BR 60 .L52 V.47 Cyril, ca. 370-4A4. Five tomes against Nestorius LIBRARY OF FATHERS HOLY CATHOLIC CHUECH, ANTERIOR TO THE DIVISION OF THE EAST AND WEST TRANSLATED BY MEMBERS OF THE ENGLISH CHURCH. YnX SHALL NOT THY TEACHERS BE REMOVED INTO A CORNER ANY MORE, BUT THINE EVES SHALL SEE THY TEACHERS. Isaiali XXX. 20. OXFORD : JAMES PARKER & CO., AND RIVINGTONS, LONDON, OXFORD, AND CAMBRIDGE. TO THE MEMORY OF THE MOST REVEREND FATHER IN GOD WILLIAM LORD ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY, PRIMATE OF ALL ENGLAND, FORMERLY REGIUS PROFESSOR OF DIVINITY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD, THIS LIBRARY OF ANCIENT BISHOPS, FATHERS, DOCTORS, MARTYRS, CONFESSORS, OP Christ's holy catholic church, UNDERTAKEN AMID HIS ENCOURAGEMENT, AND CARRIED ON FOR TWELVE YEARS UNDER HIS SANCTION, UNTIL HIS DEPARTURE HENCE IN PEACE, IS - GRATEFULLY AND REVERENTLY INSCRIBED. / /S "■■ 1 S. CYRIL, ^«^^^'-^^ AECHBISHOP OF ALEXANDEIA. FIVE TOMES AGAINST NESTORIUS: SCHOLIA ON THE INCARNATION: CHRIST IS ONE: FRAGMENTS AGAINST DIODORE OF TARSUS, THEODORE OF MOPSUESTIA, THE SYNOUSIASTS. OXFORD, JAMES PARKER AND CO., AND RIVINGTONS, LONDON, OXFORD, AND CAMBRIDGE. 1881. PRINTED BY THE DEVONPORT SOCIETY OF THE HOLY TRINITY, HOLY ROOD, OXFORD. 1881. PREFACE. On the death of Theophilus, Archbishop of Alex- andria, in A.D. 412, his nephew and successor, S. Cyril, comes suddenly before us. For of S. Cyril's previous life we have only a few scattered notices. We do not know in what year he was born, nor any thing of his parents, nor where he was brought up. That S. Cyril had received a thoroughly good educa- tion, is abundantly clear; not only from his very ex- tensive reading, which a mind of such large grasp as S. Cyril's would ever provide for itself, but that his reading being so well digested implies good early training. The great accuracy of his Theo- logy implies a most accurate Theological education. That education included a large range of secular study as well as of Divinity, and probably com- prised a good deal of learning by heart, not only of the holy Scriptures but also of profane authors, as witness a line of Antipater Sidonius quoted in his Commentary on Zechariah. He quotes too Josephus on the Jewish war. On Hab. iii. 2, he mentions interpretations of that verse of two dif- ferent kinds : on Hosea he gives a long extract from a writer whom we do not apparently possess. Tillemont remarks, that " ^ his books against Ju- lian shew that he had a large acquaintance with secular writers." ^ S. Cyrille d' Alex. Art. i. init. Vlll PREFACE. We may infer that S. Cyril was brouglit up at some monastery, as a place of Christian education, and from the great reverence which he ever paid to S. Isidore, Abbot of Pelusium, it seems not un- likely that S. Isidore was his instructor during some part of his early life. S. Isidore alludes to some especial tie, in one of his brief letters to S. Cyril, when Archbishop. Near the beginning, S. Isidore says, " '^If I be your father as you say I be, or if I be your son as I know I am, seeing that you hold the chair of S. Mark &c." The large number of Platonic words in S. Isidore's letters seem to indicate that he too had extensive reading of Plato, and S. Cyril may have acquired from him some of his knowledge of Aristotle. But a mind of S. Cyril's grasp would feel itself lost in the desert, yearning for its own calling, and another Letter ^of the same S.Isidore to S.Cyril, reproaching him with his heart being in the world, may belong to this period. His uncle Archbishop Theophilus had him to live with him and, we niay infer, ordained him priest and made him one of his Clergy. In a very long letter which S. Cyril wrote about A.D. 432 to the aged Acacius, Bishop of Beroea, he incidentally mentions the fact that he was at the synod of the Oak, in A.D. 403, where S. Chrysostom's troubles began. S. Cyril would of course be there, as a portion of Archbishop Theophilus' official attendance. S. Cyril says, " ^ When your holy Synod was gathered at great Constantinople .... and I was one of those stand- ing by, I know that I heard your holiness saying thus.—" '' Ep. 370. c Ep. 25. d Synoclicou c. 56. PREFACE. • IX S. Cyril's accession to the Archiepiscopal Throne of Alexandria brought him at once into a position of great power in Alexandria ; and brought too, in the early part of it, trials in regard of the disunion between him and Orestes the Governor resulting from the Jewish insurrection against the Christians. To this succeeded some years of great quiet, during which S. Cyril seems to have been very little heard of, outside his Great Diocese. The Archbishops of Alexandria, even in the very stillest times, were brought into yearly contact with the Churches every where by the annual Letter which they wrote to announce the day on which Easter would fall. S. Cyril's letters were evidently intended primarily for his own Egypt *. Thus in his seventh Paschal homily A.D. 419, he speaks very strongly about deeds of violence in Egypt and mentions the famine there. S. Cyril introduces the subject with, "^And these things we now say to you most especially, who inhabit Egyptian territory," shewing that the Letters themselves had a larger scope. I do not know at what time the Letter was sent out, so as to reach the distant churches of Rome and Con- stantinople and Antioch in good time to announce when Lent would begin. But although S. Cyril became Archbishop in October A.D. 412, his first Letter was for 414, in the early part of which (as Tillemont points out) S. Cyril speaks of having succeeded his Uncle. He introduces the subject by mentioning the natural dread of those of old, of ^ So the three Paschal homilies of the Archbishop Theophilus preserved by S. Jerome, are addressed, To the Bishops of the whole of Egypt, t. i. 555, 577, 605 Vail. ^ horn. 7. p. 87 init. PREFACE. "stlie greatness of the Divine Ministry," and speak- ing of Moses and Jeremiah as instances of this, adds, that " since the garb of the priesthood calls to preach, in fear of the words, Speak and hold not thy peace, I come of necessity to write thus." Much of these quiet years S. Cyril probably em- ployed on his earlier writings : of these, two were on select passages of the Pentateuch ; one volume being allotted to those which S. Cyril thought could in any way be adapted as types of our Lord, the other to the rest, as being types of the church. The commentaries on Isaiah and the Minor Prophets and the Books against the Emperor Julian probably belong to this period. Besides these S. Cyril, fol- lowing the example of his great predecessor S. Atha- nasius, wrote two Books against the Arians : first, the Thesaurus, in which S. Cyril brought to bear his knowledge of Aristotle ; then the de Trinitate, which was written, though not published till later, before A.D. 424. In his Paschal homily for that year A.D. 424, S. Cyril also speaks of the Eternal Greneration of the Son, and towards the close of the homily'' he opposes the Arian terms " Generate," *'Ingenerate." A. D. 429, the circulation of tracts of Nestorius in Egypt occasioned him first to write on the he- resy of Nestorius. There can be little doubt that the powerful mind of S. Leo, who was the soul of the Council of Chalcedon, was, in his young days when S. Celestiue's Archdeacon in 429, taught through those writings ; as S. Cyril himself had been taught by the writings of S. Athanasius. g horn. 1. 3 c. 4 a. ^ pp. 174 d e 175, 176. PEEFACE. xi The 12 Chapters, appended to his last letter to NestoriuR, were made a trouble to S. Cyril at a later period of his Episcopate, so that it may be well to give them in full. They were framed to preclude any evasion of that letter. The 12 Chapters. 1. If any one confess not, that Emmanuel is in truth God, and that the holy Virgin is therefore Mother of God, for she hath borne after the flesh the "Word out of God made Flesh, be he anathema. 2. If any one confess not, that the Word out of God the Father hath been personally united to Flesh, and that He is One Christ with His own Flesh, the Same (that is) God alike and Man, be he anathema. 3. If any one sever the Hypostases of the One Christ after the Union, connecting them with only a connection of dignity or authority or sway, and not rather with a concurrence unto Unity of Nature, be he anathema. 4. If any one allot to two Persons or Hypostases the words in the Gospels and Apostolic writings, said either of Christ by the saints or by Him of Himself, and as- cribe some to a man conceived of by himself apart from the Word That is out of God, others as God-befitting to the Word alone That is out of God the Father, be he anathema. 5. If any one dare to say, that Christ is a God-clad man, and not rather that He is God in truth as being the One Son, and That by Nature, in that the Word hath been made Flesh, and hath shared like its in blood and flesh, be he anathema. 6. If any one dare to say that the Word That is out of God the Father is God or Lord of Christ and do not rather confess that the Same is God alike and Man, in that the Word hath been made Flesh, according to the Scriptures, be he anathema. Xii PKEFACE. 7. ' If any one say that Jesus hath been iu-wrought-in as man by God the Word, and that the Glory of the Only- Begotten hath been put about Him, as being another than He, be he anathema. 8. If any one shall dare to say that the man that was as- sumed ought to be co-worshipped with God the Word and co-glorified and co-named God as one in another (for the CO-, ever appended, compels us thus to deem) and does not rather honour Emmanuel with one worship, and send up to Him One Doxology, inasmuch as the Word has been made Flesh, be he anathema. 9. If any one say that the One Lord Jesus Christ hath been glorified by the Spirit, using His Power as though it were Another's, and from Him receiving the power of working against unclean spirits and of accomplishing Di- vine signs towards men, and does not rather say that His own is the Spirit, through Whom also He wrought the Divine signs, be he anathema. 10. The Divine Scripture says that Christ hath been made the High Priest and Apostle of our Confession and that He offered Himself for us for an odour of a sweet smell to God the Father. If any one therefore say that, not the Very Word out of God was made our High Priest and Apostle when He was made Flesh and man as we, but that man of a woman apart by himself as other than He, was [so made] : or if any one say that in His own behalf also He offered the Sacrifice and not rather for us alone (for He needed not ofiering Who knoweth not sin), be he anathema. 11. If any one confess not, that the Flesh of the Lord is Life-giving and that it is the own Flesh of the Word Him- self That is out of God the Father, but says that it belongs to another than He, connected with Him by dignity or as ' With chapter 7 compare S. Greg. Nazianzen's very similar Anathema directed against Appollinarius' teaching, in his Letter to Cledonius. PEEPACE. Xlll possessed of Divine Indwelling only, and not rather that it is Life-giving (as we said) because it hath been made the own Flesh of the Word Who is mighty to quicken all things, be he anathema. 12. If any one confess not that the Word of God suffered in the Flesh and hath been crucified in the Flesh and tasted death in the Flesh and hath been made First-born of the Dead, inasmuch as He is both Life and Life-giving as God, be he anathema. The Great Diocese of Antioch, barely rallying from its terrible devastation by Arian wickedness oppression and misbelief, had been in close quar- ters with Apollinarianism, a misbelief that the Only-Begotten Son took flesh only without a rea- sonable soul, and that His mind-less Body was somehow immlngled with the Godhead. S. Atlia- nasius and others add, among the forms of the misbelief, that some Apollinarians thought that our Lord's Body was consubstantial with His Godhead. S. Cyril in his Dialogue ^ speaks of the great fear prevalent among some, that if One Incarnate Na- ture were holden, the Body must be believed to be consubstantial with the Godhead. Succensus, Bishop of Diocsesarea, at almost the extreme west boundary of that great Diocese or Province of Antioch, sent to S. Cyril a question to the same ef- fect. Theodore of Mopsuestia, who liad died only about two years before these Chapters were is- sued, had held that the Manhood of the Only-Be- gotten was a man distinct, having some undefined connection with God the Son, and this had appeared in his writings ; and so great was Theodore's re- putation and the dread of the Apollinarian heresy, k p. 263. XIV PEEFACE. that tliere seems to have been an unconscious vasfueness in the minds of some of the Eastern Bishops. [Nestorius had dexterously sent the Chapters to John of Antioch apart from the Epis- tle to himself^, which would have made misinterpre- tation impossible. He sent them as ' propositions circulated in the royal city to the injury of the common Church.'] John of Antioch, who at that time believed Nestorius to be orthodox, pronounced them at once (thus unexplained) to be Apollina- rian ; applied in an Encyclical letter ^^ to the Bishops of his Patriarchate to have them ' disclaim- ed, but without naming the author,' whom John did not believe to be S. Cyril, and asked two of the Bishops of his Province, Andrew Bishop of Samosata, and Theodoret, to reply to them. Theo- doret's reply shews that he read the Chapters with the conviction that they were Apollinarian, and he accordingly replies, not to the Chapters themselves but to the sense which he himself ima- gined that they contained. His reply is in the main orthodox, though it looks in one or two places as if his belief was rather vague", but he 1 [Had he sent the Epistle, John must have known them to have been S. Cyril's.] ™ Synod, c. 4. » [Passages from Theodoret's reply to the first, second, fourth and tenth anathematism and from his letter to the monks were read in the 5th General Council before the condemnation of his writings against S. Cyril. Also from allocutions in behalf of Nestorius from Chalcedon after his condemnation at Ephesus ; from a letter to Andrew of Samosata, in which he speaks of Egypt [i.e. S. Cyril and the Egyptian bishops] being 'again mad against God,' but owns that those of Egypt, Palestine, Pontus, Asia, and with them the West are against him, and that the greatest part of the PREFACE. XV twists S. Cyril's words so as to mean 'mixture,' and so replies". Theodoret seems never to have got over his misapprehension. For in his long Let- ter? to the Monks of his Province, Euphratesia, Osroene, Syria, Phcenicia, Cilicia, he still speaks of Chapter 1 as teaching that God the Word was changed into flesh ; of chapters 2 and 3 as bring- ing in the terms. Personal Union and Natural Union, " teaching through these names a mixture world has taken the disease ; a letter of sympathy with Nesto- rius after the reunion of the Easterns with S. Cyril, declaring that, if his two hands were cut off, he would never agree to what had been done against Nestorius, (which however he did when re- quired by the Bishops at Ghalcedon) ; a letter to John of Antioch still condemning the Anathematisms, although accepting the subsequent explanation. Apart from the ' atrocious letter ' full of conceits which it is inconceivable how any one could have written, Mercator, a contemporary, says it was one of the charges against Archbishop Domnus, that he had been present when Theodoret preached a sermon, exulting in the peace which would ensue from S. Cyril's death. * No one now compels to blaspheme. Where are they who say, that He Who was crucified is God ? ' Mercator from, Gesta quae contra Domnum Antioch. Ep. conscripta sunt p. 276. ed. Garn.] " There is extant a very careful letter of Theodoret on the In- carnation, written to Eusebius scholasticus, in which Theodoret says, '* Nevertheless we do not deny the properties of the Natures, but as we deem those ungodly who divide into Two sons the One Lord Jesus Christ, so do we call them enemies of the Truth who attempt to confuse the natures ; for we believe that an union with- out confusion has taken place and we know what are the proper- ties of the human nature, what of the Godhead." Then after mentioning the two natures of a man which do not part him into two, *'thus do we know that our Lord and God, I mean the Son pf God the Lord Christ, is One Son after His Incarnation too ; for the Union is inseverable even as without confusion." Ep. 21, p. 1085. P Ep. 151. XVI PREFACE. and confusion of tlie Divine Nature and the bond- man's form : this is the offspring of Apolhnarius' heretical innovation." And after speaking of Chapter 4, he sums up, " These are the Egyp- tian's brood, the truly more wicked descendants of a wicked parent." In his letter i to John Bishop of Germanicia, written after the Robbers' council in 449, Theodoret says of it, " Let them deny now the chapters which they many times condemned, but have in Ephesus now confirmed." Andrew of Samosata, on the other hand, seems to have been decidedly more definite in his belief on the Incarnation, and to have thought that some of S. Cyril's chapters were Apollinarian without ob- jecting to all. Thus Andrew's chief objection to chapter 1 appears to have been that he mistook the words " for she hath borne after the flesh {a-apKi- /cw?)" to mean that the Birth was entirely in the order of nature and so not of a Virgin '. Andrew passes over chapter 2, as though the term, "Perso- nal Union," had not even struck him as a difficulty. In chapter 3, Andrew thinks that ^vo-i/c^. Natural Union, or Unity of Nature is an inadmissible ex- pression, as to what is above our nature. In chap- ter 4, Andrew thinks that because the words are not to be apportioned to distinct Persons, therefore S. Cyril meant, that they are not to be apportioned at all, either to the Godhead or to the Manhood in the One Person of the Incarnate God. S. Cyril had all his life said that they were to be so ap- portioned, but Andrew had of course not read S. Cyril's writings. Andrew shews his own definite 1 See bel. p. 20 n. k ; p. 24 n. 9 ; p. 243 n. i. ■• Ep. 147. PREFACE. XVll belief by the expression r) uKpa evaa-Ki, entire union, here ; and, ' we confess the union entire (rrjv evwaiv uKpav) and Divine and incomprelie7isihle to us^ are the closing words of his reply to chapter 11. These are almost identical with S. Cyril's expressions, "we shall not take away the unlike by nature through wholly uniting them {ha to eh aKpov evovv) '," and in his reply to Andrew, 8ia rrjv ek uKpov evwacv. Andrew says nothing on chapters 5 and 6, nor is there an3i}hing in them which one would expect him not to accept. With chapter 7 he agrees, merely saying that in rejecting what S. Cyril rejects, we must not reject the Apostolic words which speak of Him in His human nature. With chapter 8 too Andrew agrees, but does not quite understand the CO. In chapter 9, he overlooks the words, " as though it were Another's :" in chapter 10, Andrew thinks that " the Yery Word out of God was made our High-Priest and Apostle" means 'the Godhead apart by Itself was so made.' [We see in our own times, how prejudice can distort the meaning of words in themselves per- fectly intelligible ; else it seems inconceivable that language so clear as that of the Anathematisms, if read with a view to understand their author's meaning, could be misunderstood as it was by John of Antioch, Theodoret, and Andrew. Much unhallowed dissension would have been saved, if John, instead of asking Theodoret and Andrew to reply to them, had sought an explanation from S. Cyril himself. S. Cyril, in clear consciousness of his own meaning, would, of course, have given 3 Horn. Pasch. vii. 102 d. b XVm PREFACE. the explanation which afterwards satisfied John of Antioch, Acacius of Beroea, and Paul of Emesa. S. Cyril's anathematisms have been weighed by Petavius with his usual solidity, as compared with the counter-anathematisms of Nestorius, the criti- cisms of the Orientals and of Theodoret, and S. Cyril's answers. His summary is, ' There is nothing in S. Cyril's Anathematisms not right and in harmony with the Catholic rule, nor did those who detract from or oppose them maintain their ground against him except through cavils and foolish calumnies.' De Incarn. L. vi. c. xvii. They have also been carefully compared in English in Dr. Bright's Later Treatises of S. Athanasius, pp. 149—170.] Though Apollinarianism in its early form, ere its great spread as Eutychianism, seems to have chiefly troubled Asia rather than Egypt, S. Cyril always writes with full knowledge of it. In his Thesaurus, he distinctly mentions and repudiates Apollinarian errors and denies the ^ ovk iv avOpcoiro) ryi'yove, "made man, came not into a man like as He was in the Prophets." S. Cyril's tenth Paschal homily for A.D. 420, in its most carefully Aveighed language, contradicts both Apollinarianism and Nestorianism, not less than what S. Cyril wrote when the Nestorian troubles had begun. On Ha- baccuc" S. Cyril affirms, as he does through his whole life, that our Lord was not worsened by the Incarnation ; " Yet even though He has been made flesh and hath been set forth by the Father t Thes. Dial. i. p. 398 c. quoted p. 192 ii. i. •^ ITab. iii. 2, 550 d. PREFACE. XIX as a propitiation, He hatli not cast away what He was, i.e., the being God, but is even thus in God- befitting authority and glory." In A.D. 428, Nestorius was brought from An- tioch to be Archbishop of Constantinople. From the circumstance that S. Cyril's celebrated Paschal homily for the next year, A.D. 429, was on the sub- ject of the Incarnation, it has been supposed that rumours of the denial of that Faith in Constanti- nople had already reached him. But the Paschal homilies for A.D. 420 and 423, shew that the Incarnation, the foundation and stay of our souls, was a subject, which S. Cyril loved to dwell on. In the course of the year 429, however, even Egypt was troubled by the false teaching of Nestorius. Some of Nestorius' sermons ^ passed into Egypt, and were read and pondered over in the Monas- teries. This occasioned so much disturbance in the minds ^ of some of the Monks, that S. Cyril wrote a Letter to them, pointing out that the Incarnation means, that God the Son united to Him His own human nature which He took, as completely as soul and body are united in each of us, and in this way His Passion and Death were His own, though He, as God, could not suffer. This Letter had an ex- tended circulation and reached Constantinople. It vexed ^ Nestorius. There was still a traditional soreness towards Alexandria, from the behaviour of Theophilus to S. Chrysostom •\ Besides this-, the ^ Ep. 1 ad Nest. Epp. 20 b. >' Ep. 1 ad Monach. Epp. 3. a b. ^ See S. Cyril's first letter to Nestorius, Epp. pp. 19 e 20 a. * Nestorius alludes to this, in the sermon which he preached on the Saturday after he had received S. Celestine's final Letter. Mercat. 0pp. p.76 Bal. b2 XX PREFACE. Catholic doctrine of the Incarnation, the manhood united by God the Son to His own self, was to Nestorius, Apollinarianism or mixture. Nestorius says so''. In his letter to S. Celestine he tells of the * corruption of orthodoxy among some ' and thus describes it, ' It is a sickness not small, but akin to the putrid sore of Apollinarius and Arius. For they mingle the Lord's union in man to a confusion of some sort of mixture, insomuch that even certain clerks among us, of whom some from lack of understanding, some from heretical guile of old time concealed within them . . are sick as heretics, and openly blaspheme God the Word Consub- stantial with the Father, as though He had taken be- ginning of His Being of the Virgin mother of Christ, and had been built up with His Temple and buried with His flesh, and say that the flesh after the resurrection did not remain [miscuisse seems an error for mansisse] flesh but passed into the Nature of Godhead, and they refer the Godhead of the Only-Begotten to the begin- ning of the flesh which was connected with It, and they put It to death with the flesh, and blasphemously say that the flesh connected with Godhead passed into God- head, using the very word deifying, which is nothinj^ else than to corrupt both'^.' Nestorius repeats the same in his second letter to S. Celestine^. S. Cyril having in his first Ecu- menical Letter to Nestorius put forth clearly the mode of the Union in these words, Nestorius does not understand the language and says thus of it, 'I come now to the second chapter of your Love, where- in I begin to praise the parting of the natures in regard to Godhead and Manhood and their connection into one ^ see his sermon just quoted, p. 78 Bal. «^ Cone. Eph. P. i. c. 16. " lb, c. 17. PEEFACE. XXI Person, and that we must not say that God the Word needed a second generation out of a woman, and must confess that the Godhead is unrecipient of suffering. For such statements are truly orthodox and counter to the ill-reputes of all the heresies, as to the Lord^s natures. As to the rest, whether they bring to the ears of the readers some hidden incomprehensible wisdom, pertains to your accuracy to know ; to me they seem to overturn what preceded. For Him Who in the preceding is pro- claimed Impassible and non-recipient of a second birth, they introduce as somehow passible and new-created, as though the qualities by nature adherent in God the Word were corrupted by connection with the Temple &c.^ ' And yet S. Cyril's language is so carefully guarded, that no one who believed in True Union of God- head and Manhood in the Incarnate Son would mis- take it. Nestorius does not appear to have taken any no- tice of S. Cyril's Paschal Homily, but he preached against the Letter to the Monks more than once, as we see from the extracts of such of his sermons as S. Cyril had access to. The passages of the Letter to the Monks referred to by Nestorius are; * ^ These letters were directed by me against the Egyptian .... He, omitting to tell me by letter whether any thing appeared to him to need marking as blasphe- mous or wicked, moved by fear of proofs and looking out therefore for disturbances which should aid him, turns him to Celestine of Eome, as one too simple to fathom the force of the doctrines. And finding the simplicity of the man in regard to this matter, he in childish fashion circumvents his ears with crafty letters, long ago sending him my writings, as a proof which might not be gainsaid, as though I were making Christ out to be a e lb. i. 9. ^ Epist. v. in Gam. Diss. v. ap. Theocloret 0pp. T. v. p. 625 eel. Schulz. XXll PREFACE. mere man, I who at tlie very beginning of my consecra- tion obtained a Law against those who say that Christ is a mere man and against other heresies. ' Bat he compiled writings, interweaving extracts of my sermons, in order that the slander put on me by the piecing of extracts might not be found out. And some things he added to my sermons, he broke off bits of others and pieced what I had said of the Lord^s Incarna- tion as though I had said them of a mere man. Things again which I had said in praise of the Godhead he cut entirely away from the context, leaving some out of their proper place, and thus made out a plausible misleading. And to publish his wickedness in a few instances such as it is in the rest, I said somewhere, speaking against the heathen who say that we preach that the Essence of God has been newly created from a Virgin, ' Mary, my friends, bare not the Godhead ; she bare a man the inseparable instrument of Godhead.' But he changing the word, Godhead, made it, 'Mary, my friends, bare not God.' Here to say God, and to say the Godhead, makes very much difference. For the one signifies the Divine and unembodied Essence, but does not mean the flesh. For flesh is compound and created. But the word God belongs to the temple also of the Godhead, which ob- tains the dignity by union with the Divine Essence of God, yet is not changed into that Divine Essence. ' Again in another place I spoke against those who, hearing the like name, are offended as though like honour were also given. And when I say. Mother of Christ, they shudder as though the Godhead of the Lord Christ were denied by this name, seeing that many have been similarly called by this name in the Old Testament. And hence they think that we are calling Him Christ like these. Against these people therefore (as I said) I said in church-sermons, that equality of honour does not follow likeness of name. And this is what I said, ' Or if the Temple of Godhead, we say that the descent of the Holy Ghost is not the same as was wrought on PREFACE, XXIU the Prophets, not the same as was celebrated on the Apostles, nor yet the same as takes place in regard to the Angels who are strengthened unto the Divine Mysteries. For the Lord Christ is Lord of all, as to the body too. As therefore we say that God is the Creator of all things, yet does the Scripture call Moses too god, for it says, / have made thee a god to Pharoah, and yet we by no means attach equal honour to that word, so neither, because the word is common by which we say, Christ and Son, ought we to stumble at the likeness of expression. For as Israel is named son, for He says, Israel is My first-horn son, and the Lord again Son, for He says. This is My Beloved Son, yet not, as the expres- sion is one, is the meaning also one. And as Saul is called christ and David christ and again Cyrus christ and, besides, the Babylonian, albeit they were surely not equal in piety to David ; so we call the Lord too Christ or Son, yet the community of names does not makes an equality of dignity.' From this which I said, he every where subtracting the last words, i.e. ' Christ,' and, 'we say, that not the same is the indwelling as was wrought on the prophets, not the same as was wrought on the Apostles,' and, 'we by no means allot like honour by like words,' and, ' yet the community of names does not make equality of dignity ; ' cutting out all these ex- pressions with the teeth of slander, he flings in the ears of men what precedes these words: i.e., *°We call the s The passage occurs, just as Nestorius accused S. Cyril of garb- ling it, in Book ii. § 4 p. 54. "We do not possess the complete sermon from which this extract is taken : we do possess in Mer- cator's translation four sermons on the subject of the Incarnation, from the second of which S. Cyril has several extracts. In the case of this sermon the context leaves no doubt that Nestorius spoke of our Lord's manhood as a separate man, whom our Lord had indefinitely connected with Himself. This long extract of Nestorius has been given in full as matter of candour. The thing itself we have not the means of explaining. Although he makes S. Cyril's extracts from his writings the cause of S. Celestine's XXIV PREFACE. Creator of all God, yet does the Scripture also call Moses god :, and, * Israel is called God's son. Son too is the Lord called / and, ' Saul is called christ and David christ yea and the Babylonian; thus then do we call Christ the Lord also christ/ He therefore thus piecing these things and chipping them off from the rest (as we said), made up here by his slander like as if from PauFs words by which he contests writing, Ij ye he circumcised Christ shall profit yon nothing, one were to rend off what he says first. If ye he circumcised, and ac- cuse Paul as though he preached, Christ shall lirojit you belief that his teaching was heretical. S. Celestine, in his letter to himself, says expressly, that his conviction came from his own letters. "In your letters you have given sentence not so much in re- spect of our Faith as of your own self, choosing to speak of God the Word differently from what is the Faith of all." Ep. Celestin. ad Nestorium, Cone. Eph. 1. n. 18. Again to the Clergy and people of Constantinople S. Celestine says, " he preaches things not to be uttered, persuades things which ought to be shunned, as both his writings sent us by himself with his own signature, and also the memorial of my holy brother and co-Bishop Cyril" &c. lb. n. 19. and again writing to John Archbishop of Antioch S. Celestine says, *' he pours into the people most devoted to Christ certain per- verse things against the reverence of the Virgin-birth and the hope of our salvation. These things have come to us from the sorrow of the faithful; these things have been published in the books himself sent, and stronger proof yet, these things have been so conveyed to us in letters fortified with the very sig- nature of their author, that one may not any longer doubt." lb. n. 20. Hclladius bishop of Tarsus and Eutherius Bishop of Tyana in their memorial to S. Sixtus, against S. Cyril, the Council of Ephesus, and the reconciliation thereto of John Archbishop of Antioch, mention this "garbled extract," Synodicon c. 117. PREFACE. XXV nothing. And why need we prolong our recital by going through each instance? In short Cyril using many such robberies and additions as pleased him, soon not others only but Celestine also were led away by his misleadings. Much about this time S. Cyril probably wrote his Scholia on the Incarnation '\ The treatise is very simple and almost uncontroversial, illustrating the Incarnation by simple analogies and Bible-types'. It contains one of S. Cyril's most careful state- ments of the doctrine, excluding Apollinarianism ^. In the concluding sections ^, which may have been written at the very beginning of the controversy with Nestorius, are striking and simple statements, how God the Son's Passion is His, though God- head cannot suffer. Soon after this S. Cyril wrote his first extant letter to Nestorius, a short letter, saying that he hears that Nestorius was very angry at S. Cyril's letter to the Monks, yet that since 'expositions,' whether Nestorius' or not, had been brought to Egypt and had gravely misled many, it became a duty to God to put forth the right doctrine. S. Cyril also says that S. Celestine and the Bishops with him had asked whether those ' expositions ' which had come thither were Nestorius' or not. S. Cyril did not know. Finally, S. Cyril asked him to heal the confusion by the use of the one word Theotocos, of the Holy Virgin. For fear of misap- prehension he mentions also a book, which he had written in the Episcopate of Atticus of blessed ^ See pp. 185—236. i § 27, pp. 214, 215. k § 36 and 37. i pp. 228, 229 and 232, 233. xxvi jprp:face. memory, on the Holy and Consubstantial Trinity, in wliich lie had interwoven some things on the In- carnation, like what he had now written. We do not know what time intervened between this and the second Letter which S. Cyril wrote in Synod to Nestorius, containing an exposition of the Incarnation, which, from its acceptance by the Council of Ephesus and the whole Church subse- quently, has Ecumenical authority™. It was pro- bably written before the close of A.D. 429 and is the Letter quoted above'', which Nestorius' reply shewed that he could not understand. It has been supposed that it was in consequence of Nestorius' allusion to the Imperial Court in the close of his reply, that S. Cyril wrote his Three Treatises de recta fide; whereof the first is to the Emperor Theodosius; the other two to the Emperor's Queen and Sisters. John Bishop of Csesarea in Pales- tine, in the century following S. Cyril, quotes from both among his extracts in defence of the Council of Chalcedon °. From the title with which he in- troduces his extracts, we learn that the longer Treatise was addressed to the Emperor's two younger sisters, the Princesses Marina and Arca- dia, and the last of the Three to the Two Augus- ta's, Theodosius' Empress Eudocia, and his eldest sister Pulcheria who had the title of Augusta, from having been Regent for the Emperor in his mino- rity. S. Cyril afterwards recast his Treatise to the Emperor in the form of a Dialogue, omitting what was specially addressed to the Emperor, and giving little touches here and there to the language. ni See it in S. Cyril's 3 Epistles pp. 55. sqq Oxford, 1872. « p. 16. 0 see p. 321. PREFACE. XXVll Thus the expression " p neither do we say Two christs, even though we believe that the Temple united to the Word has been ensouled with ra- tional soul," becomes in the Dialogue, "^J neither do we say Two christs, even though we believe that out of perfect man and out of Grod the Word has been wrought the concurrence unto unity of Emmanuel." A little farther on, "^we say that the whole Word out of Grod has been co-united with the whole manhood that is of us," becomes, " ^ we say therefore that the whole Word has been united to whole man." This Dialogue was probably appended by S. Cyril to his older Dialogues de Trinitate. It is quoted as the seventh of those Dialogues. The other two treatises are chiefly made up of expositions of texts to prove that Christ is God and Man. Near the beginning of that to the Augusta's, S. Cyril alludes to his for- mer treatise. " In my treatise to the holy Virgins [i. e. the Prin- cesses Marina and Arcadia who had embraced the virgin estate] I made a very large provision of more obvious sayings which had nothing hard to understand ; but in this I have made mention of the obscurer. For your Pious Authority ought both to know these and not to be ignorant of the other, in order that by means of bothj perfection in knowledge, like a light, may dwell in your most pure understanding*" Bishop Hefele*^ thinks that there are indications that the two Princesses had, in contrast with the Emperor, spoken for Cyril and against Nestorius. Of the five sermons of JSTestorius on the Incar- P p. 16 b. q p. 690 a. -^ p. 18 d. ^ p, 692 b. t 0pp. V. P. ii. 2. 131 a. " Hist. Cone. § 129 near the end. XXviil PREFACE. nation which Marius Mercator translated into Latin, S. Cyril has cited copiously from the second : the fourth and fifth of Mercator' s collection belong to the close of A.D. 430 ; for the fourth is dated the eighth of the Ides of December (Dec. 6), the Satur- day after Nestorius had received S. Cyril's four Bishops with S. Celestine's Letter and S. Cyril's with the 12 Chapters. In it Nestorius recapi- tulates some of the teaching which S. Cyril had quoted from an earlier sermon, i.e. on God send- ing forth His Son. Of that earlier sermon we have only fragments, but it was preached against S. Cyril's letter to the Monks ^. Nestorius speaks of S. Cyril as the " wrangler ^," " the heretic %" and he apostrophises S. Cyril or S. Proclus, " 0 heretic in clerical form\" The last of that series in Mercator's collection was preached on Sunday Dec. 7. Count Irengeus has also preserved it ; the com- piler of the Synodicon gives it in another transla- tion ^ One of the interests and employments of the Bishops during their first days at Ephesus will have been the becoming acquainted with some whom they had never before seen. This time was probably the beginning of a lasting friendship be- tween S. Cjrril and Acacius the metropolitan of Melitene, on the borders of Armenia towards Cap- padocia : the long letter which he wrote to Vale- rian Bishop of Iconium points at S. Cyril's having " See S.Cyril's books against Nestorius, pp. 20, 51, 141, 164. y see lb. p. 51. ^ see p. 141. a see p^ 164, g, b gynod. c. 3. PREFACE. XXIX readied some degree of intimacy with liim ; he wrote too to Donatus, Bishop of Nicopolis, on the west of Greece, and no doubt there were other friendships too as the fruit of the long sojourn at Ephesus. Some of S. Cyril's letters shew how warm-hearted and sensitive he was, notwithstand- ing his mighty will and unswerving purpose. But there were other sadder things belonging to that summer at Ephesus, sickness and death, the sickness probably the fever so prevalent now along all that poisonous coast, and passing in many cases into dysentery. We do not know what Bishops the Council lost ; for our knowledge of those who com- posed it is derived from the lists of names at the opening of the first and sixth session and the sig- natures to those two sessions. But the fact is mentioned several times : S. Cyril in the first ses- sion of the Council says, " some have fallen into sickness and some are dead ; " the Council in its Relatio to the Emperors, says, " and some of the holy Bishops weighed down by age did not endure their stay in a strange place; some were imperilled in weakness ; some have even undergone the close of their life in the Capital of the Ephesians ; " in its account to S. Celestine, "although many both Bishops and Clergy were both pressed by sickness and oppressed by expense and some had even deceased." After waiting a fortnight, during which time, if all had been there, the business might have been completed and the Bishops dismissed, S. Cyril wrote to John Archbishop of Antioch. John, in his Relatio to the Emperors, says, " and Cyril himself of Alexandria sent to me of Antioch XXX V PREFACE. two days before the assembly made by them [the Coun- cil], that the whole Synod is awaiting my presence ^" S. Cyril too alludes to the Letter, He says of John, *' he who was ever friendly and dear, who never at any time found fault with my words, who wrote kindly and received letters from me '^." While this letter was on its way, some of the Bishops of John's party arrived, and with them a letter to S. Cyril in which. Jobn spoke of being only about four days off. The Bishops of John's party were Alexander Metropolitan of Apamea ^and Alexander Metropolitan of Hierapolis ; and, to all appearance, though we are not told so, Theodoret and Meletius bishop of Neocaesarea. The Council, speaking of the arrival in their Belatio to S. Celestine, says, "* Nevertheless after the sixteenth day there preceded him some of the Bishops who were with him, two Metro- politans, Alexander of Apamea and another Alexander of Hierapolis ; and when we complained of the tardy arri- val of the most reverend Bishop John, they said not once but over and over, ' he bid us tell your Reverence that, if he should even yet loiter, the synod was not to be put off, but rather to do what was meet/" S, Cyril says nearly the same in his Apology to the Emperor ^. Nevertheless it is plain that John meant the words, ' if I yet loiter,' to be taken in connection with his own letter to S. Cyril that he was but 5 or 6 days off, and so that he should have that interval allowed him. The Council however, in the distress of many of *= Ep. Coneiliab. Eph. (post Cone. Eph. Act. i.) ad Imp. 1 S. Cyrilli Apol. ad Imp. p. 252 c. * Cone. Eph. Act. v. n. 2. " \. c. p. 251 b c. PREFACE. XXXI its members, determined to assemble the next day. ISTestorius' friends headed by Tranquillinus, Bishop of Antioch in Pisidia, got up a memorial to the Council that they should wait for John of An- tioch, "who is himself now at the door, as he has intimated by his Letters," and for some Wes- tern Bishops. The document further speaks of the unlawfulness of excommunicated or deposed Bishops being admitted into the Council and ends with the threatening words % " And let your Reverence know^ that all that shall be done in an abrupt way by daring men will be turned back against the daring of them who so presume, both by Christ the Lord and by the Livine Canons." There follow 68 signatures, 16 of the Province of Antioch including the two newly-arrived Alex- anders (an indication that they, while they deli- vered John's message, did not consider it as pre- cluding four days' delay) about 30 other friends of Nestorius. They procured also about 23 other signatures. These 23 however joined the Council next day as a matter of course, and signed the deposition of l^estorius. Among the signatures is that of Euprepius Bishop of Byza who signs for himself and for his Nestorian Metropolitan Fritilas of Heraclea. But Euprepius did not remain with his Metropolitan. I do not see his name on the entry-roll of the Council at its opening session ; but he signs the deposition of Nestorius. His name is among the last signatures, as though he had come in late. No deliberative body whatever would accept such ^ Synod, c. 7- XXXll PREFACE. an insulting memorial as this of the friends of Nes- torius, and of course it does not appear in the Acts of the Council. Count Trenseus, the friend of Nes- torius, afterwards Bishop of Tyre, has preserved it to us with other curious documents of his party. Christian Lupus at the end of the 17th century transcribed the greater part of an unique manu- script in the Monastery Library of Monte Cassino^. The compiler is thought to be an African ; he was a contemporary of Facundus, Bishop of Hermseum, and just as Facundus wrote very eagerly in behalf of Theodore of Mopsuestia, this compiler wrote very strongly in defence of Theodoret. His prin- cipal material was a curious and extensive collec- tion of documents and Letters made by Count Irenceus, Bishop of Tyre, after the Council of Ephesus ; it contains Letters that passed between the different Bishops in the Province of Antioch about Nestorius and S. Cyril, and their views as to reconciliation with S. Cyril, and one sees how eagerly the principal Bishops got hold of a copy of any fresh letter which S. Cyril wrote. This col- lection alone preserves S. Cyril's great Letter to Acacius Bishop of Beroea, in reply to the first de- mand of the Eastern Bishops that the Nicene Creed was enough and that S. Cyril should burn all else which he had written on dogma. S. Cyril alludes to this Letter of his in his letter to his Proctors at Constantinople '^ and a fragment of it is preserved g It forms Vol. 7 of his collected works, also published by Stephen Baluz, is incorporated into subsequent editions of the Concilia, and again with some additions and corrections, after a fresh inspection of the manuscript by Mansi. ^ Epp. 0pp. V. 2. p. 152 c. PREFACE. XXXlll by Jolm Archbishop of Cgesarea in Palestine in his Thesaurus of extracts of S. Cyril in Defence of the Council of Chalcedon, a^nd two or three fragments of it by John's opponent, Severus of Antioch, both belonging to the earlier half of the sixth century. Irenseus being a contemporary of the Council of Ephesus, all the letters and documents collected by him seem to have been accepted without any doubt as to their genuineness. We also possess several from other sources. But the Compiler, who made use of Count Irengeus' collection, has also inserted towards the end of his compilation, some docu- ments from other MSS. to which he had access : one of these is absolutely worthless, viz. a confes- sion of faith, purporting to be that of Acacius Bishop of Beroea, but evidently of later date. Ireneeus' compilation is called a Tragedy \ Re- naudot, in his history, has pointed out that Ebed- jesu of Soba, who lived in the end of the 12th cen- tury, has mentioned the work in his catalogue of Ecclesiastical writers ". Ebedjesu says \ " Irenasus of Tyre compiled five Ecclesiastica on the perse- cution of Nestorius and all that happened at that time™." Two or three pages before", Ebedjesu, in his catalogue of Nestorius' writings, gives also, "A Book of a Tragedy." The little treatise or rather Confession of S. Atha- nasius from which S. Cyril cites in his Book against Theodore" is put by Montfaucon, S. Athanasius' Editor, among the dubia. Montfaucon' s grounds ^ See the Compiler's words at the end of cap. 94, " are put in order by Irenseus in what is called his Tragedy." ^ Published by Assemani, Bibl. Or. t. 3. 1. pp. 4 sqq. 1 c. 25. m lb. pp. 38, 39. n c. 20. " p. 341. C XXXIV PREFACE. for doing so are twofold; 1, that the very famous expression, One Incarnate Nature of the Word"^, seems to contradict what S. Athanasius says in other writings ; 2, that the treatise was objected to by Leontius of Byzantium, at the beginning of the seventh Century. Of the first ground of doubt, no one but a stu- dent of S. Athanasius has any right to speak. The second dwindles to nothing. Leontius says, " Tliey [the party of Severus, the great Monopbysite Bishop of Autiocli] put forward another passage as S. Atlianasius^, from his treatise ou the Incarnation. It is on this wise, ' And that the Same is Son of God after the Spirit, Son of man after the flesh; not that the one Son is two natures, the one to he worshipped, the other not to be worshipped, but One Nature Incarnate of God the Word.^ To this we say, that first it in no wise op- poses us, for neither do we hold two natures, one to be worshipped, the other not, but we hold One Nature In- carnate of God the Word. Next it is not S. Athanasius'. For when they are asked by us, where it is, and cannot easily shew it, in their perplexity they put forward some small treatise, about two leaves, in which this passage is : but it is evident to all, that all S. Athana- sius' writings are very large. " But what can we say, when they put forward blessed Cyril, citing this against Theodore, as being S. Athana- sius?' To this we say, that it does indeed lie in the bles- sed Cyril's utterings against Theodore, yet it is an old error. For Dioscorus succeeding blessed Cyril, and finding his works, would perchance not have minded P See on this Formula Card. Newman's exhaustive treatise, * On S. Cyril's formula of the fiia (^vo-ts.' Tracts Theological and Ecclesiastical, 1874; who however says 'whether S. Athanasius himself used it, is a contested point.' p. 335. PEEPACE. XXXV adding wliat he pleased : we might even conjecture that the blessed Cyril did not cite it against Theodore ; and that it is &o, is clear from this. For Theodoret speaking in behalf of Theodore, overturning all the passages which blessed Cyril cited against him from the holy Fathers, has no where mentioned this. To this they say that Theodoret passed it over craftily : for not able to answer it as patent, he of purpose passed it by. To this we say that so far from passing it by if it had been there, when S. Cyril said elsewhere. One Nature Incarnate of God the Word, if he had known that this passage had been put by blessed Cyril as cited from S. Athanasius ■ he would not so unlearnedly have said, ' Who of the Fathers said, the One Nature Incarnate of God the Word ? ' But they say again that he knew so cer- tainly that it was said by S. Athanasius that he said, ' As the Fathers have said.' To this we say that every one is anxious to shew that the Fathers said what he says, if not word for word, yet in sense ^,'" It is clear that no serious objection could be founded on a treatise or Confession of Faith being short, and that the fact of one's opponent passing over an objection would be no proof that the ob- jection, which is confessedly there, was not made. The remainder of Leontius' objection lies in the, "perhaps Dioscorus added something." This confession was very well known by S. Cyril ; for besides citing it here, he cites (as Montfaucon observes) almost the whole of it in the beginning of his Treatise de recta Fide to the Princesses Arcadia and Marina, to sliew that S. Athanasius used the term. Mother of God; S. Cyril also cited two pieces of it, to shew that in his eighth chapter in which he says, that Emmanuel must he ivorshipped ivith one 1 Leontius Scholast. Byzant. de sectis, Actio 8. §§ 4, 5 in Gall. Bibl. Yett. Patr. xii. 651, 652. c 2 XXX VI PEEFACE. worship, he had but said what S. Athanasius too had said "■. In all three citations occur the words, One Nature Incarnate of the Word, and in the case of S. Cyril's defence of his eighth chapter, the whole passage is extant in the latin translation (believed to be by S. Cyril's contemporary, Marius Mercator) which leaves no room for possible monophysite in- sertion: besides that the citation forms an integral part of S. Cyril's Defence of his chapter. It is then proved that the words were cited as S. Athanasius' by S. Cyril, the same S. Cyril who had had his own mind moulded and taught by the writings of S. Athanasius, and who in A. D. 431, produced from the archives, probably of his own Church of S. Mark, an authentic copy of S. Athana- sius' Letter to Epictetus. If this Confession is not genuine, it is but an illustration of how, being but men, we make mis- takes in what we know best. Montfaucon sums up, " I would not venture to say whether the extracts were added in the writings of Cyril after his decease or whether before Cyril a little book of this sort was made up and ascribed to Athanasius." [My son had had these fragments of a preface to the volume printed, before he was so suddenly called away. They seemed to me manifestly fragments of a larger whole. But there were no indications, how they were to be filled up. I have thought it might be useful to put together as a supplement, some notices of the course of the heresy of Nestorius, and of the character of S. Cyril as illustrating his controversy against him. E. B. P.] •■ Apol. adv. Orient, cap. 8 p. 178 b c d e. PEEFACE. XXXVU THE special form of tlie disease, to which the name of Nestoriiis became attached, was hereditary in the great Province of Antioch. It is the sadder, because it came to him, lurking in the writings of men of even great name, commentators on large parts of Holy Scripture, who seem to have inheri- ted it unawares ; Diodore of Tarsus, and Theodore of Mopsuestia. Both had fallen asleep in the peace of the Church. Diodore, of the very highest re- putation, had shared in the persecution of S. Mele- tius by the Arians, had been one of the Bishops of the Second General Council, and had helped to form the mind of S. Chrysostom^ Theodore, in whom the heresy appears more copiously yet in- cidentally, had, during the thirty-eight years of his Episcopate, written against other heretics, Arians, Eunomians, Origen, Apollinarius, and was intimate with S. Chrysostom and with S. Gregory of Na- zianzus. The way of truth as well as the way of life is narrow. It appears to have been a tradition of heresy over against the tradition of faith. Of the last two stages of the heretical tradition there is no doubt. Of both it is clear from the fragments of their writings still extant. S. Cyril speaks fully as to Diodore of Tarsus *, ' by whose books,' he says, s See below p. 320. n. a. t Ep. 1 ad Succens. p. 135. d e : see below p. 321 note. Pho- tius saw it in various writings of his, "These were contained therein [in the codex] various essays of Diodore of Tarsus on the XXXviil PREFACE. * the mind of Nestorius was darkened.' Leontius says "^, that ' Diodorus had been to Theodorus the author and leader and father of those evils and im- pieties.' In the 9th century the Nestorians counted Diodorus, Theodorus and Nestorius their ' three fathers.' A Nestorian Patriarch elect promised, "'that he would adhere to the true [Nestorian] faith, and the Synods of East and West, and the three fathers, Diodorus, Theodorus, Nestorius.' An eminent Syrian writer in the century after S. Cyril, Simeon Bishop of Beth-arsham (who had the title of honour of, ' the Persian Preacher or Phi- losopher ') says, that Paul of Samosata derived his heresy through Artemon from Ebion; that Dio- dore derived his from Paul, and Theodore from Diodore and Paul ^. Theodore held the true faith bf the Holy Trinity, which Paul did not ; but the heresy on the Incarnation was in much alike. In an Adjuration publicly put forth by the Clergy of Constantinople at the beginning of the Nestorian heresy and published in a Church, a pa- rellel was drawn between the teaching of Nes- torius and that of Paul of Samosata on the doctrine of the Incarnation. The parallel ran ^ ; Paul said, ' Mary did not hear the Word ; ' Nestorius, in harmony, said, ' Mary, my good man, did not bear the Godhead ;' [the Anathema approved by Nestorias denied Holy Spirit, in which he too is convicted of having been sick be- forehand with the disease of Nestorius." cod. 102 p. 86. Bekk. " Contr. Nest, et Eutych. L. iii. de Nestorianorum impietate secreto tradita principio. Bibl. Patr. T. ix. p. 696. ^ Assem. B. 0. iii. 1. p. (233 arab.) 236. y Assem. B. 0. i. 347, 348. quoted in Card. Newman's Arians of the 4th. Cent. p. 24. ed. 4. ^ Contestatio publice proposita &c. Couc. Eph. P. i. n. 13. PREFACE. XXXIX that ' Mary bare God ' not ' the Grodhead/] Paul, ' For he was not before ages/ Nestorius, — 'And he assigns a temporal Mother to the Godhead, the Creator of times/ Paul, ' Mary received the Word and is not older than the Word.' ' Nestorius, ' How then did Mary bear Him Who is older than herself?' Paul, 'Mary bore a man like uuto us/ Nestorius, 'He Who was born of the Virgin is man/ Paul, — 'but a man in all things su- perior, since He is from the Holy Ghost, and from the promises, and from the Scripture is the grace upon Him/ Nestorius said, 'It saith, "I saw the Spii'it de- scending like a dove upon Him and abiding on Him," which bestowed upon Him the Ascension. " Command- ing, it saith, the Apostles whom He had chosen He was taken up through the Holy Ghost." This then it was, which conferred on Christ such gloiy.' Paul said, ' that neither He Who is of David having been anointed be alien from Wisdom, nor that Wisdom should dwell in any other in like way, for it was in the Prophets and yet more in Moses and in many Saints, and yet more in Christ as in the Temple of God,' And elsewhere he says, that ' other is Jesus Christ and other the Word/ Nestorius said, ' That it was not possible that He Who was born before all ages should anew be born, and that, according to the Godhead/ See, the transgressor is made manifest, saying, that He Who was begotten of the Father was not born of Mary. See, he agrees with the heretic Paul of Samosata who says that ' Other is the Word and other Jesus Christ ' and is not one, as the right Faith teaches. The heresy stumbled at man's wonted stumbling- block, the love of God in the Incarnation, " when Thou tookest upon Thee to deliver man, Thou didst not abhor the Virgin's womb." Theodore held it to be ^ madness to say that God was born ° c. Apollin. L. iii. iu Synod, v. Coll. iv. n. 1. Xl PEE FACE. of a Virgin; he held that the man who was so born was united to God only by grace ^, that he was a son only by adoption ''. This and other false doctrines had probably es- caped notice, because they were scattered up and down in controversial writings against the Apollin- arians, or in interpretations of Holy Scripture. They were brought out by the vanity of Nestorius. Born of low parentage at least ^, he had the pe- rilous gift of great fluency of extempore preaching and 'a very beautiful and powerful voice.' He was moreover accounted an ascetic. S. Cyril said to the Emperor, ' ® lie was chosen as one practised in the doctrines of the Gospels and the Apostles^ trained in godhness, and hold- ing the right faitli, altogether blamelessly. Your Pious Majesty longed to have such a man, and all who were set over the holy Churches, and I myself also. And indeed when the letters of the most pious Bishops about his con- secration were sent round by those who advanced him thereto, I wrote back without delay, rejoicing, praising, praying that by the decree from above all choicest good should come to our brother and fellow-minister.' S. Celestine wrote to Nestorius himself, that he had been anxious as to the Bishops successively appointed to his see, '^because good is apt not to be lasting, and what joy ^ ' TJniens eum sibi affectu voluntatis, majorem quandam praes- tabat ei gratiam.' de Incarn. L. 14. lb. n. 54. •^ " He too, meriting adoption by grace, calls God His God, be- cause in like way with other men he received his being." on S. John L. 6, lb. n. 13. •^ alaxpoyevrj?. S. CjT. Hom. div. p. 383. e Apol. ad Theodos. Cone. Eph. P. 3. c. 13. f Ep. S. Celcstiu. ad Nest. Cone. Eph. P. i. c. 18. PREFACE. Xli lie had had in the successor of the blessed John [Chry- sostom], Atticus of blessed memory, the teacher of the Catholic faith ; then in the holy Sisinnius, who was so soon to leave us, for his simple piety and pious simpli- city; and when he was removed, the relation of the messenger who came rejoiced our soul; and this was straightway confirmed by the relation of our colleagues, who were present at thy consecration, who bare thee such testimony as was meet to one who had been elected from elsewhere [Antioch]. For thou hadst lived before with so high estimation, that another city envied thee to thy own people . . . Evil (as far as we see) has followed on thy good beginnings ; beginnings, so good, so well re- ported of to us, that, in our answer to the relation of the brethren, we shewed how we were partakers of the joy/ S. Celestine lingers even fondly over the reminis- cence, wliicb was such a sad contrast to the letter wliicli he liad to answer. 'Who could readily believe,' asks Vincentius of LerinsS, ' that he was in error, whom he saw to have been cho- sen by such judgement of the Empire, the object of such estimation of the Bishops ? who was so loved by the holy, in such favour with the people, who daily dis- coursed on the words of God, and confuted the poison- ous errors of Jews and Gentiles. Whom could he not persuade that he taught aright, preached aright, held aright, who in order to make way for his own heresy persecuted the blasphemies of all [other] heresies ? But to pass by Nestorius who had ever more admira- tion than usefulness, more fame than experience, whom human favour had made for a season great in the eyes of the people rather than Divine grace — ' The outward change was sudden, Vincentius too says, '° What a temptation was that latel}^, when this un- =' Commonit. 1. c. 16. Xlii PEEFACE. happy Nestorius, suddenly changed from a sheep to a wolf, began to rend the flock of Christ, when they too who were torn, in great part still believed him to be a sheep, and so the more easily fell into his jaws ! ' Tlieodoret ^, who bad for so many years defended him, after he had once condemned him at Clialce- don, spoke more severely of him than any other writer. Theodoret was of an affectionate disposi- tion. The great bane of his life was, that lie would believe any evil of S. Cyril, rather than suspect his former friend Nestorius to be in the wrong. Under this prejudice, he believed S. Cyril to be an Apollinarian which lie was not, rather than suspect Nestorius to be the heretic which he was. When then S. Leo espoused his cause against the worth- less successor of S. Cyril, Dioscorus, and shewed at once how the two opposite heresies of Eutyches and Nestorius were equally inconsistent with Ca- tholic truth, his eyes may have been opened, and he may have felt towards Nestorius as the occasion to him of an almost lifelong error, from which he was rescued by his own deposition and disgrace. Nestorius too had, as far as was known, died ^ Hasret. Fab. iv. 12. Leontius (A. D. 610.) quotes this work in proof how Theodoret held Nestorius in abhorrence, (against a spurious correspondence between Theodoret and Nestorius in which they were made to acknowledge each other) de sectis. iv. 5. Photius (cod. 56.) says of this work of Theodoret, which he had read, ' he goes down to Nestorius and his heresy, pouring upon him unmingled censure. He goes on also to the Eutychian heresy,' (the two last chapters of the ivth. book.) No one attends now to Garnier's paradox that the account of Nestorius was sub- stituted from a younger Theodoret for the original statement of Theodoret, while the accoixnt of Eutyches connected with it is to be from Theodoret himself. PREFACE. Xliii unrepentant In an heresy wliich denied the Incar- nation. His later account of Nestorius is, ' ' From the first, Nestorius shewed wlaat he was going to be all his life through : that he cultivated a mere popular eloquence, eliciting empty applause and attract- ing to himself the unstable multitude; that he went about, clad in a mourning garment, walking heavily, avoiding public throngs, seeking by the pallor of his looks to appear ascetic, at home mostly given to books and living quietly by himself. He went on to advanced age enticing the many by such habits and counterfeits, seeking to seem to be a Christian rather than to be one, and preferring his own glory to the glory of Christ.' The course of his heresy Theodoret describes in summary. ' ^ The first step of his innovation was that we must not confess the Holy Virgin who bare the Word of God having taken flesh of her, to be Theotocos, but Christo- tocos only, whereas the heralds of the orthodox faith long ago [roiv iraXai koX TrpoTrdXai) taught to call her Theotocos, and believe her the Mother of the Lord.' Then he mentions the plea of Nestorius, * that the name Christ signifies the two Natures, the Godhead and Manhood of the Only-Begotten, but that of God absolutely the simple and incorporeal essence of God the Word ; and that of man the human nature alone ; therefore it is necessary to confess the Virgin to be Christotocos and not Theotocos, lest unawares we say that God the Word took the beginning of His Being from the holy Virgin, and so should be obliged consist- ently to confess that the Mother was older than He Who was born of her.' Lastly he mentions the preaching of Nestorius, i Hseret. Fab. ir. 12. xliv PREFACE. that in the Church of the orthodox he shouted out many such words as 'Mary, my good man, did not bear God ; she bore a man the instrument of God;' 'and again among other folKes,' 'The Gentile is blameless, when he gives a mother to the gods.' Such is the outline of his teaching at Constanti- nople. His efforts were concentrated on the sub- stitution of Christotocos for Theotocos ; for ' God made Man,' a human Christ connected with God, corrupting by flippant sayings the minds which he could influence. He gained favour with Theodosius who leaned on those around him. His elevation to the Patri- archate was a marked distinction, as being a call from a different Patriarchate, at the nomination of the Emperor Theodosius, and the people received him with joy. He seemed to himself called to great things. ' He had not,' Socrates says^ 'tasted, according to the proverb, the waters of the city,' when in an inaugural oration before the Emperor and a large concourse of people, he apostrophised the Emperor, " Give me, 0 king, the land clear from heretics and I in turn will give thee heaven. Destroy the heretics with me, and I will destroy the Persians with thee." He must have meant, of course, that he could promise victory over the Persians in the name of God. Men noticed, we are told^, the vanity and passionateness and vain- glory of the speech. It was, at the least, a calling in of the civil sword against those, of whom he himself knew nothing, and for whose conversion k Socr. vii. 29. PREFACE. xlV Ms predecessors had waited patiently, and promis- ing victory over a warlike people, not upon self- humiliation before God, but upon the extirpation of men who had not the same errors with himself. An Arian congregation, seeing their church destroyed, in desperation fired it and threw themselves into the flames. This gained to Nestorius, with all the faithful as well as heretics, the title of ' the Incen- diary.' The persecution occasioned much blood- shed at Miletus and Sardis. The Emperor had to repress his violence against the Novatians. The Macedonians' and the Quartodecimans in Asia, Lydia, Caria, were also persecuted. He had con- ferred with Theodore of Mopsuestia in his way from Antioch to his See ; so that it was even thought that he had imbibed his heresy then ™. Those whom he broug^ht with him were of the same school ^. He began at first warily. He used ambiguous language, but all directed against the one crucial term Theotocos. Unless the blessed Virgin ' bare God,' i. e. Him Who was at once both God and Man, our Lord plainly would not have been God. And therewith would have perished the doctrine of the Atonement too, which also Nestorius did not believe. For a " brother cannot redeem a man ; he cannot give to God ° a ransom for him. Too dear is the redemption of their souls, and it ceaseth for ever." He used what terms he could, to eke out the poverty of his conception. He could think of our ^ lb. 31. ^ Evagrius says this on the authority of Theodulus [a presbyter of Coelesp-ia about A.D. 480.] i. 2. " S. Cyril Ep. 9 ad S. Celestin. p. 37. ° Ps. xlix. 7, 8. xlvi PREFACE. Lord as a man, an instrument of Deity ; ' ' ^a tem- ple created of the Virgin for God the Word to in- habit,' and having a close or continual or the high- est connection with God ; but still the ' connection' was different in degree, not in kind, from that with any Saint. The hereditary title of the Mother of the Lord, which even Theodoret, when his strife with S. C^^ril was over, recognised as 'ithe Apostolical tradition,' excluded this humanising of our Lord. And so Nestorius (a grave historian says') continuously teaching hereon in the Church, endeavoured in all ways to expel the term Theotocos, and dreaded the term as they do hobgoblins '. This he did, Socrates adds, ' out of great ignorance.' ' Being by nature fluent of speech, he was thought to have been educated; but in truth, he was ill-trained, and disdained to learn the books of the ancient interpre- ters. For being puffed up for his fluency of speech, he did not attend accurately to the ancients, but thought himself superior to all/ Yet the term Theotocos had been in such fami- liar use by every school for nearly two centuries, that the aversion of Nestorius to it can hardly have been simple ignorance. It was probably the instinctive aversion of heresy to the term which condemns it. Socrates himself mentions that it was used by Origen and Eusebius : it was used alike by Alexander, the predecessor of S. Athana- sius \ whose Council first condemned Arius ; by p Expressions of Nestorius, while denying the Theotocos. Serm. 1. ap. Mercator. q Theocl. Haeret. Fab. iv. 12. »' Soer. H. E. yii. 32. B 70. fMop/xoXvKia, t Ep. ad Alex, in Theod. H. E. i. 3. PREFACE. Xlvii S. Atlianasius himself"; by the Arian Eusebius ^; and by S. Cyril of Jerusalem ^, who did not use the word Homoousion. The Apostate Emperor Julian said, in controversy with the Christians, ' ' Did Isaiah say that a Yirgin should bear Grod ? but ye do not cease calling Mary Theotocos,' attesting that the word was in the mouths of all Christians. A little later it was used by the two S. Gregories^ It was used also by the great predecessor of Nesto- rius in the see of Constantinople, S. Chrysostom, as also by Ammon Bishop of Adrianople in Egypt, and by Antiochus Bishop of Ptolemais in Phoe- nicia^. The corresponding title, Mater Dei, was used in the Latin Church by S. Ambrose % Cas- sian \ and Vincent of Lerins *. John of Antioch, at a later period, entreating Nestorius to accept the term, in order to prevent the impending schism, said to him, 'This name no one of the ecclesiastical teachers has declined. For those who have used it have been many and eminent, and those who have not used it have never imputed any error to those who used it/ 'I Against Arians Orat. iii. n. 14, 29, 30. Orat. iv. 32. Inearn. c. Ar. 8, 22. quoted in Newman's S. Athanasius ag. the Arians. Disc. iii. 25. 8. p. 420. n. 1. Oxf. Tr. ^ Yit. Const, iii. 43. in Ps. 109, 4 p. 703. Montf. Nov. Coll. y Catech. x, 19. ^ in S. Cyril c. Jul. L. 8. p. 262. a S. Greg. Nyss. Ep. ad Eustath. p. 1093. S. Greg. Naz. Orat. 29, 4. Ep. 101. p. 85. Ben. ^ both quoted by S. Cp'il de recta fide 49, 50. * de Yirg. ii. 7. '^ de Inearn. ii. 5. vii. 25. e Common, ii. 21. The above are all quoted in Newman's notes on S. Athanasius against the Arians Disc. iii. 26. nn, u and x. Dr. Bright adds Tertullian, de patientia n. 3, ' Nasci se Deus in utero patitur Matn's,^ and S. Irenoeus, 'ut portaret Deum,' v. 19. Sec further Dr. Bright's History of the Church p. 312. ed. 3. xlviii PEEFACB. Jolin endeavoured to smootlie to him the adoption of the word. '^The ten daySj which Celestine allowedj are very short, but it might he made matter of a single day, perhaps only of a few hours. For to use a convenient word in the dispensation of our Sovereign Ruler Christ for us, which has been used by many of the fathers, and is true as to the saving Bii-th of the Virgin, is easy ; which thy holi- ness ought not to decline, nor take that into account, that one ought not to do things contrary. For if thy mind is the same as that of the fathers and teachers of the Church (for this, my lord, I have heard from many common friends), what gi-ief has it, to utter a pious thought in a corresponding word ?' Nestorius seems to have thought it to have been his office to convert tlie Church to his misbelief. He says, ' s I see in our people much reverence and most fervent piety, but that they are blinded as to the dogma of the knowledge of God. But this is not the fault of the people, but (how shall I say it courteously ?) that the teachers had not opportunity to set before you aught of the more accurate teaching.' This was strong language, that the people of Constantinople were in error as to the faith through the fault of its former Bishops ; but he also owned thereby, that his faith was different from theirs. ' Art thou then,' Cassian '' apostrophises him, ' the amender of former Bishops, the condemner of former Priests ? art thou more excellent than Gregory, more approved than Nectarius, surpass- ing John ? ' f Joh. Ant. ad Nest. Cone. Eph. P. 1. e. 25. s Serm. 2 in Marius Mercator ii. 9. ed. Garn. ^ de Incarn. vii. 30. PREFACE. xlix Nestorius seems to have cliosen for himself the office of arbiter between ideal parties. In his third Epistle to S. Celestine he says, ''It is known to your Blessedness, that if two sects stand over against one another, and one of them only uses the word Theotocos, and the other only Anthropo- tocos, and each sect draws the other to its own confession, so that, if it do not obtain this, there is peril lest it fall from the Church, it will be necessary, that one deputed to the consideration of this matter, having care for each sect, should remedy the peril of either party, by a word delivered by the Evangelist which signifies both natures. For that word, Christotocos, tempers the assertion of both, because it both removes the blasphemy of the Samosatene which is spoken of Christ, the Lord of all, aa if He were a pure man, and also puts to flight the malice of Arius and Apollinarius.^ It is strange that he did not see (if indeed he did not see what every one else saw), that Christotocos, as opposed to Theotocos, could only mean 'mother of the Messiah,' i. e. mother of Him who should be the Messiah. Vincent of Lerins uses the homely illustration, ' J as we speak of the mother of a Presbyter or a Bishop, not that she bare one who was already a Presbyter or a Bishop, but a man who was afterwards made a Presbyter or Bishop.' S. John Damascene says, ' ^ We do not call the holy Virgin Christotocos, because Nestorius invented it to deny the word Theotocos.' The name ' Anthropotocos ' must have been a fiction of his own, in order to make room for his » in Mercat. pp. 80, 81. J quoted by Pet. de Incarn. v. 15. ^ Damasc. de fide Chr. vii, 12. d 1 PREFACE. own term Cliristotocos, as an intermediate term. No one would give the name as a descriptive name, however they may have held our Lord to be a mere man; and Nestorius speaks of those, who called the Blessed Virgin Anthropotocos, as m the Church. However, in his own Patriarchate, for three years Nestorius had his own way. S. Cyril names that period in his full letter of explanation to Acacius of Beroea, who must have been cognizant of the accuracy of the statement. ' ' But when we all waited for Nestorius, while he spent a period of three years in blaspheming, and we and your holiness and the whole Council with us tried to bring him back from them, and to those doctrines which appertain to rightness and truth.^ Peter, the notary, rehearsed the same in the first session of the Council. ' ™ Not many days having elapsed ' [after his consecration]. S. Cyril in his letter to S. Celestine says, '"During the past I have kept silence and have writ- ten absolutely nothing either to your E-eligiousness, or any of our Fellow-ministers, about him who is now at Constantinople and ruleth the Church, believing that hastiness in these things is not without blame.^ Within Constantinople, Nestorius, twice appa- rently, gave occasion to a great expression of popular feeling by utterances which he sanctioned, absolutely denying the doctrine of the Incarnation. The first was by Anastasius, a priest "whom he had brought from Antioch, whom ' he held in great honour, and employed as a counsellor ; a fiery J Synod, n. 56. "» Cone. Eph. Act. i. init. n Ep. 9. ad Celestin. p. 36. « Socr. vii. 32. PREFACE. li lover of Nestorius and liis Jewisli dogmas.' He burst out in a sermon openly, ' p let no one call Mary theotocos : for Mary was human ; but it is impossible that one human should bear God.' This the people could ill-endure. Nestorius supported it with vehemence. The other statement which reached S. Cyril, and which he mentioned to some at Constantinople, who blamed him for his letter to the monks 'i, was by Dorotheus Bishop of Marcianopolis, who said openly, ' Anathema, if any call the holy Mary, Theotocos.' This went much further than the former. It pro- nounced Anathema (as S. Cyril saw) upon all who held what all held and expressed, upon the whole Catholic Church. Nestorius at once received him to Communion. Nestorius supported the denial of the Theotocos. In his first Sermon he says, that he had been asked whether the Blessed Virgin was to be called ' An- thropotocos or Theotocos.' He appealed to his hearers, ' ^ Has God a mother ? Then heathendom may be ex- cusedj bringing in mothers to its gods. Then Paul is a liar, who saith of the Deity of Christ, ' without father, without mother, without descent.^ Mary bore not God, my good friends. For that which is born of the flesh is flesh, and that which is born of the Spirit is spirit. The creature bare not the Uncreated : the Father did not beget God the "Word. For 'in the beginning was the Word,' as John saith. The creature did not bear the Creator, but she bare a Man, the instrument of Deity : the Holy Spirit did not create God the Word ; for that P Evagr. i. 2. 1 Ep. 6. p. 30. " Nest. Serm. i. in Merc, p. 5. d 2 Hi PREFACE. wTiicli was born of lier was of the Holy Spirit ; but He framed of the Virgin for God the Word a temple where- in He should dwell/ Nestorius continued to preach the same, some- times in terms, in themselves sound, but in the context of what is unsound. From his position as Patriarch in New Rome, the residence of the Emperor, or his personal in- fluence with Theodosius, he could overbear most opposition. What opposition there was came, it had been observed, first from the Laity, then from the Clergy, lastly from the Bishops. Nestorius, in his first epistle to S. Celestine, told him that he had daily used both ' anger and gen- tleness' in repressing the Theotocos. His idea of * anger and gentleness' may be gathered from a formal petition to the Emperors from Basil, a deacon and Archimandrite, and Thalassius a reader and monk, in their petition to the Emperors. In the words of this petition, ' ^ By his command and invitation, we went to the See- house, to be fully instructed whether what we had heard concerning him is true. He put us off a second and a third time, and then scarcely bade us say what we wished. But when he had heard from us, that what he had said, that ' Mary only bore a man consubstantial with herself/ and ' what is born of the flesh is flesh/ is not orthodox language, immediately he had us seized, and thence, beaten by the crowd of the officers, we were led to the prison, and there they stripped us naked as pri- soners and subject to punishment, bound us to pillars, threw us down and kicked us. What in the civil courts we do not say that Clerks, Archimandrites, or monks, nay, or any secular persons do not suffer, we endured 8 Cone. Eph, P. i. n. 30. PREFACE. liii in the Church lawlessly from the lawless ones. Op- pressed, famished, we remained a long time under guard, and his mania was not satisfied with this, but after all this, by some deceit we were delivered over to the most Excellent Eparch of this renowned city, and loaded with irons we were led back to the prison, and afterwards were brought up in the Prgetorium in the same way with chains, and since there was no ac- cuser, we were again led back by the guard in the prison and thus he again chastised us smiting us on the face, and having discoursed and agreed deceitfully (as appeared from what followed) about Him Who is by nature Son of Grod, that He was born of the holy Mary the Theotocos, since there is another Son; so he dis- missed us/ Basil who relates this, says also, ' * Some of the most reverend Presbyters frequently rebuked to the face him who is now entrusted with the Episcopate (if he should be called a Bishop) and, be- cause of his self-will that he will not call the Holy Vir- gin Theotocos, or Christ by nature true God, have put themselves out of his communion, and so still remain ; others do so secretly; others, because they spoke in this holy Church Eirene-by-the-sea against the ill-re- newal of this dogma, have been silenced. On this the people, desiring to have the wonted sound teaching, cried out, 'A King we have; a Bishop we have not/ But this essay of the people did not remain unavenged ; some were seized by the attendants, and beaten in di- vers ways in the royal city, as is not practised even among the Barbarians. Some contradicted him pub- licly to the face in the Church and underwent no little trouble. A monk of the simpler sort was constrained by zeal in the midst of the Church to hinder this he- rald of impiety from entering in at the Celebration, being a heretic. Him having beaten, he delivered to t lb. liv PREFACE. the Magnificent Governors and being again beaten and paraded publicly, the crier proclaiming (his offence), he [Nestorius] sent him into exile. And not this only, but even in the most holy Church after his impious homily, those on his side who held down every thing, would have shed blood, had not the aid of God prevented it/ They conclude by asking the Emperor to convene a General Council, ' not, Grod knows, to avenge our wrongs,' but ' to unite the most holy Church, re- store the priests of the true faith, before the untrue teaching spread abroad.' They speak of Nestorius as * intimidating, threatening, driving, expelling, mal- treating, acting recklessly and ill, and doing all un- sparingly to establish his own mania and ungodliness, neither fearing God, nor ashamed before men, but clothed with contempt of all, confident in his wrath and in the might of some who have been corrupted, and (to speak fearlessly) in your Majesty.' It is strong language, but language, the more responsible, as formally addressed to one who held absolute power, who used it as no modern Sovereign could, and who was known to favour the Patriarch, against whom it was directed. Nestorius boasted to S. Celestine of his success against those who had departed from him. '"Moreover they have dared to call the Virgin who bai'e Christ (Christotocos) in a certain way Theotocos. For they do not shudder at calling her Theotocos, although those holy fathers above all praise at Nice are read to have said nothing more as to the holy Virgin than that our Lord Jesus Christ was incarnate of the Holy Ghost and the Virgin Mary. I do not speak of the Holy Scrip- tures, which every where, both by Angels and Apostles, " Ep. 1. ad Celestin. Cone. Eph. p. i. c. 16. PREFACE. IV set forth the Virgin as the mother of Christ, not of God the Word. For which things' sake what strifes we have endured, I suppose that report has, before this, instruct- ed your Blessedness; observing this also, that we have not striven in vain, but by the grace of the Lord, many of those who were departing from us have been amended.' To S. Cyril lie says, ' " Know that those hast been deceived by the Clerks of thine own persuasion, who have been deprived here by the holy Synod, because they were minded as the Mauichees.' S. Cyril in the Synodal letter ^ from Alexandria, announcing bis impending excommunication, men- tions those whom Nestorius had excommunicated or degraded, as he had 'indicated to Celestine the most lioly Bishop of Great Rome and our fellow- bishop.' S. Celestine also requires as a condition of Communion that he should ' ^ restore to the Church all excluded for the sake of Christ its Head.' In his letter to John of Antioch he sup- poses that this may have been done by others also. Within Constantinople Nestorius was opposed by those whose position secured them from his aggression : by S. Proclus, appointed Bishop of Cyzicus, whom the Cyzicans declined, wishing to appoint their own Bishop, and who remained a Bishop without a see ; and by Eusebius of Dory- Iseum, who '^ being of great piety and skill among the laymen, having gathered within himself no mean learning, was moved with fervent and devout zeal, and said with ^ ad S. Cyril. Ep. 5. p. 29. ^ Cone. Eph. P. i. n. 26. y Ep. ad Nest. fin. ^ See below ad Nest. i. 6. pp. 25, 26. Ivi PREFACE. piercing cry, that the Word Himself Who is before the ages endured a second Generation by that after the flesh and fx'om a woman/ Nestorius answered him by speaking of the ' pol- lution ' of these wretches and saying, " that if there were two births, there must be two sons," i. e. that our ' one Lord Jesus Christ ' ' could not be Begot- ten of the Father before all worlds ' and yet 'for us men and for our salvation ' be born of the Virgin Mary. Leontius ^ says that Eusebius was also said to be the author of the parallel between Paul of Samosata and Nestorius. Different accounts are given of the way in which the minds of the people were affected. S. Cyril says that on the Anathema pronounced by Dorotheus, * ^ There was a great cry from all the people, and a running out [of the Church.] For they would not com- municate with those so minded. And now too the peo- ple of Constantinople remain out of communion, except some of the lighter sort and his flatterers. But nearly all the monasteries and their Archimandrites and many of the senate do not communicate : fearing lest they should be wronged as to his faith and that of those with him, whom he brought when he came up from Antioch, who all speak perverse things.* Nestorius, on the other hand, boasts at the close of his answer to S. Cyril's second letter % * Church matters with us advance daily, and the peo- ple through the grace of God so grow, that those who see their multitude, cry out with the prophet, that the earth is filled with the knowledge of the Lord, as much " Cont. Nest, et Eutych. L. iii. He says *ut aiunt.' ^ Ep. ad Celcst. Cone. Eph. P. 1. n. 16. ^ Conc. Eph. T. 1. n. 9. PREFACE. Ivii water covereth tlie sea, and the Emperors are in exceed- ing joy, being enlightened as to the doctrine; and, to speak briefly, one may see daily, as to all the heresies which fight with God and the orthodoxy of the Church, that word is daily fulfilled with us, the house of Saul waxed weaker and weaker, and the house of David waxed stronger and stronger/ It is not much that the Emperor told S. Cyril ^, that the Churches were united and would be yet more, and that he [S. Cyril] was forgiven; (for Nestorius had persuaded him that S. Cyril was a mere disturber of the peace) or that Nestorius on one occasion speaks of the people being thronged ^ But some were even ready to turn against those who objected to his teaching ^, and ' many Clergy and laymen from Constantinople coming to Antiocli and Beroea agreed with the saying of Dorotheus, as having nothing contrary to Apostolic doctrine or the faith of Nicsea s.' In these three years, S. Cyril had only broken silence three times ; once in his letter to the monks in Egypt ; a letter to Nestorius, explaining the oc- casion of that letter when he heard that Nestorius was offended by it ; and the second full statement of doctrine in the Epistle, which was received by the Council of Ephesus. i. The first was his 'letter to the Monks of Egypt.' Grave perplexity had been occasioned to some of them, even as to the Divinity of our Lord, through some writings attributed to Nestorius. S. Cyril «i Sacr. Theod. ad Cyril. Cone. Eph. P. i. n. 31. « constipatione laboratis. Nest. Serm. 13. p. 93. Gam. f Merc. Nest. Blasph. Capit. xii. p. 117. Garn. s Ep. Acac. Ber. Cyrillo Cone. Epb. P. i. n. 23. Iviii PREFACE. answered them, but without any mention of Nesto- rius. He himself gives the account of his writing, '•'When his [Nestorius'] homilies were brought to Egypt, I learnt that some of the lighter sort were carried away, and said doubtingly among themselves, ' does he say right V ' Is he in error V Fearing lest the disease should root in the minds of the simple, I wrote a general Epistle to the monasteries of Egypt, confirm- ing them to the right faith.' No Bishop, competent for his office, could have done otherwise than set himself to remove those perplexities in the minds of the people committed to his charge. Others circulated what he had written, in Constantinople. S. Cyril continues his account, ' Some took copies to Constantinople. And those who read them were much benefited, so that very many of those in office wrote, thanking me. But that too was fresh nutriment of displeasure against me, and he [Nes- torius] contended against me as an enemy, having no other ground of censure than that I cannot think as he does.' ii. iii. S. Cyril's two Epistles to Nestorius (pre- vious to the sentence of condemnation which he was commissioned to announce, unless Nestorius should retract) were letters of explanation. The first was to remove the offence, which Nes- torius had taken at ' the letter to the monks.' It runs; ' ' Persons deserving of all credit have come to Alexan- dria and have informed me that thy Piety is exceeding angry, and setting every thing in motion to grieve me. ^ Ep. ad Celest. ' S. Cyr. Ep. 2. See an abstract of it, ab. p. xxv. PREFACE. lix And when I would learn the cause of the grief of thy Piety, they said that some from Alexandria were circu- lating the letter written to the holy Monks, and that this was the occasion of the hatred and displeasure. I wondered then, that thy Piety did not rather think with Itself, that the disturbance as to the faith did nob originate with my letter, but with some, whether written by thy Piety or no, but any how papers or exegeses wh\ch were circulated. We then toiled, wishing to restore those misled. For some would hardly admit that Christ is God ; but that He was rather an organ or instrument} of the Deity and a God-bearing man, and things even beyond this. I had then reason to complain of the things, which thy Piety did or did not write. (For I do not much trust the papers which are carried about.) How then should I be silent, when faith is so injured and so many are perverted ? Shall we not be placed before the Judgement-seat of Christ? Shall we not give account for the unseasonable silence, having been appointed by Him to say what is meet ? What shall I do now ? For I must consult with thy Piety. And that, when the most religious and God-beloved Bishop of the Roman Church, and the God-beloved Bishops with him, report about the papers brought thither, I know not how, whether by thy Piety or no. For they write, as exceedingly scandalized. And how shall we soothe those who come from the East from all the Churches, and murmur a- gainst the papers ? Or does thy Piety think, that only a little disturbance has sprung up in the Churches from such homilies ? We are all struggling and toiling, bringing back those who are somehow mispersuaded to think otherwise. When then it is thy Piety, who made all of necessity murmur, how does It justly find fault ? Why does It cry out against me, and that to no purpose, and does not rather correct Its own speech, to stop this world-wide scandal ? For though the speech is past, yet as being diffused among the people, let it be set straight by revision, and do thou vouchsafe to concede Ix PREFACE. one word to those who are offended, by calling the holy Virgin Theotocos, that soothing those who have been grieved, and having a right repute among all, we may celebrate the Communions amid the peace and harmony of the peoples. But let not thy Piety doubt, that we are ready to endure all things for the Faith in Christ and to undergo imprisonments and death itself. But I say the truth, that even while Atticus of blessed me- mory still survived, I composed a book on the Holy and Consubstantial Trinity, in which I wrote also about the Incarnation of the Only-Begotten agreeably to what I have now written, and I read it to Bishops and Clerks and those of the laity who were fond of hearing, but I have not given it out hitherto to any one. If then it should be published, it is probable that I may again be blamed, whereas the little tract was composed even be- fore the consecration of thy Piety.' It was, of course, an unpleasant office to write to a Patriarch, in high favour with the Sovereign of both, who had no slight opinion of himself and of bis wi'itings, and was very angry with S. Cyril himself for writing against them, to tell him that he was in fact himself in the wrong ; that he, S. Cyril, could not have done otherwise than he did, having before him the judgement-seat of Christ, and that Nestorius had to undo what he had done, which had set East and West against him. They were not smooth things to write ; but I do not know how they could have been conveyed more smoothly. S. Cyril assures Nestorius, that there was nothing personal in what he had written, for he did not even know certainly, whose writings he was answering, but that they were conveying wrong doctrine among those with whom S. Cyril was put in trust ; wrong doctrine, which Nestorius PREFACE. Ixi would not go along with ; tliat he [S. Cyril] had had no part in the circulation of what he had writ- ten in Constantinople ; that he had written the like many years before, and that this too might become a fresh subject of incrimination, if it should be published, whereas from its date it could have no bearing on Nestorius. One only request he makes him, the same, which John of Antioch the friend of Nestorius also made, by acceding to which he might have escaped his own evil memory and being the author of the miserable rent in the body of Christ, that he would vouchsafe to concede one word, Theotocos. But it would have been to give up his heresy. The Presbyter Lampon who took S. Cyril's let- ter, could only obtain from Nestorius the following haughty answer, in which he avoided every topic of the letter of S. Cyril. ' ^Nothing is mightier than Christian equity. We have then been constrained thereby to the present letter through the most religious presbyter Lampon, who said many things about thy Piety to us, and heard also much, and at last did not give way to us, until he wi'ung the let- ter from us, and we have been conquered by the man's im- portunity. For I own that I have great awe of all Chi'is- tian goodness of every man, as having God residing in him. We then, although many things have been done by your Religiousness (to speak mildly) not according to brotherly love, continue in long-suffering and the friendly intercourse of letters. But experience will shew, what is the fruit of the constraint of the most religious Presbyter Lampon. I and those with me salute all the brotherhood together with thee.^ ^ ap. S. Cyr. Ep. 3. Ixii PREFACE. The answer of Nestorius was in fact an apology to himself for vouchsafing to write to S. Cyril. The second Epistle of S. Cyril is also Apologetic, "in answer to some who are babbling to thy Piety against my reputation and that incessantly, watching, above all, the seasons of the meetings of tliose in power.' The Epistle is throughout doctrinal. But there is not the slightest controversy with Nestorius, ex- cept in the appeal at the end that he would think and teach these things. It is only a careful state- ment of the doctrine of the Incarnation, expressly excluding what Nestorius called Apollinarian. The answer of Nestorius "" is in a tone of ironical condescension. He professes to pass by ' the con- tumelies of thy wondrous letters, as needing a me- dicinal long-suffering ; ' ' the all-wise words of thy Love ; ' advises him to attend to doctrine, i. e. not as he had, reading superficially the tradition of the all-holy fathers [the Nicene Creed] to shew an ignorance, which needed forgiveness ; treated his letter as self-contradictory and ended in a tone of triumph. Further correspondence was of course useless. Indeed, the quotation from S. Paul seems intended by Nestorius to close the subject. ' These are the counsels from us, as from a brother to a brother. But if any one seem to be contentious, to such an one Paul will cry out through us also, We have no such custom, neither the Church of God.' It may be that S. Cyril's letters to the Imperial family may have been occasioned by the statement which Nestorius gives of the joy of the Sovereign on being enlightened as to the dogma. But al- ' Ep. 4. m lb. Ep. 5. PEEFACE. Ixiii though he states the fact clearly to them, he nei- ther mentions Nestorius, nor quotes any known saying of his. He himself waited. He had learned probably from his fiery adhesion to his uncle and early bene- factor, Theophilus, and its injustice to the memory of S. Chrysostom. He says to those who reproached him for his letter to the monks of Egypt, that he might have returned anathema for anathema, '"Since we who are yet living, and the Bishops through- out the world, and our fathers who have departed to God have been anathematised. For what hindered me too from writing the converse of his words, ' If any- one say not that Mary is Theotocos, be he anathema ? ' But I have not done this hitherto for his sake, lest any should say, that the Bishop of Alexandria, i. e. the Egyptian Synod, has anathematised him. But if the most rehgious Bishops in East and West shall learn, that all have been anathematised, (for all say and con- fess that the holy Mary is Theotocos) how will they be disposed ? How will they not be grieved, if not for themselves, yet for the holy fathers, in whose writings we find the holy Virgin Mary named Theotocos ? If I did not think it would be burdensome, I would send many books of the holy Fathers, in which you may find not once but many times this word used, whereby they confess that the holy Virgin Mary is Theotocos.^ When at last he wrote to ask the advice of S. Celestine ", he says. * During the time past I have been silent and have written absolutely nothing concerning him who is now at Constantinople and rules the Church, either to your Piety or to any other of our fellow-ministers, believing that precipitancy in these things is not without blame.' »> Ep. 6. p. 30. 0 ad Celestin. Ep. 9. p. 36. Ixiv PREFACE. Yet the confusion was already not sliglit. S. Cyril says to a friend of Nestorius ; 'P There is no one from any city or country, who does not say that these things are in every one^s mouth, and, what new learning is being brought into the Churches V To Nestorius himself he said, ' i the books of yonr exegeses are circulated every where.' Vanity probably precipitated the condemnation of Nestorius. He had a low estimate of the abili- ties of S. Celestine. ' "■ The Egyptian [S. Cyril] terrified,' he says, ' by the dread of being convicted, and seeking for some trouble to stand him in stead, betakes himself to Celestine of Rome, as one too simple to penetrate the force of dogmas. Finding moreover the simplicity of that man, he child- ishly circumvents his ears with the illusions of letters.' It did not occur to Nestorius that Divine truth is seen by simple piety, not by proud intellect. He was not aware also, that S. Celestine had a deacon who, like S. Athanasius when a deacon at Nicsea, possessed that intuitive perception of truth which was afterwards to be developed on these very subjects ; him, who became S. Leo the Great, who entrusted the letters of Nestorius to be trans- lated and refuted by Cassian ^ To this S. Celestine, of whom he thought so lightly, Nestorius wrote two letters \ ostensibly to consult him about Julian and other Pelao^ians, but in reality to propound his own heresy in as plausi- P ad quend. Nestorii studiosum Ep. 7. p. 31. q Ep. 3 ad Nest. r gynod. c. 6. 8 de Christi Tncarnatione adv. Nestorium. Libb. 7. * Ep. ad Celestin- Cone. Epb. P. 1. nu. 16, 17. PREFACE. IxV ble a manner as he could. He began by laying down, *We owe to each other brotherly conference, as Lav- ing to fight in harmony together against the devil, the enemy of peace. To what end this preface ? ' Julian and others, alleging that they were Bishops of the West, complained both to the Emperor and to him, that they were persecuted being orthodox ; so he, being in ignorance of the merits of the case, asked S. Celestine to inform him. ' For a new sect claims great watchfulness from true pastors.' In the second letter, he says that he had ' often' written about these Pelagian Bishops. He him- self might have known (S. Celestine reminds him) since Atticus his predecessor had written to S. Ce- lestine, what he had done in their matter. In both letters, he speaks of his efforts against ' something akin to Apollinarianism : ' in his second, that he is at much pains to ' extirpate 'it. S. Cyril, in his let- ter to Juvenal", says that Nestorius wrote this letter to the Church of the Eomans, hoping to carry it away with him. By these letters to S. Celestine, he was himself the occasion of a letter, in which S. Cyril at last consulted him about the matter of Nestorius, being she-RTi to S. Celestine. For S. Cyril had given in- structions to his Deacon Posidonius^, ' if he should find the books of his [Nestorius] exegeses and his letters delivered to him [S. Celestine], deliver my letters also ; if not, bring them here [to S. Cyril] undelivered. He then, finding the exegeses and « Cone. Eph. p. i. n. 24. * Cone. Eph. Act. i. init. e Ixvi PREFACE. the letters delivered, liad himself also to deliver them.' A synod then was held at Rome, in which, after many sessions ^, the Bishops declared him to have devised a new very grievous heresy, and condemned him. A fragment of a speech of S. Celestine is pre- served % in which he cited the authorities of S. Ambrose in his Yeni redemptor gentium, S. Hi- lary and S. Damasus. S. Celestine announced to Nestorius the result ; ' Unless you teacli as to Christ our God the same which the Church of the Romans and the Alexandrians and the holy Church in great Constantinople held excellently well till you, and, within the tenth day counted from the day of this admonition, annul by an open confession in writing that faithless noTelty which undertakes to sever what holy Scripture unites, thou art cast out of all communion with the Catholic Church/ S. Celestine wrote the same to John of Antioch^. This judgement he had entrusted to S. Cyril, hold- ing his place. S. Cyril wrote what had passed and the condemnation of Nestorius by the Roman Synod to John of Antioch ^, telling him, that the Council had written the like to ' Rufus Bishop of Thessalo- nica, and other Bishops of Macedonia, who always agree with them,' and to Juvenal Bishop of ^lia; that he himself should follow their decision, and asking him to consider what to do to hinder this breach of communion. y S. Cyril Ep. ad Joh. Ant. lb. P. i. c. 21. »■' Arnob. jun. c. Serapion. Eibl. Patr. T. 8. p. 222. a Cone. Eph.P. i. n. 20. b lb. n. 21. PREFACE. Ixvii John of Antiocli was alarmed at this prospect of a rent, and wrote to Nestorius to prevent it by jaecepting the word Theotocos ". He wrote not in his own name only, but in that of six other Bishops who were then with him, among them Theodoret. He wrote in entire sympathy with Nestorius, in antagonism to those opposed to him. He speaks of the many, as 'unrestrained against us,' and asks, r what will they be, now that they have gained support from these wretched letters ?' He takes it for granted that the faith of Nestorius was sound ; he had heard that he had said that he would use the word [Theotocos] if any of those in high repute in the Church suggested it, tells him that he does not exhort him to disreputable change, or, so to say, ' boyish contradiction ; ' that ' though my lord Celestine had fixed a very narrow time for the answer, yet one day, perhaps a few hours would be enough ; and urges him to take the counsel of those of his own mind, allowing them to speak fearlessly what was useful, not what was pleasant.' John himself held and stated the true faith, and thought the word Theotocos the convenient and true way to express it, and that to reject it would jeopardise the unspeakable mystery of the Only- Begotten Son of God. Nestorius had however taken his line. He an- swers in apparent amazement ; ' "^ I thought that people could have set anything in motion against me rather than the calumny that I do not hold aright as to the piety of faith, I who hitherto have been delighted that many thousand hostilities rise against me on account of the battle which I have against «= lb. n. 25. 'I Svnod. Ep. 3. e2 Ixviii PREFACE. all heretics. But tliis temptation too I must bear with joy ; for it too, if we watch very carefully, may confer on us much confidence to piety/ He says in answer, that ' the word Theotocos is assumed by many heretics as their own ; ' that ' some here, using the word incautiously, fall thereby into heretical and irreligious thoughts, especially those of the impious Arius and Apolli- narius : ' that his own solution was that ' the word Theotocos should be explained harmoniously after the deliberation of us all.' He bids John 'dismiss all anxiety, knowing that by the grace of God we have and do think the same in what relates to the piety of faith. For it is plain that if we meet, since He has given us this Synod which we hope, we shall dis- pose this and whatever else must be done for the correction and benefit of the whole, without scandal and in harmony ; so that all things which may be or- dained by a common and universal decree may receive the dignity of matters of faith, and shall give no one an occasion of contradiction even if he be very ready for it. But as to the wonted presumption of the Egyptian, your Religiousness ought not to wonder, since we have of old very many instances of this. After a little, if God shall will, our counsel herein also will be matter of praise.' He adds in a postscript, *We have by the grace of God attracted more both the Clergy and people and those who are in the impe- rial mansions, through the Epistles of your Religious- ness, to that doctrine which we give publicly in the Church.' To S. Celestine, after writing in his wonted strain about the terms Theotocos, Anthropotocos, Chris- totocos, he writes exultingly : PEEFACE. Ixix '^The most pious Emperors have been pleased, with the help of Grod, to appoint a Synod of the whole world, from which no one is to excuse himself [inexcusabiliter] for the enquiry into other ecclesiastical matters. For any doubt about words will not, I suppose, involve any difficult enquirj^, nor be a hindrance to treating of the Divinity of the Lord Jesus/ S. Celestine says^, ' He asks a field for battle j he calls for a sacerdotal examination, at which he would not be present. Who would have thought that he who asked for a synod [petitorem synodi] would be absent from the Synod ? ' The relation of the Emperor to the Synod is best explained by the personal letter which he wrote to S. Cyril, commanding his attendance at it. The letter can hardly have had any other object than to intimidate S. Cyril. For he had already received the circular summons to the Council, of which the only extant copy is addressed to him. The letter was written altogether in the mind of Nestorius ^. For he treats S. Cyril as the author of the existing confusion, and the doctrine as one hereafter to be examined and settled by the Council. ' ^ It is plain to every one that religion has its firm- ness not from any one^s bidding but from intelligence. Now then let thy Piet^^ instruct Us, why, overlooking Us (whom thou kuowest to have such care of godliness) and all the priests every where, who could better have e Ep. Nest, ad Celestin. in Mercator. P. 2. p. 81. Evagrius quotes from a book, which he wrote in answer to those who blamed him for having wrongly requested that the Synod at Ephesus should be convoked, i. 7- f Cone. Eph. P. 3. c. 23. s Liberatus (c. 4.) says that Nestorius obtained it from him. ^ Cone. Eph. P. 1. c. 31. IXX PREFACE. solved this dispute, thou hast, as far as in thee lies, cast confusion and severance into the Church. As if a rash impetuosity became questions as to godliness, rather than accuracy ; or as if carefulness had not more weight with Ourselves than rashness ; or as if intricacy in these things were more pleasing to Us than simplicity. And yet we did not think that Our high estimation would be so received by thy Piety, or [that every thing would be thrown into confusion, inasmuch as We too know how to be displeased. But now We shall take heed to the sacred calm. But know that thou hast disturbed every thing as thou oughtest not.' Then, liaviag reproached him, as having tried to sow dissension in the Imperial family, by his letters to him and the Empress Eudocia, and his sister Augusta Pulcheria, and told him that it be- longed to one and the same, to wish to dissever Churches and Royalties, as though there were no other way of obtaining distinction, he resumes, ' But that thou mayest know Our state, be assured that the Churches and the kingdoms are united, and will be yet more united at Our command, with the providence of our Saviour Christ, and that thy Piety is forgiven, that thou mayest have no pretext, nor be able to say that thou art blamed on account of relig-ion. For we will that all shall be laid open at the holy Synod and that what shall seem good shall prevail, whether the defeated obtain forgiveness from the fathers or no. We cei'tainly will not endure that cities and Churches should be thrown into confusion, nor that the question should remain unsifted. Of these they must sit in judgment, who every where preside over the Priesthood; and by them We have and shall have firmer possession of the true doctrine. Nor shall any one, who has ever so little share in the polity, be allowed liberty of speech, if in his self-confidence he choose to evade such a judgement. He shall not bo permitted ; for Our Majesty [lit. Divi- PREFACE. Ixxi uity] must praise those who shall eagerly and readily come to this enquiry, and will not endure if any choose to command rather than be counselled about these matters. So then thy Reverence must come at the time appointed in the other letters, sent to all the Metropoli- tans ; and must not expect to recover the relation to Ourselves in any other way than that, ceasing from all grievousness and turbulence, thou come willingly to the investigation of these questions. For thus thou wilt appear to have done what has hitherto been done harshly and inconsiderately, yet still in behalf of thy opinion, not through any private pique or undue hostility to any one, and to will to do with justice what remains to be done. For if thou wiliest to do otherwise, We will not endure it.' A Cgesar who so wrote could not be approached. It seems that he expected S. Cyril to be condemned rather than Nestorius. S. Cyril did not attempt to remove the offence of his letters to the Impe- rial family, until lie had been allowed to return from the Council to his own diocese. S. Cyril explains his own mind towards Nesto- rius to a zealous adherent^ of Nestorius, witb a singular simplicity. 'JIf I were writing to one who knew not my disposi- tion, I might have used many words, persuading that I am a person exceeding peaceful, not given to strife, not fond of warfare, but one who longs to love all and to be loved by all. But because I write to one who knows me, I say briefly, ' If a brother's grief could be removed by loss of money or goods, I would gladly have done it, that I might not seem to hold anything of more value ' t,T]X(x>Tr]V. i Ep. 7. p. 31. iN'either the date of the Epistle nor the person to whom it was written is known. It must have been written hefore the horcsy of Nestorius had become so plain. Txxii PREFACE. than love. But since it is a question of faith, and all the Churches (so to say) in the whole Koman Empire are offended, — ^ what shall we do, who are entrusted by- God with the Divine mysteries ? ' For those who are taught the faith will accuse us in the Day of Judgement, saying that they held the faith as taught by us Only be the faith preserved, and I am his dear friend and yield to none as loving more than myself the most God-beloved Bishop Nestorius, who (God is my wit- ness) I would might be of good repute in Christ and efface the blot of the past, and shew that what is commonly said by some as to his faith, are untrue ac- cusations/ And again to Clergy at Constantinople, * ' I must make my meaning plain to you and so I write again, that although I by nature love peace, and am very ignorant of strife, yet I wish that the Churches should have peace, and that the pi^ests of God living in peace should remember us, since Jesus Christ the Saviour of all saith, " My peace I give unto you. My peace I leave with you." Say then in conferences, that much has passed from them to injure us ; yet there will be peace, when he shall cease to think or speak such things. If he profess the right faith, there will be a full and most firm peace. If he desires this, let him write the Catholic faith and send it to Alexandria. If this be written from his inmost heart, I too am ready, as far as in me lies, to write the like and publish a book and say that none of our fellow-bishops ought to be ag- grieved, because we learn that his words have a right in- tention and manifest purpose. But if he continue in the perverseness of vain-glory and asks for peace, nothing remains but that we resist with all our might, lest we should seem to agree with him. For to me my chiefest '' as ab. p. Ixiv. 1 As translated by Mercator. 0pp. T. 2. pp. 53, 54. § xix — xxi. ed. Garn. PEEFACE. Ixxiii desire is to labour and live and die for the faith which is in Christ.' There could scarcely be a franker offer, putting aside every thing of his own, to ' write the Catholic faith.' Nestorius is tied down to no Theological expressions, but to the simple faith. He could not write it, because he had ceased to hold it. The Bishops assembled in that Synod were of no ordinary character. Vincentius of Lerins, writing about three years after it was holden, speaks of its ' " great humility and holiness, that they were for the more part metropolitans, of such condition and doctrine, that almost all could dispute about matters of faith, and yet thej claimed nothing for themselves, but were care- ful to hand down nothing to those after them, which they had not themselves received from the Fathers.' S. Cyril in his Apology to the Emperor, calls them ' ° men, very well known to your Mightiness, and exceeding well spoken of for excellence in all things.' Nestorius came to the Council ' ° immediately after the Feast of Easter' with 10 or 15 Bishops, his adherents p. He was also supported by a few Pelagian Bishops, whom he had admitted to Com- munion, and who for the time were retained in their office by the requirement of Theodosius, that everything should remain as it was, until the decision of the Council. He is said to have found "^ Common, i. 42. » Apol. ad Imp. Cone. Eph. P. 3. n. 13. ® Socr. vii. 34. P Ten Bishops signed with him "the relation of Nestorius and the Bishops with him to the Emperor concerning the things done in the holy Synod &c." Cone. Eph. Act. i. n, 6. In Baluzii Cone, nova coll. p. 699. six names are added, one omitted. Ixxiv PREFACE. many Bishops present. If so, they must have been Bishops from the Exarchate of Ephesus. For the rest are related to have arrived later. The Council was the plan of Nestorius, and he naturally came among the first, to guide, as he hoped, its decisions. S. Cyril, on his arrival, found that there had been active, though ineffectual, efforts against the faith. He wrote, 'iThe Evil one, the sleepless beast, is going about, plotting against the faith of Christ, but avails nothing.' The Evil one is, of course, Satan; but Satan acts through human agents. Nestorius says, that he had no intercourse with S. Cyril. He wrote to Scholasticus, an Eunuch of the Emperor and his friend ; ' Cyril has both here- tofore entirely avoided any converse with us, and until now avoids it, thinking that he shall thereby escape the conviction of the Chapters [the ana- themas] because without contradiction they are heretical •■.' H (as has been conjectured) it was at this time that S. Cyril made the extracts from the works of Nestorius, and possibly those from older writers % containing the true doctrine, he had q Ep. ad Alex. Cone. Eph. P. 1. c. 34. ^ Synodicon c. 15. ^ S. Cyril has been criticised, because words of Apollinarius were quoted among the authorities as from S. Julius. The words themselves, in their simple meaning, express the truth, and con- tradict Apollinarianism. Leontius ( A.D. 590), who first detected the forgery by use of MSS. says, it contains nothing ' quod nobis adversetur,' i.e. to the Catholic Faith, (de sectis Act. 8.) The words are, 'perfectus Deus in carne et perfectus homo in Spiritu.' Vitalis confessed that ' Christ was a perfect man,' but explained it to mean, ' We say so far that Christ was a perfect man, that we ascribe Divinity to Him instead of a mind.' S. Epiph. Hoer. 77. n. 23. See Coustant. Epp. Rom. Pont. App. p. 71. s(xq. PREFACE. IXXV enougli to do. There is no reason to think that S. Cyril preached at this time against Nestorius *. The pure humanitarianism of Nestorius was ehcited by the attempts of Theodotns of Ancyra, and his pious friend, Acacius, Bishop of Mehtene, to bring: him back to the faith. To Theodotus and several others, he repeated the well-known blasphemies about our Lord's sacred Infancy and Childhood, that he would not call Him God, who was two or three months old, or who was nur- tured at the breast, or who fled into Egypt ''. This was stated upon oath to the Council. There was nothing further to investigate. It supplied what was yet wanting, the knowledge that Nestorius had not laid aside the heresy, for which he had been condemned the year before. S. Celestine had given the formal advice to S. Cyril ^, that if * The language which Mr. ITeale censures [Hist, of the Holy Eastern Church B. ii. s. 2. p. 237.] occurs in a Homily utterly unlike S. Cyril's style, which Aubert admitted among his homi- lies, [T, V. 2. p. 279] but not the Editors of the Councils. [See further Dr. Bright's Hist, of the Church, p. 330. n. o.] Of the homilies delivered at Ephesus, the oi rots lepois [Aub. p. 350] is said in the collection of Baluzius [pp. 546 — 551] to have been de- livered after the deposition of Nestorius. So is the 2nd t^s /xei/ Twv dytW Aub. p. 352. These have no allusion to him, nor has the 6 ixaKdpLOi Cone. Chalc. Act. ii. fin. The passages quoted are from c. 4. init., below p. 189. and c. 13. p. 201. « Dial, ii, fin. P § 4 init. bel. p. 189. § 13. bel. pp. 200, 201. § 27. bel. p. 215. 'i See my son's S. Cyrilli Comm. in D. Joann. T. iii. App. pp. 420, 421. r S. Cyr. 0pp. T. v. P. ii. p. 23. Aub. « lb. T. vi. p. 157 sq. • ^ pro defens. 3 Capp. L. vi. 3. xi. 7. " c. Nest, et Eutych. L i. quoting c. 35 bel. p. 224. "" in Photius cod. 229. PREFACE. cm herein, and discusses in what way Christ is One ; Emmanuel, One ; Jesus, One ; i.e. One Lord, &c. Further, how the Word is said to have been ' emp- tied,' united with the flesh, made Man, and yet not therefore changed, or ceasing to be Grod. Thence, how Christ is not a man ®€0(l>6po