"Division... DS4\G Section hG>& Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2016 https://archive.org/details/archaeologicalsu01arch ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OP INDIA. FOUR REPORTS MADE DURING THE YEARS 1862-63-64-65, BY ALEXANDER CUNNINGHAM, c. s. i., MAJOR-GENERAL, EOYAL ENGINEERS (BENGAL RETIRED) : DIRECTOR GENERAL OF THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA : MEMBER, ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY: HON. MEMBER, BENGAL ASIATIC SOCIETY : MEMBER, ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE : MEMBER, NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. VOLUME I. “ What is aimed at is an accurate description, illustrated by plans, measurements, drawings or photographs, and by copies of insci-iptions, of such remains as most deserve notice, with the history of them so far as it may he traceable, and a record of the traditions that are preserved regarding them.” Lord Canning. “ What the learned world demand of us in India is to be quite certain of our data, to place the monumental record before them exactly as it now exists, and to interpret it faithfully and literally.” James Psinsep. Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, 1838, p. 227. 4t SIMLA: PRINTED AT THE GOVERNMENT CENTRAL PRESS, 1871.' ' PREFACE. The matter contained in these two volumes is the result of the archaeological survey which I conducted during four consecutive years from 1862 to 1865. The object of this survey cannot he better stated than in the memorandum which I laid before Lord Canning in November 1861, and which led to my immediate appointment as Archaeological Surveyor to the Government of India, as notified in the following minute : Minute by the Right Hon’ble the Governor General of India in Council on the Antiquities of Upper India, — dated 22nd January 1862. “ In November last, when at Allahabad, I had some com- munications with Colonel A. Cunningham, then the Chief Engineer of the North-Western Provinces, regarding an investigation of the archaeological remains of Upper India. “ It is impossible to pass through that part, — or indeed, so far as my experience goes, any part — of the British ter- ritories in India without being struck by the neglect with which the greater portion of the architectural remains, and of the traces of by-gone civilization have been treated, though many of these, and some which have had least notice, are full of beauty and interest. “ By ‘ neglect’ I do not mean only the omission to restore them, or even to arrest their decay ; for this would be a task which, in many cases, would require an expendi- ture of labour and money far greater than any Government of India could reasonably bestow upon it. “ But so far as the Government is concerned, there has been neglect of a much cheaper duty, — that of investigat- ing and placing on record, for the instruction of future generations, many particulars that might still be rescued from oblivion, and throw light upon the early history of England’s great dependency ; a history which, as time moves on, as the country becomes more easily accessible and 11 PREFACE. traversable, and as Englishmen are led to give more thought to India than such as barely suffices to hold it and govern it, will assuredly occupy, more and more, the attention of the intelligent and enquiring classes in European countries. “ It will not be to our credit, as an enlightened ruling power, if we continue to allow such fields of investigation, as the remains of the old Euddhist capital in Behar, the vast ruins of Kanouj, the plains round Delhi, studded with ruins more thickly than even the Campagna of Borne, and manv others, to remain without more examination than thev have hitherto received. Everv thing that has hitherto been done in this way has been done by private persons, imper- fectly and without system. It is impossible not to feel that there are European Governments, which, if they had held our rule in India, would not have allowed this to be said. “ It is true that in 1844*, on a representation from the Boyal Asiatic Society, and in 1847, in accordance with detailed suggestions from Lord Hardinge, the Court of Directors gave a liberal sanction to certain arrangements for examining, delineating, and recording some of the chief antiquities of India. But for one reason or another, mainly perhaps owing to the officer entrusted with the task having other work to do, and owing to his early death, very little seems to have resulted from this endeavour. A few drawings of antiquities, and some remains, were transmitted to the India Douse, and some 15 or 20 papers were contributed by Major Kittoe and Major Cunningham to the Journals of the Asiatic Society ; but, so far as the Government is con- cerned, the scheme appears to have been lost sight of within two or three years of its adoption. “ I enclose a memorandum drawn up by Colonel Cunning- ham, who has, more than any other officer on this side of India, made the antiquities of the country his study, and who has here sketched the course of proceeding which a more complete and systematic archaeological investigation should, in his opinion, take. “ I think it good, — and none the worse for being a begin- ning on a moderate scale. It will certainly cost very little in itself, and will commit the Government to no future or unforeseen expense. Bor it does not contemplate the spend- ing of any money upon repairs and preservation. This, PREFACE. iii when done at all, should he done upon a separate and full consideration of any case which may seem to claim it. What is aimed at is an accurate description, — illustrated by plans, measurements, drawings or photographs, and by copies of inscriptions, — of such remains as most deserve notice, with the history of them so far as it may he trace- able, and a record of the traditions that are retained regard- ing them. “ I propose that the work he entrusted to Colonel Cun- ningham, with the understanding that it continue during the present and the following cold season, by which time a fair judgment of its utility and interest may be formed. It may then he persevered in, and expanded, or otherwise dealt with as may seem good at the time. “ Colonel Cunningham should receive Rs. 450 a month, with Its. 250 when in the field to defray the cost of making surveys and measurements, and of other mechanical assist- ance. If something more should he necessary to obtain the services of a native subordinate of the Medical or Public Works Department, competent to take photographic views, it should he given. “ It would be premature to determine how the results of Colonel Cunningham’s labours should be dealt with ; but whilst the Government would of course retain a proprietary right in them for its own purposes, I recommend that the interests of Colonel Cunningham should be considered in the terms upon which they may be furnished to the Public.” Memorandum by Colonel A. Cunningham, of Engineers, regarding a proposed investigation of the archaeological remains of Upper India. « During the one hundred years of British dominion in India, the Government has done little or nothing towards the preservation of its ancient monuments, which, in the almost total absence of any written history, form the only reliable sources of information as to the early condition of the country. Some of these monuments have already en- dured for ages, and are likely to last for ages still to come ; but there are many others which are daily suffering from the effects of time, and which must soon disappear alto- gether, unless preserved by the accurate drawings and faith- ful descriptions of the archaeologist. IV PREFACE. “ All that has hitherto been done towards the illustration of ancient Indian history has been due to the unaided efforts of private individuals. These researches consequently have always been desultory and unconnected and frequently in- complete, owing partly to the short stay which individual officers usually make at any particular place, and partly to the limited leisure which could he devoted to such pursuits. “ Hitherto the Government has been chiefly occupied with the extension and consolidation of empire, hut the establishment of the Trigonometrical Survey shews that it has not been unmindful of the claims of science. It would redound equally to the honor of the British Government to institute a careful and systematic investigation of all the existing monuments of ancient India. “ In describing the ancient geography of India, the elder Pliny, for the sake of clearness, follows the footsteps of Alexander the Great. For a similar reason, in the present proposed investigation, I would follow the footsteps of the Chinese pilgrim Hwen Thsang, who, in the seventh century of our era, traversed India from west to east and hack again for the purpose of visiting all the famous sites of Buddhist history and tradition. In the account of his travels, although the Buddhist remains are described in most detail with all their attendant legends and traditions, yet the numbers and appearance of the Brahmanical temples are also noted, and the travels of the Chinese pilgrim thus hold the same place in the history of India, which those of Pausanias hold in the history of Greece. “ In the North-Western Provinces and Bihar the princi- pal places to he visited and examined are the following, which are also shown in the accompanying sketch map : “ I. Khdlsi, on the Jumna, where the river leaves the hills. — At this place there still exists a large boulder stone, covered with one of Asoka’s inscriptions, in which the names of Antiochus, Ptolemy, Antigonus, Magas, and Alexander are all recorded. This portion of the inscription, which on the rock of Kapurdigiri (in the Yusufzai plain), and of Dliauli (in Cuttack) is much mutilated and abraded, is here in perfect preservation. A copy of this inscription and an account of the ruins would therefore he valuable. PREFACE. V “ II. Hariclwdr, on the Ganges, with the opposite city Mayurpoora. “ III. Manddwar , Sambhal, and Sahaswdn , in Rohil- khand. “ IY. Karsdna near Khasganj. “ Y. Sankissa, between Mainpuri and Fattehgarh, where it is known that many remains of Buddhism still exist. This was one of the sacred places amongst the Buddhists. “ YI. Mathura. — In one of the ancient mounds outside the city the remains of a large monastery have been lately dis- covered. Numerous statues, sculptured pillars, and inscribed bases of columns, have been brought to light. Amongst these inscriptions, some, which are dated in an unknown era, are of special interest and value. They belong most probably to the first century of the Christian era, and one of them records the name of the great King Huvishka, who is pre- sumed to be the same as the Indo-Scythian King Hushka. “ YII. Delhi. — The Hindu remains of Delhi are few, but interesting. The stone pillars of Asoka and the iron pillar are well known, but the other remains have not yet been described, although none have been more frequently visited than the magnificent ruined cloisters around the Kut'b Minar, which belong to the period of the Great Tuar dynasty. £< VIII. Kanouj. — No account of the ruins of this once celebrated capital has yet been published. Several ruins are known to exist, but it may be presumed that many more would be brought to light by a careful survey of the site. “IX. Kausdmhi. — On the Jumna 30 miles above Alla- habad.— The true position of this once famous city has only lately been ascertained. It has not yet been visited, but it may be confidently expected that its remains would well repay examination. “X. Allahabad. — The only existing relics of antiquity that I am aware of are the well known pillar of Asoka and the holy tree in one of the underground apartments of the fort. Many buildings once existed, but I am afraid that they were all destroyed to furnish materials for the erection of the fort in the reign of Akbar. “ XI. To the south of Allahabad there are the ruins of Kajrdho and Mahoha , the two capitals of the ancient Cliandel VI PREFACE. Rajas of Bundlekhand. The remains at Kajraho are more numerous and in better preservation than those of any other ancient city that I have seen. Several long and important inscriptions still exist, which give a complete genealogy of the Chandel dynasty for about 400 years. “ XII. Ban&ras. — The magnificent tope of Sarnath is well known ; but no description of the tope, nor of the ruins around it, has yet been published. At a short distance from Banaras is the inscribed pillar of Bhitari, which requires to be re-examined. “ XIII. Jonpur . — Although the existing remains at this place are Muhammadan, yet it is well known that the prin- cipal buildings were originally Hindu temples, of which the cloisters still remain almost unaltered. These ruins have not yet been described, but from my own success, in the beginning of this year, in discovering a Sanskrit inscription built into one of the arches, I believe that a careful examina- tion would be rewarded with further discoveries of interest illustrative of the great Rathor dynasty of Kanouj. “ XIV. Fgzdbdd. — The ruins of Ajudhva have not been described. Numerous very ancient coins are found in the site and several ruined mounds are known to exist there ; but no account has yet been published. As the birth-place of Rama and as the scene of one of the early events in Bud- dha’s life, Ajudhva has always been held equally sacred, both by Brahmins and Buddhists, and I feel satisfied that a sys- tematic examination of its ruins would be rewarded by the discovery of many objects of interest. “ XV. Sravasti. — Even the site of this once celebrated city is unknown, but it may be looked for between EyzaMd and Gorakhpur. “XVI. Kapilavastu, the birth-place of Buddha, was held in special veneration by his followers, but its site is unknown. “ XVII. Kusinagara , the scene of Buddha’s death, was one of the most holy places in India in the estimation of Buddhists, but its site is at present unknown. It may, however, confidently be looked for along the line of the Gunduk river. At Kapila and Kusinagara, the scenes of Buddha’s birth and death, numerous topes and stately monas- teries once existed to attest the pious munificence of his votaries. The ruins of many of these buildings must still PREFACE. Til exist, and would no doubt reward a careful search. At 31athia, Radhia, and Bakra, in Tirliut, stone pillars still re- main, and in other places ruined topes were seen by Major Kittoe ; but no description of these remains has yet been made known. “XVIII. Vaisali. — This city was the scene of the second Buddhist synod, and was one of the chief places of note amongst Buddhists. At Bassar, to the north of Patna, one tope is known to exist, but no search has yet been made for other remains. The people of Vaisali were known to Ptolemy, who calls them Passaloe. “ XIX. Patna. — The ancient Palibothra. I am not aware that there are any existing remains at Patna, but numerous coins, gems, and seals are annually found in the bed of the river. “ XX. Paj agriha, between Patna and Gaya, was the capital of Magadha in the time of Buddha. Some of the principal scenes of his life occurred in its neighbourhood, and the place was consequently held in very great veneration by all Buddhists. Every hill and every stream had been made holy by Buddha’s presence, and the whole country around Bajagrilia was covered with buildings to commem- orate the principal events of his life. Numerous ruined topes, sculptured friezes, and inscribed pillars still remain scattered over the country as lasting proofs of the high venera- tion in which this religious capital of Buddhism was held by the people. “ In this rapid sketch of the places that seem worthy of examination, I have confined myself entirely to the North- Western Provinces, and Bihar, as containing most of the cities celebrated in the ancient history of India. But to make this account of Indian archaeological remains more complete, it would be necessary to examine the ancient cities of the Panjab, such as Taxila, Sakala, and Jalandhar on the west, the caves and inscribed rocks of Cuttack and Orissa on the east, and the topes and other remains of Ujain and Bhilsa, writh the caves of Dhamnar and Kliolvi in Central India. “ I believe that it would be possible to make a careful examination of all the places which I have noted during two cold seasons. The first season might be devoted to a survey of Gaya and Bajagrilia, and of all the remains in Tirliut to the eastward of Banaras and Gorakhpur, while the survey of all to the westward of Banaras would occupy the second season. viii PREFACE. " I would attach to the description of each place a general survey of the site, showing clearly the positions of all the existing remains, with a ground plan of every building or ruin of special note, accompanied hy drawings and sections of all objects of interest. It would he desirable also to have photographic views of many of the remains, both of architecture and of sculpture ; but to obtain these it would he necessary to have the services of a photographer. Careful fac-similes of all inscriptions would of course he made, ancient coins would also he collected on each site, and all the local traditions would be noted down and compared. The description of each place with all its accompanying drawings and illustrations would be complete in itself, and the whole, when finished, would furnish a detailed and accurate account of the archaeological remains of Upper India.” A perusal of the four reports contained in these volumes will show that I carried out with hut little devia- tion the programme laid down in this memorandum. The report of each season’s works was written during the fol- lowing hot weather and rains, which was too short a period to admit of sufficient reading and reflection for the prepara- tion of a well considered account of all the interesting places visited. Each report was printed immediately after its sub- mission to Government for official circulation. Some of these official copies have been reprinted, hut the whole stock was soon exhausted, and, as frequent enquiry is still made for them, the present publication is intended to place within the reach of all who are interested in archaeological researches a cheap account of the only systematic, though incomplete, survey that has yet been made of the antiquities of North- ern India. The work has been carefully examined and cleared of all obvious errors ; and numerous alterations and additions have been made to the text, which is now supplied with the necessary notes and references that were wanting in the official copies. To make the account as complete as possible, I have added no less than ninety-nine maps, views, plans and other illustrations, all of which have been drawn by my own hand. Simla; The 15 tli October 1871. A. CUNNINGHAM. CONTENTS. VOLUME I . Page. Pbeface ... ... ... .. i Inteodtjction ... ... ... ... I REPORT OF 1861-62. 1. Gaya ... ... ... .1 2. Buddha-Gaya ... ... ... ... 4 3. Bakror ... ... ... ... 12 4. Pun&wa ... ... ... ... 13 5. Ku.rki har, or Kukkutapada-giri ... ... ... 14 6. Giryek, or Indi-a-sila-guba ... ... ... 16 7. Bdjgir, or Rdjagi’ika ... ... ... 20 8. Baragaon or Nalanda ... ... ... 28 9. Bib&r ... ... ... ... 36 10. Ghosriwa ... ... ... ... 38 11. Titarciwa ... ... ... ... 39 12. Aphsar ... ... ... ... 40 13. Barabar ... ... ... ... ib. 14. Dharawat ... ... ... ... 53 15. Bes&rb or Vais&li ... ... ..." ... 55 16. Kesariya ... ... ... ... 54 17. Lauriya Ara-Naj ... ... ... ... 57 18. Lauriya Navandgarh ... ... ... 68 19. Padaraona, or Pawa... ... ... ... 74 20. Kasia, or Kusinagara ... ... ... 76 21. Khukhundo, or Kislikindapura ... ... ... 85 22. Kahaon, or Kakubharati ... ... ... 91 23. Hatbiya-dab ... ... ... ... 95 24. Bhitari ... ... ... . gg 25. Banaras Sdruatb ... ... ... 103 II CONTENTS. VOLUME I . REPORT OF 1862-63. Page. i. Delhi ... ... 131 2. Mathura ... 231 3. Kkalsi ... 244 4. Madawar, or Madipur ... 248 5. Kashipui-, or Govisana ... 251 6. Bamnagar, or Ahichhatra ... 255 7. Soron, or Surakshetra ... 265 8. Atranjikkera, or Pilosana ... 268 9. Sankisa, or Sangkasya ... 271 10. Kanoj, or Kanyakubja ... 279 11. Kakupur, or Ayuto ... ... 293 12. Daundiakkera, or Hayamukka ... 296 13. Allakakad, or Prayaga ... ib. 14. Kosam or Kosdmki ... ... 301 15. Sultanpur, or Kusapura ... 313 16. Dkopapapura ... 315 17. Ajudkya, or Saketa ... ... 317 18. Hatila, or Asokpur ... ... 327 19. Saket-Maket, or Srdvasti ... ... 330 20. Tanda ... 348 21. Nimsar ... 350 22. Barikkar ... ... 351 23. Dewal ... 352 24. Parasua-kot ... 357 25. Bilai-kkera ... ... 358 26. Kabar • •• ... ib. CONTENTS. Ill DESCRIPTIVE LIST OF PLATES. VOLUME I . Ao. Beige. I. Map of the Gangetic Provinces, shewing the travels of Fa Hian and Hwen Thsang 1 II. Map of North-West India, showing Hwen Thsang’s Route ... III. Map of Gaya and Bihdr 3 IV. Plan of the Great Temple at Buddha-Gaya, with the Bodhi- drum, or Holy Fig tree, and the Buddhist Railing sur- rounding the Tree and Temple 6 V. Pedestal of Statue in the Great Temple, with Niches from the exterior ornamentation of the Great Temple, and Temple of T&ra Devi .. . ib. VI. Pavement Slabs from the granite floor of the Great Temple, showing worshippers paying their adorations after the manner of the Burmese ShiJcoh 9 VII. The Buddha-pad, or Prints of Buddha’s feet, in front of the Great Temple. Inscriptions on Granite Pillars reading Ayaye Kuragiye danam ib. VIII. Corner and middle Pillars of the Sandstone Railings — in the Samadh of Guru Chait Mall, marked B and C in Plate IV. 10 IX. Sculptured Basreliefs on the Buddhist Railings. The letters A. E. F. refer to sandstone Pillars in the Samadh, and the Nos. to Granite Pillars in the Mahan t’s residence ib. X. Ditto ditto ditto ib. XI. Ditto ditto ditto ib. XII. Maps of Punawa and Kurkih&r 13 XIII. Inscriptions at Nalanda, Rajgir, Giryek, and Kurkihar. In- scriptions Nos. 1 and 2 contain the name of Nalanda. No. 1 gives the name Gopala, the foimder of the Pfila dynasty of Bengal in the 1st year of his reign 15 XIV. Map of Rajgir and Giryek, showing the site of the ancient city of Ivusagarapura and the positions of its five sur- rounding hills 16 XV. View of Jarasandha’s Baithak at Giryek ... 18 XVI. Map of the ruins of N &lan da 28 XVII. Bihar Pillar Inscriptions ... 37 XVIII. Map of Barabar and Nagarjuni Hills 40 XIX. Plans and Sections of Barabar and Nagarjuni Caves 45 XX. Inscriptions in ditto ditto 47 XXI. Map of Besarh and Bakra ... 55 XXII. Pillars at Bakhra and Lauriya 59 XXIII. Maps of Kesariya and Lauriya Navandgarh 64 IV CONTENTS. VOLUME I . DESCRIPTIVE LIST OF PLATES. No. Page. XXIV. View of the Kesariya Stupa and Mound ... 66 XXV. View of the Pillar and Mounds at Lauriya ... ... 68 XXVI. Map of Kasia, or Kusinagara ... 76 XXVII. View of Kasia ... 78 XXVIII. Maps of Khukhundo and Kahaon ... 85 XXIX. Kahaon and Bhitari Pillars ... 92 XXX. Inscriptions on ditto ditto ... 94 XXXI. Maps of Sarnath, Banaras ... ... 104 XXXII. Major Kittoe’s Excavations at Sarnath ... 116 XXXIII. Lieutenant Cunningham’s ditto ditto ... 120 XXXIV. Ditto Inscriptions from Sarnath ... 123 XXXV. XXXVI. XXXVII. XXXVIII. XXXIX. XL. XLI. XLII. XLIII. XLIV. XLV. XLVI. XLVII. XLVIII. XLIX. L. LI. No. 1 is the Buddhist profession of faith, found at 10 feet from the top of the Great Stupa. No. 2 gives the characters in use when the Stupa was building. No. 3 records the religious gift (of a statue) of S&lcya Bhik- shu by Buddha Sena. No. 4 records a gift by Hari Gupta. No. 5, in much later characters, gives the Buddhist profession of faith, and records the religious gift of the Up&sika, Thakkur Sri Yajnaka? Map of the Ruins of Delhi Map of L&lkot, the Hindu Citadel of Delhi... Hindu Pillar, and mason’s marks on pillars... Plan of the Masjid Kutb ul Islam, or Kutb Masjid Map of Mathura Female statue from Mathura Asoka Inscription on Rock at Khalsi Maps of Madawar and Ivashipur Map of Ahichhatra View of Stupa and Ruins at Ahichhatra Map of Sankisa and Agahat Sarai Elephant Capital of Asoka Pillar at Sankisa MapofKanoj ... Map of Kosfimhi Map of Ajudhya Map of Sravasti Inscription at Dewal in Rohilkhand 132 152 179 187 233 240 247 248 257 259 271 274 279 301 317 330 355 INTRODUCTION. The study of Indian- antiquities received its first im- pulse from Sir William Jones, who in 1784 founded the Asiatic Society of Bengal. Amongst the first members were Warren Hastings, the ablest of our Indian rulers, and Charles Wilkins, who was the first Englishman to acquire a knowledge of Sanskrit, and who cut with his own hands the first Devanagari and Bengali types. During a residence of little more than ten years, Sir William Jones opened the treasury of Sanskrit literature to the world by the transla- tion of Sakuntala and the institutes of Manu. His annual discourses to the Society showed the wide grasp of his mind ; and the list of works which he drew up is so comprehensive that the whole of his scheme of translations has not even yet been completed by the separate labours of many suc- cessors. His first work was to establish a systematic and uniform system of orthography for the transcription of Oriental languages, which, with a very few modifications, has since been generally adopted. This was followed by several essays — On Musical Modes — On the Origin of the Game of Chess, which he traced to India — and On the Lunar Year of the Hindus and their Chronology. In the last paper he made the identification of Chandra-Gupta with Sandra- kottos, which for many years was the sole firm ground in the quicksands of Indian history. At the same time he suggested that Palibotlira, or Pataliputra, the capital of Sandrakottos, must be Patna, as he found that the Son River, which joins the Ganges only a few miles above Patna, was also named Hiranyabahu, or the “ golden-armed,” an appellation which at once re-called the Erranoboas of Arrian. The early death of Jones in 1794, which seemed at first to threaten the prosperity of the newly established Society, a II INTRODUCTION. was tlie immediate cause of bringing forward Colebrooke, so that the mantle of the elder was actually caught as it fell by the younger scholar, who, although he had not yet appeared as an author, volunteered to complete the Digest of Hindu Law, which was left unfinished by Jones. Charles Wilkins, indeed, had preceded him in the translation of several inscriptions in the first and second volumes of the Asiatic Researches, hut his communications then ceased, and on Jones’ death in 1794 the public looked to Davis, Wilford, and Colebrooke for the materials of the next volume. Samuel Davis had already written an excellent paper on Hindu astronomy, and a second on the Indian cycle of Jupiter; hut he had no leisure for Sanskrit studies, and his communications to the Asiatic Society now ceased alto- gether. Francis Wilford, an officer of engineers, was of Swiss extraction. He was a good Classical and Sanskrit scholar, and his varied and extensive reading was success- fully brought into use for the illustration of ancient Indian geography. But his judgment was not equal to his learning ;* and his wild speculations on Egypt and on the Sacred Isles of the West, in the 3rd and 9th volumes of the Asiatic Researches, have dragged him down to a lower posi- tion than he is justly entitled to both by his abilities and his attainments. His “ Essay on the comparative Geogra- phy of India,” which was left unfinished at his death, and which was only published in 1851 at my earnest recom- mendation, is entirely free from the speculations of his earlier works, and is a living monument of the better judg- ment of his latter days. Henry Colebrooke was the worthy successor of Sir William Jones, and though his acquirements were, perhaps, not so varied as those of the brilliant founder of the Society, yet he possessed a scholarship equally accurate in both the Classical and Sanskrit languages. This soon ripened into a wide knowledge of Sanskrit literature, and his early mathematical bias and training, combined with a singularly * H. H. Wilson, in Ills Hindu Theatre, I., 9, calls Wilford a “ learned and laborious, but injudicious writer. INTRODUCTION. Ill sound judgment, gave him a more complete mastery over the whole range of Sanskrit learning, — its religion, its law and its philosophy, its language and its literature, its algebra and its astronomy, — than any other scholar has since acquired. All Colebrooke’s papers may he read both with interest and advantage. In the first year of this century he gave translations of Yisala Deva’s inscriptions on the Delhi pillar. These were followed by other translations in the 9th volume of the Researches in 1807, and in the 1st volume of the Royal Asiatic Society’s Translations in 1824, which exhibit the same critical scholarship and sound judgment. But a more valuable contribution is his “Essay on the Vedas,”* which first gave to the European world a full and accurate account of the sacred volumes of the Hindus. Other essays followed at intervals, — on the Sanskrit and Prakrit languages ; on the Philosophy of the Hindus ; on the Indian and Arabian divisions of the Zodiac ; on the notions of Hindu astro- nomers concerning the Precession ; and on the Algebra of Brahma Gupta and Bhaskara. The mere titles of these essays are sufficient to show the wide range of his studies. But the grasp is as firm as the range is wide, and these essays still remain our standard works on the subjects of which they treat. Colebrooke left India in 1815. Eor several years after his return to England he continued his studies and gave to the world some of the essays which have already been noticed. But his latter years were clouded by family bereavements and continued ill health, under which he at last sank on the 10th March 1837, in his 72nd year.f In the year 1800 Dr. Buchanan (who afterwards took the name of Hamilton) was deputed by the Marquis of Wellesley to make an agricultural survey of Mysore. This particular duty he performed with much ability ; but the value of his work is greatly increased by several interesting notices which he has given of the antiquities of the country, and of the various races of people in Southern India. The best acknowledgment of the value of this work was the # Asiatic Researches, Vol. IX. t The main facts of this brief sketch are taken from a deeply interesting and instructive memoir written by his son. — See Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. V, IV INTRODUCTION. appointment of Buchanan, in 1807, by the Court of Direc- tors, to make a statistical survey of the Bengal Presidency. Por seven years Buchanan pursued his survey through the provinces of Bihar, Shahabad, Bhagalpur, Gorakhpur, Dinajpur, Puraniya, Rangpur, and Assam, when his labours were unfortunately brought to an abrupt close. The results of the survey were transmitted to England in 1816, where they remained unnoticed until 1838, when Mr. Montgomery Martin “ obtained permission to examine the manuscripts, which eventually led to their publication.” To him we certainly owe the publication of this valuable work ; but I must confess that the warmth of my gratitude for this welcome service is absolutely frozen by the coolness of appropriation displayed on the title-page, where the name of Buchanan is entirely omitted, and the districts of Eastern India are stated to have been “ surveyed under the orders of the Supreme Government, and collated from the original documents at the East India Office by Montgomery Martin.” This singular proceeding has not escaped the notice of M. Vivien de St. Martin, who remarks that the three volumes had been published “ sans y mettre le nom de M. Buchanan.” It is, howrever, but fair to say that full credit is given to Buchanan in the introduction, and that the work appears to be satisfactorily edited. Although the instructions given to Buchanan included neither the history nor the antiquities of the country, yet both were diligently explored by him ; and when, after a lapse of upwards of twenty years, a great mass of the matter collected by the survey was found to have become useless, the value of the traditional or recorded history, and of the monuments and relics of antiquity, remained unchanged. All this part of the work has been published by the editor with a fair proportion of plates, from which vTe learn that Buchanan was amongst the first to perceive the value and importance of detailed plans and exact measurements of remarkable buildings and ancient sites. His notices of the Buddhist remains at Gaya and Baragaon in Bihar, of Kasia and Kahaon in Gorakhpur, and at many other places, are not less creditable to him because, through delay in the publication of his work, they were partly anticipated by James Prinsep. His historical and archaeological researches in the districts of Eastern India are specially valuable for INTRODUCTION. Y tlieir sound judgment and conscientious accuracy. I have myself visited many of the places described by Buchanan, and I can vouch for the meritorious minuteness and strict correctness of his descriptions. The Indian mantle of Jones, which Colebrooke had worn so worthily for twenty years, was not destined to remain without a claimant. Before Colebrooke left India in 1815 Horace Hayman Wilson had become Secretary of the Asiatic Society, and had published his translation of the Megha-duta, or “ cloud-messenger” of Kalidasa. This was followed in 1819 by his Sanskrit Dictionary, a work of great labour and merit, and in 1827 by his Hindu Theatre, which opened to the European world a novel and interest- ing variety of the dramatic art. At the same time be con- tributed many valuable papers to the Quarterly Oriental Magazine, amongst which his translations of stories from Sanskrit and of some episodes from the Mahabharata, are perhaps the most pleasing, and his review of the first fifteen volumes of the Asiatic Researches the most important. In 1825 he published an essay on the Hindu history of Kashmir, which gives a clear and very interesting account of the early history of the famous valley. In the beginning of 1833 Wilson returned to England, where he continued his Oriental studies with unabated ardour. The two principal works of his English career were an account of the coins and antiquities of Afghanistan, contain- ed in “Ariana Antiqua,” and his translation of the Rig- Veda. The geographical portion of Ariana Antiqua, under the head of “ Early Notices of Ariana,” is full and valuable ; hut his account of Masson’s collection of coins makes no advance in Indian numismatics, beyond the point which Prinsep had reached at the time of his death. Indeed, Wilson’s archaeological writings have added little, if anything, to his reputation. His fame rests on his Sanskrit scholar- ship, and on the many valuable works, both original and translated, which he gave to the world during bis long and brilliant career. To the general public, his most popular work is undoubtedly the Hindu Theatre, in which his true poetic taste and feeling enabled him to do full justice to the masterpieces of the Indian drama. This work has just been re-printed, and it is not likely to be soon superseded by any future scholar, as the different qualities required to produce VI INTRODUCTION. an adequate poetic translation are very rarely combined in one person as they were in Horace Hayman Wilson. In Western India the Kanliari Caves in the Island of Salset were described and illustrated by Salt as early as 1806, although his account was not published until 1819 in the 1st volume of the Bombay Transactions. In the same volume appeared Erskine’s admirable account of the elephanta caves, which, however, was written as early as 1813. Like Buchanan in Bengal, Erskine anticipated the period when vague and glowing accounts would give place to accurate descriptions and detailed plans. His essay on the Elephanta Caves has been corrected in a few points by suc- ceeding observers ; but it is still the best account that we possess of those interesting Brahmanical excavations.* In the 3rd volume of the same transactions, Colonel Sykes gave the first description of the Muhammadan city of Bijapur, which has since been amply illustrated by the drawings of Hurt and Cumming, and the photographs of Loch, with text by Meadows Taylor and James Eergusson. To Colonel Sykes also belongs the credit of a good account of Ellora, which had been previously illustrated by the drawings of Wales engraved by the Eaniells. The earliest illustrations of Southern India we owe to Thomas Eaniell, who, at the close of the last century, visited Madras and made several admirable drawings of the seven pagodas at Mahamallaipur, which are not surpassed by the best photographs. About the same time Colonel Colin Mackenzie began his antiquarian career in the South, which his successive positions in the Survey Department enabled him to extend successfully over the greater part of the peninsula. His collection of manuscripts and inscriptions is unrivalled for its extent and importance. t His drawings of antiquities fill ten folio volumes ; and to this collection Mr. Eergusson was indebted for several of the most * A new description of the cave temples and other antiquities of Elephanta is shortly about to be published by Mr. J. Burgess, illustrated with plans and other drawings, besides thirteen photographs. As Mr. Burgess has already proved himself a most competent describer of Indian antiquities by his two previous works, — “ The Temples of Kathiawar,” illustrated by forty-one photographs, and the “Temples of Satrunjaya,” illustrated by forty- five photographs, his new work on Elephanta will, no doubt, be a most valuable and welcome addition to the library of Indian Archaeology. + See Taylor’s Catalogue of the Oriental Collection of the Library of the College of Fort St, George, 3 Vols., thick, 8vo. INTRODUCTION. VII valuable illustrations of bis “ tree and serpent worship.” Colin Mackenzie was an ardent and successful collector of archaeological materials, hut he was not an archaeo- logist. He could dig up and make drawings of the splendid sculptures at Dharanikotta, but he could neither restore the building, nor translate the inscriptions. But, although not a writer himself, the splendid collection of antiquities which he left behind him has been the cause of writing in others. To his drawings we partly owe Pergus- son’s “ tree and serpent worship,” and to his collection of manuscripts and inscriptions we are indebted for the greater part of what we at present know of the early history of the southern portion of the peninsula.* When Horace Wilson left India in 1833 the mantle of Sanskrit scholarship fell to Hr. Mill, whose acquaintance with the sacred language of India is acknowledged to have been as profound and as critical as that of his three great predecessors. To him we owe the translation of several important inscriptions ; and his early departure from India, in the end of 1837, was looked forward to by James Prinsep as a loss that was not likely to be soon supplied. But a new era now dawned on Indian archaeology, and the thick crust of oblivion, which for so many centuries had covered and concealed the characters and language of the earliest Indian inscriptions, and which the most learned scholars had in vain tried to penetrate, was removed at once and for ever by the penetrating sagacity and intui- tive perception of James Prinsep. During a great part of the years 1836 and 1837, the most active period of his career, I was in almost daily intercourse with him. With our mutual tastes and pursuits this soon ripened into the most intimate friendship. I thus had the privilege of sharing in all his discoveries during their progress. The matured results will be found in the pages of the Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal; but the germs of his discoveries are related in his letters to me, sometimes almost in the same words as he afterwards made use of in the journal, but generally in the more familiar language of friendly corre- spondence. * See Professor Dowson’s account of the Southern Kingdoms in the Royal Asiatic Society’s Journal, VIII., 1 ; and H. H. Wilson’s Historical Sketch of the Kingdom of Pandya in the Royal Asiatic Society’s Journal, III., pp. 199 & 387. VIII INTRODUCTION. Prinsep’ s first great work was tlie partial decipherment of the Arian Pali legends of the Bactrian Greek coins, and his last and most important achievement was the decipher- ment of the Indian Pali legends of the coins of Surashtra, and the consequent decipherment and translation of the still earlier edicts of Asoka on the pillars at Delhi and Allahabad. In both of these achievements the first step towards discovery was made by others, and this was most freely and fully acknowledged by Prinsep himself. Regard- ing the decipherment of the Arian Pali alphabet, he says — “ Mr. Masson first pointed out in a note addressed to myself through the late Dr. Gerard, the Pehlvi signs which he had found to stand for the words Menandrou, A'pollodotou , Ermaiou , Basileos, and Soteros. When a supply of coins came into my hands, sufficiently legible to pursue the enquiry, I soon verified the accuracy of his observation, found the same signs with slight variation constantly to recur, and extended the series of words thus authenticated to the names of twelve kings, and to six titles or epithets. It immediately struck me that if the genuine Greek names were faithfully expressed in the unknown character, a clue would through them be formed to unravel the value of a portion of the alphabet, which might in its turn be applied to the translated epithets and titles, and thus lead to a knowledge of the language employed. Incompetent as I felt myself to this investigation, it was too seductive not to lead me to a humble attempt at its solution.”* The clue pointed out by Masson was eagerly followed up by Prinsep, who successfully recognized no less than sixteen, or just one-half of the thirty-three consonants of the Arian alphabet. He discovered also three out of the five initial vowels, and two of the medials, or just one-half of the vowels. Here his progress was unfortunately stopped by sudden illness; and he was soon after cut off in the very midst of his brilliant discoveries leaving the task to be slowly completed by others. In the May number of his journal for 1837, f Prinsep published his readings of the legends on the small silver coins of Surashtra. In this case he has also given a brief notice * Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, 1S35, p 329. f Published in June 1837. INTRODUCTION. IX of the steps which led to the discovery ; hut as his letters to me convey a much more vivid and lively account of the untiring perseverance which secured his success, I will give a connected version of the discovery in his own spirited language by extracts from his letters : lltli May 1837. — “ Here are two plates addressed to me by Harkness on the part of J. It. Steuart, quarto engravings of 28 Saurashtra coins, all Chaitya reverses, and very legible inscriptions, which are done in large on the next plate. Oh ! but we must decipher them ! I’ll warrant they have not touched them at home yet. Here to amuse you try your hand on this” (here follows a copy of three of the coin legends, with the letters forming the words Rajnah and Kshatrapasa, each of which occurs twice, marked, respec- tively, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, shewing that he had begun to analyze them the same day). IWi May, 7 o'clock, a. m. — “ You may save yourself any further trouble. I have made them all out this very moment on first inspection. Take a few examples (here follow both the original legends and the Nagari renderings j 1 to 4 — Raja Krittamasa Rudra Sahasa Swami Jahatama putrasa. 5 to 8 — j Raja Krittamasya Sagadamta Raja Rudra Sahasa putrasya. And thus every one of them gives the name of his father of blessed memory, and we have a train of some eight or ten names to rival the Guptas !! Hurra ! I hope the chaps at home wont seize the prize first. No fear of Wilson at any rate ! I must make out a plate of the names on ours added to Steuart’s, and give it immediate insertion. It is marvel- lously curious that, like the modern Sindhi and Multani, all the matras, or vowels, are omitted, and the Sanskrit terminations sya, &c., pali or vernacularized. This confirms the reading which I had printed only a day or two ago, Vijaya Mitasa for Mitrasya , of Mithra, identifying him and the devise with our Okpo bull coin ! Bravo, we shall unravel it yet.” Here we see that, although he had mastered the greater part of these legends almost at first sight, yet the readings h I INTRODUCTION. of some of the names were still doubtful. But two days later he writes as follows : Sunday (postmark, May 14, 1837). — “Look into your cabinet and see what names you have of the Saurashtra series. Steuart’s list is as follows : Bajas Rudra Sah, son of Swdmi Jcinadama. „ Atri Rcimd „ Rudra Sah. & c., &c. “The Sanskrit on these coins is beautiful, being in the genitive case after the Greek fashion. We have Rajnya for Raja , Atri-Ramnah for A tri-Rama, Vira-Rdmnah for Vira- Rdma, Viswa Sdhdsya for Viswa Saha, which are all con- firmed by the real name losing the genitive affix when joined to putrasya. “ I have made progress in reading the Peacock Saurasli- trans — Sri bama saga deva jayati • Jcramaditya paramesa. “ Chulao bhai, juldee puhonchoge ! ”* In these lively letters we see that the whole process of discovery occupied only three days, from the first receipt of Steuart’s plates to the complete reading of all the legends. Nothing can better show the enthusiastic ardour and un- wearying perseverance with which he followed up this new pursuit than these interesting records of the daily progress of his discoveries. When I recollect that I was then only a young lad of twenty-three years age, I feel as much wonder as pride that James Prinsep should have thought me worthy of being made the confidant of all his great discoveries. But the decipherment of the legends on the Saurashtran coins was but the precursor of a still more important dis- covery. Success only seemed to inspire James Prinsep with fresh ardour. No difficulty daunted his enthusiasm, and no labour tired his perseverance. Only a few years previously he had analyzed the characters of Samudra Gupta’s inscrip- tion on the Allahabad pillar, and had distinguished the * This is the common exclamation of palki bearers to encourage one another — “ Go on brother, we shall soon get there 1 ” INTRODUCTION. XI attached vowels, «, e , i , and u; but the long £he mistook for o. At that time he had despaired of reading these old inscriptions,* from “ want of a competent knowledge of the Sanskrit language.” But his present success stimulated him to renew his former attempt. Fortunately just at this time he received a number of short inscriptions from the great stupa at S&nchi near Bhilsa. These he read almost at a glance with the exception of two or three letters, which, however, soon yielded to his perseverance. He then pro- ceeded to examine the inscriptions on the Delhi pillar, and at once read the opening sentence without any difficulty or hesitation. Prinsep’s final readings of the Saurashtran coin legends was announced to me on the 14th May, and this later dis- covery of the still older inscriptions of the Sanchi Stupa and Delhi pillar was completed before breakfast on 23rd May, or only nine days later. His formal account of the discovery is given in the journal; f but his brief announce- ment to me is very interesting, as it shows that he had at once determined to attempt the translation of the whole of Asoka’s edicts. I give this letter entire. 23 rd May 1837. — “ My dear Cunningham, — Hors du departement de mes etudes Sultan Adil, &c. No, but I can read the Delhi No. 1, which is of more importance, the Bhilsa inscriptions have enlightened me. Each line is engraved on a separate pillar or dhioaja. Then, thought I, they must be gifts of private individuals, whose names will be recorded. All end in ddnam — that must mean * gift, or given,’ ddnam — genitive must be prefixed. Let’s see. Isa-palitasa-cha Samanasa-cha ddnam. “ The gift of Isa-Palita (protected of God) and of Samana. Sdmanerasa Aheyakasa Sethinon ddnam “ The gift of Samanera and Abeyaka Sethi. * See Journal of Bengal Asiatic Society, 1834, p, 117, and compare 1837, p. 452. + In Bengal Asiatic Seciety’s Journal, 1837, p. 460. £ This was an expression by the famous French academician, Baoul Rochette, regarding the Arian legends of the Bactrian coins. It tickled Prinsep’s fancy particularly ; and he was frequently quoting it. In the present instance I had sent him a Muhammadan coin and asked if he could read it. Instead of saying no, he quoted Raoul Rochette, XII INTRODUCTION. Ruddha-palitasa lichhunon dunam. “ The gift of the protected of Buddha, the Lichhun&n.* Vijigatasa danam. “ Eh ? will not this do ? and the pillar inscription Devdnam jpiya piyadasi Raja hevam ahd. “ The most particularly-beloved-of-the-gods Baja de- clareth thus. “ I think with Batna Pala, whom I shall summon, we shall he able to read the whole of these manifestoes of the right faith — Buddha’s bulls. Will send plates after breakfast. “ Yours, " J. P. ” The formal announcement of this discovery was made in the June number of the journal which was published in July, by which Prinsep had recognized the true values of all the letters which he had yet found, and the old alphabet was complete with the exception of the very rare letters gh and jli, and the gutteral, palatal, and cerebral n’s. To Professor Lassen belongs the honor of having been the first to read any of these unknown characters. In the previous year, 1836, he had read the Indian Pali legend on the square copper coins of Agathokles as Agathukla Raja. f James Prinsep was puzzled by findiDg “that nearly the same characters appear on the coins of Pantaleon.” He admit- ted, however, that “ it might be possible to assimilate the word to the Greek on the supposition of the first syllable being wanting,” thus forming talava. On referring to the coin indicated I find that the first letter is actually wanting, and that he had read the three letters of the name correctly. So near was he to making the discovery at that time that it would probably have been completed at once had there been a perfect coin of Pantaleon to refer to for the first letter of the name. * This word should be Bhichhuno, the mendicant monk, but Prinsep had not then recognised the true form of the bh. He took l for bh, and when he came to the true l in laja, he read the word as Raja, as in the next instance which he gives from the Delhi Pillar. + In a letter to James Prinsep referred to in the Journal of Bengal Asiatic Society, 1836, p. 723. INTRODUCTION. XIII As mentioned in his letter to me, Prinsep had at once invited Ratna Pala, the Pali scholar, to assist him in reading the inscription, and with his aid he was able to translate at once several important passages, such as, “ in the twenty- seventh year of my reign.” So unremitting was his industry and so rapid his intuitive perception, that he had finished his translation by the end of July, and the complete version appeared in the journal for that month, which was published in the middle of August. Coins and inscriptions now poured in upon him so fast from all parts of India that much of his valuable time was now occupied in private correspondence, and when I left Calcutta towards the end of October 1837, he was working from twelve to sixteen hours daily. Much of his time was, of course, occupied with his public duties as Assay Master of the Calcutta Mint, as he wrote to me, “ my whole day is consumed at the scales. What a waste of precious moments !” A few days after my departure he received copies of the Udayagiri and Khandagiri inscriptions from Kittoe, and faithful impressions of all the inscriptions on the Allahabad pillar from Colonel Smith. With all his wonted industry and enthusiasm he set to work upon these new records, and was able to give a revised translation of Samudra Gupta’s inscription in the November number of his journal, and a long and valuable note on the inscriptions from Udayagiri and Khandagiri in the December number. Yet, in spite of all these labours, so little conscious did he feel of exhaustion that he wrote to me on “ December 27th, 7 a. m., to get a new Gupta inscription for the January Number ! ! ” Prinsep now took up the rock-inscriptions of Asoka, and in a postscript to a letter of 12th February 1838, he said to me “ dont expect me to write again for a long spell. I must set to work on the Girnari.” But on the 3 rd March I heard from him again that he had “ made une decouverte epouvantable ! no less than the treaty (an article at least) between Antiochus and Sophagasenas. Shall I leave you to guess how, where, and when ? No, hut keep it secret till I an- nounce it at the Society. I have happily discovered that many of the edicts at Gujarat and Cuttack are verbatim the same. Among them is one announcing the establishment XIV INTRODUCTION. of a medical arrangement for men and animals.” This dis- covery was announced to the Asiatic Society on the 7th March, and published in the February number of the journal. As Prinsep proceeded with his examination of the rock- inscriptions, he discovered the names of Ptolemy, Antigonus, and Magas, in addition to a second mention of Antiochus. He had previously felt the want of a good impression of the Girnar inscription, but this brilliant discovery made him still more anxious to obtain a complete and correct copy. After thinking over the matter for some time, it seemed that the surest and quickest way was to address the Governor General on the subject, which was accordingly done at once, as explained in the following letter to me : 28 th March 1838. — “ In the enthusiasm of the moment I took up my pen and addressed the enclosed bold petition to Lord Auckland, which, on sober reflection, I am afraid of sending, lest I should be thought presumptuous in imagining others care as much about old inscriptions as I do ! I therefore enclose it to you instead that you may act upon it as you may find a fit occasion. The passage in the 14th edict is much mutilated, and I long for a more correct copy. * * It really becomes interesting to find Egypt and Ptolemy known to Asoka ! I must give you the real text” (here follows the text in the original Pali characters, which I give in italic letters with Prinsep’s interlinear transla- tion) : Yona raja 'par an clia tena Chaptaro Greek King furthermore by whom the Gypta Haja.no Tulamayo cha Antigona clia Mag a cha, Kajas, Ptolemy and Antigonus and Magas and * * * savata Devdnampiyasa * * * everywhere beloved’s Dhammanusasti anuhatate yata pajati Keligious precept reaches where goes. Some doubt about the Ptdro rajano, or Chaptaro, which may be read chat ivaro rajano, ‘ the four kings Ptaro , the Pta or Ptlia (worshipping) kings, Guptaro, or Chaptaro, rajano , the ‘ Koptic or Aegyptic kings but the name of Magas is so distinct that I give up the four kings in favor of Egypt. IXTEODrCTION. XV ct I have no time to expatiate hereupon. I shall publish in the next journal, although probably I shall he forced to alter my Antiochus the Great theory to the contemporary Antiochus of Ptolemy Philadelphia (247 b. c.), in whose time Magas held part of Egypt (Cyrene), and whose period agrees better with Asoka’s reign. Hurrah for inscriptions ! ” Prinsep’s hold appeal to the head of the Government was of course successful, for Lord Auckland was a liberal patron of both literature and science. The Governor of Bombay was accordingly requested to depute a qualified officer for the purpose of taking & facsimile of the inscriptions.* The new impressions were made with great care, but they did not reach Calcutta until after Prinsep’s departure. I was not even aware that they had been sent to Calcutta until last January, when, looking for some of Kittoe’s inscriptions, I stumbled on the Girnar edicts of Asoka. In the meantime Prinsep continued his labours by pub- lishing a translation of the Junagarh inscription of Budra Hama in the April number of the journal; an “ examination of the separate edicts at Hhauli in Cuttack’’ in the May number ; translations of some additional short records from the Sanchi Stupa near Bhilsa in the June number; and the “ discovery of the Bactrian alphabet” in the July number ; which was published about the middle of August. These were his last contributions to the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. f After his revision of the Bactrian alphabet, he naturally turned to the inscriptions which Ventura and Court had ex- tracted from the stupas at Manikyala, and which Masson had obtained from the stupas of the Kabul Valley. His attention was also turned to the reading of the later coins “ which mark the decadence of Greek dominion and Greek skill. These are the most precious to the student of Indian history. Through their Xative legends we may yet hope to throw light on the obscure age of Vikramaditya and the Scythian successors of the Greeks on the north of India.” X So important did he consider this class of coins that he * See Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, 1S38, p. 365. t These different articles will be found in the Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society for 1838, pp. 364, 484, 562, & 636. X Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, 1831, p. 655, XVI INTRODUCTION. specially invited attention to them, and promised to return to their investigation, his text being “ those coins on which the Native and Greek legends differ, or record different names.” This subject still occupied his attention when he was overtaken by sickness and obliged to proceed to sea for change of air. He was “off Kedgeree” on the 28th Septem- ber 1838, when he wrote his last letter to me to acknowledge the receipt of the coins which I had selected from Sir Alexander Burnes’ new collection for his examination. He was disappointed at not finding any new names, and says “ I almost fear the field is exhausted ; my only hope is of new Spalahara types among the crowd of ‘frustes’ coins.” As the coins of Spalahara belong to the class “ on which the Native and Greek legends differ, this passage shows that down to the very last his thoughts were engaged on the com- pletion of the Bactrian alphabet, and the translation of the tope inscriptions. I also draw the same conclusion from another paragraph of the same letter where he says, “ I told you (did I not?) that Lassen had hit upon the exact key to the Bactrian alphabet I have made use of.” His trip to sea did him no good, as he wrote to me that he “ never was so idle, so listless, or so headachey in his life ; ” and after a long and amusing account of all the sur- rounding discomforts, he exclaims “ Oh ! the pleasures of running down to the Sandheads for a week to restore the health ! ” He longed “ to get home to his own desk” in Calcutta, where he hoped to find that Hr. McLeod had arrived safe, that is, with the mass of Burnes’ collection of coins. On his return to Calcutta he gradually became worse and was obliged to leave India in the end of October. He was in a hopeless state when he reached England from soften- ing of the brain, and after lingering for about a year he sank on the 22nd of April 1840, at 40 years of age. Thus died James Prinsep in the very prime of life, and in the very midst of his brilliant discoveries. When we remember that he was only just thirty-nine years old when his career was suddenly arrested by illness, it is impossible to help regret- ting that he was not spared for a few years longer to com- plete and perfect what he had already done, and perhaps to add fresh laurels to his fame by further discoveries. But INTEODUCTION. XVII James Prinsep had done his work ; for all his brilliant dis- coveries, which would have been the labour of ten or a dozen years to most other men, were made during the last three years of his career ; and although he was still young in years, lie had already done the work of a good old age. The career of James Prinsep has been fitly and eloquently described by his friend Dr. Hugh Falconer, who knew him well. Prom this able sketch I extract the following appreciative notice of Prinsep’s rare talents : “ Of his intellectual character the most prominent feature was enthusiasm — one of the prime elements of genius ; a burning irrepressible enthusiasm, to which nothing could set bounds, and which communicated itself to whatever came before him. The very strength of his mental constitution in this respect was perhaps opposed to his attaining the excellence of a profound thinker ; it led him to be carried away frequently by first impressions, and to apply his powers to a greater range of subjects than any human mind can master or excel in. To this enthusiasm was fortunately united a habitude of order, and power of generalization, which enabled him to grasp and comprehend the greatest variety of details. His powers of perception were impressed with genius — they were clear, vigorous, and instantaneous.”* Dr. Falconer formed a true and just estimate of Prin- sep’s powers of perception, which were equally remarkable for their vigour and their instgditaneousness. The quickness of his perception was indeed wonderful, so that many of his discoveries may be said literally to have flashed upon him ; or, as he himself describes one of them in a letter to me, “ like inspiration, or lightning, or Louisa’s eyes, the light at once broke upon me.”t But the great point in Prinsep’s character f was his ardent enthusiasm, which charmed and melted all who came in contact with him. Even at this distance of time, when a whole generation has passed away, I feel that his letters still possess the same power of winning my warmest sympathy in all his discoveries, and that his joyous and generous disposition still communicates the same contagious enthusiasm and the same strong desire to assist in further achievements. * Extracted from the Colonial Magazine for December 1840, by Mr. E. Thomasin his edition of Prinsep’s “ Essays on Indian Antiquities,” + Letter of 27tli January 1838. The name of Louisa is written in Asoka characters as Lu-i-ja. XVIII INTRODUCTION. The powerful impulse given to Indian archaeology hy James Prinsep was produced quite as much by the enthu- siasm which he kindled in every one who came in contact with him, as by his translations of the old inscriptions of Asoka, which gave life to records that had been dead for more than two thousand years, and that now form our chief land-marks in ancient Indian history. The impulse was not lost after his death ; but the progress of research, which during his life-time had been conducted as one great voyage of discovery under his sole command, has since been limited to lesser expeditions in various directions. As these were led by many different persons, each acting inde- pendently, the amount of progress may, perhaps, seem com- paratively little, whereas it has been really great, and only seems little because the work actually done lias been very gradually achieved and has never yet been summed up and gathered together. Of James Prinsep’s successors during the last thirty years, the most prominent have been James Pergusson, Markham Kittoe, Mr. Edward Thomas, and myself, in Northern India ; Sir Walter Elliot in Southern India; and Colonel Meadows Taylor, Dr. Stevenson, and Dr. Bhau D&ji in Western India. Erom the foundation of the Asiatic Society by Sir William Jones in 1784 down to 1834, a period of just half a century, our archaeological researches had been chiefly liter- ary, and, with a few notable exceptions, had been confined to translations of books and inscriptions, with brief notices of some of the principal buildings at Delhi and Agra and other well known places. The exceptions are several valuable essays by Jones, Wilford,* Colebrooke, and Wilson, on the religion, the geography and the astronomy of the Hindus, which have already been noticed. These early labourers may be called the Closet or Scholastic Archaeologists. The tra- vellers of their day gave glowing accounts of the wonders of Ellora, of the massive grandeur of the Kutb Minar, and of the matchless beauty of the Taj Mahal at Agra. But all was vague and indefinite. There were but few measurements and no plans. True history was then but little known, and * I consider VVilford’s essays valuable in spite of their wild speculations, as they con- tain much information and undigested learning, in which important facts and curious classical references will be found imbedded in a mass of crude speculation. INTRODUCTION. XIX the lying gabble of Brahmans, which connected every place with the wanderings of Kama or the exile of the fivePandus, was accepted as the real voice of genuine tradition. But a new era opened for Indian archaeology in 1834, when James Prinsep gave to the world the first results of Masson’s researches in the Kabul valley, and of Ventura’s and Court’s explorations in the Panjab, followed immediately by my own excavation of the stupa at Sarnath, Banaras, and of the ruins around it. Pacts now poured in rapidly, but though many in number, they were still bare and uncon- nected facts, mere fossil fragments of the great skeleton of lost Indian history. The full skeleton has not yet been set up; but many of its members are now almost complete, and we have acquired a very fair knowledge of the general out- line and of the various forms which it has assumed at dif- ferent periods. Por this result we are much indebted to men who are not Sanskrit scholars, and whose success has been achieved by actual measurements and laborious explo- rations in the field, combined with patient research and studious investigation in the closet. During James Prinsep’s life-time, the materials collected by these “ field archaeolo- gists,” or “travelling antiquarians” as he called them, were all made over to him, but since his death, each observer has worked independently in his own line, and has published separately the results of his own labours. Amongst the foremost and most successful of the later archaeologists is my friend James Pergusson, whose masterly works on Indian architecture are the result of extensive travels through a great part of India, undertaken for the express purpose of studying this important and interesting subject. It is entirely his own, and I trust that he may shortly be able to fulfil his long-cherished project of publish- ing an illustrated history of Indian architecture, such as he only can give us. Mr. Pergusson’s first publication was an account of the “ rock-cut temples of India, 1845, in which he gives a detailed account of all the groups of caves that were then known, and endeavours to fix their approximate dates by differences of style and other distinctive characteristics. This rule is rigorously true in principle ; but to make its results of any value, it is absolutely necessary that we should have at least XX INTRODUCTION. a few fixed stand-points of known dates for comparison. Thus we may he quite certain that any temple B is an im- provement on A, and is less advanced than C ; and we con- clude accordingly that it i^ of intermediate age between A C. But if the dates of A and C are both unknown, our deduction is comparatively of little value ; and even if we should know the date of C, any deduction as to the date of B will be liable to at least half the amount of error in the assumed date of A. No one is more fully aware of this than Mr. Eergusson himself, as he admits that his conclusions “ have been arrived at almost entirely from a critical survey of the whole series, and a careful comparison of one cave with another, and with the different structural buildings in their neighbourhood, the dates of which are at least approximately known.”* But I think that he is in- clined to overrate the value of these critical deductions, when he says that “ inscriptions will not certainly by them- selves answer the purpose and he gives in proof of this assumption the fact that there is a comparatively modern inscription in the Ganes Gumpha Cave at Udayagiri. But what proof have we that many of the caves were not origi- nally quite plain like those of Barabar, and that the orna- mentation is not the work of a much later age ? I differ from Mr. Eergusson on this point, as I consider that inscrip- tions are, beyond all doubt, the most certain and the most trustworthy authority for determining the dates of Indian monuments, whether buildings or caves. I freely admit the corroborative value of architectural evidence when it is founded on ascertained dates ; but when it is unsupported by inscriptions, I look upon it, in the present state of our knowledge, as always more or less uncertain, and, therefore, weak. The best proof which I can give of the weakness of Mr. Bergusson’s argument, in the present state of our know- ledge, is to quote the dates which he has deduced for the well-known caves of Kanliari in Salset, which he assigns as follows : “ Birst those in the ravine in the fourth or fifth century, those last described, with those on each side of the great cave, probably at least a century later ; then the great eave.”f Now the inscriptions in the Kanliari caves are very * Rock-cut Temples of India, p. 2. + Rock-cut Temples of India, p. 39. INTRODUCTION. XXI numerous ; and though there are a few mediaeval records, yet any evidence of late date which they might he supposed to afford is utterly annihilated hy the presence in the same caves of much older inscriptions of the same style and character as the mass of the Kanhari records, which are cer- tainly not later than the Gupta inscriptions of Northern India. In fact, one of them gives the date of 30 of the SaJca- ditya-Mla, or A. D. 108. I have copied part of the inscrip- tion in the great cave with my own hand, and, after com- paring my copy with that of Mr. "West, I can see no dif- ference of age between the characters used in the great cave and those in the other caves. I therefore refer the great mass of the Kanhari inscriptions to the first and second centuries of the Christian era, so that there is a difference of at least four centuries between Mr. Fergusson’s mean date and mine. The Karle caves Mr. Fergusson is inclined to assign to the first, or even the second century before Christ.* One of the caves is certainly older than the Christian era, as it possesses an inscription of the great Satrap King Nahapana.f But there are two others of King Pudumayi, the son of Yasithi, whom I place in the beginning of the second century of the Christian era, hut whom Mr. Fergusson assigns to the middle of the fourth century, although in his chronology he admits that Ananda, also a son of Yasithi, and therefore most probably a brother of Pudumayi, and the founder of one of the gateways of the Great Sanchi Tope, lived towards the end of the first century. I have entered thus fully into the question of the dates of the Western Caves, partly lest my silence should be looked upon as acquiescence in Mr. Fergusson’s conclu- sions, l and partly out of deference to his deservedly high name and well-earned reputation as an earnest and able enquirer into Indian History and Archaeology. Mr. Fer- gusson is well aware that I differ from him on many points * Rock-cut Temples of India, pp. 30-34. f Journal, Bombay Asiatic Society, V. ; Karli Inscription No. 5, for Nahapana ; and Nos. 4 and 18 for Pudumayi. I This, indeed, has already happened, as Mr. C. R. Markham, in his Memoir on the Archaeological Survey, p, 181, concludes that Mr. Fergusson’s Rock-cut Temples of India “ may be considered as having placed the theory of the age and uses of those monuments on a, basis of certainty, xchich has never since been called in question.” XXII INTRODUCTION. of early Indian chronology ; and 1 believe that by thus pub- licly stating my views on these points, we shall the sooner arrive at the truth, as probably others will now he led to think upon the subject, wffio would otherwise perhaps have passed it entirely over as a matter that was undisputed, and therefore finally settled. In his next work, entitled “ Picturesque Illustrations of Ancient Architecture in India,” Mr. Fergusson makes use of the same principles of characteristic differences and similarities of style to fix the dates of the mediaeval temples of the Brahmans and Jains. Here I agree with him throughout ; for the process of deduction is now perfectly trustworthy, being founded on actual dates, as there is a sufficient number of structural temples of the Jains and Brahmans of known age to furnish us with data for deter- mining very closely the ages of uninscribed buildings. This is specially noteworthy in the case of the rock-cut Brah- manical temples of Dhamnar, which, from their general style, Mr. Fergusson has assigned to the eighth or ninth cen- tury,* a date which must be very close to the truth, as I found a statue in one of the smaller temples inscribed with characters which certainly belong to that period. The examples of Indian architecture given by Mr. Fergusson in this work are very fine and choice, especially the rich temple at Chandravati, which I have seen, and wffiich I agree with him in thinking “ the most elegant specimen of columnar architecture in Upper India.” In his “Handbook of Architecture (1855) he has given a classification of all the different Indian styles, both Hindu and Muhammadan, which is considerably enlarged and improved in his later work, the “ History of Architecture” (1867). In the latter we have the matured result of a long and critical study of the subject. The classification is complete and comprehensive, and though perhaps excep- tion may be taken to one or twro of the names, yet it is difficult to find others that wrould be better. The limited space at his command has obliged him to treat each different style very briefly, hut the distinctions are so broadly and clearly defined in the typical examples selected for illustra- tion, that I cannot help feeling impatient for the appearance * Rock.cut Temples of India, p. 44. INTRODUCTION1. XXIII of liis great work, the “ Illustrated History of Indian Archi- tecture,” which he originally projected more than a quarter of a century ago, and for which, during the whole of that time, he has been assiduously collecting materials. Mr. Pergusson’s last work, named “Tree and Serpent Worship” is the most sumptuously illustrated work on Indian antiquities that has yet been published. In it he gives a description of the two richly-sculptured Stupas of Sanchi and Amaravati, with a profusion of excellent illustra- tions from Colonel Maisey’s accurate drawings and Captain Waterhouse’s photographs of the former, and from Colonel Mackenzie’s drawings, and the actual bas-reliefs of the latter which are now in London. Mr. Pergusson has accepted my dates for the Sanchi Tope and its gateways, namely, B. C. 250, during the reign of Asoka for the former, and the first century A. D. for the latter ; but the Amaravati Tope he places three hundred years later, in the first half of the fourth century A. D. I understand that he has been led to adopt this difference of age chiefly on account of the difference of style which he has observed in the sculptures of the two monuments. I must confess that this great dif- ference of style is not palpable to me. On the contrary, from the similar dress of the men, and the similar general naked- ness of the women, save only the peculiar belt of five rows of beads, the sculptures of the two monuments appear to me to he of much the same age. I draw the same conclusion also from the inscriptions which are undoubtedly of the same age as those of the caves of Kanliari and of the Sanchi Tope Gateways. As I have already pointed out, there are in the Kanliari caves two inscriptions of Pudumayi, the son of Vasithi, in exactly the same characters as those of Ananda, the son of Vasithi, on the south gateway of the Sanchi Tope. I conclude, therefore, with some certainty, that Pudu- mayi and Ananda were brothers ; and consequently I refer all the inscriptions of the King Gotamiputra Satakarni and his successors Pudumayi and Yadnya Sri to the first and second centuries A. D. As by far the greater number of the Amaravati inscriptions are in exactly the same characters, it seems almost certain that they must belong to the same period. This conclusion is strengthened by the fact that Buddhist coins of all these three Princes have been found at Amara- vati, with types and inscriptions which range them as xxiv IXTRODTJCTTOX. contemporaries of the Satrap Chiefs of Surashtra. Mr. Fer- gusson has adopted the statement of the Puranas, that the Andhras ruled over Magadha in succession to the Kanwas ; but this position is quite untenable, as we know from Pliny that at this very time the Prasii, that is the people of Pala- saka or Magadha, were dominant on the Ganges, and possessed an army six times greater than that of the Andarae Indi.* With respect to the title of this last work of Mr. Fer- gusson, — “Tree and Serpent Worship,” — I submit that it is not borne out by the illustrations ; and further, that, as serpent-worship was antagonistic to Buddhism, such a title is not applicable to a description of the religious scenes sculptured on a Buddhist Stupa. I can perceive no serpent- worship in these illustrations. On the contrary, I find that the Nftgas are generally doing homage to Buddha, in perfect accordance with all the Buddhist legends, which invariably represent the Nagas as at first the bitter enemies of Buddha. Afterwards, when converted by his preaching, they became his staunchest adherents, and are specially stated to have formed canopies over his head with their hoods to protect him from the sun and rain. The presence of Nagas in the Amaravati sculptures is only natural, as the king of the country and his subjects are described in all the legends as Nagas. In the sculptures, therefore, the king and his women are generally represented with serpent hoods ; but, as far as I have observed, they are invariably the worshippers of Buddha, and not the objects of worship. On these two points I am sorry to be obliged to differ from Mr. Fergusson. But neither of them affects the main purpose of the work, which is devoted to the illustration and restoration of the Amaravati Tope. This work he has done most thoroughly, and I accept his restoration as almost certain. Markham Kittoe was already known for his architec- tural taste by his design for the little church at Jonpur, and his drawings of Muhammadan buildings, when, towards the close of 1836, the march of his regiment from the Upper Provinces to Medinipur brought him through Calcutta, * James Prinsep saw that these Successive dynasties of the Puranas must have been parallel or contemporary.— -Journal, Bengal Asiatic Society, 1838, p. 317, INTRODUCTION. XXV where he first saw James Prinsep. He was then engaged in the preparation of a work, which apppeared in 1838, under the title of “ Illustrations of Indian Architecture.” The work was chiefly valuable for its illustrations, of which many have now been superseded by photographs. Kittoe’s antiquarian zeal and architectural knowledge were strong recommendations to James Prinsep, who induced him to pay a visit to the Khandagiri rock to examine the inscription in old Pali characters, of which Stirling had published a poor and imperfect copy in the Asiatic Researches. The result was an excellent copy of a very important inscription of King Aira, and the discovery of one of Asoka’s edicts at Dhauli, with sketches of the more important caves and prin- cipal sculptures. Kittoe’s services were warmly acknowledged by James Prinsep in the Journal of the Asiatic Society, and also in a letter to me of 4th November 1837, in which he mentions “a beautifully illustrated journal from poor Kittoe,” and begs me to “ keep an eye to his interests, for he would he an invaluable antiquarian traveller.” At this time Kittoe was temporarily removed from the army for bringing indis- creet charges of oppression against his Commanding Officer, for which there was hut little foundation save in his own over-sensitive disposition. Through Prinsep’s influence he was appointed Secretary of the Coal Committee, which led to his extended tour through Orissa, the results of which were published in the Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal for 1838 and 1839. He was afterwards restored to his position in the army, and appointed to the charge of one of the Divisions of the High Road from Calcutta to Bombay, lead- ing through Chutia Nagpur. Por several years he was employed in the uncongenial work of a Road Officer, and it was not until 1846 that he had the opportunity of returning to his archaeological researches. In doing so he felt that he was partly carrying out the wishes of James Prinsep, “ who oft expressed a wish that he should ramble over the district of Bihar, and cater for him.”* During 1846 and 1847, he accordingly travelled over a great part of the districts of Bihar and Shahabad, and added much valuable information to our knowledge of * Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, 1847, p. 273. d XXVI INTRODUCTION. their antiquities. But his chief aim seems to have been to make a large collection of drawings of choice specimens of sculpture with a view to future publication. In following out this plan much of his valuable time was wasted in making drawings of sculptures and architectural ornaments, of many of which photography has since given us finer and even more detailed copies. But no less praise is due to him for the unwearied industry and patience with which he per- formed his self-appointed task, the results of which now form a valuable collection of about one hundred and fifty drawings belonging to the library of the East India Museum. About this time, through the influence of Mr. Thomason, Lieutenant-Governor of* the North-Western Provinces, Kittoe was appointed “ Archseological Enquirer” to Govern- ment, on a salary of Rs. 250 a month. Whilst engaged on this work he was requested to prepare a design for the proposed Sanskrit College at Banaras. His design was approved ; and, when the building was fairly begun, Kittoe was obliged to reside altogether at Banaras to superintend its construction. With this work he was fully occupied during the remainder of his career, his only archaeological re- searches being some rather extensive excavations at Sarnath, where he uncovered a complete monastery, and added con- siderably to his collection of sculpture drawings. The work at the College was severe, as he had to model most of the mouldings with his own hands. On the 19th May 1852, he wrote to me “ Oh how I wish the College were out of hand, that I might set to work and compile my drawings and papers into some shape.” When I saw Kittoe at Gwalior in September 1852, he spoke despondingly of himself. His health was evidently much impaired, and he complained of headache and want of appetite. He was sick of the drudgery of the college work ; and in the beginning of 1853 his health completely broke down, and he was compelled to seek for change of air in England. On the 2nd of Eebruary he gave a lecture in Calcutta before the Asiatic Society on the antiquities of Sarnath, and exhi- bited to the meeting his collection of sculpture drawings. The voyage to England did him no good, and on his arrival he was so ill that he saw no one, and, as one of his friends informed me, “ he went straight to his home and died” in INTRODUCTION. XXVII June 1853. Like Prinsep lie sank from overwork, and at about the same age. As a draughtsman Kittoe was painstaking and accurate, and therefore always trustworthy ; as an explorer, he was enthusiastic and indefatigable, qualities which generally command success ; hut as an investigator, he was wanting in scholarship and faulty in judgment. As specimens of his defective judgment, I may cite his continued doubts as to the identity of Asoka and Piyadasi, and his serious sugges- tion that the Barabar Cave inscription of Dasaratha, which Prinsep had truly assigned to the historical Dasaratha of Magadha, one of the immediate successors of Asoka, might probably be referred to the half fabulous Dasaratha of Ayodhya, the father of Rama. Kittoe’s chief discoveries were limited to temples, sculptures and inscriptions, and I cannot recal a single locality which he identified, or a single historical doubt which he settled, or a single name of any dynasty which he established. His discoveries were the result of unwearying exploration, and not the fruit of mental reasoning and reflective deduction. Such also, when his career was draw- ing to a close, was his own modest estimate of himself. On the 19th May 1852 he wrote to me : “ Let me not lead you to suppose that I claim knowledge. I am woefully deficient. I am a self-educated man, and no Classic or Sanskrit scholar ; I merely claim a searching eye and mind, and a retentive memory of figure and fact, and place or position. Hence my great success in finding inscriptions where many have searched in vain ! — Cuttack and Gya to wit.” This estimate of himself seems fully to justify my opinion of him, while at the same time it corroborates the prophetic judgment of James Prinsep that Kittoe would make “an invaluable antiquarian traveller.” The principal subject which has engaged the attention of Mr. Edward Thomas is the History of India as illus- trated by its coins and- inscriptions, and other monuments. His numerous essays, range over the long period of eighteen hundred years, from the establishment of the Bactrian monarchy in B. C. 246 to the final extinction of the Pathan empire of Delhi on the accession of Akbar in A. D. 1554. The following list of his principal essays shews the extent XXVIII INTRODUCTION. and variety of the contribution which he has made to Indian archaeology during the past twenty years. 1. 1818 — Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. IX., — Coins of the Hindu Kings of Kabul. 2. 1848 — Ditto ditto, Vol. IX., — Coins of the Kings of Ghazni. 3. 1850 — Ditto ditto, Vol. XII., — Coins of the Sail Kings of Saurashtra. 4. 1855 — Journal, Bengal Asiatic Society, Vol. XXIV., — On the Epoch of the Gupta Dynasty. 5. 1855 — Ditto ditto, Vol. XXIV., — On the Coins of the Gupta Dynasty. 6. 1855 — Ditto ditto, Vol. XXIV., — On ancient Indian Numerals. 7. 1858 — Prinsep’s Indian Antiquities, 2 Vols., thick 8vo ; with numerous plates of coins, and many able in- dependent notices, bringing the state of knowledge in each branch up to the date of publication. 8. 1860 — Journal, Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. XVII., — Supplementary Notice of the Coins of the Kings of Ghazni. 9. 1864 — Journal, Bengal Asiatic Society, Vol. XXXIV., — On ancient Indian Weights (continued in the same journal for 1835). 10. 1865 — Ditto ditto, Vol. XXXV., — On the identity of Xandrames and Krananda. 11. 1866 — Ditto ditto, Vol. XXXVI., — The Initial Coinage of Bengal. 12. 1871 — Chronicles of the Pathan Kings of Delhi. On all these different periods and subjects Mr. Thomas has thrown a flood of light by his accurate observations and critical sagacity. But his principal researches have been directed to the Muhammadan History of India, and more especially to the two periods of the Ghaznivide and Pathan dynasties. Here he has had the field entirely to himself; and to his critical sifting of evidence and noteworthy accuracy, we are mainly indebted for the clear and satis- factory settlement of the chronology of the Muhammadan kingdoms of Ghazni and Delhi. He has also initiated the same accurate arrangement of the chronology of the INTRODUCTION. XXIX Patlian kingdom of Bengal, which will eventually be completed as more coins and inscriptions are brought to light and made available. The greater number of Mr. Thomas’s essays have been confessedly limited to the almost technical description and illustration of various important series of oriental coins. But in his notes and independent articles, inserted in his edition of Prinsep’s Essays, and more particularly in his last production, — the “ Chronicles of the Patlian Kings of Delhi,” — he has made good use of all accessible inscriptions, and of numerous passages of historians and geographers, which bear upon his subject. His “leading object,” as he himself states, “ has been to collect materials for history, in the form of documents, which it was primarily desirable to retain in their most authentic form.” This object he has accomplished in the most complete and satisfac- tory manner; and the future historian of Muhammadan India will be saved much of the weary and vexatious trouble of weighing the respective values of conflicting evidence, and of balancing the probabilities of opposing dates. All this laborious work has been well and carefully done by Mr. Thomas, whose critical sifting of evidence, and able scrutiny of all available information, have effectually winnowed I most of the chaff of doubt and dispute, and left little but the true grains behind. In Madras Sir Walter Elliot completed what Colonel Mackenzie had left undone. Mackenzie’s great collection of 8,076 inscriptions was made chiefly in the Tamilian pro- vinces to the south of the Krishna Biver, while Sir Walter’s collection of 595 inscriptions was formed principally in the ancient Karnata country, amongst the upper branches of the Krishna. His first contribution to Indian archaeology was a very valuable and interesting historical sketch,* founded solely on the inscriptions of the principal dynasties which had ruled over the countries between the Narbada and the Krishna for nearly eight centuries. Of these the great Chalukya family was the oldest, the strongest, and the most lasting ; and its line has since been traced back to the early part of the fourth century by the discovery of other inscrip- tions. Its career probably began in A. D. 318. Eor the * In Royal Asiatic Society’s Journal, IV., for 183G, and re-printcd with corrections in the Madras Literary Journal, Vol. VII., p. 190. XXX INTRODUCTION. early history of the northern half of the peninsula, this invaluable essay is our principal, and indeed almost our only, guide. Sir Walter has also illustrated the history of the Chalukyas and other southern dynasties by their coins, which he was the first to arrange systematically. He thus obtained their trustworthy evidence in support of the more extensive data supplied by the inscriptions. All previous enquiries had been contented to arrange the coins accord- ing to their devices, without regard to their age, or to the localities in which they were usually found. Thus, all the coins bearing the type of an elephant were assigned to the Gajapati dynasty, which was asserted to have reigned over Orissa ; all those with a horse to the Aswcipati dynasty ; those with the figure of a man to the Narapati dynasty ; and those with an umbrella to the Chhatrapati dynasty. These are currently believed to have been the titles of four tributary princes who held the four chief provinces of Southern India under the rule of the one supreme sove- reign of Delhi. The single omission of the boar of the Chalukyas is fatal to this neatly-contrived scheme. In Western India Colonel Meadows Taylor has chiefly confined his attention to the mysterious cromlechs and cairns, and stone circles, of which he himself made numerous and important discoveries in the Shorapur District.* The origin of these monuments is at present unknown. Colonel Taylor calls them pre-historic remains, and attributes them to the great Turanian or Scythian race which occupied Southern India before the immigration of the Aryas. “ Certain it is,” he remarks, “ that in the purely Aryan and Northern Provinces of India, no such structures have been found.”! But this is a mistake, as they have already been found in the hilly parts of the districts of Delhi, Mirza- pur, and Orissa, and I conclude that they will hereafter be discovered in many other parts of Northern India. I am inclined also to doubt that these monuments were peculiar to the Turanian races, for I look upon the stone colonnade that surrounds the great Sanchi stupa as only an improved version of the rude stone circle enclosing an earthen * See his able account of this interestin'; subject in the Journal of the Etenological Society, Vol. I., p. 157., “ On the l’re-historic Archaeology of India.’’ f “ Student’s Manual of the History of India,” p. 40, INTRODUCTION. XXXI tumulus ; and as the Sanclii monuments is an undoubted Aryan structure, the probabilities seem to be rather in favour of the Aryan origin of its prototype, than that the Aryas borrowed the design from the earlier Turanian settlers. This however is, at present, a matter of opinion which will probably be settled by further researches. In the meantime the public is deeply indebted to Colonel Taylor for the very full and accurate details which he has given of the early stone monuments of Southern India. In his Student’s Manual of Indian History, Colonel Taylor has assigned the building of the second tope at Sanclii to Pushpamitra, the first of the Sunga dynasty of Magadha, whom he affirms to have been Buddhists, and “ famous for their religious zeal in the construction of reli- gious edifices and excavation of cave temples.”* Now, this is certainly a mistake, as Pushpamitra was a noted persecu- tor of the Buddhists, and is recorded to have offered a reward of one hundred dinars for the head of every Sramana.f As Colonel Taylor rarely quotes authorities, it is impossible to trace the source of this error. I can only conjecture that it is founded on a misreading by Dr. Stevenson of one of the cave inscriptions, which will be presently noticed, in which he identifies a petty Buddhist chief, NdyaJc, named Agnimitra, with the great Sunga King of Magadha, who would certainly appear to have been a Brahmanist, as well as his father, Pushpamitra. £ To the Beverend J. Stevenson, d. d., we owe the only series of translations that have yet appeared of the numerous inscriptions in the caves of Western India. These were published in 1857* from copies of the inscriptions prepared by Lieutenant Brett, which, though carefully and laboriously made, are deficient in many places, and are not sufficiently accurate in others to be fully relied upon. Por these reasons several passages, and even a few wTtole inscriptions, were left untranslated by Dr. Stevenson, whilst others were insuffi- ciently or incorrectly rendered by him. New and much more accurate copies of the inscriptions in the Kanhari and Nasik caves have since been published by Mr. West, but even * Student’s Manual of Indian History, page 54. + Burnouf “Introduction h,l’ Histoire du Buddliisme Indien,” page 431. J See the drama of MtilaviMgniraitra in Wilson’s Hindu Theatre. XXXII INTRODUCTION. these arc only hand copies, carefully reduced, it is true, by squares, but still only hand copies, and not facsimiles or impressions. I have myself visited both of these places, and I can state that I have not seen any inscriptions that would yield better impressions than the great Satrap and Andhra records of the Nasik caves. The most beautiful and perfectly accurate impressions or rubbings of these precious records might have been made by Mr. West in one- tentli of the time which was occupied in making his much less trustworthy hand reductions. Taking Dr. Stevenson’s translations altogether, there is no doubt that he has succeeded in giving the general scope of all the more important inscriptions, and has thereby added a very valuable amount of authentic information to the scanty records of early Indian history. With some of the shorter inscriptions he has been less successful ; for instance, he has taken Ddmildya as a masculine name, and identified Ddmild with the famous Chanakya, the minister of Chandra Gupta Maurya, thus ignoring, not only the feminine possessive termination in aya, but also the pre- ceding feminine word Bhikhuniya, or “ mendicant nun,” the inscription, in fact, being the simple record of a gift of the female mendicant Ddmild* In a second short inscrip- tion, by reading Maliaravisa, “of the emperor,” instead of Maharathisa , “ of Maharashtra,” he identifies the Nayalc, or “petty chief,” Agnimitra of Maharashtra with the great King Agnimitra of Magadha, the son of Pushpamitra, the founder of the Sunga dynasty.f Again, in his anxiety to obtain some name that would help to fix the dates of these inscriptions, he has identified Sahara with Vikramaditya by reading Sakdri, where the preceding names of Nabliaga, Nahusha, and Janamejaya, as well as the following name of Yayati, should have shown him that the solar hero Sagara was the person really intended. J * Historical names and facts contained in the Kanhari inscriptions. — Bombay Journal, V., page 29, No. 14, Inscription from Kanhari. t Sahyadri inscriptions. — Bombay Journal, V., page 152, No. 1, Inscription from Karle. $ On the Nasik cave inscriptions (Bombay Journal, V., page 43, No. 1 Inscription), Dr. Bhau Daji has adopted this erroneous identification of Vikramaditya in his Essay on Kalidasa. I pointed out Dr. Stevenson’s error to Mr. Fergusson, but he refers to it as if a Vikramaditya was mentioned by name. — See his Essay on Indian Chronology, page 52, note 1 (“ The Vikram&ditya mentioned in Gotamiputra’s inscription is evidently, from the company in which he is named, of pre-historic antiquity”). Mr. Fergusson must have remembered imperfectly what I told him, for there is no meutiou whatever of any Vikraina- ditya in Gotamiputra’s N usik inscription. INTRODUCTION. XXXIII To Dr. Stevenson we owe the first real progress that was achieved since Prinsep, in reading the numerical figures of these old inscriptions. But he contented himself with noting the more obvious cyphers, and hastily adopted values for others, which in one case led him to make the curious blunder of assigning thirty-two days to a fortnight. This happened from reading the letter y as the figure for 30, by which he changed “ batiya 2” into “ bati 32.”* * * § Dr. Stevenson also published several papers on the early religion of the Hindus of Southern India,! and a single paper on the Tithyas or Tirthakas of the Buddhists, whom he identifies with the Gymnosophists of the Greeks, and with the Digambara sect of Jains. $ These papers show much patient research and accurate observation in a new and interesting field of inquiry, and lead us to regret that Dr. Stevenson should have been cut off in the very midst of his career, just when his judgment had become mature, and promised to guide his acknowledged scholarship to use- ful results. Since Stevenson’s death the study of archseology in Western India has been taken up ably and enthusiastically by a Native gentleman, Dr. Bhau Daji, whose contributions to the Bombay Journal have thrown much light on the early history of the northern half of the peninsula. As a scholar he very early earned the thanks of all students of Indian literature and history by his essay on the Poet Kalidasa, and by his translations of the inscriptions in the Ajanta Caves, and of the inscriptions of Budra D&ma and Skanda Gupta at Junagarh.§ His reputation has since been amply maintained by his interesting and valuable notice of the “ Inroads of the Scythians into India,” || and by his discovery of the values of several of the unknown early numerals which had puzzled Dr. Stevenson. * See Journal of Bombay Asiatic Society, VoL V„ No. 18, inscription from Karle, line 3. f Royal Asiatic Society’s Journal, V., pp. 189, 264, and VI., 239, “On the ante- Brahmanical worship of the Hindus of the Dakhan ditto, VII., 1, “ On the intermixture of Buddhism with Brahmanism in the religion of the Hindus of the Dakhan j” ditto, VII., 64, “ On the Buddha-Vaishnavas of the Dakhan.’’ J Bombay Asiatic Society’s Journal, Vol. V. § Bombay Asiatic Society’s Journal, VI., published in 1867, “ On the Sanskrit Poet Kalidasa ditto, VII., “ Ajanta Inscriptions,” and “ Translations of the Rudra Dama and Skanda Gupta Inscriptions at Junagarh.” || Ditto, IX., p. 139, “ The Inroads of the Scythians into India.” H Ditto, VIII., p. 225, “ The Ancient Sanskrit Numerals in the Cave Inscriptions, and on the Sah Coins.” XXXIV INTRODUCTION. But Dr. Bhau Daji’s judgment has not kept pace with his scholarship, and he has consequently been led to the publication of several very grave errors. He thus rashly announces his condemnation of Dr. Mill’s translation of part of the Bhitari Inscription : “ I may now warn writers on Indian antiquities against implicitly receiving as correct the names given hv Dr. Mill of the female connexions of the Guptas, namely, Lichchhavi and Kumari Devi.”* I am happily in a position to settle this point by proving the abso- lute accuracy of Dr. Mill’s translation, bv referring Dr. Bhau Daji to the gold coins of Chandra Gupta bearing two figures, male and female, on the obverse, and a female seated on a lion on the reverse. These precious coins would almost seem to have been designed by Chandra Gupta’s mint-master for the special purpose of refuting D . Bhau Daji’s assertion, by labelling the two figures on the obverse as “ Chandra Gupta” and “ Kumari Devi,” and by adding the name of Lichchhavayah on the reverse.! In another place he has seriously proposed the altera- tion of the Chinese chronology of the pilgrim Hwen Thsang by sixty years to suit the date of Jayendra of Kashmir, simply because Hwen Thsang mentions that, on his arrival at the capital of Kashmir, he was lodged in the Jayendra Yihdra. But surely one may sleep in a palace of Akbar without becoming a contemporary of that great Mogul. If not, then Hwen Thsang’s date is hopelessly dubious, for he had already lodged in the Dushkara Vihara opposite Varahamula, and must, therefore, have been a contemporary of the Indo- Scythian prince Dvshka or Duvishka , at the latter end of the first century before Christ. I pass over some wild identifications proposed in Dr. Bhau Daji’s “Brief Survey of Indian Chronolgy,” to note the curious error in what he calls a correct genealogical table of the Balabhi Kings supported by dates from copper plates. In this genealogy I notice that Dhruva Sena, who is dated in 310, is followed by six generations, all of which are made to pass away by 346, so that seven generations, including Dhruva * Bombay Asiatic Society’s Journal, VII., p, 216. t I possess two of these coins with the legends quite legible. The names of the King and Queen are written perpendicularly. The reverse legend has hitherto been erroneously read as Panch Chhavayah. INTRODUCTION. XXXV Sena, or six without him, are born, marry, and die in 36 years, which allows exactly six years to each generation.* His last proposal is to read elm Gilika rajena in the Khalsi version of the famous passage in Asoka’s edicts, which gives the names of the four Kings, — Ptolemy, Antigo- nus, Magas, and Alexander, — thus making Gilika a Pali form of the Latin Grceci. But this name was not applied to the Hellenes until long after Asoka’s time, and could not pro- perly have been applied to the Macedonians at any time. Hr. Bhau Daji says — “ I take this opportunity of announcing that the word Kilakila, or Kailakila , Yavanas , which puzzled me before, is only a corruption, or rather a mis- lection of Gilika or Greek. ”f As I furnished Dr Bhau Daji with his copy of this portion of the Khalsi inscription, I am quite familiar with the words which he has thus strangely perverted. I read them as chatuli, 4, rajena , “ the four, 4, Kings,” taking the character, which he has made a k, to be the numerical symbol for 4, a mere repetition of the written word chatuli. The same repetition is found also in the Ariano Pali version of Kapurdigiri, where the word cliaturi is followed by four upright strokes 1 1 1 1, like the well known Roman numeral, which cannot possibly mean anything else but the simple number 4. But in spite of these errors due to hasty opinions and rash speculations, which will no doubt be modified hereafter by more mature judgment, I feel that Dr. Bhau Daji is a worthy successor of Dr. Stevenson, and that he has well sustained the cause of Indian archaeology in the Bombay Presidency. Of my own share in the progress of Indian archaeology I may be permitted to give a brief statement of what I have written, and of the discoveries which I have been able to make during a long and active career in India. The follow- ingis a list of my writings on my Indian antiquities : 1. — 1840 — Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, IX., p. 867 — Description of some new Bactrian coins. * Bombay Journal, VIII., p. 236, “Brief Survey of Indian Chronology — Genealogy of Balabhi Kings, p. 245. t Bombay Asiatic Society’s Journal, IX., p. CXXIV. I note that both Dr. Bhau D&ji and Babu Rajendra Lai use the barbarous word “ mislection.” I believe that the Kilakila Yavanas are not mentioned until after the Andhras, that is, not until several centuries after the total extinction of the Greek power in North-West India and the Panjab. They were probably either Iudo- Scythians, or Parthians. XXXVI INTRODUCTION. 2. — 1842 — Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, XI., p. 130 — Second notice of some new Bactrian coins. 3. — 1843 — Boyal Asiatic Society’s Journal — Account of tlie discovery of the ruins of the Buddhist city of Sankisa. 4. — 1843 — Numismatic Chronicle — The ancient coinage of Kashmir. 5. — 1843 — Numismatic Chronicle — Attempt to explain some of the monograms on the Greek coins of Ariana and India. 6. — 1845 — Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, XIV., p. 480 — Notice of some unpublished coins of the Indo- Scythians, 7. — 1854 — The Bhilsa Topes, or Buddhist Monuments of Central India, 8vo. 8. — 1854 — Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, XXIII. — Coins of Indian Buddhist Satraps with Greek inscriptions. 9. — 1863 — Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, XXXII. — Translation of the Bactro-Pali inscription from Taxila. 10. — 1865 — Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, XXX IV. — Coins of the nine Nagas, and of two other dynasties of Narwar and Gwalior. 11. — 1867 — Numismatic Chronicle — Coin of the Indian Prince Sophy tes, a contemporary of Alexander the Great. 12. — 1868-1869-1870 — Numismatic Chronicle — “ Coins of Alexander’s successors in the East,” Part I. ; the Greeks of Bactriana, Ariana, and India. 13. — 1870 — The ancient Geography of India, Yol. I. ; the Buddhist period, 8vo. In my account of James Prinsep’s final labour, I have been able to show from his letters that the anxiety which he publicly expressed to obtain more specimens of the latter coins, “ which mark the decadence of Greek dominion and Greek skill,” and of “ those coins on which the Native and Greek legends differ, or record different names,” continued down to the last, when in October 1838 he was compelled by ill health to give up work and to seek for change of air in England. This subject I was able to follow up in 1840, when the acquisition of a large number of coins from Afghanistan put me in possession of new specimens of Gondo- phares and Abdagases, which I published in the Journal of INTRODUCTION. XXXVII the Asiatic Society for that year. Several collectors then placed their cabinets at my disposal ; and with the purchase of a second collection from Kandahar and Sistan, I was able to prepare during the years 1840-41-42 no less than fifteen lithographed plates of all the known coins of the Greek and Indo-Scythian Kings of Bactriana, Ariana, and India. While this work was in progress, I published, in 1842, a second notice of new Bactrian coins, in which I first made known the names of the Greek Kings Straton, Telephus, Hippostratus, Nikias, and Dyonysius, of the Greek Queen Kalliope, and of the Scytho-Parthian Kings Arsakes and Pakores. In these two papers I gave the true symbols of the Arian letters d, g, and ph, from the Native legends of the coins of Gondophares, Abdagases, and Telephus, and the true symbol for the compound letter st from the coins of Straton and Hippostratus. These discoveries were followed up by finding the title of Strategasa, for the Greek Strategos or General, on the coins of the Aspa Yarmma, which bear the name of the great King Azas on the obverse, and that of his Hindu General on the reverse. “ These,” as Prinsep truly said, “ are the most precious to the student of Indian history,” for they prove that the military discipline of the Greeks was still in use nearly half a century after their domi- nion had passed away. At the same time I found that the reverse legends of the coins of Queen Agathokhia, which had puzzled Prinsep and Lassen, contained only the titles and name of Straton, who must, therefore, have been her husband. Continuing my discoveries, I obtained the true value of the Arian bh from the words blirata-putrasa, or “ brother’s son,” which, on the coins of Abdagases are the equivalent of the Greek Adelpliideds. Pollowing up this clue I next discovered the symbol for gh on the coins of the Native King Amogha- bhuti. About the same time I assigned one of Prinsep’ s series of imitations of the Indo-Scythian money to its proper country Kashmir, by identifying the coins of no less than eighteen of the Hindu Bajas, from Toramana to Jaga Deva, who ruled from about A. D. 500 to 1200. This discovery was pub- lished in the Numismatic Chronicle for 1843. A few years later, in 1847, I was able to assign another series of some XXXVIII INTRODUCTION. extent, but of later date and of less interest, to the Hindu Bajas of Kangra. In 1845, in a notice of some new coins of the Indo- Scytliians, I first published the reading of the name of the great Kushan tribe of Indo-Scythians on the coins of Kujula, and in the Manikyala inscription of General Court. At the same time I added a genuine Buddhist type to the known coins of Kanishka. In January and February 1851, Lieutenant Maisey and myself explored a large number of Buddhist stupas, or topes, in the Bhilsa District. In the same year I submitted a short account of our discoveries to H. H. Wilson, which he published in the Journal of the Boyal Asiatic Society. At the same time I prepared a detailed account of all the stupas that we explored, with translations of several hundred short inscriptions. This work, which was completed in 1851, was not published until 1854, under the title of “ The Bhilsa Topes.” Twenty years have since passed, many of them years of rare experience in archaeological investigation, and I see no reason to alter the dates which I then proposed of the third century B. C., for the erection of all the principal topes, and of the first century A. D. for the sculptured gateways of the great stupa. These dates have been generally accepted ; in fact, I am not aware that they have been disputed by any one save H. H. Wilson.* His arguments I will now examine at length, as it seems to me to be very important that there should be no doubt as to the age of these remarkable monu- ments, whose sculptures are so valuable for the illustration of Indian art. In justice also to myself I think it is absolutely necessary that I should take notice of the objec- tions which have been publicly brought forward in a lecture on Buddha and Buddhism, by so eminent an oriental scholar as Horace Hayman Wilson. He begins by stating that I make the age of the great Bhilsa tope as old as Asoka, “ its being as old as Asoka, depending upon the identification of Gotiputra, the teacher of Mogaliputra, who presided, it is said, at the third council * Royal Asiatic Society’s Journal, Vol. XVI., “ On Buddha and Buddhism,” by H. H. Wilson, pp. 250-251. INTRODUCTION. XXXIX in B. C. 241, a statement altogether erroneous, as Mogali- putra, Maudgala, or Maudgalayana, was one of Sakya’s first disciples three centuries earlier.” In this passage it is Wilson’s own statement that is “ altogether erroneous,” and not mine; and I now repeat my former assertion that Mogaliputra did preside at the Buddhist synod held in the reign of Asoka. The mistake which Wilson has here made is a strange one for an oriental scholar, as he not only ignores the detailed history of this council given in the Mahawanso,* but stranger still he confounds Mogalana or Maudgalyayana, the disciple of Buddha, with one of his descendants, for Mogaliputra bears the same relation to Mogali that Will’s-son, or Wilson, does to Will. A little further on he falls into another error, equally great, and almost as strange as that just noticed. He objects to the date of the Bhilsa topes, which I had inferred from the inscriptions on the relic caskets, because “ no legitimate con- clusions can be drawn from inscriptions of this class as to the date of the Sanchi monuments,” as the presence of relics in any monument is no more a proof of its antiquity, than would the hairs of Buddha, if ever dug up, prove the Shwe- Dagon of Rangoon to have been built in his day.” Here the professor has entirely lost sight of the one great fact on which I relied, that the inscriptions on the caskets are engraved in characters of Asolca’s age. On this fact alone I argued that the stupas which contained these relic caskets must be as old as the reign of Asoka. Having ignored this fact altogether and tilted against an argument which I never used, he then proceeds to say that the topes of Ceylon “ appear to be of an earlier date, if we may credit the tradi- tion which ascribes the erection of the Kuanvelli mound at Anurlklhapura to King Dutthagamini, who reigned 161 B. C. to 137 B, C.” So that, in the opinion of one of the most eminent Sanskrit scholars, a tradition is of more historical value than a self-evident fact, the truth of which has been admitted by every one except Wilson himself. Having thus settled to his own satisfaction that the topes of Ceylon, which could not have been built before the * It seems almost superfluous to refer to the Mahawanso for a fact which is so well known ; but as Wilson has publicly asserted that Mogaliputra was a disciple of Buddha himself, and has branded my statement as “altogether erroneous,” I refer the reader to the 3rd Chapter of Tumour’s Mahawanso for the proceedings of the First Buddhist Synod under Mahakassapo ; to the 4th Chapter for the Second Synod ; and to the 5th Chapter for the Third Synod, held during the reign of Asoka, under the guidance of Mogaliputra. XL INTRODUCTION. conversion of the Ceylonese to Buddhism by Mahindo, the son of Asoka, are older than the great Sanchi stupa, which, as I have pointed out in my Bhilsa topes, almost certainly gave its name to the hill of Clietiyagiri which was known by that name before the birth of Mahindo, Wilson con- tinues his remarks as follows : “ A somewhat earlier period than that of the Indian stupas may he assigned to another important class of Buddhist monuments, the cave temples belonging to that persuasion, but they also, as far as has been yet ascertained, are subsequent to Christianity.” Thus, according to Wilson, the cave temples of Western India, in which not a single inscription of Asoka’s period has yet been found, are older than the Sanchi stupa, the railings of which are literally covered with inscriptions of Asoka’s age. But although the points to which Wilson so strangely took exception are not inaccurate, there are in my Bhilsa topes several undoubted errors, of which, perhaps, the worst is my making the five Kings of Magadha, whose names are mentioned by Hwen Thsang, form a continuation of the great Gupta dynasty. Their true period would appear to have been seven hundred years prior to Hwen Thsang’s visit, or about 66 B. C. Accordingly I look upon these five Kings as the immediate successors of the Sunga dynasty in Magadha, and the predecessors of the Guptas, while the Kanwa Kings of the Puranas were their contemporaries in North-Western India. Pollowing out this view, I now place the building of the great temple at Bodh-Gaya in the first century B. C. In the same year, 1854, I published a notice of the t{ Coins of Indian Buddhist Satraps with Greek inscriptions,” in which I made known the symbols for the Arian letters ch and chh and rm* and applied the discovery of the former to prove the Buddhist faith of the Scythian King Kozola Kada- phes, who calls himself on his coins Sachha dharma thidasa , the “ supporter of the true dharma.”f Here, again, I was met by the adverse and erroneous criticism of WTilson,J who * Ch is found in aprati-chaJcra, “ invincible with the discus,” chh in chkatrapa or Satrap, and rm in the two Hindu names, Aspavarmma and Indra Varmma. + I have adopted the reading of thidasa from Professor Dowson, in lieu of pidasa, which was my original rendering. J London Athenceum, 15th March 1856. INTRODUCTION. XLI objected that “ the legends of these coins had not been satis- factorily read ; and he especially objected to the reading of the word Ksliatrapasa or Satrap, the letters of which were very doubtful, and no other evidence being found to prove that this title had ever been borne by a Hindu prince.” The statement that no other evidence had been found is strangely incorrect, as Prinsep had found the title in the Girnar bridge inscription of Rudra Dama, a Hindu prince, and Wilson’s own translation of this inscription, afterwards furnished to Mr. Thomas,* contains the title of Mahakslia- trapa applied to Rudra Hama. The Satraps whose coins I brought to notice in this paper were Zeionises or Jihoniya, and Raziobalos or Rajubul ; and I may add of the legends of their coins, which Wilson declared “ had not been satis- factorily read,” that every single letter was rightly assigned. In the same paper I first made known the names of the Scytho-Parthian Kings Orthagnes and Sasi, or Sasan, both of whom claim on their coins to be connexions of the great King Gondophares. I also added my mite towards the identification of Chandra Gupta Maurya with Sandra- koptos by bringing to notice a fragment of Euphorion, the librarian of Antiochus the Great, which makes “ the Indian Morias live in wooden houses,” and the statement of Hesychins that “ the Morias were Indian Kings.” In November 1861 I began my explorations as Archaeo- logical Surveyor to the Government of India, and the results of my four years’ work form the subject of the present volumes, in which are recorded the discovery of many ancient cities, of which the most famous are Taxila and Sangala in the Panjab, Sruglma, Ahichhatra, Kosambi, and Sravasti in the north-west, and Nalanda in the east. In 1862 I discovered the names of the Macedonian months, Artemisios and Apellaios , in two of the Ariauo Pali inscriptions from Afghanistan. This discovery was also made independently by Professor Howson ; and, although objected to by Babu Rajendra Lai, it has since been fully confirmed by the further discovery of the names of Panemos and Daisios in other inscriptions. The name of Panemos occurs in the well known Taxila inscription of the Satrap # Prinsep’s Essays on Indian Antiquities, II., 68. / XLII INTRODUCTION Liako Kujulako , dated in the 78th year of the great King Jloga, whom I identified with the Mocts of the coins, a conclusion which is now generally accepted. I also pub- lished a partial translation of this inscription, in which I made known the values of the Arian compounds of the letter r in the words purvva , sarvva, and acharya, which were at the same time independently made out in England by Professor Dowson. In a note on the same inscription, published shortly afterwards in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, I gave the true values of the old Indian cyphers for 40, 50, 60, and 70, of which three bad not previously been ascer- tained by Dr. Bhau Daji in his paper published in the same journal. In 1865 appeared my essay on the “ Coins of the Nine Nagas, and of two other dynasties of Narwar and Gwalior.” The coins of the Naga Kings are of considerable importance as they are certainly as old as those of the Gupta dynasty, and comprise as many names. The coins of Pasupati are valuable, as their date is almost certain ; Pasupati being tbe son of Toramana, who ruled over the countries between the Jumna and the Narbada towards the end of the third cen- tury A. D. The latest series of coins are also interesting as they are dated and include one Hindu Prince Chahara Deva, who for a long time was the successful opponent of tbe early Muhammadan Kings of Delhi. In the same paper I successfully identified Narwar with the city of Padmavati of the poet Bhavabhuti, by the names of no less than four streams in its immediate vicinity which are men- tioned in the drama of Malati and Madhava. During my stay in England from 1866 to 1870, I pub- lished first an account of the “ Coin of a Indian Prince Sophytes, a contemporary of Alexander,” preparatory to a long-contemplated work on the “ Coins of Alexander’s suc- cessors in the East,” of which the first part, relating to the Greeks of Bactrina, Ariana, and India, is now nearly complete, nine out of ten portions having already appeared in the Numismatic Chronicle. In this work I have added coins of the new Kings Artemidorus, Epander, Theophilus, Apollo- plianes, and Straton II. Altogether there are described tbe coins of no less than thirty Kings with pure Greek names, of INTRODUCTION. XLIII whom only seven are mentioned in history. As the coins of several of these princes are found in considerable numbers in the Panjab and North-Western India, there can be little doubt that their conquests extended far into India, as stated by several Greek writers, and as admitted in a few passages of Sanskrit writers, which have only lately been made ac- cessible. The history of the Eastern Greeks is, therefore, intimately connected with that of India for more than a century after the time of Asoka, when their dominions passed to the Indo-Scythians, whose occupation of Northern India, though equally certain, is barely acknowledged by Hindu writers. Of my last work, “ The Ancient Geography of India,” which appeared at the close of 1870, I will say no more than that it is chiefly devoted to the illustration of the cam- paigns of Alexander and of the pilgrimage of Hwen Thsang. In closing this review of the progress of Indian archaeology, in which the chief share has been achieved by men who were not professed scholars, I beg it to be dis- tinctly understood that we field archaeologists make no claim to more than ordinary scholarship, and that if we have been successful in many of our archaeological re- searches, we can truly ascribe our success in great measure to the hitherto difficult path having been smoothed by the labours of our great Sanskrit scholars, whose translations have placed within our reach nearly all the chief works of Indian learning. If we have sometimes been able to per- ceive what had escaped the notice of our more learned contemporaries, it has been owing to the lift that we have got from them ; for, as the old scholiast says, Pygmcei gigantum humeros, 8fc ., “ even pygmies on the shoulders of giants can see farther than the giants themselves.” ■ . PUtU l. aHAVASTl PASCRH1MA - RASRTRt Uhripapa ■ fr»r RASBTRA TV3.AH- RAT ■AHASARJ VATSYi 1&. TRAVELS FA-HIANano hwen-thsang IN THE GANGETIC. PROVINCES "52 Mile* to 1 [bet. A, CunninghsiTi A t- P cn BUDDHA— GAYA. Plate V BUDDHA - GAYA. 7 temple, and the erection of an image of Buddha, to the illus- trious Amara Deva, who is stated to have been one of the nine gems of the court of King Vikramaditya. The last fact serves at once to identify Amara Deva with Amara Sinha, the author of the Amara Kosha, who, as a contemporary of Vordha Mihira and Kdlidds, must have lived in A. 3). 500. In this inscription the temple is said to have been erected in compliance with the command of Buddha himself, conveyed to him in a vision. Here then we have the same story that is found in Hwen Thsang. In both statements, a Brahman in a vision receives command from a deity to build a temple with an enshrined figure of a god. The correspondence is complete, excepting only one curious point of difference in the name of the god, whom the Buddhist Hwen Thsang des- cribes as the Brahmanical Mahadeva, hut whom the Brah- manist recorder of the inscription calls Buddha himself. The holy places at Buddha- Gaya were visited between A. D. 399 and 414 by another Chinese pilgrim Ea-Hian, hut his account of them is unfortunately very brief. It is, how- ever, sufficient to show that there was no temple in existence at that date. Ea-Hian notes the spot where Buddha, seated on a stone under a great tree, eat some rice presented to him by two maidens. I he stone still existed, and is described by him as about 6 feet in length and breadth, and 2 feet in height.* Now, there is a large circular stone, 5 feet 74 inches in diameter and about 2 feet high, in the small temple of Vcigeswari Devi, which from its dimensions would seem to be the identical stone described by Ea-Hian. It is a blue stone streaked with whitish veins, and the surface is covered with concentric circles of various minute ornaments. The second circle is composed of Vcijras only. The third is a wavy scroll, filled with figures of men and animals. These circles occupy a breadth of 15 inches, leaving in the centre a plain circle, 3 feet 14 inches in diameter, inside which is a square. This simple stone I believe to be the same as that mentioned by Hwen Thsang as a blue stone with remarkable veins. f Erom all the facts which I have brought forward, such as the non-existence of any temple in A. 1). 400, the recorded erection of a large one by Amara Deva about A. H. 500, and ! * Beal’s Fa-Hian, c. XXXI. f Julien’s Ilweu Thsang, II„ 471. 8 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G1-G2. tlic exact agreement in size as well as in material and orna- mentation between the existing temple and that described by Hwen Thsang between A. D. 629 and 642, I feel satisfied that the present lofty temple is the identical one that was built by the celebrated Amara Sinha about A. D. 500. Further information regarding this temple is to he found in the Burmese inscription discovered at Buddha-Gaya by the Burmese Mission in 1833, and translated by Colonel Burney.* Another earlier translation by Batna Pala was published by James Prinsep. In this inscription the dates have been read differently by the two translators ; Batna Pula and James Prinsep reading 667 and 668, while Colonel Burney and his Burmese assistants read 467 and 468. I have carefully copied this inscription, and I am thus enabled to state positively that Colonel Burney was certainly wrong in adopting the earlier date 'in compliance with the views of the Burmese priests, whose object it was to reconcile the date of the inscription with their own history. James Prinsep remained unconvinced by Colonel Burney’s argu- ments, and appended a note to his translation, in which he states that the first figure of the upper date might be a little doubtful, but that the first six of the lower date seemed to him quite plain, and essentially different from the four which occurs in the second line of the inscription. The two dates of 667 and 668 of the Burmese era, as read by Batna Pala, correspond with A. D. 1305 and 1306. In this Burmese inscription, the erection of the original temple is ascribed to Asoka, as recorded also by Hwen Thsang. Having become ruined, it is said to have been re- built by a priest named Naik Mahanta according to Batna Pala, or by a lord named Penthagu-gyi by Colonel Barney. Where the term “ priest” is used by Batna Pala, Colonel Burney gives ghar Litho. at the Survr. Genl’s. Office, Cal. August 1371 BAKROR PUNAWA. 13 have been imbedded in masonry. The shaft of this pillar is said to have been taken to Gaya by a former Magistrate. Accordingly in Sahebganj, or the new city of Gaya, there is a sand-stone pillar 2 feet 4§ inches in diameter, and up- wards of 16 feet in height, which was set up as a central point in Sahebganj, as recorded in a Persian inscription by Charles Badom Saheb (Boddam) in A. D. 1789. The tope and pillar of Bakror were visited by Hwen Thsang, who relates a story regarding the capture by a certain king of an “Elephant of Perfume” ( gandha-hasti) * In a former existence, as a Bodhisatwa, Buddha was said to have been the son of this Elephant, and a stupa and pillar had accordingly been erected in commemoration of the tradition. There was also a sacred tank, which is, perhaps, represented by a small walled tank generally called Mdrttand Bokhar or Suraj Kund, that is, the “Tank of the Sun.” It is also called Buddhakund ; but this name was applied by some to a large unwalled tank about 800 feet square, immediately to the north of the small tank. An annual fair is held at the Suraj Kund, when thousands of pil- grims assemble to bathe in its holy waters. They sit in the water in rows, and repeat, after their attendant Brah- mans, the names of all the holy places around Gaya. The ancient name of Bakror is said to have been Ajayapura. IV. PUNAWA. The village of Punawa is situated 14 miles to the eastward of Gaya, between two hills of grey granite. To the north there is a fine old square tank called Budhokar Tdl, and to the east another tank called Karamar Tdl. The principal object is a pillared temple of Trilokndth. As it stands at present, this temple is a modern work made up of different sized pillars of various patterns, some with and others without capitals, so as to bring them to the required height. Pilasters have even been made use of as whole pillars, with the old rough engaged backs left exposed. One of the doorways of hard blue stone is richly sculptured. In the centre is a figure of the ascetic Buddha, with a three-pointed crown over his head, and on each side of him nine figures with joined hands Julieu’s Hwen Tlisang, III., 1. 11 ARCIREOLOGICAL REPORT, 1861-62. kneeling towards him. The other doorways are of granite, and, though very plain, are evidently of the same age as the more highly ornamented one.* Several statues and granite pillars of different sizes are scattered about the foot of the hills. Portions of the usual Buddhist formula, “ Ye Dharmma ,” &c., are found upon some of the statues. There are no dates in any of these inscriptions, but the style of their letters fixes their date at about A. D. 1000. To the north-west, on a mound 60 feet square, there are five broken pillars and a broken statue of the three-headed goddess Vajra-Varahi, one of the principal objects of worship amongst the later Buddhists. Two of her heads are human, but the third is that of a hog, and on the pedestal there are seven hogs. The ruined temple on this mound is called Narting. V. KURKIHAR. About three miles to the north-east of Punawa is the large village of Kurkihar. It is not to be found in any of our maps, not even in No. 103 sheet of the Indian Atlas, although it is perhaps the largest place between the cities of Gaya and Bihar. The remains at Kurkihar consist of several ruined mounds, in wPich numerous statues and small votive topes of dark blue stone have been found. The principal mass of ruin, about 600 feet square, lies immediately to the south of the village.* A second less extensive mound lies to the south-west ; and there is a small mound, only 120 feet square, to the north of the village. The last mound is called Sugatgarh, or the “ house of Sugatci,” one of the well known titles of Buddha. In the principal mass of ruin, the late Major Kittoe dug up a great number of statues and votive topes ; and a recent excavation on the west side showed the solid brick-work of a Buddhist stupa. In the north-Avest corner of this excavation the relic chamber had been reached, and I was privately informed that a small figure and some other remains had been discovered inside. But the head man of the village stoutly denied that anything had been found, and all the villagers then denied the discovery also. * See riate XII. Plate XIII. N ALAN DA 1. Four-armed Female Statue— Xapatya. I — 2 Bas-relief of Ashta-Sakti. 3. Six-armed Male Figure Standing. 4 ^5 ^ -mQVf 3J3WH kursihar 7. Architrave. ^ala^ 5 wq. wih& **\vw frffovy? H*ftn A. Cunningham del. Fh-jtc.nnco^aph.ed. a* lie Sur^eTyr General's Office Calcutta.. KURKIHAR. 15 The principal statue is a squatted figure of the ascetic Buddha under the holy Pipal tree, or Bodhi-drum. Overhead there is a representation of the Nirvana, or death of Buddha, and on the pedestal there is an inscription in three lines, which is incomplete owing to the loss of a projecting corner of the base. To the right and left there are smaller figures of Mdyd standing under the Sal tree at the birth of Buddha, and of Buddha himself teaching the law at Banaras after his first attainment of Buddhaliood. On the mound to the east there is a standing figure of Buddha, with a small attendant figure holding an umbrella over him. As this attendant has three heads, I believe that it represents the Hindu Triad in the humble position of a servitor of Buddha. At the north-east corner of the village there is a small rude Hindu temple of brick, in and about which a large number of statues have been collected. The temple is dedi- cated to Baglieswari Devi (Vyaghreswari), but the principal figure inside is a life-size statue of the eight-armed Burgd conquering the Maheshasur or Buffalo demon. The figure pointed out to me as that of Bagheswari was a four-armed female seated on a lion with a child in her lap ; but I believe that this figure represents either Indrdni with her son the infant Jayanta, or Skasti, the goddess of fecundity, a form of Burga. The principal figure outside the temple is a life- size statue of AJcshobya, who is represented squatted under the Bodhi tree, in the same manner as the ascetic Buddha, with the left hand in the lap, and the right hand hanging over the knee. There is a halo round the head inscribed with the usual Buddhist formula, “ Ye Bliarmma ,” &c. ; and near the head there is a short inscription giving the name of the figure “ Tun Akshobya-vajra, hun I procured several short but interesting inscriptions at Kurkihar. The name of Sakala is mentioned in several of them, and also Kerala in DaJcshinades .* The age of these inscriptions, judging from the shapes of the letters, must be about A. D. 800 to 1000. The true name of Kurkihar is said to be Kurak-vihar, which I believe to be only a contracted form of Kukkuta- pdda Vilidra or “temple of the cock’s foot,” which must have been connected with the Kukkuta-pdda-giri or * See Plate XIII. 16 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1861-62. Cock’s-foot kill, which is described by both Fa-Hian and Ilwen Tbsang* The Sanskrit Kukkuta is the same word as the Hindi Kukkar or Kurak , a cock, so that Kurak-vilidr is clearly the same appellation as Kukkuta-pdda Vihdra. There was a monastery also of the same 'name, but this was close to Tdtaliputra or Patna. The Kukkuta-pada-giri was a tlirce-peaked bill, which Avas celebrated as the abode of the great Kdsyapa, as well as the scene of his death. On this account it vras also called Guru-pddci-parvata , or “ Teacher’s- foot hill. The situation of Kurkihdr corresponds exactly with Fa-Hian’s account, excepting that there is no tliree- peaked hill in its neighbourhood. There are, however, three bare and rugged hills which rise boldly out of the plain about half a mile to the north of the village. .As these three hills touch one another at their bases, I think that they may fairly be identified with the three-peaked hill of Hwen Tlisang. VI. GIRYEK. From the neighbourhood of Gaya two parallel ranges of hills stretch towards the north-east for about 36 miles to the bank of the Panckana Fiver, just opposite the village of Giryek. The eastern end of the southern range is much depressed, but the northern range maintains its height, and ends abruptly in two lofty peaks overhanging the Panckana Fiver. f The loAver peak on the east is crowned with a solid tower of brick-work, well known as Jarasandha-ka-baithak, or “ Jarasandka’s throne,” Avhile the higher peak on the west, to which the name of Giryek peculiarly belongs, bears an oblong terrace covered Avith the ruins of several buildings. The principal ruin would appear to lnive been a viliar, or temple, on the highest point of the terrace, which was approached by a steep flight of steps leading through pillared rooms. The ttro peaks are connected by a steep pavement, which was formerly continued down to the foot of the hill opposite the village of Giryek. At all the commanding points and bends of this road are still to be seen the stone foundations of small brick stupas from 5 and 6 feet to up-' wards of 12 feet in diameter. At the foot of the upper * Beal’s Fa-Hian, c. XXIII. ; and Julien’s Hwen Thsang, III., 6. + See Plates III. and XIV. for the position of Giryek. RAJ6IR ano 6IRYEK. Prate XIV. GIRYEK. 17 slope, and within 50 feet of Jarasandha’s Tower, a tank 100 feet square has been formed, partly by excavation, and partly by building up. There is a second tank, at a short distance to the north, formed by the excavation of the rock for build- ing materials. Both of these tanks are now drv. The stupa, called Jarasandha-ka-baithaJc, is a solid cylindrical brick tower, 28 feet in diameter, and 21 feet in height, resting on a square basement 11 feet high. The cylinder was once surmounted by a solid dome or hemisphere of brick, of which only 6 feet now remain, and this dome must have been crowned with the usual umbrella rising out of a square base. The total height of the building could not, therefore, have been less than 55 feet or thereabouts. The surface has once been thickly plastered, and the style of ornamentation is similar to that of the Great Temple at Buddha Gaya.* I sank a shaft 11 feet in depth from the top of the building right down to the stone foundation ; and I continued a gallery, which had been begun many years ago, at the base of the cylinder, until it met the well sunk from above, but nothing whatever was discovered in either of these excavations to show the object of the building. On the west side of Jarasandha’s Towner, and almost touching its basement, I observed a low mound which seem- ed like the ruin of another stupa. On clearing the top, however, I found a small chamber 5 feet 8 inches square, filled with rubbish. This chamber gradually widened as it was cleared out, until it became 7 feet square. At 5-| feet in depth, the rubbish gave place to brick-work, below which was a stratum of stone, evidently the rough foundation of the building. In the south-west corner of the brick-work, about one foot below the surface, I found 81 seals of lac firmly imbedded in the mud mortar. The seals were all oval, but of different sizes, generally about 3 inches long and 2 inches broad. All, however, bore the same impression of a large stupa with four smaller stupas on each side, the whole sur- rounded by an inscription in mediaeval Nagari characters, Ye Dharmma hetu prabhava, &c., being the well known for- mula of the Buddhist faith. Externally, this building was square with projections in the centre of each face and similar in its ornamentations to the basement of Jarasandha’s Tower. * See Plate XV. for a sketch of this stupa. c 18 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1861-G2. On tlie eastern side of the Panchana Paver, there is an extensive mound of ruins, being half a mile long from north to south, and 300 yards broad in its widest part. There are the remains of two paved ascents on the river side, and of three more on the opposite side of the mound. In the middle of the mound there is a small mud fort, and at the northern end there are several pieces of sculpture collected together from different places ; one of these is inscribed and dated in the year 42 of some unknown era, somewhere about the eleventh century, or perhaps even somewhat later. At two miles to the south-west of the village of Giryek, and one mile from Jarasandha’s Tower, there is a natural cavern in the southern face of the mountain, about 250 feet above the bed of the Banganga rivulet. This cave, called Gidhad war, is generally believed to communicate with Jaras- andha’s Tower ; hut an examination with torches proved it to he a natural fissure running upwards in the direction of the tower, hut only 98 feet in length. The mouth of the cavern, is 10 feet broad and 17 feet high ; but its height diminishes rapidly towards the end. The cave is filled with bats, and the air is oppressively warm and disagreeable, which alone is sufficient to prove that there is no exit to the cavern otherwise there would be a draught of air right through it. Vultures swarm about the precipitous cliffs of pale grey horn stone, and I picked up their feathers in the mouth of the cave. The remains at Giryek, which I have just described, appear to me to correspond exactly with the accounts given by Ea-Hian of the “ Hill of the Isolated Rock,” where Indra questioned Buddha on 42 points, writing each of them singly with his finger upon a stone, and with that given .by Ilwen Thsang of the hill of Indra-silci-guha, which refers to the same story.* Ea-Hian states that traces of these written questions still existed, and that there was a monastery built upon the spot, hut he makes no mention of any stupa. Hwen Thsang states that on the crest of the hill there were marks in two places wdiere the four former Buddhas had sat and walked. On the eastern peak there was a stupa and also a monastery called the “ JELansa Sanghdrdma” or “ Goose’s Monastery,” to account for which he relates the Beal’s Fa-Hian, c. 28 ; and Jiilien’s Hwen Thsang, III., 58. Plate XV. Basement restored, from still existing portions A. Cunningham, del. rtotozmco^ri^liei .S-.ur/tvrn: 'J-eneral' :’£u-> J ARAS ANDHA-KA-BAITHAK from the South GIRYEK. 19 following legend : One clay, when taking exercise, a men- dicant, who was the steward of the monastery, saw a flock of geese high in the air, and as the monks of his fraternity, although strictly abstemious, had experienced great difficulty in procuring sufficient food, lie exclaimed playfully — “ To-day the pittance of the monks is insufficient. 0 noble beings (Malidsathcas) you ought to have compassion on our circumstances.” No sooner had he spoken these words, than one of the geese fell dead at his feet. The horror-struck mendicant ran to tell the tale to his brethren, who became overwhelmed with grief. “ Buddha,” said they# “ established his law for man’s guidance under all circumstances. The Mahayana (Great Vehicle) is the source of truth, while we have foolishly followed the doctrine of the B. 'indy ana (Lesser Vehicle). Let us renounce our former opinions. This goose has taught us a salutary lesson, let us do honour to her emi- nent virtue by transmitting it to the most distant ages.” They accordingly built a stupa over the dead goose, which was interred in the base of the monument, and adorned it with an inscription relating the pious devotion of the goose. If my identification of the Giryek Hill with the Indra- sila-gulia of Hwen Tlisang is correct, there can be little doubt that Jarasandha’s Tower is the very stupa that was built in honour of the devoted goose. Only this one stupa is men- tioned by Hwen Thsang, and Jarasandha’s Tower is the only one now existing on the hill. In further corroboration of this identification, I may mention that close by I found a broken figure with a large goose carved on the pedestal ; and further, that one of the stupas on the lac seals found on the spot, appears to bear a goose on its summit. As no mention is made of any stupa by Ea-Hian, the erection of this tower most probably took place between his date and that of Hwen Thsang, or about A. D. 500. The position of Giryek corresponds so exactly both in bearing and distance with that of the hill of Indra-sila- guha, that I feel quite satisfied of their identity.. No etvmo- logv has yet been proposed for the name of Giryek ; but it seems to me not unlikely that it is nothing more than Girl - eha, “ one hill,” that is, the Hill of the Isolated Eock of Ea-Hian. Both of the pilgrims mention the cave in the southern face of the mountain, which corresponds exactly with the 20 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1SG1-G2. natural cavern of Gidha Dwar, which I lmve already des- cribed. Gidlia Dwar, in Sanskrit Gridhra-dwdra, means the Vulture's pass, or opening. By Ilwen Tlisang the cave is called Indra-sila-guha, or “the cave of Indra’s stone,” being thus named after the stone on which were delineated the 42 points on which Indra had questioned Buddha. Fa-Hian adds that Indra himself drew the marks upon the stone with liis finger. A second cave is described by Hwen Thsang as the Vulture’s Cave in the hill called Gridhra-kuta-parvata “ or Vulture’s Cave hill.”* This name was derived from the story of Ananda’s adventure with the demon Mara in the shape of a vulture. The demon suddenly stopped before the cave and terrified Ananda, when Buddha passing his hand through the rock laid hold of Ananda’s arm, and at once removed his fear. The cleft in the rock said to have been made by Bud- dha’s hand, was seen by Fa-Hian early in the 5tli century. t Major Ivittoe thought that the Gidha Dwdr Cave was the Vulture’s Cave of the Chinese pilgrims, but its distance of 4^ miles from the old capital of Rajagriha is too great, as both Fa-Hian and Ilwen Thsang place the Vulture’s Cave at 15 li from old Rajagriha, that is, at only miles from it. This cave besides answers exactly to that described by Ilwen Thsang under the name of Indra-sila-gulia, and the two caves were certainly distinct. I made every en- quiry for another cave, but could only hear of one very close to that of Gidha Dwdr, which was quite inacces- sible. But taking the distance and direction from old Rajagriha, the Vulture’s Cave must have been in the lofty precipitous hill now called Sila-giri, or the “ Rocky Moun- tain.” Gidha Dwar is the name of a narrow pass where the two parallel ranges of hills before described close together within two miles of Giryek, and the Gidha Dwar Cave is immediately above the pass. VII. ft A J G I It . Whatever doubts may exist regarding the identification of Kurkihar and Giryek, there can fortunately be none * Julien’s Hwen Thsang, III., 20. t Beal’s Fa-Hian, c. 29. RAJGIR. 21 respecting Rdjgir, as the representative of the ancient Rdja- griha. The name is still preserved in the modern Rdjgir , and I found it repeated in numerous inscriptions in the tem- ples on the Baibhar and Yipula Mountains. The old city of Baj agriha is described by Fa- Hi an as situated in a valley between five hills, at 4 li (or two-tliirds of a mile) to the south of the new town of Baj agriha. The same position and about the same distance are given by Hwen Tlisang, who likewise mentions the hot springs which exist to this day.* The old city of Bajagrilia is called Kusagarapura , or the city of the Kusa grass, by Hwen Tlisang, who further des- cribes it as the “ town surrounded by mountains.” This last is almost a translation of Giri-vraja , or the city of “ many hills,” which is the old name of the capital of Jarasandha, preserved both in the Rdmdyana, and the Mcilidbliarata. Fa- Hian states that the “ five hills form a girdle like the walls of a town,” which is an exact description of the site of old Bajgir.f A similar description is given by Tumour from the Pali annals of Ceylon, where the five hills are named Gijjlia - Jculo, Isigili, TPebliaro , TPepullo, and Pandawo. In the Maliabharata the five hills are named Pailidra, Par alia, Prishabha, Rishigiri, and G baity aka ; but at present they are called Baibhdr-giri, Pipiila-giri, Ratna-giri, Udaya-giri, and Sona-giri. In the inscriptions of the Jain temples on Mount Baiblidr the name is sometimes written Baibhara, and sometimes Pyavahdra. It is beyond all doubt the TPeblidro Mountain of the Pali annals, in which was situated the far-famed Sat- tapanni Cave in front of which was held the first Buddhist Synod in 543 B. C. The Baibhar Hill lies to the west of the hot springs, and the Yipula Hill to the east. In Baibhar there still exists a large cave called Son-bhdnddr, or the “Treasury of Gold.” The situation corresponds exactly with that of the Pi-po-lo cave of the two Chinese pilgrims, in which Buddha used to meditate after his noon-day meal.J The famous Sattaparmi Cave must be looked for in the * Beal’s Fa-Hian, c. 28 ; and Julien’s Hwen Tlisang, I., 159, III., 23. + See Plate XIV. for the relative positions of these five hills. t Both M. Julien (in Hwen Thsang, III., 24) and Mr. Beal (in Fa-Hian, c. 30) read Pi-po-lo as the Pippal tree, but I would suggest that it may be only the Chinese transcript of Vaibhara. As, however, the great cave in which the First Synod was held was called the cave of the Nyagrodha tree (Banian, see Asiat. Kes. XX., 91), it is very probable that this other cave was called the Pippal tree cave. 22 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G1-G2. northern face of the south-west end of the mountain, at above one mile from the Son-bhandar Cave. Mount Vipula is clearly identical with the Wepullo of the Pali annals, and as its summit is now crowned with the ruins of a lofty stupa or chaitya, which is noticed by Hwen Thsang, I would identify it with the Chaityaka of the Malid- bliarata. llegarding the other three mountains, I have nothing at present to offer, but I may mention that they are also crowned with small Jain temples. The old city between the hills is described by Pa-Hian to be 5 or 6 li from east to west, and 7 or 8 li from north to south, that is, from 2 4 to 28 li or 4^ miles in circuit. Hwen- Tlisang makes it 30 li or 5 miles in circuit, with its greatest length from east to west. My survey of the ancient ramparts gives a circuit of 24,500 feet, or 4|th miles, which is between the two statements of the Chinese pilgrims. The greatest length is from north-west to south-east, so that there is no real discrepancy between the two statements as to the direc- tion of the greatest length of the old city. Each of them must have taken his measurement from the Nekpai embankment on the east (which has been described by Major Kittoe) to some point on the north-west. If taken to the Panch- Pandu angle of the ramparts, the direction would be W. N. W., and the length upwards of 8,000 feet ; but if taken to the temple of Torlia Devi, the direction would be N. N. W., and the distance upwards of 9,000 feet. I have already quoted Ea-Hian’s statement that the c*' five hills form a girdle like the walls of a town.” This agrees with Hwen Thsang1 s description, who says that “ high mountains surround it on four sides, and from its exterior walls, which have a circuit of 150 li or 25 miles. Eor this number I propose to read 50 li or 8^- miles, a correction which is absolutely necessary to make the statement tally with the measurements of my survey. The following are the direct distances between the hills : 1. From Baibhar to Vipula 2. „ Vipula to Ratna 3. „ Ratna to Udava 4. „ Udaya to Sona 5. „ Soua to Baibhar 12,000 feet. 4.500 „ 8.500 „ 7,000 „ 9, 0U0 „ Total . . . 41,000 feet. RAJ Gilt. 23 This is somewhat less than eight miles ; hut if the ascents and descents are taken into account, the actual length will correspond very closely with the statement of Hwen Thsang when corrected to 50 li. The old walls forming this exterior line of rampart are still to be seen in many places. I traced them from Yipula-giri over Batna-girito theNekpai embank- ment, and thence onwards over Udaya-giri, and across the southern outlet of the valley to Soua-giri. At this outlet, the walls, which are still in good order, are 13 feet thick. To obtain a circuit of 25 miles, as given in. Hwen Thsang’s text, it would he necessary to carry these ramparts as far as Giryek on the east. As similar ramparts exist on the Giryek Hill, it is perhaps possible that Hwen Thsang intended to in- clude it in the circuit of his outer walls. But this immense circuit would not at all agree with his statement that " high mountains surround the city on four sides,” for the distant Hill of Giryek cannot in any way be said to form one of the sides of old Bajagriha. The new town of Bajagriha is said to have been built by King Srenika, otherwise called Bimbisdra , the father of Ajdtasatru, the contemporary of Buddha. Its foundation cannot, therefore, be placed later than 560 B. C. according to Buddhist chronology. In Hwen Thsang’s time (A. D. 629 — 642), the outer walls had already become ruinous, but the inner walls were still standing, and occupied a circuit of 20 li, or 3^ miles. This statement corresponds tolerably well with the measurements of my survey, which make the circuit of the ramparts somewhat less than 3 miles. Buchanan calls new Bajagriha an irregular pentagon of 12,000 yards in diameter. This is clearly a misprint for 1,200 yards, which would give a circuit of 11,303 feet, or 2-g- miles ; but this was probably the interior measurement, which, according to my survey, is 13,000 feet. The plan of new Bajagriha I make out to be an irregular pentagon of one long side and four nearly equal sides, the whole circuit being 14,260 feet outside the ditches, or rather less than three miles.* On the south side towards the hills a portion of the interior, 2,000 feet long and 1,500 feet broad, has been cut off to form a citadel. The stone walls retaining the earthen ramparts of this work are still in good order in many places. # See Plate XIV. 21 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G1-G2. It is possible that this work may be of later date, as suggest- ed by Buchanan, but I am of opinion that it Avas simply the citadel of the neAv town, and that its Avails have suffered less from the effects of time, oAviug partly to their having been more carefully and more massively built than the less impor- tant ramparts of the town, and partly to their having been occasionally repaired as a military position by the authori- ties, Avhile the repairs of the town Avails were neglected as being either unnecessary or too costly. The existing remains at Raj agriha are not numerous. The place has been occupied at different times by Musalmans and Brahmans, by whom the Buddhist stupas and vihars were pulled doAvn to furnish materials for tombs, masjids, and temples. All the eminences that must once have been croAvned by objects of Buddhist Avorsliip are uoav covered with Muhammedan graves ; and all the Brahmanical temples about the hot springs have been constructed Avith the large bricks of Buddhist stupas. One of these last monuments can still be traced outside the soutli-Avest corner of the town in a large circular hollow mound, which attracted the notice of both Buchanan and Kittoe. I examined this mound carefully, and I was satisfied that the IioIIoav represented the original site of a stupa from which the bricks had been carried off, while the surrounding circular mound represented the mass of earth and broken brick rubbish left by the workmen. The excavated stupa at Sarnath, near Banaras, uoav offers almost exactly the same appearance. According to IlAven Thsang’s account, this circular hollow Avas the site of a stupa 60 feet in height, which Avas built by Asoka. Beside it there Avas a stone pillar 50 feet high, on which was inscribed the history of the foun- dation of the stupa. The pillar was surmounted by an elephant.* On Mount Baibliar there are five modern Jain temples, besides the ruins of an old Saiva temple, of which four granite pillars, 10 feet in height, are still standing, and 50 or GO smaller pillars are lying confusedly about. At the southern foot of the mountain, the rock has a natural scarp for about 100 yards in length, Avhicli, at the western end, has been smoothed to a height of 19 feet, in front of which the rock has been cut away to form a level terrace 90 feet in length by * Julien's Hweu Tlisang, III., 38. RAJGIR. 25 upwards of 30 feet in breadth. Two caves have been exca- vated out of the solid rock behind ; that to the west, now called the Son Bhandar, or “Treasury of gold,” being 34 feet long by 17 feet broad, and that to the east perhaps somewhat less in length, hut of the same breadth. This cave has either fallen in naturally through the decay of the rock, or, which is more probable, was blown up by a zemindar in search of treasure, as related by Major Kittoe of the other cave. The Son Bhandar Cave has one door and one window. Inside there are no traces of seats, or of pedestals of statues, and the walls and roof are quite bare, excepting where a few scarcely legible inscriptions have been cut. There are several short inscriptions on the jambs of the doorway, as well as on the outside. In the principal inscription, which is on two lines outside, the author speaks of this cave as the “ auspicious cave,” evidently alluding to the fact of its former occupation by Buddha for the purpose of meditating after his noonday meal. This inscription, which is not later than A. D. 200, and is perhaps earlier, records that a certain “ Muni, named Taira Deva, of powerful dignity, was able to obtain emancipation, having shut himself up for spiritual enjoyment in this auspicious cell, a retired abode of Arhantas, fitted for an ascetic for the attainment of liberation.” On the east jamb of the door also the same epithet is applied to this cave, as if it was a well known name for it. This cave is excavated in the south face of the hill, where there is a natural scarp for about one hundred yards in length. The face of the cliff at the west end has been smoothed to a height of 19 feet, in front of which the ground has been levelled to form a plat- form of more than 30 feet. The cave itself is 34 feet long by 17 feet broad and 11^ feet high. To the east there has been a second cave, about 22\ feet long by 17 feet broad ; but one half of the roof fell in long ago, and the cave is now filled with masses of rock and earth. The floor of this cave is on a lower level than that of the Son Blianddr, but the front is in the same line. Both caves had some building or verandah in front, as there are numerous socket holes cut in the rock above the door for the reception of the ends of beams. The whole length of level clearing in front of the caves is 90 feet. In the centre of the valley between the five hills, and in the very midst of the old city of Baj agriha, there is a ruined D 26 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1861-62. brick mound 19 feet 8 inches in height, which my excava- tions proved to be an ancient stupa. A diminutive Jain tem- ple, called Maniar Math, stands on the top of the mound. It was built in A. D. 1780. As I expected to find a solid brick building, I sank a shaft outside the Maniar Math with the intention of inclining gradually towards the centre ; but I soon found that the core of the mound was a mere mass of rubbish, filling a well 10 feet in diameter. This rubbish was so loose that its removal was dangerous ; but by propping up the portion immediately below the little temple, and remov- ing the bricks cautiously, I was enabled to get down to a depth of 2T| feet. At 19 feet I found three small figures. One of them represents Maya lying on a couch in the lower compartment, and the ascetic Buddha and two attendants above. The second is a naked standing figure, with a seven- headed snake forming a canopy over the head. This is clearly not a Buddhist, but a Jain sculpture. The third is so excessively rude, that it is difficult to identify it. The figure is four-armed, and is seated upon a recumbent animal, which looks more like a bull than anything else. It probably, therefore, represents Mahadeva and his bull Nandi. As all three figures formed only a part of the rubbish, it seems to me certain that the well must once have been empty ; and further, that the rubbish was most probably thrown in when the little Jain temple was about to be built. The natives of the place call this well the Treasury, and they assert that it has never been opened. On my arrival I found a Punjab Sepoy, with a servant, making an excava- tion on his own account. He had sunk a shaft 3 feet in diameter at 7^ feet from the little temple. The shaft was then 17 feet deep. I examined the bricks which had been taken out, and on finding some with bevelled and rounded edges, and others thickly coated with plaster, I guessed at once that the original structure had been covered with an outer wall, and that the shaft had been sunk just outside the original work. To ascertain whether this conclusion was correct, I laid bare the top of the mound, and soon discover- ed that the well was surrounded by a wall only 6 feet in thickness. This would give the original stupa a diameter of 22 feet. The Punjab Sepoy continued his shaft down to the stone foundation without finding anything, and then gave up the work. RAJGIR. 27 Haying observed that the slope of the mound on the north side was very gentle, I thought it probable that the building must have been approached on this side by a flight of steps. I therefore made an excavation in a line due north from the centre of the mound, and within a couple of hours I found a doorway. Continuing the excavation to the east and west, as well as to the north, I found a small room with brick walls and granite pillars containing two middle-sized sculptured slabs of middle age. Outside the doorway a flight of steps led downwards towards the north ; I therefore turned to the south, and continued my excavation until I reached the main building. On examining the wall I found three recesses, the middle one being roofed by overlapping bricks. On clear- ing out the rubbish, this opening proved to be a carefully built passage only 2 feet 2 inches wide, and 3 feet 4-| inches in height, right through the outer wall of the building. Behind it, but a few inches out of line, there was a similar passage through the original wall, only 2 feet in width. At the end of the passage I found the well filled with the same rubbish as on the south side. The discovery of this passage shows that the Buddhist Monks had easy access to the interior of the building. I con- clude, therefore, that it must originally have contained some relic that was occasionally shown to visitors, and to the public generally, on certain fixed days. I cannot, however, discover in the accounts of Pa-Hian and Hwen Thsang any mention of a stupa inside the walls of old Raj agriha. The hot springs of Rajagriha are found on both banks of the Sarsuti rivulet; one-half of them at the eastern foot of Mount Baibhar, and the other half at the western foot of Mount Yipula. The former ar enamed as follows : 1, Ganga- Jumna; 2, Anant Rikhi; 3, Sapt Rikhi; 4, Brahm-kund ; 5, Kasyapa Rikhi; 6, Bias-kund; and 7, Markand-kund. The hottest of these are the springs of the Sapt Rikhi. The hot springs of Mount Yipula are named as follows : 1, Sila- kund; 2, Suraj-kund; 3, Ganes-kund; 4, Chandrama kund ; 5, Ram-kund ; and 6, Sringgi-Rikhi-kund. Ike last spring has been appropriated by the Musalmans, by whom it is called Makhdum-kund, after a celebrated Saint named Chilla Shah, whose tomb is close to the spring. It is said that Chilla was originally called Chilwa, and that he was an Ahir. He must, therefore, have been a converted Hindu. 28 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1861-62. VIII. BARAGAON or NALANDA. Due north from Bajgir, and seven miles distant, lies the village of Baragaon, which is quite surrounded by ancient tanks and ruined mounds, and which possesses finer and more numerous specimens of sculpture than any other place that I have visited. The ruins at Baragaon are so immense, that Dr. Buchanan was convinced it must have been the usual residence of the King ; and he was informed by a Jain priest at Bihar that it was the residence of Baja Srenika and his ancestors. By the Brahmans these ruins are said to be the ruins of Kundilpur, a city famed as the birth-place of Bukmini, one of the wives of Krishna. But as Bukmini was the daughter of Baja Bhishma, of Vidarbha, or Berar, it seems probable that the Brahmans have mistaken Berar for Bihar, which is only seven miles distant from Baragaon. I therefore doubt the truth of this Brahmanical tradition, more especially as I can show beyond all doubt that the remains at Baragaon are the ruins of Nalanda, the most famous seat of Buddhist learning in all India. Pa-Hian places the hamlet of Nalo at one yojan, or 7 miles from the Hill of the Isolated Bock, that is, from Giryek, and also the same distance from new Bajagriha.* This account agrees exactly with the position of Baragaon, with respect to Giryek and Bajgir. In the Pali annals of Ceylon also, Nalanda is stated to be one yojan distant from Bajagriha. Again, Hwen Thsang describes Nalanda as being 7 yojans, or 49 miles, distant from the holy Pipal tree at Buddha-Gaya, which is correct if measured by the road, the direct distance measured on the map being 40 miles. f He also describes it as being about 30 li, or 5 miles, to the north of new Bajagriha. This distance and direction also corres- pond with the position of Baragaon, if the distance be measured from the most northerly point of the old ramparts. Lastly, in two inscriptions, which I discovered on the spot, the place itself is called Nalanda. This evidence seems con- clusive ; but I may add further that the existing ruins, which I am now about to describe, correspond most minutely with the descriptions of Hwen Thsang. * Beal’s Fa-Hian, c. XXVIII. t Julien’s Hwen Thsang, I., 143. * REFERENCES 1 . 2. 3. 4 S. 6 . A . B. C. 0 E. F 6. H. M N- P S V. x. Y Mona. n try „f Sakr'n4lxty». . 3 1 uliiLh# truptA- - - - - To thuu/aXA . — Jiikzadtty-a VbyTeu . A\ nq of Cent ■ Jbid VcAar'a- Stupa Status of A yrUohiteewora. . SU/jjcl ft ct.ir~ ^IVixi U of Bicdciha StUJpCK . Vxh/yfo Vi ha t**/ of'A'Vci.iokx teswa.ru. Vzfu*rw &P 3<*z2uWycty. Jtatfhak, Bhaaab . Viharx* of Tarot, £< tahise twara, . WtU Colossal, Stoaxce ofAscdie 3 uctoCha Tow >noi/.rLcL -. 2 Seated. BatUthas Temple of TCapatycc Deyt . Dukat wet, Mounet . NAL ANDA . PLuf xv r rnkfiar r i *»• _j • ■«*- ML ■<=. 4L:* •* ^ at -13i L V ,r-~~jt»ir»rr">' ----4 , ^ - A. Cunningham del. Fhotozmcographea f.t the Surveyor Ununl's Office Calcutta. INSCRIPTIONS ON THE BIHAR PILLAR. thin piece split off BIHAR, 37 must once have been the site of some famous Buddhist Vihar. But the only existing Buddhist remains that I could find were votive stupas and fragments of figures. One of the last was inscribed with characters of about A. I). 900, but the inscription is unfortunately only a fragment. The city of Bihar consists principally of one long nar- row street, paved with rough stones. There are two bridges with pointed arches over some irrigation canals, the remains of former prosperity ; but the whole place is now dirty and decayed. In all directions are seen Musalman tombs ; the smaller ones of "brick, the larger ones of squared and carved stones from the usual Muhammadan quarries of ruined Buddhist or Brahmanical buildings. To the north-west of the city there is a long isolated hill, having a precipitously steep cliff on its northern face, and ou the southern face an easy slope in successive ledges of rock. The hill is now crowned by some Musalman buildings, of which the largest is said to be the tomb of Malik Baja, but I believe that it is the tomb of one Ibrahim in the reign of Biruz, as I read both of these names in one of the inscriptions. To the north-east of these tombs and distant 1,000 feet, on the highest point of the hill, there is a square platform of brick, which must once have been the basement of a building, perhaps of a stupa, while the more genial site of the Durgah, where fine trees are now growing, might once have held a Buddhist Vihar and its attendant monastery. One mile due east from the Durgah, and about 100 yards inside the northern gate of the old fort of Bibar, there lies a sand-stone pillar which hears two separate inscriptions of the Gupta Dynasty. Unfortunately, the surface of the stone has peeled off considerably, so that both of the inscriptions are incomplete. The upper inscription, which is of Kumara Gupta, has lost both ends of every line, being probably about one-tbird of the whole. The lower inscription has lost only the left upper corner, and some unknown amount at the bottom, where the pillar is broken off. But as the remaining portion of the upper part is letter for letter the same as the opening of the Bhitari pillar inscription, nearly the whole of the missing part of the left upper corner can be restored at 38 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1SG1-G2. once.* This record apparently belongs to Skanda Gupta, the son and successor of Kurnara Gupta, as the genealogy is continued beyond Kurnara in the same words as in the Bhitari inscription. Outside the northern gate of the old fort, there are some tombs that are said to belong to Christians, as they lie east and west, whilst all Musalman tombs lie north and south. One of them bears an inscription surmounted by a cross, which proves it to be a Christian tomb. The inscription I believe to be in the Armenian character, but though it does not appear to be old, probably not more than fifty or a hun- dred years, yet I could not obtain any information regarding the tombs. The cyclopean walls of the old fort are very curious ; but as the fort has been fully described by Buchanan, it is unnecessary for me to do more than make this mention of it. X. GHOSRAWA. A Buddliistical inscription from Ghosrawa, a village to the S. S. W. of Bihar, distant 7 miles, was first discovered by Major Kittoe, who published a translation of it made by Dr. Ballantyne. This inscription is a very important one for the illustration of the later history of Buddhism, as it men- tions the existence, somewhere about the 8th or 9th century, of several of the most famous places of the Buddhists. Dor instance, it mentions, 1st, the Kanishka Monastery in the city of Nagarahara, close to Jelalabad in the Kabul Valley; 2nd, the Vajrdsan, or Diamond throne of Buddha, at Buddha- Gaya; 3rd, the Indra-Sila peak, which I have already iden- tified with Giryek ; 4th, the Vihar in Nalanda, the city of Yaso Varmma. This part of the translation, however, requires revision, as the name of Kalanda, which occurs twice, has in both instances been rendered as if it was merely a term for some ascetic posture, instead of the proper name of the * See Plate XVII. for the Bihar Pillar inscriptions, and Plate XXVII. for the Bhitari Pillar inscription. Babu Bajendralal Mitra, in the Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal 1866, p. 271, denies the accuracy of my statement. He says “ General Cunningham imagines it to be a counterpart of the Bhitari record” — I imagine nothing of the kind. My remarks refer to the upper part of the inscription alone, and this I again assert to be “ letter for lettfer the same as the opening of the Bhitari Pillar inscription.” The Babu says that “ no specific name is legible.” I refer him to his own Nagari transcript of line 4, where he reads kecha- potrasya. This should be Jcacha, for Gliatot-kacha, the predecessor of Chandra Gupta, whose wife Kurnari Devi is mentioned in the next line. GIIOSItAWA — TIT AH AW A. 39 town which contained the most famous monastery in all India. I will submit this inscription for re-translation. The other remains at Gliosrawa are few and unim- portant. There is a mound of brick ruin touching the village, and a small temple on a low mound with some broken figures between Gliosrawa and the small village of Asanagar. The inscription obtained by Major Kittoe is now fixed in the wall of this temple. At the western foot of the Ghosrawa mound there is a four-armed standing male statue of life size, inscribed with the usual formula of the Buddhist faith. In the upper right hand there is a necklace, but the lower hand is open, the upper left hand holds a lotus, and the lower hand a bell. There is a small figure of Buddha in the head dress of the statue, from which I believe that this figure represents Avalokiteswara, as Hwen Tlisang des- cribes a similar statue at the Kapotika Sangharama. The characters of the inscription do not seem to me to be later than A. D. 800. On the top of the mound I found the lower portion of a female figure, of which the upper part was fixed in the ground near the Asanagar Temple. The statue is two-armed, and holds a lotus in one hand. It probably represents Dharmma. There are two four-armed female attendants, that to the left carrying a human head. XI. TITARAWA. At Titarawa, 2 miles to the north of Ghosrawa, there is a fine large tank 1,200 feet in length, with a considerable mound of brick ruin to the north, and a colossal statue of the ascetic Buddha to the south, which is now called Bhairav. The pedestal is 7 feet broad, and the whole figure is still 9 feet high, although the upper portion is wanting. The usual Buddhist formula is inscribed on the lotus leaves of the pedestal. There are besides several others small and unim- portant, one of which bears the Buddhist formula, and another inscription in three lines of small letters. The greater portion of this inscription is injured, but sufficient remains to declare the date of the statue, which I believe to be about A. D. 800 ; I can read the name of Maliapala at the end of it. On the west side of the statue there is the foundation of a brick stupa, 18 feet in diameter. 40 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1SG1-G2. The mound of Titarawa is about 20 feet high, and has a small modem fort on the top, with a round tower at each of the angles. Excavations for bricks are still going on, as at the period of Major Kittoe’s visit. I traced the remains of several walls, from wdiich I infer that the mound was the site of a large monastery. There is no mention of this place either in Ea-Hian or Hwen Tlisang. XII. APHSAR. Eive miles to the east of Ghosrawa, and on the eastern hank of the Sakri River, there is a low hill covered with brick ruins, close to a village called Aplisar. The long and important inscription of a second dynasty of Guptas, that was discovered at this place by Major Kittoe, is no longer to be found at Aphsar. The people are unanimous in stating that Major Kittoe removed it to Nowada for the purpose of copying it ; and he himself states that he “ brought it away to re-examine it, and to restore it as much as possible before having it fixed in a pedestal near the Varaha” in Aphsar. I enquired for this inscription at Nowada, at Gaya, and at Banaras, but could not hear any thing of it. The loss of this important inscription is very much to be regretted ; but luckily I possess a transcript of it in modern Nagari, which Major Kittoe himself gave me in 1850. This has been submitted to Babu Rnjendralal Mitra for translation.* XIII. BARABAR. At 16 miles to the north of Gaya, or 19 miles by the road, there are several groups of granite hills, called Kctmca- Dol, Bardtbar, Ndgdrjuni, and Dhardwat. f All of these possess some Buddhistic remains, but the most interesting are the caves of Bardbar and JSdgarjuni, which were hewn out of the solid rock upwards of two thousand years ago. Kauwa-JDol is a detached hill nearly one mile to the south-west of the main group of hills, and just six miles * The Babu’s translation will be found in the Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal for 1866, p. 272. The inscription gives the genealogy of a dynasty of nine Gupta Kings. There is ap- parently nothing to guide us in fixing the date, and, in the absence of the original document, I can only conjecture that these Guptas are of later date than the well-known Gupta dynasty of the Allahabad and Bhitari Pillar inscriptions. I possess gold coins of three later Princes, Vishnu, Kumara, and Jaya, who probably belonged to the family of the Aphsar record. f See Plate XVIII. BARABAR CAVE.S Hatty XV HI . REFERENCES. A Gmrml&giiam. cL(*\ Litho. at the Survr. Genl’s Office Ca!. October 1371 Sketch. "Sfstp sho-wmgthe Civei audjtniis m th» BAKABAH hills UJiarawal Bara bar— m. A. Kama Chopar Cave. B. Sudama Cave. C. Lomas Bishi Cave. JO. Vistoa Cave. NAGAK.JUNI— M. E. Nagarjuni Cave , or Gopiya. E. Vapiya Cave, and well. G. Vadu (hi Cave. dharawat. aACalltnifufnir BARABAR. 41 to tlie east-nortli -east of the Bela Dak Bungalow. This hill is quite inaccessible, as it is formed entirely of huge masses of granite piled precipitously above one another, and crowned with a single lofty block that frowns grandly over the plains below. It is said that this pinnacle was formerly topped by another block, which was so nicely balanced that it used to rock even when a crow alighted upon it. Brom this belief the hill acquired the name of Kauwa-Dol , or the “ crow’s swing,” or “ rocking-stone.” At the northern foot of the Kauwa-Dol there has formerly been a temple of hewn granite. A large village must also once have existed on the north and east sides of the hill, as the foot of the hill, which is considerably raised above the fields, is strewn with broken bricks, hewn stones, and fragments of pottery. There are several Muhammedan tombs on this mound, built chiefly of pillars and other squared and ornamented stones of some Hindu temple. The name of this old place is said to have been Samanpur. Major Kittoe, however, was told that this name applied only to the northern portion of the ruins, the eastern portion being called Sarain. On the rocks of the northern face of the hill, nume- rous rude figures have been sculptured. One of these is a figure of Ganes, 2-| feet high, beside a lingam. Several of them represent Gcmri SanJcar or Hara Gauri ; but the most common of these sculptures is the favourite figure of the four-armed Durga slaying the Mahesctsur, or Buffalo Demon. In her two right hands she holds a sword and a trident, and in her upper left hand a shield, while her lower left hand grasps the tail of the Buffalo. All of these are Brahmanical figures ; but there are also rude figures of Buddha seated, and one female figure which is said to be Paclmavati, or Mayd Devi, but which is most probably only a representation of Dharmma. In a recess on the east side of the hill, and amidst the ruins of a large temple, of which several pillars are still standing, there is a colossal figure of Buddha the ascetic, as he appeared when seated in mental abstraction under the Bodhi tree at Buddha-Gaya. A drawing of this figure has been given in Buchanan Hamilton’s Eastern India.* It is the largest statue that I have seen, the figure * Vol. I., Plate XIV., Fig. 5. F 42 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1861-62. alone being 8 feet high, with a breadth across the shoulders of four feet, and of sis feet across the knees. But the great statue in the temple of Buddha-Gaya, which was seen and described by Hwen Thsang, was somewhat more than one- third larger, its dimensions being 11 feet 5 inches in height, 8 feet 8 inches in breadth across the knees, and 6 feet 6 inches across the shoulders. In the Barahar group of hills there are several distinct peaks, of which the most conspicuous are the Murali Peak to the north, and the Sanda Giri on the south, both of which join the Barahar or Siddhesivara Peak on the east. On the summit of the Barahar Peak there is a small Hindu temple dedicated to Mahadeva, which contains a lingam called Siddheswara, and which, from an inscription in one of the caves mentioning this name, we know to he at least as old as the 6th or 7th century. Immediately to the south of the Barahar Peak there lies a small valley, or hasin, nearly square in shape, and entirely surrounded by hills, except at two points on the north-east and south-east, where walls have been built to complete the enclosure. Its greatest length, measured diagonally from peak to peak, is just half a mile, hut the actual basin is not more than 400 yards in length by 250 yards in breadth.* Towards the southern corner of the basin, there are two small sheets of clear water, which find an outlet under ground to the south-east and re-appear in the sacred spring called Fatal Ganna, where an annual assembly is held in the month of Bliddrapada for the purpose of bathing. On this side is the principal entrance to the valley, which lies over large rounded masses of granite, now worn smooth and slippery by the feet of numerous pilgrims. I ascended by this path with- out any difficulty, after having taken off my shoes, but in descending I found a shorter and quicker way down the mass of loose rough stones at the foot of the enclosure wall on the same side. These stones are the ruins of buildings which once crowned the wall on this side. Immediately to the south of the water, and in the south- ern angle of the valley, there is a low ridge of granite rock lying from west to east, about 500 feet long, from 100 to 120 * See Plate XVIII. BARABAR. 43 feet thick, and from 30 to 35 feet in height. The top of the ridge is rounded, and falls rapidly towards the east. It is divided longitudinally by natural cleavage into three separate masses. The block towards the north is much the smallest, being not more than 50 feet long by 27 feet in thickness. Originally it was probably about 80 or 100 feet in length, but its eastern end has been cut away to obtain access to the face of the central mass of rock, in which the Karna-Choipdr Cave has been excavated. A lingam and two rude Brahrna- nical figures are sculptured on the end of the northern rock. The middle rock is between 200 and 300 feet in length, with a perpendicular face towards the north. The largest mass of rock which faces towards the south is rounded at top, but the lower part has been scarped to form a perpendicular wall for the two large caves now called Sudama and Lomas Bishi. A level piece of ground, about 100 feet in width, intervenes between this great rock and the foot of the southern hill. Sheds and temporary build- ings are erected on this spot during the annual fair time, when the caves are visited by thousands of pilgrims. The ground is strewn with broken bricks and fragments of pottery, and the rubbish has now accumulated to a height of three feet above the floors of the caves. This will account for the fact of there having been one foot of water in this cave when visited by Buchanan. The water was drained away by Major Kittoe, who dug a trench along the foot of the rock, and brought to light several pieces of stone pillars wrhich pro- bably belonged to some portico or cloister in front of the caves. The Barabar Basin is naturally a strong defensive position, as it possesses plenty of water, and is only accessible at two points, on the north-east and south-east. Now, both of these points have been closed by walls, and as there are also traces of walls on the surrounding hills, and more particularly on the Siddheswara Hill, it seems certain that the place must once have been used as a stronghold. There is indeed a tradition of some Baja having been besieged in this place, and that he escaped by the narrow passage over the Siddheswara Hill. Its very name of Barabar, that is, bara and awara, or Barawara , the “ great enclosure,” points to the same conclusion, although this may have been originally applied to the much larger 44 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G1-G2. enclosure between tbe Barabar and Nagarjuni Hills, and the western branch of the Phalgu Biver, where, according to Buchanan’s information, the original Bam Gaya was situated. The numerous heaps of brick and stone that lie scattered over the plain would seem to show that this had once been the site of a large town. The situation is similar to that of old Baja-griha, namely, that of a small valley or basin almost surrounded by hills ; but in size it is very much less than the famous Girivraja , or hill-encircled city of Jarasandha. This enclosure had the Barabar Hill on the west, the San gar branch of the Phalgu River on the east, and the two parallel ridges of the Nagarjuni Hills to the north and south. It was upwards of one mile in length, with a mean width of half a mile and a circuit of rather more than three miles. The circuit of the hills surrounding old Baja-griha was about eight miles. The caves in the Barabar Hills are usually known as the Sat-ghara, or “ seven houses.” Major Kittoe proposed Sapt- garbha , or the “ seven caves” as the true name ; but I think that Sapta-griha, or, as it is pronounced in the vernacular of the present day, Sat-ghara , is a preferable etymology, as it is the very same name by which this collection of caves is now known. The Nagarjuni Hills consist of two very narrow ridges of granite running nearly parallel, and about half a mile distant from each other, between the Barabar Peak and the Phalgu Biver. The northern ridge would appear to be the same as that which Buchanan calls Murali ,* but my inform- ants applied this name to another peak in the Barabar group. The southern ridge contains the famous old caves, of which the largest one, called the Gopi Cave, is on the southern side, with its entrance to the south. The two other caves are situated on the southern face of a small spur, or off-shoot, on the nor- thern side of the hill. There are, therefore, altogether seven caves in these hills> four of which belong to the Barabar or Siddheswara group, and three to the JSldgarjuni group. I incline, therefore, to believe that the name of Sat-ghara, or the “ seven houses,” belonged originally to the whole of these seven caves, and not * Eastern India, Vol. I., p. 100. B A R A B A R Plate XIX BARABAR CAVES NAGARJUN! CAVES A. Cunrung-lrutm. del ■LitV S nrv- uen1 3 Ol'iHcc Gal- June 1871 BAEABAR. 45 to the four caves with seven chambers in the Barabar group. It is true, indeed, that the Barabar caves are somewhat older than those of Nagarjuni, hut the difference of date is very little, being not more than 30 years, as will be shown when I come to speak of the inscriptions. The Kama Chop dr Cave, marked A. in the map, is situated in the northern face of the Barabar ridge of granite, which has already been described. The entrance, which is of Egyptian form, faces the north. The cave is 33 feet Ga- niches in length, by 14 feet in width.* The sides of the cave are 6 feet inch in height, and the vaulted roof has a rise of 4 feet 8 inches, making the total height 10 feet 9 inches. At the western end there is a raised platform 7 feet G inches long, 2 feet 6 inches broad, and 1 foot 3 inches high. Erom its length I infer that this was the pedestal of a statue. The whole of the interior of the cave is polished. On the outside, and at the western corner of the entrance, there is a sunken tablet containing a short inscription of five lines in the ancient character of Asoka’s Pillars. It records the ex- cavation of the cave in the 19th year of the reign of Ilaja JPiyadasi, that is, of Asoka himself, f This cave, therefore, dates as far back as 245 B. C. The inscription has been so much injured by the weather, that it is very difficult to make out the letters satisfactorily. It also faces the north, so that no advantage can be obtained from the difference of light and shade which is caused by the sun in the hollows of the letters of such inscriptions as face in other directions. There are also several short inscriptions on the jambs of the door- way, such as Bodhimula “the root of Intelligence,” Daridra, kdntdra “ the cave of the poor,” or “ the mendicant’s cave,” and others the records of mere visitors. The Sudama Cave, marked B. in the map, is situated in the same granite range, but on the opposite side of it, and with its entrance facing the south. The door-way, which is of Egyptian form, is sunk in a recess 6^ feet square and 2 feet deep. On the eastern wall of this recess or porch, there is an inscription of two lines in the ancient Pali characters of Asoka’s Pillars. An attempt has been made to obliterate the greater part of this inscription with a chisel, * See Plate XIX , Fig. 1, for plan and section, t See Plate XX., No. 1 Inscription. 40 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G1-G2. but owing to the great depth of the letters the work of des- truction was not an easy one, and the clearly cut lines of the original letters, wTith the exception of one, perhaps, at the end, are still distinctly traceable in the midst of the rough holes made by the destroyer’s chisel. This inscription re- cords the dedication by Raja Piyadasi (that is, Asoka him- self), in the 12th year of his reign, of the Nigoha cave.* The excavation of this cave, therefore, dates as far back as 252 B. C., the very same year in which many of Asoka’s edicts were promulgated, as recorded in his different inscrip- tions both on pillars and rocks. The cave itself consists of two chambers, of which the inner one is nearly circular with a hemispherical domed roof. This roof, which projects beyond the wall of the circular room into the outer apart- ment, is considerably under-cut, as if to represent a thatch with its overhanging caves. The circular room is 19 feet 11 inches in diameter from west to east, and 19 feet from north to south. The outer apartment is 32 feet 9 inches in length, by 19 feet 6 inches in breadth. The walls are 6 feet 9 inches in height to the springing of the vaulted roof, which has a rise of 5 feet 6 inches, making the total height of the cham- ber 12 feet 3 inches. At the east end of this apartment there is a shallow recess which may have been intended as a niche for a statue, or more probably as an entrance to another projected chamber. But the work was abandoned soon after its commencement, and remains rough and unfinished, while all the rest of the cave, both roof and walls, is highly polished.f The Lomas JRishi Cave, marked C. in the map, is similar to the Sudama Cave, both as to the size and arrangement of its two chambers ; but the whole of the interior of the circular room has been left rough, and both the floor and the roof of the outer apartment remain unfinished. J The straight wralls of this apartment are polished, hut the outer wall of the circular room is only smoothed and not polished. The chisel marks are yet visible on the floor, while on the roof, which has only been partially hewn, the cuts of the chisels, both broad and narrow, are still sharp and distinct. The excava- tion of the roof would appear to have been abandoned, owing * See Plate XX., No. 2 Inscription. t See Plate XIX., Fig. 2. % See Plate XIX., Fig. 3. B ARABAE, Plate XX NAGARJUNI CAVES BARABAB CAVES IV. Gopika, or Nagaijuni. I. Kama Chopar, at A. | qA^° V. Vapiya, or Well Cave. ^ STS A 5L $ <*>'»** ii-o d£ II. Sudama, at B. ^'4” ^ Sv1^ ^ VI. Vadathi Cave. =5# 8tsT$®«S&3«& *! III. Viswamitra, at P. i*****^,*-^* a*® |d 8* 0J °°°<$ Ag & 4 CrxT JX 4* (^6A ^ VII lagarjum Cave XI W li should be corrected to 130 li (or 21§ miles), which would make his famous spring agree exactly with the position of the Fatal Ganga, accord- ing to the distance by road, which is 13 miles to the Bela Dak Bungalow + 6 to the Kauwa-Dol Hill + 2 more to the Patal Ganga. Hwen Thsang adds that “the Indians, follow- ing an ancient tradition, called this spring the ‘holy water’ (l’eau sainte), and that at all times whoever drank of it, or bathed in it, was instantly purified from the stain of his sins.” Now the source of the Patal Ganga is still held in such esteem that, according to Buchanan, from 20,000 to 50,000 people assemble annually in the middle of the month of Bhadrapada to bathe in its waters, and about 500 people bathe daily during the whole of that month. Should this identification be correct, it would seem to he almost certain that towards the middle of the seventh cen- tury of our era, not only were these caves occupied by the Brahmans, but the very memory of their Buddhist origin had either been forgotten or was carefully concealed. XIV. DHARAWAT. The Fharawat group of hills lies immediately to the northward of the Barabar hills, about 1^ mile distant. There are two distinct ridges running from west to east, that to the Julien’s Hwen Thsang, II., 455. 54 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1861-62. south being nearly two miles in length -with three peaks named Saleya, Gureya , and Dhaoli* The nearest road from Bara bar to Dharawat lies through a pass between the Gureya and Dhaoli Hills. The northern ridge consists of a single hill named Ratani, which in former clays was occupied by some establishment of the Buddhists. On the northern slope of the hill there are two brick terraces which have been built up against the rock. The eastern terrace is 60 feet long by 20 feet broad, and 50 feet above the plain. Near the top the solid brick-work can still be seen for 20 feet in height, below which the brick rubbish reaches to the foot of the hill. The second terrace lies more than 200 feet to the westward of the other ; it has a front of 250 feet, but its height is not more than 15 feet above the plain. On this terrace there are two broken Buddhist figures, and beneath it there are four others, of which one bears the usual Buddhist formula of “ Ye Dliarmma hetu prabhava , &c.,” in characters of the 9th or 10th century. To the north of the Batani Hill there is a large tank called Chandokhar Tal, 2,000 feet in length and 800 feet in width. On the eastern embankment there is a new temple to Maha- deva, only three years old, and close beside it a very small old temple to Narsingh. Outside this temple there is a very fine life-size statue named Bhairav. The figure stands under a thick stem of lotus which forms an arch overhead, and from which little curling branches strike off on both sides, ending in lotus flowers which support tiny figures of men, women, and animals. The statue has twelve arms, and bears in the head-dress a small figure of Buddha squatted with hands in lap. I recognized it at once as a statue of the famous Dodhisatwa Avalokitesivara. Beside the statue, there are several sculptured stones containing rows of Buddhas, and also several fragments of votive stupas, and two slabs with representations of the Nava-graha, or “ nine planets.” There are also numerous fragments of sculpture under a Pipal tree close by, two of which bear inscriptions in characters of the 9th or 10th century. To the north-east of the Chandokhar Tal there is an ex- tensive mound of brick ruin, which is probably only the remains of the former town of Dharawat. In the north-west * See Plate No. XVIII. DHAEAWAT — BESAEH. 00 corner of this mound there are two small eminences, which may be the remains of temples, hut as the surface of the mound now presents nothing hut small fragments of bricks, all the larger hricks having been removed to furnish materials for the present village, it is quite impossible to say what kind of buildings may once have stood upon it. All that can he inferred, I think, from the present remains is, that Dliarawat must at one time, probably about the 8th or 9th century, have been the seat of a considerable Buddhist community. Major Kittoe paid a hurried visit to Dliarawat hv moon-light. He notices the twelve-armed figure, which he calls a Buddhist sculpture, as being very remarkable. XY. BESAEH. The village of Besarh, or Besddh in Nagari characters, is situated 27 miles, a little to the east of north from Patna, and 20 miles from Hajipur on the left hank of the Ganges. Both the distance and direction from Patna point to this place as the representative of the ancient Vaisali. The name also is the same, as it is written Besarh by Ahul Pazl in his Ain Akbari.* Now, Hwen Thsang places the King’s Palace in Vaisali at 120 li, or 20 miles, to the east of north from the northern hank of the Ganges opposite Pataliputra, that is, from the present Hajipur. f He also describes the King’s Palace as being from 4 to 5 li (from 3,500 to 4,400 feet) in circuit, which agrees with the size of the ruined fort now called Baja Bisal-ka-garh, which is 1,580 feet long and 750 feet broad inside, or 4,660 feet in circuit round the crest of the mound. This almost perfect coincidence of name, position, and dimensions, seems quite sufficient to place the identifi- cation of Besarh with Vaisali beyond all reasonable doubt. I will, therefore, now proceed to describe the objects of interest that still remain in Besarh and the neighbouring village of Bakhra, which will afford further proof of the identity of Besarh and Vaisali. These ruins were visited by Mr. J. Stephenson in 1834, I and described by him in Prinsep’s Journal.* They consist of two distinct groups, one at Besarh itself, and the other J — — * Gladwin’s Translation, II., 198. + Julien’s Hwen Thsang, II., 399. To Swetapura 90 li, plus 30 li to the Ganges. In Vol. I., p. 137, the distance to Swetapura is stated to be 100 li. £ Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, 1833, p. 128. 56 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1861-62. 2 miles to tlie north -north-west of Besarh, and 1 mile to the south-east of Baklira. But the whole of these must have belonged to the ancient Vaisali, as Hwen Tlisang describes the old foundations of the city, although even then much ruined, as occupying a circuit of from 60 to 70 li, or from 10 to 12 miles. Now, an oblong square, 3^ miles from north to south, and 2\ miles from west to east, making a circuit of exactly 12 miles, would include both Baklira and Besarh and all the remains that are at present traceable. This of itself would be sufficient to show that the Baklira ruins must have formed part of the ancient Vaisali; hut the fact will he placed byond all doubt when I come to describe the ruins themselves, which correspond in the most remark- able manner with the minute details recorded by Hwen Thsang. The remains at Besarh consist of a large deserted fort, and a ruined brick stupa. The fort is a large brick covered mound of earth, 1,580 feet long from north to south, and 750 feet broad from west to east, measured from edge to edge.* It has round towers at the four corners, and the whole is surrounded by a ditch which was full of water at the time of my visit. The ruined ramparts along the edge, and the four towers at the comers, are somewhat higher than the mass of the mound, which has a general elevation of from 6 to 8 feet above the country. The height of the north-west bastion I found by measurement to be 12 feet above the fields, and 15 feet above the bottom of the ditch, where it was dry. The main entrance was in the middle of the south face, where there still exists a broad embankment across the ditch, as well as a passage through the rampart. In the northern face there was probably only a postern gate, as there is no passage through the rampart, and no trace of any embankment across the ditch, excepting the fact that the only dry part of the ditch is on this face. The only building within the fort is a small brick temple of modem date. Outside the south-west angle of the fort, and about 1,000 feet distant, there is a ruined mound of solid brick-work, 23 feet 8 inches in height above the fields. The whole of the top has been levelled for the reception of Musalman tombs, of which the largest, ascribed to Mir Abdal, is said to be 500 * See Plate No. XXI. BESARH. 57 years old. Mr. Steplienson gives tlie name of the Saint as Mir Abdullah, and the age of the tomb as 250 years. My informant was the Musalman whom I found in charge of the o tomb. On the south edge of the mound there is a magnifi- cent wide-spreading Banian Tree, supported on numerous trunks, which shades the whole of the tombs. On the same side also a flight of steps leads down to the village of Besarh. This brick mound is the ruin of one of the stupas, or solid towers of Yaisali, of which so many are described by Hwen Thsang. “ Both within and without and all round the town of Vaisali,” says he, “ the sacred monuments are so many that it would be difficult to enumerate them.”* He has, however, described a few of them, which were situated to the south of the town, one of which, I have no doubt, is the solid brick mound that now bears the tomb of the Musalman Saint, Mir Abdal. At a short distance to the south of the town, there was a vihar, and also a stupa in the garden which Amradarika had presented to Buddha. Beside the garden there was another stupa erected on the spot where Buddha had announced his approaching Nirvana (or death). Beyond this there was a third stupa on the spot where the “ thousand sons had recog- nized their mother.” A fourth stupa stood over the spot where Buddha was said to have taken exercise, and a fifth, erected ; on ancient foundations, commemorated the site on which he had explained certain sacred books. A sixth stupa held the relics of one-half of the body of Ananda, the other half being enshrined at Baja-griha. The hearing of these stupas from the garden of Amradarika is not stated ; but as the mass of the existing brick ruins lies to the westward of the southern entrance of the fort, the whole of these monuments must have been situated in that direction. Of the six stupas described by Hwen Thsang, it is probable that only two were of any size, namely, that erected on the spot where Buddha had announced his approaching Nirvana, and that which contained j the relics of the half body of Ananda. It is much to be regretted that the presence of the Musalman tombs on the ; top of this ancient stupa effectually precludes any attempt at excavation, otherwise a shaft sunk down through the centre of the mound would probably reveal the purpose for which the monument had been erected. The stupa built by the * Julien’s Hwen Thsang, II., 395. 58 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1SG1-G2. King of Magadha in Baja-griha, over the other half of the remains of Ananda, is said by Hwen Thsang to have been a superb one. An annual fair is held at the Besarh stupa in the month of Chaitrci, when many thousands of people as- semble at the shrine of Mir Abdal. As the occurrence of this fair is regulated by the solar reckoning of the Hindus, and not by the lunar year of the Muhammedans, I conclude that the festival was established long before the time of the Musalman Saint. I would, therefore, as the fair is held beside the ruined stupa, connect the festival with some celebration in honour of Buddha, or of one of his disciples. Two ornamental stone pillars of mediaeval date were found a short time ago in excavating near the foot of the mound. To the westward of the fort there is a large sheet of water with an island on the east side, on which is situated a small temple dedicated to Mahadeva. Inside the temple all the sculptures found in the ruins of Besarh have been col- lected. The principal sculpture is a group of Mahadeva seated on his bull Nandi and caressing Durga, or Gauri, who is seated on a lion. There is also a standing figure of the four-armed Vishnu with a radiated halo round his head. In his hands he holds a club, a ball, a quoit, and a shell. A third sculpture represents the Ashta Sakti, or eight female energies seated on their respective vahans or vehicles. The remaining sculptures are Buddhistical. One is of Buddha the Ascetic, two represent the DhyAni Buddha, Amitabha, while a fourth is a seated figure of the famous Bodhisatwa Avalokiteswara. There are several small sheets of water to the north and north-west of the fort, but when I saw them they were irre- gular in shape and seemed to me mostly natural hollows filled with the rain which had recently fallen. The Natives, how- ever, say that formerly there were 52 tanks {Bawan Pokhar) around Besarh, two of which still exist in the neighbourhood of Bakhra. The remains at Bakhra are all situated on a low mound just one mile to the south-east of the village, and two miles to the north north-west of the Port of Besarh.* The greater portion of this mound is now cultivated, but the whole surface is covered with small fragments of bricks. The edge of the mound is best defined on the western side, where it * See Plate XXL Plate XXII BAKHRA PILLAR 'JVeaenf ground* j/.evel of urLvard Level ofFC elds Level of Water LAURIYA PILLAR Back View LAURIYA PILLAR Side View A. Cunningham, ue . Lith- Surv-. Genr1* Office Cat June 1871, BESARH. 59 lias an elevation of four feet. The remains consist of — Is/, a stone pillar surmounted by a lion ; 2nd, a ruined stupa of solid brick ; 3rd, a tank ; 4 th, four small eminences which mark the sites of ancient buildings ; and 5 tli, a very line life-size statue of Buddha the Ascetic, which was discovered only eight years ago. The pillar and the ruined stupa have already been described by Mr. Stephenson, and the site has already been identified by M. Vivien de St. Martin, as well as by myself, with the Vaisali of the Buddhists. The lion pillar of Bakhra is situated in the middle of a small court-yard with small rooms on three sides — the resi- dence of a Scmyasi who has recently settled at this place. The people call him Baba. He is about 30 years of age, and appeared to me very like a sepoy. He was obliging and communicative, and gave me both assistance and information. If he had been surly and disobliging, he might easily have raised religious scruples, and thus have thwarted me from making an excavation round the pillar, which I was parti- cularly anxious to do, as it was evident to me that the column had sunk considerably into the earth. The man had a few followers, and appeared to be very comfortable. There was plenty of food stored in his house, and a fine old well on the east side of the court-yard. The shaft of the pillar is a single block of polished sand-stone, 18 feet in height above the present ground level of the court- vard in which it stands, and 27 feet 11 inches above the surrounding fields. The difference between these two measurements, or 9 feet 11 inches, represents the ac- cumulation of rubbish around the pillar above the general level of the country. I made an excavation all round the shaft until I reached water at a depth of 14 feet below the level of the court-yard, and of 4 feet 1 inch below the level of the fields. The water in the old well close by was standing at the same level. As the whole of the shaft ex- posed by the excavation is polished, it appears to me certain that the pillar must have sunk into the ground at least 4 feet 1 inch in depth, and most probably several feet more, as there was no appearance of any basement at the point reached by my excavation. The whole height of shaft above the water level is 32 feet. I was informed by an old man at Besarh that the Saheb who excavated the Bakhra 60 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1861-62. stupa left a Bengali to make an excavation round tlie pillar, and that just at the water level he found a square pedestal in three steps. Before I began my own excavation, I was told that a previous excavation had been made down to the water level without revealing any inscriptions. I found, how- ever, a few short records in the curious flourished characters, which James Prinsep called “ shell-shaped,” and which Major Kittoe thought somewhat resembled Chinese. I believe that these characters belong to the 7th or 8th century. But at whatever period these may have been in use, it is certain that at least 4 or 5 feet more of the shaft must then have been exposed to view. The pillar now leans to the westward, and is from 4 to 5 inches out of the perpendicular at the ground level. I attribute the sinking of the pillar partly to the insufficiency of the basement, and partly to the want of stiffness in the sub-soil, which is a loose wet sand. In such a soil the basement should have been well spread out, with its foundation resting on xvells, so as to offer an effectual resistance to the thrust of the heavy pillar which, with its capital, must weigh nearly 50 tons. The shaft alone above the water level weighs 37 tons.* The upper diameter of the pillar is 38' 7 inches, and the lower diameter at the water level is 49'8 inches, the mean diameter being 44’2 inches, as the slope of the shaft is quite straight. The pillar is surmounted by a bell-shaped capital, 2 feet 10 inches in height, with an oblong abacus of 12 inches, making the whole height of capital 3 feet 10 inches. This forms the pedestal of a lion statue of life-size. The animal is seated facing the north with his hind legs under him, with his mouth open as if snarling, and his tongue slightly protruded. The attitude is rather stiff, and the fore legs of the animal seem to be both too short and too thick ; but the hair of the mane is boldly and cleverly treated, and the general appearance of the statue is certainly striking. There is no inscription on the pillar to declare the object for which it was erected. It is possible that a short inscrip- tion may once have existed, for the surface of the pillar has suffered considerably, and in one part, 2\ feet above the present ground level, the polished surface has peeled off all round. Numerous names of visitors have been cut on the * See Plate XXII. for a view of this pillar. BESARH. 61 pillar. Some few are of Musalmans, several of Hindus, but the most of Christians. The visitors, I was told, wrote their names in charcoal, and a village black-smith afterwards traced them roughly with a chisel The whole surface of the pillar within reach is disfigured with these rude scrawls, of which the neatest and smallest is that of “ Beuben Burrow, 1792.” Some of the ISagari inscriptions consist of two short lines, but none of them, as far as I could judge, are more than 200 or 300 years old. The pillar is known by the people as BMm-Sen-kd-ldt and Bldm-Sen-kd-danda. Immediately to the south of the pillar there is a small tank, 200 feet from east to west, and 150 feet from north to south. It has no name, but is simply called Kund or Pokhar. To the south, at a distance of 35 feet, there is a low mound of broken bricks, which must have been the site of some ancient building. At short distances from the south-west and north-west corners of the tank, there are two similar mounds. The probable identification of the tank and mounds will be noticed hereafter. Hue north from the pillar, and just outside the court- yard, there is a ruined stupa of solid brick surmounted by a fine old Pipal tree. This stupa is 25 feet 10 inches in height above the fields, but only 15 feet 11 inches above the present ground level of the pillar. An excavation has been made right into the centre of the mound from the north-west. The excavation, I was informed by an old man, was superintended by a Bengali servant of some Saheb more than 50 years ago, hut no discovery was made. This account agrees with that given by Mr. Stephenson, who relates that the excavation was made by a Hoctor, resident at Muzafarpur, 30 years ago, that is, previous to 1835, or about A. H. 1805. As the centre of the mass had evidently been reached by the Bengali, I did not think it necessary to make any further excavation. To the north-east of the ruined stupa, at a distance of 250 feet, there is a low mound similar to those near the tank, and due north, at a distance of 500 feet, there is a small temple containing a life-size statue of Buddha the Ascetic, which was discovered only eight years ago in digging up some brick walls immediately to the east of the temple. The statue is perfect, not even the nose being broken. There is a small Buddha on each side of the figure, and there are 62 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1861-62. two lions on the pedestal, besides a long inscription, "begin- ning with the usual Buddhist formula. There is no date, but the characters are those of the 8th or 9th century. The spot on which the figure was found was most probably the site of an ancient vihdr or Buddhist chapel monastery, in which the statue was enshrined. I saw several of the bricks with bevelled edges similar to those that form part of the mouldings of the Great Temple at Buddha Gaya, and of the stupa at Giryek. The lion pillar and the surrounding remains at Bakhra I would identify with a group of holy buildings described by Hwen Thsang as being situated upwards of one mile to the north-west of the Palace of Vaisali. The exact distance is not mentioned, but the existing remains correspond so closely with his details regarding the situation and nature of the different objects, that there can be no reasonable doubt as to the identity of the whole group. The first work noticed by Hwen Thsang as being upwards of one mile to the north-west of the Palace of Vaisali is a stupa that was built by King Asoka, of which the purpose is not stated. Beside the stupa there was a stone column from 50 to 60 feet in height, surmounted by the statue of a lion. To the south of the pillar there was a tank which had been ex- cavated by a flock of monkeys for the use of Buddha. At a short distance to the west of the tank there was a stupa erected on the spot where the monkeys climbed a tree and filled Buddha’s begging pot with honey. On the south side of the tank there was another stupa erected on the spot where the monkeys offered the honey to Buddha, and at the north-west angle of the tank there was a statue of a monkey.* The ruined stupa to the north of the pillar I would identify with Asoka’s stupa, and the small tank to the south of the pillar with the celebrated Markata-hradci or “ Mon- keys’ Tank,” which, as we have already seen, was in the same position with respect to the lion pillar. The two low mounds to the west and south of the tank correspond with the sites of the two stupas built to commemorate the monkey’s offer- ing of honey to Buddha ; and the low mound to the north- west agrees exactly with the site of the monkey’s statue. # Julicn’s Hwen Thsang, II., pp. 386-3S7. BESAHH. 63 The correspondence between the several objects so minutely detailed by Hwen Thsang and the existing remains is com- plete. The only point on which there is any seeming discre- pancy is the height of the pillar, which was from 50 feet to 60 feet, while the actual pillar may, perhaps, he less. The height of the lion statue is 4 feet 6 inches, that of the capi- tal is 3 feet 10 inches, and that of the polished shaft down to the water level is 35 feet 10 inches, making altogether a height of only 44 feet 2 inches ; but as neither the basement of the pillar nor the end of the polished portion of the shaft have been reached, it is quite certain that the pillar must have been higher than this measurement. I would, therefore, fix its probable original height at about 50 feet, which would then agree with the measurement of Hwen Thsang. Vaisali, the Capital of the Lichclihavi family, was espe- cially famous as the scene of the second Buddhist Synod in 443 B. C. The assembly was held, according to Hwen Thsang, at a spot 2-| miles to the south-east of the city, but I could find no remains in that direction. Vaisali was also celebrated as the place where Buddha had announced his approaching Nirvana. The actual spot was to the westward of the town, but after the announcement, Buddha, with his cousin disciple Ananda, repaired to the Kutdgdra hall, where he addressed his followers for the last time. Kutagara, which means the “ upper-storied hall,” was a famous edifice situated in the Mahdvano Vihdro, in which Buddha had dwelt during the 5th year of his teaching.* Mahdvano Vihdro means “ the Chapel Monastery of the Great Forest.” Fa-Hian speaks of “ a great forest and a chapel of two stories ;” but Hwen Thsang makes no allusion to the upper-storied hall, although, as we know from the Mdndhdtri Sutra of the Divya Avadana, translated by Burnouf, the Kutdgdra Hall was situated outlie bank of the Markata-hrada, or “ Monkey Tank.”f From Hwen Thsang’s silence I infer that this once famous hall, which Fa-Hian had seen about A. I). 410, must have b.ecome ruined before A. D. 640. Altogether, the agree- ment of these details is so very close that I think there can be little, if any, doubt that the Bakhra ruins represent the site of the group of sacred objects described by Hwen Thsang. Even the great forest can still be traced in the numerous fine * Tumour iu Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, 1S33, pp. 790 and 1200. t Introduction k 1’Histoire du Buddhisme Indien, p. 71. 6-1 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G1-G2. groves of trees which surround the ruins on all sides. The name of Bakhra may possibly have been derived from Vak (S. Yacli) “ to speak,” from the fact that in the Kutdgara Hall Buddha had addressed his disciples for the last time. XVI. KESARIYA. To the north -north-west, distant 30 miles from Bes4rh, and somewhat less than two miles to the south of the large village of Kesariya, stands a lofty brick mound capped by a solid brick tower of considerable size. This ruin has already been brought to notice by Mr. B. H. Hodgson, hut no des- cription has been published, and in the sketch taken by his Native artist, the mound appears much too high for its breadth, while the stupa (or dahgopa) on the top is made much too small.* The mound of Kesariya is a ruined mass of solid brick- work, 62 feet in height, and 1,400 feet in circumference at the base of the ruins. On the top of this there is a solid brick stupa, the whole surface of which is ruined, excepting at the base, which is still perfect in several places. In the most perfect part there are 15 courses of surface brick-work still in good order, and in two other places there are 10 and 11 courses perfect. Prom these three points I made out the base of the stupa to be 68 feet 5 inches in diameter. My measurement of the height was necessarily rough, as there was no defined edge at the top, the whole being thickly covered with long grass. After much trouble I made out a height of 38 feet inches for the cylindrical portion, and of 12 feet 10^ inches for the dome, or altogether of 51 feet 6 inches. But as the height of the dome cannot have been less than the half diameter of the building, or 34 feet 2^ inches, the original height of the solid brick-work or this stupa must have been 72 feet 10 inches, and the whole height of the stupa with its pinnacle not less than from 80 to 90 feet, or including the ruined basement on which it stands, not less than 150 feet above the ground, f Prom the ruined state of the lower mound, compared with the perfect state of the base of the upper stupa, I am * Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, 1835, Plate VII. t See Plate XXIII. for a plan of the ruins of Kesariya ; and Plate XXIV. for a view of the stupa. A. Cunningham del: lAtho. at the Survr. Genl’s. Office. Cal. August 1371 KESAEIYA. 65 of opinion that the present stupa is of middle age, say from A. D. 200 to 700, and that it was built upon the ruined mass of a much older and much larger stupa. That such a practice was not uncommon, we learn from Hwen Thsang, who describes two stupas at Vaisali as having been erected on ancient foundations. I feel quite satisfied that such has been the case with the Kesariya Monument, and as all the early stupas are found to be hemispherical, I infer that the lower and earlier stupa must have been of that form. Its great size may he deduced from the breadth of the base of the upper stupa, namely, 68 feet 5 inches, at a height of 62 feet above the ground ; and as there must have been a clear terrace all round this stupa, for the perambulation of pil- grims, the actual thickness of the early stupa at this height cannot have been much less than 100 feet, which would give a diameter at base of 160 feet. The height of the hemis- phere would, of course, have been 80 feet, hut with the usual square Buddhist capital surrounded by an umbrella, or other pinnacle, the stupa could not have been less than 100 feet. This ancient monument is known to the people as Raja, Ben ka Dedra. The similar hut smaller stupa at Kasiya is also called a. Dedra, or, as it is written by Buchanan, Dewhara. In both cases the name belongs to the upper stupa, and not to the whole mass, as all mounds, whether of earth or brick, in this part of the country, are named Bhisa. Deoriya, which is a very common village name in the districts of Tirhut, Champaran, and Gorakhpur, is applied, I believe, only to such places as possess either a temple or some other holy buildings. Of Raja Ben the people have no tradition, except that he was one of the five Supreme Emperors of India, and he is, therefore, called Raja Ben Chakravartti. The piece of water immediately to the south of the stupa is also named after him, Raja Ben ka Digha , or Baja Ben’s Tank. I know only of one Baja Vena, whom the Bisliis are said to have inaugurated as “ Monarch of the Earth,” but whom they afterwards slew, because he would not allow them to worship Vishnu — “ Who,” exclaimed he, “is this Hari whom you style the lord of sacrifice ?” Erom Vena’s right arm, when rubbed by Brahmans, was produced a son named Prithu, who, according to the Vislmu Purana, also become a Chakravartti Raja. This Vena Chakravartti is most pro- bably the great Baja Ben to whom the tradition refers. I 66 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1861-62. Now it is remarkable that, according to tlie account of Hwen Tlisang, this stupa was also referred to a Chakravartti Raja by the Buddhists of the 7th century. He states that at somewhat less than 200 li (that is, less than 33 miles, or say about 30 miles) to the north-west of Vaisali, which is the exact position of the Kesariya stupa, there was an ancient town which had been deserted for many ages. It possessed a stupa built over the spot where Buddha had announced that in one of his former existences he had been a Bodhisatwa, and had reigned over that town as a Chakravartti Raja, named Mahacleva* It can hardly, I think, be doubted that the tradition of Raja Ben preserves the very same story which is recorded by Hwen Tlisang. That the stupa was intended to commemorate a Chakravartti Raja might also have been inferred from its position at the meeting of four principal roads. “ For a Chakravartti Raja,” said Buddha addressing Ananda, “ they build the thupo at a spot where four princi- pal roads meet.” Now to the south of Kesariya, within one-quarter of a mile of the stupa, the two great thorough- fares of the district cross each other, namely, that from Patna northward to Bettiah, and that from Cliapra across the Gan- dak, north-eastwards to Nepal. On the east side of the Kesariya stupa a gallery has been excavated right to the centre of the building*. This is said to have been done upwards of 40 years ago by one Kasi Nath Babu, the servant of a Colouel Salieb. As the name of “ Lieutenant-Colonel Mackenzie, Madras Engineers, 1814,” is inscribed on the Bakhra Pillar, I think it probable that the excavation was made by his orders. No discovery was made, and, if I am right in my identification of this stupa with that which was erected on the spot where Buddha announced his previous existence as a Chakravartti Raja, it is almost certain that it would not have been the depository of relics or of other objects. The monument was, in fact, only a memorial stupa, erected to perpetuate the fame of one of Buddha’s acts, and not a sepulchral stupa for the reception of relics. To the north north-east of the stupa, and rather less than half a mile distant, there is a small mound which has been partially excavated to furnish materials for the bridges on the high road, which, within the last few years, have been * Julien’s Hwen Tlisang, II., 396. Hate XXIV. KESARIYA — LAURIYA ARA-RAJ. 67 made from Baklira to Motikari via Kesariya. The excavations have disclosed the walls of a small temple, 10 feet square inside, and the head and shoulders of colossal figure of Bud- dha, with the usual crisp curly hair. The mound, which is about 200 feet square, is called Haniwas, and also Gorai, and the buildings are attributed to some ancient Bani. It ap- pears to me to have been the site of a Vihara or Temple Monastery, as portions of cells are still traceable on the eastern side. At the south-west angle there is another smaller mound of brick ruin, 120 feet from north to south and 60 feet from west to east. It is probably the ruin of a temple. XVII. LAURIYA ARA-RAJ. Between Kesariya and Bettiah, at a distance of 20 miles to the north-west of the Kesariya stupa, and one mile to the south-west of the Hindu temple of Ara-Baj Makadeo, there stands a lofty stone column which bears in well-preserved and well-cut letters several of the edicts of KingAsoka. The pillar itself is simply called Laur , that is, “ the phallus and the neighbouring village, which lies not more than 100 yards to the westward, is called Laariya. This is the pillar which, on the authority of Mr. Hodgson, has been called the Badhia Pillar. Now, as the other pillar to the north of Bettiah is also called Laur, and the large village close to it Lauriya , while Mr. Hodgson has named it Mathiah, I presume that his Munshi intentionally suppressed the phallic name of Lauriya , and named the two pillars at random after some of the neighbouring villages. Thus Bakariva (Burheea of Indian Atlas Sheet No. 102), which is Mr. Hodgson’s Badhia, lies 2^ miles to the west north-west of the southern pillar, while Mathiah lies 3 miles due south from the northern pillar. In describing these pillars I will preserve the characteristic name of Lauriya, and for the sake of distinguishing the one from the other, I will add to each the name of the nearest village, thus the village near the southern pillar I shall call Lauriya Ara-Haj, and that near the northern pillar Lauriya Navandgarh. The Ara-Baj Pillar is a single block of polished sand- stone, 36^ feet in height above the ground, with a base dia- meter of 41-8 inches, and a top diameter of 37'G inches. The weight of this portion onty is very nearly 34 tons, but 68 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1861-62. as there must he several feet of rough shaft sunk in the earth, the actual weight of the single block must he about 40 tons. This pillar has no capital, although there can he little, if any, doubt that it must once have been crowned with a statue of some animal. The people, however, know nothing of it, and not a fragment of any kind now exists to suggest what it may have been. The site of the village is a very secluded one, and there are no ruins or other remains to attract attention. It has accordingly escaped the notice of travellers, and the disfigurement of their names — the only record being that of “ Iteuben Burrow, 1792,” besides a few flourished letters, or marks, of the kind which James Prinsep called shell-shaped characters. The edicts of Asoka are most clearly and neatly en- graved, and are divided into two distinct portions, — tliat'to the north containing 18 lines, and that to the south 23 lines. I made a copy of the inscription by the eye, which I then compared with James Prinsep’s text, and afterwards I re- examined every letter in which our copies differed. I also made an inked impression of the whole inscription on paper. But, though the variations from Prinsep’s text are not many, yet, as no facsimile has yet been made public, it is important, for the sake of comparison, to afford access to one which has been carefully copied in every letter. XVIII. LAURIYA NAVANDGARH. The lion pillar of Lauriya Navandgarh, which after Mr. Hodgson has hitherto been called the Mathiah Pillar, is situated at rather less than half a mile to the north-east of the large village of Lauriya, at 15 miles to the north north- west of Bettiah, and at 10 miles from the nearest point of the Gandak Biver. As Mr. Hodgson’s name of Mathiah serves only to mislead, I propose to call the site of this pillar Lauriya Navandgarh, by adding the name of a very remark- able deserted fort which stands just half a mile to the south- west of Lauriya. The village of Mathiah lies no less than 3 miles to the south of the pillar, and is besides both smaller and of less consequence than Lauriya. The name of this Lauriya is printed in Homan letters in the Indian Atlas Sheet No. 102, and even the “ stone pillar” itself is inserted in its proper place to the north-east of the village. The deserted LATJRIYA NAVANDGARH. 69 fort of Navandgarh is omitted, but it will be found in the Calcutta Map, on the 8-mile scale, as Naonad-garli. The mound is from 250 to 300 feet square at top, and 80 feet in height. On account of its height it was chosen as one of the stations of the Trigonometrical Survey, and for the same reason it commands a most extensive and beautiful view of the well-wooded country around it.*' The remains at Lauriya Navandgarh are particularly in- teresting, as they are very extensive, and at the same time quite different in character from any others that I have exa- mined. These remains consist of three rows of eartliern barrows or huge conical mounds of earth, of which two of the rows lie from north to south, and the third from west to east. The stupas hitherto met with have been made either of stone or of brick ; but the earliest stupas were mere mounds of earth, of which these are the only specimens that I have seen. I believe that they are the sepulchral mounds of the early kings of the country, prior to the rise and spread of Buddhism, and that their date may, therefore, be assumed as ranging from about 600 to 1500 B. C. The word stupa meant originally only “ a mound of earth,” and this is the rendering given to the word by Colebrooke in his transla- tion of the Amarakosha. In the time of Asoka all the stupas were certainly built either of stone or brick, as recorded by Hwen Tlisang ; and, although he is silent regard- ing the material of the earlier stupas of Ajatasatra and other contemporaries of Buddha, yet, as he makes no mention any- where of earthen stupas, I presume that all the Buddhist monuments were either of brick or stone. The earthen barrows I would, therefore, refer to an earlier period, as the stupas or sepulchral mounds raised over the ashes of the rulers of the country, the larger mounds belonging, perhaps, to the greater or more famous monarchs who had assumed the title of Chalcravartti Bajas. Every mound is called simply BMsci, and the whole are said to have been the forti- fied residences of the ministers and nobles of Baja TJttanpat , while the Eort of Navandgarh was the Baja’s own residence. Uttdncipdda , King of Brahmavarta or Bharatkhand, that is, of the Gangetic Boab, was the son of the Manu Swayam- bhuva , the first-created of Brahma, and the progenitor of * See Plate XXIII. for a plan of these ruins, and Plate XXV. for a view. 70 ARC IDEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G1-G2. mankind. Raja Vena, to wbom the Kesariya Monument is assigned, was the seventh in descent from TJttanapada. Another decisive evidence in favour of the great antiquity of these harrows is the fact that Major Pearse, of the Madras Artillery, found one of the small punch-marked silver coins in his excavations amongst them, These coins are certainly anterior to the time of Alexander the Great, and I believe that many of them are as old as 1000 B. C., and, perhaps, even older. There are three rows of these earthen mounds, of which one line runs from east to west, and the other two lines from north to south. There are five barrows in the east and west row and six barrows in the inner north and south row, while the outer north and south row has four large and at least seven small barrows.* There are probably several more small mounds which escaped my observation in the jungle sur- rounding some of the larger mounds, but I do not believe that any barrow of greater height than 5 or 6 feet remains unnoticed. In my survey of these remains I have attached a separate letter of the alphabet to each mound for the sake of greater clearness of description. In the east and west line there are five mounds marked A. to E. Pour of these mounds, A., C., D., and E., are covered with fragments of brick, and there are also traces of the walls of small brick buildings on their summits. Mound A. is 20 feet in height. Within 5 feet of its top, I excavated a portion of a circular foundation wall, 16 inches thick, formed of single bricks 20-| inches long and 4 inches thick. There were only four courses of bricks resting on the earth of the mound. This work may either have been the retaining wall of a circular terrace which once crowned the top of the mound, or it may have been the foundation of a tower ; but * See Plate XXIV. for a view of tliese earthen mounds and of the Lion-pillar. The following extracts from the Bengal Administration Report for 18G8-69 show the nature of the discoveries to be expected in these mounds. The excavations were made on my re- commendation : “Para. 273. — “ At Lowrya, 15 miles north-west of Bettiah, there is one of Asoka’s edict or boundary pillars. It is of granite, 40 feet high and 9 feet in circumference at base. It has an entablature at top surmounted by a lion couchant. A short time ago, close by it, were found some leaden coffins containing unusually long human skeletons.” A second paragraph, perhaps, refers to a different discovery, hut I suspect it must be the same described by a different person. “ Some tumuli have been discovered in the Bettiah sub-division, from one of which two iron coins were obtained, aud from another an iron coffin 9 feet or so in length ; in this were human hones. The coffin was greatly corroded, aud fell to pieces.” LAURIYA NAYANDGATIIT. 71 as the wall was only 1G inches thick, the former Avould seem to he the more probable supposition. Mound B. is a simple earthen harrow, 25 feet in height. Mound C., which is 30 feet in height, is thickly covered with broken brick. There are traces of foundation Avails on the top, hut a former exca- Aration shows that the whole mass is plain earth. There arc traces also of walls on the slopes of the mound ; and in an excavation amongst these superficial brick ruins made by Mr. Lynch, Deputy Magistrate of Motilifiri, there was found a seal of black earthen- ware, bearing a short inscription in characters of the Gupta period, that is, of the 2nd and 3rd century after Christ. The inscription, which consists of four letters, reads Atavijd. This is most probably only a name which may mean either Atavi + ja, “ the forest born,” or less probably Ata + vija, “the cause of motion.” At the end of the name there is the Swastika, or mystic cross, and over the name in the middle there is the symbol of Dharmma, and to the left, in a slanting direction, a trident, or trisdl. The discovery of this seal shows that Navandgarli Lauriya was certainly occupied by the Buddhists as late as the 2nd or 3rd century A. D. Doubtless their occupation continued to a later period ; for, although both Ea-Hian and Hwen Thsang make no allusion to it, their silence is easily accounted for by the fact that the course of their travels did not take either of them into the Bettiah District. The tAvo remaining barrows of this row are somewhat higher, mound D. being 35 feet, and E. 45 feet. Both of them are covered with broken brick. The top of D. had already been opened, and I myself made an eYcavajion on the top of mound E. Both had flat tops, as if terraces 'had once existed on their summits, and with this impression I began my excavation. At the depth of 4 feet all trace of brick disappeared, the mass of the mound being plain earth. The bricks were large, 15" x 9" x 2-|." None of the barrows of the middle line have any traces of brick upon them, but seem to be made of plain earth. They are all covered with low thorny jungle. The most northerly mound of this line, marked H., is 25 feet in height ; the next mound, marked G., is 20 feet ; the next E. is 50 feet ; and the next M. is 55 feet. The last two are the highest of all the barrows at Navandgarh Lauriya. The next mound N. is only 15 feet high, and the next southerly mound, marked Q., is 25 feet in height. About one-half of 72 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G1-G2. the mass of tlic last mound lias been excavated and carried away to Bcttiak on bullocks and donkeys. The whole heart of the mound is formed of an extremely hard whitish clay, which is used by the people as a light coloured clay-wash for the walls of their houses. This clay is, indeed, so hard that it turns the edges of common digging tools. When freshly cut, it glistens, and has a bluish tint. Prom whence was this clay obtained ? There is none now anywhere near the place, the soil being generally light and sandy. Can it have been found here formerly, or was it brought from a distance ? In the outer line there are only four large barrows, the most northerly, marked L., being 20 feet in height, and the other three, marked K., J., and R., being each 30 feet. The last mound R., which is the most southerly of this line, has also been excavated for the sake of its stiff white clay, which is similar to that of mound Q. of the middle line. Between J. and R. I traced seven small mounds, of which the largest, marked O., is only 8^ feet in height. I made an opening in this mound down to the ground level, but without any result, except that it proved the mound to be formed of common hard earth, and not of the indurated glistening white clay, which forms the masses of the two barrows Q. and R. There is another question regarding these barrows which is, perhaps, quite as puzzling as that of their origin, namely, from whence was the earth for so many large mounds pro- cured, for there is not a single hollow or excavation of any kind in their neighbourhood ? On three sides of the huge mound of Navandgarh the tanks still exist to show whence its material was obtained, but with respect to the material for the tumuli we are left entirely to conjecture. Between the mounds and the village of Lauriya there is the dry bed of an annual flood stream called the Tarhdha Ndla, but its soil is light and sandy, excepting only in the deeper pools, where the water lies for several months. It seems scarcely possible that the earth could have been taken from this sandy channel, and yet it is equally impossible to say from what other place it could have been obtained. The lion pillar of Lauriya Navandgarh stands to the north of the mounds A. and B., at a distance of less than 500 feet from each. Its shaft is formed of a single block of polished stand-stone, 32 feet 9^ inches in height, with a dia- L AU RITA NAVANDGARH. 73 meter at base of 35‘5 inches and of 26’2 inches at top. The capital, which is 6 feet 10 inches in height, is hell-shaped, with a circular abacus supporting the statue of a lion facing the north.* The abacus is ornamented with a row of Brahmani geese pecking their food. The column has a light and elegant appearance, and is altogether a much more pleas- ing monument than the stouter and shorter pillar of Bakhra. The lion has been injured in the mouth, and the column itself bears the round mark of a cannon shot just below the capital, which has itself been slightly dislodged by the shock. One has not far to seek for the name of the probable author of this mischief. By the people the outrage is ascribed to the Musalmans, and on the pillar itself, in beauti- fully cut Persian characters, is inscribed the name of Mahi-ud-din Muhammad Aurangzib Padshah Alamgir Gliazi , Sanh, 1071. This date corresponds with A. D. 1660-61, which was the fourth year of the reign of the bigotted Aurang- zib, and the record may probably have been inscribed by some zealous follower in Mir Jumla’s Army, which was then on its return from Bengal, after the death of the Emperor’s brother Shuja. The Navandgarh Pillar is much thinner and much lighter than those of Ara-Raj and Bakhra. The weight of the polished portion of its shaft is only 18 tons, or rather less than half that of the Bakhra Pillar, and some- what more than half that of the Ara-Raj Pillar. The pillar is inscribed with the edicts of Asoka in the same clear and beautifully cut characters as those of the "Ara E^ij Pillar. The two inscriptions, with only a few trifling variations, correspond letter for letter. I made a careful copy of the whole for comparison with the text made public by James Prinsep. I made also a facsimile impression in ink. The Navandgarh Pillar has been visited by numerous travellers, as it stands in the direct route from Bettiah to Nepal. There are a few unimportant inscriptions in modem Nagari, the oldest being dated in Samvat 1566, chait hadi 10, equivalent to A. D. 1509. One of them, without date, refers to some petty Royal Eamily, Nripa IS! ar ay ana Suta, Nripa Amara Singha, that is, “King Amara Singha, the son of King Narayana.” The only English inscription is the name of Pin. Burrow , 1792. * See Plate XXII, for a view of this pillar. K 74 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G1-G2. The pillar itself lias now become an object of worship as a phallus or lingam. Whilst I was copying the inscription, a man with two women and a child set up a small flag before the pillar, and placed offerings of sweetmeats around it. They then all knelt before it, bowing down their heads to the ground with their hands behind their backs, and repeating some prayer. The erection of the pillar is ascribed to Raja B/iim Mari , one of the five Pandava brothers to whom most of the pillars in India are now ascribed. I could not learn anything regarding the title of Mari. There are two fine Banian trees close to the pillar, — one to the north, and the other to the south ; — but there are no traces of buildings of anv kind near it. XIX. PADARAONA. The large village of Badaraona, or Badaravcma, is situ- ated 12 miles to the west of the River Gandak, 27 miles in a direct line to the north north-west of Navandgarli Lauriva, and 40 miles to the north north-east of Gorakhpur. I be- lieve that it is the ancient Bawd, as it is situated just 12 miles from Kasia, which agrees with the position assigned to Bawd in the Pali Annals with respect to Kusinagara. The very name of Bawd also seems to be only a corruption of Badara-vana, or Badar-ban, which might easily be shortened to Barban , Bdwan , and Bawd. The remains at Padaraona consist of a large mound covered with broken brick and a few statues. The ms'anu is 220 feet in length from west to east, 120 feet im breadth from north to south, and 14 feet in height at the western end above the fields. The long trench mentioned by Bucha- nan still exists on the west side, and looks as if a wall had "been dug out for the sake of the bricks. About eight years ago a large hole was excavated to the east of the trench by a zemindar for the sake of bricks. Two houses were built of the materials then obtained, but sufficient trace of the walls still remains to show that they were in straight lines, one of them being paralled .to Buchanan’s trench. Prom this I infer that there was a court-yard about 100 feet square, with cells on each side for the accommodation of monks. In the centre there was probably either a stupa or a temple. But if I am right in my identification of Padaraona with Bawd , PADAUAOXA. h» tm' Vo tlie building would almost certainly have been a stupa ; for we know that the people of Pawa, after the cremation of Buddha’s body, obtained one-eiglith of the relics, over which they erected a stupa. The entrance to the court-yard would appear to have been on the east side, where the mound is now low and thickly covered with bricks. In a small roofless brick building at a short distance to the northward, there are a few old figures. This temple is dedicated to Hatlii Bhawani, or the Elephant Goddess, who is accordingly propitiated with rude votive figures of ele- phants in baked clay, of which numbers lie scattered about the temple, both inside and outside. The statue called Hatlii Bhawani represents a squatted male figure with a triple umbrella over his head. The figure appears to he naked, and if so, it must belong to the Jains, and not to the Buddhists. A drawing of it is given by Buchanan.* There are also two fragments with seated Buddhas, and a third with the upper half of a female figure. On referring to Buchanan I recognized all three fragments as having belonged to the statue sketched as fig. 2 in his plate. The principal figure is now gone, hut there are a few unimportant fragments not noticed by Buchanan, and in the village there is the pedestal of a statue. I made an excavation on the highest part of the mound on the west side, and to the northward of the zemindar’s excavation. In this I found bricks with rounded edges such ■-ac I had noticed in the mouldings of the Great Temple at Buddfi8,-Gya, and of the stupa at Giryek. I found also wedge-shaped bricks of two sizes. The largest ones being only fragments, I was unable to ascertain their length, but their breadth was 20f at the end, and 19J inches at G inches distance. As the larger end was rounded, these bricks must have formed part of some circular building and most pro- bably of a solid stupa, which would have been just 30 feet in diameter. The smaller bricks were 8^ inches long 5 ^ inches broad at the widest end, and 5 inches at the narrow end, with a thickness of 2J inches. These may have belonged to a small stupa about 9 feet in diameter. In my excavation I found also the base of a pillar of coarse grey sandstone. It was 15 inches square and 6^ inches high, with a few plain * Eastern India, II., Plate I., Fig. 2. 76 ARCHAEOLOGICAL RETORT, 1861-62. mouldings at the upper edge. The complete excavation of this mound would not be difficult, and the work might he superintended by the civil authorities of the place, who live close by. XX. KASIA. The village of Kasta is situated at the crossing of two great thoroughfares, at a distance of 35 miles due east from Gorakhpur. The name is written Kasia, with the short a in the first syllable ; but I have little doubt that it should be written Kusta with the short u , for the place corresponds, both in position and in name, with the celebrated Kusinagara or “Town of the Kusa-grass,” which, as the scene of Buddha’s death, was famous throughout India. This sacred spot was visited both by Ta-Hian and by Hwen Thsang; and the latter has left a detailed account of the various stupas which still existed in his time. Most of these have now disappeared, owing partly to the removal of bricks by the people, but chiefly, I believe, to the inundations of the Little Gandak Liver, which at some former period must have flowed close by the sacred buildings of Kusinagara , as there are several old channels between the two principal masses of ruins, which are still occasionally filled during the rainy season. The existing remains have already been described by Buchanan* and by Mr. Liston ;f but their accounts are very brief, and offer no attempt to identify the ruins with any of the ancient cities which are known to have existed in this part of the country. The remains consist of — 1st, a-dufty mound of solid brick-work called Devistltdn and Rdrndbhdr Bhaicdni ; 2nd, an oblong mound called the Port of Matlia Kudr, which is covered with broken brick and jungle, and on which stands a brick stupa much ruined ; 2>rd-, a large statue of Buddha the Ascetic ; 1th, a low square mound covered with broken brick near the 'village of Anrudhiod ; and 5 th, a number of low earthern mounds, like barrows, which are scattered over the plain to the north and east of the great mound 4 * Eastern India, II., p. 357. f Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, 1837, p. 477. + See Plate XXVI. for a Map of Kasia. 1 opened several of these barrows, but with- out any result. I believe now that I did not dig deep enough. That they are tombs I feel quite certain, as Megasthenes describes the Indian “sepulchres as plain, and the tumuli of earth low.” Strabo., XV., I. 54. KASIA. 77 The mound called Devisthdn and Bdmdblidr Ttla is the ruin of a large ancient stupa of solid brick-work, which is still 49 feet in height above the fields. It is situated some- what less than one mile to the south-west of Kasia. On the top, under a fine old Banian Tree, is the shrine of the goddess Devi. There is neither statue nor building, hut only some votive figures in baked clay, the offerings of the poor people to their favourite Devi. The goddess is also called Mdmdbhdr Bliaivdni, because the mound is situated on the western bank of the . Rdmabhar Jlnl, a large natural sheet of water, which forms part of the bed of the Roha Ndla, one of the old channels of the Little Gandak. As the mound is also called Kamabhar Tila, it is possible that this name may have originally belonged to the stupa. I attempted to make an excavation at the top of the mound, but the large interlaced roots of the Banian Tree soon forced me to give up the work. At the south- eastern foot of the mound I discovered a portion of a small stupa formed of very large bricks, averaging 5 inches in thickness. These bricks were 17^ inches in length and wedge- shaped, being 8-| inches broad at one end, and only 7 inches at the other end. These dimensions would give a diameter of only 16^ feet to the stupa. The large mound called Mcitlid- Knar- ka-kot, or the “ Port of Matha-Kuar,” is 600 feet in length from north- west to south-east, and from 200 to 300 feet in breadth. At its highest point, which is 30 feet 3 inches iu height above the plain, the mound is formed entirely of solid brick-work, "which I believe to be the remains of a very ancient stupa. On this 'point stands a solid tower of brick- work with sides much ruined, and its top covered with long grass. This is undoubtedly a stupa, and from its position it must be of much later date than the ancient mass of brick-work on which it stands. I conclude that it is a work of middle age, or between A. D. 200 and 600. At present the mass of the tower is only 24 feet thick, but by clearing away the rubbish, I measured a circumference of 86 feet, which gives a diameter of nearly 27^ feet. The present height of the lower portion is only 15 feet, and that of the grass-covered top, 12 feet 9 inches, the whole being 27 feet 9 inches above the ancient foundation, and 58 feet above the plain. But as the original height of this later work was most probably equal to two diameters, or 55 feet, the whole height of the stupa above the plain would have been 85 feet. I drove a horizontal gallery into the 78 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1SG1-G2. centre of tlie building at its base without making any dis- covery. I confess that I did not expect to find anything, as, I believe, that whatever relics may have been deposited on this spot, they would have been placed in the more ancient stupa below, which forms the foundation of the present monument. There is a fine Pipal Tree close to this stupa.* The mound called the Tort of Matlia Kuar is situated nearly 1,600 yards to the north north-west of the ruined stupa called Ramabliar. Buchanan gives the distance as 400 yards, which is most probably a misprint for 1,400 yards. My dis- tance was measured from centre to centre ; if taken from foot to foot, the distance would be a little over 1,400 yards. This mound Avould seem to have been formed of the ruin of two large buildings and of several small ones. The site of one of the larger ones has just been described ; that of the other is to the north-westward, the summit of the mound at this point, which is crowned by a large Pipal Tree, being 20 feet in height above the plain. To the east of the stupa there is also a small detached mound, 16 feet 3 inches in height. I made an excavation in the top of this mound, which I aban- doned after reaching a depth of 4 feet 3 inches, as I found only broken bricks mixed with earth. Both to the north and south of the stupa there are low mounds, which are probably the remains of small detached t owners or other buildings. The top of the large mound is in most parts thickly covered with bricks, but towards the north-west end, where the elevation is low, there are some rather large spaces quite clear of bricks, which may be supposed to represent the court-y?Ms, or vacant spots between the buildings. I noticed many wedge-shaped bricks, which must have belonged to stupas of small size, besides several bricks with one-half face bevelled like those in the mouldings of the Great Temple at Buddha- Gaya and of Jarasandlia’s Tower at Giryek. I was unable to trace any straight lines of surrounding Avails, and, from the irregular outline of the mound, 1 incline to belieA^e that it has been formed by the ruin of a considerable number of independent buildings, such as a cluster of stupas of all sizes. Trom the total absence of statues, I infer that there were probably but few temples on this site. The large statue known as that of Matlia Kuar, or the cc Dead Prince,” is uoav lying on the ground at a distance of * See Plate XXA'II. for a view of these ruins. . Cunilillgbfl*n, del. Ph.otodncogcapb.ed. at the Surveyor General’a Office Calcutta STUPA AND MOUND OF RUINS AT KASIA. KASIA. 79 1,100 feet from tlie brick stupa above described. Quite close beside it, to the eastward, there is a low square mound which I believe to be the remains of a temple in which the image was formerly enshrined. The statue which is made of the dark blue stone of Gaya, is split into two pieces from top to bottom, and is otherwise much injured. The short inscrip- tion on its pedestal has been almost worn out by the villagers in sharpening their tools, hut the few letters which remain are sufficient to show that the statue is not of older date than the 11th or 12th century. The figure itself is colossal, and represents Buddha the Ascetic seated under the Bodhi Tree at Budha-Gaya. The whole sculpture is 10-J feet in height by 4f feet in breadth. The height of the figure alone is 5 feet 44- inches, the breadth across the shoulders being 3 feet 8-^- inches, and across the knees 4 feet 5 inches. A sketch of this sculpture is given hv Buchanan.'* Between the Port of Mdthd Kudr and the great stupa on the Bdmdbhdr JliU, there is a low mound of brick ruins about 500 feet square, which is said to have been a hot or fort, and to which no name is given ; hut as it lies close to the village of Anrudhwa on the north-west, it may he called the Anrudhwa mound. There is nothing now left to show the nature of the buildings which once stood on this site ; hut from the square shape of the ruins, it may he conjec- tured with some probability that they must be the remains of a monastery. There are three fine Pipal Trees now standing on the mound. To\tlie north and east of the mound of Matha Knar the plain is covered with a number of low grassy mounds from 3 to 6 feet in height, and from 12 to 25 feet in diameter. Be gar ding these barrows the people have a tradition that gypsys were formerly very numerous about Kasia, and that these mounds are the tumuli of their dead. I opened three of them, hut without making any discovery. They were all formed of plain earth, without any trace of bones, or ashes, or broken bricks. The people call them simply mounds, but I was informed by an old man that he had heard them styled Blumdwdt, and that ghosts were sometimes seen flitting about them. If the name of Blumdwdt has any reference to these ghosts, it might, perhaps, he translated as the “fear- * Eastern India, II., Plate II. 80 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G1-G2. some place but I cannot be certain of the spelling, and it is also possible that the old man may not have remembered the name correctly. I counted 21 of these mounds, but as they are generally not more than 3 or 4 feet in height, it is probable that their actual number is much greater.* I have already stated that the site of Kasia corre- sponds both in position and in name with the ancient city of Kusinagara, which was famous throughout India as the scene of Buddha’s death. According to Hwen Thsang, Kusinagara was situated at 700 li , or 116 miles to the north- east of Benares. Now Kasia is 112 miles to the north north-east of Benares in direct line. Fa-Hian also places Kusinagara at a distance of 23 yojans to the north-west of a place which was situated only 8 or 10 miles to the north of Vaisali, where the Lichchhavi Nobles had taken a last fare- well of Buddha. At 7 miles to the yojan Fa-Hain’s measure- ment would place Kusinagara at 148 or 150 miles to the north-west of Vaisali. Now the distance by the route which I marched is exactly 140 miles in a north-west direction, but as this measurement was taken along the straight lines of road which have been laid out by the British authorities, the actual distance by the old winding Native roads must certainly have been somewhat greater, or as nearly possible 150 miles. The only name now associated with the ruins near Kasia is that of Matha Kudr, or the “ Dead Prince .” Mr. Liston gives the name as Mata , but a Brahman of the- neighbouring village of Bishanpur, who wrote the name for me, spelt it as I have given it, Mdthd. As this spelling points to the derivation of the word from Mdthd , or Mdthd, “ to kill,” I have translated Mdthd Kudr as the “ Dead Prince,” which I refer to Buddha himself after his death, or, in the language of the Buddhists, after his obtainment of Nirvana. Hwen Thsang, when speaking of Sakya's as- sumption of the mendicant’s dress, calls him Kumdra Raja, or the “ Royal Prince;” but, although this title was never, I believe, applied to him by the learned after his assumption of Buddhahood, it does not seem at all improbable that it may have remained in common use amongst the people. We * See a previous note at p. 76, quoting the description of ilegastlienes, that the Indian tumuli were “ low mounds of earth,” KASIA. 81 know from Hwen Tlisang tliat on the spot where Buddha died there was a brick vihdr or temple monastery in which was enshrined a recumbent statue of Buddha on his death- bed, with his head turned to the north. Now this statue would naturally have been the principal object of veneration at Kusinagara ; and, although amongst the learned it might have been called the “ statue of the Nirvana” yet I can readily believe that its more popular name amongst all classes would have been the “statue of the Dead Prince.” Iam, therefore, of opinion that the name of Mdtha Knar, which still clings to the ruins of Kasia, has a direct reference to the death of Buddha, which, according to his followers, took place at Kusinagara on the full moon of Yaisakh, 5-13 B. C. Owing to the wanderings of the Little Gandak Elver, it is somewhat difficult to follow Hwen Thsang’s account of the sacred edifices at Kusinagara. The whole of the existing remains are situated to the eastward of the Khanua Nala, which is only a branch or inundation channel of the Little Gandak Biver. All the old channels are called Chawar ; the Lambuha Chawar , running between the two ancient stupas, and the Koha Chawar, or Eolia Nala, to the east of the Bamabhar Tila. An intelligent man, whom I met at Padraona, called the stream to the westward of Kasia the Kir ana, hut the people in the villages about the ruin knew only the Klianiia Nala, and had never heard of the Kirana. Buchanan, however, calls the Kirana a considerable rivulet which has a course of about 15 miles, and makes it a feeder of the .Little Gandak;* but there is some confusion in his description of this river. The changes of name would, how- ever, appear to have been as numerous as the changes of channel ; for, in the time of Hwen Tlisang, this stream was called the Ajitavati, its more ancient name having been Kiranyavati, while the present name is Chota Ganclah, and the eastern inundation branch is called Khanua. There is now no trace of Hwen Thsang’s Ajitavati, but the name of Kiranyavati is still preserved in the Hirana of my Padraona informant. At the time of Hwen Thsang’s visit, the walls of Ku- sinagara were in ruins, and the place was almost deserted; but the brick foundations of the old Capital occupied a * Eastern India, IT., p. 31t>. L 82 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1861-62. circuit of about 12 li, that is, of about two miles. After a long and attentive comparison of all our available information, I have come to the conclusion that the famous city of Kusina- gara must have occupied the site of the mound and village of Anrudlrwa. The ruined mound, which is about 500 feet square, I would identify as the site of the Palace of the Mallian Kings, which was in the midst of the city, and to the city itself I would assign an extent of about 1,000 feet on all sides of the palace. This would give a square area of 2,500 feet, or nearly half a mile on each side, with a circuit of 10,000 feet, or nearly 2 miles, as recorded by Hwen Thsang. I will now compare the existing remains with the account of the Chinese pilgrim, and with the details given in the Pali Annals of Ceylon, as translated by Tumour. The spot where Buddha died is fixed by Hwen Thsang at 3 or 1 li, or rather more than half a mile, to the north-west of the city, in a forest of sal trees, at a short distance from the western bank of the Ajitavati Biver. The distance and direction correspond exactly with the site of the great mound now called the Port of Mdtlid Kuar. On this spot was erect- ed a great brick vihar or temple monastery, in which was enshrined a statue of Buddha in a recumbent posture as he appeared when about to enter Nirvana. This vihar I would identify with the extensive mass of ruin marked K. in my survey of the site at the western end of the mound. Beside the vihar there was a stupa, 200 feet in height, built by Asoka, and a stone pillar, on which was recorded the history of the Nirvana, or death of Buddha. This stupa I would identify with the foundation or lower part of the brick tower marked A., now standing on the mound, and of which an account has already been given. Hwen Thsang describes two smaller stupas, and then a third grand stupa which stood on the spot where Brahman Subhadra had entered into Nirvana * As the whole of the buildings above described as well as three small stupas were clustered together around the spot where Buddha was said to have died, their ruins, in the lapse of ages, would naturally have formed a single large mound of irregular outline, in all respects similar to the mass of ruins now called Mathd-Kuar-ka-kot. I think, there- fore, that no reasonable doubt can now remain against the identification of Kasia with the ancient Kusinagara. With Tliis lust I would identify with the high point in the centre of the mound marked B. KASIA. S3 regard to tlie slight difference of name, I have already stated my belief that the name of the present village should in all probability be written Kiista instead of Kastci, and in favour of this spelling I may add that the name is variously spelt in the Buddhist Books as Kusigrdmaka , Kusindra, Kusvnd- gara , and Kusinagari. After the death of Buddha, the assembled Bhikshus (or mendicants) were consoled by the Venerable Aniruddha, who assured them that he saw the Devatas looking down from the skies upon earth, and weeping and bewailing with dishevelled hair and up-lifted arms.* Aniruddha was the first cousin of Buddha, being the second son of Amitodana, one of the brothers of Suddhodana, the father of Sakya Sinka. He was one of the ten great disciples of his cousin, and was renowned for his penetrating sight. Accordingly, on the death of Buddha, he took the lead of all the disciples present, and conducted their proceedings. By his directions Ananda made known the death of Buddha to the Mallian Nobles, who at once proceeded to the spot with garlands of flowers, and numerous cloths and music. Bor six days the body lay in state, attended by the people of Kusinara. On the seventh day, when eight of the Mallian Nobles, who had been select- ed to carry the corpse to the place of cremation, attempted to lift it, they found themselves unable to move it. The amazed Nobles, on enquiring of the Venerable Aniruddha the cause of this prodigy, were informed that their intention of carrying the corpse through the southern gate to the south of the city was contrary to the intention of the Devatas. “ Lord,” said the Mallian Nobles, “ whatever be the intention of the Devatas, be it acceded to.” Accordingly, the corpse was borne by the eight Mallian Chieftains, on a bier formed of their lances, through the northern gate to the centre of the town, and then through the eastern gate to the coronation hall of the Mallians, where the funeral pile had been prepared. Pour N oble Mallians then advanced and applied their torches to the funeral pile, but they were unable to ignite it. Again the baffled Nobles inquired of Aniruddha the cause of this second prodigy, who informed them that it was the intention of the Devatas that the corpse should not be burnt until the arrival of Maha Kasyapa, the chief disciple of Buddha. At that * Tumour in Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, 1838, p. 1009. 84 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1861-62. moment Kasyapa was on liis way from Ttiwd to Kusindra. On liis arrival he perambulated the pile three times, and then opening it at the end, he reverentially bowed down his head at the feet of Buddha. As he rose, the pile spontaneously ignited, and the corpse of the great teacher was consumed. I have given this long account of the obsequies of Buddha for the express purpose of showing the very promi- nent part that was taken by Aniruddha in all the proceed- ings. He first consoled the disciples on the death of Buddha ; he then explained the causes of the miracles why the Mal- lian N obles were unable at first to lift the corpse of Buddha, and afterwards to ignite the funeral pile ; and lastly, accord- ing to Hwen Thsang, he ascended to the heavens to inform Maya Devi, the mother of Buddha, of her son’s death. As the whole of these acts were performed at Kusinara, we might not unreasonably suppose that some memorial monument of Aniruddha would have been erected there. There is, how- ever, no record of such a monument in Hwen Thsang’s ac- count of the sacred edifices at Kusinagara ; hut I think it more than probable that the village of Anrudhwa must have received its name from some former memorial of the far- sighted Aniruddha, the cousin of Buddha. In Sheet 102 of the Indian Atlas the name of this village is spelt Aniroodwa, which is more correct than the name written down for me by a Brahman of the place. The existence of this name in the immediate vicinity of the ancient monuments of Kusm must, I think, add considerable weight to all the other evi- dence in favour of the identification of Kusia with the ancient Kusinagara. There is a discrepancy between the Ceylonese annals and the accounts of the Chinese pilgrim regarding the site of Buddha’s cremation. According to the Pali annals above quoted, the corpse must have been burnt somewhere to the eastward of the city, and with this account Pa-Hian would seem to agree, for he places the scene of Buddha’s death to the northward of the town. Hwen Thsang, however, places the site of the cremation to the northward of the city, across the Biver Hiranyavati. I think that these different accounts may, perhaps, be reconciled by identifying the stupa of the cremation with the large brick mound called the lldmdbhdr Tila , which being situated opposite to the north-east corner of the Anrudhwa mound (or ancient city as I suppose), might vta u xycvta KIHJKHUNDO »no K&HAO* StetcQ of th.e Buin« nX> khukhundo Kkwkhundo . n Jem 1. in pit ' YonhaUthl - Sahaj^ar- A. Statue of Vishnu. B. Siva-ka-Tila. (J. Lingam Temple. J). Various Statues. E. (excavated) E. Statue of Vishnu G. H. L. M. Small mounds J. Statue of Vishnu. K. Largest mound. N. Lingam Temple. O. P. ft. XJ. Small mounds Q. T. Y. Low mounds. S. Jug Bhira mound. V. IV. A'. Low Mounds. Z. (excavated) 2 Stupa. fcirwa ' Tab s c i si*, if * *** JhakrahL - G-u Gar Sketch. of the TUmi* at Tureno - lCtuuurn - GriO S. OX Fts* Yul the Surrr. Genl’s. Office. Cal. October 1371 A.Ounwngham »*«•! Litho. at KASIA — KHUKHUNDO. 85 Lave been loosely described by one party as lying to tbe north, and by the other as lying to the east. But the Bamabhar Tila, perhaps, corresponds more exact- ly with the site of another stupa, which is described by Hwen Thsang as having been built by Asoka near the ancient dwelling of Chanda, to the nortli-east of the city gates. This account, however, is somewhat vague, as no particular gate is specified. The existence also of a second stupa at the south- east foot of the Jldmdblidr Tila is against this identification, as only one stupa is mentioned on this site by Hwen Thsang. I am, therefore, strongly inclined to identify the Tdmabhdr Tila with the famous cremation stupa ; but if this position should be considered too far to the eastward to agree with Hwen Thsang’s description, then the cremation tower must have occupied some position to the north of the Anrudhwa mound in the very midst of the ancient channel of the little Gandak Biver. I confess, however, that my own opinion is against this conclusion, and in favor of the identification of the Bamabhar Tila with the cremation stupa. XXI. KHUKIIUNDO. On leaving Kusinagara Hwen Thsang directed his steps towards Banaras, and, after having travelled about 200 li, or upwards of 30 miles, to the south-west, he reached a large town, in which dwelt a very rich Brahman devoted to Buddhism.* If we adhere closely to the south-west bearing, we must identify this large town with Budrapur, an ancient place 30 miles to the south-east of Gorakhpur, and 28 miles in a direct line from Kasia. But as Hwen Thsang speaks of the Brahman’s hospitality to travellers going and coming, it would appear certaiu that the town must have been on the high road leading from Kasia to Banaras. Now the high road can never have passed through Budrapur, as it would have entailed the passage of the llapti in addition to that of the Ghagra Biver. I have had some experience in the laying out of roads, and I feel quite satisfied that the old high road must have crossed the Ghagra somewhere below its junction with the Bapti. According to the people, the old passage of the Ghagra was at Maili, four miles to the south of Kahaon, and three miles to the north of Bhagalpur. Broni * Julien’s Hwen Thsang, II., p. 349, SG ARCHEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1S61-G2. Kasia to tins ghat on the Ghagra, the road would have passed through the ancient town of Kliukhundo, and the large villages of Kahaon and BMgalpur. Of these three, Kliukhundo corresponds best with the description of a large town; and as it is 27 miles from Kasia by the present straight road, it must have been about 30 miles by the winding Native tracks. I believe, therefore, that it is the large town described by Hwen Thsang in which a rich Brahman had spent his wealth in the magnificent decoration of a Buddhist monastery. Kliukhundo is not now a place of any note amongst the Brahmans, hut it is often visited by Agarwal Srawaks from Gorakhpur and Patna, who have built a small Jain temple amongst the ruins. By them its proper name is said to be Kishkindapura, so called from Kishkinda , a mountain in the south of India, famous in the history of Kama. Kliukhundo must, therefore, have been a Brahmanical town. The remains at Kliukhundo consist of a few large tanks, and a number of low mounds covered with broken brick and thick jungle. The ruins which lie scattered about over the plain, and amongst the fields to the south of Khukhundo, cover nearly one square mile of ground. All the larger mounds are square in form, and are beyond all doubt the ruins of temples. There are a few low oblong heaps which may possibly he the ruins of long ranges of inferior build- ings, but I think it more probable that they are only the col- lections of brick from the fields. Every large mound has at least one fine lofty tree growing on its summit, and to the destructive power of the roots of these trees I would attri- bute the overthrow of the Khukhundo temples. I verified this opinion in one instance, that of mound K., by an excava- tion which showed the floor of a temple completely broken up by the wide-spreading roots of a fine Tamarind tree. Another notable instance is that of a temple at Kahaon, which was standing at the time of Buchanan’s visit, hut which is now only a low mound of brick ruin. Its over- throw is attributed by all the villagers to a Pipal tree, which stands close by the ruin. The mounds of Khukhundo are about 30 in number, hut not more than three of them have any names, the rest being called simply Dcorci, or “ mounds.” In my survey of the KnuKnuxDO. 87 ruins I have distinguished them by different letters of the al- phabet, and under these letters I w ill now describe them.* Mound A. is 100 feet square at base and 6 feet in height. There is a Bel tree (iEglc Marmelos) on the top, and a Bdkar (Eicus Venosa) on the west side. Under the Bel tree there is a good figure of the four-armed Vishnu in sandstone, with a peculiar rayed halo, which is boldly pierced through the slab. Mound B., which is 50 feet square at base and 10 feet high, is called Siva-ka-Tila or Siva’s mound, because there are the foundations of a Ungam temple on its summit ; the temple was only 8 feet square, but the ling am in blue stone is still perfect. There is one good piece of sculpture repre- senting two seated figures, male and female, the latter with a child in her arms. A tree rises behind them, and with its branches forms a canopy over their heads. The figures, which appear to be entirely naked with the exception of some ornaments, are, I believe, Mahadeva and his wife Devi, or Bhawani, represented as the goddess of fecundity, with a child in her arms. Another sculpture represents a four- armed female standing in what appears to be the prow of a boat. The subordinate figure of Gansea, on the upper right hand, shows that the principal figure must be Parvati, the wife of Siva. Mound C. is 120 feet in length, by 110 feet in breadth, and 15 feet in height. On the top there are the ruined walls of a brick temple, from 4 to 5 feet in height, forming a room of 9 feet square, with a lingam in the centre. To the south- west there is a walled entrance built of bricks of different sizes, and containing one piece of moulded bricks with a flower ornament. The small size of the room, the mixture of large and small bricks in the walls, and the unusual direction of the entrance, all lead me to conclude that this is an insignificant modern structure, built of bricks of all kinds found on the surface of the mound. On both sides of the entrance there are several sculptures in sandstone, of which the principal is a statue of Ganesa. The other sculptures are a broken statue of Ganesa with his rat ; the pedestal of a statue with a foot resting on a bull ; # See Plate XXVIII. for a plan of these ruins. 88 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1SG1-G2. a four-armed female, most probably Parvati, attended by two heavenly musicians ; and a slab containing personifications of the Navcigraha, or “ Nine Planets.” Mound D., which is 100 feet square at base and 15 feet in height, is crowned with a fine Banian tree. Beneath the tree are collected several pieces and fragments of sculp- ture, which are partly Brahmanical and partly Jain. The principal sculpture represents a four-armed seated male figure, with beard and moustaches, his right foot resting on a bull. In his four hands he holds a two-pronged sceptre, a necklace, a ball, and square pole. This is probably a figure of Siva. A second statue represents the four-armed Yislmu standing, and holding in three hands a club, a quoit, and a shell, the fourth hand being open with a lotus flower marked on the palm. A third sclupture is the pedestal of a statue with some naked figures on the face of it, and an antelope in the middle. The antelope is the cognizance of Santanath, the lGth Jain hierarch. A fourth stone is simply the pedestal of a lingam. The remaining sculptures are two pairs of apparently naked figures, male and female, seated — the latter with a child in her arms. These two sculptures are similar to one in the Siva Temple on mound B., which I have sup- posed to represent Mahadeva and his wife Bhawani as the goddess of fecundity. But in these two sculptures the god has a small naked figure of Buddha fixed in the front of his head-dress, from which I infer that these figures probably belong to the Jain religion, while that on mound B. certainly belongs to the Brahmanical Sliashti, the goddess of fecundity. Mound E. is about 75 feet square and 15 or 16 feet in height. It is now quite bare, the whole surface having been recently excavated for bricks. Any figures that may have been discovered were probably removed to Mound D., which would account for the mixture of Saiva and Vishnava sculp- tures now lying on its summit. Mound E. is 150 feet in length, by 120 feet in breadh, and IS feet in height. On the south slope of the mound there is a fine statue of the fore-armed Vishnu in blue stone from the quarries near Gaya. G. and H. are small low mounds from which bricks bave been recently excavated. They are probably the remains of inferior temples. KHUKIIUNDO. 89 Mound J., which is 75 feet square at base, and 15 feet in height, has also been recently excavated. I was able to trace the straight walls of a temple, and in the excavated holes I found large thick pieces of plaster, which had once covered the walls. There are no sculptures now lying about this mound, hut immediately to the south of it, and outside a small modern Jain temple, there is a very fine standing figure of the four- armed Vishnu in blue stone. The head and arms are gone, hut the rest of the sculpture is in good order. On the left side there are the Fish, the Tortoise, and the Boar Avatars ; and on the right the Buddha and the Kdlki Avatars. The five missing incarnations must have been lost with the head of the figure. This fine statue was probably enshrined in a temple now represented by mound J. The Jain temple is a small square flat-roofed brick build- ing of recent date. There are no Jains now living at Khu- khundo, hut the temple is visited by the Baniyas and Bankers of Gorakhpur and Patna. Inside the temple there is a large naked figure in blue stone, sitting squatted with his hands in his lap. Overhead there is a triple umbrella, and above that a Dundubhi Musician flying with his drum. On the pedestal there is a hull with a lion on each side. Now the hull is the cognizance of Adi Buddha, the first of the 24 Jain Pontiffs. The people are, therefore, mistaken in calling the figure a statue of Tdrsivandth, whose well known symbol is a snake.* Out- side the temple, however, there is another naked Jain statue which has two snakes twisted around its pedestal, and is, there- fore, most probably a figure of Prdswandth. It is possible that this may have been the original figure enshrined in the temple. Another sculpture, in coarse sand-stone, repre- sents the same naked couple, male and female, whom I have before described. A tree rises behind them, and with its boughs forms a canopy over their heads. Over all there is a small squatted figure like a Buddha, hut naked. The male figure in this sculpture has a lotus in his right hand. Mound K., which is crowned with a fine Tamarind tree, is the largest mass of ruin at Khukhundo. It is 120 feet square at base and 16 feet in height. At 10 feet above the ground level I made an excavation at a point on the western edge, where I observed something like a piece of terraced flooring. My excavation uncovered a portion of terraced 00 archaeological report, 1861-62. floor 9 feet square, but completely broken up by the wide- spreading roots of the Tamarind . Tree, which have pierced the mound in all directions. I found several ornamental bricks with boldly cut-flowers and leaves 1^ inch in depth. Two of these bricks, with opposite curves forming an ogee, had evidently belonged to a cornice. The outer faces of all the bricks are ground smooth, and all the edges are so sharp and clean that the joints between the courses of bricks must have been very fine indeed. As I saw no fragments of figures about this mound, I think it is very probable that the statue belonging to it may be one of those now standing outside the Jain temple. Mound N. is low and clear of jungle, having been exca- vated for bricks within the last few years. It is 45 feet square at base, but only 8 feet high. Prom its being both low and clear I thought it favourable for excavation. I dug a circular hole of about 8 feet diameter in the top of the mound, and near the middle, at a depth of only 1 foot I came upon a stone Yoni, or receptacle for a ling am, fixed in its original position, with the spout end turned towards the north. Further excavation showed that the floor had been broken up, but the marks of the original floor level were quite distinct on the centre stone. As there were no traces of any figures, I gave up the excavation, which had already been sufficient to determine that the mound N. is the ruin of a ling a temple, dedicated to the god Mahadeva. Mound S. is 100 feet in length, by 60 feet in breadth, and 12 feet in height towards its western end. The top is crowned with two fine Siris Trees, under which there is a life-size standing figure in stand-stone. The nose and forehead have been lost by a split of the stone, which must have been as old as the figure itself, for there are two holes in the split face which still retain bits of the metal clamps that were used in repairing the statue. The figure has apparently had four arms, and is called Jug -blur a, or Jug-vtra, “ the Champion of the Age,” a title which might be applied appropriately to Vira, or Mahavira, the last of the 24th J ain hierarchs and the pontiff of the present age. Mound Z. is a long low mass of ruin to the south- west of Ivhukhundo, half hidden admits bambus. I found a recent excavation at the western end of the mound, from which the KHTJKHTJXDO — KAHAON. 91 bricks could not have been removed above a few days, as the sides of tlie excavated hole still preserved the shape of the walls exactly. In form the building was an octagon of 14 feet across, with projections on the four sides facing the cardinal points. On the north-east side a portion of solid brick-work still remained, but not of sufficient thickness to show whether the building had been solid or hollow. As far as my experience goes, the only buildings of this shape are Buddhist stupas, as at Dhamnar and Kholvi in Malwa, or Baragaon (or Nalanda ) in Bihar, and throughout Pegu and Burmah. In all instances the four projecting sides form niches for statues of the previous Buddhas. In the gigantic Shwe-Dagon stupa at Bangoon, these niches are expanded into distinct temples enshrining colossal figures. I incline, therefore, to conclude that the building recently excavated in mound Z. was a Buddhist stupa. But if Brahmanical temples of this form have ever been built, I should certainly prefer to consider mound Z. as the ruin of another orthodox temple, and to add one more to the long list of Brahmanical remains at Khukhundo. With the exception of Baragaon (the ancient Nalanda), I have seen no place where the ruins offer such a promise of valuable discovery as at Khukhundo. The mounds are all low, and as they appear to be the ruins of temples, the work of excavation would be comparatively easy. I think that it would be sufficient to remove the top of each mound down to the level of the floor of the building, clearing away the rubbish entirely, but leaving the walls standing to show the plan of the building. Amongst the rubbish we might expect to find both statues and inscriptions, and perhaps other objects, all of which would help to throw light on the rise and pro- gress of modern Brahmanism, more particularly during the long period of its struggles with expiring Buddhism.* XXII. K AH AON. The village of Kahaon is situated eight miles to the south of Khukhundo, and 46 miles to the south-east of Gorakhpur in a direct line. To the north of the village there is a stone pillar, and also some other remains, which have been * As far as I am aware nothing has yet been done towards the excavation of these mounds. 92 ARCIIiEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1861-62. described by Dr. Buchanan* and by Mr. Liston. + Dr.Buclianan calls the village Kangho, but the name is written Kahaon, or Kahdwan, by the people of the place, and I can only surmise that Buchanan’s Kangho may have been originally written Kanghon, and that the final nasal has been omitted by mistake, either in copying or in printing. In the inscrip- tion on the pillar the village would seem to be called Kaku- bharati ; and from some compound of Kakubha, such as Kaknhhaican, the name of Kahdwan would be naturally derived. The remains at Kahaon consist of an inscribed stone pillar, an old well, two ruined temples, and several tanks. The whole of these, together with the village itself, are situat- ed on a low but extensive mound of brick ruin. Although the mound is of rather irregular outline on the east side, it may be best described as a square of nearly 500 yards 4 The village occupies the south-western quarter of the square, and contains some fine old wells built of very large bricks, which are a sure sign of antiquity. The tanks, which would seem to have been connected with the old buildings, are all called gar , the meaning of which I was unable to ascertain, but which, as applied to water, must certainly be derived from the Sans- krit gri, to wet. These tanks are, 1st, the Tdurena-gar, a dirty pond immediately to the north of the village ; 2nd, the Karhahi-gar, a small deep pond at the north-west angle of the ruins ; 3rd, the Jhakralii-gar, another small pond at the north-east angle, which is also called Sophd-gar ; and 4th, a large sheet of water to the east of the village called Askdmini, or Akdskdmini-gar. This is the tank which Buchanan calls Karhahi, a misprint probably for Kdmini. Prom the size and appearance of the Askdmini Tank, I conclude that from it must have been excavated all the bricks and earth for the con- struction of the temples and village of Kahaon. The Kahaon Pillar is a single block of coarse grey sand- stone, 24 feet 3 inches in height from the ground to the metal spike on the top. The existence of this spike shows that the pillar has once been crowned by a pinnacle of some kind, perhaps by a statue of a lion, or of some other animal * Eastern India, II., p. 366. f Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, 1838, p. 33. I See Plate XXVIII. Tiai* XXIX A funnmghsm iei ■ Lith Surv Gen ^ Office Calcutta June 1871 KAHAON. 93 rampant; but whatever the pinnacle may have been, its height could not have exceeded 2^ or 3 feet. The total height of the column, therefore, must have been about 27 feet. The lower part of the shaft, to a height of 4^ feet, is a square of 1 foot 10 inches ; above this, for a height of 6 feet 3 inches, it is octagonal ; then sixteen-sided for a height of 5 feet 10^ inches ; and then circular for a height of 2 feet 1^ inch. Above this, for a height of 9 inches, the pillar becomes square with a side of 18 inches, and then circular again for a height of 4^ inches, making the total height of the shaft 19 feet 10^ inches. The height of the capital, in its present incomplete state, is 4 feet 4^ inches. The lower portion, which is 2^ feet high, is bell-shaped, with circular bands of moulding both above and below. The bell itself is reeded, after the fashion of the Asoka pillars. Above this the capital is square, with a small niche on each side holding a naked standing figure. The square top slopes backward on all sides, and is surmounted by a low circular band, in which is fixed the metal spike already described.* * * § On the western face of the square base there is a niche holding a naked standing figure, with very long arms reach- ing to his knees. Behind, there is a large snake folded in horizontal coils, one above the other, and with its seven heads forming a canopy over the idol. Two small figures, male and female, are kneeling at the feet, and looking up to the idol with offerings in their hands. On the three northern faces of the octagonal portion of the pillar, there is an inscription of 12 lines in the Gupta characters of the Allahabad Pillar.f There is a good copy of this inscription in Buchanan, J and another and better copy in Prinsep’s Journal. § In the translation given by James Prinsep, the date was read as being 133 years after the decease of Skanda Gupta, instead of in the year 133, after the death of Skanda. The true number of the year is 141, as pointed out by Professor BitzEdward Hall, but the epoch or era in which the years are reckoned is doubtful. Professor Hall, on the authority of Bdpa Deva Sdstri, the * See Plate XXIX. t See Plate XXX. t Eastern India, II., Plate V. § Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, 18J8, Plate I. 94 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1SG1-G2. learned Astronomer of the Banaras College prefers the era of Yikramdditya, hut I am inclined to adopt that of Sake ; and this era, I believe, is also preferred by Mr. Thomas. The difference between the two is 135 years. If dated in the Vikrama era, the pillar must have been erected in 141 — 57 = 84 A. I). ; but if dated in the Sake era, the period of its erection will be 141 + 78 = 219 A. D. The latter date, I think, accords best with the now generally admitted epoch of the overthrow of the Gupta Dynasty in A. D. 319. The purport of the inscription, as translated by Prinsep, is simply to record the dedication of five images of Indra by one Madra, who calls himself “ the constant and friendly patron of Brahmans, Gurus, and Yatis,” or Brahmans, reli- gious teachers, and sages,” or Ascetics who have subdued their passions. In the present day the term Yati is, I believe, applied only to a Jain Priest; and, although at first the mention of Brahmans would seem to preclude any reference to the Jain religion, yet the Yatis themselves are usually, if not always, Brahmans, and the naked figures with crisp curled hair, on the base and capital of the pillar, must be- long either to the Jains, or to the latter Tdntrika Buddhists. I found a similar naked standing figure, canopied by a seven- headed snake, inside the great mound of old Baj agriha. Both of the temples described by Buchanan* are now in ruins ; and as they are not mentioned by Mr. Liston in 1S37, they must have fallen before his visit. Buchanan describes them as pyramidal in form, with two apartments, one over the other, as in the great temple at Buddba-Gaya. Inside he found only two fragments of images, of which one showed the feet of a standing figure with a female votary seatednt one side. I made an excavation in the northern ruin, and found that the temple had consisted of a room 9 feet square with walls only 1 foot 9 inches in thickness. The build- ing, therefore, was only 12 feet 6 inches square on the outside. In the slight sketch of this temple given hy Buchanan, no dimensions are noted, but the height of the building is twice and a half its width, or about 30 feet, according to the mea- surement obtained by my excavation. On the ruin of the southern temple, I found a naked standing figure of life-size, similar to that on the base of the pillar. * Eastern India, II., p. 367. Plate XXX. Inscription on the Bhitan Piliar. 3 1 v x^r^tu^}.'®5^iXJRrE’® j jjp^gjw ^TEf^T^ I©? | r ssJJhsi § u]v ; 6 l^ric7tJj&y’ E^rES§^a^H^2^«W^f|«flN:V^iru,nS9isi5’*li l 1 vfw^xi aT^aijjg'g ?\eu if : <£\& C fjX% 2 1 ; 'a? V9t « a:^aV| s 9 I UoZ^ # Og^3|0ljj ^jftw«Vzi 9 Ks)1Z£j&X UJtZt/6^ MX/?# &JbQirl2$ffi «3 J vrZygij * ■ « ft m |*am jf^exi , . I 1 I N. S. The thin lines with No. over them denote the corresponding lines of the lower inscription on the Bihar Pillar. Bhitari Bricks. Inscription on the Kahaon Pillar. <«3gt%4^»^|'3 T: Mff'Tf »| wnjyfi'a^eas'aa^f] * ’\&§W*igS'st'K 19 A. Cunningham, del. Fhotozmr ogp aph.e d ax tiip Surveyor General’s Offi.ce Calcutta. BHITARI AND KAHAON PILLARS. V KXHAON — HATHIYA-DAH. 95 Immediately to the north of the pillar, and on the high- est point of the mound, there are traces of the brick Avails of some buildings; and to the south-east, there is an old well which has been lately filled up. Buchanan describes the pillar as having originally “ stood in a small quadrangular area, sur- rounded by a brick wall, and probably by some small cham- bers.” I presume that the pillar must have been placed opposite the entrance of the temple, in which the Panchendra or five images of Indra were enshrined. It is probable that there were several temples and other buildings crowded around the pillar, otherwise it will he difficult to account for the great size of the mound, which, though not more than 6 feet in height above the fields, extends from west to east up- wards of 1,200 feet, with an average breadth of 400 feet. XXIII. HATHIYA-DAH. Twelve miles to the east of Deogong, and nearly mid- way between Azimgarh and Banaras, there is an old dry tank, called Eathiya-dah, or the “ Elephant’s Tank,” with an in- scribed pillar standing in the middle of it. The pillar itself is called PLathiya-dah-ka-ldt. The name is derived from a large stone elephant, 5 feet 6 inches in length, and 4 feet 10 inches in height, which stands to the north-west of the pillar, at a distance of 138 feet. Both the pillar and the elephant are formed of a coarse grey sand-stone, and they have accordingly suffered from exposure to the weather, and are now much worn. The shaft of the pillar is a single block, 12 feet 9 inches in height and 1 foot 5J inches in dia- meter, both at base and top. Originally it must have been several feet higher, but the bed of the tank has gradually silted up, and in the month of March bore a fine crop of wheat. The capital is a flat circular slab, slightly rounded on the upper edge, and quite plain. In fact, the pillar is a mere cylindrical block intended apparently for the sole pur- pose of exhibiting the inscription. To the west of the pil- lar there is a low mound of brick ruins, 170 feet in length from north to south, and 25 feet broad. It is called Siwari- ka-TUa, or “ Siwaris’ Mound;” but the people have no tra- dition about it, and do not know what is the meaning of the names. Most probably it has some reference to a temple of Siva, which may have stood there in former days. The villages nearest to the pillar are Singhpura to the north, 9G ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1SG1-G2. Noioa Rasiya to the east, Pakari to the south-east, Dehluto to the south-west. The pillar is said by the people to have been set up by Raja Gajpat Singh in Samvat 207, or A. D. 150 ; but both name and date are wrong. Gajapati, or “Lord of Ele- phants,” is only one of the titles of the king in whose reign the pillar was erected, and the date is Samvat 1207, or A. I). 1150. This inscription occupies 10 lines, but as the letters are large and coarsely cut, it is not a long one. It records the excavation of the tank by several Thd/curs, of whom the chief is “ Pellan Thalcur, the Treasurer (Bhandagarika) of Gosalla Devi, the Queen (Mahdraji) of Baja Govinda Chandra Deva, the Lord of Horses, Lord of Elephants, and Lord of Men, on Thursday, the 5tli of the waning moon of Ashdrh, in Samvat 1207.” The record is not of much value, but it is of later date, by 25 years, than any inscription hitherto found of the Rahtor Prince Govinda Chandra Leva of Kanoj. XXIV. BHITARI. The large village of Bhitari is situated on the left bank of the Gd.nyi Nadi nearly midway between Banaras and Ghazipur, and five miles to the north north-east of Saidpur. The Gangi River, which surrounds the village on three sides, is crossed by an old stone bridge of early Muhammedan style. The oldest bridge consisted of only two small arches, to which two others have since been added at different times. Bhitari has once been a town of some consequence, and it is still a considerable village, with a great number of brick-houses. Both in speaking and in writing, its name is usually coupled with that of another place in its vicinity as Saidpur Bhitari. It is thus designated in the Ain Akbari, but the name has been strangely misread by Gladwin as Syedpoor Nemedy * a mistake that must be due to the faulty nature of the Persian character in which his original was written, as its alphabet is utterly unsuited for the correct record of proper names. The remains at Bhitari consist of several ruined brick mounds, an inscribed stone pillar, and a few pieces of sculp- * English Translation, II., p. 2l)2. BHITAItl. 97 ture. Some of the mounds appear to he mere heaps of broken stone and brick — the gatherings from the fields after each season’s ploughing. The larger mounds, which run parallel to each other from the bridge towards the village, seem to me to be only the ruins of houses that once formed the two sides of a street. The remaining mounds, which are of square form and isolated, are at present covered with Musalman tombs ; but I have little doubt that all of them were originally either temples or other Hindu buildings. That one of these mounds belonged originally to the Hindus, we have an undoubted proof in the existence of the inscribed stone pillar, which stands partially buried in the rubbish of its eastern slope, and in the discovery at the foot of the pillar of an old brick inscribed with the name of Sri Kumdra Gupta. The early occupation of the place by the Hindus is further proved by the discovery of several Hindu statues and lingams in the rubbish about the mounds, and by the finding of numerous bricks inscribed with Kumdra Gupta's name in the fields.* I obtained further proof of the same by the purchase on the spot of three Indo-Sassanian coins of base silver, which probably date from the 8th or 9th century, and of one small round copper coin with an elephant on the obverse, and a peculiar symbol, supposed to be a Chaitya , on the reverse, which cannot, in my opinion, be of later date than the invasion of Alexander the Great. The Bhitari Pillar is a single block of reddish sand-stone, apparently from one of the Chunar quarries. The shaft of the pillar is circular, with a diameter of 2 feet 4|- inches, and a height of 15 feet 5 inches.! The base is square, but its height is rather uncertain. The upper portion, on which the inscription is cut, has been smoothed, but the lower portion, as far as my excavation went, still bears the marks of the chisel, although not very deep. My excavation was carried down to the level of the adjoining fields, a depth of 6 feet 9 inches below the top of the base, without finding any trace of a pedestal ; and as it is most probable that the inscrip- tion was placed on a level with the eye, I- would fix the height of the original base at about 6 feet, thus giving it an elevation of only 9 inches above the level of the country. * See Plate XXX. for sketches of these bricks. + See Plate XXIX. for a view of this pillar. N 9S AECH-EOLOGICAL REPORT, 1SG1-62. The capital is 3 feet 2 inches in height, hell-shaped, and reeded like the capitals of the Asoka Pillars. A large por- tion of the capital is broken of on the western side, thus exposing a deep narrow socket, which could only have held a metal spike. The upper portion of the shaft also is split to a depth of about 2 feet. The people say that the pillar was struck by lightning many years ago. It certainly was in the same state when I first saw it in January 1836, and I know of only one reason to make me doubt the accuracy of the people’s statements, namely, that both the iron pillar at Delhi, and the stone pillar at Namndgarh Lciuriya, have been wantonly injured by cannon shot. If the capital of the Bliitari Pillar had been surmounted by a statue of any kind, as it most propably was when the Muhammadans first settled there, I think that the breaking of the capital may be attributed to their destructive bigotry with quite as much probability as to lightning. I found a portion of the broken capital in my excavation at the foot of the pillar. The inscription, which is cut on the eastern side of the base, consists of 19 lines of well shaped characters of the early Gupta period. Unfortunately, this face is much wea- ther-worn, and the stone has also peeled off in several places, so that the inscription is now in even a worse condition than when I first saw it in January 1836. The copy which I then made by eye I compared letter by letter with the origi- nal inscription on the spot, and, although I found several errors in different parts of the inscription, yet the only seri- ous one is an omission of five letters in the 15th line. I made also an impression of the inscription over which I pencilled all the letters as they appeared to the eye. This is, indeed, the only successful method of copying a weather-worn inscription ; for the edges of the letters being very much rounded, an impression gives only a number of confused and shapeless spots, although many of the letters being deeply cut are distinctly legible, and may easily be copied by the eye. The value of an impression thus pencilled over is very great, as it ensures accuracy in the number of letters, and thus most effectually prevents all errors, both of insertion and omission. The copy which I have thus made is, I be- lieve, as perfect as it is possible to obtain now, considering the weather-worn state of the letters.* * See Plate XXX. for a copy of tins inscription. BHITARI. 99 From the copy which I prepared in January 1S3G, a translation was made by Fr. Mill, which was published in Prinsep’s Journal for January 1837. My re-examination of the inscription has corrected some of Fr. Mill’s proposed readings, while it has confirmed many of them, a few being still doubtful owing to the abraded state of the letters. As translated by Fr. Mill, the inscription refers chiefly to the reign of Skanda Gupta , closing with his death, and the accession of his infant son. The object of the inscription was to record the erection of a sacred image, the name of which Fr. Mill was unable to read, but which may possibly be recovered when my new copy is re-translated by some com- petent scholar. In my remarks on the lower inscription on the Bihar Pillar, I have already noticed that all the remain- ing part of the itpper portion of it, which contains the genealogy, is letter for letter identical with the first part of Bhitari record, and I repeat the notice here for the purpose of adding that, by a comparison of the two inscriptions, every letter of the upper part of both, or about one-third of the whole, may be restored without chance of error.* The sculptures now to be seen at Bhitari are very few, but they are sufficient to show the former existence of several large stone temples. In the village there is a colossal figure of Ganesa, and a broken bas-relief of the Navagraha, or “ INine Planets.” The colossal statue must almost certainly have been the principal figure enshrined in a temple dedi- cated to Ganesa. There is also a large slab with a half-size two-armed female figure, attended by another female figure holding an umbrella over her, both in very high relief. The figures in this sculpture are in the same style and in the same attitudes as those of the similar group of the Baja and his umbrella attendant on the gold coins of the Gupta Princes. This sculpture, I believe, represents a queen on her way to worship at the temple. The group is a favorite, one with Hindu artists, and, as far as my observation goes, it is never used singly, but always in pairs — one on each side of the door-way of a temple. The age of this sculpture I am inclined to fix as early as the time of the Gupta Kings, partly on account of the similarity of style to that of their gold coins, partly also because the pillar belongs to one of * The two inscriptions may now he compared in Plates XVII. and XXX. — See my previous remarks in note in page 38. 100 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1SG1-G2. that family, but chiefly because the bricks found in various parts of the ruins arc stamped with the name of Sri Kumdra Gupta. If I am right in attributing the sculptures to the time of the Gupta Dynasty, or from A. D. 100 to 300, then the Bhitari ruins will be amongst the oldest Bralimanical remains now knowm to us. .For this reason alone I would strongly advocate the excavation of all the isolated mounds, and more particularly of the pillar mound, in which we might expect to find not only all the fragments of the original capital, but also many sculptures and other objects belonging to the temple in front of which the pillar was erected. I have already stated that the bridge over the Gangi Elver is built entirely of stones taken from the ancient buildings of Bhitari. Many of these stones are squared, and ornamented with flowers and various mouldings, and on one of them I observed the syllable vi. This is a mere mason’s mark, but as the shape of the letter is the same as that of the Gupta alphabet, the discovery of this single character tends strongly to con- firm the accuracy of the date which I have already assigned to the Bhitari ruins on other grounds. As Bhitari is in the Jdgliir of the enlightened Baja Deo Narayan Singh, every facility for excavation would, of course, be obtained on appli- cation to him. At my recommendation the Government afterwards authorized a small sum for excavations, and, at my request, my friend Mr. C. Horne, of the Civil Service, then Judge of Banaras, kindly undertook to superintend the work. His report, which follows, gives a tolerably full and interesting account of this ancient place : “ Bhitari is a small bazaar and village situated on the Gangi Nadi, about 4^ miles north-east by north of Syedpur, on the high road from Banaras to Ghazipur. It is called Syedpur Bhitari, and Baja Deo Narain Singh derives his title from it. On approaching from the south-west by a good fair weather road, it presents the appearance of a very large ruined earthen fort. In general form it is nearly a rectangle,* and the only deviation from that form is caused by an eminence or spur running from the south-west corner, and which has evidently been always crowned by some * East face 500 yards. South 525 yards, West 685 yards, North 700 yards. BIIITARI. 101 imposing edifice. The nature of the ground has been skil- fully brought to hear ; and it would seem that the west face was merely scarped towards the river, having been originally very high (perhaps thirty feet), whilst to the east a large space has been lowered a few feet to provide earth to raise an embankment, in digging through which no traces of masonry can he found. On the south face the line is by no means straight, the nature of the ground having been followed, and the high hank of a tank already formed having been merely added to the north face is more regular. “ Each of these sides had large mounds, upon which were either temples or forts. There is one of these at each corner, and one-half way on each side, whilst the spur before alluded to, which forms the south-west corner, has certainly been long ago crowned with a large Buddhist temple, now re-placed with a shabby Idgah. Within this enclosure were evidently many large buildings, and their former presence is attested by the hheras or mounds of broken brick and earth scattered in every direction. At present there is a small- winding bazar of insignificant shops, all, however, built of old bricks. There is also a large suburb, if it may he so termed, of ruinous brick houses with hut few inhabitants. The surround- ing mounds and embankments are dotted over with Muham- madan tombs, mostly of very recent erection, and many of which are built with the large nearly-square Buddhist bricks. “ But to proceed to the object of this notice, viz., the Buddhist remains at Bhitari — Is/, there is a large monolith standing, as nearly as possible, in the centre of the place. This is 28-| feet in height, and stands upon a rough stone 7 or 8 feet below the present level of the soil. Eor the first 10 feet 2 inches it is square, and stands, as nearly as possible, facing the cardinal points. At the top of the square part is an inscription which is stated by General Cunningham to contain a record of Skanda Gupta ; this faces east. The upper part, including the capital which takes up about three feet, is circular, and where it joins the square part is 2 feet 3 inches in diameter, and apparently of even thickness in its whole length. The capital is handsomely fluted, and has a slice broken off it. There is also a flaw near the top in the pillar itself, which is one solid piece of sand-stone, resembling that found at Chunar, being of the hard kind. 102 ARCHEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1861-62. “ The monolith is out of tlie perpendicular, and this de- viation, as well as the cracked capital, is said to have been occasioned by lightning long ago. “ I laid bare the east face of the foundation as the column slopes to the north, and found that the base was displaced three inches off the foundation-stone on the south side, and that there were two iron wedges driven under it, and that at some remote period stone-work of a massive character had been placed around to prevent further declension. I then cleared the mound away which abutted on the column, hoping to find some traces of foundations at least of the building to which the monolith might have formed an adjunct. This mound, from 12 to 16 feet in height, and extended some distance, and, as far as I could ascertain by cutting a trench and levelling, consists entirely of broken bricks and earth. “ I will now refer to the old Buddhist temple, which must formerly have stood on the high spur to the south-west. Owing to the presence of the Idgali, the number of tombs, and my limited time, I made no excavations on this spot; but I was easily enabled to trace the various parts of the temple scattered over the place and performing various functions. [Firstly, there were the pillars of the shrine, with their carved suns, and grotesque faces with foliage flowing from their mouths and eyes, and the con- stantly recurring flat vase, all used by the Muhammadans in their mosque. Then there were the plainer columns of the cloister, square below, and octagonal above. These latter I found rounded off and set up as Muhammadan liead-stones to graves, the light being burnt on the top of them ! Until I discovered two of these in situ, or at the graves, the Musalmans assured me they were Hindu conver- sions of the Buddhist pillars into emblems employed in the worship of Mahadeo. Secondly, there were the stone beams used also in the mosque, both as beams, and as uprights at the wells and in houses. And, lastly, there were the roofing stones used as pavement and for putting over graves. “ In compliance with the extract of General Cunningham’s report, several cross cuttings were made : The one through the surrounding mounds to see what kind of wall had been erected, if any, — the result of this has been before alluded to ; Another cutting was made through an isolated mound of BHITARI — BANARAS, SARNATH. 103 some 9 feet in height, the result of which merely proved it to have an ancient dust heap ; A third, through a very high and likely mound resulted in nothing but earth and broken bricks ; Another has since been made, hut the results were the same as in the other cases. The reason for this is very plain : Each of these mounds represents an ancient edifice not, perhaps, of the time of the Buddhists (for the bricks do not hear that character), hut the constant excavation of found- ations for the past 200 years for the purpose of building has produced the results above alluded to. Each party has taken the bricks he needed and filled in again the rubbish. “ Just below the Idgah and exterior to the work is an old Muhammadan bridge across the Gangi Nadi, which might be repaired with advantage. This has been entirely con- structed with the cut-stones taken from the Buddhist struc- ture above. The date of its erection may have been from 200 to 250 years, since or subsequent to the erection of that of Jonpur, which it resembles in many points. The carved work is built inwards. “ There are around Bhitari, at some little distance, say a quarter or half a mile, a number of detached mounds evi- dently of Buddhist origin, and apparently of artificial con- struction. These might repay excavation . “ In conclusion, I would beg to suggest with all deference, and without access to books, my knowledge must be limited that Bhitari was of old a strongly fortified earthen camp, in which there was at least one large Buddhist temple and several edifices in connection with the same; but nothing short of a lengthened residence on the spot, together with careful exploration, can ever accurately determine the nature of the latter. It is difficult to account for the base of the monolith being so far below the present level of the soil with which it does not appear to me ever to have been even.” XXV. BANARAS, SARNATH. Banaras is celebrated amongst the Buddhists as the scene where their great teacher first expounded his doctrine, or, as they metaphorically express it, where he first began to “ turn the wheel of the law.” This is one of the four great events in the life of Buddha, and accordingly it forms one of the most common subjects of Buddhist sculpture. In the 104 ARCII/EOLOGICAL ftErORT, 18G1-G2. great Buddliist establishment near Banaras, which is des- cribed by II wen Thsang the principal statue enshrined in a temple 200 feet in height, was a copper figure of Buddha represented in the act of “ turning the wheel of the law.” I found numerous statues of Buddha in the same attitude during my explorations about Sarnatli in 1835-36, and Major Kittoe discovered several more in 1851-52. I found also many others figures, but those of Buddha, the £C Teacher,” were the most numerous. The inscribed pedestal found by Bewail Jagat Singh in 1794, also belonged to a statue of Buddha, the Teacher. Similarly at Buddha-Gaya, where Sakya Sinha sat for six years meditating under the Bodhi Tree, the favourite statue is that of Buddha the Ascetic. The city of Banaras is situated on the left bank of the Ganges, between the Barna Nadi on the north-east, and the Asi Ndla on the south-west. The Barna , or Varand, is a considerable rivulet, which rises to the north of Allahabad, and has a course of about 100 miles. The Asi is a mere brook of no length, and, owing to its insignificant size, it does not appear in any of our most detailed maps. It is not entered in the Indian Atlas Sheet No. 88, which is on the scale of four miles to the inch, nor even in the larger litho- graphed map of the District of Banaras on the double scale of two miles to the inch. This omission has led the learned French Academician M. Vivien de Saint Martin to doubt the existence of the Asi as a tributary of the Ganges, and he conjectures that it may be only a branch of the Barna, and that the joint stream called the Varanasi may have commu- nicated its name to the city. The Asi Nala, however, will be found, as I have described it, in James Prinsep’s map of of the city of Banaras, published by Hullmandel, as well as in the small map which I have prepared to illustrate this account.* The position of the Asi is also accurately des- cribed by H. H. Wilson in his Sanskrit Dictionary, under the word Varanasi. I may add that the road from the city to Namnagar crosses the Asi only a short distance from its con- fluence with the river. The points of junction of both streams with the Ganges are considered particularly holy, * See Plate XXXT. — The Asi is mentioned by Abul Fazl in his Ain Akbari, II., p. 28; and by Bishop Heber, I„ 397, and moro particularly in p, 399, where he speaks of “ the small river.” SARNATH - BANARAS PUtr XXX/. Stncfhpur ° KJvocjwi o <' u t~s> np ucr a 2 Dhomelr ^ Gary \ 'c7iaj.j.kcvulz4£ 1 j f 15 empvur y Majp showing the position '-Jhari [urciOfa m Chou ho (short Lr'on (Bri/loe C ajitonxneiit A. Cunningham del. lath Suv; Sea^ Office Calcutta. June 187 „e> =30 Clia uka rifii 4Jh V Sketch of the Rums a.t arnath-banaras ri-'oo BANARAS, SARNATH, 105 aud accordingly temples have been erected both at Barna Sang am below the city, and at Asi Sangam above the city. From the joint names of these two streams, which bound the city to the north and south, the Brahmans derive Varanasi or Varanasi, which is said to be the Sanskrit form of the name of Banaras. But the more usual derivation amongst the common people is from Baja Bandr, who is said to have re-built the city about 800 years ago. The Buddhist remains of Banaras are situated nearly due north, and about 3^ miles distant from the outskirts of the city, at a place popularly known by the name of Sarnath. This name, which is usually applied to the great Buddhist tower, or stupa, belongs properly to a small Brahmanical temple on the western bank of the lake, while the great tower itself is called Dhamek. An annual fair is held close to the temple of Sarnath, and there is an indigo factory only 200 yards to the north of it. The name of Sarnath was, accordingly, well known both to the Natives and to the Eng- lish, and when the neighbouring ruins first attracted atten- tion, they were always referred to by that name. The ear- liest mention of them is by Jonathan Duncan in 1794, in his account of the discovery of two Urns by Babu Jagat Singh tc in the vicinity of a temple called Sarnath.”* It is possible that Duncan here refers to the Brahmanical “ temple but in the subsequent notices by Wilford and James Prinsep, both of whom had resided for many years at Banaras, the name of Sarnath is always applied to the great tower. The same name is given to the tower in an engraving which was pub- lished iri 1834 in Captain Elliot’s Views in India. Sarnath means supply the “ best Lord,” which title is here applied to the god Mahadeva, whose symbol, the ling am , is enshrined in the small temple on the bank of the lake. I believe, however, that the name is only an abbreviation of Sdranggandtha, or the “ Lord of Deer,” which would also be an appropriate epithet for Mahadeva, who is frequently re- presented as holding a deer in his left hand. As the lake in front of the temple is still occasionally called “ Sdrang Tdl ,” my conjecture that the true name was Sarangga Nath seems a very probably one ; but I would refer the epithet to Buddha himself, who in a former existence was fabled to have roamed # Asiatic Researches, V., p. 131. O 10G ARCHEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1861-62. the woods in this very spot as the king of a herd of deer. Bat this spot was specially esteemed by the Buddhists on ac- count of a curious story which is given at some length hy Hwen Thsang, and which, as illustrative of the Buddhist tenderness for life, I will now relate.* — “ The Baja of Banaras, who was fond of sport, had slaughtered so many deer that the king of the deer remonstrated with him, and offered to furnish him with one deer daily throughout the year, if he would give up slaughtering them for sport. The Baja con- sented. After some time, when it came to the turn of a hind, big with young, to be presented to the Baja, she objected that, although it might be her turn to die, yet the turn of her little one could not yet have arrived. The king of the deer (that is, Buddha) was struck with compassion, and offered him- self to the Baja in place of the hind.” On hearing the story the Baja exclaimed — “ I am but a deer in the form of a man, but you are a man in the form of a deer.” He at once gave up his claim to the daily gift, and made over the park for the perpetual use of the deer, on which account it was called the e Deer Park’ ( Mrigadava). It is curious to learn that a ramna , or antelope preserve still exists in the neighbour- hood of Sdrnath. The principal remains at Sarnath are the following : 1st. — The great stone tower call Dharnek ; 2nd, the re- mains of a large brick tower opened by Jagat Sing ; 3 rd, the traces of buildings excavated by myself in 1835-36 ; 4 th, the remains of buildings excavated by Major Kittoe in 1851-52 ; and 5 th, a high mound of solid brick-work crowned with an octagonal brick tower, called Chaukandi, and situated at rather less than half a mile from the great tower of Dharnek. With the simple exception of Chaukandi, the whole of these remains are situated on an extensive mound of brick and stone ruins about half a mile long, and nearly a quarter of a mile broad. On the north and east there are three large sheets of water which communicate with one another. To the east lies tlie Narokar or Sdrang Tdl, which is 3,000 feet long and 1,000 feet broad. On the north-east this communi- cates with the Chandokar or Chandra Tdl, which is of about the same size, but of less regular shape. On the north lies # Julien’s Hwen Thsang, II., p. 361. BANARAS, SAUNATH. 107 the Natja Tal, or “ New Tank,” which is upwards of half a mile in length, hut little more than 300 feet in width.* At the north-eastern end of the mass of ruin is situated the village of Barahi , which, as I infer from the spelling, must have been named after Vajra Vardhi, a goddess of the later Buddhists. To the west, beyond the bend of the Naya Tal, lies Guronpur, or the “ Village of Teachers,” ivhicli in its day was probably inhabited by Buddhist Gurus. The Mrigadava, or “ Deer Park,” is represented by a fine wood, which still covers an area of about half a mile, and extends from the great tower of Dhamek on the north to the Cliaukandi mound on the south. To the south-west of the great tower the Jains have erected a modern temple of jPdrswandth. The temple is white-washed and surrounded by a wall enclosing an area 167 feet square. Since I first surveyed these ruins in 1835, a second or outer enclosure has been added on the east side, the walls of which run right up to the great tower and cause much inconvenience to visitors, by obstructing their free passage round the building. The most remarkable of the Sarnath Monuments is the great tower called Dliamek. Mr. Pergussonf has stated that “ this building was opened by Major Cunningham, under Mr. Brinseps auspices ;” but this statement is incor- rect, as the operations were begun by myself before any communication was made to James Prinsep, and were after- wards continued entirely under my own guidance. The cost of opening the tower was shared between James Prinsep, Captain1 Thoresby, Major Grant, and myself, but the work had been commenced “ under my own auspices,” and was not suggested to me by James Prinsep. The excavation was begun in December 1834, and closed in January 1836, at a cost of Rupees 517-3-10. But, before detailing these opera- tions, I will describe the tower itself. The Buddhist stupa called Dliamek is a solid round tow- er, 93 feet in diameter at base and 110 feet in height above the surrounding mins, but 128 feet above the general level of the country. The foundation or basement, which is made of very large bricks, has a depth of 28 feet below the level of the ruins, but is sunk only 10 feet below the surface of the * See Plate XXXI. t Handbook of Architecture, I., p. 15. 108 ARCHEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1S61-62. country. The lower part of the tower, to a height of 43 feet, is built entirely of stone from one of the Chunar quarries, and with the exception of the upper five courses, the whole of this part of the building is a solid mass of stone, and each stone, even in the very heart of the mass, is seemed to its neighbours by iron cramps. The upper part of the tower is built entirely of large bricks, but as the outer facing has long ago disappeared, there is nothing now left to show whether it was formerly cased with stone, or only plastered over, and coloured to imitate the stone-work of the lower portion. I infer, however, that it was plastered, because the existing stone-work terminates with the same course all round the building, a length of 292 feet. Had the upper part been cased with stone, it is scarcely possible that the whole should have disappeared so completely that not even a single block out of so many thousands should now remain in its original position. In one part I observed some projecting bricks which appeared very like the remains of a moulding at the base of the dome. On the top I found a small brick cap, 8 feet in diameter and only 4 feet high. Erom its size I infer that this was the ruin of the base of a small pinnacle, about 10 feet square, which most probably once supported a stone umbrella. I infer this because the figures of Buddha the Teacher arc usually represented as seated under an umbrella. The lower part of the monument has eight projecting faces, each 21 feet 6 inches in width, with intervals of 15 feet between them. In each of the faces, at a height of 24 feet above the ground, there is a semi-circular headed niche, 5^ feet in width, and the same in height. In each of the niches there is a pedestal, 1 foot in height, and slightly hollowed on the top to receive the base of a statue ; but the statues them- selves have long ago disappeared, and I did not find even the fragment of one in my excavation at the base of the monu- ment. There can be little doubt, however, that all the eight statues represented Buddha the Teacher, in the usual form, with his hands raised before his breast, and the thumb and fore-finger of the right hand placed on the little finger of the left hand for the purpose of enforcing his argument. Judg- ing by the dimensions of the niches, the statues must have been of life-size.* * I would suggest that one of the many sitting statues of Buddha the Teacher, which have since been discovered, and are now deposited at the Banaras College, should be placed in one of these niches. BAN Alt AS, S Alt NATH. 109 Prom the level of the base of the niches the eight pro- jecting faces lessen in width to five feet at the top ; but the diminution is not uniform, as it begins gradually at first, and increases as it approaches the top. The outline of the slope may have been possibly intended for a curve, but it looks much more like three sides of a large polygon. Around the niches seven of the faces are more or less richly decorated with a profusion of flowing foliage. The carving on some of the faces has been completed, but on others it is little more than half finished, while the south face is altogether plain. On the unfinished faces portions of the unexecuted ornamen- tation may be seen traced in outline by the chisel, which proves that in ancient times the Hindus followed the same practice as at present, of adding the carving after the wall was built. On the western face the same ornamentation of flowing foliage is continued below the niche, and in the midst of it there is a small plain tablet, which can only have been in- tended for a very short inscription, such, perhaps, as the name of the building. A triple band of ornament, nearly 9 feet in depth below the niches, encircles all the rest of the building, both faces and recesses. The middle band, which is the broadest, is formed entirely of various geometrical figures, the main lines being deeply cut, and the intervening spaces being filled with various ornaments. On some of the faces where the spaces between the deeply cut lines of the ruling figures are left plain, I infer that the work is unfinished. The upper band of ornamentation, which is the narrowest, is generally a scroll of the lotus plant with leaves and buds only, while the lower band, which is also a lotus scroll, con- tains the full blown flowers as well as the buds. The lotus flower is represented full to the front on all the sides except the south south-west, where it is shown in a side view with the ChaJcwa or Brahmani Goose seated upon it. This, indeed, is the only side on which any animal representations are given, which is the more remarkable, as it is one of the re- cesses and not one of the projecting faces. In the middle of the ornament there is a human figure seated on a lotus flower and holding two branches of the lotus in his hands. On each side of him there are three lotus flowers, of which the four nearer ones support pairs of Brahmani Geese, while the two farther ones carry only single birds. Over the nearest 110 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G1-G2. pair of geese, on tlie right hand of the figure, there is a frog. The attitudes of the birds are all good, and even that of the human figure is easy, although formal. The lotus scroll with its flowing lines of graceful stalk, mingled with tender buds and full blown flowers, and delicate leaves, is very rich and very beautiful. Below the ornamental borders there are three plain projecting bands. I employed two expert masons for twelve months in making full-size drawings of the whole of these hands of ornament. Two plates of the east south-east and south south-west sides were afterwards engraved in Calcutta under my own guidance, for publication by James Prinsep in the Asiatic Researches ; hut his lamented illness put a sudden stop to the work, as his successor, Mr. Cumin, would not allow the mint engraver to continue it. Near the top of the north-west face there are four pro- jecting stones placed like steps, that is, they are not imme- diately over each other, and above them there is a fifth stone which is pierced with a round hole for the reception of a post, or more probably of a flag-staff. The lowest of these stones can only be reached by a ladder, hut ladders must have been always available, if, as I suppose, it was customary on stated occasions to fix flags and steamers on various parts of the building, in the same manner as is now done in the Buddhist countries of Burmah and Ladak. With the single exception of the Taj Mahal at Agra, there is, perhaps, no Indian building that has been so often described as the great Buddhist tower near Sarnath. But strange to say, its dimensions have always been very much under-stated, although the circumference might have been very closely ascertained with the greatest ease in a few minutes, by measuring, either with a walking stick or with the fore-arm, the breadth of one projecting face and of one recess, which together form one-eighth of the whole. H. H. Wilson, quoting Wilford, states that “ Sarnath is about 50 feet high, and may be as many paces in circumference.” Miss Emma Roberts states that it is “ about 150 feet in circumference,” and “ above 100 feet in height.” Mr. Eer- gusson calls it between 50 and GO feet in diameter, and 110 feet in height. This last statement of the height is correct, having been taken from a note of mine, which was BANARAS, SARNATH. Ill published by Mr. Thomas in the Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal. This height was carefully measured by myself with an iron chain in January 1835, by means of the scaffolding which I had put up for the purpose of opening the tower. By a previous measurement with a theodolite I had found the height to be 109 feet 10 inches. The breadth of one projecting face and of one recess is 36 feet 6 inches, which multiplied by 8 gives 292 feet as the circumference, and a trifle less than 93 feet as the diameter, or nearly double the thickness stated by any one of the authorities just quoted. On the 18th January 1835 my scaffolding was complet- ed, and I stood on the top of the great tower. On cutting the long grass I found two iron spikes, each 8 inches long, and shaped like the head of a lance. ^On the following day I removed the ruined brick pinnacle and began sinking a shaft or well, about 5 feet in diameter. At 3 feet from the top I found a rough stone, 24 inches x 15 inches x 7 inches, and on the 25th January, at a depth of 10^ feet, I found an inscribed slab 28f inches long, 13 inches broad, and 4 feet in thickness ; the total diameter at this level was, therefore, 82 feet. The solid brick -work of the interior had only been partially excavated by Jagat Singh’s workmen, nearly one-half of the mass, to a height of 6 feet above the stone box, being then untouched. I made some excavations round the outer wall to ascertain its thickness, but I left the brick-work undisturbed. About IS years afterwards, the excavation of this stupa was continued by Major Kittoe and Mr. Thomas until the whole of the inner mass had been removed, and the foundation of the outer casing exposed. The inner diameter is given by Mr. Thomas as 49 feet 6 inches, the slight excess over my measurement being due to the thickness of a base moulding of the original stupa. I have again carefully examined the remains of this monument, and I am quite satisfied that in its original state it was an ancient hemispherical stupa, 49 feet in diameter at base, and about 35 or 40 feet in height, includ- ing the usual pinnacle. Afterwards, when, as I suppose, the upper portion had become ruinous, it was repaired by the addition of a casing wall 16^ feet in thickness. The diame- ter of the renewed edifice thus became 82 feet, while the height, inclusive of a pinnacle, could not have been less than 50 feet. On a review of all the facts connected with this ruin, I incline to the opinion that the inner hemisphere was an ancient relic stupa, and that this having become ruinous, it was repaired, and an outer casing added by the brothers Sthira JPdla and Yasanta Ycila in A. D. 1026. In the Ma- lt dwanno we find the record of similar additions having been made to some of the stupas in Ceylon, and I know from per- sonal inspection that many of the great Dhagopas of Barrnah have been increased in size by subsequent additions. Due south from the great tower of Dliamek, and at a distance of 2,500 feet, there is a lofty ruined mound of solid S^RNATH- 9ANARAS. P /ait XXX//. Stupa. iUUOT'di, to Ktitae. ^Jtujai £ ingh/S AtLCDSJ Sketclx of iTieRixitu at SARNATH-BANARAS 5 yfonastv-\- DTiamsks Stupa/ zz~ -. — zz r.c Jam Temple/ ±dlc av ataona ^ y Magor M RITTOE 1851 -52 A . r unrung-harn. del Litho. at the Survr. Genl’s. Office. Cal. October 1871- BANARAS, SARNATH. 117 brickwork, surmounted by an octagonal building. "When I first lived at Banaras, this mound was always known by the name of Chaukandi, of which no one knew the meaning. But during my late visit I found that the old name was nearly forgotten, having been superseded by Luri-ka-kodan or “ Luri’s leap.” Luri was an Ahir, who jumped from the top of the octagonal building some years ago, and was killed. The mound itself is 74 feet in height to the floor of the octa- gonal building which rises 23 feet 8 inches higher, making a total height of 97 feet and 8 inches. An inscription over one of the door-ways of the building records that it was built in the reign of Humdyun , as a memorial of the emperor’s ascent of the mound. In 1835 I opened this mound by sinking a well from the floor of the building right down to the plain earth beneath the foundation. I also drove a horizontal gallery to meet the well about half way up the ascent. But as neither of these excavations resulted in any discovery, I then thought it pos- sible that my well might not have been sunk in the axis of the building. I therefore began to widen the well from the point of junction of the gallery until it was nearly 20 feet in diameter. This work was stopped at a depth of 27 feet by my departure from Banaras. I have again examined this ruin, and I am now quite satisfied that my first well was sunk in the very centre of the mound. The absence of any relic chamber shows that this was not a relic tower, a conclusion which is fully borne out by Ewen Thsang’s description of one of the most remarkable of the sacred edifices near the Beer Park at Banaras, which, I believe, may be identified with the Chaukandi mound. At 2 or 3 li (or rather less than half a mile) to the south-west of the Deer Park Monastery, Hwen Thsang places a stupa which was no less than 300 feet in height.* This lofty monument sparkled with the rarest and most precious materials. It was not ornamented with rows of niches, neither had it the usual bell-shaped cupola, but its summit was crowned with a sort of religious vase, turned upside down, on the top of which was an arrow. This is the whole of Hwen Thsang’s account of this remarkable building, which, although too meagre to gratify curiosity, is still sufficient for * Julien’s Hwen Thsang, II., p. 363. 118 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1861-62. the purpose of identification. In position it agrees almost exactly with that of the great brick mound of Chaukandi, which I have just described. The distance of this last from the ruined mound on which the village of Barahipur stands, and which I have already identified with the position of the Beer Park Monastery, is just half a mile, but the direction is south south-west instead of south-west. With regard to size, it is difficult to say what may have been the height of the Chaukandi edifice. My excavations have proved that the centre of the present mound is all solid brick- work; but the subsequent explorations of Major Kittoe have brought to light three immense straight walls about mid-way up the eastern side, and two more on the western side, which have all the appearance of gigantic but- tresses. Now, as these walls could not possibly have been required for the stability of the great solid mass below, it seems not unreasonable to conclude that they must in some way have been connected with the support of the upper portion of the building, which no longer exists. Hwen Thsang’s account is somewhat vague, but I believe his intention was to describe a dome or cupola narrowed at the base, like the neck of a religious vase reversed. He distinctly states that it was not a bell-shaped cupola, that is, the dome did not spread outwards in the form familiar to us in the great Dhagopas of Rangoon and Pegu. An excellent illustration of the reversed vase form may be seen in a rock-cut temple at Ajanta, given by Fergusson.* I will conclude this notice of the remains at Sarnath Banaras with a short account of the excavations which have been made at different times during the last seventy years in the vicinity of the great tower of Dhamek. The earliest excavations of which we possess any record were those made by Baba Jagat Singh in 1793-94, for the purpose of obtaining materials, both stones and bricks, for the erection of a market-place, in the city, which was named after himself, Jagatganj. I have already noticed his dis- covery, in January 1794, of the two stone boxes containing a few bones, with some decayed pearls and slips of gold. A brief account of this discovery was published by Jonathan * Hand-book of Architecture, I., p. 20. BAXARAS, SARNATH. 119 Duncan,'* and a more detailed notice by Wilford in a later volume of tlie same work. I can add little to their accounts, except that the original green stone vase, which Jonathan Duncan presented to the Asiatic Society in 1791, had dis- appeared before 1831, when I wrote to James Prinsep about it. I may mention also, on the authority of the work-people, that the dilapidated state of the lower part of the Dhamek Tower is due entirely to the meanness of Jagat Singh, who, to save a few rupees in the purchase of new stones, deliber- ately destroyed the beautiful facing of this ancient tower. As each stone was slowly detached from the monument by cutting out all the iron cramps by which it was seemed to its neighbours, the actual saving to the Baku could have been but little ; but the defacement to the tower was very great, and, as the stones were removed at once, the damage done to the tower is quite irreparable. Jagat Singh’s discovery would appear to have stimulated the curiosity of the British officers, for Miss Emma Ptoberts, writing: in 1834, relates that “ some 40 or 50 vears aero” (that is, about 1791) “ the ruins near Sarnatli attracted the attention of several scientific gentlemen, and they commenced an active research by digging in many places around. Their labours were rewarded by the discovery of several excava- tions filled with an immense number of flat tiles, having representations of Buddha modelled upon them in wax. It is said that there were actuallv cart loads of these images found in the excavations before mentioned. Many were deposited in the Museums and collections of private indivi- duals ; but whether they were ever made the subject of a descriptive account seems doubtful, there being at least no public document of the kind.”t I can add nothing to Miss Roberts’ account, as all my enquiries have failed to discover any of the wax seals of Buddha above mentioned. I may note, however, that in the temples of Ladak I have seen small chambers quite full of similar little figures of deceased Lamas. In Burmah also I have seen small figures of Buddha in bmnt clay accumulated in heaps equal to cart loads, both in the caves and in the temples. The figured seals discovered near Sarnath would appear to have been of a similar kind to those which I extracted from the ruined building close to # Asiatic Researches, V., p. 131. + Views in India, &c., II., p. 8. 120 archaeological report, 1861-62. Jarasandlia’s Tower at Giryek, and also to those which I have described as having been found in the ruins at Bakror, oppo- site to Buddha Gaya. The next excavations, as far as I am aware, were those undertaken by myself in 1835-36. These excavations, as well as the drawings of the elaborate ornament of the great tower, were made entirely at my own expense, the cost during 18 months having been Rs. 1,200. I made several desultory excavations wherever I saw traces of walls, but they all proved to belong to temporary habitations of a late period. At last, after a heavy fall of rain, I observed a piece of terraced floor which I ordered to he cleared for the pur- pose of pitching my tent upon it. After a few hours’ labour, however, the flooring terminated on what appeared to he the edge of a small tank, which was only 13 feet 9 inches square. Continuing the work, I found the bases of pillars in pairs surrounding the square. Amongst the rubbish inside the square, I found an elaborately sculptured bas- relief, in grey standstone, representing the Nirvana of Buddha. The stone had been broken into four pieces, of which one was missing, but the remaining three pieces are now in the Calcutta Museum. This sculpture, I consider, particularly interesting, as the subject is treated in a novel and striking manner. In the ordinary representations of the death-bed scene, the spectators are confined to a few attendants, who hold umbrellas over the body or reverentially touch the feet. But in the present sculpture, besides the usual attendants, there are the Navagraha or “Nine Planets” in one line, and in a lower line, the Ashta SaJcte or “ eight female energies,” a series of goddesses apparently belonging to one of the later forms of Buddhism. This sculpture is well worthy of being photographed. [Further excavation showed that the small pillared tank, or court-yard, was the centre of a large building, 68 feet square, of which the outer walls were feet thick. My ex- ploration was not completed to the eastward, as the walls of the building in that direction had been entirely removed by some previous excavation, with the exception of detached portions of the foundation, sufficient to show that it corre- sponded exactly with the western half of the building. The central square was apparently surrounded by an open veran- dah, which gave access to ranges of five small rooms or cells SA R N ATH - BAN ARAS Plate XXXm mrfft£ec£!r'' it ( pi i l ^ VJ s -U Litho. at the Survr. Genl’s. Office, Cal. August 1371 BANARAS, SARNATH. 121 each of tlic four sides of the building. In all the cells I found pieces of charred wood, with nails still sticking in some of them, and in the middle cell on the western side I found a small store of unhusked rice only partially burnt. In a few places I found what appeared to be pieces of ter- raced roofing, and in one place a large heap of charcoal. On the south side the central room was lost by previous excava- tion, hut on the north side I found a room entirely open towards the verandah, as if it was a hall, or place of general meeting for the resident monks. Inside this room there was the base or pedestal of what I believe to have been a small votive stupa, the top of which probably reached to the roof and took the place of a pillar. A small drain led under- ground from the north-west corner of the central square to the outside of the building on the north, for the purpose, as I conclude, of carrying off the rain-water.* The building which I have just described would appear to have been a l/thara, of “ Chapel Monastery,” that is, a monastery with a chapel or temple forming an integral part of the building. Trom the thickness of the outer wall I infer that this edifice was not less than three or four stories in height, and that it may have accommodated about 50 monks. The entrance was probably on the south side, and I think that there must have been a statue of Buddha in the northern verandah. The bas-relief which I found in the central square almost certainly formed one of the middle architraves of the court. Continuing my excavations in the high ground to the westward, I came upon the remains of a building of a totally different description. The walls of this edifice were 3 feet thick throughout, and I found the plaster still adhering to the inner walls of what I will call the verandahs, with borders of painted flowers, quite fresh and vivid. The mass of the building consisted of a square of 34 feet, with a small porch on each of the four side. The building was divided into three parts from west to east, and the central part was again sub-divided into three small rooms. I think it pro- bable that these three rooms were the shrines of the Buddhist Triad Dharmma , Buddha, and Sangha, and that the walls of * See Plate XXXIII. for the plans of these buildings. The position is marked by the letter P. in the sketch of the ruins in Plate XXXII. Q 122 ARCII/EOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G1-G2. the two long rooms or verandahs to the north and south were covered with statues and bas-reliefs. The entrance verandah of one of the vihar caves at Kdnhari , in Salsette, is adorned in a similar manner ; and even in the present day the inner walls of the temples, both in Ladak and in Barmah, are covered with figures of Buddha. This also, as we know from II wen Thsang’s account, was the style of the walls of the great vihar in the Deer Park at this very place, and a similar style of ornamentation prevailed both at Buddha Gaya and at Nalanda. Outside the walls also I found a great number, about 50 or GO, of large deeply carved stones, which had once formed part of a magnificent frieze, with a bold projecting cornice. The face of the frieze was ornamented with small figures of Buddha seated at intervals in peculiar shaped niches, which I have traced from the rock hewn caves of Dhamnar, in Malwa, to the picturesque but fantastic Kyoungs of Burmali. A few of these stones may now be seen in the grounds of the Sanskrit College at Banaras. As I found no traces of burnt wood, I am inclined to believe that the roof of the building was pyramidal, and that the general appearance of the edifice must have been strikingly similar to that of the great temple of Brambanan, depicted in the 2nd Volume of IlafHes’ Java. Whilst engaged in excavating the walls of this temple, I was informed by Sangkar , Bajbhar of Singpur, the same man who had pointed out to me the position of the relic box in Jagat Singh’s stupa, that, whilst he was engaged in digging materials for Jagatganj, the workmen had come upon a very large number of statues, all collected together in a small building. The walls were pulled down and the bricks were carried away, but the statues were left untouched in their original position. I at once commenced an excavation on the spot pointed out by Sangkar, which was only a few feet to the north of the temple just described. At a depth of 2 feet below the surface, I found about 60 statues and bas- reliefs in an upright position, all packed closely together within a small space of less than 10 feet square. The walls of the building in which they had been thus deposited had been removed as stated by Sangkar, but the remains of the foundation showed a small place of only 11 feet square out- side. I made a selection of the more perfect figures which, together with the bas-reliefs, I presented to the Asiatic SARNATH-BANARAS. Plate XXXIV. 1. Inscribed Stone extracted from Great Stupa. ^ & ') : T AT ^ ‘ auft TQVisy^xih \ yzjnn_:\\< r *nb^\^T)aJPoaio. h FIRUIABAD klNORPAT % 0& \v^PURAN A *K IL; 1 ^umayuMs f. Tomb Tenth Mansur Ml ] Sofdarjana' 3ah2x>tyur KlUjgtLrhij MhrdrahaS Ffouax. Alar or Ham, KhrLs1 ' TargaJu .J ' * Shrkk. jahmN -PANRH .tela* / ray ^ PITHORA Minor .lalkc; r4i^-LUGH LAKABAt* r^xii\jVaJg' -y W&utbL \ kAMaharclh TiuJhLzkk Tomb DEMI. T QQ loo Capital from (lie south, for ho states that on his left hand he saw the ruins of “old Delhi , ccdled the 7 castles and 52 gates ,” a name by which these ruins are still known in the present day. With regard to the work of the Emperor Ghias-uddin-JBalban, who reigned from A. D. 12G6 to 1288, I think that too great importance has been attached to its name of Kila or fort. The Kila Marzghan , which Syad Ahmed places at Ghidspur , near the tomb of Nizdm-uddm Aidia , was built as an asylum, marja , or place of refuge for debtors. Now, this asylum for debtors was still existing in A. D. 1335 to 1340, when Ibn Eatuta was one of the Ma- gistrates of Delhi. He describes it as the Ddr-id-aman , or “ House of Safety,” and states that he visited the tomb of Balban, which was inside this house. From this, as well as from its name of Ddr-ul-aman, I infer that the building was a walled enclosure of moderate size, perhaps not much larger than that which now surrounds the tomb of Tughlak Shah. This inference is rendered almost certain by Ibn Eatuta’s description of Delhi,* which, he says, “ now consists of four cities, which becoming contiguous, have formed one A Now three of the four cities here alluded to are certainly those of Dai Dithora , Jahcm-pandh , and Sen (of which the continuous walls can be easily traced even at the present day), and the fourth city must have been Tughlakabad. No particular date can be assigned to Jahan-panah which was an open suburb until the time of Muhammad Tughlak, who first enclosed it with walls ; but as Ibn Eatuta was one of the Magistrates of Delhi under this Emperor, it is certain that Jahan-panah must have been one of the four cities described by him. I feel quite satisfied, therefore, that the Kila-Marzghan, called also Ddr-ul-aman , or “House of Refuge,” was not a fortress, or large fortified city, but only a small walled enclosure sur- rounding his own tomb, and forming, at the same time, a place sufficiently large as an asylum for debtors and criminals. The city of Kai-Kubad, called Kilu-ghari , was certainly situated on the bank of the Jumna,! where the name is still * Travels, translated, by Dr. Lee, p. 111. t Gladwin’ a Ain Akbari, II., p. 80 ; and Briggs’s Ferishta, I., p. 274. 131 ARCIIiEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G2-G3. found attached to a small village on the south-east of Huma- yun’s tomb. The new city of Mubarak, named Mubarakabad, was also situated on the bank of the Jumna.* The “ seven forts” of old Delhi, of which remains still exist, are, according to my view, the following : 1. — Lalkot, built by Anang Pal about A. D. 1052. 2. — Kila Ecu Dithora , built by Itai Pithora about A. D. 1180. 3. — Siri, or Kila- Alai, built by Ala-uddin in A. D. 1304. 4. — TughlaJcabad, built by Tughlak Shah in A. D. 1321. 5. — Citadel of Tughlakabad, ditto ditto. G. — Adilabad , built by Muhammad Tughlak about A. D. 1325. 7. — Jalidn-Dandh , enclosed by ditto. In this list there is no mention of Indraprastha, because this celebrated capital of the Pandus is always described as being situated on the hank of the J umna, which would have been on the right hand of the English traveller, and because the present fort of Indrapat, no doubt, represents some portion of the actual site, as well as the name of the famous city of Yudhishthira. Indraprastha and Delhi were, therefore, two different cities, situated about 5 miles apart, — the former on the bank of the Jumna above Humavun’s tomb, and the latter on a rocky hill to the south-west, sur- rounding the well known Iron Pillar. At the time of the Muhammadan conquest, the Hindu city of Dilli was confined to the two forts of Lalkot and Pai Pithora ; but after Eiruz Shah had moved the seat of Government to Eiruzabad on the very site of the ancient Indraprastha, the name of Dilli was some times applied to the whole of the old city, including the Musalman fort of Siri and the fortified suburbs of Jahdn- panah. Sharf-uddin, the historian of Timur, restricts the name of old Delhi to the two Hindu forts, and describes the cities of Siri and Jahdn-pandh separately. Eerishta also does the same in his account of the latter kings of the Tughlak dynasty. But after Humayun had re-built Indrapat, * Briggs’s Ferislita. I., p. 5 829 ; see also the contemporary statement of the author of the Tarikh-i-Mubarak Shiihi, quoted by Mr. Thomas — “ Chronicles of the Pathan Kings, p. 332, note. DELHI. 135 under tlie name of Din-panah, and after Sliir Shah had founded his fort of Kila- Shir- Shah on the site of Eiruzabad and Indraprastha, the common people began to use the names of old Delhi and new Delhi — the former being confined to the cluster of cities about the Hindu Dilli, while the latter was applied to those situated on the Jumna, on the site of the ancient Indraprastha. Indraprastha or Indrapat. — At the time of the Malm - hlidrata , or “ Great War” between the Pandus and Kurus, this was one of the well known five pats or prasthas which were demanded from Duryodlian by Yudhisthira as the price of peace. These five pats which still exist, were Tdnipat Sonpat , Indr pat, Tilpat, and Bdghpat, of which all but the last were situated on the right or western bank of the Jumna. The term prastha, according to H. H. Wilson, means anything “spread out or extended,” and is commonly applied to any level piece of ground, including also table- land on the top of a hill. But its more literal and restricted meaning would' appear to be that particular extent of land which would require a prastha of seed, that is, 48 double handfulls, or about 48 imperial pints, or two-thirds of a bushel. This was, no doubt, its original meaning, but in the lapse of time it must gradually have acquired the meaning, which it still has, of any good sized piece of open plain. Indraprastha would, therefore, mean the plain of Indra, which was, I presume, the name of the person who first settled there. Popular tradition assigns the five pats to the five Pandu brothers. The date of the occupation of Indraprastha as a capi- tal by Judhisthira, may, as I believe, be attributed, with some confidence, to the latter half of the 15tli century before Christ. The grounds on which I base this belief are as follows : 1st, that certain positions of the planets, as record- ed in the Mahdblidrata , are shown by Bentley to have taken place in 1824-25 B. C., who adds that “ there is no other year, either before that period or since, in which they were so situated ;” 2nd, in the Vishnu Purana it is stated that at the birth of Burikshita, the son of Arjuna Bdndava, the seven Bishis were in Maghd , and that when they are in Buna Ashdrha Nanda will begin to reign. Now, as the seven Bishis, or stars of the Great Bear, are supposed to pass from one lunar asterism to another in 100 years, the 13G AUCHiEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1SG2-G3. interval between Parikshita and Xanda will be ] ,000 years. Put in the Bhagavata Purana this interval is said to be 1,015 years, which added to 100 years, the duration of the reigns of the nine Xandas, will place the birth of Parikshita 1,115 years before the accession of Chandra Gupta in 315 B. C., that is, in 1430 B. C. By this account the birth of JParik- shita, the son of Arjuna, took place just six years before the Great War in B. C. 1424. These dates, which arc derived from two independent sources, mutually support each other, and therefore seem to me to be more worthy of credit than any other Hindu dates of so remote a period. Indraprastha, the city of Yudhisthira, was built along the bank of the River Jumna between the Kotila of Piruz Shah and the tomb of Humayun. At that time the river flowed upwards of one mile to the westward of its present course, and the old bed is^ still easily traceable from Piruz Shah’s Kotila, past Indrpat and Humayun’s tomb to Kila Ghari. The last place was on the immediate bank of the river, so late as the reign of Kaikubad in A. 1). 1290, as his assassins are reported to have thrown his body out of the palace window into the Jumna. The name of Indraprastha is still preserved in that of Indrpat, a small fort, which is also known by the name of Parana Kila or the “ old fort.” This place was repaired by the Emperor Ilumayun, who changed its name to Din-p&nah ; but none, save educated Musalmans ever make use of this name, as the common people invariably call it either Indrpat or Purana Kila. In its present form, this place is altogether a Muhammadan structure ; and I do not believe that there now exists even a single carved stone of the original city of Yudhisthira. The only spot that has any claim to have belonged to the ancient city is a place of pilgrimage on the Jumna called Nigamhbod Ghat, which is immediately outside the northern wall of the city of Shahjahdndbad. This ghat is celebrated as the place where Yudhisthira, after his performance of the Aswamedha, or “ horse sacrifice,” celebrated the Horn. A fair is held at Xigambod whenever the new moon falls on a Monday. It is said to be held in honor of the River Jumna. According to the Bhagavata Purana, Yudhisthira was the first King of Indraprastha, and the throne was occupied by the descendants of his brother Arjuna for 30 generations down to Ksliemaka. This last prince was deposed, according DELHI. 137 to all tlie copies of the Rajavali, by his Minister Visarwa, of whose family 14 persons are said to have held the throne for 500 years. They were succeeded by a dynasty of 15 Gciuta- mas, or Gotama-vansas, who were followed by a family of nine Mciyuras. JEtaja-pala, the last of the Mayuras, is stated to have been attacked and killed by the Raja of Kurnaon, named Sakdditya, or “ Lord of the Sakas.” But this was only the title, and not the name, of the conqueror; for Vikramaditya is said to have obtained his title of Salcari by defeating him. At this point of the traditional histories, the name of Dilli makes its first appearance;* but nothing is recorded regarding the change of name, and we are left to conjecture whether the city of Dilli had already been founded, or whether this name has been used instead of that of Indraprastha through simple inadvertence. According to one tradition, which is but little known, the city of Dilli was founded by Raja Dilipa, who was the ancestor in the fifth generation of the five Pandu brothers. But this story may be dismissed at once as an ignorant invention, as Dilli is universally acknowledged to be of much later date than Indraprastha, the city of Yudhisthira himself. According to a popular and well known tradition, Dilli or Dhili, was built by Raja Dilu, or Dliilu, whose date is quite uncertain. This tradition was adopted by Perishta, who adds that Raja Dilu , after a reign of either 4 or 40 years, was attacked and killed by Raja Dhur, or Porus, of Kurnaon, who was • the antagonist of Alexander the Great. If this statement could be depended upon, it might perhaps be entitled to some consideration, as giving the probable period of the foundation of Dilli. But unfortunately Perishta’s ancient chronology is a mere jumble of errors; thus, for instance, Phur’s nephew, Juna, who should have been a con- temporary of Seleukos Nikator, is said to be a contemporary of Ardashir Babekan, the founder of the Sassanian dynasty in A. D. 226. But Ardashir himself is afterwards made a contemporary of Vikramaditya of Ujain in 57 B. C. The most probable explanation of these different dates would seem * In Chand’s Prithi-Raj -Raisa, the name is invariably written Dillt, with the first vowel short, and the other long. In one place I have found the city called Dillipur, which might as probably be derived from Diilip as from Dilu, S 138 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-63. to be some confusion regarding tbc name of Ardashir, and perhaps the safest plan will be to accept the author’s last statement, that 11a j a Dilu was a contemporary of Vikrama- ditya. Now the story of Dilu , and of his defeat by Phur, Raja of Kumaon, is exactly the same as that of Raja Reel, King of Dilli, and of his defeat by Sukwcinti (or Sukdat or Sukaditya), Raja of Kumaon, as related in several different copies of the Rajavali. As in all of these the in- vader is said to have been defeated and slain by Vikrama- ditya Sakari, the date of this event must be assigned either to 57 B. C. or to A. D. 79. The latter date is the true one, according to Abu Rihan ; and as Sakaditya is said to have reigned 14 years in Dilli, his conquest must have taken place in A. D. 65. I confess, however, that I have but little faith in the dates of any Hindu traditionary stories, unless they can be supported by other testimony. That the city of Dilli was founded by a Raja of similar name, is probable enough, for it is the common custom of India, even at the present day, to name places after their founders. But there is un- fortunately so much uncertainty about the dates in all the stories connected with the foundation of Dilli, that it is difficult to form any satisfactory conclusion as to the truth. According to Kharg Rai, the Gwalior Bhat, who wrote in the reign of Shahjalian, the last Pandu Prince, named Nildghpati , was King of Dilli when 3000 years of the Kali- yuga had expired, that is, in 101 B. C. In that year he was attacked by a Raghuvansi Raja, named Sankhdhwaj, with whom he fought 17 battles, but was eventually defeated and killed after a reign of 44 years, which brings us to 57 B. C. Sankhdhwaj bimself is said to have been defeated and killed by the famous Vikramaditya of Ujain, who thus became King of Dilli (Dilli-pat-kahayo). His descendants are recorded to have reigned in Ujain for 792 years, during the whole of which time Dilli was deserted (ujarh raid). At the end of these 792 years, or in 792 — 56f = 735J years complete, or A. D. 736, Dilli was re-peopled by Bilan De Tomar , whose descendants occupied the throne until displaced by the Clio- hans under Bisal De, who is no doubt the Visala Deva of the two inscriptions on Piruz Shah’s Pillar. DELHI. 139 In this account of Kliarg Rai, I recognize another ver- sion of the former story of the Raja of Dilli being overcome by the King of the Sakas, who was himself afterwards de- feated hy Yikramaditya. The name of Sankhdhwaj would appear to be only a misreading either of Sakwant , or of Sak- dat or Sakaditya ; hut Nildgh-pali is quite unlike Raja Pal, although it might be a mistake for Tilak pati, and would thus, perhaps, have some connection with the name of Raja Dilu. I think also that I can recognize another version of the same legend in the story of Basal, King of Hind, and his sons Rawal and Barkamarys, as preserved in the Mojmal- ut-tawarikh of Rashiduddin.* In this version King Rasal, whom I would conjecturally identify with Raja Pal of the Rajavali, is driven from his throne by a rebel, who is after- wards conquered by Barkamarys, a name in which, though slightly altered, I still recognize the famous Bikramddit or Yikramaditya. The overthrow of the Sakas is universally attributed to the Yikramaditya who assumed the title of Sakdri, and established the era which still bears his name, beginning in 57 B. G. But if the prince who founded this era was a con- temporary of Pravarasena, Raja of Kashmir, and of the poet Kalidasa, as well as of the Astronomer Yaraka Mikira, as there seems good reason to believe, it is quite certain that he cannot be dated earlier than the beginning of the sixth century ,of the Christian era. This conclusion is supported by the strong testimony of Abu Rikan, who states that the great victory over the Sakas was gained at a place called Koror, between Multan and Loni, by a prince named Yik- ramaditya, just 135 years after the prince of the same name who founded the Yikrama Samvat. As the date of this event corresponds exactly with the initial point of the Sake-era, which was established hy Sdlivahana, it results that the Yikramaditya of Abu Rikan is identical with the Sali- vahana of the popular Indian traditions. This conclusion is further strengthened by the fact that in Colonel James Abbott’s list of the Rajas of Syalkot, a reign of 90 years is assigned to Salivakana, which is exactly the same as is # Remaud, “Fragments Arabes,” &e., p. 47. 140 AltCIIJEOLOGICAL UEPOUT, 1862-63. allotted to Vikramaditya, tlie conqueror of tlie Sakas, in all tlie seven copies of the Rajavali that I have seen. On these grounds, I venture, with some confidence, to fix the date of the defeat of the Saka conqueror of Dilli in A. D. 78, which is the initial point of the Sake-era of Salivahana. Accepting this date as tolerably well established for an event in ancient Indian history, the foundation of Dilli must he placed at some earlier period, and perhaps the date of 57 E. C., or contemporary with Vikramaditya, as recorded by Ferishta, may not he far from the truth. Regarding the widely spread tradition that Dilli was deserted for 792 years, from the conquest of Vikramaditya to the time of the first Tomara Raja Anang Pal, I think that it may he fully ex- plained by supposing that during that period Dilli was not the residence of the King. It is almost certain that it was not the capital of the powerful family of the Guptas, who most probab- ly reigned from A. D. 78 to 319 ; and it is quite certain that it was not the capital of the great King Harsha Vardlihana and his immediate predecessors, whose metropolis was Kanoj du- ring the latter half of the sixth, and the first half of the seventh century. That Dilli was most probably occupied during this period, we may infer from the erection of the Iron Pillar by Raja DMvci, the date of which is assigned to the third or fourth century by James Prinsep.* Mr. Thomas “ considers that Prinsep has assigned too high an antiquity to the style of writing employed on this monument but on this point I venture to differ, as I. find, after a careful examination of the inscription, that the whole of the letters are the same as those of the records of the Gupta dynasty, whose downfall is assigned to A. D. 319 by Abu Rilian, I think it probable that Raja Dhava may have been one of the princes who assisted in the overthrow of the once power- ful Guptas, and I would, therefore, fix on A. D. 319 as an easily remembered and useful approximation to his true date. A still earlier mention of Dilli may possibly be found in Ptolemy’s Daidala, which is placed close to Indabara (perhaps Indrpat,) and midway between Modura or Mathura, and Batan Kaisara , or Sthaneswara. For the last name I propose to read Satanaisara as its position between Mathura and Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, 1S38, p. 629. DELHI. 141 Zulindrine or the Jalandhar Doab renders it almost certain that it must be Stlmneswara or Thanesar. The close proxi- mity of Daidala to Indabara , joined to the curious resem- blance of their names to Dilli and Indrpat, seems to me to offer very fair grounds for assuming their probable identity with these two famous Indian cities. The ancient city of Dilli may, with tolerable certainty, be considered to have occupied almost the same site as the fort of Dai Pithora, as it is to be presumed that the Iron Pillar must have been erected in some conspicuous position, either within the old city, or close to it. With the solitary exception of the Iron Pillar, I am not aware that there are any existing remains that can be assigned with certainty to the old Hindu city of Dilli. A single pillar, amongst the many hundreds that now form the colonnades of the Kutb Minar, may perhaps belong to the old city, as it bears a figure either of Buddha the Ascetic seated in contemplation, or of one of the Jain hierarchs. No doubt some, and per- haps even many, of the pillars of these colonnades may have belonged to temples of the old Hindu city; but after a minute examination on three successive days, of the sculptures on the pillars, and of all the letters and mason’s marks on the pillars and walls, I came to the unwilling conclusion that (with the two exceptions just noted) there is nothing now existing that is older than the tenth or eleventh century. According to the tradition which is universally accepted by all Hindus, the city of Dilli was re-built by Anang Pal, the first* King of the Tomar dynasty. The manuscript of Kliarg Dai, which I obtained at Gwalior, names him Bilan Be, and a second manuscript, received from Bikaner, calls him Bilan Deo or Anang Bdl ; but Abul Pazl, Colonel Tod, and Syad Ahmad call him simply Anang Pal ; and he is so named in two inscriptions which are found on the Iron Pillar. The date of Anang Pal, the founder of the Tomar dynasty, is variously given by the different authorities ; but even the most discrepant of these dates, when carefully examined, will be found to agree within a few years of the others. The different dates given are as follows : 1$£. — The Gwalior manuscript of Kliarg Rai. — This date has already been referred to. Kharg Rai states that Dilli was deserted for 792 years after 112 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-G3. Vikramaditya, wlien it was re-founded Bilan De Tomar. This gives the year A. D. 736 as before noted. Colonel Tod refers to the same tradition when he states that Delhi lay waste for eight centuries.* But I am satisfied that he had the well known number of 792 recorded in his notes, for, in the very same page in which he makes the above statement, he gives the date of the re-building of Dilli by Anang Pal as Samvat 848, which, by using his erroneous difference of 56 years, instead of 57, is equivalent to A. D. 792. But in an- other part of his work, Colonel Tod states that he possessed the original Hindu manuscript which Abul Pazl had used, and that the date of the re-building of Dilli by Anang Pal was Samvat 829 instead of S. 429. I strongly suspect that Colonel Tod has made a mistake in this last statement, for I found, on examining the bard Muk-ji’s manuscript, then in the possession of his sons, that S. 821 is the date assigned to the overthrow of the Tomaras, and not to their rise. Prom these different state- ments I feel assured that he must have found the number 792 recorded in his notes without any explanation, and that he erroneously adopted it as the date of the re-founding of Dilli. 2nd. — In the Ain Akbari of Abul Pazl, the date of Anang Pal is placed in Samvat 429, and the end of the Tomar dynasty in S. 848 ;f thus limiting the rule of the Tomaras to 419 years, while his detailed account of the lengths of reigns amounts to 437 years. The former period has been adopted by Syad Ahmad, as I think, judiciously, because of the increased chances of error in the detail of twenty reigns. On the Iron Pillar this date is given as S. 419, and the fall of the dynasty is assigned to S. 648, # Rajasthan, I., p. 87. t Gladwin’s Translation, I., pp. 96 and 97. DELIII. 143 which is most probably an error of the en- graver for S. 846. The difference between these dates is 427 years. 3rd. — In two manuscripts from Kumaon and Garhwal, the date of the first Tomara Raja is given as 13th Bhadon S. 846, which is equivalent to A. D. 789.* But as both of these manuscripts omit the first three names, which are found in all the other manuscripts, I conclude that the date therein given is that of the fourth prince of the other lists. Deducting, therefore, from the above date the sum of the three omitted reigns, which amount to 58 years, we obtain A. D. 731 as another period for the re-building of Dilli by Anang Pal. It will be observed that the three manuscripts from Gwalior, Kumaon, and Garhwal, place the date of the re- founding of Dilli in the eighth century A. D., whereas Abul Pazl and the inscription on the Iron Pillar refer this event to the fourth century A. D. ; and so also does the author of the Araish-i-Mahfil , who gives S. 440. Now, although Abul Pazl specially notes that his date of 429 is of the era of Vikramaditya, yet he is most undoubtedly wrong, as I will now show from other statements of his own. According to this account, the Tomar dynasty, which lasted 419 years, was succeeded by the Chohan dynasty, which ruled for 83 years, and was then overcome by Sultan Mudz-uddin Same. The period of this event is stated to be A. IT. 588, or A. D. 1192. Now, deducting 419 + 83, or 502 years, from A. D. 1192, we obtain A. D. 690 as the true date of Anang Pal according to Abul Pazl’s own figures, instead of S. 429 — 57, or A. D. 372, as stated in his text. But as the rule of the Chohans is limited to 41-^- years in my two manuscripts from. Kumaon and Garhwal, and to 40 years in my Gwalior manuscript, I think that the authority of these three records may be taken as at least of equal weight with that of the Ain Akbari. The true periods of the two dynasties will, therefore, be 419 + 41 = 460 years, which deducted from A. D. 1191, the corrected date of Muaz-uddin’s conquest, will * A third MS. from KedarnUth agrees generally with the two previously obtained from Bhimtal and Srinagar. 144 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1SG2-G3. give A. D. 731 for Anang Pal’s re-building of Dilli, which is within five years of the traditional date of A. I). 736, already noticed. The only explanation which I can propose of the great discrepancy between the true date and that which is stated in the Ain Akbari is, that Abul Pazl simply mistook the era in which he found the date recorded. Now, if we suppose that the era of his dates was that of BalcibJii, which began A. D. 319, we shall have S. 429 + 318 = 747 A. D. as the corrected date for the re-building of Dilli by Anang Pal according to Abul Pazl. But by using the date of S. 419, which is recorded on the Iron Pillar, we shall obtain A. D. 737, which is within one year of the date already fixed by the traditional story of Dilli having lain waste for 792 years, and which agrees also with the date derived from the lengths of reigns by working backwards from A. D. 1193, the period of Muaz-uddin’s conquest. I therefore look upon the date of A. D. 736 for the re-building of Dilli under Anang Pal as being established on grounds that are more than usually firm for early Indian History. The famous poet Mir Khusru, of Delhi, who wrote both before and after A. D. 1300, gives an amusing ancedote of Anang Pal, “a great Rai, who lived five or six hundred years ago.” “ At the entrance of his palace he had placed two lions, sculptured in stone. He fixed a bell by the side of the two lions, in order that those who sought justice might strike it, upon which the Rai would order them to be summoned, would listen to their complaints, and render justice. One day a crow came and sat on the bell, and struck it, when the Rai asked who the complainant was. It is a fact, not unknown, that bold crows will pick meat from between the teeth of lions. As stone lions cannot hunt for their prey, where could the crow obtain its usual sustenance ? As the Rai was satisfied that the crow justly complained of hunger, having come to sit by his stone lions, he gave orders that some goats and sheep should be killed, on which the crow might feed himself for some days.”* * Sir H. M. Elliot’s Muhammadan Historians of India, edited by Dowson, III., 565. From this story we learn that so early as A D. 1300 Auang Pal was believed to have reigned in Delhi between 700 and 800 A. D., which agrees exactly with the statements of the chroniclers. DELHI. 145 Accepting tliis date of A. D. 736, we have to account for the period of 792 years during which Dilli is said to have lain waste, when it is almost certain that, the city must have been occupied at the time when Raja Dhdvci erected the Iron Pillar. Perhaps the simplest explanation is that which I have already given, viz., that during this period Dilli was not the metropolis of the Kings of Upper India. The silence of the Chinese pilgrims Ea Ilian and Hwen Thsang regarding Dilli may, perhaps, he considered as a strong proof of the small- ness of the city from A. D. 400 to 640. Ea Hian, however, does not mention any place between Taxila and Mathura, and Hwen Thsang could only have passed through Dilli once, viz., when he returned from Mathura to Thanesar. It is even possible that he may have travelled by Mirat, which then possessed one of Asoka’s Pillars, for, if Dilli was not a famous place amongst the Buddhists, as I believe it was not, it is improbable that he would have visited it. Dilli must, however, have been the Capital of Anang Pal, and most probably also of several of his successors ; but I have a strong suspicion that the later Rajas of the Tomar dynasty resided at Kanoj. M. Reinaud remarks that Otbi, the historian of Mahmud, makes no mention of the city of Dilli, and that only a single allusion to it is made by Abu Rilian in his Kanun-al-masudi. It is, indeed, a fact worthy of special notice that Dilli is not once mentioned in Abu Rihan’s geographical chapter, which gives the routes between all the principal places in Northern India. He notices Thanesai:, and Mathura, and Kanoj, but Dilli is never men- tioned, an omission which could hardly have happened had Dilli been the capital of the famous Tomar Rajas at that time. I conclude, therefore, that Dilli was not their resi- dence in the beginning of the eleventh century, and I think that I can show with much probability that Kanoj was the metropolis of the Tomar Rajas for several generations prior to the invasion of Mahmud of Ghazni. In A. H. 303, or A. D. 915, India was visited by the well known Geographer Masudi, who records that “ the King of Kanoj, who is one of the Kings of es-Sind, is Budah ; this is a title general to all Kings of el- Kanoj.”* The name * Sir H. M. Elliot— Historians of India, I., 57. T 1 1G ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-G3. which in tlie above extract is read as Budah by Sir Henry Elliot is said by Gildemeister,* to be written Bovarah in the original, for which he proposes to read Boravah, for the well known Baurciva. Erom the King of Oudh’s Dictionary two different spellings are quoted, as Bordn, and For an ; while in Eerishta the name is either Korrah, as written by Dow, or Kuwar, as written by Briggs. In Abulfeda the name is Nodah. Now, as the name, of which so many readings have just been given, was that of the King’s family or tribe, I believe that we may almost certainly adopt Tovarah as the true reading according to one spelling, and Torali, according to the other. In the Sanskrit inscriptions of the GAvalior dynasty of this name, the word is invariably spelt Tomara. Kharg Eai writes Todr, which is much the same as Colonel Tod’s Tudr , and the Tuvdr, of the Kumaon and Garhwal manuscripts. Lastly, in Gladwin’s Ain Akbari I find Tenore and Toonoor, for which I presume that the original has simply, Tunwar. Erom a comparison of all these various readings, I conclude that the family name of the Eaja of Kanoj in A. D. 915, when Masudi visited India, and again in A. D. 1017 and 1021, when Mahmud of Ghazni invaded India, was in all probability Tovar or Tomar. In favour of this conclusion there is the further testimony of Masudi that in A. D. 915 the four great Kings of India known to the Musalmans were, 1st, the Balhard, who lived in Mtinlur ; 2nd, the King of Kanoj ; 3rd, the King of Kashmir ; and 4th, the King of Sind. As no King of Dilli is mentioned, it seems not unreasonable to infer that at that time, in A. D. 915, the poAverful Tomars most probably held their Court at Kanoj. If I am correct in the above identification, then the name of the King at the time of Mahmud’s invasion should correspond with that of the Tomar Eaja, who, according to the genealogical lists, was reigning at that particular period. According to Othi\ the name of this Eaja of Kanoj was Baj Pal, or Rdjaipal, which I take to be equivalent to Eaja Jaypdl. Now the 14th prince in Abul Eazl’s list! # Scriptorum Arab de rebus Indicis, p. ICO. f Remaud Fragments, Arabes, p. 2G3. J Ain Akbari, II — 94. DELHI. 147 is Jaypal, whose death, according to the lengths of reigns given in the Ain Akbari, occurred 287 years and 6 months after the re-building of Dilli by Anang Pal. Adding this number to A. D. 736J, we obtain the year 1023f as that of the death of Jaypal. By comparing the lists of Abul Eazl and Syad Ahmad with those of my Gwalior, Kumaon, and Garhwal manuscripts, and taking the lengths of reigns according to the majority of these five authorities, the period elapsed from the accession of Anang Pal to the death of Jaypal, amounts to 285 years and 6 months. Adding this number to A. X). 736J, we get 1021f as the date of Jaypal’s death, which is, I believe, within a few months of the true date. According to Perislita,* Mahmud first heard of the alliance of the Hindu princes against his tributary the King of Kanoj, some time in the Hijra year 412, which began on 17th April 1021. As several other events are previously recorded, and as Mahmud is said to have marched to his aid at once, I conclude that he may have left Ghazni about October 1021, and as Kanoj is three months’ march distant from Ghazni, f he must have reached that city in January 1022. On his arrival, Mahmud found that the King of Kanoj had already been attacked and killed. The death of Jaypal must, therefore, have occurred about December 1021, which agrees almost exactly with the date of his death, which I have already deduced from the genealogical lists. Precisely the same date also is obtained by working backwards by lengths of reigns from the date of Muazuddin’s conquest of Dilli in A. D. 1191. Since this account was written, the 2nd volume of Pro- fessor Dowson’s edition of Sir H. M. Elliot’s Muhammadan Historians of India has appeared, which contains t a transla- tion of the Mirat-i-Asrdr , being a fabulous relation of the acts of Salar Sahu and his son Salar Masaud. The latter is said to have captured Delhi, and to have killed the King named Mahipal. But as Masaud was born in A. D. 1014, and was 18 years of age when he reached Oudh, after passing Delhi and Kanoj, the capture of Delhi cannot have taken place earlier than A. D. 1030, when he was 17 years of age. * Briggs, I — 63. + Briggs’s Ferislita, I — 57. i Appendix, pp. 515 — 549. 148 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-G3. But as the King of Kanoj is called Jaypal, whom we know to have been killed in A. 3). 1021, I have no faith in the truth of the narrative, which was compiled by a credulous author in the reign of Jahangir. There are two Mahipals in the lists, one of whom formed the lake and gave his name to the village of Mahipalpur, but neither of their dates fits with that of Salar Masaud. The silence of the contem- porary historian Otbi regarding Delhi, and its immunity from attack during the long reign of Mahmud, when the neigh- bouring cities of Thanesar, Mirat, Mathura, and Kanoj, were all captured, seem to me quite incredible on any other suppo- sition than that which I have endeavoured to prove, namely, that Delhi was then a comparatively unimportant town, without any means of defence, as Lalkot had not then been built, and without the wealth of a capital, to attract the cupidity of an invader. The occurrence of the two names of Jaypal and Kuwar Pal in the list of Tomar Princes of Delhi at the very time that the same names are given by the Muham- madan historians as those of two Kings of Kanoj, seems to me to admit of only one explanation — that they were identical. The following lists of the Tomar dynasty of Dilli contain all the information which, up to this time, I have been able to collect. The list of Abul Pazl is given in the Ain Akbari ; and Syad Ahmad’s list is printed in his Asar-us-Sunnddid. The Bikaner manuscript, which I obtained in 1846, agrees exactly in the order of the names, and very closely also in the spelling of them, with those of the printed lists just noticed ; but it unfortunately wants the lengths of reigns. The Gwalior manuscript, which I procured in 1849, agrees very closely with the others as to the lengths of reigns, but it differs slightly in the order of the names. As this list is appended to Kharg Kai’s History of Gwalior, which was composed in the reign of Shahjahan, it is valuable as an inde- pendent authority. The Kumaon and Garliwal manuscripts, which were obtained in 1859 and 1862, respectively, are imperfect in the same places, which shows that they must have been derived from a common source.* They are valu- able, however, for their agreement in omitting the last king of the other lists, named Prithvi Rai or Prithivi Pdla who # A third MS. , since obtained from Kedarnath, agrees very closely with these MSS. from Bhim Tal and Srinagar. A list published by Mangal Sen, in his History of Bulandshahr, agrees with that of Syad Ahmad, except in Xo. 8, which he gives as Bhim Raj. DELHI. 149 would appear to be the same as the Chohan Prithivi Raja, commonly called Rai Pithora. In proof of this, I may adduce the fact that the promised number of nineteen Tamara Rajas is complete without this name. THE TOMARA, OR TOAR, DYNASTY OF DILLI. Abul Fazl, Syad Ahmad, Bikaner MS. Gwalior MSS. Kumaon, Garhwal MSS. Reigns. Y. M. D. Accession. A. D. 1 Ananga Pala . . Bilan De (caret) IS 0 0 736 3 0 2 Vasu Deva (caret) (caret) 19 1 18 754 3 0 3 Gangya Ganggeva (caret) 21 3 28 773 4 18 4 Prithivi Malla* Prathama MahiP. 19 6 19 794 8 16 5 Jaya Deva Saha Deva Jadu P. 20 7 28 814 3 5 C Nira, or Hira P. Indrajita Nai P. 14 4 9 834 11 3 7 Udiraj, or Adereh Nara P. Jaya Deva P 26 7 11 849 3 12 8 Vijaya, or Vacha Indrajita Chamra P 21 2 13 875 10 23 9 Biksha, or Anek Vacha Raja Bibasa P. 22 3 16 897 1 6 10 Riksha P. Vira P. Sukla P. 21 6 5 919 4 22 11 Sukh, or Nek P. Gopala Teja P. 20 4 4 940 10 27 12 Gopala Tillan De MahiP. 18 3 15 961 3 1 13 Sallakshana P. . . Suvari Sursen 25 10 10 979 6 16 14 Jaya P. Osa P. Jaik P. 16 4 3 1005 4 26 15 Kunwar P. Kumara P. (caret) 29 9 IS 1021 8 29 16 Ananga, or Anek Ananga P. Anek P. 29 6 IS 1051 6 17 17 Vijaya Sab, or Pal Teja P. TejaP. 24 1 6 1081 1 5 18 Mabatsal, Mahi P. Mahi P. Jyiln P. 25 2 23 1105 2 11 19 Akr Pal, Akhsal Mukund P. Ane P. 21 2 15 1130 5 4 • Capture of 1151 7 19 Dilli. 20 Prithivi Raja . . Prithivi P. (caret) 22 2 16 * Or Pala. In the above list I have adopted as a starting point the exact amount of 792 years complete from the time of Yikra- maditya; or 792 — 56§ = 735 J years complete, or April A. I). 73G. But it is obvious that the period elapsed is more likely to have been 792 years and some months over than the exact number of 792 years. Por instance, 792J years would place the death of Jaya Pala in A. D. 1021-11-29, that is, on the 29th December A. D. 1021; but as the exact date of this event is not recorded by the Muhammadan Historians, I have 150 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G2-G3. thought it best to adhere to the date obtained from the com- plete period of 792 years. I urill now consider the claim which I have put forward on the part of the Tomara dynasty as Eajas of Kanoj. We know that, after the conquest of Kanoj by Mahmud early in A. D. 1022, the reigning family changed its residence to Bari, which was three days’ journey distant, on the east side of the Ganges. Mirkhond states that it was situated at the confluence of three rivers, namely, the Saro, the Kubin, and the Rahab .* According to Itashiduddin, the three rivers are the Rahet, the Gomati, and the Sarju. f The second of these rivers is undoubtedly the Gumti, which in Sanskrit is the Gomati. The first is either the Behta, or else the Rahria, which joins the Behta, and the third is the Sarain, a good sized stream which passes by Sitapur. Both the Behta and Sarain join the Gumti near Bari, which still exists as a good sized village. As Abu Bihan, who records this change of capital, was actually resident in India at the time when it took place, and as his work was written in A. D. 1031, we have the most complete authentication of Mirkhond’s date of this event. I presume that the change was made on account of the exposed situation of Kanoj, which had so lately been twice captured, first, in A. D. 1017 by Mahmud, and again in A. I). 1021 by the Baja of Kalanjar and his allies. I con- clude, therefore, K unicar Fdl, or Kumara Fal, who was the successor of Jaypal, reigned at Bari from A. D. 1021 to 1051. About this very time also, as we learn from several inscriptions, the kingdom of Kanoj was conquered by Chandra I) era, the founder of the Rahtor dynasty of Kanoj . We possess no inscriptions of Chandra Deva himself; but there is one of his son, Madana Pala, which is dated in S. 1154 or A. D. 1097; and two of his grandson, Govinda Chandra, dated in S. 1177 and S. 1219 or A. D. 1120 and 1162. We know also from other inscriptions that Govinda’s grandson ascended the throne between A. D. 1172 and 1177, or say in A. D. 1175. With these dates before us, we may safely fix Govinda’s accession in A. I). 1110 or 1115, and # Reinaud, “ Fragments Arabes,’’ &c.,— See pp. 99 — 100, note. + Sir H. M. Elliot's Muhammadan Historians of India, p. 32. DELHI. 151 tliat of liis grandfather, Chandra Deva, the founder of the dynasty, in A. D. 1050. Now this is the very date, as we learn from other sources, at which Anang Pal II., the successor of Kumara Pala, established himself at Dilli, and built the fort of Ldlhot. On the iron pillar there is a short inscription in three lines, which appears to be a contemporary record of Anang Pal himself, as the characters are similar to those of the mason’s marks on the pillars of the colonnade of the Great Mosque, but are quite different from those of the two modern Nagari inscriptions, which are close beside it. The following are the words of this short record : “ Samvat Dihali 1109 Ang Pal balii ,” which may be trans- lated thus — “ In Samvat 1109, or A. I). 1052, Ang (or Anang ) Pal peopled Dilli.” This statement is borne out by the testimony of the Kumaon and Garhwal manuscripts, in which, opposite the name of Anek Pal, I find recorded that in Samvat 1117, or A. D. 1060, on the 10th of Mdrga- siras Sudi “ he built the Port of Dilli and called it “ Ldlhot” {Dilli Tea hot hardy a > Ldlhot hahaya”). This name was still in use during the reign of the first Musalman King, Kut- buddin Aibeg, as I find in the manuscripts of Muh-ji , the bard of the Khichi Chohans, that Kutbuddin, soon after his accession, issued seven orders to the Hindu Chiefs, of which the fifth is “ Ldlhot tai nagdro bdjto a” or “kettle-drums are not to be beaten in Lalkot.” This is a rule which is still observed, as none but the royal drums are beaten where the sovereign is present. Kutbuddin must, therefore, have taken up his residence in Lalkot, or the fortified city of Anang Pal.* . Now this date, recorded on the Iron Pillar, agrees so exactly with the period of the Rahtor conquest of Kanoj, that I think we may infer, with considerable probability, that the re-building of Dilli by Anang Pal was owing to the loss of the territory of Kanoj along with its new Capital of Bari in Oudh.f The accession of Anang Pal II., according * This is confirmed by the Muhammadan Historians, who state that the first two Kings, Kutb-ud-din Aibeg and Shamsuddin Altamsh resided in the Fort of Rai Pithora. See Ain Akbari by Gladwin, II., p. 86. + The loss of power by the Tomar Princes of Delhi at this very time would seem to be confirmed by the asserted supremacy of Chandra Deva, the Rathor Raja of Kanoj, who is called the “protector of the sacred places at Kasi, Kusika, Xorthem Kosala, and Indras- thdua,” of winch the last is only another name for Indraprastha, or Delhi. — See Dr. Hall’s translation of Madana Pala’s inscription in the Bengal Asiatic Societv’s Journal, 1858, p. 224. 152 ARCHEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G2-G3. to the genealogical lists, took place in A. D. 1051, and in 1052 we find a record of him on the Iron Pillar at Dilli. If, then, we suppose that he commenced re-building at once, there is every probability in favour of the accuracy of the statement that he finished the Lalkot, or “ Red Port,” of Dilli in A. D. 1060. If the site of the Red Port may he fixed by the position of the An an g Tdl, as well as by that of the Iron Pillar which records the work, then the grand old fort which now surrounds the Kutb Minar is in all pro- bability the very Lalkot that was built by Anang Pal. But there are also three other points in favour of this identifi- cation, viz., 1st, that all the 27 temples destroyed by the Musalmans would appear to have stood inside the walls of Lalkot ; 2nd, that one of these 27 temples was almost cer- tainly built in the reign of Anang Pal ; and 3rd, that the Port of Rai Pithora is only an extension of the older fort, which now surrounds the Kutb Minar. Por these rea- sons I believe that this massive old fort, which is still in very good order in many places, is the identical Lalkot of Anang PM. The circuit of its walls, according to my sur- vey, is 2J miles. To this Anang Pal I attribute the construction of a very deep tank situated one-quarter of a mile to the north-west of the Kutb Minar, and which is still called Anang Tal. This tank is 169 feet long from north to south, and 152 feet broad from east to west, with a depth of 40 feet. It is now quite dry, but Syad Ahmad quotes a statement that, in the time of Sultan Ala-uddin Kliilji (A. D. 1296 — 1316), the water used for the mortar of the great unfinished Minar was brought from this tank. I refer also to this Anang Pal the founding of a village in the Balamgarh District, which is still called Anekpur. According to Syad Ahmad, the popular date of this work is S. 733, or A. D. 676 ; and he attributes it to Anang Pal 1st, the founder of the dynasty. But I think it more probable that the date refers to the Balabhi era of A. D. 319, which will place the building of the village in 733 + 318 = A. D. 1051, in which year Anang Pal 2nd, the true founder of Dilli, succeeded to the throne. Another work of the same time is the Suraj Kund, a fine deep tank near Anekpur, the building of which is attributed to Suraj Pal, one of Anang Pal’s sons, in S. 743, which, referred to the Balabhi era, is eqivalcnt to A. D. 1061, a date which Sketch of LALKOT OLD DELHI. Feet Anastafcised at the Surveyor General's 035 ee, Calcutta. DELHI. * Plate . IXZXEL DELIII. 153 corresponds most exactly with those which we have already obtained. To Anam? Pal I attribute also the erection of at least one of the 27 temples which once stood around the Iron Pillar. Many of the pillars and beams of this temple have been made use of by the Musulmans in the construction of the south-east corner of the colonnade of the Great Mosque. Most of them are inscribed with mason’s marks, as will he noticed at length when I come to speak of the ruins in de- tail; and one of them hears the date of 1124, which, re- ferred to the era of Vikramaditya, is equivalent to A. D. 10G7, in the very middle of the reign of Anang Pal II. According to tho traditions of the people, which I managed to pick up, the following were some of the numer- ous sons of Anang Pal : 1st. — Tej Pal, or Tejran, who founded Tejora, be- tween Gurgaon and Alwar. In the Bikaner MS. this prince is called Vijaya Sal, or Pal. 2nd. — Indrci Paj, who founded IndragarJi. 3rd. — Pang Paj, who founded two places named TardgarJi, of which one is said to he near Ajmer. 4 th. — Achal Paj, who founded Acheva, or Acltner, between Bharatpur and Agra. 5 th. — Draupada, who is said to have lived at Asi, or Ilansi. Gill. — Sisu Pal, who founded Sirs a and Sisival, said to be same as Sir si Patan. If these traditions are of any value, they will enable us to judge of the extent of Anang Pal’s dominions by the names of the places which were founded or held by his sons. According to this test his dominions extended from Hansi on the north to Agra on the south, and on the western side they reached nearly as far as Alwar and Ajmer. To the eastward they were most probably hounded by the Ganges, beyond which the whole country was then held by the Xatehria Bajputs. I see nothing improbable in these tradi- tions of the Tomar possessions, and I am, therefore, willing to accept them as valuable additions to our present scanty knowledge of Hindu history. V 154 ' ARCHEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G2-G3. There are traditions of a similar kind regarding the sons of another Tomar Eaja, called Kama Pal : hut his name is not to he found in any of the lists. As, however, one of his sons was called Bach Deo , a name which is given in three of the lists as Vacha Baja, in a fourth list as Vijaya Baja, and in two others as Bibasa Pula, I think that we have some grounds for identifying Kama Pal with the father of Vacha Deva of the lists, more especially as the lists differ so much amongst themselves regarding the name of the father who is called both Nar Pal and Har Pal, cither of which may he de- rived from Kara. He is variously called Aclereh, JJdi-Bay, Indrajit, and Chamra Pal, of which the first three names are evidently only various readings of one original name. The sons of Kama Pal, according to the popular tradition, were the following : 1st. — Bach Deo, who founded Baghor, near Karnol, and Bacliera or Baghera near Tboda Ajmer. 2 ml. — Nag Deo, who founded Ndgor and Ncigda near Ajmer. 3rd. — Kristin Bay, who founded Kishengarh, 10 miles to north north-east of Alwar, and Khds Ganj between Soron and Etah. 4 th. — Nihdl Bay, who founded Ndrdyanpar, 10 miles to west of Alwar. 5 th. — Somasi, who founded Ajabgarh, between Alwar and Jaypur. G Ih. — liar Pdl, who founded Harsora, 1G miles to north north-west of Alwar, and Harsoli , 23 miles to north of Alwar. To this list I may add Bahddurgarh, 7 miles to north- east of Alwar, which is said to have been founded by Kama Pdl himself. The only other work of the Tomaras which has come to my knowledge is the village of Mahipdlpur , situated two miles to the east north-east of the Kuth Minar, with its great em- banked lake, three-quarters of a mile long and one-quarter broad. Mahi Pal, the grand-father of Jay Pal; is the 12th DELHI. 155 in tlie list, and reigned from A. D. 961 to 979.* The em- bankment was the work of Piruz Tughlak.f A second Mahi Pal reigned from A. D. 1105 to 1130. If these traditions are true, the dominion of the Tomaras must at one time have extended to the westward as far as Sirsa and Nagor. To the south-west there is the district of Todrvati, or Tomarcivati, between Alwar and Shekliavati ; and to the south-east there is the district of Todrghdr, or Tomarghdr, between Dholpur and Gwalior, both of which still preserve the name of this once powerful clan. The Tomara dynasty of Gwalior, which held that strong fort for nearly a century and a half, traced its descent from Anang Pal of Dilli, and the present Chief of Toarvati, as well as the Tomar Zemindars of Toarghar, still proudly lay claim to the same origin. Anang Pal II. was succeeded by three other Pajas of the Tomar family, of whom the last was a prince of the same name, Anang Pal III. During the reign of this last King, Dilli was captured by the Chohans under Visala Deva, hut the date of this event has not yet been satis- factorily ascertained. According to Abul Pazl it occurred in S. 818, which, referred to the Balabhi era, gives A. D. 1166 ; hut as the date of Visala' s inscription on Piruz Shah’s Pillar is S. 1220 of Vikrama, or A. D. 1163, it is cer- tain that the capture of Dilli must have preceded the con- queror’s advance to the foot of the hills near Khizrabad, where this pillar was then standing. This position at the foot of the Himalaya Mountains is specially referred to in the record where Visala speaks of having made tributary all the regions between Himavat and Vindhya.i Muk-ji, the bard of the Khichi Chohans, gives the date as S. 821, which, compared with Abul Pazl’s date, is probably too early. The author of the Araisli-i-mahfil says that it was rather more than 1200 Samvat , that is, somewhat later than A. D. 1143. * Tlie Hindu pillars of white marble and red sandstone which are found in the gateway and colonnade of Sultan Ghari’s tomb, were most probably the spoils of a temple to Siva, built by Mahi Pal on the bank of the Mahipalpur Lake, which is only half a mile dis- tant from the tomb. I found a marble argha, or yoni receptacle of the lingam of Mahadeva in the pavement of the colonnade of the tomb between two marble pillars, f Journal of Archaeological Society of Delhi ; September 1S50, p. 32. 3: The actual “ Capture of Delhi” by the Chohans is mentioned in Tod’s Bijoli in- scription dated in S. 1226, or A. D. 1169, — “Rajasthan,” II., p. 743. It must, therefore, have occurred some time earlier. 150 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1802-63.* The Kumaon and Garhwal manuscripts place it in S. 1191, or A. D. 1134 ; but as they also place the final conquest of the Muhammadans in S. 1231, or A. D. 1174, or just 17 years too early, it seems probable that the capture of Dilli by the Chohans may also be ante-dated by about the same number of years. Admitting this view as probably correct, the capture of Dilli by the Chohans will be referred to A. D. 1151. Lastly, by the list which I have already given of the Tomar dynasty, the close of Anang Pal’s reign is placed in the latter half of A. D. 1151, or early in 1152, by accepting the longer reign of 21 years 9 months and 16 days, which is found in the Gwalior manuscript.* By a comparison of all these dates with the period assigned to the Cliohan dynasty, it seems most probable that the true date of the capture of Dilli by the Chohans must have been about A. D. 1151. The period assigned to the Chohans varies from 40^ years to 41^. By deducting the former number from A. I). 1191, the date of Muazuddin Sam’s conquest, we obtain A. D. 1154 as the probable period of the capture of Dilli by Yisala Deva, when, according to the Kumaon and Garhwal manuscripts, Cliuwdn takht baitha , Dilli Raj kiya , — “ the Cliohan sat on the throne and estab- lished his kingdom in Dilli.” But although Yisala thus became the actual lord of Dilli, it is almost certain that Anang Pal was left in possession of his ancient kingdom as a tributary of the Cliohan, while Someswara, the son of Yisala, received Anang Pal’s daughter in marriage. The issue of this union, the famous Prithvi Raj, or Rai Rithorci, became the adopted son of the Tomar King, and was for- mally acknowledged as heir to the throne of Dilli. Accord- ing to the Prithvi-Rai- Charitra, this adoption took place in A. D. 1169, at which date Prithvi Raj must have been about 16 years of age.f Now, as the bard Chand records that the adoption took place during the life-time of Anang Pal, this last of the Tomar Kings was still reigning in A. D. 1169. TYe may, therefore, safely fix the close of his reign, and of the Tomar dynasty, to the close of the same year, or the * This leaves 40 years for the reign of the Cholian dynasty in Delhi, wliich agrees with the period assigned to this race in the details of the Gwalior, Kumaon, and Garhwal MSS. t See Wilford in Asiatic Researches, IX., p. 171, quoting the Prithvi- Rai-Charitra, says 1170 ; but as Wilford used tho wrong equation for the Vikramaditya era, the true date must be A. D. 1169. DELHI. 157 beginning of. 1170. This will give a reign of 22 years to Pritlivi Raja, which is the very term assigned to him in all the manuscripts, at the end of the Tomar dynasty. It will also add about 18 years to the length of Anang Pal’s reign, during which time I suppose him to have been tributary to Visala Deva. The subject of the Chohan dynasty has been so much confused by the conflicting accounts given by Colonel Tod,* that I have found it impossible to make any satisfactory ar- rangement, either of the names of the Princes, or of the lengths of their reigns. So far as our information goes, the only Chohan Princes of Ajmer, who were at the same time actual Kings of Dilli, were Visala Deva and Pritlivi Raja. During the latter half of Anang Pal’s reign, I consider him to have been only the titular King of Dilli, and tributary to the paramount sovereign of Ajmer. On his death in A. D. 1170, the throne of Dilli would of course have fallen to Pritlivi Raja by his adoption as the successor of the Tomar Prince. On Visala’s death, which could not have occurred earlier than A. D. 1163, I infer that Someswara succeeded to the throne of Ajmer. When he was killed in battle seven years after- wards, or in A. D. 1170, the throne of Ajmer would have fallen to Pritlivi Kaja. But in the genealogical lists between Someswara and his son Pritlivi Raja we find the names of Chdhara Deva and Nag a Deva (or Jag a Deva ), and I can only account for their insertion by supposing that they were the tributary Rajas of Dilli under Prithvi Raja as lord paramount. This seems highly probable if we may place any dependence on the latter part of Colonel Tod’s genealo- gical list of the Chohans, in which Chdhara Deva is made the younger brother of Prithvi Raja. That Chdhara, or Chaliada Deva, was a person of some consequence, we know from his coins, which are less uncommon than those of Prithvi Raja himself. Perhaps Ndga Deva may have been another brother or a near relative.! Colonel Tod gives the substance of an inscription discover- ed at Bijoli, which is dated in S. 1226, or A. D. 1169, # Compare Tod’s Rajasthan, II., 451, with II., 743, and Royal Asiatic Society’s Transac- tions, I., p. 145. t In a fine MS. of Chaud’s Prithi Raj Raisa in my possession I find Prithvi Raja recorded as the son of Someswara, and the grandson of Visala Deva, and the 7tli in descent from Vira-Visala. This clears up most of our difficulties, as we now have a Visala Deva contemporary with the record of the Delhi Pillar, a name which is wanting in all the other lists. 158 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-63. during the life-time of Someswara.* In this inscription it is stated that Someswara was originally called Prithvi Raja, hut “ having obtained the regal dignity through Someswara, he was thence called Someswar.” Now, if the date of this inscription has been rightly read, it seems most probable that the Hansi inscription, which mentions a Prithvi Raja in S. 1221, or A. 1). 1167, or just two years earlier, must refer to the father, who afterwards obtained the name of Someswara, and not to the son, who is popularly known as Pai Pithora. f This assignment of the Hansi inscription to the father is ren- dered certain by another fact recorded in it, which has escaped the notice of Colebrooke, Pell, and Tod, namely, that Kirana , or Kilhana of the Guhila or Graliilot race, was the maternal uncle of Prithvi Raja. Now, if there is one point undisputed in the history of Rai Pithora, it is that his mother was the daughter of the Tomar Raja Anang Pal. I conclude, therefore, that the Prithvi Raja, whose mother was a Graliilot, must have been Someswara, whose original name, before his accession to the throne, was also Prithvi Raja. With the above explanations, I now give all the lists of the Chohan dynasty which I have been able to collect, b e/ 3 excepting those of Tod and Miik-j'i, the Khiclii bard, which disagree with the others in so many names that they would he of no use for comparison : THE CHOHAN DYNASTY OF PILLI. Abul Fazl, Syad Alimed. Gwalior, Kumaon, Gavhwal MS. Length of Reign. Prithi-Raj Rasa MS. Inscriptions. Y. M. D. Bil Deo Visala Deva G 1 4 Visala Deva ... Visala Deva, S. 1220 or Amara Gangu ... Ganeeva, or Amara A. D. 1163. Deva 5 2 3 Keliar Pal Pahadi, or Pada Deva S 1 5 Sumer Samas, or Saveras 7 4 2 Someswara . . . Someswara, S. A. D. J aliir V ehan De, or Bala 1224=1167. Deva 4 4 1 1226=1169. Nag Deo Jag Deo, or Ja- garmangur . . . 3 15 Pithora, or Prith- vi Raja Priihvi Raja ... 6 11 Prithvi Raja. 40 2 21 * Rajasthan, II., 743. t See Captain Fell in Asiatic Researches. XV., 413 ; and Tod in Royal Asiatic Society’s Transactions, 1., 154 and 461. DELHI. 159 On comparing these lists, I think that Bit Deo of Abul Pazl may he identified with Visala Devci of the inscription on Piruz Shah’s Pillar, and that Sinner or Sennas are only cor- ruptions of Someswara. The other names require no re- marks. The reign of Prithvi Raj has been rendered memorable by three events which form separate parts of the rather voluminous work of the bard Chcnid , named Prithvi Bdj- Rdsa. The work is divided into several Khands, or books, which are generally known by the names of the subjects of which they treat ; thus, the Kanoj Khcnid gives the story of the forcible abduction of the not unwilling daughter of Java Chandra, the Rahtor Raja of Kanoj ; while the Malioha Khand relates the various fortunes of the successful war with Parmalik or Paramdrdi Deva, the Chandel Raja of Mahoba, and the last books are devoted to the great struggle between the Hindus and Musulmans, which ended in the final overthrow of Prithvi Raj, and the establishment of Kutb-ud-din Aibeg on the throne of Dilli as a dependant of the paramount Sovereign Muaz-ud-din Ghori. The date of the abduction of the Kanoj Princess may be assigned with great probability to the year A. D. 1175, as we know from inscriptions that Vijaya Chandra , the father of Jay a Chandra, was still living in 1172, and that Jaya Chandra had succeeded to the throne before 1177. This event cannot, therefore, be placed earlier than 1175 ; and as Prince Rcunsi, the issue of this union, was able to bear arms in the last fatal battle with the Musulmans in 1193, in which he was killed, it is not possible to place the date of the ab- duction later than 1175. The date of the great war with the Chandel Prince of Mahoba is given in the Mahoba Khand of Chand’s poem as Samvat 1211, or A. D. 1181. My copy of this portion of the poem was obtained in Mahoba itself, and I have every reason to believe in the correctness of the year named, as it is borne out by two existing inscriptions of Paramdrddi Deva, the Chandel Raja, which are dated, respectivelv, in Samvat 1221 or A. D. 1167, and S. 1211 or A. D. 1181. The date of the final conquest of Dilli by the Musulmans is variously given by the different authorities. Thus Ibn Batuta has A. II. 581, or A. D. 1188; Abul Pazl has A. H. 588, 1G0 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1SG2-G3. or A. D. 1192 ; and Perishta lias A. H. 589, while Syad Alnnad has adopted A. H. 587, founded on his reading of the written date on the Eastern Gateway of the Kutb Masjid. He reads the unit of this date as Saba, or 7, where- as I make it tisa, or 9. The difference arises from the va- rious reading of two easily mistakeahle words sabd and tisd. My attention was particularly drawn to this date by Mr. Thomas’s note on Syad Ahmad’s date, which, as he says, “anticipates the epoch ordinarily assigned to the Muhamma- dan conquest of India by two years.” I examined this por- tion of the inscription minutely with a telescope, and I found two dots or points, which are omitted in Syad Ahmad’s litho- graphed copy of the inscription, quite distinct, one over the other, between the words Sanh and iva, and immediately over the unit of the date, which is placed below those words. If these dots belong to the unit of the date, we must accept the reading of tisa and adopt 589 A, H. or A. D. 1193 for the capture of Delhi.* The only work which is attributed to Prithvi Pmja is the extensive fort to the north and east of Anang Pal’s Lalkot, which is still called Kilah Rai Rithora, or “ Pitlio- ra’s Port.” Prom the north-west angle of Lfilkot the lines of llai Pithora’s walls can still be distinctly traced, running towards the north for about half a mile. Prom this point they turn to the south of east for one and a half miles, then to the south for one mile, and lastly, to the west and north- west for three-quarters of a mile, where they join the south- west angle of Lalkot, which being situated on higher ground forms a lofty citadel that completely commands the Port of Ptai Pathora. The entire circuit of the walls of the two forts is 4 miles and 3 furlongs, or rather more than half the size of the modern city of Shalijahanabad.f Up to this point I have endeavoured to trace the outline of the history of Hindu Dilli, partly from existing monu- ments, partly from inscriptions, and partly from other records, * This important date had so attracted the attention of Mr. Thomas, that he erected a scaffolding for the purpose of more carefully studying the original, and he has since had the doubtful passage examined by a most competent authority. As both agree that the true reading is saba and not tisa, I adopt the reading of A. H. 587, or A. D. as the true date of the first capture of Dellii by the Muhammadans. — See Mr. Thomas’s Chronicles of the Pathan Kings of Delhi, p. 23, note, for full notice of this date, which he supports by the authority of Hasan Nizami and Nimhaj-us-Siraj. f See Plates XXV. and XXXVI. for the relative positions and plans of Ldllcot and Rai Pithora’s Fort. DELHI. 161 both printed and manuscript. The history of Muhammadan Dihli, or Delhi , according to our corrupt spelling, will be found in ample detail in Ferislita and other Moslem authors. I will now, therefore, coniine my remarks to a description of the many noble remains of by-gone days, which, either by their grand size, their solid strength, or their majestic beauty, still proudly testify that this vast waste of ruins was once Imperial Delhi, the Capital of all India. HINDU REMAINS. The most ancient monuments of Delhi are the two Stone Pillars bearing the edicts of Asoka, both of which were brought to the Capital by Firuz Shah Tughlak, about A. H. 757, or A. D. 1356. The account of the removal of these pillars from their original sites is given in detail by Shams-i-Siraj, who was most likely an eye-witness of the re- erection in Firuzabad, as he records that he was 12 years of age at the time when they were set up.* This circumstantial account of a contemporary writer at once disposes of Colonel Tod’s storyf that Firuz Shah’s Pillar was originally standing ££ at Nigambod, a place of pilgrimage on the Jumna, a few miles below Delhi, whence it must have been removed to its present singular position.” Nigambod still exists as a place of pilgrimage, being a ghat immediately outside the northern wall of the city of Shahjahanabad. It is, therefore, above the city of Delhi, instead of being a few miles below it, as de- scribed by Colonel Tod. Firuz Shall s Pillar, according to Shams-i-Siraj, was brought from a place which is variously called Topun, Toper a, Toparsulc, Toliera, Tawera , and Naliera.% The place is de- scribed as being “on the bank of the Jumna, in the district of Salora, not far from Khizrabad, which is at the foot of the mountains, 90 koss from Delhi.” The distance from Delhi and the position at the foot of the mountains point out the present Khizrabad on the Jumna, just below the spot where the river issues from the lower range of Hills, as the place indicated by Shams-i-Siraj. Salora is, perhaps, Sidhora, a * Journal of Archaeological Society of Delhi, I., 74. f Rajasthan, II., 452. t Journal of the Archaeological Society of Delhi, I., pp. 29 and 75. See also Sir H. M. Elliot’s Muhammadan Historians, by Dowson, III., p. 350, where the name of the village is given as Tobra. 1G2 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-63. large place only a few miles to the west of Khizrabad. From the village where it originally stood, the pillar was conveyed by land on a truck to Khizrabad, from whence it was floated down the Jumna to Firuzabad, or new Delhi. From the above description of the original site of this pillar, I conclude that the village from whence it was brought was, perhaps, the present JPaota, on the western bank of the Jumna, and 12 miles in a direct line to the north-east of Khizrabad. Now, in this immediate neighbourhood on the western bank of the Jumna, and at a distance of 66 miles from Tkanesar, Hwen Thsang places the ancient Capital of Srughna , which was even then (A. D. 630 — 640) in ruins, although the foundations were still solid. The Chinese pilgrim describes Srughna as possessing a large Vihdr, and a grand stupa of Asoka’s time containing relics of Buddha, besides many other stupas of Sdriputra Maudga lyayana, and other holy Buddhists. The village of Topar, which was the original site of Firuz Shah’s Pillar, was certainly within the limits of the ancient kingdom of Srughna, and I think it probable that in the work Snk, which is appended to one of the various readings of the name of the village of Topar, we still have a fair approximation to Sughan , the popular form of the Sanskrit Srughna. When the pillar was removed from its original site, a large square stone was found beneath it, which was also transported to Delhi.* This stone was again placed beneath the pillar in its new situation on the top of the three- storied building called Firuz Shah’s l^otila, where it may now be seen, as a gallery has been pierced through the solid masonry immediately beneath the base of the pillar. According to Shams-i-Siraj, the whole length of the shaft was 32 gaz, of which 8 gaz were sunk in the building. As the pillar at present stands, I found the total height to be 42 feet 7 inches, of which the sunken portion is only 4 feet 1 inch. But the lower portion of the exposed shaft to a height of 5 feet is still rough, and I have little doubt, therefore, that the whole of the rough portion, 9 feet in length, must have been sunk in the ground on its original site. But according to Shams- i-Siraj, even more than this, or one-fourth of its whole length, that is, 10 feet 8 inches, was sunk in the masonry of Firuz * A similar large square stone wap found under the Pahladpur Pillar, when it was removed to the grounds of Queen’s College at Bauttras. DELHI. 163 Shah’s Kotila. This I believe was actually the case, for on the west side of the column there still remain in situ the stumps of two short octagonal granite pillars that would ap- pear to have formed part of a cloister or open gallery around a fourth story, which cannot have been less than 6-| or 7 feet in height. I conclude, therefore, that the statement of Shams-i-Siraj is quite correct. When the pillar was at last fixed, the “top was orna- mented with black and white stone-work surmounted by a gilt pinnacle, from which no doubt it received its name of Mindr Zarin, or ‘ Golden Pillar.’ This gilt pinnacle was still in its place in A. D. 1611, when Wrilliam Pinch entered Delhi, as he describes the Stone Pillar of Bimsa, which, after passing through three several stories, rising 24 feet above them all, having on the top a globe surmounted by a crescent.” The 24 feet of this account are probably the same as the 24 gaz of the other, the gaz being only a fraction less than 16 inches. The great inscription of Asoka, which is engraved on this pillar, attracted the notice and stimulated the curiosity of Piruz Shah, who assembled a number of learned Brahmans to decypher it, hut without success. “ Some, however, inter- preted the writing to signify that no one would ever succeed in removing the pillar from the spot on which it originally stood, until a King should be horn, hy name Piruz Shah.” This sort of unblushing mendacity is still hut too common in India. Almost everywhere I have found Brahmans ready to tell me the subject of Ion ^inscriptions, of which they could not possibly read a single letter. Equally untrue, although not so shameless, are the accounts of this inscription given by Tom Coryat. In a letter to L. Whittaker,* he says — “I have been in a city of this country called Delee, where Alexander the Great joined battle with Porus, King of India, and defeated him, and where, in memory of his victory, he caused to be erected a brazen pillar, which remains there to this day.” The same story, with additions, was repeated to the unsuspecting Chaplain Edward Terry, f who says — “ I was told by Tom Coryat (who took special note of this place) that he, being in the city of Delee, observed a very great * Kerr’s Voyages and Travels, IX., 423. + Journal, p. 81. 164 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1SG2-63. pillar of marble, with a Greek inscription upon it, which time hath almost quite worn out, erected (as he supposed) there and then by Great Alexander to preserve the memory of that famous victory.” This erroneous opinion of Coryat was adopted by most of the early English travellers, as noticed by Purchas,* who states that these inscriptions are in Greek and Hebrew, and that some affirm the pillar was erected by Alexander the Great. Coryat’s mistake about the Greek most probably arose from an actual inspection of the inscription, in which he would naturally have recognized the Old Pali th, chh, t, k, g, r , b, j, and e , as Greek letters. The similarity struck James Prinsep also. A noteable exception to the other English travellers is William Einch, who simply states that “ it has inscriptions.” The mistakes that have been made about this column are, however, not confined to its inscriptions, as we have seen above, were Coryat calls it a t; brazen pillar.” Strange to say a similar mistake has been made by the generally ac- curate Bishop Heber, who calls it “ a high black pillar of cast-metal and, again, in describing the iron pillar, he calls it a metal pillar like that in Eiruz Shah’s Castle, t Again Colonel Tod has identified this pillar with the Nmambod column alluded to bv the bard Chand “ as telling the fame of the Chohan.” It is quite possible that some other pillar may once have stood at IS igambod ; but as the golden column of Eiruz really does “ tell the fame of the Chohan,” and as its inscriptions were recorded only thirty years prior to Chand’s death, it seems mo| probable that liis allusion must be to this particular pillar. The name of Xigambod may, perhaps, be a corruption of the real name of the place where the column then stood, or an ignorant interpolation in the text of a date later than Eiruz Shah. The “ Golden Pillar” is a single shaft of pale pinkish sand-stone, 42 feet 7 inches in length, of which the upper portion, 35 feet in length, has received a very high polish, while the remainder is left quite rough. Its upper diameter is 25'3 inches, and its lower diameter 38'8 inches, the diminu- tion being *39 inch per foot. Its weight is rather more than 27 tons. In its dimensions it is more like the Allahabad * Kerr, VIII., 293, note 6. f Journal, II., pp. 291—307. DELHI. 165 pillar than any other, £>ut it tapers much more rapidly towards the top, and is, therefore, less graceful in its outline. There are two principal inscriptions on Firuz Shah’s pillar, besides several minor records of pilgrims and travellers from the first centuries of the Christian era down to the present time. The oldest inscriptions for which the pillar was originally erected comprise the well known edicts of Asoka, which were promulgated in the middle of the third century B. C. in the ancient Pali, or spoken language of the day. The alphabetical characters, which are of the oldest form that has yet been found in India, are most clearly and beautifully cut, and there are only a few letters of the whole record lest by the peeling off of the surface of the stone. The inscription ends with a short sentence, in which King Asoka directs the setting up these monoliths in different parts of India as follows :* “ Let this religious edict be engraved on stone pillars ( sila thambha) and stone tablets ( sila phalaka) that it may endure for ever.” In this amended passage we have a distinct allusion to the rock inscriptions, as well as to the pillar inscriptions. As this is the longest and most important of all the pillar inscrip- tions of Asoka, I made a careful impression of the whole for comparison with James Prinsep’s published text. The record consists of four distinct inscriptions on the four sides of the column facing the cardinal points, and of one long inscription immediately below, which goes completely round the pillar. I may mention that the word Ajakdndni, at the end of the 7th lir# south face, was not omitted “ accidentally,” as James Prinsep supposed, by the original engraver, but has been lost by the peeling away of the stone for about 4 inches. The vowel i attached to the final letter is still quite distinct. The penultimate word on the eastern face is not agnim, as doubtfully read by Prinsep, but abhyum, and, as he rightly conjectured, it is the same word that begins the 19th line. The last word in the 11th line, which puzzled Prinsep, is not atikatci, but atikantam , the same as occurs near the beginning of the 15th line. The few corrections which I have noticed here show the accuracy of Bournouf’s opinion, that a new collation of * See James Prinsep in Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, 1837, p. 609. He reads sila~ dJuUaMni, instead of phalakdni, which is quite distinct on the pillar. 166 ARC IDEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-63. tlie pillar inscriptions would be of the greatest value. I am happy to say that I have now made new copies of the in- scriptions on the pillars at Delhi, Arardj, and Navandgarh , for collation by competent scholars. The last 10 lines of the eastern face, as well as the whole of the continuous inscription round the shaft, are peculiar to the Delhi pillar. There is a marked difference also in the appearance of this part of the inscription. The characters are all thinner and less boldly cut ; the vowel marks are general- ly sloping instead of being horizontal or perpendicular, and the letters/, t, s and h are differently formed from those of the preceding part of the inscription. These new forms are exactly the same as those of the rock inscription near Khalsi, on the Jumma, which is only a few miles above Daota, the probable site from whence the pillar was brought by Piruz Shah. The second inscription is that which records the vic- tories of the Cliohan Prince Visala Deva, whose power extended “ from Himadri to Vindhya.” This record of the fame of the Cliohan consists of two separate portions, the shorter one being placed immediately above Asoka’s edicts, and the longer one immediately below them. But as both are dated in the same year, viz., S. 1220, or A. D. 1163, and refer to the same Prince, they may be considered as forming only one inscription. The upper portion, which is placed very high, is engraved in much larger characters than the lower one. A translation of t%is inscription was published by Colebrooke, and his rendering of the text has been verified by H. H. Wilson from a copy made by Mr. Thomas.* The reading of Sri Sallakshana proposed by Mr. Thomas is un- doubtedly correct, instead of Sri Mad Lakshana, as formerly read. I would suggest also that the rendering of Chaliumana tilaka, as “most eminent of the tribe which sprang from the arms” (of Brahma), seems to me much less forcible than the simple translation of “ Chief of the Chdhumdns” or Cliohan tribe. I believe also that there is an error in referring the orgin of the Chohans to Brahma, as Muk-ji , the Bard of the Kliichi Chohans, distinctly derives them from the Anal kund, or fount of fire on Mount Abu, an origin which * Colebrooke in Asiatic Researches, III., 130; and Thomas’s Prinsep’s Essays, I., 335. DELHI. 167 corresponds with that assigned to them by Colonel Tod. It is Chdluk Bao, the founder of the Chdlukyci , or Soldnkhi tribe, that is fabled to have sprung from Brahma. The minor inscriptions on Piruz Shah’s Pillar are of little interest or importance. They are, however, of different ages, and the more ancient records must have been inscribed while the pillar yet stood on its original site, under the hills to the north of Klrizrabad. One of the oldest is the name of Sri Bhadra Mitra , or Subhadramitra, in characters of the Gupta era. This is written in very small letters, as are also two others of the same age. In larger letters of a somewhat later date, there are several short inscriptions, of which the most legible is Surya Vishnu Subarnakakana. A second begins with Bara Singha Subarnakakana, the remainder being illegible, with exception of the word Kuvnara. A third reads Charma Subana, the second letter being somewhat doubtful. This record is extended in another place to Charma Subanakshdra. Of a much later date is the name of the Saiva mendicant Siddh Bhayankarnath Jogi, followed by a trisul. The name of this wandering mendicant is also re- corded in the very same characters, hut simply as “ Bhayan- kar Bath,” in one of the Bardbar caves in Bihar.* On the northern face there are two still later inscriptions in modern Nagari, both of which hear the same date of "Wednesday, 13th, waning moon of Chaitra, in Samvat 1581, or A. I). 1521. The longer inscription contains the name of Suritan Ibrahim, or Sultan Ibrahim Lodi, who reigned from A. D. 1517 to 1525. » The second of Asoka’s Delhi Pillars is now lying in five pieces near Hindu Bao’s house on the top of the hill to the north-west of Shahjahanabad. The whole length of these pieces was 32f feet, but the upper end of the middle piece, which was inscribed with Asoka’s edicts, was sawn off some years ago, and sent to Calcutta, where it may now he seen in the Asiatic Society's Museum. f The portion of the shaft that was below the inscription still measures 18 feet, and that which was above it, 12 feet. As the end of the shaft is still rough, it seems probable that the polished portion could not * See p. 22, and Plate XX. t This has now been returned to Delhi, and the pillar has been restored : but I think that it ought rather to hare been set up at Alirat. from whence it was originally brought by Firuz Shah. 1G8 ARCHiEOLOGICAL REPOET, 1862-63. have been more than 32 feet in height, which is somewhat less than that of the other known pillars of Asoka. Indeed, this pillar is described by Shams-i-Siraj as being smaller than the other, a description which can apply only to its height, as its diameter is somewhat greater. From its broken state it is not easy to obtain correct measurements of its thickness. At the point where the inscribed piece was sawn off, the diameter is 33 '41 inches ; and my measurements make the upper diameter 29^ inches, and lower diameter of the smoothed portion 35‘82 inches. The rough thick end is about 38 inches in diameter. These measurements make the diminution of the pillar just one-fifth of an inch per foot. According to Shams-i-Siraj this column was brought from Mirat by Firuz Shah, and erected near its present posi- tion in the Kushak Shikar, or “ hunting palace.” The posi- tion of the palace has already been determined by the re- searches of Messrs. Cope and Lewis ;* hut the following statements of William Finch will place this identification of site beyond all dispute. In A. D. 1611 he describes the city (that is, of Shir Shah) as being 2 koss, or 2| miles, iu length from gate to gate, and about 2 koss from thence he places “ the ruins of a hunting seat or mole (Mahal) built by Sultan JBemsa, a great Indian Sovereign.”! This descrip- tion agrees exactly with the position of the broken pillar, which is about 2f miles to the north-west of the Lai Dur- wdza , or north gate of the old city of Shir Shah, which is itself about 2% miles distant from' the south gate, to the west- ward of Dinpanah, or Parana Kilah. According to the popular belief, this pillar was thrown down by an accidental explosion of a powder magazine in the time of Farokhsir, who reigned from A. D. 1713 to 1719. This tradition is rendered almost certain by the statements of Padre Tieffentlialer, who resided in India between A. I). 1743 and 17S6. He saw the pillar lying just as it is now in five pieces ; but he was informed that it was standing erect not long before, and that it was thrown down by an explosion of gunpowder. * Journal of Archaeological Society of Delhi, f Kerr’s Voyages and Travels, VIII., 292. DELHI. 169 The inscriptions on this pillar are very imperfect, owing to the mutilated and worn surface of the stone. Such por- tions as remain have been carefully examined by James Prinsep, who found them to be “ so precisely the duplicates” of the other inscription that he did not think “ it worth while to make them the subject of a separate note.”* The remaining portions, which correspond with parts of the inscriptions on the north, south, and west faces of the other pillar, have been lithographed by Prinsep in Plate XLII., Yol. VI. of his Journal. The Iron Pillar of Delhi, which is the next work in point of antiquity, is one of the most curious monuments in India. Many large works in metal were no doubt made in ancient times, such, for instance, as the celebrated Colussus of Rhodes, and the gigantic statues of the Buddhists, which are described by Hwen Thsang. But all of these were of brass or copper, all of them were hollow, and they were all built up of pieces rivetted together, whereas the Delhi Pillar is a solid shaft of wrought iron upwards of 16 inches in dia- meter, and upwards of 40 feet in length. It is true that there are flaws in many parts, which shew that the welding is imper- fect ; but when we consider the extreme difficulty of manu- facturing a pillar of such vast dimensions, our wonder will not be diminished by knowing that the welding of the bar is defective. The total height of the pillar above ground is 22 feet, but the smooth shaft is only 15 feet, the capital being 3^ feet, and the rough part of the shaft below also 3-| feet. But its depth under ground is asserted to be considerably greater than its height above ground, as a recent excavation is said to have been carried down to 26 feet without reaching the foundation on which the pillar rests. f The whole length of the Iron Pillar is, therefore, upwards of 48 feet, but how much more is not known, although it must be considerable, as the pillar is said not to have been loosened by the excava- tion. I think, therefore, it is highly probable that the whole length is not less than 60 feet. The lower diameter of the shaft is 164 inches, and the upper diameter is 12‘05 inches, the diminution being ’29 of an inch per foot. The pillar contains about 80 cubic feet of metal, and weighs upwards of 17 tons. * Journal of Asiatic Society, Bengal, VI., 794. t Mr. Cooper told me 26 feet, but the man in charge assured me that the actual depth reached was 35 feet. X 170 ARCH/EOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-63. When I wrote this report in 1863 I described the pillar as formed of “ mixed metal.” This I did on the authority of the late Mr. Tred. Cooper, Deputy Commissioner of Delhi. He was then preparing a hand-hook for Delhi, in which I find the pillar is thus described — “ The celebrated Loha-ka-ldt or iron pillar, which is, however, a misnomer, for it is a compound metal resembling bronze.” On thinking over this question some months afterwards it struck me that a bronze pillar would never have escaped the rapacity of the Muhammadan conquerors. I, therefore, obtained a small hit from the rough lower part of the pillar, which I sub- mitted to Dr. Murray Thomson for analysis, who informed me that the metal was “ pure malleable iron of 7'66 specific gravity.” I have since referred to various hooks to see what account was given of this pillar by different tourists ; and I find that the opinion that the pillar was made of mixed metal or bronze has certainly prevailed since the beginning of the century.* But it is most probably of even older date, as the notorious Tom Coryat speaks of the brazen pillar which he had seen at “ Delee.” There can be little doubt that this was also the Native belief in former times, as it certainly is at present ; for I presume that the early English residents at Delhi adopted what they were told by the people without either question or examination, although the one con- tinued to call it the* Lohi-ki-lat, and the other the “ Iron Pillar.” The belief, perhaps, arose from the curious yellow appearance of the upper part of the shaft, which I myself observed, and which induced me to accept Mr. Cooper’s statement. The Iron Pillar records its own history in a deeply cut Sanskrit inscription of six lines on its western face. The inscription has been translated by James Prinsep, who remarks that “ the pillar is called the arm of fame” ( Kirtti bhuja) “ of Baja Dlidva, and the letters cut upon it are called the typical cuts inflicted on his enemies by his sword, writing his immortal fame.”t It is stated that he subdued a people * In 1805 tile pillar was seen by a lady, “ Tour in the Upper Provinces by A. D.,” p. 105, who describes it as “the wonderful brazen pillar.” Bishop Heber, “Travels, II., 291, 307,’’ calls it a “ metal pillar” or a “black pillar of cast metal.” In 1834 Miss Emma Roberts, “ Views in India, I., 40,” speaks of it as “ a pillar of mixed metal and in 1844 Colonel Sleeman, “ Rambles, II., 256,” writes that the small pillar is of bronze, or a metal which resembles bronze, and is softer than brass. t Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, VII., p. 630. DELHI. 171 on the Sindhu, named Vahlikas, and “ obtained with his own arm an undivided sovereignty on the earth for a long period.’’ The above is the whole of the meagre information that can be gathered from this inscription, save the hare fact that the Raja was a worshipper of Vishnu. The date of the inscrip- tion is referred by James Prinsep to the third or fourth century after Christ ; but Mr. Thomas considers that this is “ too high an antiquity for the style of writing employed on the monument.” I agree, however, with Prinsep, as the characters appear to me to be exactly the same as those of the Gupta inscriptions. I have already suggested the year A. D. 319, which is the initial point of the Palabhi or Gupta era, as an approximate date, as I think it not improbable that the Raja may have assisted in the downfall of the powerful Gupta dynasty. I read his name preferably as Bhdva, the letter bli having got closed by the accidental slip of the punching chisel. The letter is different from every other dli in the inscription. According to universal tradition, the Iron Pillar was erected by Bilan Deo, or Anang Pal, the founder of the Tomara dynasty, who was assured by a learned Brahman that, as the foot of the pillar had been driven so deep into the ground that it rested on the head of Vasuki, King of the Serpents, who supports the earth ; it was now immoveable, and that dominion would remain in his family as long as the pillar stood. But the Raja, doubting the truth of the Brahman’s statement, ordered the pillar to be dug up, when the foot of it was found wet with the blood of the serpent king, whose head it had pierced. Regretting his unbelief, the Iron Pillar was again raised ; but, owing to the king’s former incredulity, every plan now failed in fixing it firmly, and, in spite of ail his efforts, it still (remained loose [dhUa) in the ground, and this is said to have been the origin of the name of the ancient city of Bliili. This tradition has been variously reported by different authorities, but the main points are the same in all. Colonel Tod states that the Iron Pillar is said to be resting on the head of the Sahes Nag, who is the same as Vasuki, the Serpent King. A lady traveller, who visited Delhi between 1801 and 1814, heard the tradition in a somewhat different way.* A Brahman told the king that if he could place the seat of his govern- ment on the head of the snake that supports the world, * “ Tour in the Upper Provinces,” by A. D., p. 166. 172 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-63. liis kingdom would last for ever. Tlie Iron Pillar was accordingly driven into the ground on its present site, under the superintendence of the Brahman, who announced that the lucky spot had been found. On hearing this, a courtier, jealous of the Brahman’s influence, declared that the pillar was not placed over the serpent’s head, but that he could point out the true place, which he had seen in a dream. The pillar was accordingly taken up by the Baja’s order, and, agreeably to the Brahman’s prediction, the foot of it was found wet with the blood of the serpent’s head. This tra- dition is also imperfectly related in Purchas’s Pilgrims, on the authority of English travellers who visited India during the reigns of Jahangir and Shahjahan. Purchas states that the Rase (Baja) who founded Delhi, “ by advice of his magicians, tried the ground by driving an iron stake, which came up bloody, having wounded a snake. This the Ronde (Pande or Pandit), or magician, said was a fortunate sign.”* In all these different versions of the erection of the Iron Pillar, the main points of the story are the same, and the popular belief in this tradition is confirmed by the well known verse — “ KtlU to dMlli bliai , “ Tomar bhaya mat hin .” “ The pillar has become loose, “ The Tomar’s wish will not he fulfilled.”! This tradition is related in a more poetical form by Kharg Bai, who wrote in the reign of Shahjahan. Accord- ing to him, the Tomar Prince was provided by the sage Vyds with a golden nail, or spike, 25 fingers in length, which he was told to drive into the ground. At a lucky moment, on the 13th day of the waning moon of Vaisdkh, in the Samvat year 792, or A. D. 736, when the moon was in the mansion of Abhijit , the spike was driven into the ground by the Baja. Then said Vyas to the King — “ Turn se raj kadi jaega nahi, “ Yih khunti Vasag ki mdtlie gadlii haiR “ Ke’er will thy kingdom be besped, “ The spike hath pierced Vasuki’s head.” * Kerr's Voyages and Travels, VIII., 292, note. t My assistant, Mr. J. D. Beglar, has pointed out to me that tomar is a common con- traction for tumhdra, “ your.” I believe, therefore, that a pun is intended, and that the second line may be translated — “Your wish will not be fulfilled.” DELHI, 173 Vyas liad no sooner departed, than the incredulous Raja boldly declared bis disbelief in the sage’s announcement, when immediately “Bilan Be khunti uJehdrh deJchi, “ Tab loliu se chuchdti nikali.” “ He saw the spike thrown on the ground, “ Blood-dropping from the serpent’s wound.” The sage was recalled by the horrified king, who was directed to drive the stake into the ground a second time. Again be struck, but the spike penetrated only nineteen fingers, and remained loose in the ground. Once more then the sage addressed the Raja prophetically, — “Like the spike ( Icilli ) which you have driven, your dynasty will be unstable (dllli), and after ‘ nineteen’ generations it will be supplanted by the Chohans, and they by the Turkans.” Bilan Be then became King of Billi, and with bis descendants held the throne for nineteen generations, according to the number of fingers’ lengths which the spike bad been driven into the ground. What was the origin of this tradition, and at what time it first obtained currency, may never, perhaps, be known ; but I think we are justified in hazarding a guess that the long reign of the Tomar dynasty must first have led to an opinion of its durability which would then have been naturally compared with the evident stability with which the Iron Pillar was fixed in the ground. We have an exactly paral- lel case in the well known saying about Rome and the Coliseum — “ Quamdiu stabit Colyseus, stabit et Boma quando cadit Colyseus cadit Boma which the verse of Byron has rendered famous. — “ While stands the Coliseum, Rome shall stand, “When falls the Coliseum, home shall fall.” This, indeed, is the oldest form of the Indian tradition that I have been able to trace. When the Muhammadan con- queror first took possession of Belbi, be was informed that the inscription on the Iron Pillar declared that the Hindu rule would last as long as the pillar remained standing ; on bearing which, to show bis contempt of the prophecy, the pround victor allowed the pillar to stand. This same story must have been told to Bishop Heber, but be has jumbled it 174 ARCIREOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-63. up with liis account of Firuz Shah’s Pillar.* That the story wdiicli he heard must have belonged to the Iron Pillar is rendered certain hy his referring it to the period of “the conquest of the country by the Musulmans.” About the same time also a similar story was heard by Major Archer,! who records that, “ as long as the pillar stood, so long would Hindustan flourish.” At a later date, a similar story was repeated to Mrs. Colin Mackenzie,! who says that the Iron Pillar bears a Sanskrit inscription, “the purport of which is that, as long as this pillar stands, the Raj or kingdom has not finally departed from the Hindus.” Lastly, Syad Ahmad relates that the pillar was driven into the head of Vasuki , King of the Snakes, to make his empire lasting. If I am right in ascribing the origin of this tradition to a late period in the history of the Tomars, when the long duration of their rule had induced people to compare its stability with that of the Iron Pillar, I think that the saying may be referred with considerable probability to the pros- perous reign of Anang Pal II., whose name is inscribed on the shaft with the date of Samvat 1109 or A. L). 1052. The account given above was written in 1863, shortly after which I found the original version of the story in the 3rd book of my copy of Ckand’s Prithi Paj Paisa, which is appropriately named KilU-dhilli-kathd, or “ story of the Loose Pillar.” Chand, however, refers the event to the time of the last Anang Pal, who wished to ascertain the fortu- nate hour for holding a great festival in honour of the birth of his grandson, Prithi Paj. He enquired from Yyas, a Jagjoti Brahman, who after a short consideration replied — “Now is the lucky time, your dynasty will become immove- able, and its root will strike into the head of Seshnag.§ But the Raja was incredulous, when Yyas taking an iron spike drove it down 60 lingers deep until it reached the serpent’s head,Y and drawing it out he showed it to the Paja covered with blood. Then addressing Anang Pal, he said — “ Yr our kingdom like the spike has became unstable.” * Journal II., 291. + Tour in Upper India, I., 121. $ 2nd edition, p. 47 Seshnag or Vasuki is the King of the Serpents, on whose thousand heads the earth itself is said to be supported. H Sutlisu cingula lohah killtya, Sukar Sesn&gli sir milUga. DELHI. 175 Thus saith the Seer Yyas, Things that must come to pass : Now the Tomars, next Chohdns , And shortly after the Turbans* The Raja in a rage expelled Yyas, who retired to Ajmer, where he was hospitably received by the Chohans on account of his prophecy in favour of their race. The remaining inscriptions on the Iron Pillar are numerous but unimportant. There are two records of the Cliolian Itaja Chatra Sinha, both dated in Samvat 1883, or A. D. 1826. They state that the Raja was descended from Rrithivi Raja in 29 generations, which is quite possible, although the period allowed for each generation is under 23 years. The date of Prithivi Raja is given as Samvat 1851, or A. D. 1091, which is just 99 years too early, an amount of error which agrees with the false dates which have been in- serted in the text of the Prithi R6j Rasa of the Bard Chand. There is also another modern Nagari inscription of six lines, dated in Samvat 1767, or A. D. 1710, of the Bundela Rajas of Chanderi. Below this there are two Persian inscriptions, dated in A. H. 1060 and 1061, or A. D. 1651-52, which merely record the names of visitors. The only other remains of Hindu Delhi are the nu- merous pillars which form the colonnades of the Court of the Great Masjid close to the Kutb Minar. The Arabic inscrip- tion over the eastern entrance of this Court-yard states that the materials were obtained from the demolition of 27 idola- trous temples, each of which had cost the sum of 20 lakhs of I) 'dials. I agree with Mr. Thomasf that the D ilia l must have corresponded with the original billon currency of Prithivi Raja. Now the value of the Dilial was as nearly as possible the same as that of the Jital or Chital of Ala-uddin Kliilji, 50 of which, as we learn from Perishta, * were equal to one Rupee. The cost of each of these temples would not, therefore, have been more than Rs. 40,000, and that of the whole number, only Rs. 10,80,000, or £108,000. The cost of these temples seems excessive when expressed in such * Katie Vyds Jagjoti agamu dgamu hojdno, Tomar, tai Chahuivdn tioi, puni puni Tarkdno, f Prinsep’s Essays, I., 326. t -Briggs, I., 360. I7G ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G2-G3. small money as Dilials, each coin being worth only a little more than a half-penny ; hut the sum is moderate enough when it is named in rupees. Mr. Fergusson* has expressed an opinion that “ it is not “easy to determine whether the pillars now stand as ori- “ ginally arranged by the Hindus, or whether they have been “ taken down and re-arranged hv the conquerors.” In this instance he thinks it “ most probable that the former was “ the case, and that they were open colonnades surrounding “ the palace of Prithivi Raja hut he presently adds that, “ if this is so, it is the only instance known of Hindu pillars “ being left undisturbed.” When Mr. Fergusson formed this opinion, he was not aware of the fact recorded over the eastern gateway by the Musulman conqueror, that the Great Masjid had been built of the materials of no less than twenty-seven Hindu temples. He knew only the common tradition that on this site once stood the palace and temple attributed to Prithivi Raja. On this account he may have supposed that most of these pillars must have belonged to those buildings, and, therefore, that some of them might pos- sibly still be in their original positions. But evidently he had strong doubts on the subject ; for he repeats his opinion that, “ if the pillars at Kutb are in situ, it is the only instance “known of such being the case.” In February 1853 I examined very minutely the pillared cloisters of the Great Mosque, and I then came to the conclusion, as recorded in my note-hook at the time, that “ the square about the Iron “ Pillar is all made up ; the outer-walls are not Hindu ; the “ pillars are all made up of pieces of various kinds ; the “ shaft of one kind being placed above that of another for “ the purpose of obtaining height. The general effect is good ; “ but a closer inspection reveals the incongruities of pillars, “ half plain and half decorated, and of others that are thicker “above than below.” Just ten years later, in January 1863, with Mr. Fergusson’s hook in my hand I re-examined the whole of these pillars with exactly the same result. Every single pillar is made up of two separate Hindu shafts, placed one above the other ; and as these shafts are of many various sizes, the required height is obtained by the insertion of other pieces between the shorter shafts.! In one instance * Hand-book of Architecture, 141S. + I have a suspicion that some of the pillars in the Masjid itself may be in their original positions. They are single pillars of a large temple. I will examine them minutely during the ensuing cold season, 1871-72. DELHI. 177 in the north cloister there is a pillar made np of no less than three shafts of exactly the same pattern, piled one over the other. This may be seen in Beato’s photograph of this clois- ter (see the 4tli pillar on the left hand). The general effect of these large rows of made-up columns is certainly rich and pleasing ; hut this effect is due to the kindly hand of time, which has almost entirely removed the coating of plaster with which the whole of these beautifully sculptured pillars were once barbarously covered by the idol-hating Musalmans. The same doubling np of the old Hindu pillars has been followed in the cloisters of the outer court of the Kutb Minar, the shaft of one plain pillar being placed over another to obtain height. A similar re-arrangement may be observed in the Court of the Jdmai or Dina Masjid of Kanoj, commonly called Sita-ka-Basui, or “ Sita’s kitchen.” The number of decorated pillars now remaining in the court-yard of the Great Mosque around the Iron Pillar is, as nearly as I could reckon them, 340 ; but as the cloisters are incomplete, the original number must have been much greater. My reckoning makes them 450. In the interior of the Great Mosque itself there are 35 pillars now remain- ing, of a much larger size and of a somewhat different style of decoration. When the Mosque was complete there must have been not less than 76 of these pillars. Of the plainer pillars in the court-yard of the Kutb Minar I counted 376, but the total number required to complete the cloisters would be about 1,200. I have given these figures in detail for the purpose of corroborating the statement of the Musalman conqueror, with regard to the number of temples that were standing in Dilli at the close of the Hindu power. The usual number of columns in a Hindu temple is from 20 to 30, although a few of the larger temples may have from 50 to 60. But these are exceptional cases, and they are more than balanced by the greater number of smaller temples, which have not more than 12 or 16 pillars. The great temple of Vishnupad at Gaya has 50 pillars, and Mr. Pergusson mentions that a temple of 56 pillars was the most extended arrangement that he had met with under a single dome.* The magnificent * Illustrations of Indian Architecture, Introd., p. 18. Y 178 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-63. temple at Chandr&vati, near Jlialra Pcltan, and the pillared temple of Ganthai, at Kajrdho, have only 28 columns each. The Baroli temple has 24 columns, the great temple at Bindrdbcin has only 16, and the Chaori, in the Mokandra Pass, has not more than 12. But there are many temples that have even fewer pillars than these ; as, for instance, that of Mata Devi, in Gwalior, which has only 6 pillars, and that of Chatur Blmja, also in Gwalior, which has not more than 4 pillars. Taking these temples as fair specimens of many various styles and ages, the average number of pillars in a Hindu fane is between 24 and 25, or, if the extremes be omitted, the average number is 21. Accepting these num- bers as a fair guide, we may set down the 76 pillars of the Great Masjid as the spoils of at least 2, but more probably of 3 temples, each equal in size to the magnificent fane at Chandra vati. Similarly the 453 pillars of the court of the Masjid will represent the spoils of not less than from 18 to 22 temples, of 20 and 25 columns each. These numbers added together give a total of from 20 to 25 temples, which agrees so nearly with the number recorded in the Muham- madan inscription, as to leave no doubt whatever of the truth of the conqueror’s boast that the Masjid was built of the spoils of 27 temples. A curious confirmation of the average size of those temples has been afforded by a discovery which I first made in 1853, and which I completed during the present year 1863. In the south-east corner of the cloisters of the Great Mosque, the pillars, with bases and capitals complete, are nearly all of one style and size, and quite different from the other columns. Now, the bases, shafts, and capitals of these pillars are num- bered, the highest number discovered being 19. I found 15 numbered shafts, of which No. 13 is in the north cloister, far away from its fellows. I found also 13 numbered bases, and 7 numbered capitals ; but only in one instance, that of No. 10, do the numbers of base, shaft, and capital, as they now stand, agree. Here, then, we have a direct and convincing proof that these particular pillars have all been re-arranged. The total number of shafts discovered was only 15, but they were all numbered. Of the bases I discovered 19, of which 4 were square, and 15 had the angles recessed like all the shafts. Of the capitals, all of one uniform pattern, I found 20, of which one was inscribed with the No. 19. From all these DELHI. Plate XiAVH. Anastatired -1 the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta. DELHI. 179 facts I conclude, with a probability amounting almost to cer- tainty, that the temple from which these pillars were obtained consisted of 20 columns only. On No. 12 shaft there is the word Kaclial in Nagari letters on one face, with the date of 1121 on another face, which, referred to the Yikramaditya Samvat, is equivalent to A. D. 1067, at which time Anang Pal II., the founder of Lalkot, was reigning in Dilli. But the mason’s marks on the stones of this temple were not confined to the pillars, as I discovered them on no less than 13 different portions of its entablature. These marks are more than usually detailed ; but, unfortunately, in spite of their length and apparent clearness, I am still unable to make them out completely.* The marks are the followin A. — Chapa, Vida 3 ... B. — Chapa Vida 4 C. — Puchuki 4 D. — Puchuki 5 pachhim ... E. — Vi Chaothe F. — Vi panchama G. — Prathama Dashen H. — Pachchhim Raki Dashen K. — Purab Prathama L. — Purab 3 M. — Pachchhim Ra 3 A- (ge ?) N. — Pachchhim Raki pachchhe O. — Pachchhim Raki 6 pachchhe Upper Vida (?) No. 3 Ditto (?) No. 4 Rear (?) No. 4 Rear (?) No. 5 west. Vida (?) fourth. Vida (?) fifth. First Architrave. West side Architrave. East first. East No. 3. West side No. 3., front? West side back. West side No. 6, back. There is a peculiarity about the numbers of the pillars which is worthy of note. Each cypher is preceded by the initial letter of the word for that number. Thus, 3 is preceded by ti for tin, 10 by da for das, and 16 by so for solah. The same style of marking would appear to have been used for a second temple, as I found a pillar of another pattern with the number du 2, and a pilaster of the same kind with * See Plate XXXVII. for copies of these mason’s marks, and a drawing of one of the pillars. During a visit of a few hours in the present year, 1871, I found two numbered pillars of a different kind, with the Nos. 2 and 19, showing that a second temple, destroyed by the Muhammadans, must have been supported on not less than 20 pillars. I found also a mason’s record of five lines on a third variety of pillar, but the letters are faint and difficult to read. I can make out a notice of 7 + 6 + 5 + 8, or 26 pillars altogether, of which 1 discovered 6 in the cloisters. 180 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-63. i 19.* Sixteen bases of the first pillar have recessed angles, and four are plain squares. In this case the temple would have had 4 pillars (probably an outer row) of one pattern, and 16 of another kind, but all of the same height. The dimensions of these inscribed pillars are as follows : Ft. In. Ft. In. Capital ( Upper member, with brackets... ( Lower ditto 0 0 10 6 1 4 '4. Shaft m Base f Upper portion, ornamented 1 2i ( Lower ditto plain 0 9 1 m Total hei ght • • . 8 3 The only other Hindu remains are the two forts of Ldlkot and Bed Pithora, which together formed the old I)illi of the Musalmans, after the building of a new fort of Siri by Ala-ud-din Khilji. Of these two, the older fort of Ldlkot has hitherto remained unknown, being always described by Musalmans as a part of the fort of B.ai Pithora. It is called Siri by Lieutenant Burgess, who made a survey of the ruins of Dilli in 1849-50, and the same name is given to it by Messrs. Cope and Lewis in their interesting account of Piruzabad, published in the Journal of the Archaeological Society of Delhi for 1850. The reasons which induce me to identify this fort with the Ldlkot of Anang Pal have already been given when speaking of the re-founding of Dilli, and the reasons which compel me to reject its identification with Siri will be detailed when I come to speak of that place. The Fort of Ldlkot, which was built by Anang Pal in A. D. 1060, is of an irregular rounded oblong form, miles in circumference. Its walls are as lofty and as massive as those of Tughlakabad , although the blocks of stone are not * These two pillars are 4 feet 101 inches high, and Ilf inches square. I found 13 pillars of almost the same pattern, but of somewhat large dimensions, being 5 feet 31 inches high, and 13 j inches square. The commonest pillar is of a similar pattern, but with the addition of human figures on the lower faces of the shaft, and a deep recessed ornament at the top of the shaft. Of this kind I counted 78 pillars during my last visit in the present year 1871. DELHI. 181 so colossal. By different measurements I found the ram- parts to be from 28 to 30 feet in thickness, of which the parapet is just one-half. The same thickness of parapet is also derived from the measurement given by Ibn Batuta in A. D. 1340, who says that the walls were eleven cubits thick. Accepting this measure as the same that was in use in Biruz Shah’s time, namely, of 16 inches, as derived from the length of Biruz Shah’s pillar, the thickness of the walls of old Dilli was 14f feet. These massive ramparts have a general height of 60 feet above the bottom of the ditch, which still exists in very fair order all round the fort, except on the south side, wdiere there is a deep and extensive hollow that was most probably once tilled with water. About one-half of the main walls are still standing as firm and as solid as when they were first built. At all the salient points there are large bastions from 60 to 100 feet in diameter. Two of the largest of these, which are on the north side, are called the Fateh Burj and the Solum Burj. The long lines of wall between these bastions are broken by numbers of smaller towers well splayed out at the base, and 45 feet in diameter at top, with curtains of 80 feet between them. Along the base of these towers, which are still 30 feet in height, there is an outer line of wall forming a raoni or faussebraie, which is also 30 feet in height. The parapet of this wall has en- tirely disappeared, and the wall itself is so much broken, as to afford an easy descent into the ditch in many places. The upper portion of the counterscrap walls has all nearly fallen down, excepting on the north-west side, where there is a double line of works strengthened by detached bastions. The positions of three of the gateways in the west half of the fort are easily recognized, but the walls of the eastern half are so much broken that it is now only possible to guess at the probable position of one other gate. The north gate is judiciously placed in the re-entering angle close to the Bateli Burj, where it still forms a deep gap in the lofty mass of rampart, by which the cowherds enter with their cattle. The west gate is the only one of which any portion of the walls now remains. It is said to have been called the Banjit gate. This gate-way was 17 feet wide, and there is still standing on the left hand side a large up- right stone, with a grove for guiding the assent and descent of a portcullis. This stone is 7 feet in height above the 182 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G2-G3. rubbish, but it is probably not less than 12 or 15 feet. It is 2 feet 1 inch broad and 1 foot 3 inches thick. The approach to this gate is guarded by no less than three small out-works. The south gate is in the southmost angle near Adham Khan’s tomb. It is now a mere gap in the mass of rampart. On the south-east side there must, I think, have been a gate near Sir Thomas Metcalfe’s house, leading towards Tughlakabad and Mathura.* Syad Ahmad states, on the authority of Zia Bami, that the west gate of Bui Pithora’s Port was called the Ghazni Gate after the Musalman conquest, because the Ghazni troops had gained the fortress by that entrance. I feel satisfied that this must be the Han] it Gate of Lalkot for the foil owing reasons : 1st. — The Musalmans never make any mention of Lal- kot, but always include it as a part of Rai Pithora’s Port. 2nd. — The possession of the larger and weaker fortress of Rai Pithora could not be called the conquest of Delhi, while the stronger citadel of Lalkot still held out. 3rd. — The evident care with which the approach to the Ranjit Gate has been strengthened by a double line of works, and by three separate out-works immediately in front of the gateway itself, shows that this must have been considered as the weakest point of the fortress, and therefore that it was the most likely to have been attacked. Por this reason I conclude that the Ranjit gate was the one by which the Musalmans entered Lalkot, the citadel of Dilli, and that, having proved its weakness by their own success, they at once proceeded to strengthen the works at this point for their own security. A case exactly similar occurred less than forty years afterwards, when the Emperor Altamsh, having gained an entrance into the fortress of Gwalior by the deep ravine on the west side called Urwalii, immediately closed it by a massive wall, to prevent his enemies from taking advan- tage of the same weak point. I believe that the western * See Plate No. XXXVI. for an enlarged plan of Lalkot, showing the positions of the different gates. It seems probable that the western half of Lalkot was once cut off from the eastern half, as there are traces of walls and ramparts running from the Sohan Bftrj on the north direct south towards Adham Khan’s tomb. I traced these walls as far as the ruined building to the west of Anang Pal’s tank. The western portion would have been the citadel of Lalkot under Anang Pal, before the accession of Rai Pithora. My Assistant, Mr. J. D. Beglar, has discovered a gateway in the southern half of this wall, between Adham Khan’s Tomb and the Jog Maya temple. DELHI. 183 gate was called tlie Ghazni Gate for the simple reason only that Ghazni lies to the west of Delhi. The Fort of Rai Pithora, which surrounds the citadel of Lalkot on three sides, would appear to have been built to protect the Hindu city of Dilli from the attacks of the Musalmans. As early as A. D. 1100, the descendants of Mahmud, retiring from Ghazni before the rising power of the Saljukis, had fixed their new capital at Labor, although Ghazni still belonged to their kingdom, and was occasionally the seat of Government. But a new and more formidable enemy soon appeared, when the celebrated Muaz-uddin Sam, commonly called Muhammad Ghori, after capturing the cities of Multan and Parshawar, appeared before Labor in A. D. 1180, and put an end to the Ghaznavide dynasty by the capture of their capital in A. D. 1186. The danger was now imminent, and only a few years later we find the Ghori King in full march on Ajmer. But the Raja of Dilli was well prepared for this invasion, and, with the aid of his allies, he defeated the Musalmans with great slaughter at Tilaori, midway between Karnal and Thanesar. As the first appearance of the formidable Ghoris before Labor corresponds so nearly with the accession of Prithivi Raja, I think it very probable that the fortification of the city of Dilli was forced upon theRaja by a well-grounded apprehension that Dilli itself might soon be attacked ; and so it happened, for within two years after the battle of Tilaori the Raja was a prisoner, and Dilli was in the possession of the Musalmans. The circuit of Rai Pithora’s Port is 4 miles and 3 furlongs, or just three times as much as that of Lalkot. But the defences of the city are in every way inferior to those of the citadel. The walls are only half the height, and the towers are placed at much longer intervals. The wall of the city is carried from the north bastion of Lalkot, called Fateh Biirj, to the north-east for three-quarters of a mile, where it turns to the south-east for 1-| mile to the Damdama Burj. Prom this bastion the direction of the wall for about one mile is south-west, and then north-west for a short distance to the south end of the hill on which Azim Khan’s tomb is situated. Beyond this point the wall can be traced for some distance to the north along the ridge which was most probably connected with the south-east corner of Lalkot, somewhere in the neighbourhood of Sir T. Metcalfe’s house. 184 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-G3. The Port of Rai Pithora or Delhi Proper is said to have had nine gates besides the Ghazni Gate,* most of which can still be traced. Three are on the west side, of which two belong to the citadel of Lalkot, aid the third has a small out- work. There were five on the north side, towards Jahanpanah, and one on the east side, towards Tughlakabad, which must have been the Badaon Gate, that is so often mentioned in early Muhammadan history. There must also have been one gate on the south side, which would have been close to Sir T. Metcalfe’s house. Such was the Hindu City of Dilliwhen it was captured by the Musalmans in January 1191. The circuit of its walls was nearly 4^ miles, and it covered a space of ground equal to one-lialf of the modern Shahjalianabad, the Capital of the Mogul Sovereigns of India. It possessed 27 Hindu temples, of which several hundreds of richly carved pillars still remain to attest both the taste and the wealth of the last Hindu Purlers of Dilli. MUHAMMADAN REMAINS. The first Musalman Sovereigns of Delhi are said to have remained content with the fortress of Rai Pithora, although it seems highly probable that they must have added to the defences of the west gate, by which they had entered Lalkot, the citadel of the Hindu Kings. But though the first Musalman Kings did not build huge forts or extensive cities to perpetuate their names, yet in the Great Mosque and magnificent column of Kutb-uddin Aibeg, as well as in the richly carved tomb of Altamsh, they have left behind them a few noble works, which are in every way more Worthy of our admiration. The Great Mosque of Kutb-uddin was called the Jama Masjid, according to the inscription over the inner archway of the east entrance. But it is now more commonly known as the Masjid-i-Kutb-ul Islam, or the “Mosque of the Pole Star of Islamism,” a name which appears to preserve that of its founder. It seems probable, however, that the Kutb Mosque, as well as the Mindr, may have been named after the contemporary Saint Kutb-uddin Ushi, whose tomb is close by. Syad Alimad adds that the Mosque was also called * Malfuzat-i-Timuri, or Autobiography of Timur, in Dowson’s edition of Sir H. M. Elliot’s History — III., 418. — So also Sharafuddin in the Zafar Naina, in Dowson’s Elliot, III., 504. DELHI. 185 the Adina Masjid. This Great Mosque, which even in ruin is one of the most magnificent works in the world, was seen by Ilm Batuta* about 150 years after its erection, when he describes it as having no equal, either for beauty or extent. In the time of Timur, the people of old Delhi prepared to defend the Great Mosque, but they were all, according to the Muhammadan Historian Sliaraf-uddin, despatched by the sword “ to the deepest hell.” The Mosque is not mentioned by Baber, although he notices the Minar and the tomb of Khwaja Kutb-uddin, which he perambulated. f It is not mentioned either by Abul Pazl ; but no inference can be drawn from his silence, as he does not even allude to the Kutb Minar. The Minar itself was repaired during the reign of Sikandar Lodi ; but we hear nothing of the Great Mosque, from which, perhaps, it may be inferred either that it was still in good order, or that it was too much ruined to be easily repaired. I conclude that the latter wras the case, as it seems probable that the permanent removal of the court from Delhi to Piruzabad must have led to the gradual abandonment of the old city. We have a parallel case in the removal of the Hindu court from Kanoj to the Bari in the time of Mahmud of Ghazni. This removal took place in A. D. 1022 and in A. D. 1031, or within ten years, Abu Ptihan records that Ivanoi having been deserted by its ruler, “ fell to ruin.” The Great Mosque of Kutb-uddin was begun imme- diately after the capture of Delhi in A. H. 587, or A. D. 1191, as recorded by the King himself in the long inscrip- tion over the inner archway of the east entrance. This is the reading of the date given by Syad Ahmad, and Mr. Thomas has shown good grounds for its being the true date. My own reading was 589, taking tisa or nine, where Syad Ahmad reads saba or seven, but the two words are so much alike that they may be read differently by different people. Mr. Thomas has pointed out that Ihn Batuta read the unit as arba or four. In this inscription, as well as in the shorter one over the outer archway of the same gate, Kutb-uddin refrains from calling himself by the title of Sultan, which be bestows on his Suzerain Muaz-uddin in the inscription over the north * Travels, p. 111. f Memoirs, p. 308. Z 186 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-63. gateway. This last inscription is dated in A. H. 59.2. And here I have to notice the omission of two points in the Syad’s copy of the second number of the date. In my copy, which was taken in 1839, I find the word tisam, or “ ninety,” quite complete. This inscription records that the foundation of the Masjid was laid in the reign of the Sultan Mudz-uddin Muhammad , bin Sam (in the time of the Khalif) Naser, Chief of the Faithful. The date of A. H. 592, or A. D. 1196, must, therefore, I think, he referred to the completion of the building. It is true that five years may seem but a short time for the erection of this large mosque, yet, when we remember that the whole of the stones were obtained ready squared from the Hindu temples on the spot, our wonder will cease, and any doubts that might have arisen in our minds will be dissipated at once. The Jama Masjid is not so large as many buildings of the same kind that have been raised in later years, such as the great Mosques of Jonpur and others; but it is still unrivalled for its grand line of gigantic arches, and for the graceful beauty of the flowered tracery which covers its walls. The front of the Masjid is a wall 8 feet thick, pierced by a line of five noble arches. The centre arch is 22 feet wide and nearly 53 feet in height, and the side arches are 10 feet wide and 24 feet high. Through these gigantic arches the first Musal- mans of Delhi entered a magnificent room, 135 feet long and 31 feet broad, the roof of which was supported on five rows of the tallest and finest of the Hindu pillars. The Mosque is approached through a cloistered court, 145 feet in length from east to west, and 96 feet in width. In the midst of the west half of this court, stands the celebrated Iron Pillar, sur- rounded by cloisters formed of several rows of Hindu columns of infinite variety of design, and of most delicate execution. There are three entrances to the court of the Masjid, each 10 feet in width, of which the eastern entrance was the principal one. The southern entrance has disappeared long ago, but the other two are still in good order, with their interesting inscriptions in large Arabic letters. I have already noticed that the whole of the beautiful Hindu pillars in these cloisters were originally covered with plaster by the idol-hating Musalmans as the readiest way of removing the infidel images from the view of true believers. A distinct proof of this may be seen on two stones in the north PUu» XXXV/JT Plan of the MASJID KUTB - UL- ISLAM at DELHI ALAI- M IN AK m r TOM ft of ALTAMSH NORTH SIDE added \»y ALTAMSH . A . D . !820 ry > i MASJID KUT B-UL-18 LAM C IRON • PILLAR built by ' rf] 0 □ x D D D D a d c 0 D □ a a □ o d 0 D a a o o c o IS E AST SIDE added \)y ALA-UD-DIN. A.D. 1300 /*r<*/<* ''t' Feet _1 I l t 100 So A. . Cumiing'ham cl el . J Litho. at the Survr. Geni’s. Office. Cah October 1S71 DELHI. 187 side of the court, one fixed in the inner wall in the north-east angle just above the pillars, and the other in the outer wall between the north gate and the north-east corner. The inner sculpture represents several well known Hindu gods, — 1st, Vislinu , lying on a couch witli a lotus rising from his navel, and covered by a canopy, with two attendants, one standing at his head and one sitting at his feet; 2nd, a seated figure not recognized ; 3rd, Indr a, on his elephant ; 4tli, Brahma , with three heads seated on his goose ; 5th, Siva, with his trident seated on his bull Nandi ; 6th, a figure with lotus seated on some animal not recognized. The outer sculpture is of a different description. The scene shows two rooms with a half-opened door between them . In each room there is a female lying on a couch with a child by her side, a canopy over her head, and an attendant at her feet. In the left-hand room two females are seen carrying children towards the door, and in the risrht-hand room two others are doinsr the same. The O O whole four of these females appear to be hastening towards the principal figure in the right-hand room. I am unable to offer any explanation of this very curious scene, but as it is very unlikely that these figures would have been exposed to the sight of the early Musalmans, I conclude that these stones must also have been carefully plastered over. During the reign of Altamsh, the son-in-law of Kutb- uddin, the Great Mosque was much enlarged by the addition of two wings to the north and south, and by the erection of a new cloistered court on the north, east, and south sides, so as to include the Kutb Minar in the south-east corner of the enclosure. The fronts of the two wing buildings are pierced by three arches each, the middle arches being 24 feet span, and the side arches 13 feet. The walls are of the same thickness, and their ornamental scrolls are of the same delicate and elaborate tracery as those of the original Mosque.* The whole front of the Jama Masjid, with its new additions, is 384 feet in length, which is also the length of its cloistered court, the breadth being 220 feet. The wall on the south side of the court, as well as the south end of the east wall, are fortunately in good preservation, and, as about three-fourths of the columns are still standing, we are able to measure the size of the enclosure with precision, and to reckon the number * See plate No. XXXVII. for a plan of the original Masjid and its additions. 188 ARC II GEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G2-G3. of columns with tolerable certainty. The number of columns in the new cloisters must have been as nearly as possible 300, and as each of them consists of two Hindu shafts, the whole number of Hindu pillars thus brought into use could not have been less than 600. By my measurements the new court is 362 feet long and 220 feet broad, inside the the walls, of which the west wall, which is the front of the Masjid, is only 8 feet thick, the other walls being 11 feet thick. In the south-east corner of this great quadrangle stands the majestic column called Kutb Minar, within 11 feet of the line of cloister pillars on the south, and extending into the middle of the cloister on the east side. At a later date the court of the Great Mosque was still further enlarged by Alauddin Khilji, by the addition of a large choistered enclosure on the east side, equal in size to more than one-lialf of the court of Altamsh. This work is described by the contemporary poet Amir Kliusru,* who says that the “ Sultan determined upon adding to and completing the Masjid-i-Jami of Shams-uddin by building beyond the three old gates and courts a fourth with lofty pillars, and upon the surface of the stones he engraved verses of the Kuran in such a manner as could not be done even on wax ; ascending so high that you would think the Kuran was going to heaven, and again descending in another line so low that you would think it was coming down from heaven. * * * He also repaired the old Masjids, of which the walls were broken or inclining, or of which the roof and domes had fallen.” I have given this important passage at some length, as its purport does not seem to he quite clear. Mr. Thomas understands it to affirm that the long line of noble arches of the great Masjid itself were built by Alauddin,! and certainly the description of the engraved lines of the Kuran ascending and descending is more applicable to these arches than to any other portion of the Great Kuth hnildiiigs. I think, however, that Amir Khusru must refer to the engraved lines of Taglira on the Alai Darwdza, which ascend and descend in the same way as those on the great arches of the Mosque. It may ho argued that the inscriptions may have been added by Alaud- din to the arches built by his predecessors Aibeg and Altamsh. * Sir H. M. Elliot’s Muhammadan nistorians, by Dowson, III., CD. f Chronicles of the Pathan Kings of Delhi, p. 156. DELHI, 189 I confess, however, that my own opinion is strongly in favour of the contemporaneous engraving of the inscriptions, and of the erection of the long line of noble arches by the earlier Kings Aibeg and Altamsh. I rest my opinion not only on the positive statement of Hasan Nizami, a contemporary of Aibeg, who records that Kuth-uddin “ built the Jami Masjid at Delhi,” and covered it with “ inscriptions in Tughra con- taining the divine commands,”* but also on the shape and construction of the arches, and the form of the letters, both of which correspond with those of the Altamsh Masjid at Ajmer, while they differ entirely from those of the Alai Darwaza and Kliizri Masjid of the time of Alauddin. I note first that the four remaining arches of Kutb-uddin’s Mosque are ogee in shape like those of the Great Mosque at Ajmer, and quite different from the pointed and horse-shoe arches of Alauddin. I note nest that the upright letters of the Kutb Masjid are very nearly of uniform thickness, thus agreeing with those of the dated inscriptions on the gateways, while those of Alauddin’s time are invariably much broader at top than at bottom. Lastly, I note that the undulated flower stem, which forms the ornament of the main line of inscription on the central arch of the Mosque, is exactly the same as that of the inscription on the north gate vrliich is dated in A. H. 594. f During the present century, much speculation has been wasted as to the origin of the Kutb Minar, whether it is a purely Muhammadan building, or a Hindu building altered and completed by the conquerors. The latter is undoutedly the common belief of the people, wdio say that the pillar wras built by Kai Pitliora for the purpose of giving his daughter a view of the Diver Jumna. Some people even say that the intention was to obtain a view of the Ganges, and that the Kutb Minar having failed to secure this a second pillar of double the size was commenced, but the work was interrupted by the conquest of the Musalmans. The first part of this tradition was warmly adopted by Sir T. Metclafe, and it has since found a strong advocate in Syad Ahmad, whose remarks are quoted with approval by Mr. Cooper in his recent hand-book for # Sir H. M. Elliot’s Historians, by Dowson, II., p. 222. + Compare tlris elated inscription No. 7, plate XIII. of the Asar us Sunnadid, with any large photograph of the Kutb arches. 190 AliCIIiEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-63. Delhi. Svad Ahmad, however, refers only the basement storey to Bai Pithora; but this admission involves the whole design of the column, which preserves the same marked cha- racter throughout all the different storeys. The Hindu theory has found a stout ojiponent in Colonel Sleeman, who argues that the great slope of the building “ is the peculiar characteristic of all architecture of the Pathans,” and that the arches of the Great Mosque close by it “ all correspond in design, proportion, and execution to the tower.”* Mr. Cooper f recapitulates Svad Ahmad’s arguments, and finally states as his opinion that it “ remains an open question whether this magnificent pillar was commenced by the Hindus or Muhammadans.” 1 must confess, however, that I am myself quite satisfied that the building is entirely a Muhammadan one, both as to origin and to design ; although, no doubt, many, perhaps all, of the beautiful details of the richly decorated balconies may be Hindu. To me these decorations seem to be purely Hindu, and just such as may be seen in the honey-comb enrichments of the domes of most of the old Hindu temples. The arguments brought forward in support of the Hindu origin of the column are the following : 1st. — “ That there is only one Ulnar, which is contrary to the practice of the Muhammadans, who always give two Minars to their Masjids.” I allow that this has been the practice of the Muhammadans for the last three hundred years at least, and I will even admit that the little corner turrets or pinnacles of the Kdla, or Kalan , Masjid of Piruz Shah, may be looked upon as Minars. This would extend the period of the use of two Minars to the middle of the 14 th century; but it must be remembered that these little turrets of Piruz Shah’s Masjid are not what the Musalmans call Mazinahs, or lofty towers, from the top of which the Muazzin calls the faithful to prayer. But the Ivutb Minar is a Mazinah ; and that it was the practice of the early Muhammadans to build a single tower, we have the most distinct and satisfactory proofs in the two Minars of Ghazni, which could not have belonged to one Masjid, as they are half a mile apart, and of different sizes. These Minars were * Rambles of an Indian Official, II., 254. f Hand-book for Delhi, p. 73. DELHI. 191 built by Mahmud in the early part of the lltk century, or about 180 years prior to the erection of the Kutb Minar. Another equally decisive proof of this practice is the solitary Minar at Koel, which was built in A. H. 652, or A. D. 1251, by Kutlugli Khan , during the reign of Nasir-uddin Mahmud, the youngest son of Altamsh, in whose time the Kutb Minar itself was completed. These still existing Minars of Ghazni and Koel show that it was the practice of the early Muham- madans to have only one Minar even down to so late a date as the middle of the 13th century. 2nd. — It is objected that the slope of the Kutb Minar is much greater than that of any other known Minars. This objection has already been satisfactorily answered by Colonel Sleeman, who says truely that “ the slope is the peculiar cha- racteristic of the architecture of the Pathans.” 3rd. — Syad Ahmad argues that, if the Minar had been intended as a Mdzinah to the Great Mosque, it would have been erected at one end of it, instead of being at some distance from it. In reply to this objection I can point again to the Koel Minar, which occupies exactly the same detached posi- tion with regard to the Jama Masjid of Koel as the Kutb Minar does with respect to the Great Mosque of Delhi. Both of them are placed outside the south-east corner of their res- pective Masjids. This coincidence of position seems to me sufficient to settle the question in favor of the Kutb Minar having been intended as a Mazinah of the Great Mosque. 4 th.- — Syad Ahmad further argues “ that the entrance door faces the north, as the Hindus always have it,” whereas the Muhammadans invariably place it to the eastward, as may be seen in the unfinished “ Minar of Alauddin to the north of the Kutb Minar.” Once more I appeal to the Koel Minar, which, be it remembered, was erected by the son of the Emperor who completed the building of the Kutb Minar, and which may, therefore, be looked upon as an almost con- temporary work. In the Koel Minar the entrance door is to the north, exactly as in the Kutb Minar. In both instances, I believe that it was so placed chiefly for the convenience of the Muazzin when going to call the faithful to prayer. It think, also, that Syad Ahmad has overlooked the fact that the Minars of modern days are “ engaged” towers, that is, they form the ends of the front wall of the Mosque, and, as the 102 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G2-G3. back wall of every Mosque is to tlie westward, tlie entrances to the “ engaged” Minars must necessarily he to the eastward. But the case is entirely different with a solitary disengaged Minar, of which the entrance would naturally be on the side nearest to its Masjid. But waiving this part of the discus- sion, I return to the fact that the entrance of the Koel Minar is to the northward, exactly the same as in the Kutb Minar, and that the entrances to the two great tombs of Balidwal HaJc, and RuJcn-nddin in Multan are not to the eastward but to the southward, as are also those of the Taj Mahal, and of most other modem tombs. The only exception that I know is the tomb of Altamsh, of which the entrance is to the east- ward. The argument of Syad xllimad includes also the posi- tion of the entrance doors of Hindu buildings, which, as lie says, are always placed to the northward. But this is an undoubted mistake, as a very great majority of Hindu temples have their entrances to the eastward. On referring to my Note books, I find that, out of 50 temples, of which I have a record, no less than 38 have their entrances to the east, 10 to the west, and only 2 to the north, both of which last are in the Port of Gwalior. Mil. — Syad Ahmad further objects that “it is customary for the Hindus to commence such buildings without any platform (or plinth), whereas the Muhammadans always erect their buildings upon a raised terrace or platform, as may be seen in the unfinished Minar of Alauddin Khilji.” In this statement about the Hindu buildings, Syad Ahmad is again mistaken, as it is most undoubtedly the usual custom of the Hindus to raise their temples on plinths. I can point to the gigantic Buddhist temple at Buddha Gaya as springing from a plinth nearly 20 feet in height. The two largest temples in the Port of Gwalior, one Bralimanical and the other Jain, are both raised on plinths, so also are the elaborately sculp- tured temples of Kajraha, and so are most of the temples in in Kashmir. Lastly, the Great Pillar at Cliitor has a plinth not less than 8 or 10 feet in height, as may be seen in Pergusson’s and Tod’s Drawings, and which Tod* describes as “ an ample terrace 42 feet square.” The smaller pillar at Chitor must also have a good plinth, as Pcrgusson describes the entrance as at some height above the base. That the * Rajasthan, II., 7G1. DELHI. 193 Muhammadans in India also erect their buildings on plinths or raised terraces, I readily admit ; for, on the same principle that a Cuckoo may he said to build a nest, the Musalmans usually placed their buildings on the sites of Hindu temples which they had previously destroyed. The Mosques at Ma- thura, Kanoj, and Jonpur, are signal examples of this practice. The raised terrace is, therefore, only an accidental adjunct of the Muhammadan building, whereas it is a fundamental part of the Hindu structure. But the early Musalmans did not place their buildings on raised terraces or platforms, as may be seen by a reference to the Drawings of Mosques in Syria and Persia, which are given in Pergusson’s Hand-book.* The Ghaznivides also, who were the more immediate predecessors of the Indian Musalmans, built their Minars at Ghazni with- out plinths. The contemporary tomb of Altamsh is likewise without a plinth. Prom all these facts I infer that the early Musalman structures in India were usually built without plinths, and therefore that the Kutb Minar is undoubtedly a Muhammadan building. 5 tli. — The last argument brought forward by Syad Ahmad is, that bells, which are used in Hindu worship, arc found sculptured on the lower part of the basement storey of the Kutb Minar. It is true that bells are used in the daily worship of the Hindus, and also that they are a common ornament of Hindu columns, as may be seen on most of the pillars in the cloisters of the Great Mosque. But bells are no more idolatrous than flowers, which are used in such pro- fusion in the daily service of the Hindu temples. The fact is that, where Muhammadan mosques have been built of the materials stolen from Hindu temples, such portions of archi- tectural ornament as were free from figures either of men or of animals, were invariably made use of by the conquerors. Por this reason most of the ornamentation of the early Musalman buildings is purely Hindu. Por instance, in the Jama Masjid of Kanoj, which is built entirely of Hindu ma- terials, the whole of the concentric circles of overlapping stones in the central dome, with only one exception, still preserve the original Hindu ornament unaltered. The ex- ception is the lowest circle, which is completely covered with Arabic inscriptions. One of the Hindu circles is made up solely of the Swasti/ca or mystic cross of the early Indians. This symbol is essentially an idolatrous one, although it is A 2 * Vol. I., p. 415. 194) AKCHiEOLOGICAL RErORT, 1862-G3. most probable that tlie Musalmans were not aware of its significance. But if the ornamental bells of the Kutb Minar are to be taken as a proof of its Hindu origin, even so must tlie ornamental Swastikas of the Kanoj Masjid be accepted as evidence to the same effect. It is admitted that this Masjid is built up entirely of Hindu materials, but these have been skilfully re-arranged by the Moslem Architect to suit the requirements of a mosque, so that the design of the building is strictly Muhammadan, while its ornamentation is purely Hindu. I may add that one of the western pillars that supports the central dome of this mosque is made up of two old shafts, both of which are decorated with tlie Hindu bell and suspending chain. The strong evidence which I have brought forward in reply to the arguments of Syad Ahmad and others, appears to me to be quite conclusive as to the origin of the Kutb Minar, which is essentially a Muhammadan building. But the strongest evidence in favor of this conclusion is the fact that the Musalmans of Ghazni had already built two separate Minars of similar design with angular flutes, whereas the only Hindu pillar of an early date, namely, the smaller column at Chitor, is altogether dissimilar, both in plan and in detail. The entrance to this Hindu tower is at some height above the ground, while that of the Kutb Minar is absolutely on the ground level. The summit of the Hindu tower is crowned by an open pillared temple of almost the same width as the base of the building, whereas the cupola of the Kutb Minar is little more than • one-sixtli of the diameter of its base. But this small cupola of less than 9 feet in diameter was peculiarly adapted for one special purpose connected with the performance of the Muhammadan religion. Brom this narrow point the Muazzin could sum- mon the faithful to prayer from all sides by simply turning round and repeating the Izan, and on all sides lie would be visible to the people. The small size of the cupola, which crowns the Kutb Minar, is a characteristic peculiar to Muhammadan towers for the special reason which I have just mentioned. On this account, therefore, I con- clude that the Kutb Minar is a Muzinah or Muazzin’s tower. That the Kutb Minar was actually used as a Mdzinali> we may infer from the records of Shamsi Siraj, who about A. D. 1380, records that the magnificent Minar in the Jama Masjid of old Delhi was built by Sultan Shams-uddin 'f DELHI. 195 Altamsh. But the fact is placed beyond all doubt by Abulfeda, who wrote about A. D. 1300. lie describes the Mazinah of the Jama Masjid at Delhi as made of red stone and very lofty, with many sides and 360 steps. Now this description can be applied only to the Kutb Minar, which, as it at present stands, has actually 379 steps ; but we know that the Minar was struck by lightning in the reign of Eiruz Shah, by whose orders it was repaired in A. D. 136S. There is, therefore, nothing improbable in the account of Abulfeda that the Minar in his time had only 360 steps. On the contrary I accept the statement as a valuable hint towards ascertain- ing the height of the original Minar as completed by the Emperor Altamsh.* The object of building this lofty column seems to me to be clear enough. The first Musalman conquerors were an energetic race, whose conceptions were as bold and daring as their actions. When the zealous Muhammadan looked on the great city of Delhi, the metropolis of the princely Tomars and the haughty Chohans, his first wish would have been to humble the pride of the infidel ; his second, to exalt the religion of his prophet Muhammad. To attain both of these objects, he built a lofty column, from whose summit the Muazziris call to morning and evening prayer could be heard on all sides by Hindus as well as by Musalmans. The con- queror’s pride was soothed by the daily insult and indignity thus offered to the infidel, while his religious feelings were gratified by the erection of a noble monument which towered majestically over the loftiest houses in the city. The' Kutb Minar, as it stands now, is 238 feet and 1 inch in height, with a base diameter of 47 feet 3 inches, and an upper diameter of nearly 9 feet. The base or plinth of the pillar is 2 feet in height, the shaft is 234 feet and 1 inch, and the base or stump of the old cupola is 2 feet more ; thus mak- ing the whole height 238 feet 1 inch. The shaft is divided into five storeys, of which the lower storey is 94 feet 11 inches in height, and the upper storey is 22 feet 4 inches, the two * See Gildemeister Scriptorum Arabum de rebus Iudieis. He describes it as built of red stone. Of the 379 steps 3 belong to Major Smith’s cupola, and 37 to the upper storey of 22 feet 4 inches, which leave 339 steps to the four lower storeys. In the time of Abulfeda, there must consequently have been 21 steps above the fourth storey to make up his total of 360 steps. These would be equal to 13 feet in height, making the total height in his time 228 feet 9 inches, or 9 feet 4 inches less than at present. This agrees with the statement of Firuz Shah, who says — “The Min&ra of Sultan Muiz-udclin Sam had been struck by lightning, I repaired it, and raised it lii6±-ti^biD-ygi^d^s^^>Sxt-ptfiM\ ,?■' *1 £3fcd H l ^ litetl^ iyHUS ^ ' 5 A. 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - ao - li - ii - 13 14 - 15- \ Jj&- 17- 18- 19- D.O 21 aid ^ urt hw- ° u b ■ \ % v #• Am* «±+« £ ^ tx rf 0 A. 0- £« ** ^ ^JfyXc^t>L'Lb^fi- 0 66.^4 + 0 -xJO-ff ax h zu 1 ■ .OrfifJ^i a: tie Surr«yjr -~r.r~u ~ Otfic- Calrutia. KIIALSI. 24-7 show that the inscribed block had formerly been covered over by some kind of canopy, or perhaps only by an umbrella, as the name imports. There are a number of squared stones lying about close to the rock, as well as several fragments of octagonal pillars and half pillars or pilasters, which are hollowed out or fluted on the shorter faces, after the common fashion of the pillars of Buddhist railings. There is also a large carved stone, 7 feet long, 1^ foot broad, and 1 foot in height, which from its upper mouldings I judged to have formed the entrance step to some kind of open porch in front of the inscription stone. “When found by Mr. Porrest early in 1860 the letters of the inscription were hardly visible, the whole surface being encrusted with the dark moss of ages ; but on removing this black film the surface becomes nearly as white as marble. At first sight the inscription looks as if it was imperfect in many places, hut this is owing to the engraver having purposely left all the cracked and rougher portions uninscribed. On comparing the different edicts with those of the Kapurdagiri, Junagiri, and Dlicadi versions, I find the Khalsi text to be in a more perfect state than any one of them, and more special- ly in that part of the 13th edict which contains the names of the five Greek Kings, — Antiochus, Ptolemy, An tigonus, Magas, and Alexander.* The Khalsi text agrees with that Dhauli in rejecting the use of the letter r, for which l is everywhere substituted. But the greatest variation is in the use of the palatal sibilant s, which has not been found in any other inscription of this early date. This letter occurs in the word Pdsanda, which, curiously enough, is spelt sometimes with one s, and sometimes with the other, even in the same edict. As the proper spelling of this word is Pashanda, it seems almost certain that the people of India Proper did not possess the letter sh in the time of Asoka. I made a complete impression of the whole of this im- portant inscription. I also copied the whole of the inscrip- tion on the left side by eye, as well as most of the more obscure parts in the front inscription. I have since com- pared the entire text with those of the other rock tablets, and I am now engaged in making a reduced copy of this va- luable record for early publication. I propose, however, first, * See Plate No. XLI. for this portion of the Khalsi inscription. 218 ARCHAEOLOGICAL RErORT, 1SG2-63. to compare it with the Kapurdagari version in the Arian characters. With good copies of all the different texts before them, the scholars of Europe will he able to give a more satisfactory interpretation of Asoka’s edicts than has hitherto been made, even with the aid of all the learning of Birnouf and Wilson. IV. MADAWAR, OR MADIPUR. Erom Srughna the Chinese pilgrim proceeded to Mo-ti- pu-lo, or Madipur, to the east of the Ganges, a distance of 800 li, or 133 miles. Madipur has been identified by M. St. Martin with Mandawar, a large old town in Western Itohil- khund near Bijnor. I had made the same identification my- self before reading M. St. Martin’s remarks, and I am now able to confirm it by a personal examination of the locality. The actual distance from Laota on the Jumna to Mandawar via Haridwar, is not more than 110 miles by the present roads ; hut as it wrould have been considerably more by the old Native tracks leading from village to village, the distance re- corded by Hwen Thsang is most probably not far from the truth, more especially wrhen wre remember that he paid a visit to Ma-yu-lo, or Mayurapura , now Myapoor, near Hard war at the head of the Ganges Canal. But the identity of the site of Maddioar with Madipur is not dependent on this one distance alone, as will be seen from the subsequent course of the pilgrim, winch most fully confirms the position already derived from his previous route. The name of the town is written with the Maddioar with the cerebral d, and without the nasal. In our maps it is spelt Mundore and Mundawar. According to Johari Lai, Chaodri and Kanungo of the place, Maddwar was a deserted site in Samvat 1171, or A. D. 1114, when his ancestor Lwdirka Las, an Agarwala Baniya, accompanied by Katdr Mall, came from Morari in the Mirat District, and occupied the old mound. The present towm of Maddwar contains 7,000 inhabitants, and is rather more than three-quarters of a mile in length by half a mile in breadth. But the old mound which represents the former town is not more than half a mile square. It has an average height of 10 feet above the rest of the town, and it abounds with large bricks, a certain sign of antiquity. In the middle of the mound there is a ruined fort, 300 feet square, with an elevation of G or 7 feet above the rest of the PLATE XL II. A Old i AUl{juI B Old Fort t .Fv'yvoJu TU d TtiL r*■ *5 a Pillar of Buddhist Railing Katan-Khera. 07-d W rf^.s'V (mrCtS - o, Plan of Temple. A. Cun.ungh.am del. Fhmczmcog^aphed a; tRe Surveyor General's Office Calcutta RAMNAGAR, Oil AHICHHATRA. 259 Tlie remains of No. I. temple form a mound G5 feet 9 inclies in height above the country, and upwards of 30 feet above the walls of the fortress. This lofty mound stands in- side the fort near the middle of the north wall, and forms the most conspicious object amongst the ruins of the mighty fortress of Alii-chhatra. The floor of the temple is 60 feet above the ground, and at this enormous height stood a colossal ling am, 3 feet 6^ inches in diameter, and upwards of 8 feet in height, which must have been visible from both east and west through the open doors of the temple for a distance of some miles. The interior of the temple is only 14 feet 4 inches by 10^ feet. The north and south walls are 9 feet 5 inches thick, and the east and west walls only 5 feet 9 inches ; but on these two sides there are open porches outside the two entrances which increase the thickness of the walls to 19 feet on the west side, and to 14 feet 1 1 inches on the east. The exterior dimensions of the temple are 48 feet 3 inches by 29 feet 4 inches. Prom these dimensions I calculate that the temple must have been about 100 feet in height above its own floor, or 165 feet above the country. The base of the stone lingam is square, the middle part oc- tagonal, and the upper part hemispherical. A trisul, or trident, is cut upon the base. The upper portion of the lingam is broken. The people say that it was struck by lightning, but from the unshattered state of the large block I am more disposed to ascribe the fracture to the hammer of the Muhammadans. Mound No. II., which is also inside the fort to the west of the large mound, is 35 feet in height, and from 5 to 10 feet above the general line of the ramparts. It shows the remains of a large square building with a long flight of steps on the west side. No. III. mound is only 30 feet in height, and is covered with scrub jungle. There are traces of walls on the surface, but the jungle prevented their immediate ex- cavation. I will take an early opportunity of exploring both of these mounds, as I feel satisfied that they are the remains of large Brahmanical temples. No. IV. mound stands about 1,000 feet outside the west gate of the fort. It is 300 feet square at base, and 30 feet in height, and has two smaller mounds attached to the north- east corner. On excavating the surface I discovered the foundations of a temple, 11 feet square inside, with walls 34 2G0 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1SG2-G3. feet thick, and a long pedestal or raised platform for the re- ception of statues. The entrance is on the east side towards the town. Amongst the ruins I found a seated terracotta ligurc of Siva, 12 inches in height, with four arms and three eyes, and one hand holding a large lotus flower. I found also in red stone a small right hand grasping the hilt of a sword, and a left hand of three-quarter life size, grasping a large couch. As the last must have belonged to a figure of Yishnn, it is possible that the temple was dedicated to that god; but a projecting portion of the pedestal leads me to be- lieve that it must have been occupied by a lingam, and if so, the principal figure would have been that of Mahadeva. There was also a large quantity of ashes inside this temple, from which I infer that it was most probably destroyed by the Musulmans in one of their early expeditions against the Katehria llajputs. The Buddhist remains at Alii-chliatra are both more extensive and more ancient than those of the Brahmans. In my survey I have marked them by the letters of the alpha- bet to distinguish them from the Brahmanical ruins, which are numbered. Only three of the Buddhist mounds have been excavated, but as most of the others have furnished materials for the neighbouring villages, it docs not seem likely that their excavation would be attended with any success. The most important of the Buddhist ruins is an irregular shaped mound, about 1,000 feet square, from the centre of which rises a large Stupa of solid brick- work, which -the people call Chhatr. I have already identified this with the great Stupa which was built over the spot where Buddha converted the Serpent King. It is surrounded by eight smaller mounds, of which four would appear to he the ruins of Stupas, and three of temples, whilst one only is doubtful. Now, II wen Thsang describes the great Stupa as having on one side of it four small Stupas, which account agrees exactly with the position of the four small mounds above-mentioned. I have no doubt, therefore, as to the identity of the Chhatr mound with the Stupa of II wen Thsang, although I was unable to discover any certain trace of the tank called the Ndga-hrada or “ serpent pond” by the Chinese pilgrim. It is quite possible, however, that a tank may once have existed on the south-west side, where the ground is still very low. RAM NAG AH, OR AHICHHATRA. 2G1 The Great ruin called Cliluitr is a mass of solid brick- O # work, 40 feet in height above the fields, and 30 feet in diameter at top. The original building was a hemisphere of 50 feet diameter, which was raised upon a base or plinth 15 feet in height. At some later period an outer casing, 12^ feet thick, was added, which increased the diameter to 75 feet, and the height of the crown of the hemisphere to 52^ feet. Allow- ing two-sevenths of the diameter for the height of the cupola or pinnacle, which is the proportion observed in the Sanclii bas- reliefs, the total height of the original Stupa would have been 57 feet, and that of the later Stupa 77 feet. I made several superficial excavations around the base in the hope of finding some portions of the stone railings with which the Stupa was most probably surrounded, but without success. I still believe, however, that there must have been the usual Euddliist railings around this Stupa , and that a further search would probably bring some of the pillars to light. I found, however, a number of curved wedge-shaped bricks that must have belonged to a circle of between 15 and 1G feet in diame- ter, and which, I presume, are the remains of the cupola.* If I am right in my identification of this Stupa with that which was built near the Serpent Tank, its original con- struction must be referred to the reign of Asoka, or about 250 B. C. A strong argument in favor of this date is the simi- larity of its shape to that of the Bhilsa Topes, which are un- doubtedly of Asoka’s age. The date of the enlargement of the Stupa can only be fixed approximately by inferring from llwen Tlisang’s silence that it must have been in «-ood order at the time of his visit. Admitting this to have been the case, the date of the enlargement cannot be placed earlier than about A. D. 400 to 500. The great Stupa attracted the attention of some British Officer, about 30 years ago, who dug a gallery into it, 21 feet in length, and then sunk a well for some unknown depth, which I found filled with rubbish. I made use of this old gallery, and continued it to the centre of the Stupa, where it met a shaft which I had sunk from the top. Prom, this point I carried the shaft downwards, making use of the gallery, for the removal of the bricks. At a depth of 27 feet from the present top, or at 7 feet below the centre of the # See Hate No. XL1V. for a view of- this Stupa,. 262 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G2-G3. older hemisphere, I found a low pyramidal topped vessel of common red unglazed earthenware, 8 inches in diameter. Inside this vessel there was a small steatite box containing many minute fragments of seed pearls, several pieces of blue glass, one large bead of red amber, and about a tea spoonful of little bits of rock crystal. Mixed with these were ten small cylindrical pierced heads of a dirty white colour like old chalk. They consist chiefly of carbonate of lime with a trace of some other substance, and are most probably only the remains of some artificial beads. The little steatite box is a sphere of 2 inches diameter, but rather pointed at the top and bottom. Its general colour is white with a few purple blotches. The whole is rudely ornamented, the top with flowers, and the bottom with animals of school-boy design. The inside also is rudely ornamented, but with simple lines only. There is no trace of any inscription. At 6f feet below the deposit just described, or at 13f feet below the centre of the hemisphere, a second deposit was found, imbedded in the ground immediately under the last course, of a globular-shaped mottled steatite vase, 85- inclies in diameter and G inches in height. This vase has a neck 3 inches in diameter inside and 2f inches in height, thus making the whole height of the vessel 8f inches. This is divided into two equal portions, the lower half having an inner lip, which is overlapped by the upper half. The vessel is quite plain, excepting only a few belts of simple lines which encircle it. The open mouth was found closed by the lid of a small dark-colored steatite vase exactly similar to several that were discovered in the Bhilsa Topes. Inside there was nothing but a hard cake of earth, 6 inches in diameter, mixed with small stones. A similar earthen cake, but only 2-| inches in diameter, was found in the earthenware jar of the upper deposit. What this cake may be I cannot at present say, but it does not effervesce with acids. The second Buddhist mound which has yielded important evidence of its former occupation is called Katdri Khera. It is situated 1,200 feet to the north of the old fort, and 1,G00 feet to the east of the small village of Nasratganj. The mound is about 400 feet square and 20 feet in height. Close by there is a small pond called the 31aswdse Tdl ; but neither this name, nor that of Katdri Khera, would seem to have any reference to the old Buddhist establishment which RAMNAGAR, OR AHICIIIIATRA. 2G3 formerly stood there. Unfortunately this mound has fur- nished bricks to the neighbouring village for many generations, so that hut little is now left to point out the nature of the original buildings. A surface excavation brought to light a temple 26^- feet in length by 22 feet in breadth outside, and 11 feet square inside. The plinth is still standing 4^ feet in height, formed of blocks of kankar, but the walls have alto- gether disappeared, excepting some portions of a few courses. The doorway faces the east, from which I infer that the en- shrined statue was most probably that of the ascetic Buddha, who is always represented seated in a similar position under the holy Pipal Tree of Buddha-Gaya. I am also led to the same conclusion by the discovery of a broken statue of Buddha with two flying figures over the right shoulder, which are the usual accompaniments of the ascetic figures of Buddha. This statue is broken at the waist, and both arms are lost ; but the fragment is still 2 feet high and 2 feet broad, from which I infer that the size of the original statue was not less then 4 feet in height by 3 feet in breadth ; and this I believe to have been the principal figure of the temple. In the same place, five other carved and sculptured stones were discovered, of which one is an inscribed pillar of a Buddhist railing of middle age. The pillar is broken, but the remaining portions of the socket holes are sufficient for the restoration of the original dimensions. The fragment is 1 foot 11 inches in length, with a section of 8-| inches by 4 inches. The socket holes are 8 inches long, and 4f inches apart, which in a pillar of two rails would give a height of 3 feet 2|- inches, or of 4 feet 3 inches in a pillar of three rails. The face of the pillar is sculptured with six rows of naked standing figures, there being 5 figures in the lowest row, and only four figures in each of the others. On one of the sides there is the following short inscription in four lines of the age of the Guptas : — Acharya Iudranandi Sishya Mahddari Parsicamatisya Kottari. The last word but one might, perhaps, be read as patisya ; but the remainder of the inscription is quite clear. I under- stand it to record the gift of “ Mahddari , the disciple of the teacher Indranandi, to the temple ( Kottari ) of Pdrsivamati Perhaps the term Kottari may be preserved in the name of Katdri Khera , by which the mound is now known. 264 ARCHEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1SG2-63. The other sculptured stones are not of ranch interest. The largest is a broken statue of a standing figure, 3 feet high by 2 feet broad, which appears to be naked. The bead, the feet, and the right arm are gone. A second small stone, 1 foot long and 5 inches broad, bears the figures of the Navagraha, or “Aine Planets.” On the back there is a short inscription of only eight letters, of which two are somewhat doubtful. I read the whole as Sahada , Bhima, Devindra, but the word Bhima is very doubtful. A third stone, 2J feet long and 1J feet square, is the fragment of a large pillar, with a lion sculptured on each of its four faces. The naked figures of these sculptures belong to a somewhat late period of Buddhism, after the introduction of the Tan- triha doctrines, which, as we learn from Skanda Gupta’s inscription on the Bhitari Pillar, were prevalent during the time of the later Guptas, in the 3rd and 4tli centuries A. DA As the forms of the letters of these inscriptions are also those of the Gupta period, we may conclude with some certainty that the Kottari , or temple of Parsioamati, was erected before the fall of the Gupta dynasty in A. D. 319. Pour hundred feet to the south of the great bastion, and close to the south-west angle of the fort, there is another extensive mound, marked D in the map, upwards of 300 feet square and 35 feet in height above the road. The principal mass of ruin, which is in the middle of the west side, is the remains of a large temple, 40 feet square outside. In the middle of the south side there are the ruins of a small build- ing which may, perhaps, have been the entrance gateway. To the right and left of the entrance there are the ruins of two small temples, each 14 feet square outside, and 9 feet 4-| inches inside, raised upon a plinth 24 feet square. The centre of the square is open, and has evidently never been built upon. My excavations were too limited to ascertain more than I have noted above, but I propose to continue the exploration hereafter. I believe that this mound is the remains of a very large monastery with its lofty enclosed temple, which could not have been less than 80 or even 100 feet in height. Connected with Ahi-chhatra is an inscription of the Gupta period on a square pillar found near the village of * I now (1S71) believe these naked figures to be Digambara Jain statues. I possess several as old as the first century before Christ. SORON, OR SUKARA-KSIIETRA. 2G5 Dilwari, 3 /cos, or 4^ miles, to tlic south of the fort. The inscription consists of 14 lines of five letters each, the letters of one line being placed exactly under those of the line above, so as to form also five straight perpendicular lines. The stone is 2^. feet long, 1 foot broad, and 9 inches thick in the middle, hut the continual sharpening of tools has worn down the edges to a breadth of from 7 to 7^ inches. The inscription, which is on one of the narrow faces, has accord- ingly suffered in the partial loss of some of the initial and final letters of several lines. The other three faces of the stone are quite plain, and there is nothing whatever to show what the pillar may have been originally intended for. My account of Ahi-chhatra would not be complete without a reference to the gigantic lingam near the village of Gulariya , 2-|- miles to the north of the fort, and to the Bri apian name of the village of Bhhi-laur, one mile to the east of the fort. Bhim-gaja and Bliim-laur are common names for the lingam in all the districts to the north of the Ganges. I have already quoted Hwen Thsang’s remark that the nine Brali- manical temples of Ahi-chhatra in A. D. G34 were dedicated to Siva, and I may now add, in illustration, that only in one of the many ruins about the old fort did I find a trace of tlic worship of any other divinity. VII. SORON, OR SUKARA-KSHETRA. Prom Ahi-c/ihatra the Chinese pilgrim proceeded in a south direction, a distance of from 260 to 270 li, from 23 to 25 miles, to the Ganges, which he crossed, and then turning to the south-west he arrived in the kingdom of Bi-lo-shan-na. llis route to the south would have taken him through Aonla and Budaon to the Buclh Gang a (or old Ganges) somewhere near Saha war, a few miles below Boron, both of which places stood on the main stream of the Ganges so late as 400 years ago. As his subsequent route is said to have been to the south-west, I believe that he must have crossed the Ganges close to Saliawar, which is 42 miles from Ahi-chhatra in a direct line. Prom all my early enquiries I was led to believe that Boron was the only ancient place in this vicinity ; and as Hwen Thsang does not give any distance for his south- •west march, I concluded that Soron must have been the place to which he gives the name of Pi-lo-shan-na. I accordingly k 2 2GG ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G2-G3. visited Soron, which is undoubtedly a place of very great antiquity, but which cannot, I think, be the place visited by the Chinese pilgrim. I will, however, first describe Soron before I proceed to discuss the superior claims of the great ruined mound of Atranji-Kliera to be identified with the Pi- lo-shan-na of the Chinese pilgrim. Soro7i is a large town on the right, or western, bank of the Ganges, on the high road between Bareli and Mathura. The place was originally called Ukala Kshetra ; but, after the demon Hiranydksha had been killed by the Vardhci Avatar , or Boar Incarnation of Vishnu, the name was changed to Sukara Kshetra, or “ the place of the good deed.” The ancient town is represented by a ruined mound called tlio Kilah or “ fort,” which is one-quarter of a mile in length from north to south, and somewhat less in breadth. It stands on the high bank of the old bed of the Ganges, which is said by some to have flowed immediately under it so late as 200 years ago. The modern town stands at the foot of the old mound on the west and south sides, and probably con- tains about 5,000 inhabitants. There arc no dwellings on the old mound, which is occupied only by the temple of Sita - Rdmji and the tomb of Sliekh Jamal. But it is covered with broken bricks of large size, and the foundations of walls can be traced in all directions. The mound is said to bo the mins of a fort built by Baja Somadatta of Soron many hundred years ago. But the original settlement of the place is very much older, being attributed to the fabu- lous Raja Vena Chakravartti, who plays such a con- spicuous part in all the legends of North Bihar, Qudli, and Bohilkliand. The temples of Soron are very numerous, and several of them are said to be old. But the only temples of any consequence are those of Sita-Rdmji, on the top of the mound, and Vardhaji to the north-west of the city. A great annual fair is held near the latter temple on the lltli of the waxing moon of Mdrgasirsha , in remembrance of the destruction of the demon by the Boar Incarnation of Vishnu. It contains a statue of Vardiha-Lakshmi , and is visited by crowds of pilgrims. The temple of Sita- Rdmji, which is said to have been ruined by Aurang Shah (or Aurangzib) was restored by a wealthy Baniya, only four years ago, by building up the spaces between the pillars with plain SORON, OR SUKARA-KSHETRA, 2G7 white- washed walls. Internally the temple is a square of 27 feet supported on 16 stone pillars ; hut the people say that the original building was much larger, and that it contained 32 pillars. This account is most probably correct, as the foundations of the walls of the sanctum, or shrine, are still standing at the back, or west side, of the temple. There are also 10 superfluous pillars inside the temple, of which two support the broken architraves, and eight are built into the corner spaces of the walls. The style of these columns is similar to that of the set of pillars in the south-east corner of the quadrangle of the Great Kuth Mosque at Delhi, which bear the date of Sam vat 1121, or A. D. 1007. That this date is not too early for the Soron temple is proved by the inscriptions of various pilgrims who have visited the shrine. As the oldest legible record bears the date of Samvat 1226, or A. D. 1169, the date of the erection of the temple cannot, therefore, be placed later than A. D. 1000. These pilgrims’ records are generally short and uninter- esting, hut as there are no less than 38 of them, hearing dates which range from A. D. 1169 to 1511, they become valuable for tracing the history of the temple. The earliest date after the Muhammadan conquest is A. D. 1241, and from that time down to A. D. 1290 there are no less than 15 dated records, showing that Soron continued to be a much fre- quented place of pilgrimage during the whole period of the Ghori dynasty, wLich ended in A. I). 1289. But during the rule of the next two dynasties, the Khiljis and Tucjhlaks, there is only one inscription, dated in A. D. 1375, in the reign of Tiruz. Now, as nearly one-half of this period was occupied by the reigns of the cruel despot Ala-ud-din Kliilji and the ferocious madman Muhammad Tughlak, it seems only reasonable to conclude that the people were deterred from making their usual pilgrimages by the persecution of their Muhammadan rulers. The next record is dated in A. D. 1429, and from that time down to 1511 there are 16 dated inscriptions ; hut as no less than 13 of this number belong to the reign of Bahlol Lodi, I infer that the rule of the Syad dynasty was not favourable to Hindu pilgrimages. I infer also that the temple must have been destroyed during the reign of the intolerant Sikandar Lodi, because the series of inscriptions closes with A. D. 1511, or just six years before the end of his reign. Had the temple existed during the 208 AECII/EOLOGICAL EErORT, 1SG2-03. happy century when the sceptre of India was swayed by the tolerant Akbar, the indifferent Jahangir, and the politic Shalt Jahan, it is almost certain that some records of the pilgrims’ visits would have been inscribed on the pillars of the temple. Por this reason I feel satisfied that the destruction of the great temple of Soron must be assigned to an earlier period than that of the bigoted Aurang Shah. • VIII. ATRANJI-KIIERA, OR PI-LO-SIIAN-NA. The great mound of ruins called Atranji-Khera is situated on the right, or west bank, of the Kali Nadi, four miles to the south of Kcirsdnci, and eight miles to the north of Eyta, on the Grand Trunk Boad. It is also 15 miles to the south of Soron, and 43 miles to the north-west of Sanlcisa in a direct line, the road distance being not less than 48 or 50 miles. In the Ain A/cbari Atranji is recorded as one of the Parganalis of Kanoj, under the name of Sikandarpur Atrcji. Sikandarpur , which is now called Sikandrabad, is a village on the left bank of the Kali Nadi opposite Atranji. Prom this it would appear that Atranji was still occupied in the reign of Akbar. The Parganah was after- wards called Karsdna, but it is now known by the name of Sahdwar Karsdna, or of Sahdwar only. The name given by the Chinese pilgrim is Fi-lo-shan-na, for which M. Julien proposes to read Virasana .* So far back as 1848 I pointed out that, as both pil and kar arc Sanskrit names for an elephant, it was probable that Filosana might be the same as Karsdna, the large village which I have already mentioned as- being four miles to the north of Atranji Kliera. The chief objec- tion to this identification is the fact that Karsdna is appa- rently not a very old place, although it is sometimes called Deora Karsdna, a name which implies the possession of a temple of note at some former period. It is, however, possible that the name of Karsdna may once have been joined to Atranji, in the same way that we find Sikandarpur Atreji in the Ain Akbari. As the identification of Karsdna with Filosana is purely conjectural, it is useless to hazard any more speculations on this subject. The bearing and distance from Sankisa, as recorded by Hwen Thsang, point to the neighbourhood of Sirpura, near which there is a small vil- lage called Filkuni or Filokuni, which is the PilukJioni of * Julien’s II wen Thsang, II., 235. ATRANJI-KIIEIIA, OU TI-LO-SHAN-NA. 2G9 our maps. It is, however, a very petty place ; and, although it hoasts of a small khera, or mound of ruins, it cannot, X think, have ever heen more than one-fourth of the circuit of two miles which II wen Thsang attributes to Pi-lo-shan-na. But there are two strong points in its favour, namely, 1st, its position which agrees both in hearing and distance with the Chinese pilgrim’s account; and 2nd, its name, which is almost identical with the old name, sh being very commonly pronunced as kh, so that Ilwen Thsang’s Piloshanna would usually be pronounced Pilokhana. In proposing Atranji- Khera as the site of the ancient Piloshanna , I am influenced solely by the fact that this is the only large place besides Soron of any antiquity in this part of the country. It is true that the distance from Sankisa is somewhat greater than that recorded by the Chinese pilgrim, namely, 45 miles, instead of 33 miles, but the hearing is exact ; and as it is quite possible that there may he some mistake in Ilwen Tlisang’s recorded distance, I think that Atranji-Khera has a better claim than any other place to he identified with the ancient Piloshanna. I have not visited the place myself, as I was not aware of its importance when I was in its neighbourhood. I have had it inspected by a trust- worthy servant, whose report shows that Atranji must once have heen a place of considerable extent and importance. According to him, the great mound of Atranji is 3,250 in length, and 2,550 in breadth at the base. Now, these dimen- sions would give a circuit of about two miles, which is the very size of Piloshanna as recorded by Hwcn Thsang. Its highest point is 44 feet 9 inches, which, if my identification is correct, should he the ruins of the great Stupa of Asoka, upwards of 100 feet in height, as this loftly tower is said to have heen situated inside a monastery in the middle of the town. Outside the town there were two other monasteries, inhabited by 300 monks. These may, perhaps, he represented by two small mounds which still exist on the east side of the Great Khera. To the south there is a third mound, 165 feet in length by 105 feet in breadth, which may possibly he the remains of one or more of the five Bramanical temples described by Hwen Thsang. Atranji-Khera had two gates, — one to the east, towards the Kali Nadi, and the other to the south. The foundation of the place is attributed to Raja Vena Chakravartti. 270 ARCILEOLOGICAL RETORT, 18G2-G3. The mound is covered with broken bricks of large size and fragments of statues, and old coins are said to be frequently found. All the existing fragments of statues are said to be Brahmanical. There is a temple of Mahadeo on the mound, and there are five lingams in different places, of which one is G feet in height. The principal statue is that of a four- armed female called Devi, but which, as she is represented treading upon a prostrate figure, is most probably Durga .* The only objection to the identification of Atranji with Piloshanna is the difference between the distance of 200 li, or 33 miles, as stated by Hwen Thsang, and the actual dis- tance of 43 miles direct, or about 48 or 50 miles by road. I have already suggested the possibility of there being some mistake in the recorded distance of Hwen Thsang, but per- haps an equally probable explanation may be found in the difference of the length of the yojana. Hwen Thsang states that he allowed 40 Chinese li to the yojana ; but if the old yojana of Ptohilkhand differed from that of the Central Doab as much as the kos of these districts now differ, his distances would have varied by half a mile in every kos, or by two miles in every yojana, as the ftoliilkhand kos is only 1^ mile, while that of the Doab is two miles — the latter being one- third greater. Now, if we apply this difference to Hwen Thsang’s measurement of 200 li, or 33 miles, we increase the distance at once to 44 miles, which agrees with the direct measured distance on the map. I confess, however, that I am rather inclined to believe in the possibility of there being a mistake in Hwen Thsang’s recorded distance, as I find exactly the same measurement of 200 li given as the distance between Sankisa and Kanoj. Now, the two distances are precisely the same, that is, Sankisa is exactly midway between Atranji and Kanoj ; and as the latter distance is just 50 miles by my measurement along the high road, the former must also he the same. I w7ould, therefore, suggest the probability that both of these distances should be 300 li, or 50 miles, instead of 200 li as recorded in the text. In favor of this proposed correction I may cite the testimony of the earlier Chinese pilgrim Pa Hian, who makes the distance from San- * At my request Atranji was visited in 1865 by my friend Mr. C. Horne, then Judge of Manipuri, whose account of the ruined mound will be found in the Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, 1866, p. 165. The mound has been dug up in all directions for many centu- ries in search of bricks, and it was with difficulty that an entre brick was found for measurement. PLATE XLV A Cunningham, del Litho at the Survr. Genl’s. Office. Cal. September 1871. SANTCISA. 271 kisa to Kauoj 7 yojanas, or 49 miles. At II wen Thsang’s own valuation of 40 li to the yojana, this measurement would give 2S0 li ; and as Fa Ilian does not record half yojanas, we may increase the distance by half a yojana, or 20 li, which brings the total up to 300 li, or exactly 50 miles. But whatever may he the true explanation of the differ- ence between the actual distances and those recorded by Hwcn Thsang, there still remains the important fact that San/cisa was exactly midway between Kanoj and Piloshanna just as it now is midway between Kanoj and Atranji. If we couple this absolute identity of position with the fact that Atranji is the only old place in the part of the country indicated by Hwen Thsang, we can scarcely arrive at any other con- clusion than that the great ruined mound of Atranji is the site of the ancient Piloshanna. IX. SANKISA. The site of San/cisa was discovered by me in 1 842, but it was not until the end of 1862 that I got an opportunity of exploring the ruins at leisure. The name of the place is written Seng-Jcia-she by the Chinese pilgrims, a spelling which is well preserved in the San/cisa of the present day, and which represents, with considerable faithfulness, the San/cdsya of Sanskrit. Hwen Thsang calls it also by the name of Kie-pi- tha, or Kapitha, of which I was unable to discover any trace.*' San/cisa was one of the most famous places of Bud- dhist pilgrimage, as it was there that Buddha was believed to have descended from the Trayastrinsa heaven by the lad- der of gold or gems, accompanied by the gods Indra and Brahma. According to this curious legend, Mdyd, the mother of Buddha, died seven days after his birth, and ascended at once to the Trayastrinsa heaven, the abode of the 33 gods, of whom Indra wras the chief. But as she had no opportunity in this abode of the gods of hearing the law of Buddha, her pious son asoended to the Trayastrinsa heaven and preached for thre^ months in her behalf. He then descend- ed to the earth with the gods Brahma and Indra by three stair- cases, one of which was formed either of crystal or precious stones, another of gold, and the third of silver. According * Julien’s Hwen Thsang, II., 237. — In the Brihaj-Jatalca it is said that the fatuous astronomer, Varaha Miliira, “obtained the gracious favour of the sun at Kapilikaka” I pre- sume that this is the Kic-pi-tha of the Chinese pilgrim. Dr. Kern thinks that Varaha Mihira was very probably educated there. Saukisa must at any rate have been a place of considerable importance in the 6th century. 272 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G2-G3. to Fa Ilian,* Buddha descended by a staircase formed of the “ seven precious things,” that is, the precious metals and precious gems ; whilst Brahma accompanied him on his right side by a silver ladder, and Indra on his left by a golden one. But Hwen Thsangf assigns the golden staircase to Buddha himself, the silver staircase on the right to Brahma, and the crystal staircase on the left to Indra. The descent was accompanied by a multitude of Devos, who scattered showers of flowers on all sides as they sang the praises of Buddha. Such arc the main points of this curious legend, which is believed as firmly in Barma at the present day, as it was by Asoka 2,100 years ago, or by the Chinese pilgrims of the 5th, Gth, and 7th centuries of our era. According to Fa Ilian, the three staircases disappeared under ground imme- diately after the descent, leaving only seven steps visible. Apparently these seven steps must have existed in the time of Asoka, as ho is reported to have been anxious to behold their foundations, and accordingly sent men to dig down to their base. But the diggers “ reached a yellow spring without being able to penetrate to the foundation.” The King, however, “ felt sensible of a great increase of his faith and veneration,” and therefore built a chapel over the three staircases, and upon the middle one erected a full length statue of Buddha GO feet high. According to II wen Thsang’s account, the three staircases still existed in his time (A. D. G3G), but were completely sunk in the earth. On their foundations, however, the pious Kings of different countries had erected three staircases, similar to the first, of bricks and stones, ornamented with many precious things. The height of these staircases was about 70 feet. Over them there was a Vihdr containing statues of Buddha, Brahma, and Indra, who were represented leaning forward as if about to descend. The Barmese say that the descent took place at the full moon of Thadinghjut (October), and that the feet of the steps were at the gate of the city of Thing -Jca- tha-na-go, or Singknsanagara.l II wen Tlisang adds that the three staircases were placed in a line from north to south, with the descent facing the east, and that they stood within the walls of a great monastery. * Beal's translation, C. XVII. t Julien’s translation, II., 237 J Bishop Bigantlct’s Life f the Barmese Buddha, p. IkO SANKISA. 273 Close to tlie staircases tliere was a stone pillar, 70 feet in height, which had been erected by King Asoka. It was formed of a hard, fine-grained reddish stone, and had a bril- liant polish. On its summit was a lion, who was seated facing the steps. There were figures also sculptured inside the pillar with marvellous art, which were visible only to the virtuous. This is Hwen Thsang’s account, with which Fa Hian’s agrees in almost every particular ; but he adds a curious legend about a dispute between the Srdmanas and heretics. “ If,” said the former, “ this place ought to be the abode of the Sramanas, let a supernatural testimony proclaim it. They had no sooner finished this speech than the lion on the summit uttered a loud roar.” There were several Stupas at Sankisa, of which the most famous were the following : 1st. — On the spot where Buddha descended from the Trayastrinsa heaven, accompanied by Indra and Brahma. This Stupa is not mentioned by ILwen Thsang, but it is noticed by Fa Hian, and in the Barmese life of Buddha. 2 ncl. — On the spot where the four Buddhas had formerly sat and taken exercise. 3rd — At the place where Buddha bathed. 4 th and 5th. — Two small Stupas of Indra and Brahma. 6th. — On the spot where the female mendicant JPundari- kavarnd obtained the first sight of Buddha on his descent. 7 th. — On the spot where Buddha cut his hair and nails. The only other place of note at Sankisa was the tank of a Ndga , or serpent, which was situated to the south-east of the great Stupa. Fa Hian says that this Ndga had white ears; that he lived in the dwelling-place of the “ecclesi- astics,” and that he conferred fertility and abundance on the “ country by causing gentle showers to fall upon the fields, and securing them from all calamities.” A chapel was erected for his use, and he was said to make his appearance once a year. “ When the ecclesiastics perceive him, they present him with cream in a copper vessel.” Hwen Thsang’s account of Sankisa is unfortunately so meagre that we have but little to guide us in our attempt to identify the holy places of his time with any of the ruins l 2 274 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-63. of the present clay. The only spot that can he identified with any certainty is the tank of the Ndga, which still exists to the son tli-easfc of the ruins, in the very position described by Hwen Thsang. The name of the Ndga is Kdrewar, and that of the tank Kdndaiya Tdl. Milk is offered to him during every day of Vaisdkh, and on the Nag-panckami of Sravana , and “ at any other time when rain is wanted.” In a note on the word Chaurdsi Sir Henry Elliot'* has given an account of Sankisa, in which he asserts that this Ndga is the common Nag of the Hindu worship to wThom the Ndig- panchami is specially dedicated. But this opinion is cer- tainly wrong, as the above account shows that the Sankisa Ndga of the present day is propitiated with offerings of milk whenever rain is wanted, just as he was in A. I). 400, when Ea Ilian visited the place. This, therefore, is not the com- mon Ndga of Hindu worship, but the local Ndga of Sanlcisa, who is commonly invoked as Kdrewar Nag Devata. Before attempting to indentify the site of the great monastery with its three famous staircases, its lion pillar and attendant Stupas, it will he better to describe the place as it is at present, although hut little is now left of the great city of Sankisa with all its magnificent monuments. The small village which still preserves the name of Sankisa is perched upon a lofty mound of ruins 41 feet in height above the fields. This mound, which is called the Kilah, or “ fort,” is 1,500 feet in length from west to east, and 1,000 feet in breadth. f On the north and west faces the sides are steep, but on the other faces the slope is much more easy. Due south from the centre of the Kilah, at a distance of 1,600 feet, there is a mound of solid brick-work which is crowned by a modern temple dedicated to Bisdri Devi, who is described as a goddess of great power. At 400 feet to the north of the temple mound there is a capital of an ancient pillar bearing the figure of an elephant, standing, but both his trunk and tail are wanting. The capital itself is of the wTell known bell- shape, corded or reeded perpendicularly, with an abacus of honeysuckle similar to that of the Allahabad pillar. The figure of the elephant is by far the best representation of that animal that I have seen in any Indian sculpture. The veins of the legs arc carefully chiselled, and the toes of the feet * Glossary, p. 154. f See Plate XLV. for a map of Sankisa. SANKISA. f'^ar.e XLVI CAPITAL OF ASOKA PILLAR. A. Cunningham, del. Fitoto zmcograpke d at tke Sux-veyor General’s Office Calcutta . SANKISA. 275 are well and faithfully represented, but the loss of the trunk prevents us from forming a decided opinion as to its excel- lence as a work of art. If we may judge from the position of the legs, the animal was most probably represented as standing still with his trunk hanging down.'* The stone is a line-grained sandstone of reddish hue, and has been very highly polished. The bell-capital is low, its breadth being greater than its height, in which particular it resembles the Asoka Pillar of Navandgarh Lauriyci, to the north of Bettiali. Taking all these circumstances into consideration along with the superior execution of the work, I feel satisfied that this capital is of the same age as the well known Asoka Pillars of Allahabad and Navandgarh. Due south from the temple of Bisari Devi, at a dis- tance of 200 feet, there is a small mound of ruins which appears to he the remains of a Stupa. Due east from the temple 600 feet, there is an oblong mound 600 feet in length by 500 feet in breadth, which is known by the name of Nivi-ka-kot. Nhri I believe to have been the name of the man who formerly brought this piece of ground into cultivation ; and Eot, in the phraseology of Sankisa, means simply any mound of ruins, and is applied to all the isolated portions of the ramparts. Nivi-ka-kot would, however, appear to be the remains of some large enclosed building, such as a Buddhist monastery. It is covered with broken bricks of large size, and a few fragments of stone ; hut I could not trace any remains of walls on the surface. At the south-east and north-east angles of Nivi-ka-kot there are large circular mounds which are probably the remains of Stupas from which all the available bricks have been removed ; and at a short distance to the north there is a third mound of the same character. The Kilah and the different mounds of all sizes around the temple form a mass of ruin 3,000 feet in length by 2,000 feet in breadth, or nearly 2 miles in circuit. But this was only the central portion of the ancient city of Sankisa, com- prising the citadel and the religious buildings that were clus- tered around the three holy staircases. The city itself, which would appear to have surrounded this central mound on all sides, was enclosed with an earthen rampart, 18,900 feet, or * See Plate No. XLVI. for a side view of this capital. — See also Fergussou’s History of Architecture, II., 459, No. 970, for a front view. 276 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-63. upwards of 3^ miles in circuit. The greater part of this rampart still remains, the shape being a tolerably regular dodecagon. On three sides, to the east, the north-east, and the south-east, there are breaks or openings in the line of rampart which are traditionally said to be the positions of the three gates of the city. In proof of the tradition, the people refer to the village of Paor-Kheria, or “ Gate-village ,” which is just outside the south-east gap in the ramparts. But the name is pronounced Paor, and not Paur, and may, therefore refer to the staircases or steps ( Paori), and not to the gate. The Kali or Kdlindri Nadi flows past the south- west corner of the ramparts from the Pdjghdt, which is half a mile distant, to the Kakra Ghat , which is rather more than one mile to the south of the line of ramparts. To the north-west, three-quarters of a mile distant, stands the large mound of Agahat, which is 40 feet in height, and rather more than half a mile in diameter at base. The name of the old town is said to have been Agahat , but the place is now called Agahat Sarai (Agahat of the maps) from a modern Sarai, which was built in A. H. 1080, or A. D. 1669, on the north-east corner of the mound, by the ancestor of the present Pathan Zamindar. The people say that before this the place had been deserted for several centuries ; but as I obtained a tolerably complete series of the copper coins of the Muhammadan Kings of Delhi and Jonpur, I presume that it could not have been deserted for any very long time. The mound is covered wtih broken bricks of large size, which alone is a sure test of antiquity : and as it is of the same height as that of Sanlcisa, the people are most probably right in their assertion that the two places are of the same age. In both mounds are found the same old coins without any inscriptions, the more ancient being square pieces of silver covered with various punch marks, and the others square pieces of copper that have been cast in a mould, — all of which are, in my opinion, anterior to the invasion of Alex- ander the Great. In identifying Sankisa with the Sangkasya of the Pdmdyana and the Seng-kia-she of the Chinese, we are sup- ported, not only by its absolute identity of name, but like- wise by its relative position with regard to three such well known places as Mathura, Kannj, and Ahichhatra. In size, also, it agrees very closely with the measurement given by SANKISA. 277 II wen Tlisang ; bis circuit of 20 li, or 3^ miles, being only a little less than my measurement of 18,000 feet, or 3^ miles. There can be no doubt, therefore, that the place is actually the same ; but in attempting to identify the sites of any of the holy spots mentioned by Hwen Tbsang, I find myself baffled at the outset by the indefinitencss as well as the meagreness of the pilgrim’s descriptions. It is liis usual practice to state the relative bearings and distances of most of the chief places of Buddhist veneration, but in describing Sankisa be bas given only one bearing and not a single dis- tance. The tank of the Nag a is the one solitary spot that can be identified with certainty, the sites of all the rest being only guesses of more or less probability. But tbe difficulty regarding the identification of the Asoka Pillar is of a different kind. Both of tbe Chinese pilgrims make mention of only one pillar at Sankisa, which was crowned with tbe figure of a lion, and Pa Ilian records a silly legend which refers to tbe miraculous roar of this lion statue. Now, tbe only piece of an Asoka Pillar at present existing is tbe elephant capital, which I have already des- cribed, and which, however absurd it may seem, I think may possibly be the lion pillar of the Chinese pilgrims. The reasons which induce me to think so are the following : Pirst, the elephant capital is undoubtedly much older than the date of either of the pilgrims, and yet, if it is not the same as the lion capital, it has been left altogether undescribed by them, although its great size could scarcely have allowed it to re- main unnoticed ; second, the height of the elephant pillar would seem to correspond very closely with that of the lion pillar, as recorded by Pa Ilian, who calls it 30 cubits, or from 45 to 60 feet according to the value of the Chinese chlii. Now, the diameter of the neck of the elephant pillar is 2 feet 9^ inches, which, compared with the dimensions of the Allahabad pillar, 2 feet 2 inches neck diameter, to 35 feet of height, gives a total for the shaft of the Sankisa Pillar of 44 feet 3 inches. By adding to this the height of the capital, we obtain 52^ feet as the probable height of the Sankisa Pillar.* Third, as the trunk of the elephant has long been lost, it is possible that it was missing before the time of the Chinese pilgrims, and if so, the nature of the animal might * The bell-capital with its honey-snckle ornamented abacus is 3 feet 10 inches high, and the same in diameter. The elephant is 4 feet 4 inches in height, making the total height of capital S feet 3 inches. 278 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1SG2-G3. easily have been mistaken at a height of 50 feet above the ground. Indeed, supposing the pillar to be the same, this is the only way in which I can account for the mistake about the animal. But, if the pillar is not the same, the silence of both pilgrims regarding this magnificent elephant pillar seems to me quite unaccountable. On the whole, therefore, I am inclined to believe that the elephant’s trunk having been long lost, the nature of the animal was mis- taken when viewed from a distance of 50 feet beneath. This is confirmed by the discrepancy in the statements of the two pilgrims regarding the capital of one of the Srdvasti pillars, which Ea Ilian calls an ox, and II wen Tlisang an elephant.* Admitting, then, that this elephant capital is not im- probably the same as the lion pillar described lay the Chinese pilgrims, we have a clue to the site of the great monastery which would seem to have enclosed within its walls the great stone pillar as well as the three holy staircases. I infer, therefore, that the temple of Bisdri Devi most probably occupies the site of the three staircases, and that the three mounds which stand to the east of the Nivi-Jca-kot may be the remains of the three Stupas which were erected on the three other holy spots of Sankisa, which have already been described. I made several excavations about the different mounds just noticed, but without any success. I made also a careful but an unsuccessful search for some trace of the base of the stone pillar. The people were unanimous that the elephant capital had been in its present position beyond the memory of any one now living, and most of them added that it now stands in its original position. But there were a few men who pointed to a spot on the west of the village, or Kilah mound, as the original site of the capital. Here, indeed, there is an octagonal hole in a small mound, from which the bricks of a solid foundation have been removed. If any dependence could be placed upon this statement, the mound on which the village now stands would almost certainly be the site of the great monastery with its three holy staircases, and the three mounds to the east of Nivi-ka-kot would still represent the three Stupas. The main objection to our accepting this statement as correct is the apparent want of all object in the removal of the * Beal’s Fa Ilian, C. XVII., p. 65 ; anil Julicu’s Hwen Tlisang, II., p. 239. Plate XLVII. Temple 'v HtxrmTx y W Tarnbmi Holahr. Hshen Kali' Burj iWal MakJulurn Jahaniyw Maa/icL 1000 1000 A Cunningham del: Litho. at the Survr. Genl’s. Office. Cal. November 1371 SANKISA — KANOJ. 279 elephant capital to any other site. It is, however, quite pos- sible that the capital may have been stopped on its way to the temple of Mah&deva, near the Naga mound and tank. The temple of Bisdri Devi would then he the site of one of the ten ancient Brahmanical fanes whicli aro described by Hwen Thsang. Altogether, this is, perhaps, a more pro- bable solution of the difficulties of the case than that first described.* * * § In his description of Sankisa, Hwen Thsang mentions a curious fact, that the Brahmans who dwelt near the great monastery were “ many tens-of-thousands” in number. As an illustration of this statement, I may mention that the people have a tradition that Sankisa was deserted from 1S00 to 1900 years ago, and that 1300 years ago, or about A. D. 560, it was given by a Kayath to a body of Brahmans. They add also that the population of the village of JPaor-Kheria is known to have been wholly Brahman until a very recent period. X. KANOJ. Of the great city of Kanoj, which for many hundred years was the Hindu Capital of Northern India, the existing remains are few and unimportant. In A. D. 1016, when Mahmud of Ghazni approached Kanoj, the historian relates that “ he there saw a city which raised its head to the skies, and which in strength and structure might justly boast to have no equal. ”f Just one century earlier, or in A. D. 915, Kanoj is mentioned by Masudi as the capital of one of the Kings of India, and about A. D. 900 Ahu Zaid, on the authority of Ibn Wahab, calls “ Kaduge, a great city in the kingdom of Gozar .” At a still earlier date, in A. D. 634, we have the account of the Chinese pilgrim Hwen Thsang, who describes Kanoj as being 20 li, or 3| miles, in length, and 4 or 5 li, or three-quarter of a mile, in breadth. The city was surrounded by strong walls and deep ditches, and was washed by the Ganges along its eastern face.J The last fact is cor- roborated by Pa Hian, who states that the city touched the Biver R eng (Ganges) when he visited it in A. D. 400. § * I have already noticed, p. 272, that the Barmese Life of Buddha fixes the point of descent at the “gate of the city,’’ and this position seems also to be indicated by the still existing name of Paor-lcheria, or “ Staircase Village,” which is situated just outside the south-east opening, or gate, in the earthen ramparts. — See Plate No. XLV. t Briggs’s Ferishta, I., p. 57. J Julien’s Hwen Thsang, II., p. 243. § Beal’s Fa Hian, C. XVIII., p. 70. 280 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1SG2-G3. Kanoj is also mentioned by Ptolemy, about A. D. 140, as Kanogiza. But the earliest notice of the place is undoubt- edly the old familiar legend of the Puranas, which refers the Sanskrit name of Kanya-Kubja, or the “ hump-backed maiden” to the curse of the sage Vayu on the hundred daughters of Kusanabha. At the time of Hwen Thsang’s visit, Kanoj was the capital of Baja Marsha Vardhana , the most powerful sover- eign in Northern India. The Chinese pilgrim calls him a Fei-she, or Vaisya, but it seems probable that he must have mistaken the Vaisa, or Bais, Bajput, for the Vaisya, or Bais, which is the name of the mercantile class of the Hindus ; otherwise Harsha Yardliana’s connexion by marriage with the Bajput families of Malwa and Balabhi would have been quite impossible.* Baiswara, the country of the Bais Baj- puts, extends from the neighbourhood of Lucknow to Khara Manikpur, and thus comprizes nearly the whole of Southern Oudh. The Bais Bajputs claim descent from the famous Sdlivahan, whose capital is said to have been Daundia-Khera, on the north bank of the Ganges. Their close proximity to Kanoj is in favour of the sovereignty which they claim for their ancestors over the whole of the Gangetic Doab from Delhi to Allahabad. But their genealogical lists are too imperfect, and most probably also too incorrect, to enable us to identify any of their recorded ancestors with the Princes of Harsha Yardhana’s family. The vast empire which Harsha Vardhana raised during his long reign of 42 years, between A. D. G07 and 648, is described by Hwen Tlisang as extending from the foot of the Kashmir Hills to Assam, and from Nepal to the Narbada Biver. He intimidated the Baja of Kashmir into surrender- ing the tooth of Buddha, and his triumphal procession from Pataliputra to Kanoj was attended by no less than 20 tribu- tary Bajas from Assam and Magadha on the east, to Jaland- har on the west. In the plenitude of his power, Harsha Vardhana invaded the countries to the south of the Narbada, where he was successfully opposed by Baja Fulakesi, and after many repulses was obliged to retire to his own king- dom. This account of Hwen Thsang is most singularly * I have no doubt on this subject now (1871), as there is Indian Sanskrit authority for the intermarriage with the Malwa family. KANOJ. 281 corroborated in every particular by several ancient inscrip- tions of the Clialukya Itajas of Kalyan. According to these inscriptions, llaja Vikramaditya, the grandson of Palakesi Vallablia , gained the title of Parameswara, “ by the defeat of Sri Harsha Yardhana, famous in the north countries.”* * * § Now Vikramaditya’s reign is known to have commenced in Sake 514, or A. D. 592, as one of his inscriptions is dated in Sake 530, or A. D. 608, which is called the 16th year of his reign ;f and as his grandson did not succeed to the throne until the Sake year 618, or A. D. 696, it is certain that Vikramaditya must have been a contemporary of Harsha Vardhana throughout the greater part, if not the whole, of his reign. The unusually long reigns of the earlier Clialukya Princes have led Mr. Walter Elliot to suspect the accuracy of the dates, although, as he points out, “ the succeeding dates tally with each other in a way that affords the strongest presumption of their freedom from any material error.” The question of the accuracy of these dates is now most satisfac- torily confirmed by the unimpeachable testimony of the con- temporary record of II wen Thsang, which I have quoted above. In determining the period of Harslia’s reign, between the years 607 and 648 A. H., I have been guided by the following evidence : 1st, the date of his death is fixed by the curious reported fulfilment of Hwen Thsang’s dream, $ and by the report of the Chinese embassy §. 2nd, in speak- ing of Harsha’ s career, the pilgrim records that from the time of, his accession Harsha was engaged in continual war for 5| years, and that afterwards for about 30 years he reign- ed in peace. This statement is repeated by Hwen Thsang, when on his return to China, on the authority of the King himself, who informed him that he had then reigned for upwards of 30 years, and that the quinquennial assembly then collected was the sixth which he had convoked. Prom these different statements it is certain that at the date of Hwen Thsang’s return to China, in A. D. 640, Harsha had * Bombay Asiatic Society’s Journal, III., 206. f Boyal Asiatic Society’s Journal, IV., 10. J See the discussion on this date in my “ Ancient Geography of India,” Appendix^ p. 56a. § Journal, “ Asiatic Society,” Bengal, 1837, p. 69,— anonymous translation. See also Journal Asiatique, 1839, p. 39S, French translation by M. Pauthier. M 2 282 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-63. reigned upwards of 30 years, and somewliat less than 35 years. His accession must, therefore, he placed between A. 1). 605 and 610. 3rd, now, in the middle of this very period, in A. D. 607, as we learn from Ahu Pdlian, was established the Sri JELarsha era, which was still prevalent in Mathura and Kanoj in the beginning of the 11th century. Considering the exact agreement of the names and dates, it is impossible to avoid coming to the conclusion that the Harsha , who established an era in Kanoj in A. D. 607, was the great King Harsha Vardhana who reigned at Kanoj during the first half of the seventh century. Hwen Tlisang adds some particulars regarding the family of Harsha Vardhana, which induce me to think it probable that it may he identified with one of the dynasties whose names have been preserved in the genealogies of the Kajavali. The names differ in the various copies, hut they agree generally in making Raj Sing, who reigned only nine years, the predecessor of Kara or Kari Sing, who is recorded to have reigned for 44 or 45 years. Kow, according to Hwen Thsang, the predecessor and elder brother of Harsha Var- dhana was Rdjya Vardhana, who was assassinated shortly after his accession. Here both the names of these two Kings and the lengths of their reigns agree so well together as to suggest the probability of their identity. In most copies of the Ptajavali, this dynasty of six Kings, of which Raja and Kara are the 3rd and 4th names, is made the immediate predecessor of the Great Tomar dynasty, whose accession lias already been assigned in my account of the Kings of Delhi to the year 736 A. D. The following lists give the names of all the Kings of this dynasty according to the various authorities in my possession : Mritunjaya and Ward. Panjab, MS. Chanderi, MS. Sayid Ahmad. Hwen Thsang. Yrs. Yrs. Yrs. Yrs. Dipa Sinlia . . 27 Dips. 17 Dip S. 17 Dip Sing . . 17 Rana S. 2 i\ Rail S. 141 Ran S. 14 Ran Sing . . 14 Prakara Vardhana. Raja s. 94 Raj S. n Ram S. 91 Raj Sing . . 9 RAjya ditto. Vara S. 46 HariS. 45 Mitr S. 45 Shir Sing . . 45 Harsha ditto. Nara S. 25 Nar S. 43 BirS. 13 Hara Sing . . 13 J ivana 201 Jiwan 8 Jiwan S Jiwan Sing. 7 Total .. 151 .... 137 .... 107 105 According to Sayid Ahmad the accession of Shir Sing, who is the Kara or Ilan of the other lists, took place in A. D. 611, KANOJ. 283 or within four years of the date already obtained for llarsha Vardhana. In my account of Delhi I have given my reasons for believing that Kanoj was the capital of the Tomars down to the invasion of Mahmud in A. D. 1021, immediately after the defeat and death of Raja Jay Rdl. Shortly after that date, the small town of Bari to the north of Lucknow be- came the capital, until about A. D. 1050, when the Tomars retired to Delhi before the growing power of the Rdhtors. Once more Kanoj became the capital of a powerful kingdom, and the rival of Delhi, both in extent and in magnificence. Here Jaya Chandra, the last of the Rdhtors, celebrated the Aswamedha, or “Ilorse-sacrifice;” and here in open day did Prithi Raja, the daring Chief of the Chohans, carry off the willing daughter of the Rdhtor King, in spite of the gallant resistance of the two Randfar heroes, Alha and Udal. The fame of these two brothers, which is fully equal to that of Prithi Raja himself, is still preserved in the songs and traditions of the people amongst the Chandels of Mahoba and the Rahtors and Chandels of the Doab. After the fall of Delhi in January 1191 A. D., Muhammad Ghori marched against Kanoj. Raja Jaya Chandra retired before him as far as Banaras, where he made his last stand, but was defeated with great slaughter. The Raja escaped from the field, but was drowned in attempting to cross the Ganges. When his body was recovered by the conquerors, it was found that lie had false teeth fixed with wires of gold. With Jaya Chan- dra epded the dynasty of the Rdhtors of the Doab, and the wealth and importance of the far-famed capital of Kanoj. Only one hundred and fifty years later it is described by Ibn Batuta as a “ small town,” and from that time down to the present this ancient city has gradually lessened in conse- quence ; but as it was close to the high road of the Doah, it still continued to be visited by numerous travellers who where attracted by its ancient fame. The final blow to its prosperity has now been given by the diversion of the rail- road to Etawa, which leaves Kanoj far away to the east, to be visited for the future only by the curious antiquary and the civil officials of the district. In comparing Hwcn Thsang’s description of ancient Kanoj with the existing remains of the city, I am obliged to confess with regret that I have not been able to identify 284 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1SG2-G3. even one solitary site witli any certainty ; so completely has almost every trace of Hindu occupation been obliterated by the Musalmans. According to the traditions of the people, the ancient city extended from the shrine of Mdji Mar may mi on the north near the Raj Ghat, to the neighbourhood of Miranka-Sara on the south, a distance of exactly three miles. Towards the west, it is said to have reached to Kapatya and Makarandnagar, two villages on the high road, about three miles from Mdji Marmayan. On the east the boundary wras the old bed of the Ganges, or Cliota Gangd as the people call it, although it is recorded in our maps as the Kali Nadi. Their account is, that the Kali, or Kdlindri Nadi, formerly joined the Ganges near Sangirdmpur or Sangrdm- pur ; but that several hundred years ago the great river took a more northerly course from that point, while the waters of the Kali Nadi continued to flow down the deserted chan- nel. As an open channel still exists between Sangrdmpur and the Kali Nadi , I am satisfied that the popular account is correct, and that the stream which flows under Kanoj, from Sangrdmpur to Mhendi Ghat, although now chiefly filled with the waters of the Kali Nadi, was originally the main channel of the Ganges. The accounts of Ea Hian and Hwen Thsang, who place Kanoj on the Ganges, are there- fore confirmed, not only by the traditions of the people, but also by the fact that the old channel still exists under the name of the Chota Gangd, or little Ganges.* The modern town of Kanoj occupies only the north end of the site of the old city, including the whole of what is now called the Kilali or citadel. The boundaries are well defined by the shrine of Mdji Marmayan on the north, the tomb of Tdj Bdj on the south-west, and the Masjid and tomb of Makhdum Jahdnhya on the south-east. The houses are much scattered, especially inside the citadel, so that though the city still covers nearly one square mile, yet the population barely exceeds 16,000 in number. The citadel, which occupies all the highest ground, is triangular in shape, its northern point being the shrine of Mdji Marmayan, its south-west point the temple of Ajay Pal, and its south-east point the large bastion called Ksliem Kali Burj. Each of the faces is about 4,000 feet in length, that to the north- * See Plate No. II, for the situation of Ivanoj in the Map of North-Western India. KANOJ, 285 west being protected by the bed of the nameless dry Nala; that to the north-east by the Chota Gangd ; while that to the south must have been covered by a ditch, which is now one of the main roads of the city, running along the foot of the mound from the bridge below Ajay Pal’s temple to the Kshem Kali bastion. On the north-east face the mound rises to 60 or 70 feet in height above the low ground on the bank of the river ; and towards the Nala on the north-west, it still maintains a height of from 40 to 50 feet. On the southern side, however, it is not more than 30 feet imme- diately below the temple of Ajay Pal, but it increases to 40 feet below the tomb of Bella Fir. The situation is a commanding one ; and before the use of cannon the height alone must have made Kanoj a strong and important posi- - tion. The people point out the sites of two gates, — the first to the north, near the shrine of BLaji Harmdyan, and the second to the south-east, close to the Kshem Kali Burj. But as both of these gates lead to the river it is certain that there must have been a third gate on the land side towards the south-west, and the most probable position seems to be immediately under the walls of the Bang Mahal, and close to the temple of Ajay Bdl. According to tradition, the ancient city contained 84 wards, or Mahalas , of which 25 are still existing within the limits of the present town. If we take the area of these 25 wards at three-quarters of a square mile, the 84 wards of the ancient city would have covered just 2-| square miles. Now, this is the very size that is assigned to the old city by Hwen Thsang, who makes its length 20 li, or miles, and its breadth 4 or 5 li, or just three-quarters of a mile, which multiplied together give just 2M square miles. Almost the same limits may be determined from the sites of the existing ruins, which are also the chief fincl-spots of the old coins with which Kanoj abounds. According to the dealers, the old coins are found at Bala Fir and Bang Mahal , inside the Port ; at Makhdum Jahdnia, to the south-east of the Port ; at Makarandnagar on the high road ; and intermedi- ately at the small villages of Singh Bhaiedni and Kutlupur. The only other productive site is said to be Bdjgir, an ancient mound covered with brick ruins on the bank of the Chota Gangd, three miles to the south-east of Kanoj. Taking all these evidences into consideration, it appears to 2SG AttCIIiEOLOGICAL TvEPORT, 18G2-G3. rac almost certain that the ancient city of Ilwcn Thsang’s time must have extended from Hdji Mammy an and the Kshem Kali Burj, on the hank of the Ganges (now the Chota Ganrja), in a south-west direction, to Makar andnagar, on the Grand Trunk Hoad, a length of just three miles, with a general breadth of about one mile or somewhat less. Within these limits are found all the ruins that still exist to point out the position of the once famous city of Kanoj.* The only remains of any interest are, 1st, the ruins of the old palace, now called the Rang Mahal ; 2nd, the Hindu pillars of the Jama Musjid; 3rd, the Hindu pillars of the Masjid of Makhdum Jahdniya; and 4tk, the Hindu statues in the village of Singh Bliaiodni. The other remains are simple mounds of all sizes, covered with broken bricks, traces of brick walls, and broken figures. These are found in several places inside the citadel, but more particularly at the temple of Ajay Bdl, a modern building on an ancient site. Outside the citadel they are found chiefly about the shrine of Makhdum Jahdniya on the south-east, and about Makrandnagar on the south-west. The ruins of the Rang Mahal , which are situated in the south-west angle of the citadel, consist of a strong brick wall faced with blocks of kanlcar, 240 feet in length, and 25 feet in height above the sloping ruins, but more than 40 feet above the level of the bazar. It is strengthened in front by four towers or buttresses, 14 feet broad and G1 feet apart. The wrall itself is 7 feet thick at top, and behind it, at 10 feet distance, there is a second wall 5 feet thick, and at 9-^ feet farther back a third wall 3^ feet thick, and a fourth wall at 21 feet. The distances between the walls most probably represent the width of some of the rooms of the old Hindu palace, which would thus have a breadth of 56 feet. But the block kankar walls can be traced for a distance of 180 feet back from the south-east buttress to a wdeket or small door wrhich would appear to have formed a side entrance to the courtyard of the palace. As far as it can be now traced, the palace covered an area of 240 feet in length by 180 feet in breadth. It is said to have been built by Ajay Bdl, to whom also is attributed a temple which once stood close by. Ajay Bdl and Main Bdl are said to * See Plate No. XLVII. for a plan of the ruins of Kanoj. KAXOJ. 287 have reigned a short time before Jay Chund, but the names of the intervening Princes are not known. I think it highly probable that A jay Pal is the Tomar Prince Jay Pal, wrho was conquered by Mahmud of Ghazni, and afterwards de- feated and killed, in A. I). 1021, by a confederate army under the leadership of the Chandel Raja of Kdlanjar. Just outside the south-east buttress of the palace, the people point out a spot where they affirm that 29 golden ingots were discovered in 1831, of which 9 were made over to Mr. Wernyss, the Collector of Cawnpoor, and the remainder were secreted by the finders. Accounts differ as to the weight of the ingots, but the general belief is that they weighed about 1 ser, or 2 lbs. each. The coin dealers, however, affirm that the 9 ingots which were taken to the Cawnpoor Treasury weighed Rs. 13,500, that is Rs. 1,500, or 18f sers each. The Jama, , or Pina , Masjid of Kanoj is cited by Mr. Fergusson as a specimen of Hindu cloisters, which has been re-arranged to suit the purposes of Muhammadan worship ; and in this opinion I most fully concur. The inscription over the entrance doorway is now much decayed, and several portions are quite obliterated, but a copy has been fortunately preserved by Rajab Ali, a teacher of children, in the court of the Masjid. According to this copy, the Masjid was built in the Hijira year 809, or A. D. 1406, in the reign of Ibrahim Shah (of Jon pur). It is situated on a lofty mound in the very middle of the old fort, and this commanding position alone would be sufficient to show that it must originally have been the site of some Hindu building of considerable importance. This conclusion is partly confirmed by the traditions of the temple, who, however, most absurdly call the place Sita-ka Past'd, or “ Sita’s kitchen.” We know also that it was the usual prac- tice of the Muhammadan Kings of Jonpur to raise their Masjids on the sites, and with the materials, of the Hindu temples which they demolished. On comparing, therefore, this cloistered Masjid with those of Jonpur, 'which are acknowledged re-arrangements of Hindu materials, we see at once that the pillars are all Hindu, and that the domes formed of courses of overlapping stones, and decorated with Hindu symbols are certainly not Muhammadan. When I first visited Kanoj in January 1838 the arrangement of the pillars was somewhat different from what I found it 2S8 ARCHEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G2-G3. in November 18G2. The cloisters which originally extended all round the square, are now confined to the Masjid itself, that is, to the west side only. This change is said to have been made by a Muhammadan Talisildar shortly before 1857. The same individual is also accused of having destroyed all the remains of figures that had been built into the walls of the Jdma and Maklidum Jah&niya Masjids. It is certain that there are none visible now, although in January 1838, as recorded in my journal, I saw “ several Hindu figures placed sideways and upside down” in the walls of the Jama Masjid, and three broken figures lying outside the doorway of the Masjid of Maklidum Jali&niya. The inscription over the doorway of the last, which I saw in its place in 1838, is said to have been removed at the same time for the purpose of cutting off a Hindu figure on the back of it. I recovered this inscription by sending to the present Talisildar for it. The Jdma Masjid, as it stands now, is a pillared room, 108 feet in length by 26 feet in width, supported on four rows of columns. The roof is flat, excepting the centre and ends, which are covered with domes formed by circles of stones gradually lessening until they meet. In front of the Masjid there is a court-yard 95 feet in width, the whole being surrounded by a stone wall G feet in thickness. The exterior dimensions are 133 feet from west to east, by 120^ feet. In 1838 there were still standing on the three sides of the court-yard portions of the original cloisters formed of two rows of pillars. The Masjid itself was then con- fined to the five openings in the middle of the west side, the seven openings on each flank of it being formed of only two rows of pillars the same as on the other three sides. The Masjid now consists of a single room supported on GO pillars without any cloisters; but originally the Masjid itself was supported on 20 pillars, with cloisters on each flank, and also on the other three sides of the court- yard. The whole number of pillars was then 128. To make up this number we have the GO pillars of the present Masjid, and no less than 58 spare capitals still lying in the court-yard, which together make up 118, or within 10 of the actual number required to complete the original design. The pillars of the Jdma Masjid may, I think, be seen in their original Hindu form at the sides of the small door HANOJ. •289 ways in the north and south walls of the court. Each pillar is formed of five pieces, vis., a base and capital, with a middle piece which divides the shafts into two equal portions, and may he called the upper and lower shafts. The shafts are 10 inches square and 3 feet 9 inches in height. The base is 1 foot high, and the middle piece and capital are each 3 inches, thus making the whole height 9 feet 10 inches. But the pillars, as re-arranged by the Muhammadans, are 14 feet 2 inches high, the extra height having been gained by adding a piece to each portion of the shaft. These shorter pieces, which are 2 feet 1 inch in height, are always placed above the original shafts of 3 feet 8 inches. As there could have been no difficulty in purchasing a single shaft of the required length of 5 feet 10 inches, it seems certain that the whole of these made-up pillars must have been obtained after the usual cheap Muhammadan manner — by the demoli- tion of some Hindu buildings, either Buddhist or Brah- manical. The Masjid and tomb of MaJchdum Jah&niya are situated on a lofty mound in the SiJchdna Mahalla to the south-east of the citadel, overlooking the Chota Gctngd. The mound is 40 feet in height above the fields, and is partly occupied by weavers’ houses. The tomb of the MaJclidum is a com- mon-looking building, 35 feet square. Beside it there are two other plain square tombs holding the remains of his des- cendants, both male and female. The tomb itself, as recorded in the mutilated inscription which formerly existed over the doorway, was erected over Sayid Jalal Malchdum, Jahdniya by his son Rdju in the Hijra year 881, or A. I). 1476. The Masjid was built in the same year, in the reign of Husen Shah, of Jonpur, to whom ICanoj still belonged, although some writers place his final defeat by Balilol Lodi, of Delhi, in this very year, A. H. 881, and others in A. H. 883. The central dome of the Masjid has long ago fallen in, and all the pointed arches are seriously cracked and propped up by unsightly masses of masonry. There is nothing peculiar about the building, save the decoration of the panels of the back wall, which have the name of Allah inscribed on a tablet suspended by a rope. The appearance of the tablet and rope is so like that of the Hindu bell and chain that one is almost tempted to believe that the Muham- madan architect must have simply chiselled away the bolder 290 ARCHEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-63. points of the Hindu ornament to suit his own design. But whether this may have been the case or not, it is impossible to miss seeing that the Hindu hell and chain must have been directly suggestive of the Muhammadan tablet and cord. The Masjid and tombs are surrounded by a wall with four small towers at the corners, and an entrance gate on the south side. In the steps leading up to this entrance I found in 1838 a broken figure of Shasti, the goddess of fecun- dity, and a pedestal with a short inscription, dated in Scimvat 1193, or A. H. 1136. The people also affirm that a large statue formerly stood under a tree close by. All of these are now gone, but the fact that two of them were built into the entrance steps is sufficient to show that the mound on which the Masjid stands must once have been the site of some important Hindu building. The two statues in the village of Singh Bhawdni were discovered about 100 years ago in a field close by the brick hovel in which they are now placed. The people call them Bdm and Lakshman, and the attendant Brahman does so too, although the figures have eight arms each, and although the Eish, Tortoise, Boar and Lion Incarnations of Vishnu are represented round the head of one of them. Each of the figures is 3 feet in height, but the whole sculpture is 6 feet. Vishnu is also known by the discus (chakra), and club ( gadd), from which he derives his well-known titles of chakradhur and gadadliar. Along with these sculptures there are some other figures, of which the most important is a statue of the Tantrika Buddhist goddess, Vajrd Vardhi. The figure is 2^ feet in height, and has three heads, of which one is porcine, and the usual number of seven hogs is repre- sented on the pedestal. Outside the building there are figures of JDurgd slaying the Maheshdsur, or buffalo demon, and of Siva and Pdrbaii sitting on the bull Nandi. In the neighbouring village of Kutlupur I found the lintel of a temple door- way with a figure of Vishnu in the middle, showing that the temple had been dedicated to that god. He is represented sitting on the Garuda, or eagle, and holding the club and discus. The only remaining place of any note is the Suraj-kund or “Tank of the Sun,” to the south-east of Makarandnagar. It is now nearly dried up, and at the time of my visit its bed was planted with potatoes. But it is one of the oldest KANOJ. 291 places of worship in Kanoj, and an annual fair is still held on its hank in the month of Bliadon (August — September). Close beside it there is a modern temple of Mahddeva, which is said to have replaced a ruined one of some antiquity. To the south-west of Makarandnagar there are three mounds covered with broken bricks and pottery ; and under a tree on the south mound, are collected a number of fragments, of sculpture at a spot dedicated to Maordri Devi. Most of the ancient monuments of Kanoj that are noticed by the Chinese pilgrims are of course Buddhist ; but numerous as they were, I am unable to do more than offer conjectures more or less probable regarding their sites, as Muhammadan spoliation has not left a single place standing to give even a faint clue towards identification. The posi- tion of one of the most remarkable of the monuments is rendered more than usually doubtful by the conflicting evi- dence of the two pilgrims. According to Fa Hian, the great Stupa of Asoka, 200 feet in height, which was built on the spot where Buddha had preached on the instability of human existence, was situated at 6 or 7 li to the west of the town, and on the north hank of the Ganges. But according to Hwen Thsang, this great Stupa was situated at 6 or 7 li to the south- east of the capital, and on the south bank of the Ganges. Now, as the ground to the north of the Ganges, as it existed during the first centuries of the Christian era, was very low, and therefore liable to inundation, it seems highly improbable that any monument would have been erected in such an insecure position. I conclude, therefore, that Hwen Thsang’s account is most likely right, but I failed in my search for any remains of this vast monument in the position indicated, that is, at rather more than one mile to the south-east of the capita], and on the south bank of the Cliota Gang a. To the north-west of the town Hwen Thsang places another Stupa of Asoka ; but as he gives no distance, the mere hearing is too vague to enable us to fix upon the site with any probability. Perhaps the small village of Kapatya , or Kapteswari , nearly opposite the burnt dak bungalow, is the most probable site ; but, although there are the remains of brick buildings in its vicinity, there is nothing to indicate the previous existence of any large Stupa. A smaller Stupa containing the hair and nails of Buddha has also disappeared, as well as the memorial monument to the four Buddhas. 292 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-63. To the south of the town, and close to the Ganges, there were three monasteries, with similar looking walls, hut differ- ing gateways. In one of these monasteries there was a Vihara or chapel which possessed a tooth of Buddha preserved in a casket adorned with precious stones raised on a high pedestal. This tooth was shown daily to crowds of people, although the tax charged for its exhibition was “ a large piece of gold.” Perfumes were burned before it by thousands of votaries, and the flowers which were strewn in pro- fusion over it were devoutly believed never to conceal the casket. Bight and left in front of the monasteries there were two Viharas , each about 100 feet in height. Their foundations were of stone, but their walls of brick. In front of each Vihara there was a small monastery. The most probable site of the three monasteries and the Vihara with the tooth of Buddha seems to me to be the large mouud immediately to the south of the Kshen Kali Bdrj, to the south-east of the town, and on the the immediate bank of the river. This is now called the Mahalla of Leila Misr Tola . The mound is covered with broken bricks, but no remains of any extensive buildings are now visible. At a short distance to the south-east of the three mo- nasteries there was a lofty Vihara , 200 feet in height, which enshrined a statue of Buddha 30 feet high. The foundations of the building were of stone, but the walls of brick. On the surrounding walls of the Vihara, which were of stone, were sculptured all the acts of Buddha’s life until he became a Bodhisativa. The position of this lofty Vihara was most probably on the large mound in the midst of the present Bhatpuri Mahalla, wdiicli stands about 800 feet to the south- east of the mound in the Mahalla of Ldla Misr Tola. There are no remains now to be seen on this mound, but it is proba- ble that excavations would be attended with success, as there can be little doubt that this was once the site of some import- ant buildings. At a little distance from the Vihara towards the south there was a temple, and a little further to the south there was a second temple dedicated to Siva. Both of these temples were of the same form and size as the Viharas of Buddha. They were built of a blue stone which was highly polished, and adorned with admirable sculptures. The probable position of these Brahmanical temples was on the high mound of Makhdim Jahdniya, in the Sithdna KANOJ — A- YU -TO, OK AY03DHYA. 293 Malialla, which is about 700 feet to the south of the last mentioned mound in the Bhatpuri Malialla. That this mound was the site of one or more Brahmanical temples seems almost certain from my discovery of a figure of Shasti, the goddess of fecundity, and of a pedestal bearing the date of Samvat 1193, or A. D. 1136, which is posterior to the extinction of Buddhism in Kanoj. I think it probable that excavations in this mound would be attended with success, as the two temples are said to have been built of stone, which no doubt furnished the whole of the materials for the Masjid and tomb of Makhdum Jahdniya. XI. A-YU-TO, OK AYODHYA. From Kanoj the two Chinese pilgrims followed different routes, Fa Ilian having proceeded direct to Sha-chi (the modern Ajudhya, near Fyzahad on the Ghaghra), while Hwen Thsang followed the course of the Ganges to Prayag, or Allahabad. The first stage of both pilgrims would, however, appear to be the same. Fa Hian states that he crossed the Ganges and proceeded 3 yojans, or 21 miles, to the forest of lloli, where there were several Stupas erected on spots where Buddha had “ passed, or walked, or sat.”'* Hwen Thsang records that he marched 100 li , nearly 17 miles, to the town of Nava-deva-kula, which "was on the eastern hank of the Ganges, and that at 5 li, or nearly 1 mile, to the south-east of the town there was a Stupa of Asoka, which was still 100 feet in height, besides some other monuments dedicated to the four previous Buddhas, f I think it probable that the two places are the same, and that the site was somewhere near Nobatganj, just above the junction of the Isan River and opposite Nanamom Ghat. But as there are no existing remains anywhere in that neighbourhood, the place has been most likely swept away by the river. This is rendered almost certain by an examination of the Ganges below the junction of the Isan. Formerly the river continued its course almost due south from Nanamow for many miles, but some centuries ago it changed its course first to the south-east for 1 or 5 miles, and then to the south-west for about the same distance, where it rejoined its old bed, leaving an island, some 6 miles in length by 4 in breadth, between the two channels. As Hwen Thsang’s account places Nava-deva-kula on the very * Beal’s Fa Hian, C. XVIII. + Julien’s Hwen Thsang, II., 265. 294 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1S62-63. site of this island, I conclude that the town as well as the Buddhist monuments must all have been swept away by the change in the river’s course.* On leaving Nava-deva-kula, Hwen Thsang proceeded 600 li, or 100 miles, to the south-east, and re-crossing the Ganges he reached the capital city of A-yu-to, which was 20 li, or upwards of 3 miles, in circuit. Both M. Julien and M. St. Martin have identified this place with Ayodhya , the once celebrated capital of Bama. But though I agree with them as to the probable identification of the name as that of the country, I differ with them altogether in looking for the capital along the line of the Ghaghra River , which is due cast from Kanoj, whereas Hwen Thsang states that his route was to the south-east. It is, of course, quite possible that the pilgrim may occasionally use the generic name of Ganges as the appellation of any large river, such, for instance, as the Ghaghra ; hut in the present case, where the recorded bearing of south-east agrees with the course of the Ganges, I think it is almost certain that the Ganges itself was the river intended by the pilgrim. But by adopting the line of the Ganges we encounter a difficulty of a different kind in the great excess of the distance between two such well known places as Kanoj and Prayag. According to Hwen Thsang’s route, he first made 100 li to Nava-deva-kida , then 600 li to Ayutlio , then 300 li by water to Hayamukha, and lastly 700 li to Rraydga. All these distances added together make a total of 1,700 li, or 283 miles, which is just 100 miles, or 600 li, in excess of the true distance. But as a part of the journey, viz., 300 li, or 50 miles, was performed by water, the actual excess may, perhaps, not be more than 85 or 90 miles; although it is doubtful whether the distance of 300 li may not have been the road measurement and not the river dis- tance. It is sufficient for our purpose to know that Hwen Thsanofs recorded measurement is somewhere about 100 miles in excess of the truth. The only explanation of this error that suggests itself to me is, that there may have been an accidental alteration of one set of figures, such as 600 li for 60 li, or 700 li for 70 li. Supposing that the former * If we might read 10 li instead of 100 li, this place might be identified with Deokali, which is situated on the Chota Gunga about 2 miles below Kanoj. The two names are precisely the same, excepting that the modern one has dropped the two initial syllables nava, or “ new,” which, however appropriate in the time of the Chinese pilgrim, would almost certainly have been dropped in the course of a few centuries. — See Julien’s Hwen Thsang, II. 2G6. A-YTT-T0, OR AYODHYA. 295 was the case, the distance would he shortened by 540 li, or 90 miles, and if the latter, by 630 li, or 105 miles. This mode of correction brings the pilgrim’s account into fair accordance with the actual distance of 180 miles between Kanoj and Prayag. By adopting the first supposition, Hwen Thsang’s dis- tance from Nava-deva-kula to the capital of Ayutlio will be only 60 li, or 10 miles, to the south-east, which would bring him to the site of an ancient city named Kdkupur, just 1 mile to the north of Seorajpoor, and 20 miles to the north- west of Cawnpoor. If we adopt the latter correction, the pilgrim’s distance to Ayutlio of 600 li, or 100 miles, will remain unchanged, and this would bring him via Mdnikpur, which is also an ancient place. By the first supposition the subsequent route would have been from Kdkupur to Daun- diakliera by boat, a distance of exactly 50 miles, or 300 li, and from thence to Prayag, a distance of more than 100 miles, which agrees with the 700 li, or 116 miles, of the pilgrim. By the second supposition the subsequent route would have been from j Khar a to Papamoio by water, about 50 miles, and thence to Prayag, about 8 miles of land, which agrees with the 70 li of the proposed correction. In favour of this last supposition is the fact that the bearing from Khara to Papamoio of east by south is more in accordance with Hwen Thsang’s recorded east direction than the south- east bearing of Daundiakhera from Kakupur. I confess, however, that I am more inclined to adopt the former correc- tion, which places the chief city of Ayutlio at Kakupur, and the town of Hayamukha at Daundiakhera, as we know that the last was the capital of the Pais Rajputs for a consider- able period. I am partly inclined to this opinion by a sus- picion that the name of Kdkupur may be connected with that Bagud, or Vdgud, of the Tibetan books. According to this authority a Sdkya, named Slidmpaka, on being banished from Kapila retired to Bagud, carrying with him some of Buddha’s hairs and nail-parings, over which he built a chaitya. He was made King of Bagud, and the monument was named after himself ( ? Slidmpaka Stupa)* No clue is given as to the position of Bagud ; but as I know of no other name that resembles it, I am induced to think that it is Csoma de Koros in Asiatic Researches, XX., p. 88. 290 AncniEOLOGICAL AEPORT, 1SG2-G3. probably tlie same place as the Ayutho of Hwen Thsang, wliicli was also possessed of a Stupa containing some bairs and nail-parings of Buddha. Kdkupur is well-known to the people of Kanoj, who affirm that it was once a large city with a Baja of its own. The existing remains of Kdkupur consist of numerous foundations formed of large bricks, and more particularly of a connected set of walls of some large building which the people call “ the palace.” I have not yet visited this place, which lay out of my line of route, but I hope to have an opportunity of examining it hereafter. XII. HAYAMUKHA OR AYOMUKHA. Prom Ayutho the Chinese pilgrim proceeded a distance of 300 li, or 50 miles, down the Ganges by boat to O-ye-mu-lchi, which was situated on the north bank of the river, M. Julien reads this name as Hayamukha , equivalent to “ Horse face,” or “ Iron face,” which was the name of one of the Ddnavas or Titans.* Neither of these names, however, gives any clue to the site of the old city ; but if I am right in my identification of Ayutho with Kdkupur, it is almost certain that Ayomuklia must be the same as Daundiakhera. Hwen Thsang makes the circuit of the town 20 li, or up- wards of 3 miles, but Daundikhera presents no appearance of having ever been so large. There still exist the ruins of an old fort or citadel, 385 feet square, with the walls of two buildings which are called the Raja’s and Rani’s palaces. The foundation of this citadel is attributed to Raja Raghu- nath Sinh, but he was apparently some comparatively modern Thdkur, or petty Chief, as Daundiakhera is universally allowed to have been the capital of the Bais Rajputs, who claim descent from the famous Salivahan. As there are no remains of any buildings which can be identified with the momuments described by Hwen Thsang, the actual site of Ayomukha must still remain doubtful. XIII. PRAYAGA, OR ALLAHABAD, Prom Ayomukha the pilgrim proceeded 700 li. or 11G miles, to the south-east, to Brayaga, the well known place of pilgrimage at the junction of the Ganges and Jumna, where * Julien’s Hwen Thsang, II., p. 274. — See my “Ancient Geography of India,” p. 387, “ Daundia means simply a “drum-beater,” and was probably applied to some mendicant, who took up his abode on the khera, or mound ; and as this name is not likely to have been imposed on the place until it was in ruins, the difference of name offers no impediment to the identification of Daundiakhera with Hayamukha . PRAY AG A, OR ALLAHABAD 297 Akbar some centuries later built his fort of Ildhabds, or Alldhdbdd , as it was afterwards called by Skalrjahan. The dis- tance and bearing given by Hwen Thsang agree almost exactly with those of Prayaga from Haundiakkera. The distance is 104 miles by the nearest road to the south of the Ganges ; but as the pilgrim followed the north road, the dis- tance must have been increased to about 115 or 120 miles. According to him the city was situated at the confluence of the two rivers, but to the west of a large sandy plain. In the midst of the city there was a Brahmanical temple, to which the presentation of a single piece of money procured as much merit as that of one thousand pieces elsewhere. Before the principal room of the temple there was a large tree with wide-spreading branches, which was said to be the dwelling of an anthropophagous demon. The tree was sur- rounded with human bones, the remains of pilgrims who had sacrificed their lives before the temple — a custom which had been observed from time immemorial. * I think there can be little doubt that the famous tree here described by the Chinese pilgrim is the well known Akshay Bat , or " undecaying Banian tree,” wdrick is still an object of worship at Allahabad. This tree is now situated underground at one side of a pillared court, which would appear to have been open formerly, and which is, I believe, the remains of the temple described by Hwen Thsang. The temple is situated inside the fort of Allahabad to the east of the Ellenborougk Barracks, and due north from the stone pillar of Asoka and Samudra Gupta. Originally both tree and temple must have been on the natural ground level ; but from the constant accumulation of rubbish they have been gradually earthed up until the whole of the lower portion of the temple has disappeared underground. The upper por- tion has long ago been removed, and the only access to the Akshay Bat now available is by a flight of steps which leads down to a square pillared court-yard. This court has apparently once been open to the sky, but it is now closed in to secure darkness and mystery for the holy Eig tree. The Akshay Bat is next mentioned by Eashid-ud-din in the Jdmiut-tawdrikh, in which he states that the “ tree of Brag ” is situated at the confluence of the Jumna and * Julien’s Hwen Thsang, II., p. 276. ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G2-G3. 298 Gauges. As most of his information was derived from Abu llihdn, the date of this notice may with great probability be referred to the time of Mahmud of Ghazni. In the 7th century a great sandy plain, 2 miles in circuit, lay between the city and the confluence of the rivers, and as the tree was in the midst of the city, it must have been at least one mile from the confluence. But nine centuries later, in the beginning of Akluar’s reign, Abdul Kadir speaks of the “tree from which people cast themselves into the river.”* Prom this statement I infer that, during the long period that inter- vened between the time of Hwen Thsang and that of Akbar, the two rivers had gradually carried away the whole of the great sandy plain, and had so far encroached upon the city as to place the holy tree on the very brink of the water. Long before this time the old city had no doubt been deserted, for we know that the fort of Ildhdbas was founded on its site in the 21st year of Akbar’s reign, that is, in A. H. 982, or A. I). 1572. Indeed, the way in which Abu Lilian speaks of the “ tree” instead of the city of Prag, leads me to believe that the city itself had already been deserted before his time. As far as I am aware, it is not once mentioned in any Muhammadan history until it was refounded by Akbar.f As the old city of J?raydg has totally disappeared, we can scarcely expect to find any traces of the various Buddhist monuments which were seen and described by the Chinese pilgrim in the 7th century. Indeed, from their position to the south-west of the city, it seems very probable that they may have been washed away by the Jumna even before the final abandonment of the city, as the course of that river for three miles above the confluence has been due west and east of many centuries past. At any rate, it is quite certain that no remains of these buildings are now to be seen; the only existing Hindu monument being the well known stone pillar which bears the inscriptions of Asoka, Samudra Gupta, and Jahangir. As Hwen Thsang makes no mention of this pillar, it is probable that it was not standing in his day. Even its original position is not exactly known, but it was probably not far from its present site. It was first erected by King Asoka about B. C. 240 for the purpose of inscribing * Elliot’s Muhammadan Historians of India, p. 243. f lLinaud, Fragments Arabs, etc., p. 10J, and Dawson’s Elliot, I., 55. PHAYAGA, OP ALLAHABAD. 299 liis edicts regarding the propagation of Buddhism. It was next made use of by Samudra Gupta, about the second century of the Christian era, for the record of his extensive sovereignty over the various nations of India — from Nepal to the Dakhan, and from Gujarat to Assam. Lastly, it was re-erected by the Mogal Emperor Jahangir to commemorate his accession to the throne in the year 1605 A. D. These are the three principal inscriptions on the Allahabad Pillar, hut there are- also a number of minor records of the names of travellers and pilgrims of various dates, from about the beginning of' the Christian era down to the present century. Regarding these minor inscriptions, James Prinsep remarks that “ it is a singular fact that the periods at which the pillar has been overthrown can be thus determined with nearly as much certainty from this desultory writing, as can the epochs of its being re-erected from the more formal inscrip- tions recording the latter event. Thus that it was over- thrown some time after its first erection by the great Asoka in the middle of the third century before Christ, is proved by the longitudinal or random insertion of several names in a character intermediate between No. 1 and No. 2, in which the m , A &c., retain the old form/’ Of one of these names he remarks — “Now it would have been exceedingly difficult, if not impossible, to have cut the name No. 10 up and down at right angles to the other writing, ichile the pillar was erect , to say nothing, of the place being out of reach, unless a scaffold were erected on purpose, which would hardly be the case, si^ce the object of an ambitious visitor would be defeated by placing his name out of sight and in an unreadable position.” The pillar “ was erected as Samudra Gupta’s arm, and there it probably remained until overthrown, again by the idol-breaking zeal of the Musulmans ; for we find no writings on it of the Tala, or Sarnath type (i. e.,. of the tenth century), but a quantity appears with plain legible dates from the Samvat year 1420, or A. T). 1363, down to 1660 odd, and it is remarkable that these occupy one side of the shaft, or that which was uppermost when the pillar was in a prostrate position. A few detached and ill executed Nagari names with Samvat dates of 1800 odd, “ show that ever since it was laid on the ground again by General Garstin, the passion for recording visits of piety or curiosity has been at work.”* In this last passage James Prinsep has, * Bengal Asiatic Society's Journal, 1837, p. 967. 300 ARCHAEOLOGICAL RErORT, 18G2-G3. I believe, made a mistake in the name of the Vandal En- gineer who overthrew the stone pillar because it stood in the way of his new line of rampart near the gateway. It was General Kyd, and not General Garstin, who was employed to stengthen the Port of Allahabad, and his name is still preserved in the suburb of Kydganj, on the Jumna, im- mediately below the city. The pillar was again set up in 1838 by Captan Edward Smith, of the Engineers, to whom the design of the present capital is entirely due. At first it was intended to have placed a fancy flower as an appropriate finish to the pillar, but as the people had a tradition that the column was originally surmounted by the figure of a lion, it was suggested by a committee of the Asiatic Society that the design of the new capital should be made as nearly as possible the same as the original, of which the Bakra and Lauriya pillars were cited as examples. The lion statues which crown the bell capitals of these two pillars I have seen and admired, and I can affirm that they are the figures of veritable lions. Both of them are represented half coucliant, with the head raised and the mouth open. The bell capital swells out boldly towards the top to receive a massive abacus, which forms the plinth of the statue. In these examples the broad swelling capital is in harmony with the stout and massive column. But the new capital designed by Captain Smith is, in my opinion, a signal failure. The capital lessens towards the top, and is surmounted by an abacus of less diameter than that of the pillar itself. The animal on the top is small and recumbent, and altogether the design is insignificant. Indeed, it looks to me not unlike a stuffed poodle stuck on the top of an inverted flower pot. According to the common tradition of the people, the name of Prayaga was derived from a Brahman, who lived during the reign of Akbar. The story is that when the Emperor was building the fort, the walls on the river face repeatedly fell down in spite of all the precautions taken by the architect. On consulting some wise men, Akbar was informed that the foundations could only be secured by being laid in human blood. A proclamation was then made, when a Brahman, called Pray&ga, voluntarily offered his life on the condition that the fort should bear his name. This idle story, which is diligently related to the pilgrims who visit PLATE. X L V III. Tilt ho nt the Suivr. Gonl'a. Office. Col. 8epteiubcr IS/ 1 KOSAM, OR KOSAMBI. 301 the Akshay Bat, may at least serve one useful purpose in warning us not to place too much faith in these local traditions. The name of Brayaga is recorded by II wen Tlisang in the 7th century, and is, in all probability, as old as the reign of Asoka, who set up the stone pillar about B. C. 240, while the fort was not built until the end of the 16th century. XIY. KOSAM, OR KOSAMBI. The city of Kosambi was one of the most celebrated places in ancient India, and its name was famous amongst Brahmans as well as Buddhists. The city is said to have been founded by Kusamba, the tenth in descent from Puru- ravas ; but its fame begins only with the reign of Chakra, the eighth in descent from Arjuna Bdndu, who made Kosambi his capital after Hastinapura had been swept away by the Ganges. If the date of the great war (MahdbharataJ be fixed at 1426 B. C., which, as I have already shown in my account of Delli, is the most probable period, then the date of Chakra will be about 1200 or 1150 B. C. Twenty-two of his descend- ants are said to have reigned in Kosambi down to Kshemaka, the last of the dynasty ; but it seems almost certain that some names must have been omitted, as the very longest period of 30 years which can be assigned to a generation of Eastern Kings will place the close of the dynasty about B. C. 500, and make the period of TJddyana about 630 to 600 B. C. If we take all the recorded names of the^ different authorities, then the number of generations will be 24, which will place the close of the dynasty in B. C. 440, and fix the reign of TJddyana in 570 to 540 B. C. As Udayana is represented by the Buddhists to have been a contemporary of Buddha, this date may be accepted as wonderfully accurate for so remote a period of Indian History. Kosambi is mentioned in the Ramayana, the earliest of the Hindu Poems, which is generally allowed to have been composed before the Christian era. The story of TJddyana, King of Kosambi, is referred to by the Poet Kali Dasa in his Megha-duta, or “ Cloud Messenger,” when he says that Avanti (or Ujain) is great with the number of those versed in the tale of Udayana.”* Now Kali Dasa flourished shortly after * H. H. Wilson, “ Megha-duta,” note 64. 302 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-63. A. D. 500. In the Vrihat Katlia, of Somadeva, the story of Udayana is given at full length, hut the author has made a mistake in the genealogy between the two Satanikas. Lastly, the kingdom of Kosambi , or Kosamba Mandala , is mentioned in an inscription taken from the, gateway of the fort of Khara , which is dated in Samvat 1092, or A. D. 1035, at which period it would appear to have been independent of Kanoj.* Kosambi, the capital of Vatsa Raja, is the scene of the pleasing drama of Katndvali, or the “necklace,” which was composed in the reign of King Harsha Deva, who is most probably the same as Harsha Vardhana of Kanoj, as the opening prelude describes amongst the assembled audience “princes from various realms recumbent at his feet.”t This we know from Hwen Tlisang to have been true of the Kanoj prince, but which even a Brahman could scarcely have asserted of Harsha Leva of Kashmir. The date of this notice will, therefore, lie between 607 and 618 A. D. But the name of TJddyana, King of Kosambi, was per- haps even more famous among the Buddhists. In the Maha- wanso, which was composed in the 5th century A. D., the venerable Yasa is said to have fled from “ Vaisali to Kosambi, just before the assembly of the second Buddhist Synod.j: In the Lalita Vistara, which was translated into Chinese, between 70 and 76 A. D., and which must, therefore, have been composed not later than the beginning of the Christian era, Udayana Vatsa, son of Satanika, King of Kosambi, is said to have been born on the same day as Buddha. In other Ceylonese books, Kosambi is named as one of the 19 capital cities of ancient India. Udayana Vatsa, the son of Satanika, is also known to the Tibetans as the King of Kosambi. In the Ratnavali he is called Vatsa Raja, or King of the Vatsas, and his capital Vatsa-pattana, which is, therefore, only another name for Kosambi. In this celebrated city Buddha is said have spent the 6th and 9th years of his Buddhahood. Lastly, Hwen Thsang relates that the famous statue of Buddha in red sandal wood, which was made by King Udayana during the life time of the teacher, still existed under a stone dome in the ancient palace of King Udayana. * Asiatic Researches, IX., 433, and Journal, Asiatic Society’s, of Bengal, V., 731. f Wilson’s Hindu Theatre, “Ratnavali,” prelude, II.) 264. J Tumour's translation, p. 16. KOSAM, OE KOSAMBI. 30 Q a The site of this great city, the capital of the later Pandu Princes, and the shrine of the most sacred of all the statues of Buddha, has long been sought in vain. The Brahmans generally asserted that it stood either on the Ganges, or close to it, and the discovery of the name of Kosambi mandala, or “ Kingdom of Kosambi,” in an inscrip- tion over the gateway of the fort of Kliara , seemed to confirm the general belief, although the south-west bearing from Prayaga or Allahabad, as recorded by Hwen Thsang, points unmistakably to the line of the Jumna. In January 1861 Mr. E. C. Bayley informed me that he believed the ancient Kosambi would he found in the old village of Kosam, on the Jumna, about 30 miles above Allahabad. In the fol- lowing month I met Babu Siva Prasad, of the Educational Department, who takes a deep and intelligent interest in all archaeological subjects, and from him I learned that Kosam is still known as Kosdmbi-nagar, that it is even now a great resort of the Jains, and that only one century ago it was a large and flourishing town. This information was quite sufficient to satisfy me that Kosam wras the actual site of the once famous Kosambi. Still, however, there was no direct evidence to show that the city was situated on the J umna ; hut this missing link in the chain of evidence I shortly afterwards found in the curious legend of Bakkula.* The infant Bakkula was horn at Kosambi ; and while his mother was bathing in the Jumna , he accidentally fell into the river, and being swallowed by a fish was carried to Banaras. There the fish - 'was caught and sold to the wife of a nobleman, who, on opening it, found the young child still alive inside, and at once adopted it as her own. The true mother hearing of this wonderful escape of the infant, proceeded to Banaras, and demanded the return of the child, which was of course refused. The matter was then referred to the Kiiur, who decided that both of the claimants were mothers of the child — the one by maternity , the other by purchase. The child was accordingly named Bakula ; that is, of “ two hulas , or races.” He reached the age of 90 years without once hav- ing been ill, when he was converted by the preaching of Buddha, who declared him to be “ the chief of that class of his disciples who were free from disease.” After this Hardy, “ Manual of Buddhism,” p. 501. 304 ARCIREOLOGICAL RErORT, 18G2-63. he is said to have lived 90 years more, when he became an arliat, or Buddhist saint. But the negative kind of merit which Bakkula acquired by his freedom from disease was not appreciated by Asoka, as we learn from a very curious legend which is pre- served in the Divya Avadana.* In the first ardour of his conversion to Buddhism the zealous Asoka wished to do honour to all the places which the life and teaching of Buddha had rendered famous, by the erection of Stupas, and the holy Upagupta volunteered to point out the sacred spots. Accordingly the goddess of the Sal tree, who witnessed Bud- dha’s birth, appeared to Asoka and vouched for the authenti- city of the venerated tree, which had given support to Maya- Devi, at the birth of the infant Sakya. Other holy sites are also indicated, such as the Bodhi-drum , or sacred Pipal tree at Buddha-Gaya, under which Buddha sat for six years in meditation ; and the Sal trees at Kusinagura, beneath which he obtained Nirvana, besides various spots rendered famous by the acts of his principal disciples, Sariputra, Maudgalyayana, Kasyapa, and Ananda. To all these holy places the pious King allotted large sums of money for the erection of Stupas. Upagupta then pointed out the holy place of Bakkula at Kosambi. “ And what was the merit of this sage ?” asked Asoka. “ He lived,” answered Upagupta, “ to a great age without once having known disease.” “ On him,” said the King, “ I bestow one farthing (KahaniiN f In Burnouf’s version of this story Bakkula is said to be the disciple who had encountered the fewest obstacles ; from which Asoka rightly argued that the fewer the obstacles the less the merit. The same idea is even more tersely expressed by the old author of the “ Land of Cockaigne” in describing the sinlessness of its inhabitants : “ Very virtuous may they be “ Who temptation never see/'’ As this legend of Bakkula is sufficient to prove that the famous city of Kausambi was situated on the Jumna, it now only remains to show that the distance of Kosam from Allahabad corresponds with that between Prayaga and * Burnouf, “Buddhisme Indien,” p. 391. t The Kakcuii was the fourth part of the copper pana, and was, therefore, worth only 20 cowries. Its weight was 2j raktikas, or rads of copper, or lj x 2o = 36 grains.. KOSAM, OR KOSAMBI. 305 Kosambi, as recorded by Hwen Thsang. Unfortunately tliis distance is differently stated in the life and in the travels of of the Chinese pilgrim.* In the former, the distance is given as 50 li, and in the latter as 500 li , whilst in the return journey to China the pilgrim states that, between Prayag and Kosambi, he travelled for seven days through a vast forest and over hare plains. Now, as the village of Kosam is only 31 miles from the fort of Allahabad, the last statement would seem to preclude all possibility of its iden- tification with the ancient Kosambi. But, strange to say, it affords the most satisfactory proof of their identity ; for the subsequent route of the pilgrim to Sankissa is said to have occupied one month ; and as the whole distance from Prayag to Sankissa is only 200 miles, the average length of the pilgrim’s daily march was not more than 5^ miles. This slow progress is most satisfactorily accounted for, by the fact that the march from Prayag to Sankissa was a religious procession, headed by the great King Harsha Vardliana of Kanoj, with a train of no less than 18 tributary Kings, besides many thousands of Buddhist monks, and all the crowd of an Indian camp. According to this reckoning, the distance from Prayag to Kosambi would be 38 miles, which corresponds very closely with the actual road distance as I found it. By one route on going to Kosam, I made the distance 37 miles, and by the return route 35 miles. The only probable explanation of Hwen Thsang’s varying dis- tance of 50 li and 500 li that occurs to me is, that as he converted the Indian yojcincis into Chinese li at the rate of 40 li per yojana , or of 10 li per kos, he must have written 150 li, the equivalent to 15 kos, which is the actual distance across the fields for foot passengers from Kosam to the fort of Allahabad, according to the reckoning of the people of Kosam itself. But whether this explanation he correct or not, it is quite certain that the present Kosam stands on the actual site of the ancient Kosambi; for not only do the people themselves put forward this claim, hut it is also dis- tinctly stated in an inscription of the time of Akbar, which is recorded on the great stone pillar, still standing in the midst of the ruins, that this is Kausdmbi pur a. The present ruins of Kosambi consist of an immense fortress formed of earthen ramparts and bastions, with a * See J u lien’s Hwen Tlisang, I., 121, 260 p., and II., 2S3. p 2 30G ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G2-G3. circuit of 23,100 feet, or exactly 4 miles and 3 furlongs.* The ramparts have a general height of from 30 to 35 feet above the fields, but the bastions are considerably higher ; those on the north face risings to upwards of 50 feet, while those at the south-west and south-east angles are more than 60 feet. Originally there were ditches all round the fortress, but at present there are only a few shallow hollows at the foot of the rampart. The parapets were of brick and stone ; but, although the remains of these defences can be traced nearly all round, I could not find any portion of the old wall with a facing sufficiently perfect to enable me to deter- mine its thickness. The large size of the bricks, which are 19 inches long by 12^ by 2^, shows that these are the ruins of very old walls. In shape the fortress may be described as an irregular rectangle, with its longer sides running almost due north and south. The length of the different faces is as follows : — North front South East West 4.500 feet. 6,000 „ 7.500 „ 5,100 „ Total ... 23,100 feet. The difference in length between the north and south fronts is due to the original extension of the fortress on the river face ; but the difference between the east and w^st fronts is, I believe, chiefly, if not wholly, due to the loss of the south-west angle of the ramparts by the gradual en- croachments of the Jumna. There are no traces now left of the western half of the ramparts on the southern face, and the houses of the village of Garhaiod are standing on the very edge of the cliff overhanging the river. The reach of the river also from the Pakka JBurj at the south-west angle of the fortress up to the hill of Prabhdsa, a clear straight run of four miles, bears 12 degrees to the north of east, whereas in the time of Ilwen Thsang there were two Stupas and a cave at a distance of 1^ miles to the south-west of Kosdmbi. From all these concurring circumstances, I con- clude that the west front of the fortress was originally as * See Plate XLVIII, for a map of the ruins of Kosam. KOSAM, OR KOSAMBI. 307 nearly as possible of tbe same length as the east front. This would add 2,400 feet, or nearly half a mile to the length of the west front, and would increase the whole circuit of the ramparts to 4 miles and 7 furlongs, which is within one furlong of the measurement of 5 miles, or 30 li recorded by Hwen Thsang. In three main points therefore of name, size, and position, the present Kosam corresponds most exactly with the ancient Kosamhi, as it is described by the Chinese pilgrim in the 7th century. Viewed from the outside, the ruins of Kosamhi present a most striking appearance. My previous enquiries had led me to except only a ruined mound some 20 or 30 feet in height covered with broken bricks. "What was my surprise, therefore, when still at some distance from the place on the north-east side, to behold extending for about 2 miles a long line of lofty earthen mounds as high as most of the trees. I felt at once that this was the celebrated Kosambi, the capital of the far-famed Raja TJdayana. On reaching the place I mounted one of the huge earthen bastions, from whence I had a clear view of the interior. This was very uneven but free from j an gal, the whole surface being thickly covered with broken bricks. In many places the "bricks were partially cleared away to form fields, but in others the broken bricks were so thickly strewn that the earth beneath was scarcely discernible. But I was disappointed to find that there were no prominent masses of ruin, — the only object that caught the eye being a modern Jain temple. I recognized the positions of six gates by the deep depres- sions in the lines of rampart. There are two of these open- ings on each of the three land faces of the fortress. The present village of Kosam consists of two distinct portions, named Kosam Indrn and Kosam Kliirdj, or “ Rent- free” and “Rent-paying” Kosam, the former being on the west, and the latter on the east side of the old fortress. Inside the ramparts, and on the bank of the Jumna, there are two small villages called GarTiawd Kara and Garhawa, Chota, their names being no doubt derived from their posi- tion within the fort or garh. Beyond Kosam Inam is the large village of Pah, containing 100 houses, and beyond Kosam Khiraj on the bank of the Jumna stands the hamlet of Gop-SaJiasa. To the north there is another hamlet called Ambd-Kua, because it possesses a large old well ARCIEEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1S62-G3. 308 surrounded by a grove of mango trees. All these villages together do not contain more than 350 or 400 houses, with about 2,000 inhabitants. The great object of veneration at Kosambi was the celebrated statue of Buddha in red sandal wood, which was devoutly believed to have been made during the life time of Buddha by a sculptor whom King Udayana was permitted to send up to the Trayastrinsa heaven, while the great Teacher was explaining his law to his mother Maya. The statue was placed under a stone dome, within the precincts of the palace of Udayana, which is described by Hwen Thsang as being situated in the very middle of Kosambi. This description shows that the place must have occupied the position of the great central mass of ruin, which is now covered by a small Jain temple. The temple is said to have been built in 1834, and is dedicated to Pdrasndth. By ther people, however, it is generally called Deora or the Temple, which was the old name of the mound, and which, therefore, points unmistakably to the position of the ancient temple that once held the famous statue of Buddha. The foundations of a large building are still traceable both to the east and west of the temple ; but there are no remains either of sculpture or of architectural ornament. But in the village of Bara Garhawa, distant 1,500 feet to the south-west, I found two sculptured pillars of a Buddhist railing, and the pedestal of a statue inscribed with the well- known Buddhist profession of faith, beginning with Ye dharmma lietu prahhava, &c., in characters of the 3th dr 9th century. In the village of Chota Garhawa, distant half a mile to the south-east, I found a small square pillar sculptured on three faces with representations of Stupas. The discovery of these undoubted Buddhist remains is alone sufficient to prove that some large Buddhist establishment must once have existed inside the walls of Kosambi. I would, therefore, assign the two pillars of the Buddhist rail- ing and the inscribed statue to the great Vihar in the palace, which contained the famous sandal wood statue of Buddha. The third pillar I would assign to the Stupa which contained the hair and nails of Buddha, as it was situated inside the south-east corner of the city, on the very site of Chota Garhawa, where the pillar itself was found. The two rail- ing pillars found at Bara Garhawa are sculptured with figures KOSAM, OR KOSAMBI. 300 of a male and female ; and as "both of these figures exhibit, the very same scanty clothing as is seen in those of the bas-reliefs of the Sanchi Tope, near Bliilsa, I would refer the Kosambi pillars to the same age, or somewhere about the beginning of the Christian era. The only other existing relic of Buddhism inside the fort is a larsre stone monolith similar to those of Allahabad O and Delhi, excepting only that it hears no ancient inscription. This column is now standing at an angle of 5°, about one- half of the shaft being buried in a mound of brick ruins. The portion of the shaft above ground is 14 feet in length, and close by there are two broken pieces, measuring respect- ively 4 feet 6 inches and 2 feet 3 inches. I made an ex- cavation completely round the pillar to a depth of 7 feet 4 inches, without reaching the end of the polished portion of the shaft. All these figures added together give a total length of 28 feet ; but the pillar was no doubt several feet longer, as the shafts of all the five known monoliths exceed 30 feet. The smallest diameter is 29^- inches, or nearly the same as that of the Lauriya-Ara-Maj pillar, and as the dia- meter increases in nearly the same proportion, I presume that the Kosambi pillar most probably had about the same height of 36 feet. According to the villagers, this pillar was in one piece as late as 50 years ago ; but it was leaning against a large Nhnb tree. The tree was old and hollow, and some cowherds having accidentally set fire to it, the top of the pillar was broken by the heat. Several different per- sons affirmed that the shaft was originally nearly double its present height. This would make the height above ground somewhat less than twice 14 feet, or say about 27 feet, which, added to the ascertained smooth portion of 7 feet 4 inches under ground, would make the original height of the smooth shaft upwards of 34 feet.* I found numerous roots of the old tree in my excavation round the pillar. The statement of the people that the Kosambi pillar has been leaning in its present position as long as they can remember, is curiously corroborated by the fact that an inscription dated in the reign of Akbar is cut across the face of the shaft at an angle of about 50° but parallel to the horizon. It seems * An excavation was made in 1870 by Mr. Nesbitt, District Engineer, winch exposed a total length of 34 feet, when the work was suspended. Mr. Neshitt supposes the length to exceed 10 feet. 310 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G2-G3. certain, therefore, that the pillar was in its present leaning position as early as the reign of Akbar ; and further, as this inscription is within reach of the hand, and as there are also others engraved beneath the present surface of the soil, I conclude that the pillar must have been buried as we now see it for a long time previous to the reign of Akbar. The inscriptions recorded on the Kosambi pillar range from the age of the Guptas down to the present day. The only record of the earliest period is the name of a pilgrim in six letters, which I have not succeeded in reading. At the top of the broken shaft there is an incomplete record of three letters ending in prdbhdra , which I would ascribe to the 4th or 5th century. The letters, which are three inches in length, are boldly cut, but the line which they form is not parallel to the sides of the pillar. The next inscription in point of time consists of six lines in characters of the Gth or 7th century. As this record is placed on the lower part of the shaft, from 3 to 4 feet beneath the present ground level, and as the lines are perpendicular to the sides of the shaft, I infer that at the time when it was inscribed, the pillar was still standing upright in its original position, and that the surrounding buildings were still in perfect order. This inference is fully borne out by Hwen Thsang’s account of the ancient palace of Udayana with its great Vihara, GO feet in height, and its stone dome forming a canopy over the statue of Buddha, all of which would seem to have been in good order at the date of his visit, a? he carefully mentions that the two different hath-hoiises ol Buddha, as well as the dwelling-house of Asanga Bodhisatwa were in ruins. Just above this inscription there are several records in the peculiar shell-shaped letters which James Prinsep noticed on the Allahabad pillar, and which I have found on most of the other pillars throughout Northern India. The remaining inscriptions, which are comparatively modern, are all recorded on the upper part of the shaft. That of Akbar’s time, which has already been referred to, is in Nagari as follows : — Mogal Pdtlsdh Akbar Patisdh Gaji ; for Mogal Pddshdh Akbar Padshah Ghazi. This is followed by a short record of a soni, or goldsmith, in three lines, below which is a long inscription dated in Samvat KOSAM, or. KOSAMBI. 311 1621, or A. D. 1561, in tlie early part of Akbar’s reign, detailing the genealogy of a whole family of goldsmiths. It is in this inscription that the name of Kosdmbipura occurs, the founder of the family, named Anand Ram Das, having died at Kosam. The monolith is called Rdm-ka-charri, “ Ram’s walking stick,” by some, and by others Bhim-sen- Ica-Gadd, or “Bhim-sen’s club.” Inside the fort also, about midway between the two villages of Garhawd, I found a large lingam, bearing four heads, with three eyes each, and with the hair massed on the top of each head. The dis- covery of this costly symbol of Mahadeva shows that the worship of Siva must have been firmly established at Kosambi at some former period ; and as Hwen Thsang men- tions the existence of no less than 50 heretical (that is Brahmanical) temples at the time of his visit, I think it probable that the large lingam may have belonged to one of those early temples. To the south-west of Kosambi , distant 8 or 9 li, or 1| miles, Hwen Thsang describes a lofty Stupa of Asoka, 200 feet in height, and a stone cavern of a venomous dragon, in which it was devoutly believed that Buddha had left his shadow. But the truthful pilgrim candidly says that this shadow was not to be seen in his time. If Hwen Thsang-’s south-west bearing is correct, the holy cave must have been carried away long ago by the encroachment of the Jumna, as the clear reach of the river above Kosambi, as far as the hill of Prabhasa, a distance of 1 miles, now bears 282° from the ‘south-west, of the old city, or 12° to the north of west. The hill of Prabhasa, which is on the left bank of the Jumna, is the only rock in the Antarved or Doab of the Ganges and Jumna. In a hollow between its two peaks stands a modern Jain temple, but there is no cavern, and no trace of any ancient biddings. At a short distance to the south-east of Kosambi, there was an ancient monastery containing a Stupa of Asoka, 200 feet in height, which was built on the spot where Buddha had explained the law for many years. Beside the monas- tery, a householder named Kiu-shi-lo, formerly had a garden. Pa Hian calls it the garden of Kiu-sse-lo ; but by the Bud- dhists of Ceylon it is called the Ghosika garden. M. Julien renders the name doubtfully by Goshira , but it appears to me that the true name was most probably the Sanskrit 312 ARCTIyEOLOGICAL HErOIlT, 1SG2-G3. Gosirsha, and the Pali Gosisci, which I believe to he still preserved in GopsaJisci, the name of a small village close to Cliotci Garhciwa. This name is now written Gopshasa , hut as the well known name of Janamejaya is written Jacj- medau , and also Jalmedar, by the half educated people of Kosam, I do not think that the slight difference of spelling between the ancient Gosisci and the present Gopshasa, forms any very strong objection to their identification, more espe- cially as the position of the Gosisa garden must have been as nearly as possible on the site of the Gopshasa village. There are no ancient remains about this village ; nor, indeed, could we expect to find any traces of the garden. But in the neighbouring village of Kosam Khirdj or Hisdmdhdd, the vestiges of ancient occupation are found everywhere, and this village I believe to have been the site of the monastery with its lofty Stupa of 200 feet, built by Asolcci, and its similar Stupa containing the hair and nails of Buddha. The position of this village, within one-quarter of a mile of the south- east comer of the ancient fort, agrees precisely with the site of the monastery as described by Hwen Thsang, “ a une petite distance ciu sud-cst de la ville.” In this village squared stones of all sizes may he seen in the walls of most of the houses, and after a little search I succeeded in finding four plain pillars of two different sizes which had once belonged to two different Buddhist railings. Two of these pillars are 4 feet 9 inches in height, with a section of 12^ by 7 inches, which are also the exact dimensions of the largest railing pillars that have been found at Mathura. The other Two pillars are 2 feet 9 inches in height with a section of 7 by 34 inches, which are the exact dimensions of the smallest sized railing pillars that have been found at Mathura. The larger pillars I would assign to the Buddhist railing, which in all probability once surrounded the lofty Stupa of Asoka, and the smaller pillars I would assign to the smaller Stupa, which contained the hair and nails of Buddha. I found also the fragment of a corner pillar with the mortice holes for the reception of the rails on two adjacent sides at right angles to each other. I conclude, therefore, that this pillar must have belonged to the entrance doorway of one of the railings, although its face of 9 inches does not agree with the dimensions of either of the other pillars. KUSAPURA. 313 XV. KUSAPURA. From Kosambi the Chinese pilgrim travelled to the north-east, through a vast forest as far as the Ganges, after crossing which his route lay to the north for a distance of 700 li, or 117 miles, to the town of Kia-she-pu-lo, which M. Julien correctly renders by Kasapura. In searching for the site of this place the subsequent route of the pilgrim to Visakhd, a distance of 170 to 180 li, or from 2S to 30 miles, to the north is of equal importance with the bearing and distance from Kosambi. For as the Visakha, of Hwen Thsang, as I will presently show, is the same place as the Sha-clii of Fa Ilian, and the Sdketa or Ayodhya of the Hindus, we thus obtain two such well fixed points as Kosambi and Ayodhya to guide us in our search. A single glance at the map will he sufficient to show that the old town of Sultanpur on the Goma.ti (or Gumti) Biver is as nearly as possible in the position indicated. Now the Hindu name of this town was Kusabliavanapura, or simply Kusapura, which is almost the same name as that of Hwen Thsang. Bemem- bering Mr. Bayley’s note of information derived from Baja Man Sinh that there was “ a tope near Sultanpur,” I pitched my tent on one side of the now utterly desolate city, and searched the whole place through most carefully, but all in vain : I could neither find the trace of any tope, nor could I even hear of ancient remains of any kind. On the following day, however, after I had left Sultanpur, I heard that the village of Mahmudpur, about 5 miles to the north-west, was situated on an ancient mound of somewhat larger size than that of Sultanpur, and on my arrival at Faizabad, I learned from Lieutenant Swetenham, of the Boval Engineers, that there is an old tope to the north-west of Sultanpur, not far from this village. I conclude, therefore, that Sultanpur, the ancient Kusapura, is the same place as the Kasapura of Hwen Thsang, and this identification will he made even more certain on examination of the recorded distances. On leaving Kosambi, the pilgrim proceeded first in a north-east direction to the Ganges, after crossing which he turned to the north to Kasapura, the whole distance being 117 miles. Now, the two great ghats on the Ganges to the north-east of Kosam are at Mau-Saraya and Papamau, the former being 40 miles, and the latter 43 miles distant. But as these two ghats are close together, and almost Q 2 314 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-G3. immediately to the north of Allahabad, the total distance to Kasapura will be the same whichever place of crossing be taken. Prom Papamau to Sultanpur the direction is due north, and the distance 66 miles, the whole line from Kosam to Sultanpur being 109 miles, which is within 8 miles of the round number of 700 li, or 116§ miles as given by llwen Thsang, while both of the hearings are in exact accord- ance with his statements.* Prom Kasapura to Visuklia the direction followed by the pilgrim was to the north, and the distance was from 170 to 180 li, or from 28 to 38 miles. Now the present city of Ajudhya, the ancient Ayodliya or Saketa, is almost due north from Sultanpur, the distance being 30 miles to the nearest point, or just six miles in excess of the distance given by Hwen Thsang. As the former of these distances is in default, while the latter is in excess, I would suggest, as a possible alternative, that our measurements should be taken from the village of Mahmud- pur, which would make the route from Kosam to the Bud- dhist establishment near Kasapura up to 114 miles, or within three miles of the number stated by Hwen Thsang, and lessen the subsequent route to Ayodliya from 36 to 31 miles, which is within one mile of the number given by the Chinese pilgrim. As all these bearings are in perfect accordance, and as the names of the two places agree almost exactly, I think that there can he little hesitation in accepting the identi- fication of Sultanpur to Kusapura, with the Kasapura of Hwen Thsang. Kusapura or Kusa-hhavana-pura is said to have been named after Kama’s son Kusa. Shortly after the Muham- madan invasion it belonged to a Bhar Raja Nand Kunwar, who was expelled by Sultan Alauddin Ghori (read Kliilji). The defences of the town were strengthened by the con- queror, who built a mosque and changed the name of the place to Sultanpur. The site of Kusapura was, no doubt, selected by its founder as a good military position on account of its being surrounded on three sides by the River Gomati or Gomti. The place is now utterly desolate; the whole population having been removed to the new civil station ou the opposite or south bank of the river. The ruined fort of Sultanpur now forms a large mound, 750 feet square, * Julien’s Hwen Thsang, II., 200. RUSAPURA — DirOPAPAPURA. 315 with brick towers at the four corners. On all sides it is surrounded by the huts of the ruined town, the whole toge- ther covering a space of about half a mile square, or about two miles in circuit. This estimate of the size of Sultanpur agrees very closely with that of Kusapura given by Hwen Th sang, who describes the place as being 10 li, or If miles, in circuit. XVI. DHOPAPAPURA. Before accompanying the pilgrim to the ancient city of Sdlceta or Ayodhya , I will take the opportunity of describ- ing the famous place of Ilindu pilgrimage called Dhopapa- pura, which is situated on the right or west bank of the Gomati Biver, 18 miles to "the south-east of Sultanpur, and immediately under the walls of the fort of Gar ha, or Shirka- Garhi. The legend of the place is as follows : — After Hama Chandra had killed the giant Havana he wandered about trying to obtain purification for his guilt in having thus extinguished a portion of the spirit of Brahma ( Brahma-ka-ans) ; but all his efforts were ineffectual, until he met with a white crow, when he was informed by the Muni Vasislitha that the crow had become white from having bathed in the Gomati llivcr at a particular spot. Bama proceeded to bathe at the same spot, and was immediately purified, or “ cleansed” from his sin. The place was ac- cordingly named Bho-papa, or “ cleanser of sins” and the town which soon sprang up beside it was called Bliopdpapura. In Sanskrit the form is Dhutapdpa, which is given in the list of the Vishnu Purana as the name of a river distinct from the Gomati; but as the name immediately follows that of the Gomati, I think it probable that the term may have been intended only as an epithet of the Gomati , as the Dlmtapdpa, or “ Sin-cleanser,” in allusion to the legend of Bama’s purification. An annual fair is held here on the 10th day on the waning moon of Jyesth, at which time it is said that about fifty thousand people assemble to bathe in the far-renowned pool of Bhopapa. The site of Bhopdp is evidently one of very consider- able antiquity, as the whole country for more than half a mile around it is covered vriih broken bricks and pottery. The place is said to have belonged to the JBhar Bajas of Kusabhavanapura or Sultanpur, but the only name that I 31G ARCIIJEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-63. could hear of as specially connected with DhopCip , was that of Raja Ilel or Ilela. The village of Dliopdp-pur is now a very small one, containing less than 200 houses ; but they are all built of burnt brick, and numerous foundations are visible on all sides near the Gomati River. Several carved stones have been collected by the people from the ruined walls of the fort of Garhd. Amongst them I observed the following : — ls£, a broken pilaster with two human figures ; 2nd, a stone bracket ; 3 rd, a square capital of pillar ; 4 th, a four-bracket capital of a pillar; 5 tli, two stones with socket holes for iron cramps. All of these stones point unmistakably to the existence at some former period of a large temple at Dhopap, which was probably situated imme- diately above the bathing ghat. It seems almost certain, however, that there must once have been a considerable number of temples at this place, for the whole of the eastern wall or river front of the fort of Garhd has been built or faced with square stones, which, by their carvings and cramp-holes, show that they belonged to Hindu temples. The fort of Garhd is situated to the north of the village on a lofty natural mound overhanging the River Gomati on the east. To the north and south the place is defended by two deep ravines supplied with running water, and to the west by a deep dry ravine. The position is, therefore, a strong one ; for, although the neighbouring mounds to the north and west rise to nearly the same height, yet they once form- ed part of the city, which can only be approached over n&ucli low and broken ground. The strength of the position would seem to have early attracted the notice of the Muhammadan Kings of Delhi, as the fort is stated to have been repaired by Salim Shah, whilst a very old ruinous masjid stands on the west mound. The fort itself is a small place, its northern face being only 550 feet long, its eastern and western faces 550 feet each, whilst its south face is but 250 feet. The greater part of the stone work of the south-east tower has fallen into the river, where many of the stones are now lying, and much of the eastern wall has also disappeared, the stones being very valuable in a stoneless country for the sharpening of tools of all kinds. The entrance gate was on the south side, near the river bastion just mentioned. I obtained coins of many of the early Muhammadan Kings, from Naser- uddin Mahmud Gliori down to Akbar, but not a single Plat eX LIX - I DHOPAPAPURA — SAKETA, OR AJUDIIYA. 317 specimen of any Hindu coinage, although I was informed that coins hearing figures arc found every year during the rainy season. I may here mention that I heard of another place of Hindu pilgrimage on the north hank of the Gomati River, at a spot called Set-Barak, that is Sweta- Vardha , or “ the white Boar,” 15 kos , or 30 miles, from SuMnpur towards Lucknow. Two annual fairs are held there, — lsif, on the ninth day of the waxing moon of Chaitra, and the 2nd, on the fifteenth day of the waxing moon of Kartik, when it is said that about fifty thousand people assemble to bathe. The former period is connected with the history of Rama Chan- dra, as it is commonly known as the Bdm-navami Tiratli or “Rama’s ninth (day) place of pilgrimage.” I could not learn anything regarding the origin of the name of Set Barak, XVII. SAKETA, OR AJUDHYA. Much difficulty has been felt regarding the position of Fa-Hian’s “ great kingdom of Ska-chi, and of Hwen Thsang’s Visdkkd, with its enormous number of heretics,” or Brah- manists ; but I hope to show in the most satisfactory manner that these two places are identical, and that they are also the same as the Sdketa and Ajudhya of the Hindus. The diffi- culty has arisen chiefly from an erroneous bearing recorded by Fa Hian, who places Skewei, or Srdvasti, to the south of Sha-cki, while Hwen Thsang locates it to the north-east, and partly from his erroneous distance of 7 + 3 + 10=20 yojans, instead of 30, from the well-known city of Sankisa. The bearing is shown to be erroneous by the route of a Hindu pilgrim from the banks of the Godavery to Sewet, or Srd- vasti, as recorded in the Ceylonese Buddhist works.* This pilgrim, after passing through Mahissati and Ujani, or Maheshmati and Ujain, reaches Kosambi, and from thence passes through Sdketa to Seioet, that is, along the very route followed by Hwen Thsang. We have, therefore, two authorities in favour of Sewet being to the north of Saket. With regard to the distance, I refer again to the Buddhist books of Ceylon, in which it is recorded that from Sakespura (or Sangkasyapura, now Sankisa) to Seioet was a journey of * Hardy, “Manual of Buddhism,” p. 331. 318 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1SG2-G3. 30 yojans. Now, Pa Ilian makes the distance from Sankisa to Kanoj 7 yojans, thence to the forest of Holi, on the Ganges, 3 yojans, and thence to Shachi 10 yojans, or alto- gether only 20 yojans, or 10 less than the Ceylonese hooks.* That Pa Ilian’s statement is erroneous is quite clear from the fact that his distance would place Shachi in the neigh- bourhood of Lucknow ; whereas the other distance would place it close to Ajudhya, or Paizabad, or in the very position indicated by Hwen Thsang’s itinerary. Here, again, we have two authorities in favour of the longer distance. I have no hesitation, therefore, in declaring that Pa Hian’s recorded hearing of She-icei from Sha-chi is wrong, and that “ north” should he read instead of “ south.” I have now to show that Pa Hian’s Sha-chi is the same as nwen Thsang’s Visdkha, and that both are identical with Saketa or Ajudhya. With respect to Sha-chi, Pa Hian relates that, on “ leaving the town by the southern gate, you find to the east of the road the place where Buddha hit off a piece of his tooth brush, and planted it in the ground, where it grew to the height of seven feet, and never increased or diminished in size.” Now this is precisely the same legend that is related of Visdkha by Hwen Tlisang, who says that “ to the south of the capital, and to the left of the road (that is, to the east as stated by Pa Hian), there was, amongst other holy objects, an extraordinary tree 6 or 7 feet high, which always remained the same, neither growing nor decreas- ing.! This is the celebrated tooth-brush tree of Buddha* to which I shall have occasion to refer presently. Here I need only notice the very precise agreement in the two des- criptions of this famous tree, as to its origin, its height, and its position. The perfect correspondence of these details ap- pears to me to leave no doubt of the identity of Pa Hian’s Shachi with the Visakha of Hwen Tlisang. With respect to the identification of Visakha with the Saketa of the Hindus, I rest my proofs chiefly on the fol- lowing points : — ls^, that Visdkha, the most celebrated of all females in Buddhist history, was a resident of Saketa before her marriage with JPurnna Varddliana , son of Mrigara , the * Beal's “ Fa Hian,” pp. 71-72 ; and Hardy, Manual of Buddhism, p. 301. f Beal’s Fa Hian, c. XIX ; and Julieu’s Hwen Tlisang, II., 291. SAKETA, OR AJTJDHYA. 319 rich merchant of Srdvasti ; and 2nd, that Buddha is re- corded by Hwen Thsang to have spent six years at Visdkha, while by the Pali annals of Tumour he is stated to have lived 16 years at Sdketa. The story of the noble maiden Visakha is related at great length in the Ceylonese hooks. According to Hardy, she erected a Purvvdrama at Srdvasti, which is also mentioned by Hwen Thsang. Now there was also a Purvvdrdma at Saketa, and it can hardly he doubted that this monastery was likewise built by her.* She was the daughter of Dhananja, a rich merchant, who had emigrated from Paj agrilia to Sdketa. Now, amongst the oldest inscribed coins which have been discovered only at Ajudhya, we find some bearing the names of Dhana T)eva and Visdkha- Datta. I mention this because it seems to me to show the probability that the family of Dhananja and Visdkha was of great eminence in Sitketa or Ayodhya ; and I infer from the recurrence of their names, as well as from the great celebrity of the lady, that the city may possibly have been called Visdkha after her name. The other proof which I derive from the years of Buddha’s residence is direct and convincing. According to the Cey- lonese annals, Buddha was 35 years of age when he attained Buddliahood ; he then led a houseless life for 20 years, preaching in various places in Northern India, all of which arc detailed ; and of the remaining 25 years of his life he spent 9 in the Jetavana monastery at Sravasti, and 16 in the Pubhardmo monastery at Saketapura. Now, in the Burmese annals, these numbers are given as 19 years and 6 years, and in the last figure we have the exact number recorded by Hwen Thsang. Nothing can be more complete than this proof. There were only two places at which Buddha resided for any length of time, namely, Srdvasti, at which he lived either 9 or 19 years, and Sdketa, at which he lived either 6 or 16 years ; and as according to Hwen Thsang he lived for 6 years at Visakha, which is described as being at some distance to the south of Sravasti, it follows of necessity that Visakha and Saketa were one and the same place. * Hardy, Manual of Buddhism, p. 227 ; and Julien’s Hwen Thsang, I., 305. See also Pubharaino mentioned by Tumour in Bengal Asiatio Society’s Journal, VII., 7U0. 320 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPOET, 1SG2-G3. The identity of SaJceta and Ayodhya lias, I believe, always been admitted ; but I am not aware that any proof has yet been offered to establish the fact. Csoma-de-koros, in speaking of the place, merely says “ Salcetwia or Ayo- dhya,” aud H. II. Wilson, in his Sanskrit Dictionary, calls Sdketa “ the city Ayodhya.” But the question would appear to be set at rest by several passages of the Bamayana and and llagliuvansa, in which Saketnagara is distinctly called the capital of Baja Dasaratha and his sons. But the fol- lowing verse of the Bamayana, which was pointed out to me by a Brahman of Lucknow, will be sufficient to establish the identity. Aswajita , father of Kaikeyi, offers to give his daughter to Dasaratha, Bajah of Sdketcmagara : — Saketam nag ay am Baja ndmna Dasaratko ball, Tdsmai deyd maya Kanyd Kaikeyi ndma to j and. The ancient city of Ayodhya or Saketa is described in the Bamayana as situated on the bank of the Sarayu or Sarju Biver. It is said to have been 12 yojans, or nearly 100 miles in circumference, for which we should probably read 12 kos, or 21 miles — an extent which the old city, with all its gardens, might once possibly have covered. The distance from the Guptdr Ghat on the west, to the Bam Ghat on the cast, is j ust 6 miles in a direct line ; and if we suppose that the city with its suburbs and gardens formerly occupied the whole intervening space to a depth of two miles, its circuit would have agreed exactly with the smaller measurement of 12 kos. At the present clay the people point to Bam .Ghat and Guptar Ghat as the eastern and western boundaries of the old city, and the southern boundary they extend to Bharat- Kund near Bhadarsd, a distance of G kos. But as these limits include all the places of pilgrimage, it would seem that the people consider them to have been formerly inside the city, which was certainly not the case. In the Ain Akbari, the old city is said to have measured 148 kos in length by 3G kos in breadth, or in other words it covered the whole of the Province of Oudli to the south of the Ghaghra Biver.* The origin of the larger number is obvious. The 12 yojans of the Bamayana, which arc equal to 48 kos , being considered too small for the great city of Bama, the Brahmans simply added 100 kos to make the size tally with * Gladwin's translation, II., 32. SAKETA, OR AJUDHYA. 321 their own extravagant notions. The present city of Ajudhya, which is confined to the north-east corner of the old site, is just two miles in length hy about three-quarters of a mile in breadth ; hut not one-half of this extent is occupied by buildings, and the whole place Avcars a look of decay. There are no high mounds of ruins, covered with broken statues and sculptured pillars, such as mark the sites of other ancient cities, but only a low irregular mass of rubbish heaps, from which all the bricks have been excavated for the houses of the neighbouring city of Faizabad. This Muhammadan city, which is two miles and-a-half in length, by one mile in breadth, is built chiefly of materials extracted from the ruins of Ajudhya. The two cities together occupy an area of nearly six square miles, or just about one-lialf of the probable size of the ancient Capital of llama. In Faizabad the only building of any consequence is the stuccoed brick tomb of the old Bliao Begam, whose story was dragged before the public during the famous trial of Warren Hastings. Faiza- bad Avas the capital of the first Nawabs of Oudli, but it was deserted by Asaf-ud-daolah in A. D. 1775. According to the llamayana, the city of Ayodhya was founded by Manu, the progenitor of all mankind. In the time of Dasaratha, the father of Rama, it was fortified with towers and gates, and surrounded by a deep ditch. No traces of these works uoav remain, nor is it likely, indeed, that any portion of the old city should still exist, as the Ayodhya of llama is said to have been destroyed after the death of Vrihadbala in the great war about B. C. 1426, after which it lay deserted until the time of Vikramaditya. According to popular tradition this Vikramaditya was the famous Sakari Prince of Ujain, but as the Hindus of the present day attri- bute the acts of all Vikramas to this one only, their opinion on the subject is utterly Avorthless. We learn, however, from HAven Tlisang that a powerful Prince of this name was reigning in the neighbouring city of Sravasti, just one hun- dred years after Kanislika, or close to 7S A. I)., which was the initial year of the Sake era of Sdlivdhana. As this Vikramaditya is represented as hostile to the Buddhists, he must have been a zealous Bralimanist, and to him therefore I would ascribe the re-building of Ayodhya and the restora- tion of all the holy places referring to the history of Hama, Tradition says that when Vikramaditya came to Ayodhya, he 322 ARCIIiEOLOGICAL RErORT, 1862-G3, found it utterly desolate and overgrown with jangal , hut lie wras able to discover all the famous spots of Kama’s history by measurements made from Lakshman Gliat on the Sarju, according to the statements of ancient records. lie is said to have erected 360 temples, on as many different spots, sacred to Rama , and Sitd his wife, to his brothers Lalcshmana , JBharata , and Satrughna , and to the monkey god Hanumana. The number of 360 is also connected with Sdlivdhana , as his clansman the Rais Rajputs assert that he had 360 wives. There are several very holy Brahmanical temples about Ajudliya, but they are all of modern date, and without any architectural pretensions whatever. But there can he no doubt that most of them occupy the sites of more ancient temples that were destroyed by the Musulmans. Thus Rdmlcot , or Uanumdn Garlii, on the cast side of the city, is a small walled fort surrounding a modern temple on the top of an ancient mound. The name Kamkot is certainly old, as it is connected with the traditions of the Mani Rarbat, which will he hereafter mentioned ; hut the temple of Hanu- man is not older than the time of Aurangzib. Bam Ghat, at the north-east corner of the city, is said to be the spot where Kama bathed, and Sargdwari or Swargadwdri , the “ Gate of Paradise.” On the north-west is believed to be the place where his body was burned. Within a few years ago there was still standing a very holy Banyan tree called Asok Rat, or the “ Griefless Banyan,” a name which was probably connected with that of Swargadwdri, in the belief that people who died or were burned at this spot were at once relieved from the necessity of future births. Close by is the Lakshman Ghat, where his brother Lakshman bathed, and about one-quarter of a mile distant, in the very heart of the city, stands the Janam Astlidn, or “ Birth-place temple” of Kama. Almost due wrest, and upwards of five miles distant, is the Guptdr Ghat, with its group of modern white- washed temples. This is the place where Lakshman is said to have disappeared, and hence its name of Guptdr from Gupta, which means “ hidden or concealed.” Some say that it was Kama who disappeared at this place, but this is at variance with the story of his cremation at Swargadwdri. The only remains at Ajudhya that appear to be of any antiquity, arc three earthen mounds to the south of the city, and about a quarter of a mile distant. These are called SAKETA, OR AJTJDTIYA. 323 Mani-Parbat, Kuber-Parbat, and Sugrib-Parbat * The first, which is nearest to the city, is an artificial mound, 65 feet in height, covered with broken bricks and blocks of lconkar . The old bricks are eleven inches square and three inches thick. At 46 feet above the ground on the west side, there arc the remains of a curved wall faced with Uankar blocks. The mass at this point is about 40 feet thick, and this was probably somewhat less than the size of the building which once crowned this lofty mound. According to the Brahmans the Mani-Parbat is one of the hills which the monkeys made use of when assisting Eama. It was accidentally dropped here by Sugriva, the monkey-king of Kishkindhya. But the common people, who know nothing of this story, say that the mound was formed by the labourers shaking their baskets on this spot every evening on their return home from the building of Ramkot. It is therefore best known by the name of Jhowa-Jhdr or Ora Jhdr , both of which mean “ basket- shakings.” A similar story is told of the large mounds near Banaras, Nimsar, and other places. Rive hundred feet due south from the large mound stands the second mound called Kuber-Parbat , which is only 28 feet in height. The surface is an irregular heap of brick rubbish, with numerous holes made by the people in digging for bricks, which are of large size, 11 inches by 7^ by 2. It is crowned by two old tamarind trees, and is covered with jangal. Close by on the south-west there is a small tank, called Ganes-Kund by the Hindus, and Husen Kund or Imam Talao by the Musulmans, because their Tdzias are annually deposited in it. Still nearer on the south-east there is a large oblong mound called Sugrib-Parbat, which is not more than 8 or 10 feet above the ground level. It is divided into two distinct portions ; that to the north being upwards of 300 feet square at top, and the other to the south upwards of 200 feet. In the centre of the larger enclosure there is a ruined mound containing bricks 8-} inches square, and in the centre of the smaller mound there is a well. Between the Mani and Kuber mounds there is a small Muhammadan enclosure, 64 feet long from east to west and 47 feet broad, containing two brick tombs, which are attributed to Sis Paighambar and Ayub Paighambar, or the “prophets Seth and Job.” The * See Plate No. XLTX. for a map of the ruins of Ajudhya. o21< ARCHAEOLOGICAL RETORT, 1SG2-G3. first is 17 feet long and the other 12 feet. These tomhs arc mentioned by Abul Eazl, who says — “ Near this city arc two sepulchral monuments, one seven and the other six cubits in length. The vulgar pretend that they arc the tombs of Seth and Job, and they relate wonderful stories of them.”* This account shows that since the time of Akbar, the tomb of Seth must have increased in length from 7 cubits, or 10^ feet, to 17 feet through the frequent repairs of pious Musulmans. The mounds are surrounded by Musulman tombs, and as it is the Muhammadan practice to bury the dead along the sides of the high roads close to their cities, I infer that the road which now runs close to the westward of the mounds, is one of the ancient high ways of the district. This is confirmed by the existence of an old masonry bridge of three arches over the Tilahi ncila, to the north-west of the Mani-Parbat, as well as by the direction of the road itself, which leads from the south-end of the city straight to the Bharat-kund, and onwards to Sultanpur or Kusapura, and Allahabad or Prdydga. I notice this road thus minutely, because the iden- tifications which I am about to propose are based partly on its position and direction, as well as on the general agreement of the existing remains with the holy places described by the Chinese pilgrims. According to Pa Hian the place where Buddha planted the holy trees was to the east of the road, on issuing from the town by the southern gate. II wen Thsang’s account agrees with this exactly in placing the “ extraordinary tree” to the south of the capital and to the left of the route. This tree was the celebrated “ tooth brush,” or twig used in cleaning the teeth, which having been cast away by Buddha, took root and grew to between 6 and 7 feet in height. Now, it will be observed that the ruined mounds that still exist, as well as the tombs of Seth and Job, are to the south of the city and to the east or left of the road. The position, therefore, is unmistakably the same as that described by the Chinese pilgrims, and as the actual state of the ruins agrees well with the details given by Hwen Tlisang, I think that there can be no reasonable doubt of their identity. II wen Tlisang describes the city of VisdJcha as being 1G li, or 2§ miles in circuit. In his time, therefore, the capital of * Gladwin’s “ Aiu Akbari,” II., 33. SAKETA, OE AJTJDHYA. llama was not more than half of its present size, although it probably contained a greater population, as not above one-third, or even perhaps less, of the present town is inhabited. The old city then possessed no less than twenty monasteries with three thousand monks and about fifty Brahmauical temples, with a very large Bralimanical population. Prom this account we learn that so early as the seventh century more than three hundred of the original temples of Yikramaditya had already disappeared, and we may therefore reasonably infer that the city had been gradually declining for some time previously. The Buddhist monuments, however, would appear to have been in good order, and the monks were just as numerous as in the eminently Buddhist city of Banaras. The first monument described by Ilwen Thsang is a great monastery without name, but as it was the only notable monastery, it was most probably either the KdlaJcdrama of Saketa, or the Pnrvvardma , both of which are mentioned in the Ceylonese Maliawanso. The monks were of the school of the Samattiyas, and their monastery was famous for having produced three of the most eminent Buddhist controversialists. This monastery I would identity with the Svgrib Parbat which I have already described as being about 500 feet long by 300 feet broad. The great size and rect- angular form of this ruin are sufficient to show that it must have been a monastery, but this is placed beyond all doubt by the existence of an interior well and by the remains of cloistered rooms forming the four sides of the enclosure. Its position to the south of the city, and to the east or left of the road, has already been specially noticed as agreeing with the recorded position of the monastery. Beside the monastery there was a Stupa of Asoka, 200 feet in height, built on the spot where Buddha preached the law during his six years’ residence at Saketa. This monu- ment I would identify with the Mani-Parbat , which is still G5 feet in height, and which with its masonry facing must once have been at least as high again, and with the usual lofty pinnacle of metal may easily have reached a height of 200 feet. Hwen Thsang ascribes the erection of this monu- ment to Asoka, and I see no reason to question the accuracy of his statement, as the mixed structure of half earth and half masonry must undoubtedly be very ancient. The ear- liest Stupas, or topes, were simple earthen mounds or barrows, 320 ARCITyEOTOGICAL RETORT, 1S02-G3. similar to those that still exist in England. There are many of these harrows still standing at Lau r iy a - Nava n cigar h to the north of Bettiya, but this is the only place where I have yet seen them. They arc undoubtedly the most ancient monuments of the Indian population, and I firmly believe that even the very latest of them cannot be assigned to a lower date than the fifth century before Christ. I base this belief on the known fact that all the monuments of Asoka’s age, whether described by II wen Thsang, or actually opened by myself near Bhilsa, are either of stone or brick. The earthen harrows are therefore of an earlier age; but such as are Buddhist cannot possibly be earlier than the beginning of the fifth century before Christ. In the case of the Mani- Parbat at Ajudliya I infer that the earthen barrow, or lower portion, may belong to the earlier ages of Buddhism, and that the masonry or upper portion was added by Asoka. At the foot of the mound I picked up a broken brick with the letter sh, of the oldest form, stamped upon it ; but as this is almost certainly of later date than Asoka, it most pro- bably did not belong to the Mani-Parbat building. Ilwen Thsang next describes the sites of the tooth- brush tree and of the monument where the four previous Buddhas used to sit and to take exercise, as being close to the great Stupa. These places I would identify with the court-yard containing the tombs of Seth and Job, which touches the south side of the Mani-Parbat. The two tombs I take to be the remains of the seats of the four previous Buddhas, and the paved court-yard to be the scene of their daily walks, although I was unable to trace their foot-marks, which were seen by the Chinese pilgrim. The last monument described by Hwen Thsang is a Stupa containing the hair and nails of Buddha. This was surrounded by a number of smaller monuments which seemed to touch one another, and by several tanks which reflected the sacred buildings in their limpid waters. The Stupa I would identify with the Kuber-Parbai, which touches the south side of the enclosure round the tombs of Seth and Job, and is close to the west side of the ruined monastery. One of the tanks described by the pilgrim may be the Ganes- Kund, which has already been noticed ; but all the smaller monuments have disappeared long ago, as they afforded SAKETA, OH AJUDIIYA — IIATILA, OH ASOKPITE. 327 cheap and ready materials for tlic construction of tlie numer- ous Muhammadan tombs, as well as of the neighbouring bridge and mosque. If I am right in my identification of this mound as the remains of the Stupa containing the hair and nails of Buddha, I think that an excavation in the centre of the mound might, perhaps, verify the accuracy of my conclusions. The people are unanimous in their assertion that the old city to the north of these mounds was called Baretci. Ayodhya or Ajudhya, they say, was the capital of Rama, hut the later city was called Bareta. As this name has no simi- larity either to Sdlceta or Visdkhci, I can only set it down as another appellation of the old town, for which we have no authority hut tradition. I was disappointed when at Ajudhya in not hearing even the most distant allusion to the legend of the tooth-hrush tree of Buddha, hut the tradition still exists, as I heard of it quite unexpectedly at two differ- ent places immediately afterwards, first at Bdtila, distant 15 miles, and next at Gonda, 29 miles to the north of Ajudhya. XVIII. HATILA, OR ASOKPUR. The ancient territory of Ayodhya was divided hy the Sarju or Ghdghra River into two great provinces, — that to the north being called U ttara Kosala, and that to the south Banaodha. Each of these was again sub-divided into two districts. In Banaodha these are called Bachham-rdt and Burab-rdt, or the western and eastern districts, with reference to their hearing from Ajudhya; and in IJ ttara Kosala they are Gaudci (vulgarly Gonda) to the south of the Rapti, and Kosala to the north of the Rapti, or Rawati, as it is univer- sally called in Oudh. Some of these names are found in the Puranas ; thus in the Vayu Purana, Lava, the son of Kama, is said to have reigned in Uttara Kosala ; hut in the Matsya, Linga, and Kurma Purans, Srdvasti is stated to he in Gauda. These apparent descrepancies are satisfactorily explained when we learn that Gauda is only a sub-division of Uttara Kosala, and that the ruins of Sravasti have actually been discovered in the district of Gauda, which is the Gonda of the maps.* The extent of Gauda is also proved hy the old * See Plate No, I., map of tlie Gauge-tie Provinces. 32S ARCHEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-Go. name of BalrAmpur on the Rapti, which was formerly Bdmgarh Gauda. I presume therefore that hotli the Gando Brahmans and the Gauda Togas must have belonged to this district originally, and not to the mediaeval city of Gauda in Bengal. Brahmans of this name are still numerous in Ajudhya and Jaliangirabad on the right bank of the Ghaghra River in Gouda, Pakhapur, and Jaisni of the Gouda District, and in many parts of the neighbouring Province of Gorakh- pur. The small village of Udtila derives its name from the sister’s son of Sayid Sfdar. The old Hindu name was Asolepur , so called from a large temple of Asolcndth Mahadeo. Hatila was killed in an assault on the temple, and his tomb, a low-domed building only 20 feet square, is still much frequented as the shrine of a Ghdzi or martyr for the faith. It is built entirely of large bricks from the ruins of the old temple of Asokndtli. The remains consist of a low mound, 700 feet long by 500 feet broad, with three prominent masses of ruin on the north side. I made an excavation in the north-west ruin near the base of a large Mahwa tree, but without any result, as a small Muhammadan tomb on the top prevented me from digging in the centre. But the coolies employed on the work voluntarily informed me that the Mahwa tree had been the “ tooth-brush” of a Raja who stuck it in the ground and it grew to be a tree. Prom this tradition, which also exists at Gonda, I infer that it was usual to make cuttings and to take seeds from the famous danta-dhdwan or “ tooth-brush tree” of Sdketa for distribu- tion to religious establishments, just as cuttings from the Bodhi tree at Gaya were made lor the same purpose. Both Pa Hian and Hwen Thsang agree in stating that the Danta- dhdwan of Saketa was only seven feet high, and that it never grew any higher, which would seem to show that it was only a small tree or shrub ; and this, indeed, is actually the case with the Datton, or “ tooth-brush tree” of Gonda, which is a Chilhil, or shrub eaten by goats, that never exceeds 8 or 10 feet. I conclude therefore that the original tooth- brush tree of Hatila has disappeared, and that the name has been applied to the Mahwa , which is the only tree now remaining on the mound. The north-cast mound is a mere undistiuguishablc mass of broken bricks, but the central mound is still covered IIATTLA, OH ASOKTUR 329 with the ruins . , the temple of Asoknath Mahadco containing; a large broken lingam. Portions of the brick walls, which still remain, show that the temple was only 12 feet square ; but the whole has been lifted up by the roots of a gigantic Pipal tree, which still hold the bricks together by their interlacings. These remains attracted the attention of Buchanan Hamilton during his survey of Gorakhpur, who remarks that “ a wild fig tree having taken root on the lingo, will soon cover it.”* This actually took place, and the lingo was almost completely hidden by the matted roots of the Pipal, until the tree was cut down by the Tahsildar of the neighbouring village of Vazirganj in A. D. 1862. As the cut stem of the Pipal shows 819 annual rings, the tree must have been planted in A. D. 1013, during the reign of Mahmud of Ghazni. This, indeed, is about the date of the temple itself, which is said to have been built by Suhri-dal, Baja of Asokpur, and the antagonist of Sayid Salar. The Baja is also called Suhal-dhar , Sohil-dal, and Soldi Deo , and is variously said to have been a Thdru , a Dhar, a Kalahansa, or a Dais Rajput. The majority, however, is in favor of his having been a Tlidru. The mound with the Mahwo tree is called Raja Sohil-dal-ka- klialanga, or Sohil-dal’s seat.” His city of Asokpur is said to have extended to Domariya-Dih, 2 hos to the north, and to Sareya Dili, half a kos to the south of the temple. At both of these places there are old brick-covered mounds, in which several hundreds of coins have been lately found. Most of the coins belong to the early Musulman Kings of Delhi, the Ghoris and Khiljis ; but there were also a few Hindu coins, in base silver and copper, with the Boar incarnation of Vishnu on one side, and the legend of Sri- mad- Adi- Vardlia on the reverse in mediaeval characters. As these coins are referred to by name, in an inscription of A. D. 920, as Sri-mad- Adi- Varalia drammas, or “ Boar in- carnation drachmas,” the mounds in which they have been discovered must be of still earlier date. Tradition gives the genealogy of the Bajas of Gouda as follows : A. D. 900 1 Mora-dhaj, or Mayura-dliwaja 925 2 Hans-dliaj, or Hansa-dhwaja. 950 3 Makar-dhaj, or Makara-dhwaja. 975 1 Sudhanwa-dhaj. 1000 5 Suhridal-dhaj, contemporary of Mahmud. * ‘‘ Eastern India,” IT., 3S0. s 2 330 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G2-63. I give this genealogy vritli the probable dates, as it may, perhaps, he of use hereafter in fixing the age of other Princes and their works.* XIX. SAHET-MAHET, OR SRAVASTI. The position of the famous city of Srdvasti, one of the most celebrated places in the annals of Buddhism, has long puzzled our best scholars. This was owing partly to the con- tradictory statements of the Chinese pilgrims themselves, and partly to the want of a good map of the Province of Oudh. In page 317 I have compared the bearings and distances recorded by Fa Ilian and II wen Thsang with those preserved in the Buddhist annals of Ceylon, and I have shewn conclusively that Fa Ilian’s distance from Sankisa and his bearing from Shachi or Sdket are both erroneous. We know from Hwen Thsang and the Buddhist books in Ceylon that Srdvasti was to the north of Salict or Ayodhya, or in other words, that it was in the District of Gauda or JJttara Kosala, which is confirmed by the statements of no less than four of the Brahmanical Puranas. As Fa Hian also says that Sheivei or Seivet was in Kosala, there can be no doubt whatever that Srdvasti must be looked for within a few days’ journey to the northward of Saket or Ayodhya. According to Fa Hian the distance was 8 yojanas, or 56 miles, which is increased by Hwen Thsang to 500 li, or 83 miles. But as the latter ' pilgrim reduced the Indian yojana to Chinese measure at the rate of 40 li per yojana, I would correct his distance by the nearest round number of 350 li or 58 miles to bring it into accordance with the other. Now, as this is the exact distance from Ajudhya of the great ruined city on * Since this account was written, I have found the name of Mora-dhaj attached to several other places, especially to an old ruined fort in Rohilkhand, which is still named Mora-dhaj, and which will be described in Volume II. In Sir Henry Elliot’s Muhammadan Historians, Volume II., p. 513, will be found a detailed account of the mad expedition of Salar Musaud, which, although a late compilation of the traditions current in the reign of Jahangir, is pro- bably correct in its general outlines. According to this account Salar Musaud, after an engagement with the Hindus, rested under the shade of a Mahwa tree, on the bank of the Suraj-kund, close to the idol temple of Balarukh. The place w>as several marches distant from Bahraich, as he returned to Bahraich from the Suraj-kund “ by regular stages.” As he had taken a great fancy to the spot, he ordered a platform of masonry to be built under the shade of the Mahwa tree to serve him for a seat. Apparently, this was the scene of his death, as, during the battle, he directed his followers to throw the bodies of the dead believers into the Suraj-kund, while the few troops that remained stood round him in the garden. His chief opponent in this last battle wTas Rai Saluir Deo, who is clearly the same as Sahri Dal or Sohil Deo, of my informants. Musaud’s tomb is at Bahraich, but this was not built until two centuries later. The tomb at Asokpur, may, I think, be that of his relative Salar Saifuddin, who was killed in the same battle. t Beal’s Fa Hian, c. XIX.. XX. ; and Julien’s Hwen Thsang, II., 292. PLATE. L. 1 If AP B. Stupa of Prasenajit C. Vihar of Prajapati D. Stupa of Sndatta E. Stupa of the Anguli maty as GG Two Stone Pillars. H. Stupa of the Sick Bhikshu K . Stupa of Mudgalaputra L. Well of Buddha M. Stupa of Asoka P. Gulf of Devadctta S. Buddhist Vihar T. Bralimanical Temple V. Stupa of Sariputra W. Purwarama X. Stupa of Visaklia Y. Massacre of 500 Sakya Maidens Z . Gulf of Virudhaka .Jet avana Monastery A- Cun mug Vi am del i 1 1 i 1 i i i 1 1 L soo o 1O00 of the Ruins of and the JETAVANA MONASTERY now called SAHET-MAHET. HuserL Jot * Sim Litho. at the Suivr. Gent’s. Office. Ca.. September 1371 SAIIET-MAHET, OH SRAVASTI. 331 the south hank of the Rapti, called Sdhet MdJiet , in which I discovered a colossal statue of Buddha with an inscription containing the name of Sravasti itself, I have no hesitation in correcting Hwen Thsang’s distance from 500 li to 350 li as proposed above. The ruined city of Sahet Mahet is situated between Akaona and Balrampur, at 5 miles from the former and 12 miles from the latter, and at nearly equi-distances from Bahraich and Gonda In shape it is an almost semi-circular cresent, with its diameter of one mile and a third in length curved inwards and facing the north-east, along the old bank of the Rapti River. The western front, which runs due north and south, for three-quarters of a mile, is the only straight portion of the enclosure. The ramparts vary con- siderably in height ; those to the west being from 35 to 40 feet in height, while those on the south and east are not more than 25 or 30 feet. The highest point is the great north-west bastion, which is 50 feet above the fields. The north-east face, or shorter curve of the cresent, was defended by the Rapti, which still flows down its old bed during the annual floods. The land ramparts on the longer curve of the cresent must once have been defended by a ditch, the remains of which yet exist as a swamp, nearly half a mile in length, at the south-west corner. Everywhere the ramparts are covered with fragments of brick, of the large size peculiar to very ancient cities ; and, though I was unable to trace any remains of walls except in one place, yet the very presence of the bricks is quite sufficient to show that the earthen ramparts must once have been crowned by brick parapets and battlements. The portion of the parapet wall, which I discovered still standing in the middle of the river face, was 10 feet thick. The whole circuit of the old earthen ramparts, according to my survey, is 17,300 feet, or upwards of 3^ miles. Now, this is the exact size of 20 li or 3^ miles which Hwen Thsang gives to the palace alone; but as the city was then derserted and in ruins, he must have mistaken the city itself for the palace.* It is certain at least that the suburbs outside the walls must have been very limited, indeed — as the place is almost entirely surrounded with the remains * Sec plate No. L. for a map of Tlisang, II., 133. tlie ruins of Sravasti, and compare Julicn's Hwen t 332 AEG IDEOLOGICAL EEPOET, 18G2-G3. of large religious buildings, wbicli would have left hut little room for any private dwellings. I am therefore quite satisfied that the city has been mistaken for the palace ; and this mistake is sufficient to show how utterly ruined this once famous city must have been at so distant a period as the 7th century, when the place was visited by, Hwen Thsang. As Pa Ilian describes the population as already very inconsiderable in A. D. 100, while the Ceylonese annals* speak of Khird- clhdra , King of Sawatthipurci, between A. D. 275 and 302, the great decline of Sravasti must have taken place during the fourth century, and we may, perhaps, not be far wrong in connecting it with the fall of the Gupta Dynasty in A. D. 319. Sravasti is said to have been built by Kaja Srdvasta, the son of Yuvanaswa of the Solar race, and the tenth in descent from Surya himself. Its foundation therefore reaches to the fabulous ages of Indian Ilistory, long anterior to Kama. During this early period it most probably formed part of the kingdom of Ayodhya, as the Yayu Purana assigns it to Lava, the son of Kama. When Sravasti next appears in history, in the time of Buddha it was the capital of King Prasenajit, the son of Maha Kosala. The King became a convert to the new faith, and during the rest of his life he was the firm friend and protector of Buddha. But his son Virudhaka hated the race of Sakyas, and his invasion of their country and subsequent massacre of 500 Sakya maidens, who had been selected for his harem, brought forth the famous pre- diction of Buddha, that within seven days the King would be consumed by fire. As the story has been preserved by Buddhists, the prediction was of course fulfilled, and upwards of eleven centuries afterwards the tank in which the King had sought to avoid the flames was pointed out to the cre- dulous Hwen Thsang. We hear nothing more of Sravasti until one century after Kanishka, or five centuries after Buddha, when, according to Hwen Thsang, Vikramaditya, King of Sravasti, became a persecutor of Buddhists, and the famous Manorliita, author of the Vibhasha Sastra , being worsted in argument by tlie Brahmans, put himself to death. t During the reign * Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, 183S, p. 8G5. t J alien’s Hwen Thsang, II., 115. SATIET-MAIIET, OR SRAYASTI. 333 of liis successor, whose name is not given, the Brahmans, were overcome by Vasubandhu, the eminent disciple of Manorhitci. The probable date of these two Kings may be set down as ranging from A. D. 79 to 120. For the next two centuries Sravasti would seem to have been under the rule of its own Kings, as we find Khirddhdra and his nephews mentioned as Kajas between A. D. 275 and 319. But there can be little doubt that during the whole of this time Sravasti was only a dependency of the powerful Gupta Dynasty of Magadlia, as the neighbouring city of Saketa is specially said to have belonged to them. “ Princes of the Gupta race,” says the Yayu Purana, “ will possess all those countries, — the banks of the Ganges to Prayaga, and Saketa, and Maga- dha.”* Prom this time Sravasti gradually declined. In A. D. 400 it contained only 200 familes, in A. D. G32 it was completely deserted, and at the present day the whole area of the city, excepting only a few clearances near the gateways, is a mass of almost impenetrable jangal. Before attempting to identify the existing remains of Sdhet-Mdhet with the famous monuments of Sravasti, it will be as well to compare and reconcile the few discrepant statements of the Chinese pilgrims, so that the description of the holy places may not be interrupted by discussion. Of these discrepancies, perhaps the most notable is the difference in the name of the city itself, which Pa Hian gives as She-ioei, while Hwcn Thsang writes it, as correctly as it is possible to do in Chinese syllables, She-lo-fa-si-ti, or Sravasti. But this difference is more apparent than real, as there can be little doubt that She-wei is only a slight alteration of the abbreviated Pali form of Seivet for Sdwatthi , which is found in most of the Ceylonese books. Similarly the modem name of Sdhet is evidently only a variation of the Pali Sawet. The other name of Mahet I am unable to explain, but it is perhaps only the usual rhyming addition of which the Hindus are so fond, as in ulta-pulta , or “ topsy-turvey,” which many of the people say is the true meaning of Sdhet- Mahet , in allusion to the utter ruin of the whole place. But some say that the name was originally Set-met, and as this form seems to be only a corruption of Sewet, it is pro- bable that Sahet-Maliet, or Sdhet-Mdhet is simply a * II, II. Wilson's Visliuu Parana, p. 170, note. 334 ARCIIyEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-G3. lengthened pronunciation of Set-met. One man alone, and he, strange to say, was the Musulman in charge of the tomb of Pir-Barana close to the ruined city, affirmed that the true name was Sdvitri , which is so close to the correct Pali form of Sawatthi as to leave hut little doubt that it preserves the original name of the place. The next point of difference is the distance of the cele- brated monastery of Jetavana from the soutli gate of the city. According to Fa Hian this was 1,200 paces, or about half a mile, which is increased by II wen Thsang to 5 or 6 li, or nearly one mile. But as the only mass of ruins which can possibly be identified with the Jetavana is exactly half a mile from the nearest opening in the south rampart of the old city, there is clearly some mistake in the distance given by II wen Thsang, unless we may suppose him to have approached the monastery by a somewhat longer route through the multitude of holy places, of which the remains still exist to the east of the Jetavana ruins. By this route the distance would be increased to three-quarters of a mile, or 4^ li , which is sufficiently close to the number given by II wen Thsang. Both pilgrims begin their account of Sravasti at the old palace of King Prasenajita , and as both, after describing the surrounding buildings leave the city by the south gate, it is certain that the palace was inside the city. Its exact posi- tion I was unable to determine, as the greater part of the interior is covered with dense jangal ; but as the east half is comparatively clear, and the jangal low, I was able to satisfy myself that no large building had ever existed in this part, and consequently that the place must have been in the west half of the city. This conclusion is confirmed by the posi- tion of the two stupas of Sudatta and the Anguli-malyas, which II wen Thsang places to the east of the palace ; for as the only existing mounds that can be identified with these stupas are near the middle of the river face of the city, the palace must have been to the west of them, and therefore in the west half of the city. The two principal places inside the city, which are men- tioned by both pilgrims as being to the cast of the palace, were the dwelling-house and stupa of Sudatta, the builder of the Jetavana , and the great stupa of the Anguli-malyas. These stupas I have already identified with the two existing SAIIET-MAIIET, OH SHAVASTI. 335 mounds near the middle of the river face of the ramparts. The smaller one, which is about 25 feet in height, corresponds with the stupa of Sudatta, and the larger one, which is 35 feet in height, with the other stupa , which is particularly stated to have been a larger one. The AnguU-mdlyas were the followers of a particular sect which was established by a converted brigand who had received the name of Anguli-mala or “finger garland,” from his practice of cutting off the fingers of his victims to form a garland which he wore round his neck. On leaving the city by the south gate, both pilgrims went at once to the eastern gate of the great monastery of Jetavana , which was one of the eight most celebrated Buddhist build- dings in India. * It was erected during the life-time of Buddha by Sudatta, the minister of King Prasenajita, and it received its name of Jetavana, or “ Jeta’s garden,” because the garden in which it was built had been purchased from Prince Jeta. The story of the building is given by Hardy from the Ceylonese annals. f According to them the Prince, who was unwilling to part with his garden, demanded as its priceas many gold masurans as would cover it, which Sudatta at once promised. When the garden was cleared, and all the trees, except Sandal and Mango, were cut down, the money was brought and spread out over the ground until the whole was covered, when the sum was found to be 18 kotis, or ISO millions of masurans. The garden in said to have been 1,000 cubits in length and the same in breadth, or 4,000 cubits in circuit. Extravagant as the sum may seem, it is still too small to have covered the garden, if we are to take Mr. Hardy’s cubits at 18 inches, as each masuran would be one inch and eight-tenths in length and breadth, which is about three times the size of the old Indian silver coins. Unfortu- nately the dimensions of the Jetavana are not stated either by Ea Hian or Hwen Thsang ; but the ruined mound of the monastery still exists, and its dimensions do not exceed 1,000 feet in length by 700 feet in breadth. Now, it is curious * In Remusat’s translation of jFa Hian’s travels, it is stated that “ the town has two gates, — one facing the east, and the other the north.” As the south gate is mentioned by both pilgrims, it was certain that this statement was erroneous. Mr. Beal’s more accurate trans- lation shows that the two gates thus described belong to the Vihara and not to the city. The position of the north gate is distinctly indicated by a depression in the centre of that side. + Hardy, “ Manual of Buddhism,” p. 21G. 330 ATlCIIyEOLOGICAL KEPOUT, 1802-03. that these numbers give an area which is only one-third of the size of that recorded in the Ceylonese annals, and which therefore would he exactly covered by 180 millions of old Indian silver coins, allowing rather more than half an inch for the length and breadth of each coin. The amount said to have been paid for the garden is of course only the usual extravagant style of Indian exaggeration, for the sum of 18 Jeotis, even if taken at the lowest value of gold as ten times that of silver, would be equal to 15 krors of rupees, or 15 millions sterling. The Jetavana is described in the Cevloncsc annals as v consisting of a central vilidr, or temple, with surrounding houses for priests, rooms for day and night, an ambulatory, tanks, and gardens of fruit and flower trees, and around the whole a wail 18 cubits in height. According to this descrip- tion the Jetavana must have included not only the great ruined mound now called JoginiJaria, but all the ruins to the cast and north of it, unless it extended to the westward, where there arc no remains at present existing. But as I can show that most of the ruins to the cast correspond with the descriptions which Pa Ilian and II wen Thsang have given of many of the holy places outside the Jetavana , it is certain that the original monastery must have been confined to the JoginiJaria only, and that the other buildings, with the tanks and gardens, were outside the walls of the Jetavana itself, although it is most probable that many of them were connected together by different enclosing walls. When the Jetavana was completed by Sudatta, the Prince Jeta expended the whole of his purchase-money in adding a palace, seven storeys in height, to each of the four sides of the garden. It is probably to these palaces that Pa Ilian refers when lie states that “ the temple of ShiJnoan ” (read Shi-toJnvan, or Jetavana) “ had originally seven storeys. Canopies and streamers were hung up, flowers were scattered, perfumes burned, lanterns supplied the place of day, and even in day time were never extinguished. A rat having taken into its mouth the wick of one of these lanterns, set lire to the flags and to the drapery of the pavilions, and the seven storeys of the temple were utterly consumed.” This occurred some time before A. D. 100, as Pa Ilian adds that “ they re-constructed the temple, and when they had completed the second storey, they installed the statue in its former place.” SAIIET-MAHET, OE SRAVASTI. 337 From this account I infer, though somewhat doubtfully, that the new temple was not more than two storeys in height. I conclude also that the place was already on the decline, as a little more than two centuries later, when visited by Hwen Tlisang, it was found utterly ruined and deserted. The groat mound of ruins, which I propose to identify with the Jetavana, is situated just half a mile distant from the south-west corner of the old city. It is rectangular in form, being 1,000 feet long from north-east to south-west, and 700 feet broad. It is worth noting, as it is most pro- bably not accidental, that the central line of the rectangle falls upon a lofty mound, inside the south-west angle of the city called Sobhndth , which is the name of one of the Jain hierarchs. The shape of the monastery is defined by a gentle rise all round the edge of the mound, which I take to represent the ruins of the monks’ cells that once formed the surrounding walls of the enclosure. The highest part, which is the south side, is not more than 12 feet above the neigh- bouring ground, while the other sides are not more than eight or ten feet. But the whole area was so thickly covered with jangal, that I found it difficult to take even a few measurements. During my stay at Sahet I cut pathways to all the ruined eminences within the enclosure, and after clearing the jangal around them, I began an excavation in each to ascertain the nature of the original building. With the largest mound, which was near the south end of the central line of the enclosure, I was unsuccessful. It was 15 feet in height, and looked the most promising of all ; but I found nothing but earth and broken bricks, although I was assured by the people that numbers of large bricks had been carried awray from it at different times. Both from its size and position, I am inclined to look upon this mound as the remains of the original temple of the Jetavana. In a lower mound, close by to the west, my excavations disclosed the walls of a small temple, not quite 6^ feet square inside, writh a doorway to the north, and the remains of a semi-circular brick pedestal against the south wTall. The walls were up- wards of three feet thick, but the whole building was only a little more than 13 feet square, from which, taking the altitude at three and a half times the side, I con- clude that the temple could not have exceeded 46 feet in height. 33S ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-G3. Near this temple there are three brick wells : the largest to the north is octagonal, above with a side of 4^ feet, and circular below at a depth of 12 feet. The second, to the south which is circular, is only 3^ feet in diameter ; and the third, still farther to the south, is also circular, with a dia- meter of Gf feet. It is curious that all these wells, which are the only ones known to the people, are in the south-west corner of the enclosure. A third mound near the north end of the central line* of the enclosure gave promise of a better result than the others, as a previous excavation had disclosed the head and shoulders of a colossal figure, which from its curly hair and long split ears I knew to be that of Buddha. I was assured, however, that the Jains, who come annually to Sahct in great numbers during the months of Magh and Baisfikh, look upon the statue as belonging to themselves. But my experience having taught me that Jains are no more parti- cular than Brahmans as to the figures that they worship, I began to dig in the certain expectation of finding a very old Buddhist statue, and with a strong hope of discovering some inscription on its pedestal that might, perhaps, be of value in determining the name and probable date of these long deserted ruins. After a few hours5 work the four walls of the temple were brought to light, and the figure was seen to be leaning against the back wall. The interior was only 7f feet square, but the walls were upwards of 4 feet thick, with a projection of 6 inches in the middle of each face. The front wall to the east was thicker than the rest by one foot, which was the breadth of the jamb of the doorway. The extreme outside dimensions were 19 feet by 18 feet, which would give a probable height of between 60 and 70 feet. As the excavation proceeded it was seen that the statue was a standing figure which had been broken off a few inches above the ancles by the fall of the temple. After the figure was removed with much difficulty on account of its great weight, and the floor of the temple had been cleared, it was seen that the pedestal of the statue was still standing erect in its original position. The floor was paved with large stones, and immediately in front of the pedestal there was a * Peal’s Fa Hian, c. XX, p. 79. — As the “ chapel” of the Jetavana is said to have been ] 'laced “in the exact centre of it,’’ I think that this temple must be the famous Vihara of Sudatta. In the plan of the ruins the Jetavana is marked with the letter F. SAIIET-MAHET, Oil SEAVASTI. 339 long flat slab 3| feet by 1^ foot, with a pair of hollow foot- marks in the centre and two sunken panels on each side. At the back of the incised feet towards the pedestal there was a rough hollow, 3^ feet long by 4 inches broad, which, judging from what I have seen in Burma, must once have held a long stone or metal frame for the reception of lights in front of the statue. But all this arrangement was certainly of later date than the statue itself, for on opening up the floor it was found that the Buddha-pad slab concealed the lower two lines of an inscription, which fortunately had been thus preserved from injury, while the third or uppermost line had been almost entirely destroyed. The statue is a colossal standing figure of Buddha the Teacher, 7 feet 4 inches in height. His left hand rests on his hip, and his right hand is raised in the act of teach- ing. The right shoulder is bare as in all Buddhist figures’, and there is the usual aureole or nimbus round the head ; close to the neck there are two small holes cut through the nimbus which, being larger in front than behind, were evidently intended for metal cramps to fix the statue to the wall. Unfortunately the head is broken, as well as both arms, but the body of the figure is uninjured. The attitude is stiff and restrained, the two feet being exactly in the same position and somewhat too far apart. The statue is of spotted red sandstone, such as is found in the quarries near Mathura and Patehpur Sikri ; and as we know from recent discoveries that the sculptor’s art was in a very flourishing state at Mathura during the first centuries of the Christian era, I feel satisfied that the Sravcisti colossus must have been brought from that city. The inscription is imperfect at the beginning just where it must have contained the date. It now opens with the figure 10 and some unit of the Gupta numerals, which must be the day of the month, and then follow the words etaye purvvaye, which Professor Dowson thinks must mean “ on this notable occasion,” or some equi- valent expression.* Then come the names of the donors of the statue, three mendicant monks, named BusTipa , Siddhya- Mihira , and Bala-Trepitaka ; next follow the title of Boddhisatwa, the name of the place, Srdoasti, and the name of Buddha as Bhagavcita. The inscription closes with the * Bengal Asiatic Society's Journal, 186S, p. 427. 310 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1S62-63. statement that the statue is the “ accepted gift of the Sawas- iiclina teachers of the Kosamha hall.”* Judging from the old shapes of some of the letters in this record, the age of the statue may be fixed with some certainty as not later than the first century of the Christian era. The characters arc exactly the same as those of the Mathura inscriptions, which, without doubt, belong to the very beginning of the Christian era, and as the Sravasti statue was in all probability executed at Mathura, the correspondence of the lapidary characters shows that the inscriptions must belong to the same period. As there is no mention of this statue in Fa Hian’s narrative, I con- clude that the temple in which it stood must have fallen down in the great conflagration which destroyed the seven- stor/ed pavilions. But the account of Fa Ilian is not very intelligible. He states that the original image of Buddha was “ the head of an ox carved in sandal-wood ; ” that on Buddha’s approach the statue “ rose and went to meet him,” and that when Buddha said “return and be seated,” the statue “ returned and sat down.” The origin of this rather puzzling account must, I believe, be traced to a mistake, either of Fa Hian himself, or of his translator. In Sanskrit Gosirsha or “ Bull’s head” is the name of the most fragrant kind of sandal-wood, and as we know that the famous early statue of Buddha at Kosamhi was made of this very wood, it is natural to conclude that the earliest statue at Sravasti may have been made of the same material. As this is the only figure of Buddha noticed by Fa Hian, I infer that the colossal stone figure which I discovered must have been buried beneath the ruins of its own temple some time before A. D. 400, and most probably, therefore, during the great fire which destroyed the whole monastery. It was concealed also at the time of Hwen Thsang’s visit in A. D. 632, as he specially mentions that the only temple then standing amidst the ruins of the monastery was a small brick house containing a statue of Buddha in sandal-wood. The statue now discovered was therefore not visible in his time. Both pilgrims entered the garden of the monastery by the east side, and although I was unable to find any cer- tain trace of an opening, I am quite satisfied that there must * This inscription has been translated by Professor Dowson in the Royal Asiatic Society's Journal for 1370. SAIIET-MAIIET, OR SRAVASTI. 311 have been a gate to the east, as all the existing mins arc on that side. On issuing from the gate the first monuments noticed by both pilgrims are two lofty stone pillars, one on each side of the road. Hwen Thsang says that they had been erected by Asoka, that they were 70 feet high, and that the left column was crowned by a cupola or dome, and the other by an elephant. But Pa Hian, on the contrary, des- cribes these figures as a wheel and an ox. I feel satisfied that Pa Ilian is right as to the first, as the wheel is fre- quently represented in the Sanchi sculptures as crowning the capitals of columns, and we know that it was also used as a type of Buddha himself as the Chakravartti Baja, or King who “ turned the wheel” of the law, or, in other words, who made religion advance. With regard to the animal that crowned the other pillar I am unable to offer any remark, except the obvious explanation that the trunk of the elephant must have been broken off before the time of Pa Hian, other- wise it is impossible to conceive how he could have mistaken the figure for that of an ox. But this discrepancy in the accounts of the two pilgrims is the best argument that I can offer for the mistake which I believe them both to have made regarding the animal that crowned the Sankisa pillar.* There are no remains of these pillars, but there are two slight eminences only 300 feet distant from the monastery which may have been the basements on which the pillars stood, as the pathway leading to the mined mound on the east side runs between them. To the north-east of the monastery of Jetavana, and therefore to the north of the pillars, there was a stupa built on the spot where Buddha had washed the hands and feet of a sick monk and had cured his sickness. The remains of this stupa still exist in a mass of solid brick-work, to the north of the presumed pillar basements, and at a distance of 550 feet from the J etavana monastery. This ruined mass, which is 24-| feet in height, is built entirely of large bricks, 24 by 10 by 3^ inches, which is a sufficient proof of its anti- quity. I made an excavation from the top, to a depth of 20 feet, without any result save the verification of the fact that the ruin was a mass of solid brick-work, f * See ante pp. 27G-277. Tlie supposed sites of these pillars are marked GG. iu the plan. t The site of this stupa is marked H. in the plan. 31.2 AUCIIJEOLOGICAL RETORT, 1SG2-G3. To tlic cast of the monastery, at a distance of 100 paces, or 250 feet, there was a large deep trench, which was said to he the spot where the earth had opened and engulfed Devadatta, the cousin and implacable enemy of Buddha. Fa Ilian calls the distance only 70 paces, or less than 200 feet, in a northerly direction from the east gate of the monas- tery. But as the two pillars and the stupa, which have just been described, stood in the very position here indicated by Fa Ilian, it is certain that we must read “ southerly.” The accuracy of this correction is confirmed by the existence of a large deep tank within 200 feet of the south-east corner of the ruined monasterv, called Bhulanan. This tank is GOO feet long and 250 feet broad, and is now filled with water. Close by, on the south side, there was another great hollow, in which it was said that the mendicant monk Kukdli, a disciple of Devadatta, had been swallowed up alive for calumniating Buddha. This is represented by the Lambdha Tdl, a long narrow tank only 200 feet to the south of the Devadatta gulf. The third great fissure or hollow is des- cribed by Hwen Thsang as being at 800 paces, or 2,000 feet, to the south of the second. According to the legend this was the spot in which a Brahmani girl, named Chanchd, had been engulfed alive for falsely accusing Buddha of incon- tinence. This Chanchd gulf is represented by a nameless deep tank, 600 feet long by 400 feet broad, which lies 2,200 feet to the south of the Kukali gulf. The exact corre- spondence of position of these three tanks with the three great fissures or gulfs of the Buddhist legends offers a very strong confirmation of the correctness of identification of the Jogini-baria mound with the great Jetavana monastery.* The pilgrims next describe a pair of temples of the same dimensions, of which one was situated to the east and the other to the west of the road, which should there- fore be the main road that led from the city towards the south. Hwen Thsang says that the first temple was only 70 paces to the east of the monastery, while Fa Hian places it at the same distance from the eastern gate, but towards the north. The position of these temples is doubtful, as I was unable to discover any remains in the immediate vicinity of the monastery that corresponded with the * These tanks are marked P, Q, and It in the plan. SAIIET-MAHET, OR SRAVASTL 31.3 description. There are, however, in another position the remains of two temples which answer the description so accurately as to leave bnt little doubt that they must he the buildings in question. The first, or west temple is described by both pilgrims as containing a seated figure of Buddha, while the second or east temple belonged to the Brahmans. Both were 60 feet in height, and the Braliminical temple was called the “ shadow-covered,” because, as the credulous Bud- dhists asserted, it was covered by the shadow of the Buddhist temple when the sun was in the west, while its own shadow, when the sun was in the east, never covered the Buddhist temple, but was always “ deflected to the north.” Now, the two ruins which I would identify with these temples are situated to the east and west of the road leading from the city, and due east and west from each other.* They corre- spond, therefore, exactly as to the relative position with each other ; but instead of being only 70 paces, or 175 feet, from the monastery, the nearest is nearly 700 feet from the great mound of ruins. It is highly probable, however, that the surrounding walls of the monastery may have extended as far as the two stone pillars on the east, in which case the nearest temple mound would be within 250 feet of the walls, and the whole enclosure would then very nearly correspond in size with the dimensions recorded in the Ceylonese annals. As this increased size would also bring two tanks within the limits of the monastery, which, according to the Cingalese , were actually included within the walls, I feel inclined to adopt the larger measurement of 1,000 cubits side, or 4,000 cubits circuit, as the true size of the Great Jetavana Monastery. To the north-west of the monastery II wen Tlisang places a well and a small stupa, which marked the spot where Mcmdgala-putra tried in vain to unloose the girdle of Sdriputra. As the distance is not mentioned it may be inferred that the stupa was close by, and therefore I would identify the site with that of the shrine of JPir-Bardna in the small village of Husen Jot, which is within 700 feet of the north-west corner of the monastery, f Near the same place there was also a stupa of Asoka, and a stone * These sites are marked S and T in the plan, f Marked K in the plan. ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1SG2-G3. <> o M pillar, which the King had raised to note the spot where Buddha and his right-hand disciple Sariputra had taken exercise and explained the law. I could find no trace of any of these monuments, and I conclude that the stupas, as usual, must have furnished materials for the erection of Pir-Bardna? s shrine. The situation of the next holy place, which both pil- grims call the “ Wood of the Uncovered Eyes,’’ is fixed at 4 li, or two-thirds of a mile, to the north-west of the monas- tery.* This position is now represented exactly hy the village of Rdjgarh Gulariya , which is situated in the midst of a very large grove of trees. The present grove is said to have been planted only two generations back, but the trees about the village itself are of great age, and the name of Gulariya points to some remarkable Gular tree as more ancient than the village itself. The legend attached to this spot is suffi- ciently marvellous. Five hundred brigands having been blinded by order of King Prasenajita, attracted the com- miseration of Buddha, who restored their sight. The five hundred men who had thus recovered their eye-sight, threw away their staves, or, according to Pa Ilian, planted them in the ground, when they immediately took root, and grew to be a large grove, which was called the “ Wood of the Recovered Eyes.” The monks of Jetavana were in the habit of repairing to this grove for exercise and meditation, and all the spots which holy Buddhists had made famous by tlicir meditations were marked by inscriptions or by stupas. There is one small brick mound to the east of the grove, but I could find no trace of any inscriptions, although rewards were offered for even a single letter. We now come to the second great monument of Srdvasti, the celebrated Purvvdrama , or “ Eastern Monastery,” which was built by the lady Visdkha, who has already been men- tioned in my account of Saket, or Ayodhya. Ea Ilian places this monument at 6 or 7 li, or rather more than a mile, to the north-east of the Jetavana. But this hearing is certainly wrong, as it would carry us right into the middle of the old city. I would therefore read “ south-east,” which * Beal’s Fa Hiau, p. 78, and Julien’s Hwen Thsang, II., 308. — In this instance, the latter pilgrim lias omitted to give his usual transliteration of the name hi Cliinese syllables. M. Julien proposes dptanetravana ; but I prefer dptdksldvana, or dptdnkhavana, which I think may be the original name of the neighbouring town of Akhaona or Ankhona, which is only three miles distant. SAIIET-MATtET, OR SRAVASTI. 345 is the direction of a very large mound, called Ora-jhar or “ Basket-shakings,” that is upwards of a mile from the Jetavana * Hwen Thsang places the Vihard and stupa of Visakha at more than 4 li, or upwards of 3,500 feet, to the east of the “ shadow- covered temple” of the Brahmans. Now, the Orci-jliar mound is just 4,000 feet to the south-east of the ruined mound, which I have already identified with the Brahminical temple. I am therefore quite satisfied that it is the remains of the great Vihdra of the JPtirvvdrdma, or Eastern Monastery. Ilwen Thsang’s account of this famous monastery is meagre ; his whole description being limited to the fact that “ in this place Buddha overcame the Brahmans and received an invitation from a lady named Visakha.” Ea Hian’s notice is equally brief. We must therefore turn to the Ceylonese annals for an account of the lady and her works. f According to them Visakha was the daughter of Dhananja, a wealthy merchant of Sdhet. At 15 years of age she was married to Purnna-Vardhana, the son of Migdra, a rich merchant of Srdvasti, and from that time her whole life was spent in the observance of the religious rites of Buddhism. She was the means of converting her father-in-law Migftra, and “ she was called in Consequence” Migdra- Malawi, and became the mother or chief of the JJpdselcawas, or female lay-disciples of Buddha. Towards the end of her career she determined to sell her wedding ornaments to obtain funds for the erection of a Vihdra, “ but there wras no one in Seivet who had wealth enough to purchase them.” She therefore bought a garden at the east side of the city, and expended immense treasures in the erection of a Vihdra, which was called JPurmardma, or the Eastern Monastery, from the place in which it stood.” The great mound, now called Ora-jhar, is a solid mass of earth 70 feet in height, which was formerly crowned by a * Mr. Beal thinks that Fa Hian is probably correct, as the name erf Purvvdrdma “would indicate east from the city.” — Fa Hian, page 76. I have surveyed these ruins, and have the plan now before me, and I can only repeat that Fa Hian’s bearing of N. E. is undoubt- edly wrong, as 6 or 7 li to the north-east would place the Purvvdrdma in the midst of the Rapti River due north of the city. I take the name of Purvvdrdma, or Eastern Monastery, to refer to its position, with regard to the Jetavana Monastery, from which the Ora-jhar mound lies south-east by east. There are no ruins to the east of the old city, and the Purvvdrdma can only be looked for somewhere between east and south-east of the Jetavana. — See Plate No. L. I have now considered the whole subject over again, and I adhere to my first identification. The mound marked No. 6 would answer the requirements of both Ijilgrims ; but it is very low, while the great Orajhdr mound seems much more likely to be the remains of the great monastery built by the wealthiest lady in the land. — See W in the plans f Hardy “ Manual of Buddhism,’! p. 227. v 2 346 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-63. brick temple. Within the last century a Musulman fakir, who had lived under the trees at the foot of the mound, was buried in a tomb on the very top of it, which was built with the bricks of the ruin. Some years later his successor was buried beside him, and their two tombs at present preclude all hope of making any excavation from the top of the mound. I cleared the north face completely, and the other three faces partially, until I reached the paved brick flooring which surrounded the original Buddhist temple, at a height of 55 feet above the ground. The wall of the temple on the north face is only 20 feet long, and, although I failed to reach the other two corners of the building, I was satisfied that it must have been square. Its height, at 3^ times its side, would not therefore have been more than 70 feet, but as its floor is 55 feet above the ground, the total height of the temple would have been 125 feet. The wall of the north face is divided into four panels by pilasters six inches thick. The bases of these pilasters, which are still very perfect, are of the same style as those at Gaya and Baragaon in Bihar, and of Manikyala and Shah Dheri in the Panjab. The style would therefore seem to be one that was peculiar to early Buddhism. The other faces of the temple I was unable to examine, as the foundations of the Muhammadan tomb, which are only 2J feet above the broken walls of the temple, project 16 feet beyond its east and west faces. Unfortu- nately the doorway of the temple must have been towards the east, as there are traces of steps at several places down the slope of that side. There is an old well also amongst the trees on the east side of the mound, but I could find no traces of cloisters for the resident monks who ministered at the temple. The mound, however, is still surrounded by fine trees, and there are two small tanks at the very foot of it, which would of course have been included within the limits of the monastery. The stupa mentioned by Hwen Thsang as belonging to the JPurwcirama may perhaps be represented by a small ruined mound close to the north-east corner of the Ora-jhdr . The mound is only 8 feet high, but an excavation which I made to the depth of 11 feet, showed it to be made of solid bricks of large size, 12 by 9 by 3 inches. It is 40 feet in diameter, and when complete with its pinnacle it must have been about 50 or 60 feet in height. Prom its vicinity SAHET-MAHET, OR SRAVASTI. 347 to the Purvvarama I have little doubt that this is the stupa which Visdklid built on the spot where Buddha had overcome the Brahmans in argument.* The last place mentioned by the pilgrims is the spot where King Virudhaka halted with his army to converse with Buddha, and out of respect for the teacher gave up his expedition against the Sdkyas, and returned to his capital. Hwen Thsang states that this famous spot was close to the monastery of Visakha on the south side, while Ea Ilian says that it was 4 li, or two-thirds of a mile, to the south-west of the city. The former is the more probable position, as it is to the south-east and on the high road to Kapilanagara, the capital of the Sakyas. Close by there was a stupa to mark the spot where 500 Sakya maidens were afterwards massacred by Virudhaka for refusing to enter his harem. Near the stupa there was a dry tank, or gulf, in which Virudhaka had been swallowed up.f According to the legend, Buddha had predicted that Virudhaka would he destroyed by fire within seven days after the massacre. When the seventh ‘day arrived, the King, accompanied by his women, proceed gaily to a large tank where he entered a boat, and was rowed to the middle of the water. But flames hurst forth from the waters and consumed the boat, and the earth opened beneath the tank, and Virudhaka “ fell alive into hell.” The only large piece of water that I could find is a nameless tank close to the south side of Visakha’ s temple, and therefore in the very position indicated by Hwen Thsang ; but there are no exist- ing remains near it that could he indentified with the stupa of the 500 Sakya maidens. The monuments of Srdmsti hitherto described by the pilgrims are directly connected with the personal history of Buddha. The places where he sat and walked, where he taught his law, and where he worsted the Brahmans in argu- ment, were all specially holy in the eyes of devout Buddhists. But these sacred monuments formed only a small portion of the Buddhist buildings of the great city of Sravasti, where, according to Hwen Thsang, the monuments were counted by hundreds. Ea Hian, however, quotes a tradition which * Marked X in the plan. I Marked Y and Z in the plan. 318 ARCIREOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-63. limited their number to ninety-eight, at a period not remote from his own time, and as he visited the place nearly two centuries and a half earlier than Hwen Thsang, when most of the monasteries were in ruins, we may he satisfied that their number never reached one hundred even at the most nourishing period of Buddhism. I traced the ruins of nine monasteries in the immediate neighbourhood of the old city, and there are probably as many more within a range of two miles. I found also the foundations of at least ten temples of various sizes, hut they were all in too ruinous a state to be of any interest. But when I remember that the Jetavana itself, as well as nearly the whole of the ninety- eight monasteries of Sravasti, were in complete ruins upwards of twelve centuries ago, I think it is more wonderful that so much should still he left for the use of the archaeologist than that so little should remain of all the magnificent build- ings of this one famous city. Sahct is said to have been the capital of Baja Suhir-dal, whose ancestor Ilansa Dliwaja Avas reigning in the time of the Pandus, when the city was called, Chandriku -p uri. XX. TANDA, OR TADWA. Prom Sravasti both pilgrims proceeded to visit the birth- place of Kasyapa Buddha, at To-ivai, which Pa lliau places at 50 li, or 8^ miles to the west. Hwen Thsang does not name the toA\rn, hut he states that it was about 60 li, or 10 miles, to the north-Avest of Sravasti.* The hearing and distance point to the village of Tadwa, which is just 9 miles to the west of Sahct- Make t. Some people refer this name to Tanda, because for the last hundred years the Banjaras have been in the habit of halting, or of making their Tanda, at this place. But the people themselves spell the name of their village Tddwa, and not Tanda, Avhieli properly means t he whole venture of goods belonging to a party of Banjaras, but Avhich is also applied to the places at which they halt. I think, therefore, that the name of Tadwa may possibly refer to the old name of To-iooi as it is written by Pa Hian. There can, hoAvever, he no doubt as to the identity of the Iavo places, as Tadwa is a very old site, Avhieli is still covered Beal's Fa Hian, c. XX, p. S3 ; aud Julieu’s Uwcu Thsaug, XI., 301). TANDA, OP, TADWA, 349 with brick ruins. According to tradition, the town belonged to 14a j a Suhir-dal, after whose death it was destroyed by the Muhammadans, and remained uninhabited until about one hundred years ago, when a Bairdgi , named Ajudliya Dels, established himself under the Banyan tree and discovered the female figure which is now worshipped as Sita Mdi. The present village is situated amongst brick ruins one-quarter of a mile to the north of the road leading from Akaona to Bahraich. All the fields around are strewn with broken bricks, and within 1,000 feet of the village to the north-west there is a mound of brick ruins 800 feet long from east to west, and 300 feet board. Beyond the mound, and to the north of the village, there is a large irregular shaped sheet of water, nearly half a mile in length, called Sita-I)eva Tal. But this name cannot be older than the discovery of the statue which is attributed to Sita. The west end of the mass of ruins is very low, but it is covered with broken walls and fine trees, and was therefore most probably the site of the monastic establishment. The general height of the east end is 16 feet above the fields, but rises to 20 feet at the south-west corner. At this point the mound is formed of solid brick-work, which, after close examination, I discovered to be the remains of a large stupa. As two different measurements gave a diameter of not less than 70 feet, this stupa must have been one of the largest and most important in the famous Province of TJttara Kosala. Hwcn Thsang mentions only two stupas at this place, — one to the south of the town being built on the spot where Kasyapa Buddha had performed his meditations under a Banyan tree, and the other to the north of the town, containing the complete body of Kasyapa. This is also con- firmed by its size, as Pa Ilian calls this stupa a great one. The stupa on the mound must certainly represent the latter monument, because the tank precludes the possibility of any other having existed to the northward of it. I wished very much to have made an excavation in this mound, but the presence of a lingam of Mahadco on the top of it, which with Sitci-Mdi shares the devotions of the villagers, was an effectual check against any excavations. This is the more to be regretted, as the stupa is said to have been built by Asoka, an attribution which might have been verified by an exploration of its interior. 350 ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT, 1862-63. The figure which the ignorant villagers worship as Slid is in reality a statue of Maya Devi, the mother of Sakyd Buddha. She is represented standing under the Sal tree, with her right hand raised and holding one of the branches, which is the well known position in which she is said to given birth to Sakya. Her left hand is placed on her hip, and there is a parrot perched on her shoulder. The statue is 3 feet 4 inches in height. XXI. NIMSAR, OR NIMKAR. Nimsar is a famous place of pilgrimage on the left hank of the Oumti (or Gomati) River, 45 miles to the north-west of Lucknow. The Brahmans derive the name from Nimisha, a “ twinkling of the eye ; ” hence Naimisha-saras or Nimsar means the pool where in the twinkling of an eye the sage Gaura-Mukha destroyed the Asuras. The place is also called Nimkhar , which is formed from Naimisha, pronounced Naimikha, and aranya a forest, which becomes Naimikharan and Nimkhar. The Vishnu Purana declares that “ he who bathes in the Gomati at Naimisha expiates all his sins.”* Its popularity is therefore very great. It is noticed in the Ain Akbari as “ a famous large fort, with a great number of idolatrous temples, and a reservoir.”! This reservoir is called the Chakra-tirtha, and is said to be the place where the Chakra, or “ discus,” of Vishun fell during the contest with the Asuras. The shape of the pool is nearly hexagonal with a diameter of 120 feet. The water springs up from below and flows out by the south side into a swampy rill about 20 feet broad called the Godaveri Nala. The pool is surrounded with a number of shabby brick temples and dharmsdlas , and though the water is clear, yet the place looks dirty and unin- viting. The fort of Nimsar is situated on a precipitous mound to the north of the holy pool, about 1,100 feet long, from east to west, between 300 and 400 feet broad, and 50 feet high. The west end is a high cliff called the Shah Biirj , or King’s Tower, which overhangs the Gumti. The gate of the fort, which is at the cast end, is arched and therefore of Muham- madan construction. But it is built of Hindu materials. * H. H. AVilson’s Translation, p. 323. f Gladwin’s Translation, II,, 34 & 210. NIMSAR, OR NIMKAR — RARIKHAR, OR VAIRATKIIERA. 351 partly brick and partly kankar blocks, which betray tlicir origin by their carvings and by the presence of the Swastika symbol, or mystic cross. The walls were originally of brick, but they have long ago disappeared, and the only parts of the old fort now standing are the gateway and the Shah JBurj . The foundation of the latter is, however, of Hindu construc- tion, and as there are many carved bricks lying about, I pre- sume that it was a temple. The fort is provided with a well 8^ feet broad and 5T| feet deep to the water level. The tradition of the place is, that the building of the fort was finished on Triday, the 9th of the waxing moon of Cliaitra , in the Sanwat year 1362, or A. D. 1305, by Halid- jdl , a renegade Hindu, who is said to have been the Vazir of Ala-ud-din Ghori. Tor Gliori we must read Kliilji to bring the King’s name into agreement with the date, and as the people are in the habit of styling all the Pathans as Glioris, the alteration is perfectly allowable. But who was Hdhdjdl ? As a renegade Hindu and the Vazir of Ala-ud-din, he might perhaps be the same person as Kafur , who in A. D. 1305 was appointed as Malik Naib to the command of the army for the conquest of the Dakhan. I procured several of Ala- ud-din’s coins at Nimsar, and in his reign I conclude that the fort passed from the hands of the Hindus into those of tlie Musulmans. The original fort is said to have been as old as the Pandus ; and if the derivation of the name of the place has been truly banded down, it must have been occu- pied even earlier than the time of the Pandus.* XXII. BARIKHAR, OR VAIRATKHERA. JBarikhar is the name of a village on the top of an extensive old mound called Vairdtkliera, which is situated on the high road between Nimsar and Pilibhit, at 42 miles from the former, and 6S miles from the latter place. Barikhar is said to be a corruption of BariyaJchera, or Vairdt-kliera , and its foundation is attributed to Vairdt Baja in the time of the Pandus. The ruined mound is 1,000 feet in length at top from east to west by 600 feet in breadth, and from 16 to 20 feet in height. But the dimensions at the base are much more, as the slope is very gentle, being 200 feet in length on * On the opposite hank of the Gumti there is an old mound called Ora-jhar, and Oradih, as well as Bcnmagar, which is said to have been the residence of Benu Kaja. 352 ARCIIiEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G2-G3. the north side, where I measured it. This would make the base of the mound about 1,400 feet by 1,000 feet, which agrees with the size of 50 bigahs, or 1,400,000 square feet, which is popularly attributed to it by the villagers them- selves. But the fields are strewn with broken bricks for upwards of 1,000 feet to the northward, and for 500 or GOO feet to the eastward, where there are the remains of several temples. The area actually covered by ruins is not less than 2,000 feet square or upwards of T| miles in circuit, which shows that Barikhar must once have been a good sized town, hut 1 strongly doubt the story of the Brahmans which attri- butes its foundation to Vairat Baja. The name is written by the people themselves Badishar , although it is pronounced Barikhar , and I believe that similarity of sound alone has led to the identification of Barikhar with Bariyakhera and Vairat Baja. XXIII. DEORYIA AND DEWAL. I couple these two places together because they actually form parts of the old nameless capital of the Bdchhal Bajas, who ruled over Eastern Boliilkhand and Western Oudli before the time of the Katehriyas. Dcwal itself is a small village which has received its name from a temple in which is deposited a very perfect inscription dated in Sanivat 1049, or A. I). 992. The opposite village is called Ildhdbds by the Muhammadans, but this name is scarcely known to the people, who usually call it Garh-Gdjana. The inscription is chiefly remarkable for the clean and beautiful manner in which the letters have been engraved ; and its perfect state makes it the more valuable, as it furnishes us with a com- plete specimen of the alphabet of the Kutila character in which it is said to he engraved. James Prinsep gave a speci- men of the characters along with a translation of the inscrip- tion in the Asiatic Society’s Journal for 1837, page 777- But the copy from which he framed his alphabet was made by hand, and although it is wonderfully accurate as a mere transcript of the words, yet it is very faulty as a copy of the individual letters. This is the more to be regretted as the alphabet thus framed from an inaccurate copy has become the standard specimen of the Kutila characters. Now the term Kutila means “ bent,” and as all the letters of the inscription have a bottom stroke or tail, which is turned, or “ bent,” to DEORYIA AND DEWAL. 353 the right, I infer that the alphabet was named Kutila from this pecularity in the formation of its letters. But this pecu- liarity was unnoticed by the original transcriber, and conse- quently the print types of the Kutila characters, which have been prepared both in Germany and in England, are entirely wanting in this special characteristic which gives its name to the alphabet. The letter l and the attached vowels are perhaps the most faulty.* The village of Dewal is situated 16 miles to the south south-east of Pilibhit, on the west bank of the Kau , or Katni Nala. There are two or three plain brick rooms which are called temples, and in one of these the inscription is deposited ; but it is said to have been found amongst the ruins of Garh-Gdjana, or Ilahabas, on the opposite bank of the stream. Garh-Gajana is a large ruined mound, about 800 feet square, which includes two small tanks on the east side ; but although it is called a Garh, or fort, it was most probably only the country residence of Baja Lalla, who founded it. The small modern village of Ilahabas is situated close to the south-east corner or Garh-Gajana, and near it on the the south side are the ruins of a very large temple, amongst which the inscription is said to have been discovered. The figure of the Yaraha Avatar of Vishnu, which is now in the Dewal temple, was found in the same place. The mound of ruins is 200 feet square at base, but the walls of the temple are no longer traceable, as the bricks and kankar blocks have been carried away by the villagers. I traced the remains of at least six other temples around the principal mass of ruin, but there was nothing about them worth noting. To the south there are two larger mounds, which appear to be the remains of an old village. The Kau or Katni Nala continues its course to the south for three miles, until opposite the large village of Deoriya, when it turns sharply to the east for two miles to the south end of a large ruined fort with is now called Garha-Khera, or the “fort mound.” The Katni Nala here turns to the north, and after running round the three other sides of the ruined fort returns to within a few hundred yards of the point from whence it took its northerly course. It thus forms * See Plate No. LI. for a photograph facsimile of this inscription. The translation by Prinsep was published in the Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal, 1337, page 777. w 2 351 ARCHEOLOGICAL REPORT, 18G2-G3. a natural ditcli to the old stronghold of the Baclihal Rajas, which is only approachable on the southern side. The fort has been deserted for many centuries, and is covered with dense juugle, in which several tigers have been killed within the last few years. A single cart tract leads to the nearest portions of the ruins which have afforded materials for all the buildings in the large village of Deoriya. The exact ex- tent of the fort is not known, but the position enclosed by the Katni Nala is about 6,000 feet in length from north to south and 4,000 feet in breadth, and the fort is said to be somewhat less than half a /cos, or just about half a mile in length. The bricks are of large size, 13 by 9 by 2 inches, which shows considerable antiquity, but the statues of kankar are all Brah- manical, such as the goddess Devi, Siva and his wife, as Gauri-San/ecir, and two arglias of lingams. These figures are said to be discovered only in the foundations of the buildings, which, if true, would seem to show that the existing remains are the ruins of Muhammadan works constructed of Hindu materials. The Katni Nala is an artificial canal drawn from the Mala River near Sohas, 10 miles to the south-east of Pili- bhit, and 6 miles to the north of Dewal. Its general course is from north to south, excepting where it winds round the old fort of Garha-Khera, after which it resumes its southerly course and falls into the Kanliaut Nala, about 3 miles to the south of the ruins. Its whole course is just 20 miles in length. All the maps are wrong in giving the name of Katni Nala to the Mala River, instead of to the artificial canal which joins the Mala and Kanliaut Rivers. The canal varies in width from 30 and 40 feet to 100 feet, and even more at the places where it is usually forded. Its very name of Katni Nala, or the “cut stream,” is sufficient to prove that it is artificial. But this fact is distinctly stated in the inscription, which records that Raja Lalla “ made a beautiful and holy Katha-Nacli .” That this was the Katni Nala , which is drawn from the Mala River, is proved by the pre- vious verse, which records that the Raja presented to the Brahmans certain villages “ shaded by pleasant trees, and watered by the Nirmala Nadi ” This name is correctly translated by James Prinsep as “pellucid stream,” which, though perfectly applicable to the limpid waters of the Mala River, is evidently the name of the stream itself, and not a cy wmwi ■.qWiM&wfawx I 4WW*^TOIiMWBijitawa$w($*$(^ ^sg