred his hopes to have been founded on the cruelty of the administration, and such a disposition in the people to revolt, as he conceived to be the na- tural consequence of oppression. He owned at the same time, that he had trusted too much to this prin- ple.* The precise date of this conversation, whether it took place before the threat of the torture, whilst that threat was impending, or, when there was no longer any intention of putting it into execution, I have not been able to ascertain ; but the probability seems to be, that it was during the first or second of these periods. Notwithstanding the ill success that had attended his enterprize, he never expresses, or even hints the smallest degree of contrition for having undertaken it: on the contrary, when Mr. Charteris, an eminent di- vine, is permitted to wait on him, his first caution to that minister is, not to try to convince him of the un- lawfulness of his attempt, concerning which his opi- nion was settled, and his mind made up. f Of some parts of his past conduct he does indeed confess that he repents, but these are the compliances of which he Burnet, U. 515. j Burnet. or JAMES THE SECOND. 143 had been guilty in support of the King, or his prede- CHAP. HI. cessors. Possibly in this he may allude to his having i685 in his youth borne arms against the Covenant, but with more likelihood to his concurrence, in the late reign, with some of the measures of Lauderdale's ad- ministration, for whom it is certain that he entertained a great regard, and to whom he conceived himselt to be principally indebted for his escape from his first sentence. Friendship and gratitude might have car- ried him to lengths which patriotism and justice must condemn. Religious concerns, in which he seems to have His deport- been very serious and sincere, engaged much of his j'aTlf hiV^ thoughts ; but his religion was of that genuine kind, execution, which by representing the performance of our duties to our neighbour, as the most acceptable service to God, strengthens all the charities of social life. While he anticipates, with a hope of approaching to certainty a happy futurity, he does not forget those who had been justly dear to him in this world. He writes, on the day of his execution, to his wife, and to some other relations, for who.n he seems to have entertained a sort of parental tenderness, short but the most affec- tionate letters, wherein he gives them the greatest satisfaction then in his power, by assuring them of his composure and ti-anquillity of mind, and refers them for further consolations to those sources from which he deri\'ed his own. In his letter to Mrs. Smith, written on the same day, he says, " While any thing " was a burden to me, your concern was ; which is *' a cross greater than I can express," (alluding pro- bably to the pecuniaiy loss she had incurred,) " but " I have, I thank God, overcome all."* Her name, he adds, could not be concealed, and that he knows • Woodrow, n. 541, 542- 144 History op the reig?? CHAP. III. not what may have been discovered from any papef 1685. which may have been taken ; otherwise he has named none to their disadvantage. He states that those in whose hands he is, had at first used him hardly, but that God had melted their hearts, and that he was no\v^ treated with civility. As an instance of this, he tnentions the liberty he had obtained of sending this letter to her ; a liberty which he takes as a kindness on their part, and which he had sought that she might not think he had forgotten her. Never perhaps did a few sentences present so strik- ing a picture of a mind truly virtuous and honorable. Heroic courage is the least part of his praise, and va- nishes as it were fi'om our sight, when we contemplate the sensibility with which he acknowledges the kind-* ness, such as it is, of the very men who are leading him to the scaffold ; the generous satisfaction which he feels on reflecting that no confession of his has en- dangered his associates ; and above all, his anxiety, in such moments, to perform all the duties of friendship aixi gratitude, not only with the most scrupulous ex- actness, but with the most considerate attention to the feelings as well as to the interests of the person who' was the the object of them. Indeed, it seems thi-ough- out, to have been the peculiar felicity of this man's mind, that every thing was present to it that ought to be so ; nothing that ought not. Of his countr;- he coufld not be unmindful ; and it was one among other consequences of his happy temper, that on this subject he did not entertain those gloomy ideas, which the then state of Scotland was but two well fitted to in- spire. In a conversation with an intim ate friend, he says, that though he does not take upon him to be a prophet, he doubts not but that deliverance will come, and suddenly, of which his failings had rendered him unworthy to be the instrument. In some verses which or JAMES THE SECOND. 14j he composed on the night preceding his execution, CHAP. HI. and which he intended for his epitaph, he thus cypres- 1685 ses tills hope still more distinctly : " On my attempt though Providence did frown, " His oppressed people God at length shall own ; *"' Another hand, by more successful speed, " Shall raise tlie remnant, bruise the serpent's head." With fespect to the epitaph itself, of which these lines form a part, it is probable diat he composed it chiefly with a view to amuse and relieve his mind, fatigued Avith exertion ; and partly, perhaps, in imita- tion of the famous Marquis of Montrose, who, in si- milar circ\imstances, had written some verses which have been much celebrated. The poetical merit of the pieces appears to be nearly equal, and is not in either instance considerable, and they are only in so far va- luable, as they may serve to convey to us some image of the minds by which they were produced. He who reads them with this view, will perhaps be of opinion, that the spirit manifested in the two compositions, is rather equal in degree, than like in character ; that the courage of Montrose was more turbulent, that of Ar- gyle more calm and sedate. If on the one hand it is to be regretted, that we have not more memorials left of passages so interesting, and that even of those which we do possess, a great part is obscured by time j it must be confessed, on the other, that we have quite enough to enable us to pronounce, that for constancy and equanimity under the severest trials, few meil have equalled, none ever sui^passed, the. Earl of Ar- gyle. The most powerful of all tempters, liope, was not held out to him, so that he had not, it is true, in addition to his other hard tasks, that of resisting her seductive influence ; but the pti^sions of a different class had the* fi^llefr-t scope for ih';- nnicks. These. 146 HISTORY OF THE REIGN CHAP. III. however, could make no impresson on his well-dis- 1585. ciplined mind. Anger could not exasperate, fear could not appal him ; and if disappointment and indignation at the misbehaviour of his followers, and the supine- ness of the country, did occasionally, as sure they must, cause vmeasv sensations, they had not the power to extort from him one unbecoming, or even querulous expression. Let him be weighed ever so scrupulous j ly, and in the nicest scales, he will not be found, in a single instance, wanting in the charity of a Christian, the firmness and benevolence of a patriot, the integri- ty and fidelity of a man of honour. An Address The Scotch Parliament had, on the eleventh of June, Scotch^Par- ^^^^ '^^ Address to the King, wherein, after praising liament a- his Majesty as usual for his extraordinary prudence, " courage, and conduct, and loading Argyle, whom they style an hereditary traitor, with every reproach they can devise, among others, that of ingratitude for the favours which he had received, as well from his Majesty, as from his predecessor, they implore his Majesty that the Earl may find no favour ; and that the Earl's family, the heritors, ring-leaders, and preachers who joined him, should be for ever declared incapable of mercy, or beai'ing any honour or estate in the kingdom ; and ail subjects discharged under the highest pains to intercede for them in any manner of way. Never was address more graciously re- ceived, or more readily complied with; and accord- ingly, the following letter with the royal signature, and countersigned by Lord Melford, Secretary of State for Scotland, A\'as dispatched to the council at Edinburgh, and by them entered and registered on the twenty -ninth of June. The warrant " Whereas, the late Earl of Argyle is, by the pro- iorhxsexc- « yidence of God, fiillcn into our rower, it is our will " and pleasure that you take all ways to know from OF JAMES THE SECOND. 14; '' him those things which concern our government CHAP. ril. '' most, as his assisters with men, arms, rind money ; 168.5. '' his associates and correspondents ; his designs, &c. ^' But tliis must be done, so as no time may be lost *'• in bringing him to condign punishment, bv causing " him to be demeaned as a traitor, within the space " of three days after this shall come to your hands ; •" an account of which, with what he shall confess, " you shall send immediately to us or our Secreta- " ries ; for doing which, this shall be }our warrant."* When it is recollected that torture had been in common use in Scotland, and that the persons to whom the letter was addressed, had often caused it to be inflicted, the words " It is our ■will and pleasure *' that you take all ways," seem to convey a positive command for apph'ing of it in this instance ; yet it is certain that Argjle was not tortured. "SA'hat Avas the cause of this seeming disregard of the royal injunc- tions, does not appear. One would hope, for the ho- nour of human nature, that James, struck with some compunction for the injuries he had already heaped upon the head of this unfortunate nobleman, sent some private orders contradictory to this public letter ; but there is no trace to be discovered of such a cir- cumstance. The managers themselves might feel a sympathy for a man of their own rank, which had no influence in the cases where only persons of an infe- rior station were to be the sufferers ; and in those words of the King's letter, which enjoin a speedy punishment, as the primary object to which all others must give way ; they might find a pretext for over- looking the most odious part of the order, and of in- dulging their humanity, such as it was, by appointing the earliest day possible for the execution. In order ' Woodrow, II. 539. 148 HISTORY OF THE REIGX 1685. An incident before his execution. CHAP. in. that the triumph of injustice might be complete, u was determined, that without any new trial, the Earl should suffer upon the iniquitous sentence of sixteen hundred and eighty-two. Accordingly, the very next day ensuing was appointed, and on the thirtieth of June he was brought from the Castle, first to the Laigh Council-House, and thence to the place of ex- ecution. Before he left the Castle he had his dinner at the usual hour, at which he discoursed, not only calmly, but even cheerfully with Mr. Charteris and others- After dinner he retired, as was his custom, to his bed-chamber, where, it is recorded, that he slept qui- etly for about a quarter of an hour. While he was in bed, one of the members of the council came and in- timated to the attendants a desire to speak with him ; upon being told that the Earl was asleep, and had left orders not to be disturbed, the manager disbelieved the account, which he considered as a device to avoid further questionings. To satisfy him, the door of the bed-chamber was half opened, and he then beheld, enjoying a sweet and tranquil slumber, the man, who by the doom of him and his fellows, was to die v/ithiu the space of two short hours ! Struck with the sight, he hurried out of the room, quitted the Castle with the utmost precipitation, and hid himself in the lodg- ings of an acquaintance who lived near, where he flung himself upon the first bed that presented itself, and had every appearance of a man suffering the most excruciating torture. His friend, who had been ap- prized by the servant of the state he was in, and v.ho naturally concluded that he was ill, offered him some wine. He refused, saying, " No, no, that will not " help me ; I have been in at Argyle, and saw him " sleeping as pleasantly as ever man did, widiin an or .lAMES THE SECOND. 149 *" hour of etemity. But as for me ."* The name CIIAV. iir. of the person to whom this anecdote relates, is not iggo mentioned, and the truth of it may therefore be fairly considered as liable to that degree of dovibt, with which men of judgment receive every species of tra- ditional histor}'. Woodrow, however, whose veracity is above suspicion, says he had it from the most un- questionable authority. It is not in itself unlikely, and who is there that would not wish it true ? What a satisfactory spectacle to a philosophical mind, to see the oppressor, in the zenith of his power, envying" his victim I What an acknowledgment of the superiority of virtue ! what an affecting, and forcible testimony to the value of that peace of mind, which innocence alone can confer ! We know not who this man was ; but when we reflect, that the guilt which agonized him was probably incurred for the sake of some vain title, or at least of some increase of wealth, which he did not want, and possibly knew not how to enjoy, our disgust is turned into something like compassion for that veiy foolish class of men, whom the world calls wise in their generation. Soon after his short repose Argyle was brought, His bcha- according to order, to the Laigh Council-House, from gcuftbld which place is dated the letter to his wife, and thence to the place of execution. On the scaffold he had some discourse, as well with Mr. Annand, a minister appointed by government to attend him, as with Mr. Chartcris. He desired both of them to pray for him, and prayed himself with much fervency and devo- tion. The speech which he made to the people was such as might be expected from the passages already i'elated. The same mixture of firmness and mildness Is conspicuous in every part of it. " We ought not/' • Woodrow, II. 541 1 50 HISTORY OF THE REIG JJ CHAP. III. says he, " to despise our afflictions, nor to faint under 1685. " them. We must not suffer oui'selves to be exaspe- " rated against the instruments of our troubles, nor by " fraudulent, nor pusillanimous compliances, bring *■' guilt upon ourselves ; faint hearts are ordinarily " false hearts, choosing sin, rather than suffering." He offers his prayers to God for the three kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and that an end may be put to their present trials. Having then asked pardon for his own failings, both of God and man, he would have concluded : but being reminded that he had said nothing of the Royal family, he adds that he refers, in this matter, to what he had said at his trial concerning the test ; that he prayed there never might be wanting one of the Royal Family to support the Protestant Religion, and if any of them had swerved from the true faith, he prayed God to turn their hearts, but at ary rate to save his people from their machina- tions. When he had ended, he turned to the south side of the scaffold, and said, " Gentlemen, I pray you " do not misconstruct my behaviour this day : I free- " ly forgive all men their wrongs and injuries done " against me, as I desire to be forgiven of God.** Mr. Annand repeated these words louder to the peo- ple. The Earl then went to the north side of the scaffold, and used the same or the like expressions. Mr. Annand repeated them again, and said, " This " nobleman dies a Protestant." The Earl stept for- ward again, and said, " I die not only a Protestant, " but with a heart-hatred of Popery, prelacv, and all " superstition whatsomever." * It would perhaps have been better if these last expressions had never l)een uttered, as there appears certainly something of violence in them, imsuitable to the general tenor of * Woodfow, 513, 545. OF JAMES THE SECOND. I5I his language ; but it must be remembered, first, that CHAP. HI. the opinion that the Pope is Antichrist was at that iggj. time general among almost all' the zealous Protestants in these kingdoms ; secondly, that Annand, being employed by government, and probably an PLpiscopa- lian, the Earl might apprehend that the declaration of such a minister, might not convey the precise idea, which he, Argjle, affixed to the word Protestant. He then embraced his friends, gave some tokens of His execu- remembrance to his son-in-law. Lord Maitland, for '""" his daughter and giand-children, stript himself of part of his apparel, of which he likewise made presents, and laid his head upon the block. Having uttered a short prayer, he gave the signal to the executioner, which was instantly obeyed, and his head severed from his body.* Such were the last hours, and such the final close, of this great man's life. May the like happy serenity in svich dreadful circumstances, and a death equally glorious, be the lot of all, whom tyran- ny, of whatever denomination or description, shall in any age, or in any countr}% call to expiate their vir- tues on the scaffold ! Of the followers of Argyle, in the disastrous expe- Patc of \\\s dition above recounted, the fortunes were various, followers. Among those who either surrendered or were taken, some suffered the same fate with their commander, others were pardoned ; while, on the other hand, of those who escaped to foreign parts, many after a short exile returned triumphantly to their country at the pe- riod of the Revolution, and under a system congenial to their principles, some even attained the highest honours and dignities of the state. It is to be recol- lected, that when, after the disastrous night-murch from Killeme, a separation took place at Kilpatrick * Woodrow, 54.3, 545 f^ 152 mSTORY OF THE REIGN 1685. CHAP. III. between Argyle and his confederates, Sir John Cocii^ ■' rane, Sir Patrick Hume, and others, crossed the Clyde into Renfrewshire, with about, it is supposed, two hundred men. Upon their landing, they met with some opposition from a troop of militia horse, which was however feeble and ineffectual ; but fresh parties of militia, as well as regular troops drawing together, a sort of scuffle ensued, near a place called Muirdyke ; an offer of quarter was made by the King's troops, but (probably on account of the conditions annexed to it,) was refused ; and Cochrane and the rest, now reduced to the number of seventy, took shelter in a a fold-dyke, where they were able to resist and repel, though not without loss on each side, the attack of the enemy. Their situation was nevertheless still desperate, and in the night they determined to make their escape. The King's troops having retired, this was effected without difficulty ; and this remnant of an army being dispersed by common consent, every man sought his own safety in the best manner he could. Sir John Cochrane took refuge in tlie house of an uncle, by Avhom, or by whose wife it is said, he was betrayed. He was however pardoned ; and from this circumstance, coupled with the constant and seemingly peevish opposition which he gave to al- most all Arg}le's plans, a suspicion has arisen, that he had been treacherous throughout. But the account given of his pardon by Burnet, who says his father, Lord Dundonald, who was an opulent nobleman, pur- chased it with a considerable sum of money,* is more credible, as well as more candid ; and it must be re- membered, that in Sir John's disputes with his gene- ral, he v/as almost always acting in conjunction a\ ith Sir Patrick Hume, who is proved by the subsequent events, and indeed bv the whole tenor of his life and Cochrane betrayed and pardon cd. * Burnet, II. 31(?. OF JAMES THE SECOND. 153 tonduct, to have been uniformly sincere and zealous chap. hi. in the cause of his country, Cochrane was sent to jsgs. England, where he had an interview with the King, and gave such answers to the questions put to him, as were deemed satisfactory by his Majesty ; and the information thus obtained, whatever might be the real and secret causes, furnished a plausible pretence at least for the exercise of royal mercy. Sir Patrick Hume and Hume, after having concealed himself some time in p^j ^^ iH^' the house, and under the protection, of Lady Eleanor land. Dunbar, sister to the Earl of Eglington, found means to escape to Holland, whence he returned in better times, and was created first Lord Hume of Polwarth, and afterward Earl of Marchmont. FuUarton, and Campbell of Auchinbreak, appear to have escaped, but by what means is not known. Two sons of Ar- gyle, John and Charles, and Archibald Campbell, his nephew, were sentenced to death and forfeiture, but the capital part of the sentence was remitted. Thomas Archer exe- Archer, a clergyman, who had been wounded at Muir- cuted. dyke, was executed, notwithstanding many applica- tions in his favour, among which was one from Lord Drumlanrig, Queensbeny's eldest son. Woodrow, who was himself a Presbyterian minister, and though a most valuable and coiTCCt historian, was not with- out a tincture of the prejudices belonging to his or- der, attributes the unrelenting spirit of the Govern- ment in this instance, to their malice against the clergy of his sect. Some of the holy ministr}-, he observes, as Guthrie at the Restoration, Kidd and Mackail after the insurrections at Pentland and Both- well-bridge, and now Archer, were upon every occa- sion to be sacrificed to the fury of the persecutors.* But to him who is well acquainted with the history * Woodrow, 553. V 154 HISTORY OF THE REKiM 1685. A3'loffe exe- cuted in England. CHAP, m, of this period, the habitual cruelty of the government will fully account for any particular act of severity ; and it is only in cases of lenity, such as that of Coch- rane, for instance, that he will look for some hidden or special motive. Ayloffe, having in vain attempted to kill himself, was, like Cochrane, sent to London to be examined. His relationship to the King's first wife might perhaps be one inducement to this measure, or it might be thought more expedient that he should be executed for the Rye-house plot, the credit of which it was a favourite object of the Court to uphold, than for his recent acts of rebellion in Scotland. Upon his exami- nation he refused to give any information, and suffer- ed death upon a sentence of outlawry, which had passed in the fonner reign. It is recorded, tha,t James in- terrogated him personally, and finding him sullen, and unwilling to speak, said, " Mr. Ayloffe, you know it " is in my power to pardon you, therefore say that " which may deserve it ;" to which Ayloffe replied, " Though it is in your power, it is not in your nature " to pardon." This, howt vcr, is one of those anec- dotes, which is believed rather on account of the air of nature that belongs to them, than upon any very good traditional authority, and which ought, therefore, when any very material inference, Vtith respect either to fact or character, is to be drawn from them, to be received with great caution. Rumbold, covered with wounds, and defending himself with uncommon exertions of strength and courage, was at last taken. However desirable it might have been thought, to execute in England a man so deeply implicated in the Rye-house plot, the state of Rumbold's health made such a project impractica- ble. Had it been attempted, he would probably, by a natural death, have disappointed the views of a govern- Rumbold. Ol' JAAUiS THK SECOND. 155 ment who were eager to sec brought to the block, a cilAP. ill. man whom they thought, or pretended to think, guihy i685. of having projected the assassination of the Uite and present King. Weakened as he was in body, his mind was firm, his constancy unshaken ; and notwithstand- ing some endeavours that were made by drums, and other instruments, to drown his voice wiien he was addressing the people from the scaffold, enough has been preserved of what he then uttered, to satisfy us, that his personal courage, the praise of which has not been denied him, was not of the vulgar or constitu- tional kind, but was accompanied with a propoitionaljle vigour of mind. Upon hearing his sentence, whether in imitation of Montrose, or from that congeniality of character, Avhich causes men in similar circumstances to conceive similar sentiments, he expressed the same wish which that gallant nobleman had done ; he wish- ed he had a limb for every town in Christendom. With His denial of t,nc Lissiissi' respect to the intended assassination imputed to him, nation plot, he protested his innocence, and desired to be believed upon the faith of a dying man ; adding, in terms as natural as they are forcibly descriptive of a conscious dignity of character, that he was too well kno-svn, for any to have had the imprudence to make such a pro- position to him. He concluded with plain, and appa- rently sincere, declarations of his undiminished attach- ment to the principles of libert)^, civil and religious ; denied that he was an enemy to monarchy, affirming, on the contrary", that he ronsidercd it, when properly limited, as the most eligible form of government ; but that he never could believe that anv man was born marked by God above another, " for none comes into " the world with a saddle on his hack, neither any " booted and spurred to ride him."* * Ralph, I. 872 156 HISTORY OF THE REIGN CHAP. ni. Except by Ralph, who, with a warmth that does 1685. honour to his feelings, expatiates at some length upon Overlooked the subject, the circumstances attending the death oi rians^.^ ^' ^^^^ extraordinary man have been little noticed. Ra- pin, Echard, Kennet, Hume, make no mention of them whatever ; and yet, exclusively of the interest always excited by any great display of spirit and magnanimi- ty, his solemn denial of the project of assassination imputed to him in the aifair of the Rye-house plot, is in itself a fact of great importance, and one which might have been expected to attract, in no small de- gree, the attention of the historian. That Hume, who has taken some pains in canvassing the degree of cre- dit due to the diiferent parts of the Rye-house plot, ohould pass k over in silence, is the more extraordi- nary, because, in the case of the Popish plot, he lays, and justly lays, the greatest stress upon the dying de- clarations of the sufferers. Burnet adverts, as well tO' the peculiar language used by Rumbold, as to his de- nial of the assassination ; but having before given us to understand, that he believed that no svtch crime had been projected, it is the less to be wondered at^ that he does not much dwell upon this further evidence in favour of his former opinion. Sn- John Dalrymple, upon the authority of a paper which he does not pro- duce, but from which he quotes enough to show, that if produced it would not answer his purpose, takes Rumbold's guilt for a decided fact, and then states his dying protestations ot his innocence, as an instance of aggravated wickedness.* It is to be remarked too, that although Sir John is pleased roundly to assert, that Rumbold denied the share he had had in the Rye- house plot, yet the particular words which he cites neither contain, nor express, nor imply any such de- * Dalrj-mplc's Memoirs, I. 141 OF JAMES THE SECOND. 157 nial. He has not even selected those, by which the cilAP. ill. design of assassination was denied, (the only denial i685. that was uttered,) but refers to a gcnertU declaration made by Rumbold, that he had done injustice to no man ; a declaration which was by no means inconsist- ent with his having been a party to a plot, which he, no doubt, considered as justifiable, and even meritori- ous. This is not all : the paper referred to is addres- sed to Walcot, by whom Rumbold states himself to have been led on ; and Walcot with his last breath, denied his own participation in any design to murder either Charles or James. Thus, therefore, whether the declaration of the sufferer be interpi*eted in a gene- ral, or in a particular sense, there is no contradiction whatever between it and the paper adduced ; but thus it is, that the character of a brave, and, as far as ap- pears, a virtuous man, is most unjustly and cruelly traduced. An incredible confusion of head, and an uncommon want of reasoning powers, which distin- guish the author to whom I refer, are, I shoidd cha- ritably hope, the true sources of his misrepresentation ; while oihers may probably impute it to his desire of blackening, upon any pretence, a person whose name is more or less connected with tho3» of Sidney and Russel. It ought not, pcrhups, to pass without obser- vation, that this attack upon Rumbold is introduced only in an oblique manner: the rigour of government destroyed, says the historian, the morals it intended to correct, and made the unhappy sufferer add to his former crimes, the atrocity of declaring a falsehood iu his last moments. Now, what particular instances of rigour are here alluded to, it is difficult to guess : for surely the execution of a man whom he sets down as guilty of a design to murder the two royal brothers, could not, even in the judgment of persons much less accustomed than Sir John to palliate the crim.es of 158 HISTORY OF THE REIGN CHAP. III. princes, be looked upon as an act of blameable seve- ^gg^ rity ; but it was thought, perhaps, that for the purpose of conveying a calumny upon the persons concerned, or accused of being concerned, in the Rye-house plot, an affected censure upon the government would be the fittest vehicle. His declava- The fact itself, that Rumbold did, in his last hours, tion examin- gQjgj^jjly deny the having been concerned in any pro- ject for assassinating the King or Duke, has not, I be- lieve, been questioned.* It is not invalidated by the silence of some historians : it is confirmed by the mis- representation of others. The first question that na- turally presents itself, must be, was this declai^ation true? The asseverations of dying men have always had, and will always have, great influence upon the minds of those who do not push their ill opinion of mankind to the most outrageous and unwarrantable length : but though the >veight of such asseverations be in all cases great, it will not be in all equal. It is material therefore to consider, first, what are the cir- cumstances which may tend in particular cases to dimi- nish their credit; and next, how far such circumstan- ces appear to have existed in the case before us. The case where thisfpecies of evidence would be the least convincing, would be wlitre hope of pardon is enter- tained ; for then the man is not a dying man in the sense of the proposition, for he has not that certainty that his falsehood will not avail him, which is the principal foundation of the credit due to his asser- tions. For the same reason, though in a less degree, he who hopes for favour to his children, or to other surviving connections, is to be listened to Avidi some caution J for the existence of one virtue, docs not ne- * It is confirmed, beyond contradiction, by Lord rontaiulmirs account of his trial and execution. Vide Appendix. E OF JAMES TlIK SECOND. 159 cessarily prove that of another, and he who loves his CHAP. III. children and friends may yet be profligate and unprin- i685. cipled, or, deceiving himself, may think, that "while his ends are laudable, he ought not to hesitate con- cerning the means. Besides these more obvious temptations to prevarication, there is another, which, though it may lie somewhat deeper, yet experience teaches us to be rooted in human nature. I mean that sort of obstinacy, or false shame, which makes men so unwilling to retract what they have once advanced, %vhether in matter of opinion, or of fact. The general character of the man is also in this, as in all other hu- man testimony, a circumstance of the greatest mo- ment. Where none of the abovementioned objections occur, and where, therefore, the weight of evidence in question is confessedly considerable, yet is it still liable to be balanced or outweighed by evidence in the opposite scale. Let Rumbold's declaration then, be examined upon His testimo- these principles, and we shall find that it has everv "^ apparent^ character of truth, without a smgle circumstance to discredit it. He was so far from entertaining any hope of pardon, that he did not seem even to wish it ; and indeed, if he had had any such chimerical object in view, he must have kno^^^l, that to have supplied the government with a proof of the Rye-house Assassina- tion plot, would be a more likely road at least, than a steady denial, to obtain it. He left none behind him, for M'hom to entreat favour, or whose welfare or ho- nour were at all affected by any confession or declara- tion he might make. If, in a prospective view, he was without temptation, so neither if he looked back, was he fettered by any former declaration; so that he • could not be influenced by that erroneous notion of consistency, to which, it may be feared, that truth, <"ven in the most awful moments, has in some cases 160 HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1685. CHAP. III. been sacrificed. His timely escape, in sixteen hun- dred and eighty-three, had saved him from the ne- cessity of making any protestation upon the subject of his innocence at that time ; and the words of the letter to Walcot are so far from containing such a protestation, that they are quoted, (veiy absurdly, it is true,) by Sir John Dalrymple, as an avowal of guilt. If his testimony is free from these particular objec- tions, much less is it impeached by his general cha- racter, which was that of a bold and daring man, who was very unlikely to feel shame in avowing what he had not been ashamed to rnmmit, and who seems to have taken a delight in speaking bold truths, or at least what appeared to him to be such, without regard- ing the manner in which his hearers were likelv to re- ceive them. With respect to the last consideration, that of the opposite evidence, it all depends upon the veracity of men, who, according to their own account, betrayed their comrades, and were actuated by the hope either of pardon or reward. It appears to be of the more consequence to clear up this matter, because, if we should be of opinion, as I think we all must be, that the story of the in- tended assassination of the King, in his way from Newmarket, is as fabulous as that of the silver bul- lets by which he was to have been shot at Windsor, a most singular train of reflections will force itself upon our minds, as well in regard to the character of the times, as to the means by which the two causes gain- ed successively the advantage over each other. The Royalists had found it impossible to discredit the fic- tion, gross as it was, of the Popish plot; nor could they prevent it from being a powerful engine in the hands of the Whigs, who, during the alarm raised by it, gained an irresistible superiority in the House of Commons, in the City of London, and in most parts Importance of the fact. OF JAMES THE SECOND. 161 of the kingdom. But they Avho could not quiet a false CHAI'. lU. alarm raised by their adversaries, found little or no ^gy^ difficulty in raising one equally false in their own fa- vour, by the supposed detection of the intended as- sassination. With regard to the advantages derived to the respective parties from those detestable fictions, if it be urged, on one hand, that the panic spread by the Whigs was more universal, and more violent in its effects, it must be allowed, on the other, that the ad- vantages gained by the Tories were, on account of their alliance with the Crown, more durable and de- cisive. There is a superior solidity ever belonging to the power of the Crown, as compared with that of any body of men or party, or even with either of the other branches of the legislature. A party has influence, but, properly speaking, no power. The Houses of Parliament have abundance of power, but, as bodies, little or no influence. The Crown has both power and influence, which, Avhen exerted with wis- dom and steadiness, will always be found too strong for any opposition Avhatever, till the zeal and fidelity of party attachments shall be found to increase in proportion to the increased influence of the executive power. \\Tiile these matters were transacting in Scotland, Monmnutu's Ml r 1 1 1 • • t 1 ini'ci.sion onmouth, coniormably to his promise to Argyle, set sail from Holland, and landed at Lyme in Dorset- shire on the eleventh of June. He was attended by Lord Grey of Wark, Fletcher of Salton, Colonel Matthews, Ferguson, and a fcAV other gentlemen. His reception was, among the lower ranks, cordial, and for some days, at least, if not weeks, there seem- ed to \vA\c been more foundation for the san^-uine hopes of Lord Grey, and others, his followers, than the Duke had supposed. The first step taken by the invader, was to issue a. proclamation, Avhich he caused X 162 HISTORY OF THE REIGN CHAP. III. to be read in the market-place. In this instrument 1685. he touched upon what were, no doubt, thought to be the most popular topics ; and loaded James, and his Catholic friends, with every imputation which had at any time been thrown against them. This declaration appears to have been well received, and the numbers that came in to him were very considerable ; but his means of arming them were limited, nor had he much confidence, for the purpose of any important military opei-ation, in men unused to discipline, and wholly unacquainted with the art of war. Without examining the question, whether or not Monmouth, from his professional prejudices, carried, as some have alleged he did, his diffidence of unpractised soldiers, and new levies, too far, it seems clear that in his situation, the best, or rather the only chance of success, was to be looked for in councils of the bold- est kind. If he could not immediately strike some im- portant stroke, it was not likely that he ever should j nor indeed was he in a condition to wait. He coidd not flatter himself, as Arg)4e had done, that he had a strong country'-, full of relations and dependents, where he might secure himself till the co-operation of his confederate, or some other favorable circumstance, inight put it in his power to act more efficaciovisly. Of any brilliant success in Scotland he could not, at this time, entertain any hope, nor if he had, could he rationally expect that any events in that quarter svould make the sort of impression here, which, on the other hand, his success would produce in Scot- land. With money he was wholly unprovided, nor does it appear, whatever may have been the inclina- tion of some considerable men, such as Lords ISIac- clesfield, Brandon, Delamere, and others, that any persons of that description were engaged to join in his enterprize. Hh reception liad been above his hopes, and his recruits more numerous than could be OF JAMES THE SECOND. 163 expected, or than he was able to furnish witli arms ; CHAP. in. while on the other hand, the forces in arms against i685 him consisted chiefly in a militia, formidable neither from numbers nor discipline, and moreover suspected of disaffection. The present moment therefore, seem- ed to oflfer the most favorable opportunity for eutcr- prize of any that was like to occur ; but the unfortu- nate Monmouth judged otherwise, and, as if he were to defend rather than to attack, directed his chief policy to the avoiding of a general action. It being however absolutely necessary to dislodge His success some ti-oops which the Earl of Faversham had thrown ' into Bridport, a detachment of three hundred men was made for that purpose, which had the most com- plete success, notwithstanding the cowardice of Lord Grey, who commanded them. This nobleman, who had been so instrumental in persuading his friend to the invasion, upon the first appearance of danger, is said to have left the troops whom he commanded, and to have sought his own personal safety in flight. The troops carried Bridport, to the shame of the commander who had deserted them and returned to Lvme. It is related by Ferguson, that Monmouth said to Matthews, " What shall I do with Lord Grey ?" to which the other answered, " That he was the only *' general in Europe who would ask siich a question ;" intending, no doubt, to reproach the Duke with the excess to which he pushed his characteristic virtues of mildness and forbearance. That these virtues formed a part of his character, is most true, and the personal friendship in which he lived with Grev, would in- cline him still more to the exercise of them upon this occasion : but it is to be remembered also, that the delinquent was, in respect of rank, property, and per- haps too of talentj by far the most considerable man 164 HISTORY OF THE REICIX CHAP. m. he had with hhii ; and dierefore, that prudential mo- ^^^^' lives might concur, to deter a General from proceed- ing to violent measures with such a person, especially in a civil war, where the discipline of an armed party cannot be conducted upon the same system, as that of a regular amny serving in a foreign war. Monmouth's disappointment in Lord Grey was aggravated by the loss of Fletcher of Salton, who, in a sort of scuf- fle that ensued, upon his being reproached for hav- ing seized a horse belonging to a man of the country, ' had the misfortune to kill the owner. Monmouth, however unwilling, thought himself obliged to dis- miss him ; and thus, while a fatal concurrence of cir- cumstances forced him to part with the man he es- teemed, and to retain him whom he despised, he found himself at once disappointed of the support of the two persons upon whom he had most relied. His subse- On the fifteenth of June, his army being now in- press, creased to near three thousand men, the Duke march- ed from Lyme. Pie does not appear to have taken this step with a vicw^ to any enterprise of importance, but rather to avoid the danger which he apprehended from the inotions of the De\onshire and Somerset militias, whose object it seemed to be to shut him up in Lyme, In his first day's march, he had opportu- nities of engaging, or rather of pursuing each of those bodies, who severally retreated from his forces ; but conceiving it to be his business, as he said, not to fight but to march on, he w^ent through Axminstcr, and encamped in a strong piece of ground between that town and Chard in Somersetshire, to which place he proceeded on the ensuing day. According to Wade's narrative, ■which appears to afford by far the most authentic account of these transactions, here it was that the first proposition was made for proclaim- ing Monmouth King. I'erguson made tb.e proposal, OF JAMKS THE SKCONT). J65 and was supported by Lord Grey, but it was easily CHAP. Ill run doxrHy as Wade expresses it, hij those ivho ivcrc 1685, against it^ and whom, therefore, we must suppose to have formed a very considerable majority of the persons deemed of sufficient importance to be con- sulted on such an occasion. These circumstances arc j material, because if that credit be given to them which thev appear to deserve, Fel-guson's want of veracity- becomes so notorious, that it is hardl}- worth while to H attend to any part of his narrative. Where it only con-oboratcs accounts given by others, it is of little use ; and where it differs from them, it deserves no credit. I have therefore wholly disregarded it. Ji From Chard, Monmouth and his part)' proceeded His recep- ii to Taunton, a town, where, as well for the tenor of xaunton former occurrences, as from the zeal and number of the Protestant Dissenters, who formed a great por- tion of its inhabitants, he had every reason to expect the most favourable reception. His expectations were not disappointed. The inhabitants of the upper, as well as the lower classes vied with each other in testifying their affection for his person, and their zeal for his cause. While the latter rent the air with ap- plauses and acclamations, the former opened their houses to him and to his followers, and furnished his army with necessaries and supplies of every kind. His way was strewed with flowers : the windows were thronged with spectators, all anxious to partici- pate in what the warm feelings of the moment made them deem a triumph. Husbands pointed out to their wives, mothers to their children, the brave and lovely hero, Avho was destined to be the deliverer of his country. The beautiful lines which Dr)den makes Achitophel in his highest strain of flattery, apply to this unfortunate nobleman, were in this instance lite- rallv verified : 1685. He is joined by no great families. 1 66 HISTORY OF tHE REIGN CHAP. in. " Thee, Saviour, thee, the nation's vows confess, " And never satisfied with seeing, bless. " Swift unbespoken pomps thy steps proclaim, " And stammering babes are taught to lisp thy name." In the midst of these joyous scenes, twenty-six youi^g maids, of the best families in the town pre- sented him, in the name of their townsmen, with co- lours wrought by them for the purpose, and with a Bible ; upon receiving which -he said, that he had tak- en the field with a design to defend the truth con- tained in that book, and to seal it with his blood if there was occasion. In such circumstances it is no wonder that his army increased ; and indeed, exclusive of individual re- cruits, he was here strengthened by the arrival of Colonel Basset with a considerable corps. But in the midst of these prosperous circumstances, some of them of such apparent importance to the success of his en- terprize, all of them highly flattering to his feelings, he did not fail to observe that one favourable symptom, (and that too of the most decisive nature,) was still wanting. None of the considerable families, not a single nobleman, and scarcely any gentlemen of rank and consequence in the counties through which he had passed, had declared in his favoiu-. Popular ap- plause is undoubtedly sweet ; and not only so, it often furnishes most powerful means to the genius that kndws how to make use of them. But Monmouth well knew that without the countenance and assist- ance of a proportion, at least, of the higher ranks in the country, there was, for an undertaking like his, little prospect of success. He could not but have re- marked that the habits and prejudices of the English people are, in a great degree, aristocratical ; nor had he before him, nor indeed have we, since his time, had one single example of an insurrection that was 1 OF JAMES THE SECOND. 1Q7 successful, unaided by the ancient families and great chaf. in. landed proprietors. He must have felt this the more, i685. because, in former parts of his political life, he had been accustomed to act with such coadjutors j and it is highly probable, that if Lord Russel had been alive, and could have appeared at the head of one hundred only of his western tenantry, such a reinforcement would have inspired him with more real confidence, than the thousands who individually flocked to his standard. But though Russel was no more, there were not He declares wanting, either in the provinces through which the hi'iiself Duke passed, or in other parts of the kingdom, many noble and wealthy families, who were attached to the principles of the Whigs. To account for their neu- trality, and, if possible, to persuade them to a differ- ent conduct, was naturally among his principal con- cerns. Their present coldness might be imputed to the indistinctness of his declarations, with respect to what was intended to be the future government. Men zealous for monarchy, might not choose to embark without some certain pledge that their favourite form should be preserved. They would also expect to be satisfied with respect to the person whom their arms, if successful, were to place upon the throne. To pro- mise, therefore, the continuance of a monarchial es- tablishment, and to designate the future monarch, seemed to be necessary for the purpose of acquiring aristocratical support. 'WTiatever might be the intrin- sic weight of this argument, it easily made its way with Monmouth in his present situation. The aspi- ring temper of mind which is the natural consequence of popular favour and success, produced in him a dis- position to listen to any suggestion which tended to his elevation and aggiandizement ; and when he could persuade himself upon reasons specious at least, that 168 IIISTO:feY OF THE REIGN CHAP. HL the measures which would most gratify his aspiring 1685. desires, would be, at the same time, a stroke of the soundest policy, it is not to be wondered at, that it was immediately and impatiently adopted. Urged therefore, by these mixed motives, he declared him- self King, and issued divers proclamations in the roy- al style ; assigning to those whose approbation he doubted, the reasons above adverted to, and proscrib- ing, and threatening with the punishment due to re- bellion, such as should resist his mandates, and adhere to the usurping Duke of York. Dissatisfac- If this measure was in reality taken with views of occasions ^^ policy those views were miserably disappointed ; for it does not appear that one proselyte was gained. The threats in the proclamation were received with derision by the King's army, and no other sentiments were excited by the assumption of the royal title, than those of contempt and indignation. The common- wcalthsmtn were dissatisfied, of course, Math the principle of the measure : the favourers of hereditaiy right held it in abhorrence, and considered it as a kind of sacrilegious profanation; nor even among -those who considered monarchy in a more rational light, and as a magistracy instituted for the good of the people, could it be at all agreeable that such a magistrate should be elected by the army that had thronged to his standard, or by the particular parti- ality of a provincial town. Monmouth's strcngtli therefore, was by no means increased by his new ti- tle, and seemed to be still limited to two descriptions of persons ; first, those who from thoughtlessness or desperation, were willing to join in any attempt at in- novation ; secondly, such as directing their views to a single point, considered the destruction of James's tyranny as the object which, at all hazards, and with- out regard to consequences, they were bound to OF JA^fES THE SECOND. 169 pui*suev On the other hand his reputation both for CIIAP. lU. moderation and good faith was considerably impaired, 1535 inasmuch, as his present conduct was in direct con- ti'adiction to tliat part of his declaration, wherein he had promised to leave the future adjustment of go- vernment, and especially the consideration of his own claims, to a free and independent parliament. The notion of imi)roving his new levies by disci- ^'^'•'^y ^^ ,. 1,1 • I- AT 'I'aunton. plme, seems to have taken such possession or iMon- mouth's mind, that he overlooked the probable, or la- ther the certain consequences of a delay, by which the enemy would be enabled to bring into the field, forces far better disciplined and appointed than any which, even with the most strenuous and successful exertions, he could hope to oppose to them. Upon this principle, and especially as he had not yet fixed upon any definite object of enterprize, he did not think a stay of a few daj's at Taunton would be materially, if at all prejudicial to his affairs, and it was not till the twenty-first of June that he proceeded to Bridgewater, where he was received in the most cordial manner. In his march the follov/ing day from that town to Glastonbury, he was alarmed by a party of the Earl of Oxford's horse ; but all apprehensions of any ma- terial intenwptions were removed, by an account of die militia having left Wells, and retreated to Bath and Bristol. From Glastonbury he went to Shipton- Mallet, where the project of an attack upon Bristol Dgsjfr-,^ t„ ^t- was first communicated by the Duke to his officers, tack Bristol. After some discussion, it was agi-eed that the attack should be made on the Glocestershire side of the city, and with that view, to pass the Avon at Keyns- ham-bi-idge, a few miles from Bath. In their march from Shipton- Mallet, the troops were agiiin harrassed in their rear by a party of horse and dragoons, but lodged quietly at night at a vilage called Pensford. 17Q HISTORY OF THE REIGN CHAP. HI. A detachment was sent early the next morning tc 1685 possess itself of Keynsham, and to repair the bridge, which might probably be broken down, to prevent a passage. Upon their approach, a troop of the Glouces- tershire horse militia immediately abandoned the town in great precipitation, leaving behind them two horses and one man. By break of day, the bridge, Avhich had not been much injured, was repaired, and before noon Monmouth, having passed it with his whole ar- my, was in full march to Bristol, which he determin- ed to attack the ensuing night. But the weather prov- ing rainy and bad, it was deemed expedient to return to Keynsham, a measure from which he expected to reap a double advantage ; to procure dry and commo- dious quarters for the soldiery, and to lull the enemiy, by a movement which bore the semblance of a retreat, into a false and delusive security. The event how- ever did not answer his expectation, for the troops had scarcely taken up their quarters when they were disturbed by two parties of horse, v/ho entered the town at two several places. An engagement ensued, in which Monmouth lost fourteen men, and a captain of horse, though in the end the Royalists were obliged to retire, leaving three prisoners. From these the Duke had information that the King's army was near at hand, and as they said, about four thousand strong. Marches to- This new state of affairs seemed to demand new shh-e* ' councils. The projected entcrprize upon Bristol was laid aside, and the question was, whether to make by forced marches for Gloucester, in order to pass the Severn at that city, and so to gain the counties of Sa- lop and Chester where he expected to be met by ma- ny friends, or to march directly into Wiltshire, where, according to some intelligence received* [" from one * Reference is made lo Adlum's iiilelligence, pac^c 238. It is ' ISar therefore that Mr. Fox ]ia?l int-ivled to name him, but as OF JAMES THE SECOND. " I7I Adlam,"] the clay before, there was a considerable ciIAP. ill. bod}' of horse, (under whose command does not ap- 153.^ pear,) ready, by their junction, to afford him a most important and seasonable support. To the first of these plans, a decisive objection was stated. The dis- tance by Gloucester was so great, that considering the slow marches to which he would be limited, by the daily attacks with which the different small bo- dies of the enemy's cavalry woidd not fail to har- rass his rear, he was in great danger of being over- taken by the king's forces, and might thus be driven to risk all in an engagement upon terms the most disadvantageous. On the contrary, if joined in Wilt- shire by the expected aids, he might confidently of- fer battle to the Royal army; and provided he could bring them to an action before they were sti-engthened by new reinforcements, there was no unreasonable prospect of success. The latter plan was therefore adopted, and no sooner adopted than put in execution. The army was in motion without delay, and being be- fore Bath on the morning of the twenty-sixth of June, ji summoned the place, rather, (as it should seem,) in sport than in earnest, as there was no hope of it-s sur- render. After this bravado they marched on south- ward to Philip's-Norton, where they rested j the horse in the town, and the foot in the field. While Monmouth was making these marches, there Insurrection were not wanting in many parts of the adjacent coun- ^^ Fi'oome ~ , ' 1 , suppressed try, strong symptoms of the attachment of the lower June 25 orders of people to his cause, and more especially in those manufacturing towns, where the Protestant dis- senters were numerous. In Froome, there had been a considerable rising headed by the constable, who posted up the Duke's Declaration in the market- • • -^ he omitted to do so, the words between the iiivcrtcd commas.. lijive been inserted bv the IStlitor » 1 7^ mSTORY OF THE REIGN CHAP. in. place. Many of the inhabitants of the neighbouring 1685. towns of Westbury and Warminster, came in throngs to the town to join the insurgents; some armed with fire-arms, but more with such rustic weapons as op- portunity could supply. Such a force, if it had joined the main army, or could have been otherwise directed by any leader of judgment and authority, might have proved very serviceable ; but in its present state it was a mere rabble, and upon the first appearance of the Earl of Pembroke, who entered the to\vn with a hun- dred and sixty horse, and forty musqueteers, fell, as might be expected, into total confusion. The rout was complete; all the arms of the insurgents were seized; and the constable, after having been compel- led to abjure his principles, and confess the enormity of his offence, was committed to prison. Monmouth's This transaction took place the twenty-fifth, the day ment " ' before Monmouth's arrival at Philip's-Norton, and may have, in a considerable degree, contributed to the disappointment, of which we learn from Wade, that he at this time began bitterly to complain. He was now upon the confines of Wiltshire, and near enough for the bodies of horse, upon whose favourable inten- tions so much reliance had been placed, to have effect- ed a junction, if they had been so disposed; but whe- ther that Adlaift's intelligence had been originally bad, or that Pembroke's proceedings at Froome had inti- midated them, no sympton of such an intention could be discovered. A desertion took place in his army, which the exaggerated accounts in the Gazette made to amount to near two thousand men. These dispirit- ing circumstances, added to the complete disappoint- ment of the hopes entertained from the assumption of the royal title, pi-oduced in him a state of mind but little short of despondency. He complained that all people had deserted him, and is said to have been so ' OF JAMES THE SECOND. 1 73 dejected, as hardly to have the spirit requisite for giv- CIIAr. u i. ing the necessary orders. 1685. From this state of torpor however, he appears to Attacked at have been effectually roused, by a brisk attack that j^-y'i-^'on." was made upon him on the twenty-seventh, in the morning, by the royalists, under the command of his half-brother, the Duke of Grafton. That spirited young nobleman, (whose intrepid courage, conspicu- ous upon ever)' occasion, led him in this, and many other instances, to risk a life, which he finally lost* in a better cause,) heading an advanced detachment of Lord Faversham's anny, who had marched from Bath, with a view to fall on the enemy's rear, marched boldly up a narrow lane leading to the town, and at- tacked a barricade, which Monmouth had caused to be made across the way, at the entrance of the tOMai. Monmouth was no sooner apprised of this brisk at- tack, than he ordered a party to go out of the town by a bye-way, who coming on the rear of the grenadiers, while others of his men were engaged with their front, had nearly surrounded them, and taken their com- mander prisoner, but Grafton forced his way through the enemy. An engagement ensued between the in- surgents and the remainder of Faversham's detach- ment, who lined the hedges which flanked them. The The Royal J^ former were victorious, and after driving the enemy ^^^ ^ from hedge to hedge, forced them at last into the open field, where they joined the rest of the King's forces, * At the siege of Cork m 1690. " In tliis action," (tlie taking of Cork by storm,) " the Duke of Grafton received a shot, of " which he diedui a few days. He was tlie more lamented, as " being the person of all King Charles's childj-en, of wliom there " was the greatest hope ; he was brave, and probably would have " become a great man at sea." Burnet, HI. 83. He distinguish- ed himself particularly in the action off Bcach}'-hoad that same >xur. Sir J. Ualrymple, H. 131. K. 1 74 HISTORY OP THE REIGN CHAP. III. newly come up. The killed and wounded in thes6 1685. rencounters amounted to about forty on Faversham's side, twenty on Monmouth's; but among the latter there were several officers, and some of note, while the loss of the former, with the exception of two volun- teers, Seymour and May, consisted entirely of com- mon soldiers. The Royalists now drew up on an eminence, about five hundred paces from the hedges, while Monmouth having placed of his four field-pieces, two at the mouth bf the lane, and two upon a rising ground near it on the right, formed his army along the hedge. From these stations, a firing of artillery was begun on each side, and continued near six hours, but with little or no effect ; Monmouth, according to Wade, losing but one, and the Royalists, according to the Gazatte, not one man, by the whole cannonade. In these circum- stances,, notwithstanding the recent and convincing ex- perience he now had, of the ability of his raw troops, to face, in certain situations at least, the more regular forces of his enemy, Monmouth was advised by some to retreat ; but, upon a more general consultation, this advice was over-ruled, and it was determined to cut passages through the hedges and to offer battle. But, before this could be effected, the royal army, not wil- ling again to engage among the enclosures, aimoyed in the open field by the rain, which continued to fall very heavily, and disappointed, no doubt, at the little effect of their artillery, began their retreat. The lit- tle confidence v\^hich Monmouth had in his horse, per- haps the ill opinion he now entertained of their leader, forbad him to think of pursuit, and having staid till a late hour in the field, and leaving large fires burning, he set out on his march in the night, and on the twenty- eighth in the morning, reached Froome, where he put his troops in quarter and rested two days. QF JAMES THE SECOND. 1 7S It was here he first heard certain news of Argyle's CHAP. ill. tliscomfiture. It was in vain to seek for any circum- i685. stance in his affairs that might mitigate the effect of Relapses in- the severe bloAv^ inflicted by this intelligence, and he j^-ncy. relapsed into the same low spirits as at Philip's-Nor- ton. No diversion, at least no successful diversion, had been made in his favour: there was no appearance of the horse, which had been the principal motive to allure him into that part of the countr}- ; and what was worst of all, no desertion from the King's army. It was manifest, said the Duke's more timid advisers, that the affair must terminate ill, and the only mea- sure now to be taken, was, that the General with his officers should leave the army to shift for itself, and make severally for the most convenient sea-ports, whence they might possibly get a safe passage to the continent. To account for iVIonmouth's entertaining even for a moment, a thought so unworthy of him, and so inconsistent with the character for spirit he had ever maintained, a character unimpeached, even by his ene- mies, we must recollect the unwillingness with which he undertook this fatal expedition; that his engage- ment to Argyle, M'ho was now past help, was perhaps his principal motive for embarking at that time ; that it was Avith great reluctance he had torn himself from the arms of Lady Harriet Wentworth, with whom he had so firmly persuaded himself that he could be hap- py in the most obscure retirement, that he believed himself weaned from ambition, which had hitherto been the only passion of his mind^ It is true, that when he once yielded to tlie solicitations of his friends, so far as to undertake a business of. such magnitude, it Avas his dut}", (but a duty that required a stronger mind than his to execute,) to discard from his thoughts all the arguments that had rendered his compliance r-'luctant. But it is one of the great distinctions be- 1 re HISTORY OF THE REIGN CHAP. in. tvveen an ordinary mind and a superior one, to be able 1685. to carry on, without relenting, a plan we have not ori- ginally approved, and especially when it appears to have turned out ill. This proposal of disbanding was a step so pusillanimous and dishonourable, that it could not be approved by any council however composed. It was condemned by all except Colonel Venner, and was particularly inveighed against by Lord Grey, who was perhaps desirous of retrieving by bold words at least, the reputation he had lost at Bridport. It is possible too, that he might be really unconscious of his deficiency in point of personal courage till the moment of danger arrived, and even forgetful of it when it was passed. Monmouth was easily persuaded to give up a plan so uncongenial to his nature, resolved, though with little hopes of success, to remain with his army to take the chance of events, and at the worst to stand or fall with men whose attachment to him had laid him under indelible obligations. RetuiMi to This resolution being taken, the first plan was to ter. proceed to Warminster, but on the morning of his de- parture, hearing, on the one hand, that the King's troops were likely to cross his march : and on the other, being informed by a Quaker before known to the Duke, that there was a great club army, amount- ing to ten thousand men, ready to join his standard in the marshes to the westward, he altered his intention, and returned to Shipton-Mallet, where he rested that night, his army being in good quarters. From Ship- ton-Mallet he proceeded, on the first of July, to Wells, upon niformation that there was in that city some car- riages belonging to the King's army, and ill guarded. These lie found and took, and stayed that night in the town. The following day he marched towards Bridge- v/ater, in search of the great succour he had been taught to expect; but found, of the promised ten thou- OF JAMES THE SECOND. 1 TJ saiid men, only a hundred and sixty. The army lay chap. hi. that night in the field, and once again entered Bridge- i685. water on the third of Jul}'. That the Duke's men were not yet completely dispirited or out of heart, ap- pears from the circumstance of great numbers of them going from Bridge water to see their friends at Taun- ton, and other places in the neighbourhood, and almost all returning the next day according to their promise. On the fifth an account was received of the King's army being considerably adv^anced, and Monmouth's first thought was to retreat from it immediately, and marching by Axbridge and Keynsham to Gloucester, to pursue the plan formerly rejected, of penetrating into the counties of Chester and Salop. His preparations for this march were all made, Battle of when, on the afternoon of the fifth, he learnt, more Sedgemore. accurately than he had before done, the true situation of the royal army, and from the information now re- ceived, he thought it expedient to consult his princi- pal officers, whether it might not be adviseable to attempt to surprise the enemy by a night attack upon their quarters. The prevailing opinion was, that if the infantrj^ were not intrenched, the plan was worth the trial ; otherwise not. Scouts were dispatched to ascertain this point, and their report being, that there was no intrenchment, an attack was resolved on. In pursuance of this resolution, at about eleven at nrght, the whole army was in march, Lord Grey command- ing the horse, and Colonel Wade the vanguard of the foot. The Duke's orders were, that the horse should first advance, and pushing into the enemy's camp, endeavour to prevent their infantry from coming to- gether ; that the cannon should follow the horse, and the foot the cannon, and draw all up in one line, and so finish what the cavalrv should have begun, before the King's horse and artillery could be got in order. Z 178 HISTORY OK THE REIGX CHAP. HI. But it was now discovered that though there were no 1585. intrenchments, there was a ditch which served as a drain to the great moor adjacent, of which no men- tion had been made by the scouts. To this ditch the horse under Lord Grey advanced, and no farther ; and whether immediately, as according to some ac- counts, or after having been considerably harrassed by the enemy in their attempts to find a place to pass, ac- cording to others, quitted the field. The cavalry be- ing gone, and the principle upon which the attack had been undertaken, being that of a surprize, the Duke judged it necessary that the infantry should advance as speedily as possible. Wade, therefore, when he came within forty paces of the ditch, was obliged to halt to put his battalion into that order, which the ex- treme rapidity of the march had for the time discon- certed. His plan was to pass the ditch, reserving his fire ; but while he was arranging his men for that purpose, another battalion, newly come up, began to fire, though at a considerable distance ; a bad exam- ple, which it was impossible to prevent the vanguard from following, and it was now no longer in the pow- er of their commander to pei'suade them to advance. The King's forces, as well horse and artillery as foot, had now full time to assemble. The Duke had no longer cavalry in the field, and though his artilleiy, which consisted only of three or four iron guns, was well served under the direction of a Dutch gunner, it was by no means equal to that of the royal army, which, as soon as it was light, began to do great exe- cution. In these circumstances the unfortunate Mon- mouth, fearful of being encompassed and made prisoner by the King's cavalry, who were approach- ing upon his flank, and urged, as it is reported, to flight by the same person who had stimulated liim to his fatal enterprize, quitted the field, accompanied OF J.VMF.S THE SECOND. I79 by Lord (ircy and some others. The left wing, un- CHAP. 111. der the command of Colonel Holmes and Matthews, 1685. next gave way, and Wade's men, after having con- tinued for an hour and half, a distant and ineffectual fire, seeing their left discomfited began a retreat which soon afterwards became a complete rout. Thus ended the decivive battle of Sedgemore ; an Cause of the attack which seems to have been judiciously conceiv- ed, and in many parts spiritedly executed. The Ciencral was deficient neither in courage or conduct ; and the troops, while they displayed the native bra- A-ery of Englishmen, were under as good discipline as could be expected from bodies newly raised. Two circumstances seem to have principally contributed to the loss of the day ; first, the unforeseen difficulty oc casioned by the ditch, of which the assailants had had no intelligence ; and secondh', the cowardice of the commander of the horse. The discoveiy of the ditch was the more alarming, because it threw a general doubt upon the information of the spies, and the night being dark they could not ascertain that this w^as the only im- pediment of the kind which they were to expect. The dispersion of the horse was still more fatal, inasmucli as it deranged the whole order of the plan, by which it had been concerted that their operations v/cre to facilitate the attack to be made by the foot. If Lord Grey had possessed a spirit more suitable to his birth and name, to the illustrious friendship with which he had been honored, and to the command with which he was intrusted, he would doubtless have persevered till he found a passage into the enemy's camp, which could have been effected at a ford not far distant : the loss of time occasioned by the ditch might not have been very material, and the most important conse- quences might have ensued ; but it would surely be rashness to assert, as Hume does, that the army 1 80 HISTORY OF THE REIGN CHAP. m. would after all have gained the victory, had not the jgg^ misconduct of Monmouth and the cowardice of Grey- prevented it. This rash judgment is the more to be admired at, as the historian has not pointed out the instance of misconduct to which he refers. The num- ber of Monmouth's men killed is computed by some at two thousand, by others at three hundred ; a dis- parity, however, which may be easily reconciled, by supposing that the one account takes in those who were killed in battle, while the other comprehends the wretched fugitives who were massacred in ditches, com fields, and other hiding places, the following day. The Duke's In general I have thought it right to follow Wade's the^fild ™ narrative, which appears to me by far the most au- thentic, if not the only authentic account of this im- portant transaction. It is imperfect, but its imper- fection arises from the narrator's omitting all those circumstances of which he was not an eye witness, and the greater credit is on that veiy account due to him for those which he relates. With respect to Mon- mouth's quitting the field, it is not mentioned by him, nor is it possible to ascertain the precise point of time at which it happened. That he fled while his troops were still fighting, and therefore too soon for his glorj'^, can scarcely be doubted ; and the account given by Ferguson, whose veracity however is always to be suspected, that Lord Grey urged him to the measure, as well by peruasion as by example, seems not impro- bable. The misbehaviour of the last mentioned no- bleman is more certain ; but as, according to Ferguson, who has been followed by others, he actually conver- sed with Monmouth in the field, and as all accounts make him the companion of his flight, it is not to be understood that when he first gave way with his ca- valry, he ran away in the literal sense of the words, or if he did he must have returned. The exact truth. OF JAMES THE SECOND. 181 with regard to this and many other interesting parti- CHAP. IH. culars, is ditficult to be discovered; owing, not more i685, to the darkness of the night in which they were trans- acted, tlian to the personal partialities and enmities by which they have been disfigured, in the relations of the different contemporary writers. Monmouth with his suite first directed his coui-se Discovered. Ill d t ikc 1 1 . towards the Bristol-channel, and as is related by Old- ' mixon, was once inclined, at the suggestion of Dr. Oliver, a faithful and honest adviser, to embark for the coast of Wales, with a view of concealing himself some time in that principality. Lord Grey, who ap- pears to have been, in all instances, his evil genius, dissuaded him from this plan, and the small party having separated, took each several ways. Mon- mouth, Grey, and a gentleman of Brandenburg, went southward, with a view to gain the New Forest in Hampshire, where, by means of Grey's connections in that district, and thorough knowledge of the coun- try, it was hoped they might be in safety, till a ves- sel could be procured to transport them to the conti- nent. They left their horses, and disguised them- selves as peasants ; but the pursuit, stimulated as well by party zeal, as by the great pecuniary rewards of- fered for the captiu-e of Monmouth and Grey, was too vigilant to be eluded. Grey was taken on the 7th in the evening ; and the German, who shared the same fate early on the next morning, confessed that he had parted from Monmovith but a few hours since. The neighbouring countr)' was immediately and tho- roughly searched, and James had ere night the satis- faction of learning, that his nephew was In his power. The unfortunate Duke was discovered in a ditch. The situa- half concealed by fern and nettles. His stock of pro- he was vision, which consisted of some peas gathered in the ^^^^^ fields through which he had fled, was nearly exhaust- V 182 HISTORY OP THE REIGK CHAP . HI. ed, and there is reason to think, that he had little if 1685. ^^y Other sustenance, since he left Bridgewater on the evening of the 5th. To repose he had been equally a stranger : how his mind must have been harassed, it is needless to discuss. Yet that in such circum- stances he appeared dispirited and crest-fallen, is, by the unrelenting malignity of party writers, imputed to him as cov/ardice, and meanness of spirit. That the failure of his enterprize, together with the bitter reflection, that he had suffered himself to be engaged in it against his own better judgment, joined to the other calamitous circumstances of his situation, had reduced him to a state of despondency is evident ; and in this frame of mind, he wrote on the very day of his capture, the following letter to the King : " Sir, " Your Majesty may think it the misfortune I now " lie under, makes me make this application to you ; " but I do assure your Majesty, it is the remorse I " now have in me of the wrong I have done you in " several things, and now in taking up arms against " you. For my taking up arms, it was never in my " thoughts since the King died : The Prince and " Princess of Orange will be witness for me of the "assurance I gave- them, that I would never stir " against you. But my misfortune was such, as to " meet with some horrid people, that made me be- " lieve things of your Majesty, and gave me so many " false arguments, that I was fully led away to be- " lieve, that it was a shame and a sin before God, not " to do it. But, Sir, I will not trouble your Majesty " at present with many things I could say for myself, " that I am sure would move your compassion ; the " chief end of this letter being only to beg of you. '•'■ that I may have tha^ happiness as to speak to youi or JAMES THE SECOND. 1 g; " Majesty; for I have that to say to you, Sir, tlmt I cjiap hi "■ hope may give you a long and happy reign. 15^5. " I am sure. Sir, when you hear me, you will be '' con^•inced of the zeal I have of your preservation, " and how heartily I repent of what I have done. I " can say no more to your Majesty now, being this " letter must be seen by those that keep me. Thcre- " fore. Sir, I shall make an end, in begging of j'our " Majesty to believe so well of me, that I would '^ rather die a thousand deaths, than excuse any thing " I have done, if I did not really think myself the " most in the wrong that ever a man was ; and had ^' not from the bottom of my heart an abhorrence fon " those that put me upon it, and for the action itself. " I hope, Sir, God Almighty will strike your heart " with mercy and compassion for me, as he has done " mine with abhorrence of what I have done : " Wherefore, Sir, I hope I may live to shew you how " zealous I shall ever be for your ser\'ice ; and could " I but say one word in this letter, you would be con- " vinced of it; but it is of that consequence, that I " dare not do it. Therefore, Sir, I do beg of you '■'■ once more to let me speak to you ; for then you ** will be convinced how much I shall ever be, " Your Majesty's most humble and dutiful, " MONMOUTH." The only certain conclusion to be dra\vn from this letter, which Mr. Echard, in a manner perhaps not so seemly for a churchman, terms submissive,* is, that Monmouth still wished anxiously for life, and was willing to save it, even at the cruel price of begging and receiving it as a boon from his enemy. Ralph * Echard, p. 771- " His fonner spirit sunk into pusillanimity, " and he meanly endeavoured, by the following submissive let- •' ter," &c. E. 184 CHAP. III. 1685. A mysteri- ous expres- sion in his letter. Not appli- cable to the Prince of Orange. HISTORY OF THE REIGN conjectures with great probability, that this unhappy man's feelings were all governed by his excessive af- fection for his mistress ; and that a vain hope of en- joying, with Lady Harriet Wentworth, that retire- ment which he had so unwillingly abandoned, induced him to adopt a conduct, which he might otherwise have considered as indecent. At any rate it must be admitted, that to cling to life, is a strong instinct in human nature, and Monmouth might reasonably enough satisfy himself, that when his death could not by any possibility, benefit either the public or his friends, to folio *v such instinct, even in a manner that might tarnish the splendor of heroism, was no im- peachment of the moral virtue of a man. With respect to the mysterious part of the letter, where he speaks of one xvord^ which would be of such infinite importance, it is difficult, if not rather utterly impossible, to explain it by any rational conjecture. IVIr. Macpherson's favourite hypothesis, that the Prince of Orange had been a party to the late at- tempt, and that Monmouth's intention, when he wrote the letter, was to disclose this important fact to the King,* is totally destroyed by those expressions, in v/hich the unfortunate prisoner tells his Majesty he had assured the Prince and Princess of Orange that he would never stir against him. Did he assure the Prince of Orange that he would never do that which he was engaged to the Prince of Orange to do ? Can it be said that this was a false fact, and that no such assurances were in truth given ? To what purpose was the falsehood ? In order to conceal, from motives whether honourable or otherwise, his connection with the Prince ? What ? a fiction in one paragraph of the letter in order to conceal a fact, which in the next he Macpherson's History. OF JA^tES THE SECOND. 1 85 the case of Lord Russel. He then felt the axe, which he apprehended was not sharp enough, but being as- sui'ed that it was of proper sharpness and weight, he laid down his head. In the meantime, many fervent ejaculations were used by the reverend assistants,, who, it must be observed, even in these moments of horror, showed themself not unmindful of the points upon which they had been disputing ; praying God to- accept his imperfect and general repentai-ice. The executioner now struck the bloAV, but so feebly or unskilfully, that Monmouth being but slighdy woundi d, lifted up his head, and looked hnn in the face as if to upbraid him, but said notliin'^. Tht two following strokes were as ineffectual as the first, .-yid the headsman in a fit of horror, declared he could not finish his work. The sheriffs threatened him ; he was OF JAMES THE SECOND. 197 forced again to make a further trial, and in tAVO more CHAP. Hi. strokes separated the head from the body. 1685. Thus fell, in thirtv-sixth year of his age, James, Chamcicr of ■ . 11 1 1 Monmouui. Duke ot Monmouth, a man agamst whom all tliut has b^en said by the most inveterate enemies both to him and his party, amounts to little more than this, that he had not a mind equal to the situation in which his am- bition, at different times, engaged him to place him- self. But to judge him with candor, we must make great allowances, not only for the temptations into which he was led by the splendid prosperity of the ear- lier parts of his life, but also for the adverse prejudi- ces with which he was regarded by almost all the con- temporary writers from whom his actions and charac- ter are described. The Tories of course are unfavor- able to him ; and even among the Whigs, there seems, in many, a strong inclination to disparage him ; some to excuse themselves for not having joined him ; others to make a display of their exclusive attachment to their more successful leader. King William. Eurnet says of Monmouth, that he was gentle, brave, and sin- cere : to these praises, from the united testimony of all who knew him, we may add that of generosity, and surely those qualities go a great way in making up the catalogue of all that is amiable and estimable in human nature. One of the most conspicuous features in his character, seems to have been a remarkable, and as some think, a culpable degree of flexibility. That such a disposition is preferable to its opposite extreme, will be admitted by all who think that modesty, even in excess, is more nearly allied to wisdom than con- ceit and self-sufficiency. He who has attentively con- sidered the political, or indeed the general, concerns of life, may possibly go still further, and rank a wil- lingness to be convinced, or in some cases even with- out conviction, to concede our owu opinion to that of 199 tnSTORY OF THE REIGN CHAP.m. other men, among the principal ingredients in the 1685. composition of practical wisdom. Monmouth had suffered this flexibility, so laudable in many cases, to degenerate into a habit, which made him often follow the advice, or yield to the entreaties, of persons whose characters by no means entitled them to such defer- ence. The sagacity of Shaftesbury, the honour of Russel, the genius of Sidney, might in the opinion of a modest man, be safe and eligible guides. The par- tiality of friendship, and the conviction of his firm at- tachment, might be some excuse for his listening so much to Grey ; but he never could, at any period of his life, have mistaken Ferguson for an honest man. There is reason to believe that the advice of the two last mentioned persons had great weight in persuading him to the unjustifiable step of declaring himself King, But far the most guilty act of this unfortuate man's life, was his lending his name to the Declaration which was published at Lpne, and in this instance, Fergu- son, who penned the paper, was both the adviser and the instrument. To accuse the King of having burnt London, murdered Essex in the Tower, and finallv, poisoned his brother, unsupported by evidence to sub- stantiate such dreadful charges, was calumnj^ of the most atrocious kind ; but the guilt is still heightened, when we observe, that from no conversation of Mon- mouth, nor indeed from any other circumstance Avliat- ever, do we collect that he himself believed the horrid accusations to be true. With regard to Essex's death in particular, the only one of the three charges which was believed by any man of common sense, the late King was as much implicated in the suspicion as James. That the latter should have dared to be con- cerned in such an act without the privacy of his bro- ther, was too absurd an imputation to be attempted, oven in the days of the Popish plot. On the other OF JAMES THE SECOND. 19^J hand, it was certainiy not the intention of the son to CIIAI'. ill. brand his father as an assassin. It is too plain, that in i685. the instance of this Declaration, Monmouth, with a fa- cility highly criminal, consented to set his name to whatever Ferguson recommended as advantageous to the cause. Among the many dreadful circumstances attending civil wars, perhaps there arc few more re- volting to a good mind, than the wicked ciilumnies with which, in the heat of contention, men, otherwise men of honour, have in all ages and countries permit- ted themseh'cs to load their adversaries. It is re- markable that there is no trace of the Divines who attended this unfortunate man, having exhorted him to a particular repentance of his Manifesto, or having called for a retraction or disavowal of the accusations contained in it. They were so intent upon points more immediately connected with orthodoxy of faith, that they omitted pressing their penitent to the only de- claration, by which he could make any satisfactory atonement to those whom he had injured. FRAGMENTS. The following detached paragraphs were probably intended for the Fourth Chapter. They are here printed in the incomplete and unfinished state in which they were found. 1685. WHILE the Whigs considered all religious opi- nions with a view to politics, the Tories, on the other hand, referred all political maxims to religion. Thus the former, even in their hatred to Popery, did not so much regard the superstition, or imputed idolatry of that unpopular sect, as its tendency to establish arbi- trary power in the state, while the latter revered abso- lute monarchy as a divine institution, and cherished the doctrines of passive obedience and non-resistance, as articles of religious faith. To mark the importance of the late events, his Ma- jesty caused two medals to be struck ; one of himself, with the usual inscription, and the motto, Aras et scep- tra tiiemur ; the other of Monmouth, without any in- scription. On the reverse of the former, were repre- sented the two headless trunks of his lately vanquished enemies, with other circumstances in the same taste and spirit, the motto, Amhitio malesuada j-idt: on that of the latter appeared a young man falling in the at- tempt to climb a rock with three crowns on it, under which was the insulting motto, Sitperi risere. With the lives of Monmouth and Argyle ended, or at least seemed to end, all prospect of resistance to James's absolute power ; and that class of patriots who feel the pride of submission, and the dignity of obe- OF JAMES THE SECOND. 201 dience, might be completely satisfied that the Cro^vii 1685. was in its full lustre. James was sufficiently conscious of the increased strength of his situation, and it is probable that the security he now felt in his power, inspired him ^v•ith the design of taking more decided steps in favour of the Popish religion and its professors, than his con- nexion widi the Church of England party had before allowed him to entertain. That he from this time atr tached less importance to the support and affection of the Tories, is evident from Lord Rochester's observa- tions, communicated afterwards to Burnet. This no- bleman's abilities and experience in business, his he- reditary merit, as son of Lord Chancellor Clarendon, and his uniform opposition to the Exclusion Bill, had raised him high in the esteem of the Church party. This circumstance, perhaps, as much, or more than the King's personal kindness to a brother-in-law, had contributed to his advancement to the first office in the state. As long therefore as James stood in need of the support of the party, as long as he meant to make them the instruments of his power, and the channels of his favour, Rochester was, in every respect, the fittest person in whom to confide ; and accordingly, as that nobleman related to Burnet, his Majesty honoured him with daily confidential communications upon all his most secret schemes and projects. But upon the defeat of the rebellion, an immediate change took place, and from the day of Monmouth's execution, the King confined his conversations with the Trea- surer to the mere business of his office. C c APPENDIX. CONTAINING, I. Correspondence between Louis XIV. and M. Barillon on English Affairs, from December 1684, to Decem- ber 1685. II. Correspondence between the Earl of Sunderland and the Bishop of Oxford respecting Mr. Locke. III. The Bill for the preservation of the King's Person. IV. Account of Rumbold, from Lord Fountainhall's MSc Memoirs, he. CONTENTS OF THE LETTERS BETWEEN LOUIS AND BARILLON. Barillon to the King. 7th Dec. 1684. Changes in the Government of New Eng-land — sentiments of the Mar- quis of Halifax upon them combated by the other Ministers — at- tempts to bring Halifax into disgrace — Charles intends to send the Duke of York into Scotland, p. ix — xi. The King to Barillon. 13th Dec. 1684. Louis's opinion of Halifax — and of the Duke of York's mission to Scot- land, p. xi — xii. Barillon to the King. 25th Dec. 1684. offers of submission and reconciliation from the Prince of Orange- rejected by Charles at the instigation of Sunderland, p. xii — xiv. Barillon to the King. Charles the Second's illness — he declares himself a Catholic — his death, p. xiv — xx. , Barillon to the King. 19th Feb. 1684-5. James the Second's accession — his speech to the Council — proclaimed in London — state of his Court and Ministry — sends Lord Churchill to Paris — informs Barillon of his intention to simimon a Parliament, and why — issues a proclamation for levying the former King's reve- nue — his professions of attachment to France — promises to establish the Catholic religion — solicits a supply of money from Louis — Ba- rillon's opinion of the stnte of England — Duke of Monmouth — arrc5t of one of his servants, p. xx — xxxi. The King to Barillon. 20th Feb. Louis's "private instructions to Barillon respecting James — and the state of Parties in England — recommends the Earl of Sunderland — sends a supply of mnney for the King's use — his apprehensions of a-* n CONTENTS. the designs of the Prince of Oi'ange, and the Duke of Monmouth-* orders Barillon to caution the King against them. p. xxxii — xxxv. The King to Barillon. 26th Feb. Louis approves of James's resolution to call a Parliament — recom- mends precautions against the designs of the Prince of Orange and the Duke of Monmouth, p. xxxv — xxxvii. Barillon to the King. 26th Feb-. Barillon informs James of the supply sent to him by Louis — the King's extravagant expressions of gratitude — conversation between Baril- lon and Rochester respecting the old subsidy, and the treaty with Spain — James goes publicly to Mass — his conversation with Barillon upon it — informs him of his designs with regard to the Catholics — King- Charles the Second's funeral — James re-appoints the House- hold, and why — Rochester iTiade Lord Treasurer — Barillon endeav- ours to prevent the King from allowing the Prince of Orange to visit England — Duke of Monmouth, p. xxxvii — xlviii. Barillon to the King. 1st March. Mass publicly celebrated iti Whitehall — attended by the King and Queen — sentiments of the public upon it — -further arrangements in the Household — the King's reasons for retaining Halifax and others . — the additional duties levied as in the former reign — preparations for the coronation— Prince of Orange sends Overkirk to effect a re- conciliation witli James — Barillon endeavours to prevent it — offers of submission fi-om the Duke of Monmouth — Barilloil tells James they are insincere, p. xlviii— Ivi. Biirillon to the King. 5th March. The people alarmed at James's public profession of the Catholic reli- gion — proceedings respecting the ensuing Parliament — Catholics discontented at the re-appointment of the Household — Jaines forms a Council of Catholics — further conversations between James and Overkirk on the part of the Prince of Orange — confided to Barillon, who endeavoui's to prevent any sort of reconciliation — Rochester advises a reconciliation — Sunderland opposes it — Duke of Mon- mouth — James's conduct with i^egard to Spaui — his pi'ofcssions of attachment to France, p. Ivii — Ixix. The King to Barillon. 9th March. Louis satisfied With James — promises to afford him succoiu-s wlun . w;^ntcd— sends over the Marechal de Lorg'c — applauds James's re- CONTENTS. 1JI-. Kolution to levy the duties— instructs Barillon to inspire him witii a i TO THE READER. XVl'l " and r, (which pray advert to,) one would have supposed, '^ not only that he had inspected it accurately, but that all " his extracts at least, if not Caite's also, were taken from '' it. Macpherson's impudence in attempting such an im- " position, at a time when almost any man could have de- " tected him, would have been in another man, incredible, " if the internal evidence of the extracts themselves against " him were not corroborated by the testimony of the prin- *' cipal persons of the College. And this leads me to a " point of more importance to me. Principal Gordon " thought, when I saw him at Paris, in October 1802, that " all the papers were lost. I now hear from a well-inform- " ed person, that the most material, viz. those written in " James's own hand-writing, were indeed lost, and in the " way mentioned by Gordon, but that the Narrative, from " which only Macpherson made his extracts, is still exist- " ing, and that Mr. Alexander Cameron, Blackfriars W}Tid, " Edinburgh, either has it himself, or knows where it is to " be found." The above information was correct. There is strong presumptive evidence, that the Manuscripts of King James the Second w^ere destroyed, but the Narrative, as described, was then, and is now, in the hands of Dr. Cameron, Roman Catholic Bishop in Edinburgh. It could not be in posses- sion of a person who is better qualified to judge of it3 merits, and on whose fidelity, should he be induced to print it, the public might more implicitly rely. I am indebted to his accuracy and friendship, for some additional infor- mation respecting the manner in which the Manuscripts of the Scotch College w^cre lost. As the facts are in them- selves curious, I lay before the reader his succinct and in- XVIU TO THE READER. teresting relation of them, contained in a letter to me, dated Edinburgh, March 2, 1808. " Before Lord Gower, the British Embassador, left Paris, " in the beginning of the French Revolution, he wrote to " Principal Gordon, and offered to take charge of those " valuable papers, (King James's Manuscripts, &c.) and " deposit them in some place of safety in Britain. I know " not what answer was returned, but nothing was done. " Not long thereafter^ the Principal came to England, and " the care of every thing in the College devolved on Mr. " Alexander Innes, the only British subject who remained " in it. About the same time, Mr. Stapleton, then Presi- " dent of the English College of St. Om^r, afterwards " Bishop in England, went to Paris, previously to his re- *^ tiring from France, and Mr. Innes, who had resolved not " to abandon his post, consulted with him about the means " of preserving the manuscripts. Mr. Stapleton thought, if '•* he had them at St. Omer, he could, with small risk con- " vey them to England. It was therefore resolved, that they " should be carefully packed up, addressed to a French- *' man, a confidential friend of Mr. Stapleton, and remitted *'^ by some public carriage^ Some other things w^ere put "up with the Manuscripts. The whole arrived without any " accident, and was laid in a cellar. But the patriotism of " the Frenchman becoming suspicious, perhaps upon ac- " count of his comiection with the English College, he was " put in prison; and his wife apprehensive of the conse- " quences of being found to have English manuscripts, *^ richly bound and ornamented with Royal arms, in her " house, cut off the boards, and destroyed them. The *' Manuscripts thus disfigured, and more easily huddled up *■' in a sort of bundle, were secretly carried, with papers be- TO THE READER. XIX "* longing to the Frenchman himself, to his country-house ; '^ and buried in the garden. They were not, however, " permitted to remain long there ; the lady's fears increased, " and the Manuscripts were taken up and reduced to ashes. " This is the substance of the account given to Mr. Innes, " and reported by him to me in June, 1802, in Paiis. I " desired it might be authenticated by apfoce^ verbale. A " letter was therefore written to St. Omer, either by Mr. " Innes, or by Mr. Cleghom, a lay gentleman, who had re- " sided in the English College of St. Omer, and was per- " sonally acquainted with the Frenchman, and happened to " be at Paris at this time. The answer given to this letter "" was, that the good man, under the pressure of old age and " other infirmities, was alarmed by the proposal of a dis- '* cussion and investigation, which revived in his memory *' past sufferings, and might, perhaps, lead to a renewal of " them. Any further con-espondence upon the subject " seemed useless, especially as I instructed Mr* Innes to " go to St. Omer, and clear up every doubt, in a formal and " legal manner, that some authentic document might be " handed down to posterity concerning those valuable Ma- " nuscripts. I did not foresee that war was to be kindled " up anew, or that my friend Mr. Innes was to die so soon. *' Mr. Cleghom, whom I mentioned above, is at present " in the Catholic seminary of Old Hall Green, Puckeridge, *' Hertfordshire. He can probably name another gentleman " who saw the Manuscripts at St. Omer, and saved some " small things, (but unconnected with the Manuscripts,) " which he carried away in his pocket, and has still in his *' possession. " I need not trouble your Lordship with my reflexions *' upon this relation : but I ought not to omit that I wa^ XX TO THE READEIl. " told, sometimes, that all the Mamiscripts, as well as theii " boards, were consumed by fire in the cellar in which they " had been deposited upon their arrival at St. Omer." The gentleman alluded to in the latter part of the above letter, is Mr. Mostyn, from whom Mr. Butler of Lincoln's Inn very kindly procured a statement of the particulars re- lating to this subject, in the year 1804, and transmitted it to Mr. Fox. It contains in substance, though with some ad- ditional circumstances, and slight variations, the same ac- count as Mr. Cameron's, up to the period of the writer's leaving St. Omer, which was previous to the imprisonmenf^ of the Frenchman.* Mr. Fox, in a letter to Mr. Laing, remarks, that, " to " know that a paper is lost, is next best to getting a sight " of it, and in some instances nearly as good." So man}> rumours have been circulated, and so many misapprehen- sions prevailed, respecting the contents and the fate of the manuscripts formerly deposited in the Scotch College at Paris, thjit it is hoped the above account, the result of the Historian's researches, will not be deemed out of it's place in a Preface to a History of the times to which those manu- scripts related. The Scotch College papers were not, however, the onl}-, nor even the chief object of Mr. Fox's historical enquiries at Paris. He had remarked, that Sir John Dalrymple fre- quently " quotes, or rather refers to,f" documents in the Depot des Affciires Etrangcrcs^ without printing the letter, or extracting the passage from which his statements are ta- " Mr. Mostyn's letter to Mr. Butler was publislicd in one of the Maga- zines, it would therefore be superfluous to reprint it. The name of the I-'renchman was JNIr. Charpentier and his country house was at St. Mo- mclin. near St. Omer. i M S. Corrcspondencf^ TO THE RHADFR. Xxi ken, and his inferences drawn. This made him particuhxrly desirous of examining die Original letters of Barillon ; and he was not without hopes that many other papers in the Depot des Affaires Etrangeres^ might prove equally inter- esting and important. It was obvious, however, that dur- ing war^ he could not have personal access to such docu- ments. He was therefore on the point of applying, through some private friend at Paris, for a copy of such letters as he could distinctly describe to his correspondent, when the restoration of peace enabled him to repair thither ; and the liberality of the French Government opened to him the archives of the Foreign Affairs without reserve, and affor- ded him every facility and convenience for consulting and copying such papers as appeared to him to be material. He lost no time in availing himself of this permission, and while he remained at Paris, he passed a great part of eve- ry morning at the Depot des Affaires Etrangeres^ accompa- nied by his friends Lord St. John, Mr. Adair, and Mr. Trotter, who assisted him in examining and transcribing the original papers. The correspondence of Barillon did not disappoint his expectations. He thought the additional information con- tained in those parts of it, which Sir John Dalrymple had omitted to extract or to publish, so important, that he pro- cured copies of them all ; he observed to one of his correS'^ pondents, " my studies in Paris have been useful beyond " what I can describe :" and his expression to me was, that " Barillon's letters were worth their weight in gold."* It should seem that he discovered some curious circum- stances from the correspondence of D' Avaux, for he copied * MS. Correspondence. XXll TO THE READER. .11 t' out those letters also at length, though a large collection or abstract of them had been formerly published. The correspondence of the above mentioned French Mi- nisters with their Court, formed the chief materials which he brought over with him from France. He was disap- pointed at my failing to procure him that of the Spanish Ambassador,* resident in London during the same period, " which, he said, would have given him advantages of the " greatest consequence over all other historians." The papers, however, of which he was already in possession were, in his judgment, sufficient to throw new light upon many transactions of the reign of King James the Second. If, therefore, unforeseen circumstances had not occurred, soon after his return, to retard the progress of his work, there can be little doubt, but he would have composed more during that year, than he had been able to complete since the commencement of the undertaking. He was at first occupied in inserting into the parts he had finished, such additional information as he had drawn from the sources opened to him by his researches at Paris. This was to him a task of greater labour than at first sight might be expected. " I find," he says, " piecing in the bits " which I have written from my Parisian materials, a trou- " blesome job."f It is indeed probable, that his diffi- culties upon this occasion, were greater than any other modern historian would have had to encounter. I have * Don Pedro Ronquillo. Mr. Fox commissioned me to obtain for Iiim, copies of his Letters from 16S5 to 1688 inclusive. By a perverse piece of luck, I fell in with and purchased his original Letters from 1689 to 1691 ; but could never find any traces whatever of Ids previous cor- respondence. f MS. Coj.Tesp6ndencc TO THE READER. XXlil mentioned them ftiorc particularly, because they in some measure arose from his scrupulous attention to certain no- tions he entertained on the nature of an historical compo- sition. If indeed the work were finished, the nature of his design would be best collected from his execution of it; but as it is unfortunately in an incomplete and unfinished state, his conception of the duties of an historian may very possibly be misunderstood. The consequence would be, that some passages, which, according to modem taste, must be called peculiarities, might with superficial critics, pass for defects which he had overlooked, or imperfections which he intended to correct. It is, therefore, necessary to observe, that he had formed his plan so exclusively on the model of ancient WTiters, that he not only felt some repugnance to the modem practice of notes, but he thought that all which an historian wished to say, should be intro- duced as part of a continued narration, and never assume the appearance of a digression, mvich less of a dissertation annexed to it. From the period therefore that he closed his Introductory Chapter, he defined his duty as an author, to consist in recounting the facts as they arose, or in hjs simple and forcible language, in telling- the stonj of t/iosr times. A conversation which passed on the subject of tht- literature of the age of James the Second, proves his rigid adherence to these ideas, and perhaps the substance of it may serve to illustrate and explain them. In speaking of the writers of that period, he lamented that he had not de- vised a method of interweaving any account of them or their works, much less any criticism on their stj'le, into hiy the convening and assembling of Parliament ; but what- ever effect it may produce the King of England acts very wisely by preserving this means to supply the wants of his state. It likewise appears to me that it is more prudent to get himself crowned before the session of Parliament, than when it shall be assembled ; I shall be very glad to be informed by }'ou of all the difficulties that may arise upon that business, and of the expedients which shall be resorted to in order to overcome them. You are in the right to let the King of England know that he ought not implicitly to credit every thing M. Overkirk may advance of himself under the name of the Prince of Orange ; but should he even be fully autliorized, the King of England is loo well informed of the conduct the Prince of Orange has shown toward him v^hen he was only Duke of York, and against the religion he professes, even since the accession of the said King to the Crown, to believe that the protestations which will be made him from the Prince of Orange are very sincere ; and if the English Minister at the Hague gives the King his master a faithful account of Avhat he has heard and knows himself of the sentiments of the Prince of Orange, he v/ill easily judge that the only intention of that Prince is to use, against the King's intei-ests, not merely the facility he may meet with to regain his good graces, but also the apparent marks he may receive of the King's good vv'ill ; and he can not more effectually mortify the prince of Orange and render him submissive, than by rejecting with cold dignity all the proposals he makes to amuse him, and above all, by prevent- ing his passing into England. Continue to inform me with exactness of every considerable event that takes place at the court where vou are, as I have no doubt that the new go\ - ernment will furnish you ^v'ith ample materials. Ixxii APPENDIX. ABSTRACT OF ONE OF THE KING'S LETTERS TO M. BARILLON. March 16th, 1685. It is very likely the King of England who now so open- ly professes the Catholic religion will soon ask the Pope for bishops of his communion ; and as it must not be question- ed, that his holiness will select them from the clergy of England, among which, as I am informed, there are many persons infected with the doctrine of Jansenism, I should be glad that you dexterously suggest to the King his inte- rest in a proper discrimination ; so that, should the good example the King gives to his subjects be followed, as it is to be wished for, that kingdom may not just emerging from one heresy, fall into another, which would not be much less dangerous. M. BARILLON TO THE KING. I executed with my utmost punctuality your Majesty's orders conveyed by the dispatch of the 6th of April. I endeavoured to give the King of England and his Minis- ters to understand, that your Majesty had already given him essential marks of friendship by anticipating his wants, that your Majesty would continue to succour him in his ne- cessity ; and that your design was to exceed your promises, that, however, your Majesty thought it was sufficient from you to perform, rather than promise, and that without any engagement your Majesty had sent me a fund to a large a- mount. The King of England declared to me, he was ver)- sensible to all your Majesty has done for him ; but he told me the state of his affairs Vvas such that he had to take mea- sures beforehand, and that he could not undertake A\hat APPENDIX. Ixxiil he had resolved on, without being positively assured, of what your Majesty will be pleased to do in his favour ; that vour Majesty will know by his subsequent conduct how much he is devoted to your interests ; that your Majesty will always have it in your power to retract your promise if he does not conduct himself in such a way as your Ma- jesty may wish ; diat, since your Majesty pleases to succour him it will be laying a new obligation upon him if your Majesty pleases to set his mind at rest by promising what he asks for ; because an uncertainty upon this head would not allow him to act with the necessary firmness, and because a doubtful and uncertain conduct from him would make his foes bolder and his friends more timid. This answer brought me into a deeper discussion with that Prince. I explained to him what had happened with the late King of England ; I reminded him that the treaty though it was merely verbal had been punctually executed and accomplished on both sides ; that your Majesty had completed the payment of what was promised ; and that the late King of England had also closely adhered to the engagement he had entered into, to favour the pretensions of your Majesty against Spain, and not to assemble parlia- ment ; that at present your Majesty asks nothing of his Britannic Majesty which can cause him the least embarras- ment as your Majesty has no greater desire than to strength- en the general peace j that your Majesty designed however to give him essential marks of your friendship, and to as- sist him in maintaining his authorit}' and in establishing "the Catholic religion ; that these two points seemed to be united, and could not be separated ; that your Majesty had resolved to contribute thereto from a motive of friendship and esteem for the person of his Britannic Majesty and by k Ixxiv APPENDIX. the zeal your Majesty has for religion j that, though there was no express stipulation, your Majesty will be sufficiently bound, by what your Majesty has done in the first instance to continue henceforth what is so well begun, that, there- fore it may be relied upon that your Majesty will always be like yourself, and continue to support what your Majesty undertakes upon foundations that will not change. The King of England answered me hereupon, that he had no right to exact of your Majesty more than your Ma- jesty thinks you ought to do ; but that he acted frankly with me in representing his wants, and that the request he has made presupposes all sorts of engagements from hira, and a determined will to be entirely devoted to your Majes- ty, that therefore your Majesty is to prescribe to him what will suit your interests in order to make him follow the course which will be most agreeable to him ; that when your Ma- jesty shall be thoroughly informed of the affairs of this country, you will know that it is an important point to be- gin well, and to enable him not to yield at first ; that, how- ever, it is impossible to take a firm and lofty conduct if there is not a sufficient security of adequate assistance ; and that it would no longer be the time to negotiate upon the amount when the moment of using it has arrived. I told the Prince that he saw your Majesty begin by performance, and that, therefore, it was not so essential to stand upon the form and manner of promising for the fu- ture ; that it was only necessary that affairs here should be put in a fair train, and that, in process of time, your Ma- jesty would not fail to aid tlie first progress, and to facili- tate the success of the designs of his Britannic Majesty in favour of royalty and the Catholic religion. APPENDIX. ixxv I had several conferences with the ministers, collectively and separately; they answered me very coldly when I spoke to them together ; my Lord Rochester, who is the spokesman, replied to me, they had kno^vn already, what I had told the King their master, and that their sentiments could not differ from his ; that the necessity of his affairs obliged him to have recourse to your Majesty, that the question now was, the establishment of his authority and securing to the government a safe form ; that I knew well enough how very important it was here to be enabled to give and not to receive laws ; that it w^as my business to re- present it to your Majesty, and that, as to themselves, they had discharged their duty by sincerely exposing the wants of their master to a friend who could remove them if he thought fit so to do. I answered him what I had already told the King of England- I discoursed with my Lord Rochester in pri- vate ; and we have thoroughly discussed the business. I confined myself to saying, that your Majesty executes in- stead of promising, that thereby it is seen what may be expected from you, that it is unusual to pretend your Majesty shoiJd enter Into engageiuents to furnish subsidies for several years, when his Britannic Majesty, on his side, 15 bound to nothing ; that indeed, your Majesty has nothing to ask of him at present; that, therefore, your Majesty claims the right to bestow marks of friendship, without requiring of him any thing beyond what he thinks he ought to do according to the conjunctures that may present them- selves ; that no doubt can be entertained of your Majesty's good disposition to continue as vou began, and that reliance ought to be placed on your sincerity and friendship.. Ixxvi APPENDIX. My Lord Rochester told me thereupon, that if he did not thoroughly know the designs and intentions of the King his master, he would not have pressed me to prevail upon your Majesty to supply him promptly with a large sum, and to promise him a subsidy for three years ; that what your Majesty does now, ought to be looked upon as a mark of friendship, and that it would serve his master's turn bettei- than a greater engagement, if he had not ^resolved to unite himself closely with your Majesty and not to flag in pro- cess of time ; that if he did not act honestly, and consider the friendship of your Majesty as the fouiidation of the conduct he intends to hold, he would content himself with a temporary or loose connexion ; and that he would, after having established himself, take into consideration what resolution he is to take, and that without neglecting the obligations under which he was to your Majesty, he wovild then be enabled to frame a plan for his conduct, such as he should think to be most suitable to his interests ; that from this time forward he intends to enter upon a course which will last as long as his reign and to knit indissoluble ties ; that it has been perceived that the connexion formed between yovs Majesty^ and the King of England has pro- duced good effects for both ; that the same thing will happen if they understand each other well at first ; and if your Ma- jesty begins by enabling the King of England to follow his inclination and iiis real interests. I answered the minister, that the treaty concluded with the late King of England had been, on bodi sides, scrupu- lously executed; that it included mutual terms and advan- tages, that the same thing cannot be said of what is going oji now, since your Majesty has nothing to wish from the King of England, and is yet willing gratuitously to con- APPENDIX. Ixxvii tribute to establish him on his tlironc, and to enable him to reign peaceably and quietly. My Lord Rochester replied to me hereupon, that the treaty we had formed included no mvitual conditions ; that the late King hud not bound himself not to assemble parliament, nor formally to re- nounce his treaty with Spain ; that your Majesty had well known that in the main you would reap the same advantages, and that the late King of England had also been strengthen- ed in his resolutions, by the succour your Majesty had fur- nished him with ; and had even dispensed with assembling his parliament and defending Spain, when he was the most pressed to the contrary ; that the same case may again hap- pen, and though your Majesty asks nothing of the King his master, he cannot resolve to devote himself to your Majesty without renouncing the advantages he might de- rive from parliament in other times ; and from ever}' en- gagement with Spain : That it will be a question as soon as parliament is assembled to obtain the continuation of the revenues, but that after that, nothing must be expected thereof but hard and perilous terms, which the King his master will-never consent to ; that, therefore the same atti- tude would be maintained, which was assumed in the time of the late King, and with still less regard for the Spaniards, since there existed no treaty with them, as there had. been one, the execution of which ihey were always urging. I replied thereto, that it was not a question now to examine, on what terms we had treated in the time of the late King, since the treat}' had been executed and fulfilled honestly on both sides ; that the conjuncture was entirely different, and that your Majesty expected nothing of his Britannic Ma- jesty and had no other aim but to give him solid marks of your friendship. I remarked, from all that occurred between ixxviii APPENDIX. my Lord Rochester and me, that he did not enter upon the proposal of a new treaty, and it appeared to me on the con- trary that he affected not to understand what I told him on that score. He always confined himself to saying, that we must do as we have done, because we reaped great ad- vantages therefrom on both sides. My Lord Sunderland comprehended at the first blush that it would be far more adviseable to enter into formal and reciprocal engagements; that the King his master ought to claim every thing that can warrant him your Ma- jesty's friendship. He lays down as a certainty that the parliament, the Prince of Orange and the house of Austria ought to be looked upon as having inseparable interests ; that it is impossible to put them at variance ; that, there- fore, to be on good terms with your Majesty, he must not only abstain from all connexion with them, but even part with them at once ; and pull oft' the mask when it shall be seasonable to do so, that is, when parliament shall have granted the revenues. I maintained great reserve upon the new engagements that might be formed. I contented my- self with suggesting the proposal which your Majesty or- dered me to make in this respect, and I thought I should bring it on the carpet rather as a natural consequence of what we were treating of, than an overture from your Ma- jesty. My Lord Godolphin spoke to me in the same sense as my Lord Rochester. Though he is in the secret, he has not much credit, and seeks only to uphold himself by a wise and moderate deportment. I do not think that, if his ad- vice was taken, any connexions would be formed with your Majesty which would extend to doing entirely without par- liament or to decidedly breaking with the Prince of Orange. APPENDIX. Ixxix Last evening I had a long conversation with the King of England ; we repeated all that had been talked over with the ministers, of which they had given him an account. I perceived clearly that my Lord Simderland had spoken to him at full length of what we had discoursed upon, and had represented to him the necessity of not forbearing any thing to form a complete connexion with your Majesty. The Prince told me I knew his intentions and designs better than his own ministers, that he had not opened his mind to them so much as to me upon the establishment of the Ca- tholic religion ; that before the session of parliament he; must conceal his designs, and not suffer any one to descry the point to which he intended to carry the business ; that, at the bottom, he knew that his safety depended upon a close union with your Majesty, and upon putting the Catho- lic religion in a fair way to bid defiance to opposition; that he intends to bring it about as soon as possible ; that, however, I ought to represent to your iVIajesty how impor- tant it is to him to be assisted in so great a design, that his first steps with parliament may be decisive ; that those Avho intend to thwart him will not omit any thing that can pre- vent him from succeeding ; that your Majesty will know perhaps too late what ought to have been done, and that what is necessary now is far less than what your Majesty would contribute at a future period, if your Majesty saw rovalt}' and the Catholic religion In a fair way of being de- stroyed in England. I told the Prince that he saw what were }-our Majesty's intentions with respect to him ; that I could every day in- form vou of what takes place here, and that it ought not to be doubted your majesty would take the resolutions whidi will suit the state of affairs ; that your friendship for his Ixxx APPENDIX. person, and your aeal for religion, would not suffer you to forsake him in his need; that the conduct your Majesty holds towards him would be uniform and consistent, that, therefore, on his side he ought to apply himself to manage a friendship which he judges to be so advantageous to him. His Britannic Majesty told me, on dismissing xne. " I " fully rely on what you tell me ; but represent to the King *' your master, that what he can do now would set mv " mind at rest, and enable me to act with a firmness and *' confidence which I cannot have if I am not completely " assured." From all I have been told by the King of England and his ministers, it appears to me that they do not so much in- sist now upon a promise of a subsequent succour, as upon a present sum. I said, as your Majesty permitted me, that I should by and by have a fund of 900,000 livres ; but if }'our Majesty does not allow me to furnish any thing from this sum, it is just as if there was none ; it will not even be believed that there is any, when it is perceived that I do not make the payments when they are required of me. The King of England would, in my judgment, be fully satisfied, if your Majesty took the resolution to send hither another sum of 1,100,000 livres before the session of Par- liament, so that he could rely on employing 2,000,000, dur- ing the session of Parliament, that might in time be count- ed for a year of subsidy, and if it should be agreed upon granting one for the ensuing years, we could let them begin only in the month of October next, and perhaps even as late as the nwnth of January 1G86. Your Majesty will givc ine your commands as to what will best suit your service. I shall hold myself in readiness to execute your orders 11 APPENDIX. Ixxxi teialh-, without doing any thing of my own accord beyond v.hat shall be prescribed to me. The Dutch ambassadors have had a particular audience, and without ceremony. The same difficulty continues with regard to their admission and public audience ; they want to have an Earl of England, as the ambassy to Savoy had ; they are not likely to obtain him, and the King of Eng- land seems determined^not to change any thing in his usual deportment witli respect to them. I am, &c. BARILLON. THE KING TO M. BARILLOX. April 24th, 1683. M. Barrillon, I received your letters of the 16th, and 19th of this month, and though I had expected the King of England would have been well satisfied with the large suc- cours of money which I promptly caused to be conveyed to you in order to relieve without any stipulation, his most urgent wants, in case the next Parliament should not grant him what he wishes for, both for the establishment of the same revenues during his hfe, which the late King his bro- ther enjoyed until his death, and for the free exercise of the Catholic religion in his realm ; nevertheless that Prince gave you to understand, that if he was not assured from me of a more considerable assistance, he should see him- self under the necessity to shew a regard for Parliament which would be ver}^ prejudicial to the strengthening of the royal authorit)', and consequently to the welfare of the Ca- tholic religion ; but though he haS so much the more ground to depend entirely upon the sentiments of esteem and friend- ship I entertain for him, so he sees well that I make all 1 Ixxxii APPENDIX. possible dispatch to render him sensible of the efflcacv thereof, without requiring of him any other engagements in my interests but those which his gratefulness and sincerity could induce him to take when there shall be any occasion for it ; I consent nevertheless to give him still greater proofs of the consideration in which I hold every thing he has re - presented to^ you, and of the sincerity with which I intend to concur in every thing which can be advantageous to him. It is for this purpose that besides the 500,000 livres which I caused to be remitted to you, as soon as I heard of the death of the late King, and which you must still have- in your hands, I shall not fail to send you forthwith tlie 900,000 livres I promised you by my dispatch of the sixth, to which I shall order to be added another sum of 200,000 crowns, to the end that you may have in hand, during the session of Parliament, so much as comes to two millions of livres j but as I hear with pleasure that almost all the mem bers are very well affected to the King's interests, and that scarcely more than five or six of them are known to be op • posed to him, it is very likely that the prince will not stand in need of very large funds to render the deliberations of the Parliament favourable to him ; and that at any rate he will content himself with promis'mg rewards to those who shall perform their duty well : I consent nevertheless that you cause to be paid, so much as comes to 400,000 livres, to supply the grcit'iji cat ions xvhich the King shall find pro- per to hestoxv during that session, and as to the remaining 1,600,000 livers you shall orJy part with them in case the conduct of Parliament should be bad enough to oblige the King to dissolve it, or he should elsewhere meet with such strong opposition to the establishing of a free exercise of the^ Catholic religion, as to be forced to take up arms APPENDIX. Ixxxiii "Against his own subjects. In short, my intention is can- ■didly to succour him in case he should really need it, to strengthen his authority and to promote the welfai*e of our religion ; but if his Parliament undertakes of themselves to do what the King desires, my hitention is that you reserve the funds which I order to be remitted to you, till it ap- pears to me to be of an urgent necessity to employ it ; and nevertheless I consent, as I have just told you, that, before the sitting of Parliament, you deliver to the King's minis- ters to the amount of 400,000 li\Tes, in case the King should request them. I hope that, after you shall have made known to that Prince my latter intentions, I shall receive in future only thanks for the efforts I am mak- ing to promote his interests ; but if, contrary to my opi- nion, they intend to make new attempts to get from me greater succours, it is my wish that you cut off all hope to obtain them, nay, that you should give it to be un- derstood, that I should hear with displeasure that the King was not satisfied with the gi'eat proofs I give him of my friendship. It will be easy for you to get the King of England out " of the anguish of mind into which he is throAvn by the de- claration which the Marquis of Feuquieres, by my command, made to the King of Spain and his ministers, and I dis- patch on purpose this courier to you, that you may without any further delay, inform the King of England, that I am so much the more satisfied with the aiis^ver of the said Ca- tholic King, as besides that he treats the proposal to Aield the Netherlands to the Duke of Bavaria, or to abandon to him the government thereof, as a mere chimera ; he gives me moreover positive assurances, rciigiously to observe the truce and to conform in ever)'' respect to its provisions; so i^txxiv APPENDIX. that I have no reason to believe that Prince will make any alterations in the present state of the Netherlands ; and as I, likewise, had no other intention but to prevent, by that explanation, all that might disturb the repose of Europe, you can assure the King of England that I shall always use the same diligence to maintain it, and that as long as the Catholic King shall continue willing to concur on his side, in the rejection of similar novelties so contrary to the truce, the public tranquillity cannot be disturbed. M. BARILLON TO THE KING April oOth, 1685. I received the dispatch of your Majesty of the 24th of April, by an express courier. I went presently after to wait upon the King of England, in order to communicate to him the answer his Catholic Majesty had given the Marquis of Feuquieres. It is impossible to show more joy than that Prince exhibited, at a piece of ncAvs which releases him from very great anxiety, and sets his mind at rest. It was not without ground he feared that a rupture between your Majesty and the King of Spain would render Parliament less manageable than it will be, when all looks calm abroad. His Britannic Majesty charged me to thank your Majesty for the care your Majesty had taken to inform him there- of by an express, and declared to me that his happiness en- creases, wherever he receives marks of your Majesty's friendship, Ministers were likewise overjoyed at the success of Mv Feuquieres proposal. My Lord Rochester is still more sensible than the others to every thing that may maintain peace abroad ; it was easy for me to show that your Majcstv'5 APPENDIX. Ixxxv intention only was to prevent what might have altered the repose Europe enjoys, since the answer that was given at Madrid, puts these affairs in a state of calmness and tran- quillity which according to appearances, must be durable. The King of England spoke to me thereof as late as this morning, with a good deal of satisfaction, and thinks him- self rescued from a great embarrassment to which he be- lieved he must be exposed, if Parliament had been assem- bled when the war should have begun between your Ma- jesty and Spain. It seems to me, your Majesty reaps some benefit from what has been agitated upon this matter ; because people are accustomed to hear of the Dauphin's right to the crown of Spain, without any appearance of strong alarm in perceiving the possibility of so many realms being united to the Crown of France. They seem at least to acknowledge that if his Catholic Majesty died childless, the right of my Lord the Dauphin and his descendants would be far better than of those who could only pretend to it, by virtue of a renunciation in itself null. I spoke of all this but very slightly, as of a distant matter, hut I did not think I ought likewise to suppress what your Majesty alleged as the main gi-ound of what you had a de- sign to do, in order to prevent the Elector of Bavaria and the Archdutches's being put in possession of the Nether- lands. An occurrence has happened within the court, which is of no little consequence. The King of England having re- solved to go to the chapel, accompanied as the late King was, spoke of it the day before to my Lords Rochester, Sunderland, and Godolphin. He told them that having taken the step openly of going to Mass, he thought he • "night to go there with the requisite dignity, and accompa • Ixxxvi APPENDIX. nied by his guards and principal officers ; that they would remain at the gate of the chapel and await there, or return to it at the time when he was to leave it. My Lord Sun- derland started no difficulty, nor my Lord Godolphin, who, as the Queen's Chamberlain, usually conducts her as far as the gate ; but my Lord Rochester combated with ve- hemence the resolution his Britannic Majesty declared he had taken, and having to no purpose urged all the reasons he could devise, he freely declared that, unless the King of England positively ordered him to accompany him as far as the gate of the chapel, he would not do it. His Britannic Majesty told him his intention was not to con- strain any body, nor to order him to do a thing for which he seemed to have so much repugnance, that his scruples appeared to be ill grounded, and that it oaght not to l^e an excuse for a thing which should be bad in itself, to have it commanded ; that he was at liberty to do it or not. The contest was carried pretty far ; the King of England did not yield ; and would not command my Lord Rochester to accompany him ; my Lord Rochester persisted he would not do it without being commanded, and took the expe- dient, his Britannic Majesty proposed to him to go the same day to a country seat, whether he had previously in- tended to go on the day following. My Lords Godolphin and Sunderland, as able courtiers, pressed my Lord Rochester to have that complaisance for the King, but could not pre- vail upon his mincl. Your Majesty will judge from this incident, what oppositions the King of England may pos- sibly meet with in process of time, to what he yet intends to undertake in fiivour of die Catholic religion. These particulars are very secret j it is, however, jn'o- • bable, that my Lord Rochester intends to gain thereby ho- APPENDIX. Ixxxvii nour with the zealous Protestants, and tliinks he may ob- tani authority among them, without being likely thereby to hazard his favour or his place. He will tr)' to make the King of England believe, that what he did is to serve and benefit his affairs ; that it is perilous to make too open and premature a declaration j that whatever may happen, he can ha\'c no other interests but his ; but he has to deal with a very firm Prince, and >vho bears very impatiently the least contradiction. Yesterday it was here Easter-day. The Knights of the orders accompanied the King of England with their collars as far as the door of the galleiy where he hears Mass. The Duke of Somerset carried the sword, he remained at the door ; because it is not customary, that he who car- ries this sword, should enter the church, except when the King receives the commmiion. The Dukes of Norfolk, Grafton, Richmond, and Northumberland ; the Earls of Oxford, Mulgi-ave, and many other Lords, accompanied his Britannic Majesty, as he went and returned. It was remarked, t-hat the Duke of Ormond and Marquis of Ha- lifax, remained in the antichamber. My Lord Rochester returned but last evening from the country. This resolu- tion the King of England has taken to go to church with his officers and guards, causes as much noise and more re- flections to be made, than when he first publicly went to Mass. The Dutch ambassadors made no complaint at all of what befell them at Gravesend. M. Avaux sent me word that the Grand Pensionary Fagel sent them orders by the com- missioners of Foreign Affairs they should show no resent- ment, and take no notice of what had happened. They had but one nobleman who went to meet them on the day of Ikxxvili APPENDIX. their entr}' ; it was my Lord Tenay, a Catholic, and son- in-law to the late Viscount Montague. Even that brought on some talk, and it was held to be strange, that the King' of England affects to employ a Catholic Lord at the first solemn reception that took place since the commencement of his reign, and to send him to the Dutch Ambassadors. They had audience to-day of- their Britannic Majesties at Whitehall ; my Lord North conducted them thither. I told the King of England what your Majesty permitted me to say concerning the sums which are to pass hither. I drew from him the remark, with how great an application youi Majesty meets his wants, and what essential proofs your Majesty gives him of your friendship. The Prince assu- red me he was veiy sensible of what your Majesty does in his favour. I shall certainly hinder your Majesty's being pressed for a long while to send new funds, provided your Majesty permits me to use those which shall be here. I neither told the King of England nor his Ministers, that your Majesty allowed me only to furnish to the amount of 400,000 livres upon the two millions which may be de- pended upon. Such a declaration, if I made it, would en- tirely destroy the merits of what your Majesty is doing in favour of the King of England and induce here a belief that your Majesty only intends to assist him in case he should be exposed to a revolt. It is not expected that this is the foundation of the succour your Majesty is pleased to grant. His Britannic INIajesty and his Ministers have not the least doubt, but you will please to pay what remained due of the old subsidy when the late King of England died. The sum of 500,000 livres, which your Majesty sent presently after, will be sufficient entirely to pay it oil. APPENDIX. Ixxxijt What I told my Lord Rochester about the sending of new funds hindered his pressing me as he would have done otherwise ; but he does not call in doubt, this sum will be furnished when he requests it ; I entreat your Ma- jesty to grant me permission for it. Should I refuse it, it would, in my judgment, cause a serious prejudice to the welfare of affairs which, hereafter, it would be difficult to rectif}'. After paying the old subsidy, there will remain here 1,500,000 livres. I shall do every thing in my pow«r not to diminish this fund, until I shall be very much pressed to do so ; but I am so bold as to represent once more to your Majesty that if I am positively forbidden it, and dare not effect some payments, it will be out of my power to uphold the opinion which the King of England and his ministers harbour, that your Majesty sincerely desires his advantage and the establishment of his autho- rity. I did not clearly enough explain the situation of the af- fairs of this country, when I occasioned in your Majesty a belief that the money your Majesty will supply will be em- ployed in bestowing gratifications upon the members of Parliament, in order to obtain of them what the King of England desires both with respect to the revenues and the free exercise of the Catholic religion. This is not the course that Prince means to pursue, and nothing is more averse from what he designs to do. His conduct will be firm and resolute. The scheme of buying the votes in parliament which the Earl of Danby had contrived, had such bad success, that it is no longer thought of resorting to it ; and, to speak the truth, if it should be resorted to the same inconveniences would arise. The King of Eng- land wishes his affairs should be brought to an issue by m xc APPENDIX. the necessity under which ParUament will be to grant him what he has determined to take if it is not granted, that is, the revenues which the late King enjoyed ; and, in all likelihood, the Parliament will grant them ; but that does not set the King of England at rest and at his ease ; for he cannot with reputation and safety forsake the protection of the Catholics ; however, it is very likely that he will meet with great obstacles to establish the freedom of exer- cise for the Catholic religion. I already know, that cabals are formed among the Lords. It is believed they will be more hard to please on the point of religion than the house of Commons. It is v^ery probable the revenues will be granted, to take from the King of England the pretence to say that he is refused what is ne- cessary for the support of government ; but at the same time such precautions will be taken for the safety of the Protestant religion, that it will be impossible for the King of England to admit them without falling in a very peril- ous and uncertain position. The zealous Protestants alrea- dy declare quite loud that this Prince has been wanting in what he said to the council, and in what the declaration imported which was published, since he formally promised nothing should be done against the Protestant religion though he has since given a regiment in Ireland to Colonel Talbot, which, as they say, is advancing Popery and begin- ning the destruction of the Protestant religion ; your Ma- jesty can, therefore fully depend upon it, that the King of England will meet with very serious difficulties concern- ing what he intends to do in favour of the Catholic reli- gion. No means will be omitted to disturb him therein and to weaken the resolutions he may have taken. From what my Lord Rochester has done your Majesty sees APPENDIX. xci what is to be expected from others in more important matters. The best and surest means to fortify and maintain that Prince in his good posture with respect to the Catholic reli- gion, and your Majesty's interests, is to see himself assured ot a close connexion with your Majesty, and in a full security to be powerfully succoured by your Majesty ; I have not the least doubt but he will engage as far as your Majesty can wish for hereafter, and he already thinks to do so by re- ceiving gratifications from your Majesty. If I disconti- nue all sorts of payments and the King of England and his ministers chose to explain themselves hereupon with indif- ference, and not to speak of succour as a necessary matter, I should not doubt but this Prince would think himself to be justifiable, and at liberty to take other measures. I can- not too strongly represent to your Majesty how requisite it is to give the King of England and his ministers no occa- sion for a belief that your majesty is unwilling to contribute to his greatness and his security. I shall apply myself to give so exact an account of what will happen here, that your Majesty shall see to the bottom of all concerns, as much as I am able to unravel them. Meanwhile it is in my opinion, veiy necessary your Majesty should not suspend the pay- ments, and should allow me to furnish the King of England with what I shall think I ought to give out of the 1,500,000 livres v/hich will remain after fully paying off the old sub- sidv. I am so bold as to warrant that this money will pro- duce as good an effect as any other your Majesty may have spent. It is a decisive stroke for what your Majesty de- sires most, that is, for the establishment of a free exercise in favour of the Catholic religion. I entreat your Majesty to recollect that I managed the payments of the past subsl^ xcii APPENDIX. dy in such a way that a whole year slipped away without any mention being made thereof. I can have no other views ill all this but the interest of your Majesty, who could, by a single disappointment ruin in one day the confidence, which your majesty has been establishing these many years past, of a sincere friendship for the late and present King, I hope your Majesty will do me the justice to be persuad- ed that I am not wedded to my own opinion, and know as well as any other how to obey implicitly your Majesty's or- ders. But it is my duty to represent matters as they are. and always to submit to what your Majesty will please to command, I am, with the deepest respect, &c. BARILLON. THE KING TO M. BARILLON. May 9th, 1685 Mr. Barrillon, I am very glad to see by your letter of the SOth of April, that the King of England perceives how- great the sincerity of my intentions was in the declaration, which the Marquis of Feuquieres, by my command made to the Catholic King ; and that, as I was pleased to content my- self with the answer which was given to him from the King, it also put a stop to all inquietude which that business pro- duced at the court where you are. I hope that as this ex- planation has not been useless in strengthening the peace, it will also much contribute to facilitate to the King of Eng- land, the execution of his designs, during the next session of Parliament, and that, by the simple disposition of the pre- sent affairs in Europe, he will obtain whatever he wishes for, without needing hereafter any other assistance but what he mav derive from his realm. APPENDIX. xciil However, I see by your letter, that you are persuaded that my service requires not only to complete as soon as he shall desire it, the payment of the subsidies, which you had promised from me to the deceased King, but even to grant you the permission to dispose of the remaining 1,500,000 livres when you shall judge it necessary, both to strengthen him in the resolution to establish at any rate the free exercise of our religion and inseparably to attach him to my interests, and prevent his taking different measures ; but, to unfold still more particularly to you my intentions, to the end that you may not deviate therefrom, I am glad to repeat to you that, indeed, the principal, or rather the only motive, which induces me to cause with so much speed, such a considerable sum as that of two millions to be remitted to you in order to succour therewith the King of England in his most urgent wants, is my zeal for the augmentation of our religion, seconded by the esteem and affection I harbour for the said King; he ought also to be so much the more persuaded of this truth, as I stipulate no conditions with him, and as my intention to maintain peace in all Europe, gives me no occasion to believe that I can meet with sufficient obstacles thereto to want any foreign as- sistance : I have likewise a sufficiently good opinion of the King of England's firmness in his profession, of the Catho- lic religion, to be fully persuaded that he will use all his authority- to establish the free exercise thereof without re- quiring to be excited thereto by a premature distribution of money, and which ought not to be employed, if Parlia- ment grant him the same revenue the late King of England enjoyed, and moreover consent to the establishing of the free exercise of our religion; therefore my intention is, that you shall continue the payments of all that remains xciv APPENDIX. due of the subsidies promised to the late King ; which amounts, according to the last account you sent me, to 470,000 livres, so that of the 500,000 livres, which, by my command, were remitted so you on the 15th of February, there will be after accomplishing the payments, left to you only the sum of 30,000 livres, which joined to all the re- mittances that have been or shall be made to you, will make the sum of 1,530,000 livres; and I desire that you keep that fund and dispose of it only in case of the King of England, being unable to obtain from Parliament the continuation of the same revenues the late king his bro- ther had, or meeting with so many obstacles to the estab- lishing of the Catholic religion, should be compelled to dis- solve it, and to employ his authority and forces to bring his sv\bjects to reason; I consent, in that case, that you should then assist him with the whole sum of fifteen hun- dred and thirty thousand livres, either in one or several payments as you shall judge it to the purpose, and that you should at the same time inform me thereof by an ex- press. I hope the King and his Ministers will be satisfied with the orders I give you, at least, they will have no ground for complaining that I intend only to assist them in case of a revolt, and they will see, on the contrary', that it is so much the more my interest that Parliament should spontaneously incline to content the said King, as he will be principally indebted for it to the good intelligence that subsists between me and him ; and as it would not be just that he should turn to his own account, and lay up the suc- cours I appropriate for him through the only motives I have just written to you; he can always be assured to re- ceive from mc the same marks of affection in case the ur- APPENDIX. xcv gency of his affairs should compel him to have recoui-sc thereto. Endeavour meanwhile fully to ascertain wliat negotia- tions will take place at the court where you are between the King's Ministers and the Dutch Ambassadors for a treaty of alliance with the States General ; and take care lest, by acting as candidly as I do with the court where you are, it makes elsewhere engagements prejudicial to my concerns. M. JBAKILLON TO THE KING. May 14tli, 1685. I received yesterday, by an express, your Majesty's dispatch of the 9th May. I shall take due care not to do any thing beyond what your Majesty prescribes to me ; I shall content myself with representing to your Majesty matters in their true light, and after that to follow your or- ders with the utmost exactness. M. Avaux sent me a copy of the Dutch Ambassador's letters to pensionary Fagel of the 29th of April. Those letters import that my Lord Rochester spoke to them in a manner which induces them to hope that a closer connexion may be formed between his Britannic Majesty and the states general. I positively doubt that any such conference as is mentioned in those letters was held, and if it was in- tended here to lay the foundation for a closer connexion between his Britannic Majestv and the States General, it would not be by a conference of the Ambassadors with se- veral Ministers. I can also hardly believe what is inferred by those let- ters, that my Lord Preston has been charged to speak to your Majest}' concerning the Prince of Orange. The King of England would at least, have told me something about xcvi APPENDIX. it, if he wished his offices should succeed ; but he often talks to me as having a great and well-grounded distrust of the conduct and intentions of the Prince of Orange towards him. Your Majesty knows well how my Lord Preston spoke to him concerning the Prince of Orange. If this pas- sage of the Ambassador's letters is false, the remainder may likewise be so. Your Majesty will have seen by the letters I did myself the honour to write to you, that I believe the King of Eng- land to be in the best possible disposition to keep up a close connexion with your Majesty, and that it is on this foun- dation all his designs turn. However, it is certain that the zealous Protestants and the Prince of Orange's partizana leave no means untried to wean him from your Majesty's interests. Nothing will be, at first, proposed to him which might be directly contrary thereto, but they will try insen- sibly to lead him into secret measures with the Prince of Orange alone, or with the States General. I do not think it will be brought about ; and I should rather think the Dutch Ambassadors flatter themselves and take general discourse for special measures. The affairs of Parliament will not be so easy as it it was imagined. The minds of those who compose the house of Commons seem to be disposed to grant the enjoyment of the revenues ; but there are, in the cabals, every day mak- ing new proposals which will throw his Britannic Majesty t\nd his Ministers into embarrassment. There has been a very important matter agitated. It is an opinion generally diffused that my Lady Portsmouth and my Lord Sunderland are the principal causes of the close connexion, that was discovered a few years since between ^ our Majesty and the King of England. They were seen.. APPENDIX. xcvVi in the latter times of his reign, possessed of all the credit. Even my Lord Rochester was perceived to have grown out of favour and on the point of setting out for Ireland ; this is the reason why the principal hatred of the past falls upon my Lord Sunderland and my Lady Portsmouth ; Avho are known to have always gone hand in hand. My Lord Go- dolphin is also involved therein. The factious pretend they were forsaken by them and lay to their charge all the mis- fortunes that befell them. On this ground is built a design to propose as soon as Parliament shall be assembled, to turn out of the house of Commons all those who in other Parliaments were for excluding the Duke of York from the succession. It is a specious proposal, aiid looks as being full of respect and zeal for the King of England ; but it is de- signed thereby to irritate against him the minds of the whole nation, and to show, (if be consents to it,) that he does not forget what was done against his interests, and has always in mind to revenge it. It is also a step to attack those of the upper house, who were for his exclusion, and especially my Lords Sunderland and Godolphin, who from the late King treated with the factions and induced them at that epocha to insist on a thing to which they assured them the Prince would at length consent if they held out. This project is very likely to be supported by people who are not quite out of business. My Lord Halifax stiH liarbours a lively hatred against my Lord Sunderland and underhand animates those he had disposed to harm him. My Lord Sunderland has already spoken to the King of England to prevent the snare which they laj- for him un- der pretence of driving out those who are called the ex- cluders. But if the means fail, others will be tried, and I believe, I know that my Lord Sunderland will be strongly n 1 h xcviii APPENDIX. attacked both by the unabated hatred of the former minis- try, and because it is foreseen that he will hereafter have a great share in the confidence of his master, if his con- nexion with your Majesty subsists, and he persists in his design to establish the Catholic religion. I believe my Lord Rochester will be spared in the be- ginning by Parliament. He is thought to be a good Pro- testant, and is considered as the protector of the Episco- pal party. He is seen at the head of affairs, and the trea- sury is in his hands ; he is, besides, brother-in-law to the King ; they would think, in attacking him, to furnish his Britannic Majesty with a pretence to dissolve Parliament. But they imagine, they may attack the other Ministers with impunity, and that perhaps my Lord Rochester will wot be sorrj' at what may be done against those who had got the better of him in former times, and induced him to seek a retreat in Ireland. The Catholics openly side with my Lord Sunderland : and for this reason the minds of the lower house will be more readily excited against him. However he served the King of England very well before he came to the crown, and he laboured so usefully to have him recal- led from Scotland, and to restore him to the council and admiralty, that I do not think that Prince will forsake him or suffer Parliament to begin an attack upon his mi- nisters, which would be very prejudicial to the royal au- thority. My Lady Portsmouth likewise believes she is to be at- tacked. That belief compels her to press her departure before the meeting of Parliament. The manner in which the King of England spoke to me concerning her, inducts APPENDIX. xcis toe to believe she will be satisfied with his resolutions about her concerns. Your Majesty may judge by what I have now the ho- nour to communicate, that matters will not be so peaceable in Parliament as it was imagined. It is true, the former ringleaders were not elected, but those who compose Par- liament will easily become so. Nearly all of them har- bour an insurmountable aversion against the Catholic reli- gion, and most of them are hostile to France, and jealous of your Majesty's grandeur. They know well that on the success of this session, the establishment of his Britannic Majesty's affairs depends, and for this reason nothing will be forgotten to create embarrassments to him. Intelligence has been received that the English refugees at Amsterdam, intend to send arms into Scotland, and have taken measures to that effect ; it is the place where it is easiest to excite disorders, as well as in the North of Ireland, which lies close to Scotland. The King of Eng- land does not seem to me to be uneasy about the time to come, and expects to manage every thing with facility. The Dutch Ambassadors had their audience of the Prince and Princess of Denmarki They paid to me the next visit after the royal family. According to what is re- ported to me by some of their confidants, they are not so contented as they appear by their letters. I shall not for- bear to redouble my efforts to find out what is going on concerning that subject. Veiy good news arrived yesterday from Scotland. It was a question in Parliament, to grant his Britannic Ma- jesty for his life, the duties of the excise and customs which had also been granted to the late King for his life- time. Not merely was that done, but Parliament annex- c APPENDIX. cd those very same duties to the crown for ever. It is the Duke of Hamilton who proposed it to the Lords, and cau- sed it to succeed by his credit in Parliament. An equerry of the Dvike of Monmouth's has been ar- rested here ; the King of England told me, he had nothing about him, and did not conceal himself, that, therefore, he had been released on giving bail to make his appearance. The Duke of Norfolk has got the order of the garter. The ribbon became vacant by the decease of the late King of England. My Lord Churchill will be a peer of Eng- land ; he was only a peer of Scotland before. M. Ger- maine will also be made a peer, and Colonel Talbot will be created an Earl of Ireland, as soon as he shall have ar- rived there. All this will be done before Parliament meet. I am with the profound respect I owe, &c. M. BAIIILLOX TO THE KING May irth, 1685, ut London 1 see by your Majesty's last dispatch, that it is your reso- lution to succour the King of England in his wants. It is in this view your Majesty sends here large sums. How- ever, it appears to me your Majesty is not without a sus- picion the King of England might take measures contrar}^ to his interests, and fonn connexions with the States Gene- ral and the Prince of Orange. My chief application ought to consist in endeavouring to penetrate the business, and I shall omit nothing calculated to inform myself of the most secret events that happen here. My intimate acquaintance with the King of England and his Ministers places me in such a position that it must be my fault if I am deceived. Your Majesty may take it for granted that the King of England has no plan of connexion with the States Gene- APPENDIX. ci ral, and still less with the Prince of Orange. It is not lightly that I say this with confidence, but upon many grounds, which it would be difficult for me to explain to your Ma- jesty as clearly as I perceive them. It must be granted, however, that the King of England dissembles, and it is important for him to do so until Parliament separate ; but I am convinced he will presently after take off the mask and not constrain himself, as he has done till now, to con- ceal his propensit\' towards your Majesty's interests ; and his design to establish the free exercise of the Catholic re- ligion. I am persuaded he will meet with many difficul- ties in the execution of this design. There is no appear- ance that Parliament will consent to it ; nay, I question whether his Britannic Majesty will be bold enough to pro- pose it. That will depend upon their first resolutions which will be taken concerning the revenues. But I know beforehand, that, on both sides, their minds are filled with great distrust ; and that if Parliament shows any facility in granting the revenues, they will not relax upon w^hat con- cerns the Catholic religion. This is the reason for my hav- ing, till now, persisted with your Majesty to entreat you not to order the suspending of the payments which are ex- pected here. Nay, I should find it very inconvenient to declare to the King of England and his ministers that after paying off the former subsidy, your Majesty will no longer supply him with any thing unless he is obliged to force his subjects to conform to what he desires both with respect to his revenues and die free exercise of the Catholic reli- gion. I see that your Majesty considers it as an inconveni- ence that the King oi England should be able to lay up and to encrease his owti funds with a large sum, furnished from cii APPENDIX. time to time by your Majesty, which would eftable him t<^ subsist comfortably ; and then, his authority being establish- ed within, and having obtained what he wishes for with re-* spect to the Catholic religion, he would be enabled to determine on the alliances he should form abroad. If the matter stood so, I should think your Majesty would be concerned to prevent that Prince by a gratifica- tion, and insensibly to engage him in your interests by a much less considerable sum than that which your Majesty would spend if once he had taken the resolution to join those who are jealous of your greatness. But the aifairs of this country are very remote from such a state of tran- quillit}\ Your Majesty will see, that hereafter the King of England will meet with far greater opposition than is be- lieved. There are already movements among the Highland- ers in Scotland. The North of Ireland is not quiet ; the factious here have not lost all hope ; and your Majesty knows that measures have been taken in Holland to send them arms and ammunition. If, at a time when every thing is stirring, and the greatest efforts will be made to wean the King of England from your Majesty's friendship, I declared to him and his minis- ters that your Majesty is no longer willing to succour him^ I should furnish a very plausible pretence to those who in- tend to make him follow a quite different course from that he has determined to keep. I still question if they would bring it about. But it is a peril to which, methinks, it is unnecessary to expose the affairs of this country ; which can (if I am not mistaken) be conducted with perfect safe- ty, without your Majesty's hazarding a great deal. I sec what is going on ; it will be difficult to hide it from me. Thus I shall not give indiscreetly what I shall ha^e power APPENDIX. clli to spend. I am once more so bold as to entreat your Ma- jesty to allow me (after paying off the former subsidy) to furnish the King of England, pending the session of Parli- ament, to the amount of 200,(X)0 crowns upon the 1,530,000 livres, which will remain in my hands, after your Majesty shall have sent here the whole sum which your Majesty has determined to send. I shall manage this sum of 200,000 crowns in such a way that your Majesty shall know here- after that it promoted your Majesty's interests. Your Majesty permits me by your last dispatch to give the whole sum I may have in my hands, if I see Parlia- ment dissolved, and the King of England reduced to com- pel his subjects to submission by foice. It is not likely that matters on a sudden will come to an open rupture, and I shall always have time enough to inform your iMajesty and to receive your orders, provided, however, I am allowed to furnish some sum. In short, Sire, the affairs are here, according to what I can judge thereof, in a very good con- dition with respect to your Majest)^, but I should not pass my word for it if your Majesty deprived me of the power to make any kind of payment, after having paid oiF the for- mer subsidy. It is sufficient for me to have known your IVIajesty's intentions, in order not to go too far when I shall have permission for doing so. The King of England tliinks in some manner he is himself the judge of his wants; if your Majesty intends entirely to oblige him and to show him a true friendship, your Majcst)^ Mill refer it to him. If I filled his mind with distrust, though ill-ground- ed, it would be difficult for me to brmg him over again, whereas now I have established a confidence which nothing will destroy provided, your Majesty permits me to do what I shall think entirelv necessan* for his service. I should not tiv APPENDIX. be imprudent enough to press your Majesty to do a thing which seems to be repugnant to your Majesty, if I did not know the utility and necessity thereof ; nor would I lose near your Majesty the little service I may have rendered in this country by advising your Majesty to do a thing that might hereafter be prejudicial or at least useless to your interests. But I should be wanting in my duty and the loyalty I owe to your Majesty, if I did not represent to your Majesty as I do, that it is absolutely necessary 1 should be left at liberty to give the King of England marks of your friendship at a time when most pains will be taken to stagger him. The present juncture is critical. It is a question whether the King of England will take a resolution to which he will adhere for a long while. I see, this resolution is taken in his mind, and he is determined to hold himself closely imited with your Majesty ; it is only necessary to main- lain him in this resolution and to hinder him from falling into the snares which will be laid for him. The letters I received yesterday from M. Avaux strength- en me in the opinion that the letters of the Dutch Ambas- sadors to Pensionar}^ Fagel, of which copies were obtained, are false and conjectural. There is- in it much the appearance of a trick contrived to induce a belief in Holland and else- where, that the King of England is entirely disposed to form a new and closer connexion with the States General, and that there is already a perfect intelligence re-establish- ed between his Jiritannic Majesty and the Prince of O- range. I am persuaded that neither is true. The King of England's jealousy against tlie Prince of Orange is too weU grounded and too natural to be easily destroyed ; nor do I ■>oe any likelihood that the interests of England and the APPENDIX. cv States General can be easily reconciled on the subject of commerce since, on the contrary it is the foundation of di- vision in the most solid interests of both nations. The single business of Bantam may, for a long while yet, hinder the forming of a connexion between his Britannic Majesty and the States General : their delegates and those of the India company of Amsterdam have arrived. Con- ferences will be begun with them. However, I see yet many persons persuaded that business will not be settled. I have been informed by one of the chief proprietors in the East- India- Company, that the King of England is strongly reeolved to support their commerce, and to thwart that of the Dutch. That very same person told me, that his Bri- tannic Majesty not long since sent an express, charged with a letter to the King of Persia, to exhort him not to agree with the Dutch, to the prejudice of other nations, and even to offer him assistance, in case the war which the Dutch make upon him, should continue. I am, with the profound respect I owe, &c» M. BARILLON TO THE KING. May 21st, 1685, at London. Letters were yesterday received here which import that three vessels laden with arms and warlike stores had sail- ed either for Scotland or the north of Ireland. The King of England spoke to me thereof, and told me he saw well liow little care the Prince of Orange had taken to settle so important a matter, and that if he had taken the necessary measures therefor, he would have been first informed of it, stopped the vessels and sent him word thereof: that instead of doing so they had delayed several days, at the Hague, ^loing any thing upon the remonstrances of Mr. Skilton, o cvi APPENDIX. and obliged him to give in a memoir ; tliat, however, it would have been an easy matter to stop the ships, if it had been intended, that such a slowness was a proof of very little application and zeal from the States General and the Prince of Orange, and does not agree with the fair words that are reported to him from them every day ; that he did not design to complain thereof in the usual way, but that he knew well those who really side with him, and those from whom he expects sincere marks of friendship ; that however he is neither puzzled nor uneasy as to what will become of those vessels, that he has given the necessary orders to prevent the movements which the factious might excite in Scotland or Ireland ; that he has sent some frigates upon the coasts and that in the main he thought he had nothing to dread, being assured of your Majesty's friendship. I answered his Britannic Majesty every thing I thought calculated to augment his suspicion, about the conduct of the Prince of Orange, ixnd to assure him of your Majesty's friendship. He agreed to what I told him, and gave me to understand that he thought he ought not yet to open his mind hereupon, but he hoped he should no tbe much longer obliged to dissemble ; that it was a part he badly played, and for which he was not fit. I have known since that he has spoken with great resentment of their having not pre>^ vented in Holland what the English exiles had contrived for the execution of their evil designs ; nay, he said loudly in council, that if those whose duty it was, had disharged their duty in the time of the late King and in his own, with respect to the factious that withdrew themselves into Hoi land, they would not have the trouble noAv to deliberate up- on the means of withstanding the efforts which tl\ey employ APPENDIX. evil to excite troubles. That can only be understood of the Prince of Orange. The Dutch Ambassadors seem to be puzzled by this piece of news, they say, all possible dispatch was used to stop the vessels, as soon as the States were informed by Mr. Skilton ; but that their government is subjected to forms which can- not be trampled upon. The King of England spoke aloud two days ago, to M. Zitters, upon the business of Bantam, at a pretty high rate, and gave him to understand, that all the nations of Europe, and above all the English were very much concerned that the Dutch should not entirely monopolize the commerce of pepper and other spices. M. Zitters said they pay so dear for that commerce that it ought not to bring envy up- on them ; nay that they had offered the English merchants who reside in the Indies, to share with them the half part of the spices which they should bring to Europe. The King of England replied that it was not just they should exclusively preside over the distribution of that branch of commerce and regulate the share others should have therein ; that commerce ought to be free, and that be- ing the masters thereof they would put such a price upon goods as they would chuse. The King of England added by turning to me, " It is well known both in France and " Denmark how the matter stands ; for the same thing is " done with respect to them." This discourse uttered in public has increased the unea- siness of the Dutch- Ambassadors upon the affair of Ban- tam. But I do not think that gi-eat regard ought to be paid to what is said publicly. It is rather, as far as I can judge tliereof, with a design to Induce the commissioners eviii APPENDIX. tt>^make offers calculated to content the Company of Lon- don. His Britannic Majesty thinks the Earl of Argyle is in the Highlands of Scotland. He told me he would send there regular troops^ and that meanwhile orders were giv- en to authorize those families which are hostile to the Earl of Argyle and the Campbells, to take up arms and to fall upon them. My Lord Dumbarton sets off to-day to com- mand the troops in Scotland and to lead them where it will be seen that the factious intend to make their first at- tempts. Colonel Talbot sets also off for Ireland. In the troops, which are there many officers have been changed ; new al terations are there to be made which are necessaiy. They wait here with impatience to know where the three vessels loaded with arms and ammunition may have landed. They left the Texel ten days ago. The King of England told me, troops were on board and some officers of those who were broken in Holland. It is not known to a certainty whether the Duke of Monmouth is on board one of these vessels. He was of late at Rotterdam. No doubt is enter- tained, this enterprize to send vessels is grounded upon a secret understanding witli the factions in the country where they are to land, and measures are taken to take up arms presently after. It is feared their troops will increase and the disaffected who are very numerous in the North of Ireland assemble, and form a body sufficiently large to keep the field and withstand the regular troops which will be sent against them, and which cannot even with safety be entirely trusted. All this causes a great talk in Lon- don, and happens at the time wlien Parliament is abput to meet. APPENDIX. cix The least inconveniency that may result therefrom is to render Parliament more difficult to please than they would have been if all had been quiet. A writing has been published here under the name of the Duke of Buckingham in favour of the liberty of con- science for all Non-conformists. The King of England cold not forbear at first praising that work. He only speaks of it since as of a thing that deserves no manner of regard. But the episcopalians were, for all that, alarmed by, and found great fault with that production. I send a trans- lation thereof, of which your Majesty may get an ac- count ; it is the most important matter that can be agitated in respect to the internal state of England. The party of the Bishops was at the time of the late King of England, looked upon as the support of the throne, and the Presbyterians as well as the other Sectaries main- tained the Protestant religion and stoutly withstood what is called the encrease of Popery. But the state of religious affairs is greatly altered since the King openly professes the Catholic religion. All the Non-conformists are in the same predicament with the Catholics. The laws are equal- ly established against both. There is no other but the Anglican church, which is the religion of the state and can withstand all the other sects ; it is for this reason look- ed upon as the only prop of the Protestant religion in general, as there is no other means to oppose the encrease of the religion the King professes but to stick strictly to the execution of the penal laws. They sec well, however that it is impracticable to pursue and punish those who arc of the same religion as the reigning King ; and it even seems that the laws, made against the Catholics, fall of themselves, and are as it were, annihilated, where he, in ex APPENDIX. whose name they are prosecuted and to whose profit the forfeitures and fines revert is himself of the rehgion for which it is contended they ought to be punished. There is now another great embarrassment in all the oaths that are taken by the Protestants. They swear not to acknowlege any other chief of the English church but the King of England ; yet it is notorious that he acknowledges another head of the church, and does not believe in the church of England of which the he is the head. These form contradictions which are impossible to reconcile; the least relaxation of the penal laws will be considered by the sealous protestants as a step directly intended to establish the Catholic religion. The essential reason thereof is, that the Catholic religion was the religion of the state, and es- tablished by law under the reign of Queen Mary. The laws made under the reign of Queen Elizabeth against the Catholics, have established the Anglican church. If these laws are abolished, or suspended, the ancient religion be- comes again the religion of the state, and is re-established in its first rights and force, which even authorize it to pur- sue the other sects as was done in the time of Queen Mary, All these things will be the subjects of discussion in Par- liament unless the business of the revenue is forthwith settled, and the King of England resolves to dissolve or prorogue Parliament presently after, and to take of him- self the resolution he will think suitable. Mr. Oates has been tried, whose depositions served as a foundation for the pretended conspiracy of the Catholics. He M'as brought in guilty of perjuiy, and it was proved that he was at St. Omer when he deposed he was present at an assembly of Jesuits in London. He defended him- self with a good deal of audacit}'^ and impudence : he said APPENDIX. cxi three Parliaments had approved of his depositions and be- lieved him ; that at present he suffers for the Protestant reU- gion. When he left Westminster, My Lord Louvelez who is signalized among the factious, embraced him and compli- mented him upon his finnness. The penalty established bv law against perjury is to be put in the pillory, and to have the end of the ear cut off. Tlie sentence will be executed, and then Oates will be imprisoned again and retained there a long while, being doomed to pay large fines for scandal- ous discourses he held against the Duke of York. He cannot according to law be vexed or pursued for the false- hoods which he invented against the Queen Dowager of England and the Catholic peers, as there are no penalties established against calumny. Some think it would have been better not to bring Oates to trial at this time, and that it would have also been much better not to pursue him at all since the condemnation does not go farther than the pillor}', which is not a punishment proportionate to his crime. I am with the profound respect, I owe, &c. THE KING TO M. BARILLOX. May 25l.h, 1685, at Versailles. M. Barillon, I received your letter of the 24th of May by the post, and that of the 21st of May by the return of the cou- rier I had dispatched to you. I have no doubt you will em- ploy to a good purpose the falsehood which appears in the pretended letters of the Dutch Ambassadors to Pensionar}- I'agel, in order to show the King of England and his Mi- nisters that the Prince of Orange only assumes the appear- ance of a good understanding Avith the King of England, cxii APPENDIX. in order thereby to encrease his credit in the United Pro- vinces ; but that at the bottom he always intends to main- tain a secret correspondence with the disaffected in Eng- land ; and nothing can better persuade the court where you reside thereof, than the Prince of Orange winking at the fitting out of three vessels in Holland to carry the chiefs of the disaffected, and as many arms and warlike ammunition as they want, to excite seditions and arm the rebels either in England, Scotland or Ireland. Therefore you are right in not believing that the English Envoy is charged from the King his master to speak to me in favour of the Prince of Orange ; and he only told Croissy that the said King had explained himself by saying, that he could not have any close connexion with that Prince as long as he should not be on good terms with me. I am, in the mean time, glad to hear that the King of England has no cause for apprehending the passage of the Duke of Monmouth, the Earl of Argyle, and Mr. Gray, nor any of the attempts which the dissaffected could make pending the session of Parliament ; and I hope neverthe- less that he will take every necessary precaution to secure himself against their foul designs. Nor do I see that he enters upon the proposal which they intended to make to him, to turn out of Parliament all those, who in the foregoing assemblies were for exclud- ing him from the succession ; and as their number is great, and the interest they will have to wipe off this stain by considerable services, will, in all likelihood, induce them to serve him more usefully than those would do, who were al- ways the most devoted to his person ; prudence and a just and enlightened policy requires of iiim to show that he en- tertains no manner of resentment for what was done against APPENDIX. cxiii him, before he came to tlic crown, and only proposes, in process of time, to distinguish those who shall serve him well, from others who may show by their behaviour, that their actions only originated in a mere spirit of cabal. Your last letter shows me that there is a greater disposi- tion than was first believed, to pernicious movements both in Scotiand and Ireland, and upon this foundation you re- urge that I should permit you to employ, besides the 470,000 livres that remain to be paid of the subsidy pro- mised to the late King, at least 600,000 livres upon the 1,530,000 livres which are in your hands, after all the funds shall be remitted to you which I appropriated to assist the King of England. But as the order I gave you by my dispatch of the 9th, appears to me sufficient for the satis- faction of that Prince, I do not think proper to change any thing in it, insomuch more as causing the whole sum I permit you to give, in case of urgenc)^, forthwith to be re- mitted to London, the King may well judge that I do not intend to refuse the necessary assistance. You may inform me daily of what occurs ; I shall also give you my orders with the same punctuality according to the differ- ent events. ABSTRACT OF A LF.TTER OF THE KING TO M. BARILLON. Versailles, June 1st, 1685. M. Barillon, your letters of the 21st and 24th May, show me that though the King of England expresses no uneasi- ness about the preparations which the English outlaws are making both to return to England and to excite some movements either there, in Scoumd, or in the North of Ireland ; nevertheless the court where you reside, and the principal merchants of the city of London, do not appre- P cxiv APPENDIX. hend that the enterprises of those factious people will pro- duce any consequences that can disturb the commerce- and repose which the English enjoy at present. I am glad to hear that the King has given effectual orders to frustrate the designs of the rebels, and puts his chief confidence in my friendship. He may also expect a continuation thereof, as long as he continues faithful to the engagements which the late King his brother and himself have made with me ; and as the language which the public put in his mouth upon all that relates to my interests do no not agree with what I ought to expect from him, you are to observe very carefully what are his real sentiments, and to inform me of every thing you shall hear that he may have uttered upon this subject, either in his private conversations, or in the speeches he may have delivered to the foreign Ambassa- dors and Ministers ; so that after having given proofs of my zeal for the restoration of the Catholic religion in England, and of my friendship for that Prince, by the succours which I have directed to be remitted to you, I do not contribute, if he harbours ill designs, towards en- abling him to withstand every thing that may be to my sa- tisfaction ; and you cannot give me too exact an account of the manner he treats you, of all he tells you about the present state of affairs, and you can penetrate his inten-^ tions, both with respect to the alliances he proposes to form hereafter, and the measures he intends to pursue with his neighbours. You can however assure him that there is no foundation for the advice he received that the Marquis of Boufflers had orders to overrun Spanish Navarre ; that as to the squad- ron of my ships which under the command of M. Freuil- APPENDIX. cxv ly, I sent towards Cadiz, he is only ordered to facilitate the commerce of my subjects, and the return of the mer- chandize which they have on board the India fleet. You also know that the Marshal d'Estrees is only to make war with the ships he commands upon the Tripolitan pirates ; thus there is nothing new in these orders, or of which you have not already been apprized. You conceive well that every thing which henceforth may happen in England deserves the greatest attention : and I have no doubt you will use all your diligence to be well informed thereof, and to give me an exact account of what you shall learn. ABSTRACT OF A LETTER OF M. BARILLON TO THE KING. 28th May, 1685, London. M. Avaux will have sent your Majesty the copy of a letter of the Dutch Ambassadors, on which it seems to me he makes many serious reflections. I have no doubt that some Ministers speak to those Ambassadors in the sense they write, and that these latter indulge hopes upon the time to come ; but I have no ground for believing that those hopes are well founded. I persist in what I had the honour to write to your Majest)^ formerly thereupon. The King of England seems to me to perceive every day more distinctly how necessary your Majesty's friendship is to him. All the attempts that may be made to stagger him will be of no avail, if your Majesty on your side, does all that is necessary to confirm him in his present senti- ments. I should not be imprudent enough to assure your Majesty thereof, did I not believe that I possess decisive proofs. cjtvi APPENDIX. ABSTRACT OF A LETTER OP BARILLON TO THE KING, London, June 2cl, 1685 The vexation and uneasiness this piece of news may cause to the King of England have been very much lesr sened by what happened yesterday in Parliament. The House of Commons gi-anted to his Britannic Majesty for his life-time, the same revenues which the late King his brother enjoyed ; it was unanimously resolved upon. Mr- Seymour alone opposed it, but he harangued to no purpose against the form of the elections, and upon the peril where- in they stand to see the Catholic religion and a government against the laws established. His speech was neither fol- lowed nor applauded by any one. The upper house deliberated, at the same time, upon the affair of the Lords accused of high treason, and annulled a regulation of their own house, which imports that im- peachments entered into by the lower house shall subsist from one Parliament to the other. This had been done to perpetuate the accusation against the Earl of Danby and the Catholic peers, who by that means were always liable to be condemned upon the testimony that might be brought in against them. They are now free from the accusation ; and to pursue them it would be necessary to begin a new accusation and a new trial. This determination of the upper house annuls every thing that was done upon the pretended conspiracy of the Catholics, which otherwise- would have subsisted: it is a very important stroke with respeot to his Britaimic Majesty. My Lords Devonshire, Anglesea, Clare and Radnor, opposed the motion and only proved their disaffection. APPENDI}^. cxvir The King of England spoke to me last evening with great warmth of his attachment to your Majesty, and of his desire to preserve your friendship, and to augment, if possible, the existing connexion. He told mc that lie thought himself to be in a better condition to act according to his inclination and interests, since he is possessed of the revenue the late King his brother enjoyed; that he should however alwavs stand in great need of your Majesty's friendship and succours to execute the projects he has formed, and without which he cannot be safe ; that your INIajesty should see how carefully he will manage the ho- nour of your good graces, and how firmly he will adhere to your interests ; that Prince then told me the particulars of the news from Scotland, and added that he had no doubt but the Elector of Brandenburg and other Princes of Ger- many, had underhand contributed to the enterprise of the Earl of Arg}'le, and he would be supported by all the Pro- testant powers in Europe, which pointed out to him the course he ought to follow and whom he could trust. I told him I would inform your Majesty of what was going on, and could assure him beforehand your Majesty would omit nothing to support him and to give him essential proofs of your friendship. The letters I received from M. Avaux of the 29th of May, show me that the Dutch Ambassadors who rc;side here, -write as if they were persuaded that the King of England is entirely disposed to form a new and closer alli- ance with the States' General. Your Majesty will judge what is to be done here fcr your service in the present juncture. I shall keep myself ready to execute your orders without advancing bevond the payment of the old subsidy. I do not question but mt cxviii APPENDIX. Lord Rochester, nay the King of England himself, will soon urge me to supply them Avith money from the funds which they know to be here. I imagine the event referred to in your Majesty's orders is nearly at hand ; since there is a rebellion formed in Scotland, which has its roots and branches in England and Ireland. I shall await the orders your Majesty may be pleased to give me ; but what is to be done soon and of your Majesty's own accord, will, in my judgment, have far more weight and merit than the succours which may be gi-anted when they are solicited with impatience. I know that large sums are not furnished usually with- out previous stipulations and positive assurances of the effect they are proposed to produce. I make no doubt that the King of England will hereafter enter upon all the en- gagements your Majesty may desire. I did not open my mind hereupon, because I had no positive order from your Majesty to do so ; nay I was apprehensive, if I had began to talk thereof, that terms would be requested which per- haps might not suit you, such as not to conclude, on your side, any alliance with other princes. This equality is nei- ther rational nor admissible between your Majesty and the King of England, whose power is so different from and unequal to yours. But the English always presume more upon themselves than they ought, and those who wish to hinder or weaken the connexions between your Majesty and his Britannic Majesty would perhaps find ex- pedients in the provisos of a treaty to elude the ends there- of. I make this reflection beforehand upon a matter which is not yet talked of, but which may come to be a topic ol discussion in time. APPENDIX. cxix The only question now is what your Majesty will have me do with the money you sent hither? It appears to me that the King of England proportions his engagements to the money which he receives from your Majesty, and that it is the best and surest means to render ineftectual all the attempts that may be made to stagger him, and to induce him to take a course contrary to your Majesty's interests ; I think I see this clearly, and that it would be perilous to leave the King of England without supplies, at a time when he may most want them. Parliament have, indeed, grant- ed him the revenue of the late King ; they may even, here- after, give something for the fleet ; but civil war is begun in Scotland, and I find veiy sensible people, who are per- suaded that the Earl of Arg)de's enterprise is of a more serious nature than it first seemed to be. As soon as the act for the supply is past, the affairs which concern religion, will be brought on the carpet, and man)- other matters. I think it would be useful, at that time, for your Majesty's service, if some members of Parliament could he managed, and inspired with a conduct such as suits your Majesty's interests. A sum of 1500 or 2000 pieces would be sufficient to preserve to your Majesty a credit whicli you might possibly want in other times. I shall do nothing on that head, even if I had permission for it, but with gi'eat precaution. My lord Montague waited upon me before his departure for France : he strongly pressed me to write to your Majesty about the complete payment of what remains c ue to him. He told me that instead of 50,000 crowns which are due to him, he would content himself with a pension during his life, which he pretended could not be less than 2,000 livres : he thinks it would be a means to pay off what is legitimate- V.XX APPENDIX. ly due to him, without your Majesty's being obliged to dis- burse a large sum ; and that it would even be a guarantee of his conduct at all times, since your Majesty could stop the payment of the pension, if your Majesty was not satis- fied with his conduct. I could not forbear giving your Majesty an account of this proposition. It is certain that my Lord Montague has rendered a great service : he is himself to speak thereof to M. Croissy. ABSTRACT OF A LETTER OF M. BARILLON TO THE KING London, June 4th, 1685. Mr. Seymour's speech has made a great noise in Lon- don, and at court ; though it has not retarded the resolution of the Lower House, concerning the appropriations, but in process of time this discourse will be often talked of, in which most important matters have been fully investigated. Mr. Seymour did not oppose the motion to grant the King of England the revenues which the late King enjoyed ; but he proposed to put off deliberating thereupon, until the forms by which the members of Parliament were elected, had been examined. He asserted that the elections were, for the most part vicious, and carried by cabals, and by au- thority, directly contrary to the laws of England, which establish an entire freedom on the subject of elections; so that, the least bribery being proved renders an election void ; that the sheriffs and other officers who had presided over the elections, had all been appointed in virtue of new writs issued not long since, in lieu of the old ones that were called in and annulled ; that the example of what had been done with respect to the city of London, in annulling its charters and privileges, had been followed in the other towns and boroughs, though according to the laws and cus- APPENDIX. cxxi ?oms, it is not in the King's power to repeal nor to render void, charters granted by the Kings his predecessors con- firmed by time immemorial, and the express, and tacit ap- probation of several Parliaments ; that therefore the prin- ciple of the elections being vicious, the deputies were not really members of Parliament, chosen by the nation with requisite freedom and in the usual way ; that yet there had been no time, in which it was more necessary to have a Parliament composed of persons well disposed and attach- ed to the laws of England, because the nation was in evi- dent peril, when its laws and religion were altered: that the English people's aversion against the Roman Catholic religion, and their attachment to their laws, Avcrc so well es- tablished in their minds, that their religion and laws could only be destroyed by acts of Parliament ; w^hich would be no difficult matter, when a Parliament is entirely depend- ing on those who may have such designs ; that they were alreadv talking of abolishing the test-act, which was the on- ly rampart capable of preventing the introduction of Pope- ry ; and that, as soon as that obstacle v/as removed, the Pa- pists would easily attain to offices and employments, and the establishment of their religion, upon the ruins of the Protestant religion ; that it was also said to be intended to repeal the Habeas-Corpus-act, which is the firmest foimda- tion of the English liberties ; that if that act were repealed, arbitrary government would soon be established ; that what he advanced was known to every body and wanted no proofs; that therefore before they took any important resolution, it was necessary to examine the vpJidity of the recent elec- tions and to decide according to the rules established in England, whether the members were capable of constitut- q cxxii APPENDIX, ing a true and lawful Parliament, competent to represent the nation. This speech was pronounced with great energy, and se- cretly approved of by many persons ; but nobody rose to support it. Those of his party thought they should do it to no purpose, and that any contest that should arise would only shew their weakness and small number, in compari- son with the others who believe themselves to be elected. These same questions will often come into discussion here- after, and will serve as a foundation for ever)' thing that maybe alleged against the measures of the Parliament now assembled. Those who dispute its power have no other judges but the very same persons, the validity of whose elections is contested. It was this sent to the tower, for a considerable time, those peers who, some years ago, intend- ed to maintain that the Parliament was not a true one, and who were at length obliged to retract. The Earl of Ar- gyle's eldest son, whose name is my Lord Lorn, came and delivered himself up to the King of England and offered to serve against his father. There is another of his chil- dren with him. Tljey think here every day more seriously of the state of affairs. ABSTRACT OF A LETTER OF M. BARILLON TO THE KING. London, June 7th, 1685. News was received yesterday from Ireland which im- ports that the Earl of Argyle had landed in the island of Man which belongs to him. The 500 men which had been placed there by the Marquis of Athol, had already with- drawn. Many of the inhabitants left it also, in order not to declare in favour of the Earl of Argyle. It is thought here, it would be impossible for him to remain long in that APPENDIX. cxxiii island unless he were succoured by the people in the North of Ireland. They seem not to be disposed to it. His Bri- tannic Majesty's troops have advanced and occupied the positions best adapted for hindering the people from assem- bling or undertaking any thing: for this reason it is said here that the Earl of Argyle's enterprise will not succeed. It is however not known yet what is the state of affairs in Scotland, where he first landed, and where it was reported he left one of his sons to assemble the country people who side with him. Nobody doubts but his design is founded upon the hope that the Duke of Monmouth would attempt at the same time to excite a revolt in England ; but it is belierv^ed the Duke of Monmouth dare not venture upon coming hither, till the trial is made in Scotland. The act for the grant of the revenues, will be past in three or four davs. It was read for the second time in the House of Peers. Parliament do not meet to-day ; because it is the ascension-day, nor to-morrow, because it is the anniversary of the re-establishment of the late King of England, the festival of which they mean to celebrate. A very important thing happened the day before yesterr day, in the Lower House. It was proposed in the morning the House should form itself into a committee of the whole, in the afternoon, to consider the King's speech, upon the subject of religion, and to know what ought to be under- stood bv the term Protestant Religion. The resolution was unanimously adopted, and without opposition an address was voted to the King, praying him to issue a proclamation for the execution of the laws against all the Non-conformists in geiyeral, that is, against all those Avho do not openly be- long to the English church : this proclamation applies tQ the Presbj-terians and all the sectaries, as well as to the Ro- cxxiv APPENDIX. man Catholics. The malignity of this resolution was im- mediately perceived by the King of England and his Mi- nisters. The chief of the Lower House were assembled as well as those whom his Britannic Majesty thinks to side with him. He gave them a severe lecture for having suf- fered themselves to be seduced and hurried into so dange- rous and so inadmissible a resolution. He declared to them, that if they persisted to make such an address to him; he would answer the Lower House in terms so decisive and firm, that they should not return to make him a like address. The manner in which his Britannic Majesty ex- pressed himself, produced its effect ; for yesterday morn- ing the Lower House revoked unanimously, what had been resolved in committee of the whole the day before. Many reflections are made here upon this mark of con- descension and submission which the Lower House have given. But those who knoAV the motive of the first pro- ceeding perceive that the second is forced,, and that what is done by authority does not disguise the reality of the intention having been to give a blow to the Catholics, nay to give the King of England to understand how difficult it would be for him to obtain from Parliament any thing in their favour. The Prince has shown a great deal of resentment a- gainst his household, and other persons particularly attach- ed to the royal person who tlirough malice or ignorance favoured a resolution so little respectful to him ; he knows how ridiculous and dangerous it is for him to be besought by Parliament to pursue with rigor the execution of the laws against the Catholics and Non-conformists. However he derives from thence this advantage that he has been made acquainted with the concealed intentions of the Low- I APPENDIX. cxxv cr House and has exercised a stretch of authority by oblig- ing them to retract as early as the next day a resolution unanimously passed. His Britannic Majesty takes it very ill of the Bishops, who under a pretence of zeal for the English Church, had caused so absurd and dangerous a resolution to be taken. The persons, opposed to the court, feel a secret joy that the Lower House has let the whole world see what their sen- timents upon religion are. They make little account of their having been obliged to retract, hoping that on some other occasion they will have more firmness, and that the King of England will not always have it in his power nor be willing to exercise his authority. It was a question in the Lower House todepive of their seats those who had been for excluding the Duke of York from the succession ; but the leaders of the house were ordered to oppose that proposition ; thus it was dropt. It was an attempt against several of the Ministers who have now the King of England's confidence. From what happened yesterday and the day before yes- terday it may be perceived how difficult it is to foresee what Parliament may do. For that reason it is already said the Parliament will not remain long in session. They desire themselves to be prorogued or adjourned as thev well sec that they are unable to take any important resolu- tion, and to maintain it when it shall not be agreeable to his Britannic Majesty. They are also very much incom- moded in their house which is too small to contain the members it is composed of, which is five hundred and thirteen persons. It is however likely that the court will make some new attempt to oblige them to give something for fitting out the fleet for Sea. .xxvi APPENDIX. The Commissioners of the India Company of Amstfer dam and those of the Company of London have met. They do not seem yet to be disposed to agree together or cor- dially to approach each other. Those of Holland want to get time and to treat by memorial with the usual delays, the English wish for abridging the matter and coming to the point, that is for agreeing upon the restitution of Ban- tam. The Dutch would hardly accede to it with sincerity. I know that in the private assemblies which are formed by the members of Parliament, it has been agitated to pro- pose something with respect to France, and to chalk out for the King of England the course he should follow. No seeming pretence has been found to propose any thing upon that head at present. If any opportunity for it should offer itself hereafter, it will not be missed, both from evil dispo- sitions to the King of England, and to embarrass him by the jealousy of your Majesty's greatness, which of course hangs heavy on the minds of Englishmen. In one of those conferences it was a question to present an address be- seeching his Britannic Majesty to endeavour to preserve the repose of Europe. This proposition was deemed to be too general and liable to misinterpretation ; nay, it was thought it might afford his Britannic Majesty an occasion for uniting himself more closely with your Majesty under pretence of preserving the peace of Europe. The King of England has just told me, that an exprass has arrived from Scotland, who left Edinburg on the fourth of this month ; that the Earl of Argyle entered the country of Cantire which belongs to him ; it is a narrow piece ol land stretching towai'ds Ireland. He advanced as far as the county called Argyle to meet the Marquis of Athol's troops, and to hinder them from joining the other royal-- APPENDIX. cxxvii ists. The letters state that the Earl of Argyle has 3000 men with him. His Britannic Majesty's opinion is that they will still augment. His son is in the country of Lorn, and it is easy for them to join. All the letters coming from Scotland induce the belief that the Earl of Argyle expected the Duke of Monmouth would endeavour to excite a re- volt in England. I am, with the profound respect I owe, &c. THE KING TO M. BARILLON. Versailles, June loth, 1685 M. Barillon, I received by the post your letters of the 4th and 7th of this month, and by the courier you dispatched to me that of the 10th, which contains nothing more remark- able than the preceding ones, except the reasons you think you have to believe that the good of my service requires I should give you power to deliver to the King of England the sum of 100,000 crowns besides, and beyond what re- remains due to him, on account of the subsidy promised to the late King his brother. But, it appears to me, on the contrary, from all that your letters contain, that the Prince stands in less need of my assistance now, than he ever did since he came to the cro'wn. And indeed I see first that all the remonstrances Mr. S.eymour has made in the Lower- House, and every thing he has said to attack the validity of the elections, served only tq determine Parliament more promptly to continue to the King the same revenues which the late King his brother enjoyed ; that on the other hand the noise produced by the Earl of Argyle's landing in Scotland with a small retinue of rebels, ill pi'ovided in everv respect and little capable of a great enterprise, has caused Parlia- ment also to take the resolution to grant the King further cxxviii APPENDIX. supplies to the amount of 1,600,000 pounds sterling, which will make more than 20 millions of livres, that finally as soon as that Prince showed how disagreeable the proposi- tion would be to him which the whole house of Commons had passed to request a proclamation for the execution of the laws against the Non-conformists, they rejected with a common consent their previous resolves in the com- mittee ; so that it may be said that a King of England never acted with more authority in his Parliament than this Prince does at present, and that there is nothing he ought not to expect from them for the strengthening of his autho- rity, and the punishment of the small number of rebels that were bold enough to show themselves. Thus I have cause to hope that not only he will not desire from me in the present juncture any other assistance, beyond what I promised to give him, that is, the payment of the subsidies that remain due j but even that he will rest persuaded that the public testimonies of my friendship and the fear of the succours which I should not fail to give him if he had wanted them, have niuch contributed to maintain his sub- jects in obedience and to make him obtain from his Parli- ament every thing he desired of them till now. There remains therefore nothing more to be done both for my own and his satisfaction, than to obtain the repeal- ing of the penal laws in favour of the Catholics, and the free exercise of our religion in all his dominions, and you know that it is also the principal motive which induced me to send you with so much dispatch such large sums of mo- ney. But as that Prince does not, as yet, deem it proper to attempt that measure I do not want either to press him to run the hazard of a refusal in so important a business, and for the success of which his prudence requires he APPENDIX. cxx'ix ^nould take effective measures. I should now, nevertheless think that as Parliament seem to be disposed not to refuse him an)- thing, whether they are actuated by good-will alone, or that fear has a share in it, that Prince would act very wisely in profiting by it and deriving thence what he desires in favour of our religion, without allowing them time for recollecting themselves, and concerting with those who are most incensed against our religion, the means of retarding its progress ; and if the King took this resolution and met with any obstacle which he could only surmount by my assistance, I should assuredly grant it to him as soon as you should have informed me of his wants. But until he takes and executes this resolution, it is not my intention to change any thing in the orders I gave you ; and I will have you keep the funds I sent you, and not dispose of them unless I deem it necessary. Therefore, if the Lord High Treasurer of England should press you to make him some pa\-ments beyond the old subsidy, you are simply to tell him, that as Parliament conduct themselves according to my own and the said King's wishes, I have no cause to be- lieve that the King can now stand in need of any extraordi- nary assistance, and that therefore )-ou have no power to dispose of your funds. I send you the letter in my own hand which you pro- posed to me to write to the King, both upon the satisfac- tion his Parliament gives him and what regards the move- ments in Scotland, and I desire that on both points you should only speak conformably to what I write to the King, and what this dispatch contains, as I do not deem it to the purpose to make an open offer of troops to a Prince who asks me for none, anrl for a service which he can effect by his ovra forcesl r cxxk APPENDIX, ABSTRACT OF A LETTER OF M. BARILLOX TO THE KING London, June 18th, 1685. There are people here who woiUd saddle upon France the suspicion which is thrown upon the city of Amsterdam, as if there was sufficient intelligence between your Majesty and that city to presume that every thing that is done there, is concerted with your Majesty. The King of England rejects with indignant disdain what is said in his presence of the interest your Majesty has to keep up divisions in England. That Prince declared quite aloud that the rebels are supported and aided by the zealous Protestants in other countries, and holds every thing to be ridiculous which is said in opposition thereto. I am with the profound respect I owe, 8cc. THE KING TO M. BARILLON. Vei-sailles, July IStli, 1685 M. Banilon, I received your letters of the 2d and 5th of this month, and they gave me so much the more satisfac- tion, as they leave me no room for doubting that the King Qf Great Britain will find the same facility in dispersing the small remains of the revolted in England, as he had in pun? Ishing the rebellion in Scotland ; and as the Duke of INIon- mouth has already lost his vessels, and has no considerable town to which he can retreat, it is very likely that he will soon undergo the same fate as the Earl of Arg}'le, and that his wicked attempt will have served to make the King of England far more absolute in his kingdom than any of his predecessors were. I am told, however, that besides the three English regi- ments \^'hich he calls back from Holland, the Pvince of APPENDIX. cxxii Orange has moreover asked for him from the States' GenC' ral a succour of 3000 men ; nay, that he has requested some of the Elector of Brandenburg ; and as till now, it ap- peared to me by all you wrote to me, that the King would not employ foreign troops in order not to give any um- brage to his subjects, I shall be glad that you let me know whether it is by his orders the Prince of Orange made that request, as the latter, for his peculiar ends, may possibly desire to have a gi-eat number of troops in England devoted to him, and of which he could dispose hereafter against the interests of the said King. Continue likewise to inform me exactly of every thing that may take place in the court where you reside, in such an important conjuncture, and not to let any thing be want- ing on your side to get accurate intelligence, and to give me an exact accoimt thereof. As I see with pleasure that the English Parliament am- ply supplies all the wants of the King of Great Britain, and. that that Prince will not even meet with any obstacle to the re-establishment of the Catholic religion, when he shall in- tend to undertake it, after having totally dispersed the small number of the revolted; I thought it proper to have the funds returned which I had ordered to be remitted to you to support in case of urgency the designs which that Prince would form in favour of our religion. Thus my intention Is, that if that money is at your house, you cause it to be remitted at several times through the hands of bankers with the same secrecy that it was sent, and if possible in a still more impenetrable way, as I desire that, whether it re- mains in the hands of the said bankers or at your house, it shall be sent back bv the same means and remitted into my tsxxii APPENDIX. treasury, until I shall deem it necessary to use it in behalf of the King of England. M. BARILLON TO THE KING. July 16th, 1685, London I could not, after the separation of Parliament, delay ex- plaining myself to the Lord High Treasurer, concerning the applications addressed by him to me, to continue the payments of the subsidy. I told him that I could not dis- pose of the funds Avhich had been sent hither without re- ceiving further orders ; that these funds were destined only for the most urgent wants of the King of England, and that this urgent want did not appear now, after Parliament had granted very large sums for the encrease of his revenues during several years, and had even granted an extraordi- nary supply ; the advantage of which could be received from this time forward by the means of a loan. I well foresaw that this discourse would not please the Lord High Treasurer. He appeared to me amazed, and gave me to understand that he could not imagine what rea- son your Majesty had for stopping the payment of the sums conveyed hither, at a time when the King his master most wanted them, and when he expected to receive fur- ther marks of your Majesty^s friendship ; that Parliament had, indeed, granted taxes for several years besides the revenue, but that what could be got therefrom was not re- alized, and that if those funds were consumed beforehand^ the King his Master would hereafter be in a very bad pre- dicament ; which he could not too carefully avoid, know- ing in what embarrassment a King of England is thrown^ who depends much on his Parliament ; that he did not think youi Majesty was fully informed of what is taking APPENDIX. cxxxiii place in England at present ; and that at a time when u civil war is lighted in the heart of the Kingdom ; and the King his master not merely wants his forces but the suc- cour of all those who are concerned in his preservation, your Majesty intends to cut off the subsidies which you furnished at a time when he less Wiuited them, and when that cutting off would not have been of any moment ; whereas in the present conjuncture, the supplies of your Majesty are not only useful but necessary*. In short, that Minister omitted nothing to show me that what I had told him was a disappointment, the motive of which he could not penetrate ; as he did not think that your Majesty had changed your sentiments towards the King his master, nor would you (if you had) show it on an occasion like the present. I did what I could to explain to the Minister that your Majesty had simply concluded that the King of England was in a condition not to need any foreign assistance ; that the Earl of Argyle's revolt had lasted so short a time, that it was only to be considered as a futile attempt of the factious paity, which had not been of the least moment ; nor was it imagitied in France, that the Duke of Mon- mouth's enterprise could meet success, and that it was daily expected to hear that his troops had dispersed, and that he had been taken or had made his escape ; that your Ma- jesty had shown your friendship to the King of England, by so promptly sending funds for his most urgent wants, and that you also reserved them for an occasion which seems not to have arrived. The Lord High Treasurer replied to me, that during the King's reign, there never would happen such a pressing occa- sion as the present one, and that he could not imagine that cxxxlv APPENDIX. your Majesty if fully apprised of what is taking place hcie^ would leave him to disentangle so intricate a business with- out giving him new proofs of your friendship. As I left die Lord High Treasurer, I went to wait upon the King of England, to prevent his going, and to hinder the Lord High Treasurer from explaining to him, what I had told him, in a way which might have more irritated him than my own explanations. I reminded that Prince of all the marks of friendship he received at your Majesty's hands at all times, and of the promptness with which your Majes- ty let him know the sincerity of your intentions to support him at the moment he came to the crown. I gave him to understand that nothing could lessen your Majesty's senti- ments towards him, but a change of conduct on his side, which I thought would never happen ; that therefore he could expect a firm and sincere friendship from your Ma- jesty, of which he would receive strong and effectual proofs whenever suitable opportunities for giving them should of- fer ; that your Majesty thought the affairs of his finances in so good a condition, that you did not suppose that he at present stood in need of fresh aids, and that what he had received from Parliament enabled him to sustain greater expenses than those he was obliged to incur. The King of England appeared to me pretty much em- barrassed, and at first imagined your Majesty was discon- tented with his conduct, and would, as it were, renounce his friendship. I told him that I did not know any thing which had any relation to what he supposed ; that it was simply true, that I had no order to continue the payments beyond the ancient subsidy ; that your Majesty had, how- ever, ordered me to assure him, that the funds your Ma- jesty had sent hither, were preserved to succour him on an. APPENDIX. cxxxv urgent Qccasion, and that if he undertook to establish the free exercise of the Catholic religion, and met therein with any difficulties which he could not surmount without your Majest}''s aid, you would employ the whole fund that is here to succour and help him ; that thereby he could see your Majest)''s Intentions and the sincerity of your conduct. What I said, in some measure, removed the fears of that Prince, who at first was, I believe, very much agitated. He answered me upon what I had just told him, that I was acquainted with his secret intentions concerning the establishment of the Catliolic religion ; that it was only with your Majesty's assistance he hoped to bring it about, that I saw he had just given employments in his troops to Catholics as well as Protestants ; that this equality incen- sed many persons, but that he had not suffered so impor- tant an opportunity- to slip away without taking advantage of it ; that he would do the same with respect to feasible things, and that I more clearly perceived his intention about those matters than his o^vn ministers, as he often without any reserve opened his mind to me thereupon. He added that I was a witness of his attachment to your Majesty's person, and of his sincere desire never to separate from your interests ; that he had placed more reliance upon your Majesty's assistance and friendship, than upon any other thing in the world ; and that he did not believe your Ma- jesty would in the present juncture suspend subsidies which he wanted more than he ever should in his life. I answered to this, that your Majesty had not altered your sentiments and only considered that he was not in want of the same supplies, as he had been enabled by Par- liament to do M' ithout them. I contented myself with hav- cxxxvi APPENDIX. mg entered upon the matter and mixed therewith the affaii- of religion, in which the Lord High Treasurer is not much concerned, what credit soever he may have in other mat- ters. I informed my Lord Sunderland of what was on the carpet, that he might be prepared, when the King his mas- ter should speak to him. He told me, " the King your mas- " ter may have designs, which I do not penetrate ; but this is " an unlucky accident, which I hope will be remedied by " showing that it is a mistake, arising from not having " been thoroughly informed of what is taking place in this " country, otherwise you ruoiddfurjiish those xvith arms who " want to break the union of the two Kings. If in France " they do not care for it, I have nothing to say : but if they " make any account of us I know well that you may be as- *■' sured of the King of England forever ; and that it is only *' with the assistance and friendship of the King your mas- " ter that his designs and intentions can succeed." I explained to my Lord Sunderland what I had told the Lord High Treasurer and his Britannic Majesty about the good condition of the finances and the little want which they are in here of foreign assistance. He replied to me " you see in what expenses we engage, and what we shall " want to sustain them ; you know how expensive troops " are which must be kept and what a civil war in the inte- " rior is which we cannot hope to see so soon at an end ; " but for the present it is not in our power to do with- " out the King your master's assistance, and I do not " think that he can spend money in a way more useful to " him." I had a second conference with the King of England in liis closet where we were long alone. He appeared to Tue persuaded that the refus;d to continue the supplies orir APPENDIX. cxxxvii ginates from your Majesty's believing that he can do without foreign assistance. He descended hereupon into the particulars of his affairs, and told me that I know in what disorder the late King his brother had left his maga- zines and vessels ; that the augmented duties which had been granted to him could hardly suffice to put an indift'er- cnt fleet again in a condition to hold the sea ; that the lat- ter supply granted by Parliament would be consumed be- forehand for the support of the troops which hereafter he could not do without, as he knew hoAV little reliance was to be placed on the militia ; that the expenses of Government were such (besides that the civil war may be protracted) that in his whole life he should never lack assistance more than at present ; that I knew him well enough to be con- vinced that he would be very glad to be attached and united to your Majesty without seeking a supply of money; and that he would be delighted if he could merit new marks of your friendship; but that in the present juncture your Majesty's supplies were essential to him, and that he did not believe your Majesty intended to reserve for other times the supply which you destined for him, as it is not likely that there could occur another conjuncture, in which he could more want it ; that I was acquainted with his se- cret designs and could warrant that all his aim was to esta- blish the Catholic religion ; that he would not lose any op- portunity to do it ; that he had armed the Catholics in Ireland; that my Lord Dumbaiton had commanded his army in Scotland ; that the Duke of Gordon had been put at the head of the militia ; that now he entrusted the ^vn,r- offices as much as he could to the Catholics in England; that it was, in some manner, pulling off the mask ; but he had not been willing to sufler the opportunity of doing so cxxxviii APPENDIX. to slip away, as he thought it decisive. That he knew how many people were incensed at it, but that he would pursue his course, and that nothing should put him out of his way provided your Majesty would be pleased to assist him in so grand, so glorious a design ; that already Hamilton's regiment of dragoons was entirely composed of Catholics, that he had given free-companies of horse to Bernard, Howard, and to many other distinguished Catholics ; that by degrees he approaches his design, and that what he does now necessarily implies the free exercise of the Catholic religion, which will be established before an act of Parlia- ment authorizes it ; that I knew England well enough to be convinced that the possibility of getting places and em- ployments xvill make more Catholics than the permission to say Mass publicly ; that however he hoped your Majesty would not forsake him when he has a foe in the heart of his kingdom who disputes the crown with him, and is se- cretly countenanced by a great number of persons who are irather for upholding the pretensions of a Protestant bas- tard than the right of their laAvful King, because he is a Catholic. I had also two conferences with the Lord High Trea- surer and my Lord Sunderland separately. The Lord High Treasurer repeated to me what he had before told me, and gave me to understand that he knew well that the King his master would be very glad to have no occasion for a supply of money, that at another time he would not have replied to what I had said ; and would have thought of giving and receiving reciprocal marks of friendship from your Majesty, but that it should not be concealed from mc that the King his master v/anted the present assistance of your Majesty, and that li? would not be under that obliga- APPENDIX. cxxxix tion to vour Majesty, if he did not intend to preserve a gratefulness for it, proportionable to the service j that the happiness and safety of the King his master's reign de- pended upon the friendship of your Majest)^' ; that he would carefully preserve it, and that I must be sure that with respect to him (who was speaking to me) he thought nothing so important to the King his master as the preserving your Majesty's friendship, and that nothing could hurt him so much as his being deprived of it. I gave thereto no other but a general answer, saying that your Majesty had given proofs enough of your desire to see the affairs of the King of England in an advantageous and secure condition. My Lord Sunderland entered with me upon a very ex- tensive discussion, and appeared to me thoroughly inforaied of what took place between the King of England and me concerning the Catholic religion. That minister said, " I " dont know whether things are viewed in France as they " are here, but I deem it impossible for those who see them '' near at hand, not to perceive that the King my master " has no greater desire than to establish the Catholic reli- " gion ; nay, that according to common sense and sound " reason, he can have no other design, that without this he *' will never be safe, and must always be exposed to the " indiscreet zeal of those who will incense the people against " Catholicism, as long as it shall not be better established. " Another point is unquestionable ; that plan can only suc- " ceed by a concert and closer connexion with the King " your master ; it is a project that can suit him only ; and " succeed by him alone. All the other powers will openly " oppose, or thwart it underhand. It is well known that it " does not suit the Prince of Orange, but he will not be exl APPENDIX. " able to prevent it, if France acts as is necessary, that i^,. " sustains the King of England's friendship and supports " his project. I clearly perceive the apprehension many " people harbour of a connexion with France, and the en- " deavours that are made to weaken it ; but no one will " have power to effect it, if it is not wished for in France. " Hereupon you must give a plain explanation, that you " show the King your master intends candidly to aid the King '- of England in establishing the Catholic religion here, up- "•' on a firm basis." He added thereto, that he had had a long conversation with the King of England, and left him persuaded that the refusal to continue the payments was not founded upon any change of your Majesty towards him, but upon a supposi- tion that he is in a condition in which he does not want your assistance ; that however it was possible to rectif) this incident if it was not wished that the King of Eng- land should believe that after having assisted him when he did not much need it, your Majesty forsakes him in, the most important juncture of his life ; that, perhaps your Majesty paid attention to the report which has been circu- lated of a re-union between the King of England and the Prince of Orange, that at the bottom there was nothing more absurd j that one was in possession of a crown which the other waited for with impatience, that the difference of their religion and sentiments upon every thing does not. promise that they will candidly re-unite, that both are oblig- ed to dissemble, and to observe decorum ; but that their designs and projects are of too opposite a nature to be re- conciled ; that he who spoke to me, clearly saw all this, and that if any one would take the trouble to examine it well, he would, through all that is taking place, perceive a ground APPENDIX. cxli of jealousy and discontent between the King of England and the Prince of Oiange which nothing can remove ; that his Britannic Majesty would never permit him to come hither, and that the Prince of Orange was always desirous to come hither and to show himself to the English. I told my Lord Sunderland, that many things furnished ground for judging that the King of England had much relaxed towards the Prince of Orange, and that that pro- duced a very pernicious effect every where, because the Prince of Orange always acted with the same animosity against the interests of France, that I sufficiently compre- hended it not to he his Rritnnnic Majesty's interest to push the Prince of Orange so far as to induce him to support the rebels, but too great a forbearance would enable him to be more dangerous and hurtful to his concerns ; that for my- self I did not suffer myself to be deluded by the artifices of the Prince of Orange's partizans, and was very much per- suaded that the King of England knew his interests too well to separate them from your Majesty's concerns, or to form connexions hostile to you ; and that on my side I should do what I could fully to explain the truth to your iVIajesty. Last evening I had another conversation with the King of England. He pressed me to give your Majesty an ac- count of all he had told me, and appeared to me to expect that your Majesty would give me orders different from those I have, and not refuse him a present supply, at a time when he wants it so much. He told me that if your Majesty had any thing to desire of him, he would meet any thing your Majesty' may please to suggest; but that no- thing could more sensibly touch him, than to see that while your Majesty confided in him, you could believe tliat he :xlu APPENDIX. would receive your supplies and assistance, if he was not determined inviolably to remain attached to your interests ; that he had been brought up in France, and eaten your Majesty's bread ; that in his heart he was a Frenchman, that he thought of nothing but of deserving your Majesty's esteem, and that you would never repent to have assisted him and to have secured the crown upon his head. I told him I would give your Majesty as exact an account of every thing as possible ; that I was thoroughly acquaint- ed with his intentions, and that your Majesty's chief mo- tive was the establishment of the Catholic religion, that in giving your Majesty a full kno\v'ledge thereof, I had no doubt you would enter upon the measures he could hope for. The King of England told me, he had spoken hereupon more clearly to my Lord Sunderland, than to the other Ministers ; that I might talk with him about it. He fin- ished by saying, " I entreat the King your master to con- " fide in me, and not to believe that I have any other aim " besides what I told you ; which I can only attain by his " succour and assistance." This, Sire, is what occurred with the King of England and his Ministers, whereupon your majesty will please to give me your instructions ; if they are such as they are ex- pected here, and I can continue the payments of the subsi- dy, it will depend upon your Majesty to form stronger ties, and to lay the foundation of a closer connexion, that mav last a long while, and in which your Majesty may find your advantages, as you may find it proper. But I think that, pending the negotiation, it would be necessary to continue some payments, unless your Majesty should resolve to fur- nish the whole fund which is here, which would overjoy the King of England, both on account of the present advantage APPENDIX. cxliii he would derive therefrom, and the pledge he would think it would afford of your Majesty's friendship. I have no doubt but in this case he would take all the determinations which might be most advantageous to the Catholic religion, and execute them : but besides that he would enter into all the engagements, as far as I may judge thereof, which your Majesty might desire, in relation to foreign affairs. From all that I have been told, I am satisfied that it would be \try' perilous for the King of England to be on bad terms with your Majest}'. It would be much more so than is imagined ; and the party opposed to royalty in England, is so nymerous, and the seeds of division in their minds are so strong, that were it not for your Majesty's friendship, it would be very difficult for the King of England to enjoy a peaceable and happy reign. I think I saw in every thing that prince told me, a very sincere desire to be closel)' united to your Majesty. If he had a design to separate from you, he would not so earnestl}- urge a present supply, and would content himself with remaining in a state of re- ser^'e with your Majest}'', without wishing for so close a league. I also think I perceive that he has formed a design to establish the Catholic religion, which will only be inter- rupted or delayed when he shall be unable to overcome the obstacles which it will present. But he will be daily at work to bring it about ; and he perceives well enough that your Majesty alone can assist him therein. Parliament have shown a gi-eat aversion to consent to eveiy thing that would have made a precedent in favour of the Catholics. Their first impulse was to pursue them and to execute the law^s against them. They gave this up, but against their sentiments, and by a bold stroke of power which cannot alwavs succeed. The bill for the restoration cxliv APPENDIX. 'Of My Lord Stafford remained in the House of Commons^ without being acted upon, because in the preamble there were some words inserted that seemed to favour the Ca- tholic religion; which alone frustrated the act of Lord Stafford's re-establishment, upon which all had other- wise agreed with respect to the main point. In the last bill which the House of Commons brought in for the pre- servation of the King's person, it was expressly stated that the ministers should be permitted to preach, and others to speak against Popery. The Queen has shown a great deal of animosity and resentment thereat, and the King of Eng- land had rather that act should not pass, though it included many other things very advantageous to his government. It was just this point, as far as I may judge thereof, which caused the separation of Parliament. I make these remarks that your Majesty may observe that the King of England was neither in a condition, nor had he it in his power to establish the free exercise of the Catholic religion. He could not have attempted it without exposing himself not only to a refusal, but to something worse, that is, it might have prevented Parliament from granting him the supplies of money. Meanwhile the King of England does, I think, every thing in his power, in be- half of the Catholics, as he bestows upon them the princi- pal military offices, and confers the subaltern employments on all othei'S indiscriminately. It is difficult to describe how much fault was found here with my Lord Dumbar- ton's having been made general of all the troops in Scot- land, and Mr. Talbot's having received the direction over all those in Ireland. It is perceived that insensibly the Catholics will be armed ; it is a very different situation from that oppression which they were imder; and produ- APPENDIX. cxlv v;es among the zealous Protestants great mortification, rhey perceive that the King of Enghmd will do the re- mainder when he shall have it in his power. The levy of the troops which will soon be completed, evinces that the King of England wants to be in a condition to make him- ' self obeyed, and not to be restrained by the laws which are adverse to what he intends to establish. All these views do not agree with connexions opposed to }our Majesty's concerns. I know well what they say in foreign countries, and that the report there is very general, that the King of England and Prince of Orange are secretly reconciled. I apply my- self as much as I am bound, to penetrate what is going on in this respect. But I have discovered nothing that goes further than what the King of England is obliged to do in order not openly to force the Prince of Orange to side with his enemies, which would not be prudent in him to provoke at the present conjuncture. It was a matter of course to withdraw from Holland the troops, composed of subjects of his Britannic Majesty, in order to obtain prompt assistance. M. Avaux sent me word, by his last letter, that he had been informed that Skelton has asked Mr. Fuches for troops of the Elector of Brandenburg. I investigated this report, which has no foundation at all. It is, no doubt, an artifice of the Prince of Orange, to make the Elector of Brandenburg believe that he had induced the King of Eng- land to have recourse to him. Nor do I think there is any more foundation for what is pretended to have been said at the Hague, about the King of England's dissatisfaction with France, and which is to break forth in due time. Should that be the case, it would cxlvi APPENDIX. not be confided to a clerk of my Lord Middleton s. There is not a shadow of truth in it; and at the time when it ivas said, the King of England did not know that the pay- ments would be stopped and was fully satisfied with your Majesty. Nor is it more likely that Bentem is so bold as to speak to the King of England upon the Catholic religion. Your Majesty may judge whether that Prince will suffer him- self to be staggered upon this matter, and whether any one will be bold enough to propose to him to change his religion without incurring his utmost displeasure. The ground for Bentem's mission was, in all likelihood, to obtain per- mission for the Prince of Orange to come hither ; the king of England told me he had refused and would always re- fuse it. Your Majesty can obtain a sure knowledge of what is taking place eveiy where ; my views are confined to what is going on here. But it seems that most part of the things that are circulated in Holland are false, and that they argue there upon foundations entirely destitute of truth. To confine myself to the fact which is in question now, I shall keep myself ready to execute the orders your Majesty may please to give me, It is sufficient forme to have explained to your Majesty, matters as they appear to me to be in this country. I must now give your Majesty an exact account, as far as I shall be able to do, of the situa- tion of the Duke of Monmouth's business, It is not pre- cisely known how many troops he has got ; they say at London 20,000 men : I think he may have about 8 or 10,000 ; 6,000 of which are tolerably well armed ; the remainder are not sufficiently armed for a battle. It is unquestion? abl^ that till now his forces were continually augmented ; APPENDIX. cxlvii arid it seems they have not acted against him with the promptitude and vigour which were requisite to put an end to a business that may produce dangerous consequences, but the small number of troops of his Britannic Majesty was not sufficient to attack the Duke of Monmouth and check his first progress. It would have been necessary to strip London ; which would have been very imprudent, for people's minds arc in such a disposition, that the least incident might produce great disorders there. Above 200 suspicious persons were ordered to be arrested, among v/hom there are several rich merchants, and other wealthy and distinguished people. This causes a great alteration in the public mind, and a great interruption of commerce* The people secretly favour the Duke of Monmouth, and it would burst forth if an opportunity offered itself, which would permit them to declare themselves without great pe- ril. The King of England knows these things well, and is firmly resoh'ed not to leave London on any account. A report has been in circulation within a few days, that my Lord Delamere had gone to Cheshire, (it is contigu- ous to Wales) and had begun to assemble troops there in behalf of the Duke of Monmouth. It was also said, upon my Lord Grey of Stamford's, no longer appearing, that he had gone to do the like in the North. I do not yet see any sure foundation for those reports ; but it is certain that if there was any stirring in any part of England, the Duke of Monmouth's affair would become far more dangerous, because it would be necessary to divide the troops of the King of England ; for there is no relying on the militia, who are rather disposed to favour the Duke of Monmouth than the party of the King. The news that was received yesterday imports that the Duke of Monmouth, after tak- cxlviii APPENDIX. ing and plundering the town of Wells, went to Bridgewa- ter which he affects to fortify ; it is a port where they say he may subsist comfortably, having behind him a very abundant country and full of the factious: It is even said that he cannot be attacked in Bridgewater, but by dividing the troops and constructing bridges of communication over the river, which is very wide at that place. That it re- quires time and more regular troops than my Lard Fe- \'ersham has under his command. The three Scotch regi- ments passed through London to go and join him. Mr. Lasnis will in a few days have a regiment of 600 horse ready to march. The three English regiments are in the river, and will likewise join the army. All these will make together 7000 men in twelve or fourteen days. Till now my Lord Feversham was unable to undertake any thing rigorous against the Duke of Monmouth. The loss of the Royalists in the fight near Philip's- Norton, was greater than it was reported. About a hundred men were killed and wounded, in the quarter where the Duke of Grafton advanced. It is certain that the Duke of Mon- mouth subsists with facility, and that the people furnish him with provisions more willingly than the troops of hi? Britannic Majesty. The Earl of Argyle has been executed at Edinburgh, and left an ample written confession, in which he disco- vers all those who supplied him with money, and counte- nanced his designs : this confession rescued him from the rack. The Chevalier Cochran und his son who were the chief accomplices of the Earl of Argyle, have been arrest- ed in a house where they had taken refuge. There are still many people in London who do not believe that my f lOrd Arg\le has been taken. I am, with the profound respect I owe, ?vhat occurred here since the last post. The deliberations of the House of Commons on the 22d of Nov. was warm and boisterous, yet the partisans of the Court carried a resolu- tion to grant a supply of money. Those of the opposite party had been so cunning as to add to the proposition to grant money, that this supply should be for the maintenance of the army, which: it was expected would cause the proposi- tion to be rejected by a large majority of votes. But the Speaker and some others caused simply the question to be put to grant money, without specifying to what use. It passed by a few votes, but at the same time the house took the resolution to represent to his Britannic Majesty that the true force of the country lies in the militia ; that all pos- sible care should be taken and no means forgotten to ren- der it useful i it was plainly declaring that the house do not mean that the army should be continued. Many members spoke with vehemence against the army and the Catholic officers, and maintained that the King's speech did not a- gree with what he had said in tho preceding session, since in this he openly declared against the established laws on which the safety of the Protestant religion depends. Mr. Sey- mour spoke with much asperity ; Mr. Clergistoo; a certain Jennins, a creatvu'e of my Lord Danby, and a new member of the house, whose name is Tuesden, spoke likewise with great force and applause. . All their speeches were wholly btnt upon not suffering a standing army, and upon not per- APPENDIX. clxxix mitting that there should be any Catholic officers. One of the members said, he did not perceive that England made any considerable figure in the world as was mentioned in the King's speech. My Lord Preston replied to this, that he knew and was well informed that, last summer, your Majesty would have attacked Spain in some quarter, had not the King of England impeded you, and that your Ma- jesty had merely been prevented from doing so, because you had thought that a rupture with Spain would induce England to side with your enemies. There were yet o- tliers who gave it to be understood that the King of Eng- land alone was capable of preventing the progress and encrease of that power which makes all the others tremble, and that the true interest of the English nation consists in enabling the King to oppose it, which cannot be done if he has not sufficient and well prnviderl forces at his command. This sentiment war indirectly combated by some other members who maintained that the true interest of the English nation is to live in repose and tranquillity at home, with the safety of their laws and property as well as their conscience in the exercise of their religion ; and that in such a case England will enjoy sufficient consideration a- broad. This deliberation appeared so opposite to what his Britannic Majest}" desired, that it is already said that Parliament will be prorogued or dissolved. Many cabals were formed the day before. The old members of Parlia- ment who are not members of the present had given lessons to the new members. The house met again on the 23d. The debate was still warmer ; and the party opposed to the court carried by tUree votes the question that had been put whether they •should deliberate on the supply of money, or consider of tlie dxxx APPENDIX. King's speech. The latter poifit was carried, because ma- ny members attached to, or dependant upon the court were absent, nay there were some of them who were for it, among others Mr. Fox, who is Commissioner for the payment of the troops ; his father is an officer of the household, and had the office of Paymaster of the troops in which he grew rich. A Lieutenant of the Horse Guards whose name is Dagge, a man of quality voted also against the court. They spoke with still far more warmth against the army and Catholic officers than the day before, and the almost unanimous sentiment of the house seemed to be not to grant money for the subsistence of the army, and not to suffer that there should be any Catholic officers. The house met again the day before yesterday 24th No- vember, and deliberated upon the King's speech. It was expected that the heat and hastiness would yet be greater than on the preceding days, but the moderation was far greater than it had been expected. Merely one or two members repeated what had been said on the foregoing da)'s ; but the ground of the deliberation was very firm, and the house seemed absolutely determined on not permitting the King to exploy Catholic officers, since the laws are di- rectly opposed thereto. Diverse expedients were proposed to reconcile this difficulty ; that of allowing those who have got offices to retain them, and of inducing the King to pro- mise that he would not appoint any others, was rejected by the house, and the conclusion was to present an address praying his Britannic Majesty to remove the suspicions and jealousy in which the nation was involved by the inexecu- tion of the laws. The moderation which appeared in this latter deliberation is ascribed to tlie fear they were in, of giving an occasion for dissolving Parliament ; others say. APPENDIX. clxxxi that it is an advice of the old members of Parliament, who inspired the new members with firmness and perseverance with respect to the main question, by sho\v'ing an outward moderation. Yesterday was Sunday. They debate to-day on the sup- plies of money. The whole question amounts to this, whe- ther the house of Commons will grant money without mix- ing therewith any condition, or whether they will content themselves with having shown how odious the subsistence of the army and the employment of the Catholics are to them, without insisting any more on a previous satisfaction. In the first case the King of England will have obtained the most essential points ; for the general discontent will not prevent him from having troops on foot and money to pay them. The debates of to-day will decide how long the ses- sion of Parliament is to last ; for the King of England seems determined on not yielding in any point, and his firmness astonishes those who thought that what occurred in the house of Commons would bring him to the resolution to admit some modifications and not to be absolutely bent on carrying in this session every thing he desires. From all I have the honour to inform your Majesty of, you see that affairs in this country have undergone a great change within a few days ; but they may receive some mi- tigations and alterations. I know that money is employed to inspire those who are most opposed to the Court with more moderate sentiments ; but it is not an easy matter to restore perfect harmony, and to effect a cessation of suspi- cions on both sides. The party opposed to the Court is that of the Prince of Orange, which many people secretly countenance ; nav, the Court itself is divided. I shall explain this to your Majes- cixxxii APPENDIX. ty as well as I can in the sequel of this letter. It appears to me, however, that to execute the orders imparted by your Majesty's last dispatch, I have nothing to do but to take all possible care to be well informed, and to give you an exact account of all occurrences. I preserved some connexions with persons who had a great deal of credit in former Parliaments, and it would not be impossible to augment, if necessary, the divisions which seem to arise ; it would not be useless for your Ma- jesty's service to have always some persons depending on your Majesty; nay, occasionally, that might prove useful to the King of England and the well-being of religion. I See no urgency now: It seems that affairs take of them- selves the road which may be the most advantageous for your Majesty. At least this is the light in which matters stand to-day. It is, however, difficult to foresee the revolu- tions and unexpected changes which occur in this country, and your Majesty sees well enough that affairs are begun and terminated before I have time to receive new orders. I have been informed of the steps the Spanish Ambassa- dor has taken since the beginning of the session of Parlia- ment. It was also made known to me that a few days be- fore, he had hard pressed the King of England to i-enew the treaty of 1680. His Britannic Majesty's answer was rather a delay than an absolute denial. The Ambassador showed that he was surprised at it, and the King of Eng- land clearly perceived by what Mr. Ronquille said, that he Iiad given hopes at Madrid that the treaty could be renew- ed, I did not think, pending these last days past, I ought to speak to the King of England about this renewal of the Spanish treaty, as I knew that there was nothing to fear nov.', and deemed it to be more proper that he should speak APPENDIX. dxxxiii to me of it first, which I believe he will do as soon as he shall have a little less business. The Spanish Ambassador foimded great hopes on this session of Parliament. I have been apprized that his par- ti zans hinted at an alliance with the States General and Sweden, or the Elector of Brandenburg, to hold the place of which the tripple league formerly held. Nay, I kiiow that to those projects of alli:uiccs were to be joined offers of considerable sums to engage his Britannic Majesty to enter upon them. All this is overturaed, or at least re- moved by all that occured until this day. I had still another reason for not hastening to s^jeak of the Spanish treaty to his Britannic Majesty, it is to avoid all propositions for a supply of money which might be made to me, whicli would the easier happen if I looked as if I apprehended the renewal of an alliance with Spain, and spoke to prevent it. It is not my business to present an opportunit)^ for it. Nay, I shall be veiy cautious in what I am to say to the King of England if he dissolv^ea Parliament, and every hope of reconciliation is destroyed, that your Majesty, may be at full liberty to prescribe to me what I shall say, and what conduct I shall have to pursue. After having given your Majesty an account of Parlia- mentary matters, I think it my duty to inform \ou as well as I can of what concerns the interior of the court. Since my Lord Sunderland came again into business, he took a great deal of pains to convince me of his attachment to the interests of your Majesty, I shall only mention what oc- curred since the decease of the late Kmg. But this mi- nister clearly perceived that the Lord High Treasurer had a connexion with the Prince of Orange, founded upwi un- clxxxiv APPENDIX. alterable interests, and that therefore his credit would in«< sensibly diminish near the King of England, or that he would be constrained to act in opposition to his sentiments and maxims, which it is very difficult to do long. This has happened, and my Lord Sunderland is now so fully possessed of his master's confidence and has supported the projects which that Prince is wedded to so earnestly, that even to persons of the least penetration he appears to pos- sess the principal place in the administration. The Catho- lics openly side with him ; and are on the contrary very much discontented with my Lord Rochester, whom they believe to be very zealous for the Protestant religion, and opposed to every thing that might benefit the Catholic reli- gion. This causes a great division at court ; and though there have been explanations, and reconciliations, between the two Ministers, yet it is clearly perceptible that their conduct and interests are very opposite. Their friends form parties. The King of England sees all this, and knows what occurs-. He employs the Lord High Trea- surer in the direction of the finances ; but he does not al- low him the power to dispose of any considerable sum, and pretends himself to descend to particulars, which much lessens the authority and credit of my Lord Rochester. It is from my Lord Sunderland I received the intelligence of what occurred upon tlie renewal of the treaty with the Spanish Ambassador. He earnestly assured me that the King of England felt no desire at present to renew this treat}', and that I should be informed whene\er he should perceive him in the least disposed thereto. INIy Lord Sunderland has for a short time past entrust- ed to me very secret matters which concern him ; he told me that the King of Englrtnd positively promised to appoim. APPENDIX. clxxxv him President of the Council, after the session of Parlia- ment. This dignity, joined to the function of Secretaiy of State, will yet much cncrease the opinion of his ciedii. His Britannic IMajcsty has been determined to promise this office to him by a Jesuit, called Father Petre, who has a great share in his confidence. He is a man of condition imd the late Lord Petre's brother ; he strongly represent- ed to the King how important it was to bestow credit and rewards upon a Minister who ser\es him more faithfully imd courageously than the others. The Chancellor, who is strongly united with my Lord Sunderland, and pursues the same conduct, had pressed the King of England to con- fer upon him the office of President of the Council, when iny Lord Halifax was dismissed, but he had not been able to bring it about, because his Britannic jMajesty had declared to many persons that this office would be given to nobody. ■ My Lord Sunderland told me another circumstance of vast importance, and which, if it be true, and made known to the King of England, will much lessen Lord Roches- ter's credit, it is this, when IMr. Sidney went to Holland, Lord Rochester requested him to see him last, and only a moment before he embarked with Bentem ; in this inter- ■\ iew. Lord Rochester said to Mr. Sidney, that the advice he had to give to the Prince of Orange, was to come to England at any rate, na}-, in spite of the King of England ; that this was the sole and only means to put matters in the right way, which were brought to such a situation as it would be Impossible to remedy hereafter. INIr. Sidney discharged his commission, and said that the Prince of Orange was moved, but was not bold enough to venture on a passage. He spoke of it to Bentem, to whom Mr. a a clxxxvi APPENDIX. Sidney had said nothing about it, and who was pretty much for the Prince of Orange's passing into England. I clearly perceive that the motive which induced my Lord Sunderland to tell me so important a thing, was to prevent me from placing any sort of confidence in Lord Roches^ ter, and to induce me to look upon him as a man entirely opposed to the interests of your Majesty, and attached to those of the Prince of Orange. I can scarcely believe this to be a story ; I know well that my Lord Sunderland can, through Mr. Sidney, keep up connexions with the Prince of Orange, which might blaze out in other times ; but mean^ while he pursues a conduct entirely favourable to the Catho- lics, and which removes the King his master from any other attachment but to the interests of your Majesty. The orders your Majesty has given me for some time past, im? port that I shall carefully avoid entering upon any treaty that might engage you to furnish the King of England with supplies ; however, your Majesty desires at the same time that this Prince should form no new connexions with the other powers in Europe, to which I have applied, and still apply myself as I am bound to do. My Lord Sunderland can aid a great deal herein ; and has done so by giving me notice of what occurs ; but his zeal and attachment to your Majesty's interests may grow cold ; especially if his favour augments. I think it would be conducive to your Majesty's service to bring him completely over to your interests bij some gratuity xvhich xuoidd entirely engage him, I am per- suaded that he will not shrink from receivhig tokens of your Majesty's good will; he belives he has deserved them and shows that he will deserve them from this time for- ward. My Lord Sunderland's actual standing, and the likelihood that his cre^lit will still encrease, make me think APPENDIX. clxxxvli that, if your Majesty deems it proper wholly to engage him, he ought not to be offered a slight gratuity, and iX would be better not to give him any thing, than to offer him less than 6,000 pieces, and give him to understand at the same time, that this gratuity will be given every yean Your Majesty will always have it in your power to judge whether it shall be continued or not. I do not think any money can be better employed in this country than this^ especially as your Majesty designs not to give any supplies to the King of England ; and yet to prevent him from en- tering upon new connexions. I have long been hesitating to make this proposal to your Majesty ; I am aware that I do not chuse exactly the best time to suggest this, since your Majesty seems to be inclined rather to manage the most influential members of Parliament j but I consider that, for the well being of your Majesty's service, I am obliged to propose what appears to me to be the most ad- vantageous and solid ; and it is possible that we shall not find the occasion so favourable if we suffer it to slip away. It is your Majesty's part to judge how much it concerns you that England should not become attached to hostile interests and adopt different measures. Your Majesty has well perceived that the refusal of supplies has produced the renewal of the treaty with the States General. Your Ma- jesty can say, whether the renewal of this treaty has not been prejudicial to your interests, arid what advantages the enemies of your greatness have derived from it, and among others, the Prince of Orange, who at least, has been induced to indulge great hopes for a future time. I shall be sure never to venture upon saying or doing any thing of my Okvn suggestion, I shall merely keep myself in rcadi' ness, literally to execute the orders of your Majesty. dxxxviii APPENDIX. The house of Commons opened this morning with rea- ding the address which is to be presented to his Britannic Majesty. I have been assured that it is conceived in terms extremely strong and determined against the Catholic offi- cers. A resolution was then brought in to request the up- per house to join in this address with the House of Com- mons. The proposition was rejected and the party of the court prevailed. They debated upon the supplies, and after a long contest it was agreed to grant 700,000 pounds sterling. The King of England looked for 1,400,000, but I think yet he will be pretty well satisfied provided the fund of that amount be well established and the Lower House do not insist upon the address they are to present as a previous condition. This point is yet uncertain. Pa- tience is necessary to discover whether there will not occur some incident to defeat the resolution that has been passed. If the money matter can be entirely separated from the o- tlier points which are agitated, the King of England will find his account in it, and will be able to do without Par- liament at least for some time. My Lord Sunderland ha$ just told me that he does not believe that the King and Parliament can agree, because on each side they contend for entirely opposite things. I am &:c. M. BAIMLI.ON TO THE KING. London, Xovembcr oOth, 1685. Parliament have been prorogued this morning to the 20th of Februaiy. Tlie King of England perceived well fey what occurred yesterday in the house that the party oi the factious encrcased and was strengthened every day, and that there resulted man%- Inconveniencies from suffer- APPENDIX. clxxxix lUg them to remain longer together. I am told tlieir surprise was great, and that it was not expected that Parliament xvas to separate before the act for supplies hud passed. The prorogation renders void whatever was proposed and begun witliout being terminated. The grant therefore of a subsidy completely falls to the ground as if it had not been men- tioned. There is no likelihood that the prorogation of Par- liament will produce any other effect than that of augmen- ting the discontent of those people who arc already exasperated. This causes a great change in the affairs of England. I shall duly apply myself to give your Majesty •an exact account thereof in order to receive your orders upon the conduct I should pursue. I am Sec. THE KING TO M. BARILLON. Versailles, December Gth, lG8j. M. Barillon, I have received these three days, both by the return of the courier I had dispatched to you, and by the post, five of your letters, of the 22d, 25th, 26th, 29th and 30th of November, with the remonstrances made by both Houses of Parliament to the King their master, that Prince's answers, and the journal of what occurred in the last sessions until the prorogation. It is ver)' likely that the mortification which the King has just offered that assembly, will render those who com- pose it more submissive to his will, and that at their retun: he will much easier obtain what the peevishness of some private persons alone could have rendered doubtful in this conjuncture. At any rate his firmness in supporting the Catholic officers, and not to suffer that the religion he pro- fesses, should be any longer subjected to the penal laws. cxc APPENDIX. must necessarily produce happy effects for his repufation' and the safety of his government. I hope however he will not be in a hurry to renew an alliance with Spain, and that the little help he could derive from that crown will prevent him from taking any step which might be calculated to break off the connexions of friendship and good understanding which subsists between me and him. Since you deem that the minister of whom you write to me can much contribute to maintain it, I consent that you more closely engage him by a gratuity that may satisfy him and strongly attach him to my inter- ests. To this effect I agree that you may carry it to 20, nay 25 thousand crowns, and I shall continue to order the same sum to be paid to him from year to year, as long as he shall contribute, in every matter which depends on him to the maintenance of a good understanding between me and the King his master, and to remove every engagement that might be contrary to my interests. I leave it with your prudence to make the first payments of this sum wheri you shall deem it necessary for the good of my service. The explanation you give me of the employment of the money which passed through your hands, makes me be- lieve that you have, in fact, paid only the sum of 100,000 livres beyond my orders, and as I am fully persuaded that you have merely done it because you deemed it necessar}' for tlie good of my service, there is no ground of discon* tent left to me about the matter. APPENDIX. cxci II. CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN THE EARL OF SUNDER. l.AXD AND THE BISHOP OF OXFORD, RESPECTING MR. LOCKE. [In the hands of the late Anthony Collins, Esq.] ^rom BirclCs Papers in the British JlTuscinn — Copies in Birch's hand- ■writing. TO THE LORD BISHOP OF OXFORD. Whitehall, Novembei- Gth, 1684. My Lord, The King being given to understand that one Mr. Locke, who belonged to the late Earl of Shaftesbury, and has, up- on several occasions, behaved himself very factiously and undutifully to the Government, is a student of Christ- church; his Majesty commands me to signify to )'our Lordship, that he would have him removed from being a student, and that in order thereunto, your Lordship would let me know the method of doing it. I am, my Lord, &c. SUNDERLAND. TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE EARL OF SUNDERLAND, PRINCIPAL SECRETARY OF STATE. November 8th, 1684. Right Hox. I have received the honour of your Lordship's letter, wherein you are pleased to enquire concerning Mr. Locke's being a student of this House, of which I have this ac- count to render ; that he being, as your Lordship is truly informed, a person who was much trusted by the late Earl of Shaftesbury, and who is suspected to be ill affected to the Government, I have for divers years had an eye upon Jijm, but so close has his guard been on himself, that after cxcu APPENDIX. several strict enquiries, I may confidently affirm, there is ^ot any one in the College, however familiar with him, who had heard him speak a word either against, or so much as concerning, the Government. And although very frequently, both in public and private, discourses have purposely been introduced, to the disparagement of his master, the Earl of Shaftesbury, his party, and designs, he could never be provoked to take any notice, or discover in word or look, the least concern ; so that I believe there is not in the world such a master of taciturnity and passion. He has here a physician's place, which frees him from the exercises of the college, and the obligation which others have to residence in it, and he is now abroad upon want of health ; but notwithstanding that, I have summoned him to return home, which is done with this prospect, that if he comes not back, he will be liable to expulsion for con- tumacy, and if he does he will be answerable to your Lord- ship for what he shall be found to have done amiss ; it be- ing probable, that though he may have been thus cautious here, where he knew himself to be suspected, he has laid himself more open in London, where a general liberty of speaking was used, and where the execrable designs against his Majesty, and his Government, were managed and pur- sued. If he does not return by the first day of Januar\ next, which is the time limitted to him, I shall be enabled of course to proceed against him to expulsion. But if this method seem not effectual, or speedy enough, and his Ma- jesty, our founder and visitor, shall please to command his immediate remove, upon the receipt thereof, directed to the Dean and Chapt'jr, it shall accordingly be executed b\-. My Lord, Your Lordship's most humble and obedient servant, J. OXON.. APPENDIX. cxcHi TO THE BISHOP OF OXON. AVhitehall, November 10th, 1684 Mr Lord, Having communicated your Lordship's of the 8th to his Majesty, he has thought fit to direct me to send you the enclosed, concerning his commands for the immediate ex- pulsion of Mr. Locke. SUNDERLAND. TO THE RIGHT REVEREND FATHER IN GOD, JOHN LORD BISHOP OF OXON, DEAN OF CHRIST-CHURCH, AND TO OUR TRUSTY AND WELL-EEI.OYED, THE CHAPTER THERE. Right Rev. Father in God, and trusty and well beloved, We greet you well. Whereas we have received informa- tion of the factious and disloyal behaviour of Locke, one of the students of that our College, We have thought fit hereby to signify our will and pleasure to you, that you forthwith remove him from his student's place ; and de- prive him of all the rights and advantages thereunto be- longing, for which this shall be your warrant ; and so we bid you heartily farewell. Given at our Court at White- hall, the 11th day of November, 1684. By his Majesty's command, SUNDERLAND. TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE THE EARL OF SUNDERLAND, PRINCIPAL SECRETARY OF STATE. November 16th, 1684. Right Hon. I hold myself bound in dut\- to signify to your Lordship, that his Majesty's commands for the expulsion of Mr. Locke from this College, is fully executed. b b J. OXON, «xciv APPENDIX. TO THE BISHOP OF OXOIS My Lord, < I have your Lordships of the 16th and have acquainted his Majesty therewith, who is well satisfied with the Col- lege's ready obedience to his commands for the expulsion of Mr, Locke, SUNDERLAND. III. THE BILL FOR THE PRESERVATION OF THE KING'S PERSON. .2 Bill for the Preservation of the Person and Governmenl of his Gracicns JMajestie King James the Second. Whereas impudent, Scandalous, and seditious Speeches and Pamiletts have oft, (by sad Experience,) produced In- surrection and Rebellion within this Kingdom, and great contempt of the sacred Person of the King and the best of Governmg, or maliciout- and advised Speaking, being legally convicted thereof, upon the Oaths of two lawful and credible Witnesses, upon Tryal, or otherwise convicted or attainted by due Course of Law, then every such Person or Persons, so as aforesaid offending, shall be deemed, and declared, and adjudged to be a Traitor or Traytors, and shall suffer Pains of Death, and also lose aivd forfeit as in Cases of High Treason. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, that if any Person or Persons at any Tiine, after the first Day of July aforesaid, shall by any Printing, Writing, Preaching, or other malicious or advised Speaking, de- clare or assert that James late Duke of Monmouth is the legitimate Sonn of our late Blessed Soveraigne King Charles the Second, or that the said James hath a Tj^le or good Claime to the Imperial Crowne of this Realm, or of any other his Majties, Dominions and Countries ; that then every such Person or Persons so offending, and upon the Oaths of two lawful and credible Witnesses, upon Tryal, or otherwise convicted or attainted by clue course in Law ; then every such Person or Persons shall be deemed declared and adjudged to be a Traytor or Tray- tors, and shall suffer Pains of Death, and also lose or For- feit as in Cases of High Treason. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, ■that if any Person or Persons at any time after the first Day of July, in the Yeare of our Lord one thousand six hundred and eighty-five, during his Majties. Life shall maliciously and advisedly, by Writing, Printing, Preach- ing, or other Speaking, express, publish, utter, or declare any Words, Sentences, or other Thing or Things, to incite or stir up the People to Hatred or Dislike of the Person APPENDIX. cxcvii of his Majtic or the cstablish't Government, then every such Person and Persons being thereof legally convicted, shall be disabled to have or enjoy, and is liereby disabled and made incapable of having, holding, enjoying, or exer- cising any Place, Office, or Promotion, ecclesiastical, civil, or military, or any other Employment in Church and State, and shall likewise be liable to such further and other Punishments as b}- the Common Lawe and Statutes of this Realm may be inflicted in such cases. Provided always, and be it declared, that the asserting and maintaining by any Writing, Printing, Preaching, or other Speaking, the Doctrine, Discipline, Divine Worship or Governmt. of the Church of England, as it is now by law established, against Popery, or any other different or dissenting Opinions, is not intended and shall not be inter- preted or construed to be any offence wthin ye Words or Meaning of this Act. Provided always, that no Person be prosecuted upon this" act, for any of the Offences in this Act mentioned, unlesse the Information thereof be given upon Oath, before some Jus- tice of the Peace, and taken in Writing within forty-eight Houres after the Words see spoken, or the Fact discovered, and unless it be by Order of the King's Majestie, his Heirs or Successors, under his or their Sign oVIanuid ; or by Or- der of the Councell Table of his Majestie, his Heirs or Successors, directed unto the Attorney General for the time being, or some other of the Councell learned to his Majestie, his Heirs or Successors, for the Time being, nor shall any Person or Persons by vertue of this present Act, incurr any of the Penalties herein before menc'oned ; unless He or They be prosecuted within six ]Months next after the Offence committed, aud indicted thereupon within three cxcviii APPENDIX. Months after such Prosecution, any thing herein contevned to the Contrary notwithstanding* Provided always, and be it enacted, that no Person ox Persons shall be indicted, arraigned, or condemned, con- victed or attainted for any of the Treasons or Offences aforesaid, unless the same Offender or Offenders be thereof accused by the Testimony and Deposition of two lawful and credible Witnesses, upon Oath, which Witnesses, at the Time of the said Offender or Offenders Arraignment, shall be brought in Person before him or them. Face to Face, and shall openly avow and maintain upon Oath what they have to say against him or them concerning the Treason or Offences conteyned in the said Indictment, unless the Par- ty or Parties arraigned shall willingly without violeuce con- fess the same. Provided always, and "be it enacted, that this Act, or any thing therein conteyned, shall not extend to deprive either of the Houses of Parliament, or any of their Members, of their just ancient Freedom and Priviledge of debating any Matters or Business which shall be propounded or debated in either of the said Houses, or at any Conferrences or Committees of both, or either of the said Houses of Par- liament, or touching the Repeal or Alterac'ion of any oldy or preparing any new Laws, or the redressing of any pub- lic Grievance. But that the said Members of either of the said Houses and the Assistants of the House of Peers and every of them shall have the same Freedom of Speech, and all other Priviledges whatsoever, as they had before the making of this Act: any Thing in this Act to the Contrary thereof in any wise notwithstanding. Provided alwayes, and bee it further enacted, that if anv Peer of this Realme, or Member of the House of Com- APPENDIX. cxcix mons shall move or propose in either House of Parliamt. the Disherision of the rightfuU and true Heir of the Crown, or to alter or Change the Descent or Succession of the Crown in the right Line ; such Offence shall be deemed and adjudged High Treason, and every Person being in- dicted and convicted of such Treason, shall be proceeded against, and shall suffer and forfeite, as in other Cases of High Treason menc'oned in this Act. Provided always, and be it ordained and enacted, that no Peer of this Reiilm shall be tried for any Offence against this Act but by his Peers : and if his Majestic shall grant his Pardon to any Peer of this Realm or Commoner con- victed of any Offence against this Act after such Pardon granted, the Peer or Commoner so pardoned shall be re- stored to all intents and Purposes, as if he had never been convicted : any thing in this law to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. IV. ACCOUNT OF RUMBOLD, FROM LORD FOUNTAINHALL'S MS. MEMOIRS Colonel Richard Rumbold, another Englishman, was also taken at Lasmahago, by Hamilton of Raploch and his mi- litia-men. He was flying into England, being conducted by one TumbuU, a man of Polwart, (for Polwart had se- cured himself by flight sooner than the rest had done.) He was bold, answerable to his name, and killed one, and wounded two, in the taking, and if one had not been some wiser than the rest, by causing shoot his horse under him, he might have escaped them all ; however, he undci-valued much our Scotch soldiers, as wanting both courage and skill. What had unfortunately engaged him in this enter- prise, was, that he had been from his infancy bred up in cc APPENDIX. the republican and antimonarchic principles ; and he owned he had been fighting against these idols of monarchy and prelacy, since he was nineteen years of age ; (for he was now past sixty-three,) and was a lieutenant in Oliver Cromwell's army, and at Dundee, and sundry of the Scots battles ; and by the discovery of the English fanatick plot in 1683, it was proved and deponed against him, that this Rumbold had undertaken to kill the late King in April, 1683, as he should return from Newmarket to London, at his own house, at the Rye in Hogsdown, in the county of Hertford, where he had married a maltster's relict, and so was designed the Malster ; and intended to have a cart overturned in that narrow place, to facilitate their assassi- nation. But God disappointed them, by sending the acci- dental fire at Newmarket, Avhich forced the King to return a week sooner to London than he designed : see all this in the King's printed declaration. But Rumbold absolutely de- nied any knoxvledge of that designed murder ; though on the breaking out of that plot he fled with others to Holland, and there made acquaintance with Argyle. FOUNT AINHALL'S DECISIONS.VOL. 1, P. :}>^5. On the 28th (June, 1685,) the said Richard Rumbold, malster, was. brought to his trial. His indictment bore, that he had designed to kill the late King, at the Rye or Hogsdown, in his return from Newmarket to London, in April, 1683. But in regard he positively denied the truth of this^ (though sundry had sworn it against him in England,) the King's advocate passed from that part, lest it should have disparaged or impaired the credit of the said English plot ; therefore he insisted singly on the point, that he had associated himself with the late Argyle, a forfeited traitor, * APPENDIX. cci and invaded Scotland, &c. All this he confessed and signed ; and being interrogated if he was one of the mask- ed executioners on King Charles the first's scaffold, he de- clared he was not, but that he was one of Oliver Cromwell's regiment then, and was on horseback at Whitehall that day, as one of the guard about the scaffold ; and that he was at Dunbar, Worcester, and Dundee, a lieutenant in Cromwell's army. He said that James Stewart, advocate, told them Argyle ^v'ould ruin all their affair, by lingering in the Isles and Highlands, and not presently marching into the inland country ; wherein he had proved a true prophet, but might see it without a spirit of divination. And being asked if he owned the present King's authority, he craved leave to be excused, seeing he needed neither offend them, nor grate his own conscience, for they had enough whereon to take his life beside. He was certainly a man of much na- tural courage. His rooted ingrained opinion was, for a re- public against monarchy, to pull which do^v^l, he thought a duty, and no sin. And on the scaffold he began to pray for that party which he had been owning, and to keep the three metropolitan cities of the three kingdoms right ; and if every hair of his head were a man^ he would venture them all in that cause. But the drums were then com- manded to beat, otherwise he carried discreetly enough, and heard the ministers, but took none of them to the scaf- fold with him. * The folJowinj* Valuable Books arc printed lor BIRCH ^ SMALL, OF PHILADELPHIA. HISTORY OF ANCIENT EUROPE, In two volumes octavo. BY WILLIAM RUSbELL, L. L. D. Price bound... .Five dollars andjifty cents. Dr. RUSSELL'S HISTORY OF MODERN EUROPE ; In five volumes octavo. Price bound.. ..Fourteen dollars. An American edition of BLACKSTONE's COMMENTARIES, Witli Notes of Reference to the Constitution and Laws of the Fede- ral Government of the United States ; and of the Commonwealth of Virginia : with an Appendix to each Volume, containing Tracts upon such subjects as appeared necessary to form a Systematic View of the Laws of Virginia as a Member of the Federal Union. BY ST. GEORGE TUCKER, One t)f the Judges of the Court of Errors and Appeals in Vir'^inia, In Five Volumes Octavo. Pnce, bound.. ..Twenty-five dollars. 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