tihvaxy of t:he theological ^eminar;p 
 
 PRINCETON • NEW JERSEY 
 
 The John M. Krebs 
 Donatloti 
 
 
MZ 
 
 FEB2 2i9n 
 H I S T E K ^. 
 
 OF THE 
 
 VARIATIONS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 PROTESTAIT CHUECHES- 
 
 BY JAMES BENIGN BOSSUET, 
 
 BISHOP OF MEAUX; 
 
 ONE OF HIS MOST CHRISTIAN MAJESTY's HONORABLE PRIVY-COUNCIL, 
 
 HERETOFORE PRECEPTOR TO THE DAUPHIN, AND CHIEF 
 
 ALMONER TO THE DAUPHINESS. 
 
 IN TWO VOLUMES, 
 
 TRANSLATED FROM THE LAST FRENCH EDITION. 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 NEW YORK: 
 PUBLISHED BY D. & J. SADLIER, 58 GOLD-STREET. 
 
 1845. 
 
THE HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 VARIATIONS OF THE PROTESTANT CHURCHES 
 
 BOOK X. 
 
 [From the year 1558 to 1570.] 
 
 A brief Summary: — Clueen Elizabeth's Reformation. — That of Edward cor- 
 rected, and the Real Presence, which had been condemned under that 
 Prince, held for indifferent : — The Church of England still persists in this 
 sentiment.-— Other Variations of this Church in that dueen's reign. — Her 
 ecclesiastical Supremacy moderated in appearance, in reality left in the 
 same state as under Henry and Edward, notwithstanding the scruples of 
 Elizabeth. — Policy bears the sway throughout this whole Reformation. — 
 The Faith, the Sacraments, and the whole ecclesiastical authority delivered 
 up into the hands of Kings and Parliaments. — The same done in Scotland. 
 — The Calvinists of France disapprove this doctrine, nevertheless let it pass. 
 — England's doctrine upon Justification. — Glueen Elizabeth favors the 
 French Protestants. — They rebel as soon as they have it in their power. — 
 The conspiracy of Amboise, in Francis the Second's reign. — The civil wars 
 under Charles IX.— This conspiracy and these wars appertain to Religion, 
 and were entered into by the autliority of the doctors and ministers of the 
 party, and grounded on the new doctrine teaching the lawfulness of making 
 war against their prince, for the sake of Religion. — This doctrine expressly 
 warranted by their national Synods. — The fallacy of Protestant writers, 
 and of Mr. Burnet amongst the rest, w^ho pretend tliat the tumult of Am- 
 boise and the civil wars were state affairs. — Religion was at the bottom of 
 Francis, Duke of Guise's murder. — Beza's and the Admiral's testimony. — 
 A new Confession of Faith in Switzerland. 
 
 1. — (lueen Elizabeth is pursuaded nothing can secure to her the Crown, but the 
 Protestant religion. — Four points she teas uneasy about. 
 
 England having soon returned, after Queen Mary's death, to 
 Edward the Sixth's Reformation, set about fixing her Faith and 
 putting the finishing stroke to her rehgion by the new Queen's 
 authority. Elizabeth, daughter of Henry VIII and Anne Boleyn, 
 was advanced to the throne, and governed her kingdom with as 
 profound a policy as the most able kings. The step she had 
 taken with regard to Rome, immediately upon her coming to 
 the crown, countenanced what otherwise had been published of 
 this princess, that she would not have departed from the Cath- 
 oUc religion, had she found the Pope more disposed to her in- 
 terests. Paul IV, who then sat in the Apostolic Chair, gave no 
 favorable reception to the civilities she had caused to be ten- 
 dered him as to another prince, without further declaration of 
 
4 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 her mind, by the resident of the late queen her sister.* Mr. 
 Burnet tells us, he treated her as illegitimate ; was surprised at 
 her great boldness in assuming the crown, a fief of the Holy 
 See, without his consent ; and gave her no hopes of receiving 
 any favor at his hands, unless she renounced her pretensions, 
 and submitted to the See of Rome. Such usage, if true, was 
 not at all likely to reclaim a queen. After such a repulse, 
 Elizabeth readily withdrew from a See, by whose decrees her 
 birth had also been condemned, and engaged in the new Ref- 
 ormation : yet she did not approve that of Edward in all its 
 parts. There were four points which caused her uneasiness, | 
 that of Ceremonies, that of Images, that of the Real Presence, 
 and that of the regal Supremacy ; and what was done, in her 
 time, with reference to these four points, we are now to relate. 
 
 2. — First Point : Ceremonies. 
 As for ceremonies, " her first impressions," says Mr. Burnet, 
 " were in favor of such old rites as her father had still retained, 
 and in her own nature loving state and some magnificence in 
 Religion, she thought her brother's ministers had stripped it too 
 much of external ornaments, and left religion too bare and naked. 
 Yet I do not find she did any thing considerable in that regard." J 
 
 3. — Second Point: Images. — Pious sentiments of the Queen. 
 As for Images, " That matter stuck long with her ; for she 
 inclined to keep up Images in churches, and it was with great 
 difficulty she was prevailed upon, persuaded as she was that the 
 use of Images in churches might be a means to stir up devotion, 
 and that at least it would draw all people to frequent them the 
 more."§ Herein her sentiments agreed in the main with those 
 of the Catholics. If they stir up devotion towards God, they 
 might well excite also the external tokens of it; this is the whole 
 of that worship which we pay them. To be inclined to, and 
 have favorable impressions of them in this sense, like Queen 
 Elizabeth, was not so gross a notion as is at present imputed to 
 our belief; and I much question whether Mr. Burnet would 
 venture to charge a queen, who, according to him, was the 
 foundress of religion in England, with entertaining idolatrous 
 sentiments. But the Iconoclast party had gained their point ; 
 the queen, unable to resist them, was wrought up by them to 
 such extremes, that not content with commanding Images to be 
 cast out of all churches, she forbade all her subjects to keep 
 them in their houses ;|| nothing but the Crucifix escaped,!! and 
 that no where but in the Royal Chapel, whence the queen could 
 not be persuaded to remove it. 
 
 * Burn. 1. iii. p. 374. f Ibid, p. 376. J Ibid. 
 
 § Ibid. pp. 397, and 376. H Ibid. 398. H Thuan, 1. xxi. An. 1559. 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 5 
 
 4. — They persuade her with reasons evidently bad. 
 
 It may not be improper to consider what the Protestants al- 
 leged in order to induce her to this injunction against Images, 
 in order that the excess or vanity of the thing may be discovered. 
 The chief foundation of their reasons is, " that the second com- 
 mandment forbids the making of any Images, as a resemblance 
 of God,"* which evidently proves nothing either against the 
 Images of Jesus Christ as man, or those of the saints, or, in 
 general, against such, with respect to which we publicly declare 
 (as does the Catholic Church) that by them we in nowise pre- 
 tend to represent the Deity. The rest is too extravagant to 
 bear repeating : for either it concludes just nothing, or it con- 
 cludes for the absolute prohibition of the use of painting and 
 sculpture, — a weakness now-a-days so universally exploded by 
 all Christians, as only to find place in the gross superstition of 
 Mahometans and Jews. 
 
 5. — Manifest Variation with respect to the Real Presence. — Policy regulates 
 
 Religion. 
 
 The queen showed more resolution on the subject of the Eu- 
 charist. It is of main importance well to comprehend her sen- 
 timents, such as Mr. Burnet delivers them : She thought that 
 in her brother's reign they made their doctrine too narrow in 
 some points ; therefore she intended to have some things ex- 
 plained in more general terms, that so all parties might be com- 
 prehended by them. "I These were her sentiments in general. 
 In applying them to the Eucharist, " Her intention was to have 
 the manner of Christ's presence in the Sacrament be left in 
 some general words. She very much disliked that those who 
 believed the corporal presence had been driven away from the 
 Church by too nice an explanation of it." And again, " it was 
 proposed to have the communion-book so contrived, that it 
 might not exclude the belief of the corporal presence ; for the 
 chief design of the Queen's council was to unite the nation in 
 one faith, "t 
 
 One might be apt to think, perchance, that the queen judged 
 it needless to make any express declarations against the real 
 presence, her subjects of themselves being sufficiently inclined 
 to reject it : but, on the contrary, " the greatest part of the na- 
 tion continued to believe such a presence. Therefore, it was 
 recommended to the divines to see that there should be no ex- 
 press definition made against it ; that so it might lie as a spec- 
 ulative opinion, not determined, in which every man was left to 
 the freedom of his own mind."§ 
 
 + Burn. 1. iii. p. 397. f Ibid. p. 376. 
 
 X Ibid. p. 392* § Ibid. 
 
 VOL. II. 1* 
 
6 THE HISTORY OP [BOOK 
 
 6. — The Faith of the pretended Martyrs changed. 
 Here was a strange variation in one of the main fundamental 
 points of the EngUsh Reformation. In the Confession of Faith 
 set forth in 1551, under Edward, the doctrine of the Real Pres- 
 ence was excluded in so strong a manner, that it was declared 
 impossible and contrary to our Lord's ascension. When Gran- 
 nie r was condemned for a heretic in Queen Mary's time, he 
 owned the capital subject of his condemnation was, his not con- 
 fessing a corporal presence of our Saviour on the altar. Ridley, 
 Latimer, and others, the pretended martyrs of the English Ref- 
 ormation, mentioned by Mr. Burnet, all suffered for the same 
 cause. Calvin says as much of the French martyrs, whose au- 
 thority he opposes against the Lutherans."* This article was 
 esteemed of that high importance even in 1549, and during the 
 whole reiirn of Edward, " that when the reformation was to be 
 carried on to the establishment of a form of doctrine," says Mr. 
 Burnet, " which should contain the chief points of religion, in- 
 quiry was chiefly made concerning the presence of Christ in the 
 sacrament." It was, therefore, at that time, not only one of 
 the fundamental points, but also a capital one amongst these 
 fundamentals. As it was of such concern, and the principal 
 cause for which these boasted martyrs shed their blood, it could 
 not be explained in terms too distinct. After so clear an expo- 
 sition of it as that which had been made under Edward, to re- 
 turn, as did Elizabeth, to general terms, which left the thing 
 undetermined, that all parties might be comprehended in them, 
 and every man left to the freedom of his own mind, was betray- 
 ing truth, and putting error on the level with it. In a word, 
 these general terms in a confession of faith, were nothing but a 
 fallacy in the most serious of all concerns, and wherein the ut- 
 most sincerity is required. This is what the English Reformers 
 ought to have represented to Elizabeth. But policy outbalanced 
 religion, nor was it now to their purpose so greatly to condemn 
 the Real Presence. Wherefore, the twenty-ninth article of 
 Edward's confession, wherein it was condemned, was very much 
 changed, and a great deal left out ; j" all that showed the Real 
 Presence was impossible and contradictory to the residence of 
 Christ's body in heaven. " All this was suppressed," says Mr. 
 Burnet, " and that expressed definition dashed over with mini- 
 um." The historian takes care to tell us it is still legible ; but 
 that even is a testimony against the expunged doctrine. They 
 would have it still legible, to the end a proof might be extant, 
 that this was the very point which they had concluded to reverse. 
 They had remonstrated to Queen Elizabeth concerning images, 
 
 * Calv. diliicid. explic. opusc. p. 861. p. ii. I. i. p. 104, 
 1 Ibid. 1. iii. pp. 405, 406. 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 7 
 
 " that it would cast a great reflection on the first reformers, 
 should they again set up in churches what these so zealous mar- 
 tyrs of the evangelical purity had so carefully removed."* It 
 was of no less a criminal nature, to rescind from the Confession 
 of Faith of these pretended martyrs, what they had placed in it, 
 in opposition to the Real Presence, and to annul that doctrine, 
 in testimony whereof they had given up their lives. Instead of 
 their plain and express definitions, they were content to say, 
 conformably to Queen Elizabeth's design, " in general terms, 
 that the body of Christ is given and received after a spiritual 
 manner ; and the means by which it is received, is Faith. "| The 
 first part of the article is very true, taking spiritual manner for 
 a manner that is above our senses and nature, as the Catholics 
 and Lutherans understand it ; nor is the second part less cer- 
 tain, taking the reception for a profitable reception, and in the 
 sense St. John meant, when he said of Jesus Christ, " that his 
 own received him not,"J although he were in the world in per- 
 son in the midst of them ; that is to say, they neither received 
 his doctrine nor his grace. Furthermore, what was added in 
 Edward's Confession, with reference to the communion of the 
 wicked who receive nothing but the symbols, was cut off in like 
 manner, and care was taken that nothing but what the Catholics 
 and Lutherans might approve, should be retained with respect 
 to the Real Presence. 
 
 7. — Substantial Changes in Edivarcfs Liturgy. 
 For the same reason, whatever condemned the corporal pres- 
 ence, was now changed in Edward's liturgy : for instance, the 
 rubrick there explained the reason for kneeling at the sacrament, 
 "that thereby no adoration is intended to any corporal presence of 
 Christ's natural flesh and blood, because that is only in heaven. "§ 
 But, under Ehzabeth, these words were lopped off, and the 
 full hberty of adoring the flesh and blood of Jesus Christ was 
 allowed as present in the Eucharist. What the pretended mar- 
 tyrs and founders of the English Reformation had held for gross 
 idolatry, became an innocent action in the reign of Queen Eliz- 
 abeth. In Edward's second hturgy, these words, which had 
 been left standing in the first, were taken away : viz., " the 
 body or the blood of Jesus Christ preserve thy body and thy 
 soul to everlasting life ;" but these words, which Edward had 
 left out because they seemed too much to favor the belief of the 
 corporal presence, were replaced by Queen Elizabeth. || The 
 will of kings became the rule of faith, and what we now see 
 removed by this Queen, was again inserted in the common- 
 prayer book by King Charles II. 
 
 * Calv. dilucid. exnlic. opusc. 1. iii. p. 397. f P. 405. J John i. 10, 11. 
 § P. ii. p. 39a. II Ibid. 1. i. p. 170. 
 
8 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 8. — An imposition of Mr. Burnet; who has the assurance to say, that the Doc- 
 tnne established by Edward was not changed. 
 
 Notwithstanding all these changes in such essential matters, 
 Mr. Burnet would make us believe there was no variation in 
 the doctrine of the English Reformation. " The doctrine of the 
 Church," says he, " was at that time contrary to the belief of a 
 real or corporal presence in the sacrament, in like manner as at 
 present : only, it was not thought necessary or expedient to 
 publish it in too distinct a manner ;' * as if one could speak too 
 distinctly in matters of faith. But this is not all. It is a man- 
 ifest variation in doctrine, not only to embrace what is contrary 
 to it, but to leave undecided what was decided formerly. If the 
 ancient Catholics, after deciding in express terms the Son of 
 God's equality with his Father, had suppressed what they had 
 pronounced at Nice, contenting themselves with barely calling 
 him sjrod in general terms, and in the sense the Arians could not 
 deny it, insomuch that what had been decided so expressly should 
 have become undecided and indifferent, would they not have 
 altered the Church's faith, and stepped backwards 1 Now, this 
 is wliat was done under Elizabeth by the Church of England ; 
 and none can acknowledge it more clearly than Mr. Burnet has 
 done in the words above cited, where it stands confessed in ex- 
 press terms, that it was neither by chance, nor forgetfulness, but 
 from a premeditated design, that they omitted the words used in 
 Edward's time, and that " no express definition was made against 
 the corporal presence ;"| on the contrary, it was let lie as a 
 speculative opinion, not determined, in which every man was 
 left to the freedom of his own mind to reject or embrace it : in 
 this manner, either sincerely or politically, the faith of the re- 
 formers was forsaken, and the dogma of the corporal presence 
 left for indifferent, against which they had combated even unto 
 blood. 
 
 9. — England indifferent as to the Real Presence. 
 
 This, if we believe Mr. Burnet, is yet the present state of the 
 Church of England. It was on these grounds that the Bishop 
 William Bedell, whose life he has written, believed that a great 
 company of Lutherans who had fled to Dublin for refuge, might 
 without difficulty com.municate with the Church of England, J 
 " which in reality," says Mr. Burnet, " hath so great a modera- 
 tion in that matter (the Real Presence) that no positive defini- 
 tion of the manner of the presence being made, men of different 
 sentiments may agree in the same acts of worship, without being 
 obliged to declare their opinion, or being understood to do any 
 thing contrary to their several persuasions." Thus hath the 
 
 ♦ Burn. I. iii. p. 406. f P. 392. J Life of B. BedeU, pp. 137, 138. 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 9 
 
 Church of England corrected her teachers, and reformed her 
 first reformers. 
 
 10. — JSTeither the loord substance nor miracles, which Calvin places in the Eu- 
 charist, are admitted by them. 
 
 Moreover, the Enghsh Reformation neither under Edward 
 nor Elizabeth, ever employed, in the explanation of the Eucha- 
 rist, the substance of the body, nor those incomprehensible ope- 
 rations which Calvin so much exalts. These expressions too 
 much favored a real presence, and it was for this reason they 
 were not made use of either in Edward's reign, when that was 
 designedly excluded, or in Ehzabeth's, when the thing was to 
 be left undetermined ; and England was very sensible that these 
 words of Calvin, little suitable to the doctrine of the figurative 
 sense, could not be introduced into it otherwise, than by forcing 
 too visibly their natural sense. 
 
 11. — The (^ueeti's Supremacy in spirituals is established in spite of all her 
 
 scruples. 
 
 The article of Supremacy now remains to be considered. 
 True it is, Elizabeth opposed it, and this title, of Head of the 
 Church, in her judgment too great for kings, seemed to her still 
 more insupportable in a queen, not to say ridiculous. " A 
 famous preacher among those of the reformation," says Mr. 
 Burnet, " put this scruple about it in her head ;"* that is, some 
 remains of shame were still to be met with in the English 
 Church ; nor was it without some little remorse that she gave 
 up her authority to the secular power ; but policy got the better 
 even in this point. As much ashamed as the queen was in her 
 heart of this title of the Church's supreme head, she accepted 
 of it, and exercised it under another name. By an act which 
 passed in 1559, " The supremacy was again annexed to the 
 crown, and declared that the authority of visiting, correcting, 
 and reforming all things in the Church is for ever annexed to 
 the regal dignity, and whosoever should refuse to swear and ac- 
 knowledge the queen to be the supreme governor in all causes, 
 as well ecclesiastical as temporal, within her dominions, was to 
 forfeit any office he had either in Church or State ; and to be 
 thenceforth disabled to hold any employment during life.""!" This 
 is what the queen's scruple ended in ; and all she did to mod- 
 erate the laws of Henry VHI, with regard to the king's suprem- 
 acy, was, that whereas, denying the supremacy in King Henry's 
 time, cost men their lives, in Elizabeth's it cost them but a for- 
 feiture of their goods. J 
 
 12. — Resolution of the Catholic Bishops. 
 The Catholic bishops on this occasion were not forgetful of 
 their duty, and being inflexibly attached to the Catholic Church 
 + Burnet, 1. iii. p. 386. f Ibid. 1. pp. iii. 385, 386. % Ibid. 1. iii. 336. 
 
10 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 and Holy See, were deposed for having constantly refused to 
 subscribe the queen's supremacy, no less than the other articles 
 of the Reformation. But Parker, the Protestant Archbishop of 
 Canterbury, was of all the most zealous in submitting to the 
 yoke. It was to him complaints were addressed of the queen's 
 scruples respecting her title of Supreme head ; to him was ren- 
 dered an account of what was done to engage the Catholics to 
 acknowledge it, and finally the English Reformation could no 
 longer be compatible with the liberty and authority which Jesus 
 Chri;:t had given to his Church. What had been resolved on 
 in the Parhament in 1559, in favor of the queen's supremacy, 
 was received in the synod of London by the common consent 
 of all the clergy, of the first as well as of the second order. 
 
 13. — Declaration of the Clergy regarding the Supremacy of Elizabeth. 
 
 There the supremacy was inserted among the articles of faith 
 in these terms : — " The royal majesty has sovereign power in 
 this kingdom of England, and in her other dominions, and the 
 sovereign government of all her subjects, lay and ecclesiastical, 
 belongs to her in all matters, without being subjected to any 
 foreign power."* By these last words they intended to exclude 
 the Pope ; but as the other words, " in all matters,"! put in 
 without restriction, as had been done in the act of parliament, 
 imported a full sovereignty, even in ecclesiastical causes, with- 
 out excepting those of faith, they were ashamed of proceeding 
 to such great excess, and introduced the following modification. 
 *' Whereas we attribute to the royal majesty this sovereign gov- 
 ernment, at which we learn that many ill-disposed individuals 
 are displeased, we do not grant to our kings the administration 
 of the word and of the sacram nts, as is clearly shown by the 
 ordinances of our Queen Elizabeth ; but we merely give to her 
 the ;7rerogative, which the Scripture attributes to pious princes, 
 of being able to keep to their duty all orders, whether lay or 
 ecclesiastical, and to check the stubborn by the sword of the 
 civil power. 
 
 14. — This served but as a clumsy palliation for a great evil. 
 
 This explanation is conformable to a declaration which the 
 queen had published, where she said at first " that she was far 
 from wishing to administer holy things." The Protestants, ready 
 to afford satisfaction on the subject of ecclesiastical authority, 
 thought thereby to be sheltered from whatever evil its supremacy 
 was attended with, but all in vain ; for the question was not 
 whether the English invested royalty with the administration of 
 the word and of the sacraments. Who has ever accused them 
 of wishing that their kings should ascend the pulpit, or admia- 
 
 * Syn. Lond. art. 7. f Syn. gen. p. i. pag. 107. 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 11 
 
 ister communion and baptism ? And what is there so uncom- 
 mon in this declaration, wherein Queen EHzabeth avows that 
 this ministry appertains not to her ? The question was to know, 
 whether in such matters the royal majesty has a mere direction 
 and an external execution, or whether it influences fundamen- 
 tally the validity of ecclesiastical acts. But whilst it was ap- 
 parently reduced in this article to the mere execution, the con- 
 trary appeared but too manifest in practice. Permission to preach 
 was granted by letters patent and under the great seal. The 
 queen made bishops with the same authority as the king her 
 father and the king her brother, and for a limited time if she 
 pleased. The commission for their consecration emanated from 
 the royal power. Excommunications were decreed by the same 
 authority. The queen regulated by her edicts not only the ex- 
 terior worship, but also faith and the dogma, or caused them to 
 be regulated by her parliament, whose acts received their valid- 
 ity from Her ; and there is nothing more unheard of in the 
 Christian Church, than what was done at that time. 
 
 15. — The Parliament continues to asstime the decision in points of faith. 
 
 The parliament pronounced directly on heresy. It regulated 
 the conditions on which a doctrine should pass for heretical, and 
 where these conditions were not found in this doctrine, it pro- 
 hibited its condemnation, " and reserved to itself the cognizance 
 of it." The question is not to know whether the rule which 
 parliament prescribed is good or bad ; but whether the parlia- 
 ment, a secular body, whose acts received their validity from 
 tlie prince, can decide on matters of faith, and reserve to itself 
 the cognizance of them ; that is, whether they may challenge 
 it to themselves, and take away the exercise of it from the 
 bishops, on whom Christ had bestowed it ; for the parliament's 
 saying they would judge with the assent of the clergy in their 
 convocation,* was nothing but an illusion ; since, in the end, 
 this was still reserving to the parliament the supreme authority, 
 and hearing the pastors rather as counsellors whose hghts they 
 borrowed, than as natural judges, to whom only the decision 
 appertained of divine right. I cannot think a christian heart 
 can hear of such an invasion of the pastoral authority and the 
 rights of the sanctuary without a sigh. 
 
 16. — On what is grounded the Validity of the English Ordinations. 
 
 But lest it should be imagined, that all these attempts of the 
 secular authority on the rights of the sanctuary were nothing 
 but usurpations of the laity, the clergy not consenting to them, 
 and this under pretext of the above explanation given by the said 
 clergy to the Queen's supremacy in the thirty- seventh article 
 
 ♦ Syn, gen. pag. I 107. 
 
12 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 of the Confession of Faith, what precedes, and what follows, 
 evince the contrary. What precedes, inasmuch as this synod 
 being composed, as just observed, of both houses of the clergy 
 intending to set forth the vaUdity of the ordination of bishops, 
 of priests, and deacons, grounds it on a form contained in the 
 book of consecration of archbishops and bishops, and ordaining 
 of priests and deacons, lately set forth in the time of King 
 Edward VI, and confirmed by authority of parliament.* Weak 
 bishops ! wretched clergy ! who choose rather to take the form of 
 their ordination from a book made lately, but ten years ago in 
 King Edward's time, and confirmed by the authority of parlia- 
 ment, than from the sacramentary of St. Gregory, the author 
 of their conversion, wherein they might still read the form, 
 according to which their predecessors and the holy monk St. 
 Augustin, their first apostle, had been consecrated ; although this 
 book was warranted, not indeed by the authority of parliaments, 
 but by the universal tradition of all Christian churches."!* 
 17. — Sequel of this Matter. 
 Upon this it was that these bishops founded the validity of 
 their consecration, and the orders of their priests and deacons ; 
 and this was done pursuant to a decree of parliament in 1659, 
 wherein the doubt concerning ordination was solved by an act 
 authorizing the book of ordination, which was joined to King 
 Edward's liturgy : so that had not the parliament made these 
 acts, the ordinations of their whole clergy had still remained 
 dubious. J 
 
 18. — Decisions of Faith reserved to the Royal Authority, by the Declaration of 
 
 the Bishops. 
 
 The bishops and their clergy, who had thus enslaved the 
 ecclesiastical authority, conclude in a manner corresponding to 
 such a beginning ; when, after having set forth their faith in all 
 the foregoing articles to the number of thirty-nine, they con- 
 clude with this ratification, wherein they declare, " That these 
 articles being authorized by the consent and assent of Queen 
 Elizabeth, ought to be received and executed throughout the 
 whole realm of England." Where we find the Queen's appro- 
 bation, and not only her consent by submission, but also her 
 assent, as I may say, by express deliberation, mentioned in the 
 act as a condition that makes it valid ; insomuch that the decrees 
 of bishops in matters the most within the verge of their ministry, 
 receive their last form and vahdity, in the same style with acts 
 of parliament from the Queen's approbation, these weak bishops 
 never daring all this while to remonstrate, after the example of 
 dfl past ages, that their decrees, valid of themselves, and by 
 
 * Syn. Lon., art. 36. Syn. Gen. p. 107. Bur. 385. 
 t Ibid. t B"m. ibid. p. 392. 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 13 
 
 that sacred authority, wh'.ch Jesus Christ had annexed to their 
 character, required nothing else from the regaJ power, but an 
 entire submission and exterior protection. Thus, whilst they 
 forget the primitive institutions of their church, together with 
 the head whom Jesus Christ had given them, and set up princes 
 for their heads whom Jesus Christ had not appointed for that 
 end, they degraded themselves to that degree, that no ecclesi- 
 astical act, not even those which regard preaching, censures, 
 liturgy, sacraments, nay, faith itself, have any force in England, 
 but inasmuch as they are approved and made valid by Kings ; 
 which in the main gives to Kings more than the word, and more 
 than the administration of the sacraments, since it renders them 
 the sovereign arbiters of one and the other. 
 
 19. — The same Doctrine in Scotland. — 1568. 
 
 It is for the same reason that we behold the first Confession 
 of Scotland, since she became Protestant, published in the 
 name of the parliament ; and a second Confession of the same 
 kingdom, bearing this title : " A general Confession of the true 
 Christian Faith according to the word of God, and the acts of 
 our Parliaments."* 
 
 A great multitude of different declarations was requisite to 
 explain how these acts did not attribute the episcopal jurisdic- 
 tion to the crown ; but all was nothing but mere words, since 
 after all, it still stands incontestable that no ecclesiastical act 
 hath any force in that kingdom, no more than in England, unless 
 ratified by the King and parliament. 
 
 20. — The English Doctrine, xchich makes the King head of the Church, con- 
 demned by the Calvinists. 
 
 Our Calvinists, I own, seem far remote from this doctrine ; 
 and I find, not only in Calvin, as already observed, but also in 
 the national synods, express condemnations of those who con- 
 found the civil government with that of the church, by making 
 the magistrate head of the church, or by subjecting the ecclesi- 
 astical government to the people.! But there is nothing but 
 will go down with these men, provided you are an enemy to the 
 Pope and Rome ; insomuch that, by stress of equivocations 
 and explanations, the Calvinists were gained, and brought in 
 England even to subscribe the supremacy. 
 
 21. — Ml that remained to the Church seized upon. 
 It appears by the whole tenor of the acts which I have re- 
 ported, how vain it is to pretend that, in the reign of Elizabeth, 
 this supremacy was reduced to more reasonable terms than in 
 the precedent reigns, there being, on the contrary, no alteration 
 
 * Synt. Gen. part i. p. 109. Ibid. p. 126. 1588. 
 t Syn. of Paris, 1565. Syn. of RocheUe, 1571. 
 VOL. II. 2 
 
14 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 to be found in the main.* Among other fruits of the suprem- 
 acy, one was the Queen's invading the revenues of the church 
 under the pretence of giving the full vakie of them,| even those 
 of the bishops, such as, till then, had remained sacred and in- 
 violate. Treading in the steps of the King her father, in order 
 to engage the nobility in the interests of the supremacy and 
 reformation, she made them a present of a share in these con- 
 secrated goods ; and this state of the church, enslaved both in 
 her temporals and spirituals, is called the English reformation, 
 the re-estabhshment of evangelical purity ! 
 
 22. — Ji remarkable passage in Mr. Burnet, concerning the English Refarmation, 
 Nevertheless, if we may form a judgment of this reformation 
 according to the gospel-rule, by its fruits, there was never any 
 thing more deplorable : seeing the effect which this miserable 
 subjection of the clergy did produce, was, that from thence- 
 forwards religion was no more then a state-engine always veer- 
 ing at the breath of the prince. Edward's reformation, which 
 had entirely changed that of Henry VIII, was changed itself in 
 an instant under Mary, and Elizabeth destroyed in two years 
 all that Mary had done before. 
 
 The bishops, reduced to fourteen in number, stood firm, 
 together with about fifty or sixty ecclesiastics ; J but, excepting 
 so small a number in so great a kingdom, all the rest paid 
 obedience to the Queen's injunctions, yet with so little good 
 will for the new doctrine they were made to embrace, " that 
 probably," says Mr. Burnet, " if Queen Elizabeth had not lived 
 long, and a prince of another religion had succeeded before 
 the death of all that generation, they had turned about again 
 to the old superstitions as nimbly as they had done in Queen 
 Mary's time."§ 
 
 23. — Inamissibility of Justice rejected by the Church of England. 
 In this same Confession of Faith, which had been confirmed 
 under Ehzabeth in 1562, there are two important points re- 
 lating to justification. In one of them, the inamissibility of 
 justice is rejected clearly enough by this declaration. " After 
 we have received the Holy Ghost, we may depart from grace 
 given, and arise again, and amend our lives. "|| In the other, 
 the certainty of predestination seems quite excluded, when, 
 after saying that " The doctrine of predestination is full of 
 comfort to godly persons, by confirming their faith of eternal 
 salvation to be enjoyed through Jesus Christ," they add, " It is 
 the downfall for carnal persons either into a desperation, or into 
 recklessness of most unclean living." And, in conclusion, that 
 
 * Burn. 1. iii. p. 394, &c. f Thuan. lib, xxi. 1559. Burn. lib. iii. p. 3S4. 
 
 I Burnet, 1. iii. p. 401. § Ibid. 
 
 II Synt. Gen. part i. Conf. Aug. Art. xvi. xvii. p. 102. 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 15 
 
 " we must receive God's promises, as they be generally set forth 
 to us in holy scripture ; and in our doings, that will of God is 
 to be followed, which we have expressly declared unto us in 
 the word of God ;" which seems to exclude that special cer- 
 tainty, whereby each of the faithful is obliged to believe in par- 
 ticular, as of faith, that he is in the number of the elect, and 
 comprehended within that absolute decree, by which God wills 
 their salvation : a doctrine riot agreeable, it seems, to the Prot- 
 estants of England, although they not only bear with it in the 
 Calvinists, but also the deputies from their church have con- 
 firmed it, as we shall see in the synod of Dort.* 
 
 24. — The beginning of the disturbances in France fomented by Elizabeth. — 
 Change of the Calvinistic Doctrine. 
 
 Queen Elizabeth secretly encouraged that disposition which 
 those of France were in towards a rebellion ; nearly at the same 
 time that the English reformation was modelled under that 
 queen, they declared themselves. Our reformed, after about 
 thirty years, grew v/eary of deriving their glory from their suf- 
 ferings ; their patience could hold out no longer ; nor did they 
 from that time exaggerate their submission to our kings. "f This 
 submission lasted but whilst they were in a capacity of curbing 
 them. Under the strong reigns of Francis I and Henry II, they 
 were in reality very submissive, and made no show of an inten- 
 tion to levy war. The reign, no less weak than short, of Francis 
 II, inspired them with boldness. The fire, so long concealed, 
 blazed forth in the conspiracy of Amboise. Yet a sufficient 
 strength still remained in the government to have quenched it 
 at the beginning : but during the minority of Charles IX, and 
 under the regency of a Queen, all whose policy aspired no fur- 
 ther than to maintain her power by dangerous and trimming 
 measures, the revolt became entire and the conflagration univer- 
 sal over all France. A particular account of these intrigmes 
 and wars comes not within my sphere, nor should I even have 
 spoken of these commotions, if, contrary to all preceding dec- 
 larations and protestations, they had not produced this new doc- 
 trine in the reformation, that it is lawful to take up arms against 
 prince and country, in the cause of religion. 
 
 25. — The Calvinists took arms from maxims of Religion. 
 
 It had been well foreseen, that the new reformed would not 
 be slack in proceeding to such measures. Not to trace back 
 the wars of the Albigenses, the seditions of the Wickliftites in 
 England, the furies of the Taborites in Bohemia, it had been but 
 too apparent what was the result of all the fine protestations of 
 the Lutherans in Germany.^ The leagues and wars so much 
 
 * Book xiv. f Burn. 1. iii. pp. 415, 416. 
 
 X Thuan. lib. xxvii. 1560, t ii. p. 17. La Poplin, i. viL pp. 246, 255. 
 
16 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 detested at first, as soon as ever the Protestants were sensible of 
 their strength, became lawful, and Luther added this new article 
 to his gospel. The ministers too of the Vaudois had but just 
 taught this doctrine, when the war was commenced in the valleys 
 against their sovereigns the Dukes of Savoy. The new reformed 
 of France were not backward to follow these examples, nor is 
 there any doubt but they were spirited up to it by their doctors, 
 
 26. — Beza oions that the conspiracy of Amhoise was entered upon from a maxim 
 
 of Conscience. 
 
 As for the conspiracy of Amboise, all historians testify as 
 much ; even Beza owns it in his ecclesiastical history. It was 
 from the influence of their doctors, that the Prince of Conds 
 believed himself innocent, or affected to believe it, although so 
 heinous an attempt had been undertaken by his orders.* It was 
 resolved on by the party, to furnish him with men and money, 
 to the end he might have a competent force : so that the design 
 then on foot, after the seizure of the two Guises in the very 
 castle of Amboise, where the King was in person, and forcibly 
 carrying them away, was nothing less than from that very time 
 to light up the torch of civil war throughout the whole kingdom. 
 The whole body of the Reformation came into this design, and 
 on this occasion the province of Xaintonge is prai?;ed by Beza, 
 for having done their duty like the rest. | The same Beza tes- 
 tifies an extreme regret, that so just an enterprise should have 
 failed, and attributes the bad success of it to the perfidiousness 
 of certain people. 
 
 27. — Four demonstrations that the riot of Amboise xcas the loorl: of Protestants, 
 and that the motive to it was Religion. First demonstration. 
 
 The Protestants, it is true, were desirous of giving to this 
 enterprise, as they do to all others of this nature, a pretext of 
 public good, in order to inveigle some Catholics into it, and to 
 screen the reformation from the infamy of so wickod an attempt. 
 But four reasons demonstrate that it was in reality an affair of 
 religion, and an enterprise carried on by the reformed. In the 
 first place, because it was set on foot on the occasion of the 
 executions of some of the party, and especially of Anne du Bourg, 
 that famous pretended martyr. Beza, after relating this execu- 
 tion, together with the other evil treatments the Lutherans un- 
 derwent, (then all the reformed were so called,) introduces the 
 history of this conspiracy, and at the head of the motives which 
 gave birth to it, places these manifestly tyrannical ways of pro- 
 ceeding, and the menaces that on this occasion were levelled 
 at the greatest men of the kingdom, such as the Prince of Conde 
 and the Chastillons. " Then it was," says he, " that many lords 
 
 * Thuan. t. i. 1. xxiv. p. 752. La Poplin, livre vi. Bez. Hist. Eccl. livre 
 iii. p. 250, 254, 270.— 1560. f Ibid. 313. 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 17 
 
 awaked as from a profound sleep : so much the more,'^ con- 
 tinues this historian, " as they considered, that the kings Francis 
 and Henry never would attempt any thing against the men of 
 quality, contenting themselves with av/ing the great ones by 
 the coiTection of the meaner sort, that now quite different meas- 
 ures were taken ; whereas, in consideration of the number 
 concerned, they should have applied less violent remedies, rather 
 than thus open a gate to a million of seditions." 
 
 28. — Second detnonstration, icherein the advice of Beza and the Divines of the 
 
 Party is reported. 
 
 The confession is sincere, I must own. Whilst nothing but 
 the dregs of the people were punished, the lords of the party did 
 not stir, but let them go quietly to execution. When they, like 
 the rest, were threatened, they bethought themselves of their 
 weapons, or, as the author expresses it, " Each" man was forced 
 to look at home, and many began to range themselves together, 
 to provide for a just defence, and to resettle the ancient and 
 lawful government of the kingdom." This last word was 
 necessary to disguise the rest ; but what goes before shows 
 plainly enough the design in hand, and the sequel evinces it still 
 more clearly. For these means of a just defence imported, that 
 the thing* " having been proposed to lawyers and men of renown 
 in France and Germany, as likewise to the most learned divines ; 
 it was discovered that they might lawfully oppose the govern- 
 ment usurped by the Guises, and take up arms, in case of need 
 to repel their violence, provided the princes of the blood, who 
 in such cases are born lawful magistrates, or one of them, would 
 but undertake it, especially at the request of the estates of 
 France, or of the most sound part thereof." Here then is a 
 second demonstration against the new Reformation, because 
 the divines whom they consulted, were Protestants, as it is ex- 
 pressly specified by De Thou,"!" with them an unexceptionable 
 author. And Beza insinuates it plainly enough, when he says, 
 they took the advice " of the most learned divines," who, in his 
 judgment, could be none else but the reformed. As much may 
 we believe in regard to the lawyers, no Catholic having ever 
 been so much as named. 
 
 29. — Third Demonstration. 
 
 A third demonstration, arising from the same words is, that 
 these princes of the blood, " born magistrates in this affair," 
 were reduced to the sole Prince of Conde, a declared Protestant, 
 although there were five or six more at the least, and amongst 
 others, the King of Navarre, the prince's elder brother, and first 
 prince of the blood ; but whom the party feared rather than de- 
 pended on ; a circumstance that leaves not the least doubt that 
 * Beza, Hist. Eccl. liv. iii. 249. f Lib. xxiv. p. 372, edit. Gen. 
 
 VOL. II. 2 * 
 
18 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 the design of the new Reformation was to command the enter- 
 prise. 
 
 30, — Fourth Demonstration. 
 
 Nay, not only the prince is the sole person placed at the head 
 of the whole party, but what makes the fourth and last convic- 
 tion against the Reformation is, that this, " the most sound part 
 of the Estates, whose concurrence was demanded, were almost 
 all reformed."* The most important and the most special 
 orders were addressed to them, and the enterprise regarded 
 them alone ; for the end they proposed to themselves therein 
 was, as Beza owns, that " a confession of fiith might be pre- 
 sented to the king assisted by a good and lawful council. "| It 
 is plain enough, this council would never have been good and 
 lawful, unless the Prince of Conde, with his party, had governed 
 it, and the reformed obtained all they desired. The action was 
 to begin by a request they would have presented to the king for 
 obtaining liberty of conscience ; and he who managed the whole 
 affair, was La Renaudie, a man condemned to rigorous penal- 
 ties for forgery, by a decree in parliament, at which court he 
 sued for a benefice ; after this, sheltering himself at Geneva, 
 turning heretic out of spite, " burning vvith a desire of revenge, 
 and of defacing, by some bold action, the infamy of his con- 
 demnation," J he undertook to stir up to rebellion, as many dis- 
 affected persons as he could meet with ; and at last, retiring 
 into the house of a Huguenot lawyer at Paris, had the direction 
 of all matters in conjunction with Antony Chandieu, the Protes- 
 tant minister of Paris, who afterwards gave himself the name 
 of Sadael. 
 31. — The Huguenots that discovered the conspiracy do not justify the party. 
 True it is, the Huguenot lawyer, with whom he lodged, and 
 Ligueres, another Huguenot, had a horror of so artocious a 
 crime, and discovered the plot ; but that does not excuse the 
 Reformation, but shows only there were some particular men 
 in the sect, whose conscience was better than that of the divines 
 and ministers, and that of Beza himself and the whole body 
 of the party,§ who ran headlong into the conspiracy over all the 
 provinces of the realm. Accordingly, we have seen the same 
 Beza accusing of perfidiousness these two faithful subjects, 
 who alone, of all the party, had an abhorrence of, and dis- 
 covered the plot ; so that, in the judgment of the ministers, 
 those that came into this black conspiracy are the honest men, 
 and those who detected it are the traitors. 
 
 32. — The protestation of the Co7ispirators does not justify them. 
 It is to no purpose to say, that La Renaudie and all the con- 
 
 * La Poplin. Ibid. p. 164, &c. t Hist. Eccl I. iii. p. 313. 
 
 t Thuan. Ibid. pp. 733, 738. § Beza. Thuan. La Poplin. Ibid. S. n. 26. L 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 19 
 
 spirators protested they had no design of attempting any thing 
 against the king or queen, or the royal family ; for is a man 
 to be deemed innocent, because he had not formed the design 
 of so execrable a parricide?* Was it so hght a matter in a 
 state, to call in question the king's majority, and elude the 
 ancient laws, which had fixed it at fourteen years of age, by the 
 joint consent of all the orders of the realm 1 To presume, on 
 this pretext, to appoint him such counsel as they thought fit ? 
 To rush, armed, into his palace ; to assault and force him ; to 
 ravish from this sacred asylum, and out of the king's arms, the 
 Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lorrain, because the king 
 made use of them in his council ; to expose the whole court 
 and the king's own person to all the violence and all the blood- 
 shed, that so tumultuous an attack, and the darkness of the 
 night, might produce? In a word, to fly to arms over all the 
 kingdom, with a resolution not to lay them down, till the king 
 should be forced into a compliance with all that they desired. 
 Were the particular injury done to the Guises here only to come 
 in question, what right had the prince of Conde to dispose of 
 these princes, to deliver them up to the hands of their enemies, 
 who, as Beza himself owns,! made a great part of the conspi- 
 rators, and to employ the sword against them, as De Thou says, J 
 should they not consent voluntarily to relinquish all state-afiairs 1 
 What ! under pretext of a particular commission, given, as Beza 
 words it,§ " To men of a well-approved and wise conduct (such 
 as La Renaudie) in order to inquire secretly, though thoroughly 
 and exactly, into all the employments heaped upon the Guises," 
 shall a prince of the blood, of his private authority, hold them 
 as legally convicted, and put them in the power of those, whom 
 he knows to be " spurred on with the spirit of revenge for out- 
 rages received from them, as well in their own persons, as those 
 of their kindred and relations;" for these are Beza's words. jj 
 What becomes of society, if such wicked attempts be allowed I 
 But what becomes of royalty, if men dare to execute them, 
 sword in hand, in the king's own palace, seize on his ministers, 
 and tear them from his side ; put him under tuition ; his sacred 
 person in the power of rebels, who would have possessed them- 
 selves of his castle, and upheld such a treason, with a war set 
 on foot over all the kingdom ? This is the fruit resulting from 
 the councils " of the most learned Protestant divines and law- 
 yers, of the best renown." This is what Beza approves, and 
 what Protestants defend even to this day.TT 
 
 * Ord. de Charles V, 1373 and 74, et seq. Vid. la Poplin. 1. vi. 155, et seq. 
 
 T Beza, p. 250. | Thuan. pp. 732, 738. 
 
 § Beza, p. 250. || Ibid. II Burn. 1. iii. p. 415. 
 
20 THE HISTORY OF [BOOK 
 
 33. — The suppleness and connivance of Calvin. 
 
 Calvin is cited,* who, after the contrivance had miscarried, 
 wrote two letters, wherein he testifies, he had never approved 
 it. But, after having had notice of a conspiracy of this nature, 
 is it enough to blame it, without giving himself any further 
 concern to stop the progress of so flagitious an undertaking? 
 Had Beza believed that Calvin did as much detest this deed 
 as it deserved, would he have approved it himself; would he 
 have boasted to us the approbation of the most learned divines 
 of the party ? Who does not, therefore, perceive, that Calvin 
 acted here too remissly ; and provided he could exculpate him- 
 self, in case of ill success, was nowise averse to the conspira- 
 tors hazarding the event? If we believe Brantome, the Admi- 
 rall was much better disposed ; and the Protestant writers 
 vapor much at what he wrote in the life of this nobleman, 
 viz., " That none durst ever speak to him about this enterprise, 
 because they held him for a man of probity, a man of worth, a 
 lover of honor, who accordingly would have sent back the con- 
 spirators well rebuked, and detected the whole ; nay, would 
 himself have been aiding to quell them. "J; Still, however, the 
 thing was done, and the historians of the party relate with com- 
 placency, what ought not to be mentioned but with horror. 
 
 34. — Reflections 07i the uncertainty of histories useless on this occasion. 
 
 There is no room here for eluding a certain fact, by descant- 
 ing on the uncertainty of histories, and the partiality of histo- 
 rians. § These commonplace topics are only fit to raise a mist. 
 Should our reformed arraign the credit of De Thou, whose 
 works they printed at Geneva, and whose authority, we have 
 been lately told by a Protestant historian, none ever disputed ; 
 they have but to read La Popliniere, one of their own, and 
 Beza, one of their chiefs, to find their party convicted of a 
 crime, which the Admiral, Protestant as he was, judged so un- 
 worthy a man of honor. 
 35. — The first wars under Charles XI, in which all the party concurred. — 1562. 
 
 Yet this great man of honor, who had such an abhorrence 
 of the conspiracy of Amboise, either because it did not suc- 
 ceed, or because the measures were ill concerted, or because 
 he found open war more to his advantage, made no scruple, 
 two years after, of putting himself at the head of the rebellious 
 Calvinists. Then the whole party declared themselves. Calvin 
 made no resistance for this time, and rebellion was the crime 
 of all his disciples. Those whom their histories celebrate as 
 the most moderate, only said they ought not to begin, || Kow- 
 
 * Crit. de Maimb. t.i. Lett. xv. N. 6. p. 263. Cal. Ep. p. 312, 313. 
 t Crit. de Maimb. Lett. ii. N. 2. J Brant, vie de I'Admiral de Chastil. 
 § Crit.de Maimb. N. 1.4. Burn. t. l.Pref. [ILaPoplin.I. viii.Beza,t. ii.l. vi.p.5. 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 21 
 
 ever, this was their joint opinion, that to suffer themselves to 
 be butchered, hke sheep, was not the profession of men of 
 courage ; but, to be men of courage in this way, they must 
 renounce the title of Reformers, and much more — that of Con- 
 fessors of the Faith, and Martyrs ; for it is not in vain that 
 St. Paul said, after David, " We are accounted as sheep for 
 the slaughter ;"* and Jesus Christ himself: " Behold ! I send 
 you forth as sheep in the midst of wolves. ""f I have by me 
 Calvin's own letters, well attested, wherein, at the beginning 
 of the troubles of France, he thinks he does enough, in writing 
 to the Baron des Adrets, against pillaging and violence, against 
 image-breaking, and against the depredation of shrines and 
 church treasures, without public authority. To be satisfied, as 
 he is, with telling the soldiers thus enrolled, " Do violence to 
 no man, and be content with your pay," J adding nothing more; 
 is speaking of this militia as you do of a lawful militia : and it 
 is thus that St. John the Baptist decided in behalf of those who 
 bore arms under their lawful princes. The doctrine, which 
 allowed taking them up in the cause of religion, was afterwards 
 ratified, I do not say by the ministers in particular only, but also 
 in common by their synods, and it was necessary to proceed to 
 this decision in order to engage in the war those Protestants, 
 who, from a sense of the ancient principles of Christian Faith, 
 and the submission they had so frequently promised at the be- 
 ginning of the new Reformation, did not believe that a Christian 
 should maintain the liberty of conscience otherwise than by suf- 
 fering, according to the gospel, in all patience and humility. 
 The brave and wise La Noue, who was at first of this opinion, 
 was drawn into a contrary sentiment and practice by the author- 
 ity of the ministers and synods. The Church was for that time 
 infallible, and they yielded blindly to her authority a'gainst their 
 own consciences. 
 
 36. — Decisions of the Ccdvinistic national Synods, in approbation of taking up 
 
 arms. — 1563. 
 
 Now the express decisions relating to this matter were, for 
 the most part, made in provincial synods ; but, that there be 
 no occasion to search for them there, it will be sufficient to ob- 
 serve, that these decisions were preceded by the national Synod 
 of Lyons in 1563, Art. 38, by particular facts of this import, — 
 *' That a minister of Limousin, who, in other respects had be- 
 haved uprightly, terrified by the threats of his enemies, had \\Tote 
 to the queen-mother, that he never had consented to the bearing 
 of arms, although he had consented and contributed thereto. 
 Item, that he had promised not to preach till the king shoul 1 
 grant him leave. Since that time, having a sense of his fault, 
 + Rom. viii. 36. + Matt. x. 16. | Luke iii. 14. 
 
22 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 he had made a pubHc confession of it before all the people, on 
 a day of celebrating the Supper, in the presence of all the 
 ministers of the country and of all the faithful. The query is, 
 whether he may resume his pastoral charge ? the opinion is, 
 he may : nevertheless, he shall write to him by whom he had 
 been tempted, to notify to him his repentance, and shall entreat 
 him to let the queen know as much, and all whomsoever this 
 scandal to his Church might have reached ; and it shall be in 
 the breast of the Synod of Limousin to remove him to some 
 other place, as they shall think most prudent." 
 
 37. — Another decision. 
 It is so Christian and so heroic an act, in the new Reforma- 
 tion, to make war against their sovereign for religion's sake, 
 that it is made criminal in a minister to have repented of, and 
 asked pardon for it of his queen. Reparation must be made 
 before all the people in the most solemn acts of religion, namely, 
 at the Supper, for respectful excuses made to the queen ; and 
 so far must the insolence be carried, as to have it declared to 
 her in person, that this tender of respect is recalled, to the end 
 she may be assured that, from henceforth, they will have no 
 manner of regard for her ; nay, they are not certain, after all 
 this reparation and retracting, whether or no the scandal which 
 this submission had caused amongst the reformed people would 
 be quite defaced. Therefore it cannot be denied that obedience 
 was scandalous to them : thus it is decided by a national synod. 
 But here is, in the forty-eighth article, another decision which 
 will not appear less wonderful : an abbot arrived to the knowl- 
 edge of the Gospel, had burnt all his titles, and during six years 
 had not suffered Mass to be sung in the abbey. What a Ref- 
 ormation ! but here lies the stress of his encomium : Nay, hath 
 always comported himseiii faithfully, and borne arms for the main- 
 tenance of the Gospel. A holy abbot, indeed, who far remote 
 from popery, no less than from the discipline of St. Bernard and 
 St. Benedict, would not endure either Mass or vespers in his 
 abbey, whatever might have been the founder's express injunc- 
 tion ; and moreover, dissatisfied with those spiritual weapons 
 which St. Paul so much recommended, yet too feeble for our 
 warrior's courage, has generously carried arms, and drawn the 
 sword against his prince in defence of the new Gospel. Let 
 him be admitted to the Supper, concludes the whole national 
 Synod, and this mystery of peace becomes the remuneration for 
 that war he had waged against his country. 
 
 38. — The same Doctrine perpetuated in the succeeding Synods till our days. 
 
 This tradition of the party has been handed down to subse- 
 quent times successively ; and the Synod of Alais, in 1620, re 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 23 
 
 turn thanks to M. de Chastillon for his letter, wherein " He 
 protested to them, that he would employ whatever was in his 
 power after the example of his predecessors, for the advance- 
 ment of the kingdom of Jesus Christ." This was their style. 
 The juncture of times and the affairs of Alais, explain the inten- 
 tion of this lord ; and what the Admiral de Chastillon and Dan- 
 delot, his predecessors, meant by the kingdom of Christ is well 
 known. 
 
 39. — The spirit of the Huguenots in these wars. 
 
 The ministers, who taught this doctrine, thought to impose 
 upon the world, by setting up that fine discipline in their troops 
 so much commended by De Thou. It lasted indeed about three 
 months : after this, the soldiers, soon carried away into the most 
 grievous excesses, thought themselves well excused, if they did 
 but cry out Long live the Gospel ; and the Baron des Adrets, 
 who knew full well the temper of this militia, upon his being 
 reproached, as a Huguenot historian* relates, that after quitting 
 them he had done nothing worthy of his first exploits, excused 
 himself by saying, there was nothing he durst not enterprise 
 " with a soldiery, whose pay was revenge, passion, and honor," 
 whom " he had bereft of all hopes of pardon" by the cruelties 
 he had engaged them in. If we believe the ministers, our Re- 
 formed are still in the same dispositions ; and the most volu- 
 minous of all their writers, the author of new systems, and the 
 interpreter of prophecies, has but lately published in print, that 
 *' The fury, at this day, those are in who have suffered violence, 
 and the rage they have conceived at being forced, strengthens 
 the love and attachment they had to truth."! This, according 
 to the ministers, is the spirit that animates these new martyrs. 
 40. — Whether the example of Catholics vindicates the Huguenots. 
 
 It serves not the turn of our Reformed, to excuse themselves, 
 as to the civil wars, by the examples of Catholics under Henry 
 III and Henry IV, since, besides the incongruity of this Jeru- 
 salem's defending herself by the authority of Tyre and Sabylon, 
 they are very sensible that the body of Catholics which detested 
 these excesses, and remained faithful to their kings, was always 
 great : whereas, in the Huguenot party, scarce two or three 
 persons of note can be found that stood firm in their loyalty. 
 
 41. — Vain pretext of Calvinists, who pretend that these xcars did not properly 
 
 concern Religion. 
 
 Here again they make fresh efforts to show that these wars 
 were merely political, and nothing appertaining to religion. 
 These empty pretexts deserve not refutation, nothing more being 
 necessary for discovering the drift of these wars, than to read 
 
 * D. Aub. t. i. 1. hi. ch. ix. pp. 155, 156. f Jur. Accompliss. des Proph. 
 Avis k tous les Chr6t. Towards the middle of his Preface or Introduction. 
 
24 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 the treaties of peace and the edicts of pacification, — of which 
 liberty of conscience, with some other privileges for the Prot- 
 estants, was always the main import : but because, at this time, 
 men are bent more than ever upon darkening the clearest fact, 
 duty requires of me I should speak something on this head. 
 42. — Ilhisions of Mr. Burnet, 
 
 Mr. Burnet,* who hath taken in hand the defence of the con- 
 spiracy of Amboise, enters also the lists in vindication of the 
 civil wars ; but after a manner which shows plainly he is ac- 
 quainted with no more of our history and laws than what he has 
 picked up from the most ignorant and the most passionate of 
 all Protestant authors. I forgive his mistaking that famous 
 Triumvirate under Charles IX, for the union of the King of 
 Navarre with the Cardinal of Lorrain, whereas, unquestionably, 
 it was that of the Duke of Guise, of the Constable de Mont- 
 morency, and the Marshal of St. Andrew : nor should I even 
 have thought it worth my while to have pointed out these sorts 
 of blunders, were it not that they convict him, who fell into them, 
 of not having so much as seen one good author. It is a thing 
 less supportable to have taken, as he has done, the disorder of 
 Yassi for a premeditated enterprise of the Duke of Guise, with 
 a design to break the edicts, although De Thou,t whose tes- 
 timony he must not reject, and (except Beza, too prejudiced by 
 passion to be credited on this occasion) even Protestant authors, 
 aver the contrary. But to say that the regency had been given 
 to Antony, King of Navarre ; to descant, as he does, ou the 
 authority of a regent ; to affirm that this prince, having out- 
 stripped his power in -the revocation of the edicts, the people 
 might join themselves to the first prince of the blood after him, 
 namely, to the prince of Conde ; to carry on this empty reason- 
 ing, and say that, after the death of the King of Navarre, the 
 regency devolved to the prince his brother, and that the founda- 
 tion of the civil wars was the refusal made to this prince " of the 
 government, to whom it of right belonged," J is, to speak plainly 
 of a man so positive, mixing too much passion with too much 
 ignorance of our affairs. 
 
 43. — His gross blunders and p'eat ignorance of the affairs of France. 
 
 For, in the first place, it is certain, that in the reign of Charles 
 IX the regency was conferred upon Catharine of Medicis by the 
 unanimous consent of the whole kingdom, and even of the King 
 of Navarre. Mr. Burnet's lawyers, who proved, as he pretends, 
 " that no woman might be admitted to the regency," were igno- 
 rant of a standing custom, confirmed by many examples ever 
 since the time of Queen Blanche and St. Lewis. § These same 
 
 + Part ii. 1. iii. p, 415, &.c. f Thuan. 1. xxix. p. 77, et seq. La Poplin, I. vii. 
 pp. 283, 234. I Part 2. 1, iii. p. 416. § Vide la Poplin. 1. vi. pp. 155, 156. 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 25 
 
 lawyers, according to Mr. Burnet's relation, presumed even to 
 say, " that two and twenty was the soonest that any King of 
 France had been ever held to be of age to assume the govern- 
 ment, contrary to the express tenor of the ordinance of Charles 
 the Fifth, in 1374, which has always been a standing law in the 
 whole kingdom without any contradiction.* To quote these 
 lawyers, and make a law for France of their ignorant and iniqui- 
 tous decisions, is erecting into a state law the pretext of rebels. 
 44. — Sequel of Mr. BurneVs Fallacies. 
 
 Neither did the Prince of Conde ever pretend to the regency, 
 no, not even after the death of the King his brother ; and so far 
 was he from calling in question the authority of Qneen Catha- 
 rine, that, on the contrary, at his rising in arms, he grounded 
 himself on nothing but the secret orders he pretended to have 
 received. But what deceived Mr. Burnet is, perchance, his 
 having heard it said, that those who joined themselves to the 
 Prince of Conde for the King's defence, who, they pretended, 
 was a prisoner in the hands of the Guises, gave to the Prince 
 the title of lawful Protector and Defender of the King and 
 kingdom. I An Englishman, dazzled with the title of Protector, 
 imagined he saw in this title, according to the usage of his 
 country, the authority of a regent. The Prince never so much 
 as dreamt of it, since even his elder brother, the King of Na- 
 varre, was still living ; on the contrary, this empty title of Pro- 
 tector and Defender of the kingdom, which in France signifies 
 just nothing, was given him on no other account but because 
 it was very well perceived there was no lawful title that could 
 be given him. 
 45. — The French Cahinists extricate themselves no better out of this difficulty. 
 
 Let us then leave Mr. Burnet, who, though a foreigner, pro- 
 nounces thus peremptorily on our laws, without knowing so much 
 as the first rudiments of them. The French give the thing a 
 different turn, and ground themselves on some of the Queen's 
 letters, " who begged of the Prince to preserve the mother and 
 children, and the whole kingdom, against those who had a mind 
 to ruin all. "J But two convincing reasons leave no shelter for 
 this vain pretext. In the first place, because the Queen, who 
 in this manner addressed herself privately to the Prince, ex- 
 ceeded her power ; it being agreed that the regency was con- 
 ferred upon her on condition that she did nothing of consequence 
 except in council, with the participation and by the advice of 
 the King of Navarre, as the first Prince of the blood, and lieu- 
 tenant-general, established by the consent of the Estates in all 
 
 * Vide la Poplin. 1. vi. pp. 616. j Thuan. 1. xxix. 1562. La Poplin. 1. viii. 
 t Critiq. du P. Maimb. let. xvii. N. 5. p. 303. Thuan. 1. xxix. An. 1552, 
 pp. 79, 81. Thuan. 1. xxvi. p. 787, &c. 
 VOL. II. 3 
 
26 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 the provinces and armies during the minority. As, therefore, 
 the King of Navarre felt that she was driving all to ruin through 
 that restless ambition which tormented her, of preserving her 
 authority, and that she wholly turned on the side of the Prince 
 and the Huguenots, the just fear he was in of their becoming 
 masters, and lest the Queen, through despair, should at length 
 even cast herself into their arms together with the King, made 
 him break all the measures of this Princess. The other Princes 
 of the blood joined with him, no less than the chief men of the 
 kingdom and the parliament. The Duke of Guise did nothing 
 but by the orders of this King ; and the Queen so well knew 
 she exceeded her power in what she requested of the Prince, 
 that she never durst use any other words, in her addresses to 
 him, than those of invitation ; so that these so boasted letters 
 are nothing else, in reality, but the anxieties of Catharine, not 
 the lawful injunctions of a regent ; so much the more (and it is 
 the second proof) as the Queen gave ear to the Prince but for 
 a moment, and through the vain terror she had conceived of 
 being stripped of her authority ; insomuch, that it was easily 
 believed, says De Thou, she would come off from this design 
 as soon as ever she should get the better of her fears.* 
 
 46. — The Calvinists convicted by Beza.] 
 Accordingly, the event discovers that she entered sincerely 
 into the measures of the King of Navarre, and thenceforward 
 never left negotiating with the prince in order to reclaim him to 
 his duty. Wherefore, these letters of the Queen, and all that 
 followed thereupon, are counted nothing by historians but a vain 
 pretext. Nay, Beza makes it plain enough that all turned on 
 religion, on the breach of edicts, and on the pretended murder 
 of Vassi.J The Prince neither stirred, nor gave orders to the 
 Admiral to take up arms, but " requested, and more than en- 
 treated, by those of the new religion, to grant them his protection, 
 under the name and authority of the King and his edicts." 
 
 47. — The first War resolved upon by the advice of all the Ministers, and the 
 peace concluded notwithstanding their opposition. — Testimony of Beza. 
 
 It was in an assembly, at which were present the chief men 
 of their Church, that the question was proposed, whether they 
 might in conscience execute justice on the Duke of Guise, and 
 that with no great hazard, for thus the case was worded ; and 
 the answer returned was, that " it was better to suffer what might 
 please God, putting themselves only on the defensive, should 
 necessity reduce the churches to that point. Yet, whatever 
 might happen, they ought not to be the first to draw the sword. "§ 
 Here, then, is a point resolved in the new reformation, that they 
 
 ♦ Thuan. xxvi. p. 79. f Lib. ^^. % Ibid. p. 4. § Ibid. p. 6. 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 27 
 
 may, without scruple, make war on a lawful power, at least in 
 their own defence. Now, they took for an assault the revoca- 
 tion of the edicts ; so that the reformation laid it down for a 
 certain doctrine, that she might fight for the liberty of conscience, 
 in contradiction not only to the faith and practice of the Apostles, 
 but also to the solemn protestation Beza had but just made at 
 his demanding justice of the King of Navarre ; viz., " that it 
 appertained to the Church of God to suffer blows, and not to 
 give them ; but that he ought to remember, this anvil had worn 
 out many a hammer.* This saying, so much extolled by the 
 party, proved a deceit, since, after awhile, the anvil itself com- 
 menced to strike contrary to nature, and, wearied with bearing 
 blows, repaid them in its turn. Beza, who glories in this con- 
 ceit, in another place makes this important declaration in the 
 face of all Christendom,! " that he had warned of their duty 
 as well the Prince of Conde as the Admiral, and all the other 
 lords and men of every degree, that made profession of the 
 Gospel, to induce them to maintain, by all means possible to them, 
 the authority of the King's edicts and the innocence of the poor 
 oppressed ; and ever after hath continued in this same will, ex- 
 horting, nevertheless, every person to use his arms in the most 
 modest manner possible, and to seek, next to God's honor, peace 
 in all tilings, provided they do not suffer themselves to be de- 
 ceived and imposed upon." What a delusion to persuade him- 
 self, whilst he actually authorizes a civil war, that he has ful- 
 filled his duty by recommending modesty to a people up in arms I 
 And as for peace, did he not see that the security he required 
 for it vvould always afford pretexts, either of keeping it at a dis- 
 tance, or of breaking it 1 In the meantime he was by his preach- 
 ing, as himself confesses, one of the principal inciters to the 
 war. One of the fruits of his gospel was, to teach this new duty to 
 subjects and officers of the crown. All the ministers concurred 
 in his sentiments, and he owns himself,^ that when peace was 
 mentioned, the ministers so much opposed it, that the prince, 
 resolved on concluding it, was forced to exclude all of them from 
 the debate ; for they were determined to hinder the party from 
 suffering the least exception to that edict, which was most favor- 
 able to them, namely, that of January. But the prince, who 
 had consented, for peace sake, to some light restrictions, "caused 
 them to be read before the nobility, suffering none else but the 
 g«entlemen bearing arms to speak their opinions, as he declared 
 openly in the assembly ; so that the ministers, after that time, 
 were neither heard nor admitted to give in their advice ;"§ by 
 this means peace was made, and all clauses of the new edict 
 make it appear that nothing but religion was contended for in 
 
 * Beza, 1. vi. p. 3. ] Ibid. p. 293. | Ibid. pp. 280, 282. § Ibid. p. 285. 
 
28 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 this war. Nay, it is manifest, had the ministers been hearkened 
 to, it would have been continued in hopes of gaining more ad- 
 vantageous conditions which they proposed at large in writing, 
 adding many things even to the edict of January ; and they 
 made, says Beza, a declaration of them, " to the end posterity 
 might be informed how they comported themselves in this affair."* 
 This, therefore, stands an eternal testimony, that the ministers 
 approved the war, and were more bent than the princes and the 
 armed soldiers themselves, on pursuing it from the sole motive 
 of religion, which they pretend, at present, was quite out of the 
 question ; yet was the fundamental cause of the first wars, by 
 the consent of all authors, both Catholic and Protestant. 
 
 48. — The other loars are destitute of all pretext. 
 The rest of the wars have not so much as a color of pretext, 
 the queen then concurring with all the powers of the state ; 
 neither was there any other excuse alleged but discontents and 
 contraventions ; things which, in the end, have no kind of weight, 
 but in presupposing this error, that subjects have a right in the 
 cause of religion to take up arms against their king, although 
 religion prescribes nothing but to suffer and obey. 
 
 49. — Ansioers of Mr. Jurieu. 
 
 I now leave the Calvinists to examine whether there be the 
 least appearance of solidity in all Mr. Jurieu's discourses, where 
 he says, that this same is a quarrel " wherein religion came in 
 merely by chance, and to serve for a pretext only ;"| since, on 
 the contrary, it is manifest, religion was at the bottom of it, and 
 the reformation of the government was nothing but a cloak to 
 cover their shame for having begun a war of religion, after so 
 many protestations how much they abhorred all such conspiracies. 
 
 But here is another kind of excuse which this artful minister 
 prepares for his party as to the conspiracy of Amboise, when he 
 answers, that, " be it as it will, it is no otherwise criminal than 
 by the gospel rules. "J It is then a trifle for Reformers who 
 boast nought to us but the gospel, to form a conspiracy that is 
 condemned by the gospel ; nor will they be much concerned, 
 provided it only militates against these sacred ordinances. But 
 what follows in Mr. Jurieu will make it evident he understands 
 as little of morality as Christianity, since he even dares to write 
 these words : — " The tyranny of the princes of Guise could not 
 be overthrown without a great effusion of blood ; the spirit of 
 Christianity suffers not that : but if this enterprise be scanned 
 according to the rules of worldly morality, it is not at all crim- 
 inal."§ It was, nevertheless, according to the rules of worldly 
 
 * Beza, 1. vi. p. 285. f Apol. pour la Reform, part 1. ch. x. p. 301. 
 
 t Ibid. ch. XV. p. 453. § Ibid. 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 29 
 
 morality, that the Admiral condemned the conspiracy as so 
 shameful and detestable, and, according to the dictates of a man 
 of honor, not barely of a Christian, that he conceived such a 
 horror of it ; nor is the corruption of the world as yet advanced 
 so far as to discover innocence in deeds equally subversive of 
 all laws human and divine. 
 
 The minister succeeds no better in his design when, instead 
 of vindicating his pretended Reformers in their rebellions, he 
 sets himself to point out the corruption of the court against 
 which they rebelled, as if reformers could have been ignorant 
 of that apostolical command, " Obey your masters, though they 
 be fro ward."* 
 
 His long recriminations, with which he fills a volume, are not 
 a whit more to the purpose, since this the main question will 
 always returji, whether those who are boasted of to us as the 
 reformers of mankind, have diminished or increased its evils, 
 and whether they are to be considered as Reformers who cor- 
 rect them, or rather as scourges whom God sends to punish them. 
 
 50. — Q,iiestion concerning the spirit of the Reformation. — Whether it ivas a 
 spirit of meekness or of violence. — 1514. 
 
 Here might that question be considered, whether it be true 
 that the Reformation, as she boasts, never aimed at establishing 
 herself by force ; but the doubt is easily resolved by all the 
 above mentioned facts. As long as the Reformation was weak, 
 it is true she always seemed submissive ; nay, gave out for a 
 fundamental point of her religion that she beUeved it not only 
 unlawful to use force, but even to repel it.| But it was soon 
 discovered this was of that kind of modesty which fear inspires, 
 a fire hidden in ashes ; for no sooner could the Reformation 
 attain to be uppermost in any kingdom, but she was for ruling 
 uncontrolled. In the first place, no security was there for priests 
 and bishops ; secondly, the true Catholics were proscribed, ban- 
 ished, deprived of their goods, and in some places of life, by the 
 law of the state, as for instance, in Sweden. The fact is cer- 
 tain, whatever may have been said to the contrary. This was 
 what they came to who at first cried so loud against violence ; 
 and there needs but to consider the acrimony, the bitterness, and 
 insolence which was diffused through the first books and the 
 first sermons of these Reformers ; their bloody invectives, the 
 calumnies they blackened our doctrine with, the sacrileges, the 
 impieties, the idolatries with which they incessantly reproached 
 us ; the hatred they inspired against us, the plunde rings which 
 were the result of their first preaching, "the spite and violence" J 
 which appeared in their seditious libels set up against the Mass ; 
 
 * 1 Pet. ii. 18. t Grit, t, I Lett, viii, N. I. p. 129, et seq. Lett. xvi. N. 9, 
 p. 315,&c. J Beza, 1. i. p. J6. 
 
 VOL. II. 3* 
 
30 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 in order to form a judgment of what was to be expected from 
 such beginnings. 
 
 51. — Sequel of the violent spirit which predominated in the Reformation. 
 
 But many wise men, say they, condemned these Hbels ;* so 
 much the worse for the Protestant party, whose transports were 
 so extreme, that all the wise men who remained in it could not 
 repress them. These libels were spread all over Paris, posted 
 up and dispersed in every street ; fixed even to the door of the 
 king's chamber ;! nor did the wise ones who disapproved this, 
 use any efficacious measures for its prevention. When that 
 pretended martyr, Anne du Bourg, had declared in the tone of 
 a prophet to the president Minard, whom he challenged, that in 
 spite of his refusing to absent himself and decline hearing his 
 cause, he never should sit as judge in it,J the Protestants knew 
 full well how to make good his prophecy, and accordingly the 
 president was murdered towards the evening on entering his 
 house. It was known afterwards, that Le Maitre and St. Andre, 
 both of them very averse to the new gospel, would have met 
 with the like fate, had they come to the court ; so dangerous a 
 thing it is to offend the Reformation, though weak ! And we 
 learn from Beza himself, that Stuart, a relation of the queen's, 
 " a man ready for any execution, and a most zealous Protestant, 
 made frequent visits to the prisoners held in the parliament jail 
 on the score of religion. "§ He could not be convicted of having 
 struck the blow, yet we see at least through what channel the 
 communication might flow ; and, howsoever that may be, neither 
 did the party want men of desperate resolution ; nor can any be 
 accused of this combination, but those who interested themselves 
 for Anne du Bourg. It is no hard matter to vent prophecies, 
 when such angels are at hand to execute them. The assurance 
 of Anne du Bourg in foretelling so distinctly what was to happen, 
 discovers plainly the good intelligence he had received ; and 
 what is said in the history of De Thou, in order to show him a 
 prophet, rather than an accomplice of such a crime, smells rank 
 of an addition from Geneva. We must not, therefore, wonder 
 that a party which nursed such daring spirits, should take off 
 the mask as soon as ever a weak reign opened a prospect of 
 success, which we have seen they never failed to do. 
 
 52. — Vain excuses. 
 
 A new Defender of the Reformation is persuaded, from the 
 dissolute behaviour, and entire conduct of the Prince of Conde, 
 that there vvas " more of ambition than religion in what he did ;" 
 and he owns, that religion " was of no other use to him, than to 
 
 * Beza, 1. i. p. 16. f Thuan. lib. xxiii. An. 1559, p. 169. 
 
 J Beza, 1. i. La Poplin. 1. v. p. 144. § L. iii. p. 248, An. 1660. 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 31 
 
 furnish him with instruments of revenge."* He thinks by that 
 means to resolve all into policy, and justify his own religion : 
 not reflecting this is the very thing we charge them with, viz. 
 that a religion styling itself reformed, was so prompt an instru- 
 ment of revenge to an ambitious prince. It is nevertheless the 
 crime of the whole party. But what does this author say to us 
 of the pillaging of churches and vestries, of breaking down 
 images and altars 1 Why truly he thinks to clear all by saying 
 that " the prince, neither by prayers, nor by remonstrances, nor 
 even by chastisements, could put a stop to these disorders. ""j* 
 This is no manner of excuse ; it is a conviction of that violence, 
 which reigned in the party, whose fury the very heads could not 
 restrain. But I am very much afraid that they acted by the 
 same spirit with Cranmer and the rest of the English reformers, 
 who,uponthe complaints that were made against image-breakers, 
 " although they had a mind to check the heat of the people and 
 keep it within compass, yet were unwilling it should be done 
 after such a manner as to dishearten their friends too much."t 
 This was the case of the chief leaders of our Calvinists, who, 
 though they judged themselves obliged in honor to blame these 
 enormities, yet we do not find they ever did justice on the au- 
 thors of them. Beza's history will suffice to show, that our 
 Reformed were always ready at the least signal to run to arms, 
 to break open prisons, to seize on churches, nor was there any 
 thing ever seen more factious. Who is ignorant of the cruelties 
 exercised by the Queen of Navarre against priests and religious? 
 The towers from which the Catholics were cast headlong, and 
 the deep pits they were flung into, are shown to this day. The 
 wells of the bishop's palace at Nismes, and the cruel instru- 
 ments employed to force them to the Protestant sermons, are 
 not less known to the whole world. We have still the informa- 
 tions and decrees, by which it appears that these bloody execu- 
 tions were the deliberate resolves of Protestants in council as- 
 sembled. We have the original orders of generals, and those 
 of cities, at the request of consistories, to compel the Papists to 
 embrace the Reformation, by taxes, by quartering soldiers upon 
 them, by demolishing their houses, and uncovering the roofs. 
 Those who withdrew, to escape these violences, were stripped 
 of their goods : the records of the town-houses of Nismes, 
 Montauban, Alais, Montpellier, and other cities of the party, 
 are full of such decrees ; nor should I mention them, were it not 
 for the complaints with which our fugitives alarm all Europe. 
 These are the men who boast their meekness. What a cruelty 
 to persecute such people merely for rehgion, who warrant all 
 
 * Crit. t. i. Lett. ii. N, 3. p. 45, et seq. Ibid. LetL xviii. p. 331. 
 t Ibid. Lett. xvii. N. 8. J Burn. part. ii. 1. i. p. 9. 
 
32 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 they do from Scripture, and chant so harmoniously their psalms 
 in rhyme ! No fear, they soon found means to shelter them- 
 selves from martyrdom, after the example of their doctors, who 
 always were in security themselves whilst they encouraged 
 others ; both Luther and Melancthon, Bucer and Zuinglius, 
 Calvin and G^colampadius, with all the rest of them, speedily 
 betook themselves to secure sanctuaries ; nor am I acquainted, 
 amoagst the heads of the reformers, with any, even false mar- 
 tyrs, unless perchance such a one as Cranmer, whom we have 
 seen, after a repeated abjuration of his faith, unresolved to die 
 in the profession of it, till he was convinced his renouncing it 
 would be unavailable to save his life. 
 
 53. — Jlnsiver to those who might say, this is foreign to our subject. 
 But to what purpose, it may be objected, the reflecting on 
 these past transactions, which a peevish minister will say is only 
 done to exasperate them the more, and aggravate their misfor- 
 tunes 1 Such fears ought not to hinder me from relating what 
 appertains so manifestly to my subject ; and all that equitable 
 Protestants can, in a history, require from me is, that, not rely- 
 ing v/holly on the credit of their adversaries, I also give ear to 
 their own historians. I do more than this, and, not content 
 with hearing them, I join issue with them on their evidence. 
 Let our brethren open then their eyes ; let them cast them on 
 the rncient Church, which, during so many ages of so cruel a 
 persecution, never flew out, not for a moment, nor in one single 
 person ; but was seen as submissive under Dioclesian, nay, 
 under Julian the apostate, when she was spread over all the 
 earth, as under Nero and Domitian, when but in her infancy ; 
 there indeed appeared the finger of God truly visible. But the 
 case is quite different, when men rebel as soon as able ; and 
 when their wars last much longer than their patience. Expe- 
 rience sufficiently shows us in all kinds of sects, that conceited 
 opin on and strong prejudice can mimic fortitude, at least for a 
 while ; but maxims of Christian meekness are never in the heart, 
 when men so readily exchange them, not only for opposite prac- 
 ticcc", but also for opposite maxims, with deliberation and by ex- 
 pres;' decisions, as it is plain our Protestants have done. Here 
 is, therefore, a true variation in their doctrine, and an effect of 
 that perpetual instability, which cannot but fix on their Reforma- 
 tion a character suitable to those works, which having but what 
 is hvnnan in them, of course must " come to nought,^'* according 
 to Gamaliel's maxim. 
 
 54, — The Assassination of the Duke of Guise, by Poltrot, field by the Reformation 
 as an act of Religion. — 1562. 
 
 The assassination of Francis, Duke of Guise, ought not to 
 
 * Acts V. 38. 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 33 
 
 pass unmentioned in this history, inasmuch as the author of this 
 murder mingled his religion with his crime. It is Beza that 
 represents to us Poltrot as excited by some secret impulse, at 
 the time he resolved upon this infamous exploit ; and in order 
 to make us understand that this secret impulse was from God, 
 he also describes the same Poltrot just ready to enter on the 
 execution of this black design,* " Praying to God most ardently, 
 that he would vouchsafe to change his will, if what he intended 
 was displeasing to him ; otherwise, that he would give him con- 
 stancy, and strength sufficient to slay this tyrant, and by that 
 means free Orleans from destruction, and the whole kingdom 
 from so miserable a tyranny. Thereupon, and in the evening 
 of the same day, proceeds Beza, he struck the blow ; that is, 
 during this enthusiasm, and just rising up from that ardent 
 prayer. "j" As soon as ever our Reformed knew the thing was 
 done, " they solemnly returned thanks to God with great rejoic- 
 ings. "J The Duke of Guise had always been the object of 
 their hatred. No sooner were they in a condition to effect it, 
 but we have seen them conspire his ruin, and this by the advice 
 of their doctors. After the riot at Vassi, although it was certain 
 he had used all his endeavors to appease it, the party rose up 
 against him with hideous clamors ;§ and Beza, who carried 
 their complaints to court, acknowledges, " He had desired and 
 begged of God innumerable times, either to change the heart 
 of the Duke of Guise, which, nevertheless, he could not hope, 
 or that he would rid the kingdom of him ; whereof he calls to 
 witness all those who have heard his prayers and preaching." || 
 It was therefore in his preaching, and in public, that he offered 
 up innumerable times these seditious prayers ; after the example 
 of those of Luther, whereby, we have observed, he knew so well 
 how to animate mankind, and stir up individuals to fulfil his 
 prophecies. By the like prayers the Duke of Guise was rep- 
 resented as a hardened persecutor, from whom it was necessary 
 to beseech God that he would deliver the world by some extra- 
 ordinary stroke of his Providence. What Beza says in his own 
 excuse, TF " that he did not publicly name the Duke of Gu'se," 
 is much too silly. What signifies the naming a man when you 
 know both how to point him out by his characters, and explain 
 yourself in particular to those who might sufficiently havt un- 
 derstood you ] These mysterious innuendoes, in sermons and 
 divine service, are more likely to exasperate men's minds, than 
 more explicit declarations. Beza was not the only one that 
 inveighed most bitterly against the Duke ; all the ministers 
 railed in the same manner. No wonder then, that amongst so 
 
 * L. vi. pp. 267, 26S. t Ibid. p. 290. J Ibid. 
 
 § Thuau. lib. xxxk. pp. 77, 78. |1 L. vi. 299. H Ibid. 
 
34 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 many "men disposed for execution," with which the party 
 abounded, some should be found that thought they did God 
 service in dehvering the Reformation from such an enemy. 
 The still blacker enterprise of Amboise had met with the ap- 
 probation of Beza and their doctors. This, in the conjuncture 
 of the siege of Orleans, when the bulwark of the party together 
 with this city was just falhng into the Duke's hands, was of a 
 far different importance ; and Poltrot believed he did more for 
 his religion than La Renaudie. Accordingly, he talked openly 
 of his design as of a thing that would be well approved of. Al- 
 though he was known in the party for a man sworn to kill the 
 Duke of Guise, cost what it would, neither the generals, nor the 
 soldiers, nor even the pastors dissuaded him from it. Let any 
 one that pleases believe what Beza says,* that those words were 
 taken " for the vagaries of a giddy-headed person," that would 
 never have vented his design had he resolved to execute it. But 
 the more sincere D'Aubigne is agreed, that it was hoped in the 
 party he would strike the blow : which, he says, " he had learnt 
 from good authority."! It is also very certain, that Poltrot did 
 not pass for one that was hair-brained. J Soubize, whose ser- 
 vant he was, and the Admiral, considered him as a useful 
 person, and employed him in affairs of consequence ; and the 
 manner of his explaining himself spoke him rather a man reso- 
 lute at all events, than one giddy-headed and crazy. " He 
 presented himself (they are Beza's words) to Mr. Soubize, a 
 leading man in the party, to acquaint him that he had resolved 
 with himself in cold blood to dehver France from so many mis- 
 eries, by killing the Duke of Guise ; which he durst boldly 
 undertake, cost what it ivould.''^§ The answer which Soubize 
 returned him was not calculated to make him relent in his un- 
 dertaking ; for he only tells him " To do his accustomed duty ;" 
 and as for the matter proposed, " God knew well how to take 
 care of it by other means." So faint a reply, in an action which 
 ought not to be spoken of without horror, must have discovered 
 to Poltrot, in Soubize' s mind, either the apprehension that the 
 thiat would not be executed successfully, or the design of ex- 
 culp:iting himself, rather than an express condemnation of it. 
 The rest of the chiefs spoke to him with no less indifference : 
 they were satisfied with telling him " he ought to beware of 
 extraordinary vocations." || This, instead of dissuasion, was 
 worldng up a belief in him that his enterprise had something in 
 it of what was heavenly and inspired ; and, as D'Aubigne ex- 
 presses it in his animated style, " Their remonstrances, under 
 the appearance of dissuading, really urged him on." Accord- 
 
 * L. vi. p. 268. t D'Aub. p. 1. 1, iii. c. xvii. p. 176. 
 
 t Beza, pp. 268, 295, 297. § Ibid. pp. 266, 268. || D'Aub. t. i. p. 176. 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 35 
 
 ingly, he was but the more determined on his black undertaking: 
 he spoke of it to every body ; and, continues Beza, " had his 
 mind so bent on it, as to make it the common topic of liis dis- 
 course.'' During the siege of Rouen, at which the Kii.g of 
 Navarre was killed, this death being mentioned, Poltrot, " ff tch- 
 ing a deep sigh from the bottom of his breast, Ha ! says he, this 
 is not enough, a much greater victim must still be sacrificed. "* 
 When asked what it might be : he answered, " It is the ire at 
 Guise ;" and at the same time, lifting up his right arm, " This 
 is the arm," cried he, " that will do the deed, and put an end to 
 our misfortunes." This he repeated often, and always with the 
 like energy. All these discourses bespeak a man determined, 
 scorning to conceal himself, because persuaded he is doing a 
 meritorious action : but what more discovers the disposition of 
 the whole party, is that of the Admiral, whom they held up to 
 the whole world as a pattern of virtue and the glory of the Ref- 
 ormation. I shall not speak here of Poltrot's evidence, accusing 
 him and Beza of having induced him to this design. Let us lay 
 aside the testimony of a witness, who has perhaps varied too 
 much to be entirely credited on his own word : but the cacts 
 avowed by Bezaf in his history cannot be called in question, 
 much less those that are contained in the declaration which the 
 Admiral and he jointly on the assassin's accusation, sent to the 
 Queen. ;|; Thence, therefore, it remains evident, that Soubize 
 despatched Poltrot with a packet of letters to the Admiral when 
 still near Orleans endeavoring to relieve the town ; that it was 
 with the Admiral's consent that Poltrot went to the Duke of 
 Guise's camp, and pretended to surrender himself to him, as 
 one who was tired of bearing arms against the king ;§ that the 
 Admiral, who otherwise could not be ignorant of a design :nade 
 public by Poltrot, learnt from his own mouth that he persisted 
 in it still, since he owns that Poltrot, in departing on his enter- 
 prise, " went so far as to tell him, it would be an easy matter to 
 kill the Duke of Guise ;" that the Admiral spoke not a word to 
 turn him from it ; nay, on the contrary, though conscious of his 
 design, gave him at one time twenty crowns, and a hundr^^d at 
 another, to mount himself well :j| in those days a considerable 
 supply, and absolutely necessary both to facilitate his undertaking 
 and escape.^ Nothing can be more frivolous than what the 
 Admiral alleges in his own defence. He says, " that when 
 Poltrot mentioned to him his killing the Duke of Guise, he, the 
 Admiral, never opened his mouth to incite him to undertake it." 
 There was no need of inciting a man whose resolution was so 
 well taken ; and in order that he might accomphsh his design, 
 
 * Thuan. 1. xxxiii. p. 207. f L. vi. pp. 231, 308. | Ibid. pp. 294. 295, et seq. 
 § P. 209. II P. 308. IT Ibid. pp. 297, 391. 
 
36 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 the Admiral had no more to do than, as he did, to despatch him 
 to the place where he might execute it. The Admiral, not con- 
 tent to send him thither, gives him money to support himself 
 there, and for the supply of all necessaries for such a design, 
 not forgetting even that of a good horse and furniture.* What 
 the Admiral alleged farther, that he sent Poltrot into the camp 
 only to gain intelligence, is manifestly nothing but a cloak to 
 that design, which he would not own. As for the money, nothing 
 is more weak than what the Admiral replies, viz. " that he gave 
 it to Poltrot, without ever specifying to him the killing or not kill- 
 ing the Duke of Guise."! But the reason he brings in his jus- 
 tification for not dissuading him from so wicked an attempt, 
 discovers the bottom of his heart. He confesses then, " before 
 these last troubles, he knew the men who had determined to 
 kill the Duke of Guise ; that far from inducing them to this 
 design, or approving it, he had diverted them from it, and even 
 given notice of it to Madame de Guise : that, since the affair 
 of Vassi, he had prosecuted the Duke as a public enemy; never- 
 theless it cannot be discovered that he had approved any attempt 
 should be made on his person, till he had notice given him that 
 the Duke had drawn in certain persons to kill him and the Prince 
 of Conde." It follows, therefore, that after this notice given 
 (as to the truth whereof we ought not to believe an enemy on 
 his bare word) " he did approve" attempting on the Duke's life: 
 but, " since that time, he acknowledges, when he heard one say, 
 if he could he would kill the Duke of Guise even in his camp, 
 he did not dissuade him from it :" by which it appears at once, 
 that this bloody design was common in the Reformation, and 
 the chiefs of it, the most esteemed for their virtue, such was 
 undoubtedly the Admiral, did not think themselves under any 
 obligation of opposing it ; on the contrary, they concurred in it 
 in every way the most effectually they were able ; so little did 
 an assassination disturb their consciences, provided religion 
 
 were its motive. 
 
 55. — Sequel. 
 
 Should it be asked, what could induce the Admiral to confess 
 facts which bore so hard upon him ? it was not from his igno- 
 rance of the difficulties he incurred ; but, says Beza,J " the 
 Admiral, being downright and truly sincere, if any man of his 
 quality ever was, made answer, that if afterwards, upon con- 
 fronting, he should happen to make some further confession, he 
 might give occasion to think that even then he did not discover 
 the whole truth ;" that is, if rightly understood, this sincere and 
 downright man feared the force of truth at confronting, and pre- 
 pared his subterfuges, as is usual to guilty persons, whose con- 
 
 * L. vi. pp. 297, 391. t Ibid. p. 297. J Beza, p. 308. 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC 37 
 
 science, and fear of being convicted, makes them often confess 
 more than could be drawn from witnesses. Nay, it seems, if 
 the manner of the Admiral's explaining himself be well-con- 
 sidered, that he feared men should think him innocent, that he 
 shunned only the formal acknowledgment and a juridical con- 
 viction, and, what is more, took pleasure in displaying his re- 
 venge. But the most politic thing he did for his acquittal was 
 desiring that Poltrot might be kept to be confronted with him, 
 relying on his alleged excuses and the conjuncture of the times, 
 which forbade driving to extremes the chief of so formidable a 
 party.* Neither was the court ignorant of this, and accord- 
 ingly the process was concluded. Poltrot, who had retracted 
 the charge brought in by him against the Admiral and Beza, 
 persisted in acquitting Beza, even to death ;"j" but, as for the 
 Admiral, he -impeached him anew by three declarations, one 
 after another, even amidst the tortures of his punishment, of 
 having induced him to perpetrate this murder for God's service. 
 As for Beza, it does not appear that he had any share in this 
 action otherwise than by his seditious preaching, and the appro- 
 bation he had given of the much more criminal conspiracy of 
 Amboise ; but very certain it is, that before the fact was com- 
 mitted, he did nothing to prevent it, although he could not be ig- 
 norant of the design, and, when it was over, omitted nothing that 
 might give it all the appearance of an inspired action. The 
 reader may judge of the rest ; and here there is more than suf- 
 ficient to make it evident what spirit those were animated with, 
 who thus boast their meekness. 
 
 56. — Catholics and Protestants agreed on the question of punishing Heretics. 
 
 There is no need here of explaining myself on that question, 
 whether or not Christian princes have a right to use the sword 
 against their subjects, enemies to sound doctrine and the Church, 
 the Protestants being agreed with us in this point. Luther and 
 Calvin have written books expressly to make good the right and 
 duty of the magistrate in this point. J Calvin reduced this to 
 practice against Servetus and Valentine Gentili.§ Melancthon 
 approved of this procedure by a letter he wrote to him on this 
 subject. Ij The discipline of our reformed likewise permits re- 
 course to the secular arm in certain cases ; and amongst the 
 articles of discipline of the Geneva Church,!! it appears that the 
 ministers ought to inform the magistrate against the incorrigible, 
 who despise spiritual penalties, and especially against those, 
 V, ithout distinction, who teach new doctrine. And even at this 
 
 * Beza, p. 308. f Pp. 312, 31^, 327. J Luth. de Magist. t. iii. 
 
 § Calvin, opusc. p. 592. Ibid. 600, 659. || Melan. Calvino inter Calv. Ep. p. 
 169. IT Jur. Syst. ii. chap. 22, 33. Lett. Past, de la 1 Ann6e, 1, 2, 3. 
 VOL, II. 4 
 
38 4 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 day, the author* that most bitterly of all the Calvinist writers 
 upbraids the Roman Church on this subject, with the cruelty of 
 her doctrine, subscribes to it in the main, inasmuch as he per- 
 mits the exercise of the power of the sword in matters of religion 
 and conscience ; a thing which in truth cannot be called in 
 question without enervating, and, as it were, maiming the power 
 of the legislature ; so that there cannot be a more dangerous 
 illusion, than to set down sufferance as a characteristic of the 
 true Church ; nor do I know amongst Christians any but So- 
 cinians and Anabaptists that oppose this doctrine. In a word, 
 the right is certain, but moderation is not less necessary. 
 
 57. — Calvin'' s Death. 
 
 Calvin died at the beginning of these troubles. It is a weakness 
 to look for something extraordinary in the death of such men ; 
 God does not always exhibit such examples. Since he permits 
 heresies for the trial of his elect, we ought not to wonder that, 
 to complete this trial, he suffers the spirit of seduction, with all 
 the fine appearances wherewith it decks itself out, to predominate 
 in them even to the end ; and without further informing myself 
 about Calvin's life and death, it is enough that he kindled a 
 flame in his country which the effusion of so much blood could 
 not extinguish, and is gone to appear before God's judgment- 
 seat without the least remorse for so great a crime. 
 
 58. — J^ew Confession of Faith of the Helvetic Churches. 
 
 His death made no alteration in the affairs of the party ; but 
 the instability natural to new sects was always furnishing the 
 world with some new spectacle, and Confessions of Faith went 
 on at their usual rate. In Switzerland, the defenders of the 
 figurative sense, far from being satisfied with so many confes- 
 sions of faith made in France and elsewhere, in exposition of 
 their doctrine, were not even satisfied with those that were made 
 amongst themselves. We have seen that of Zuinglius in 1530, 
 we have seen another published at Basil in 1532, and another 
 of the same town in 1536 ; another in 1554, agreed to with the 
 joint consent of the Swiss and those of Geneva : all these con- 
 fessions of faith, although ratified by divers acts, were not deemed 
 sufficient ; and it was necessary to proceed to a fifth in 1566.1 
 59. — The frivolous reasons of the Ministers for this new Confession of Faith. 
 
 The ministers who published it were very sensible that these 
 alterations, in a thing of that importance, and which ought to be 
 so firm and simple as a Confession of Faith, discredited their 
 religion. For which reason, they set forth a preface, wherein 
 they strove to account for this last change ; and here is the whole 
 of their defence : viz., " Although many nations have already 
 
 * Hist, du Papis. 3. Recrim. ch. 2, etseq. f Synt. Gen. Ist part, p. 1. 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 39 
 
 published different confessions of faith, and they themselves 
 have also done the same thing by public writings, nevertheless, 
 they also propose this" (reader, observe) "because those writings 
 may perchance have been forgotten, or be spread in divers 
 places, and explain the thing so much at large that all the world 
 have not time to read them."* Yet, it is visible that these two 
 first confessions of faith, which the Swiss had published, scarce 
 take up five leaves ; and another, which might be joined to 
 them, is much about the same length ; whereas, this last men- 
 tioned, which ought to be the shortest, has more than sixty. 
 And, allowing their other confessions of faith had been forgotten, 
 nothing was more easy than to publish them anew, were they 
 contented with them : so that there was no necessity for pub- 
 lishing a fourth, but because they found themselves obliged to 
 it for a reason they durst not utter ; which was the variety of 
 new sentiments continually rising in their minds ; and as they 
 must not own their daily loading their confessions with such novel 
 fancies, they cloak their changes with such frivolous pretexts. 
 60. — Imputed Justice begins but then to be knoion amongst the Siviss. 
 
 We have seen that Zuinglius was an apostle and reformer 
 without so much as knoAving what was that grace by which we 
 are Christians ; and he who saved even philosophers by virtue 
 of their morality, was an entire stranger to imputed justice. Ac- 
 cordingly, nothing appeared of it in the Confessions of Faith of 
 1532 and 1536.| Grace was acknowledged there in such a 
 manner as Catholics might have approved, had it been less in- 
 definite ; and nothing was so much as mentioned in them against 
 the merit of works. In the convention made with Calvin in 
 1554, it appears that Calvinism began to gain ground ; and, 
 accordingly, imputed justice then shows itself; they had been 
 reformed nearly forty years without knowing this fundamental 
 article of the reformation. The thing was not thoroughly ex- 
 plained till 1566, and it was by such a gradation that, from 
 Zuinglius's excesses, they passed insensibly to those of Calvin. 
 61. — The merit of Good Works, how rejected. 
 
 In the chapter concerning good works, they speak of them in 
 the same sense that other Protestants do, as the necessary fruits 
 of faith, and reject their merit, whereof, we have seen, not a 
 word was said in the precedent confessions. To condemn them, 
 they here make use of a saying, often inculcated by St. Austin, 
 but they quote it incorrectly ; for, whereas St. Austin says, and 
 incessantly repeats it, " That God crowns his own gifts, when 
 he crowns our merits ;" they make him say, " He crowns in us, 
 
 * Synt. Gen. init. Praefat. f Conf. 1532. Art. \x. Synt. Gen. i. p. 68. 1536. 
 Art 2, 3. Ibid. p. 72. Consens. Art. iii. opusc. Cal. 751. Conf. fid. c. xv. 
 Synt. Gen. part i. p. 26. 
 
40 * THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 not our merits, but his own gifts."* The difference of these 
 two expressions is easily perceived, one of which joins the merits 
 with the gifts, and the other separates them. It seems, never- 
 theless, as if they had a mind to insinuate, at the close, that they 
 condemned merit only as opposed to grace ; their conclusion 
 running thus : " We, therefore, condemn those who so defend 
 merit, as to deny grace." In reality, then, no error but that of 
 the Pelagians is here condemned ; for the merit, which we ad- 
 mit, is so little contrary to grace, that it is the very gift and 
 fruit thereof. 
 
 62. — Faith appropriated to the Elect. — Certainty of Salvation. — Inamissibility 
 
 of Justice. 
 
 In the tenth chapter, true faith is attributed to the predesti- 
 nated alone, by these words : " Every man must hold it for 
 unquestionable, that, if he believes, and abides, in Jesus Christ, 
 he is predestinated." And a little farther on, " If we commu- 
 nicate with Jesus Christ, and he belong to us, and we to him, 
 by true faith, this is to us a sufficiently clear and sure testimony 
 that we are written in the book of hfe."! Hence it is plain that 
 true faith, namely, justifying faith, appertains only to the elect ; 
 that this faith and this justice can never be lost finally ; and that 
 temporary faith is not the true justifying faith. These same 
 words seem to conclude for the absolute certainty of predesti- 
 nation ; for, although they make it depend on faith, it is a doc- 
 trine received amongst the \.'hole Protestant party, that a be- 
 liever, in saying, " I believe," feels in himself the true faith. 
 But herein they are insensible of the seduction of our self-love, 
 of the mixture of our passions, so strangf'ly complicated, that our 
 own dispositions, and the true motives which actuate us, are 
 often what we, of all things, know with the least degree of cer- 
 tainty ; so that, in saying with that disconsolate father in the 
 gospel, " I believe,";]; how greatly soever we may think our- 
 selves moved, though we should cry out lamentably as he did, 
 and with a flood of tears ; we ought, nevertheless, to subjoin, 
 with him, " Lord, help thou my unbelief;" and shov/ by that 
 means, that saying " I believe," is rather an effort in us to pro- 
 duce so great an act, than an absolute certainty of our having 
 produced it, 
 
 63. — Conversion ill-explained. 
 
 How prolix soever be the discourse, which the Zuinglians 
 make on free-will, in the ninth chapter of their Confession,^ this 
 little is all that is material in it. Three states of man are well 
 distinguished : That of his first institution, wherein he had the 
 power of inclining to good, and declining from evil ; that of his 
 fall, when, unable to do good, he yet is free to evil, because he 
 
 * Synt. Gen. part. i. p. 26. f Cap. x. p. 15. J Mark ix. 24. § Cap. ix. p. 12. 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 41 
 
 embraces it voluntarily, and by consequence with liberty, al- 
 though God frequently prevents the effect of his choice, and 
 hinders him from accomplishing his evil purposes ; aind that of 
 his regeneration, when, reinstated by the Holy Ghost in the 
 power of voluntarily doing good, he is free, yet not fully, on 
 account of the infirmity of concupiscence remaining in him, 
 acting, nevertheless, not passively ; these are their terms — odd 
 enough, I own — for what is it to act passively ? And how is 
 it possible such an idea should enter any man's head ? How- 
 ever, this manner of speech pleased our Zuinglians. Acting 
 (they continue to speak of man regenerated,) not passively, but 
 actively in the choice of good, and in the operation by which ho 
 accomplishes it. How much was this short of a clear and full 
 explanation? They ought to have joined to these three states, 
 that of man hetween corruption and regeneration, when, touched 
 with grace, he begins to bring forth the spirit of salvation amidst 
 the pangs of repentance. This state is not that of corruption, 
 in which he wills nought but evil, since he begins, in this state, 
 to will good ; and if the Zuinglians would not consider it as a 
 state, it being rather a passage from one state to another, they 
 ought to explain, at least in some other place, that, in this pas- 
 sage, and previously to regeneration, the effort man makes, 
 through grace, to convert himself, is not an evil. Our Reformed 
 are strangers to these necessary precisions ; they ought also to 
 have explained whether, in this passage, when drawn towards 
 good by grace, we can resist it ; and again, whether, in the state 
 of corruption, we do evil so of ourselves as not to be able even 
 to abstain from one evil rather than another ; and lastly, whether 
 in the state of regeneration, working good, through grace, we 
 be so forcibly attracted to it, as not to have it then in our power 
 to decline to evil. All these things were necessary to give a 
 right understanding of the operation and even notion of free- 
 will, which these doctors leave confused by terms too indefinite 
 and equivocal. 
 
 64. — Monstrous Doctrine on Free-WUl. 
 
 But what ends the chapter displays still better the perplexity 
 of their thoughts. " We doubt not," say they, " that men re- 
 generate, or not regenerate, have equally their free-will in com- 
 mon actions ; because man, being not inferior to beasts, hath 
 that in common with them, to will certain things, reject others ; 
 thus, he may speak or hold his tongue, go out of doors, or re- 
 main within." Strange doctrine ! To make us free hke beasts ! 
 They have not a more elevated idea of man's liberty, having said 
 a little before, " that, by his fall, he is not altogether changed 
 into a log or stone ;"* which is as much as to say, he wants but 
 
 * Cap. ix. pp. 12, 13. 
 
 VOL. n. 4* 
 
42 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 little of it. However that may be, the Swiss Zuiiiglians aim no 
 higher ; nay, the Protestants of Germany grovel still lower, 
 when they say, that in man's conversion, to wit, in the most 
 noble action he is capable of — in the action by which he unites 
 himself with his God, — he acts no more than a stone or log, 
 though he acts differently on other occasions.* How dost thou 
 debase thyself. Oh man, thus meanly accounting for thy free-will! 
 But, in fine, since man is not a log, and, in ordinary actions, his 
 free-will is made to consist in being able to do certain things, or 
 not to do them, it ought to be considered, that not finding in 
 ourselves a different manner of acting, in natural actions, from 
 what we do in others, this same liberty accompanies us through- 
 out ; and that God knows how to preserve it, even when he 
 elevates us by his grace to actions supernatural — it being un- 
 worthy of His Holy Spirit to make us act any more in these than 
 in others, like to beasts, or rather, like stocks and stones, 
 
 65. — Our Calvinists are more sparing in their explanations, and why. 
 It may perhaps seem strange, that we spoke nothing of any 
 of these matters in treating of the confession of the Calvinists. 
 But the reason is, they themselves pass them all in silence, nor 
 think it worth their while to speak of the manner in which man 
 acts ; as if it were a thing indifferent to man himself, or did not 
 appertain to faith to know, in point of liberty, together with one 
 of the most beautiful lineaments God has traced in man, to make 
 him in his own image, that very thing which renders us worthy 
 of blame or praise before God and man. 
 
 66. — The Supper icithout Substance, and the Presence only in virtue. 
 The article of the Supper still remains, in which the Swiss 
 will show themselves more sincere than ever. Those indeter- 
 minate phrases, which we have seen them employ once only, 
 in 1636, by Bucer's advice, and in condescension to the Lu- 
 therans, are no longer satisfactory to them. Even Calvin, their 
 very good friend, cannot bring them over to the proper substance, 
 nor the incomprehensible miracles, whereby the Holy Ghost, 
 notwithstanding the distance of place, makes us partakers of it. 
 They say, therefore, " that indeed we receive, not an imaginary 
 nourishment, but the proper body, the true body of our Lord 
 given for us, but interiorly, spiritually, by faith, the body and 
 blood of our Lord, but spiritually by the Holy Ghost, who gives 
 and applies to us the things which the body and blood of our 
 Lord have merited for us, namely, the forgiveness of sins, the 
 deliverance of our souls, and life eternal. "| This is, then, what 
 is called the thing received in this sacrament. This thing re- 
 ceived indeed, is the forgiveness of sins, and spiritual life ; and 
 
 * Conctird. p. 662, § 5. S. lib. viii» n. 48. f Cap. xxi. p. 48. 
 
 1 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 43 
 
 if the body and blood are also received, it is by their benefit and 
 effect ; or, as is afterwards subjoined, by their figure, by their 
 commemoration, and not by their substance. For which reason, 
 after having said, " That the body of our Lord is no where but 
 in heaven, where he ought to be adored, and not under the spe- 
 cies of bread,"* in order to explain the manner in which he is 
 present, " He is not," say they, " absent from the Supper. 
 Though the sun be in heaven absent from us, he is present to 
 us efficaciously, that is, present by his virtue. How much more 
 is Jesus Christ present to us by his vivifying operation?" Who 
 does not perceive that what is present to us only by its virtue, 
 has no need of communicathig its proper substance 1 These 
 two ideas are incompatible, nor has any man ever said seriously, 
 that he receives the proper substance of the sun and stars, un- 
 der pretext that he receives their influences. Thus Zuinglians 
 and Calvinists, who, of all that have separated from Rome, boast 
 most of being united among themselves, nevertheless reform 
 each other in their several confessions of faith, and never could 
 agree in one common and simple explanation of their doctrine. 
 67. — J^othing particular in the Supper. 
 True it is, that of the Zuinglians leaves nothing peculiar to 
 the Supper. The body of Jesus Christ is no more there than in 
 any other actions of a Christian ; and it was in vain that Jesus 
 Christ said in the Supper only, with so much energy, " This is 
 my body;" since with these powerful words he was able to work 
 nothing in it that is singular. This is the inevitable weak side 
 of the figurative sense, which the Zuinglians were well aware of, 
 and owned sincerely : " This spiritual nourishment is taken," 
 say they, " out of the Supper ; and how often soever a person 
 beheves, this believer hath already received and enjoyeth this 
 food of everlasting life ; but for the same reason, when he 
 receives the sacrament, that which he receiveth is not nothing ; 
 non nihil accipit.^^ What is our Lord's Supper reduced to? all 
 they can say for it is, that what you receive in it " is next to 
 quite nothing. For," proceed our Zuinglians, " we continue 
 there to partake of the body and blood of our Lord." So the 
 Supper hath nothing singular in it. "Faith is stirred up, in- 
 creases, is nourished with some spiritual food; for as long as 
 we live it receives a continual increase." It receives, therefore, 
 as much of all this out of the Supper as in the Supper, nor is 
 Jesus Christ a whit more there than any where else. In this 
 manner, after saying that the particular thing received in the 
 Supper is not a mere nothing, and in fact reducing it to so small 
 a matter, they are not yet able to tell us w^hat is that little they 
 have left in it. Here is a great vacuum I must own ; it was in 
 
 * Cap. xxi. p. 50. 
 
44 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 order to supply this emptiness that Calvin and the Calvinists 
 invented their big sweUing words. They thought to fill up this 
 frightful chasm by saying in their Catechism, that out of the 
 Supper, Jesus Christ is received in part only ; whereas, in the 
 Supper, he is received fully. But to what purpose promising 
 such great matters when you mean nothing by them ? I like 
 far better the sincerity of Zuinglius and the Swiss, who own the 
 scantiness of their Supper, than the false plenty of our Calvin- 
 ists, sumptuous in nothing but in words. 
 68. — The Siviss the most sincere of all the defenders of the Figurative Se7ise. 
 Thus much am I then obliged to say in behalf of the Zuin- 
 ghans, that their Confession of Faith is of all the most natural 
 and simple ; and this not only with reference to the Eucharistic 
 point, but in regard to all the others ; in a word, of all the 
 Protestant confessions of faith, that of 1566, with all its defects, 
 speaks the most clearly what it means to speak. 
 
 G9. — Remarkable Confession of the Polonian Zuinglians, in which the Lutherans 
 are roughly handled. — 1570. 
 
 Among the Polish separatists from the Church of Rome, 
 there were some that maintained the figurative sense, and these 
 had subscribed, in 1567, the confession of faith, which the Swiss 
 had drawn up the year before. They rested content with it for 
 three whole years ; but in 1570, they thought it reasonable to 
 frame another in a synod held at Czenger, which is to be met 
 with in the collection of Geneva, in which they particularly 
 signalize themselves on the Supper-article.* 
 
 They condemn the reality, as well in respect to the delirium 
 of Catholics, who say the bread is changed into the body, as in 
 respect to the folly of the Lutherans, who place the body with 
 the bread : they declare particularly against the latter, that the 
 reality, which they admit, cannot subsist without a change of sub- 
 stance, such as happened in the waters of Egypt, in the wand 
 of Moses, and in the water at the nuptial feast of Cana ; thus 
 they clearly own that transubstantiation is necessary, even by 
 the principles of the Lutherans. They hold them in such ab- 
 horrence, as to vouchsafe them no other appellation than that of 
 "eaters of human flesh," ascribing everywhere to them a "car- 
 nal and bloody" manner of communicating, as if they ate raw 
 flesh. f xifter condemning the Papists and the Lutherans, they 
 speak of others under error, whom they call Sacramentarians. 
 " We reject," say they, " the phrensy of those who believe that 
 the Supper is an empty sign of our absent Lord." By these 
 words they aim at the Socinians, as introducers of an empty 
 supper, though unable to show that their own is better furnished, 
 
 * Synod. Czen. Synt. Conf. part i. p. 148. Cap. de CcEn. Dom. p. 153. 
 t Cap. de Sacramentariis, p. 155. 
 
X.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 45 
 
 nothing at all being to be found in either of them with respect to 
 the body and the blood, but signs, commemoration, and virtue.* 
 To place some difference betwixt the Zuinglian and Socinian 
 Supper, they say in the first place, that the Supper is not the sole 
 memorial of Jesus Christ absent, and make an express chapter 
 concerning the presence of Jesus Christ in this mystery. But 
 endeavoring to expound it, they confound themselves with terms 
 that are not of any language, words so uncouth and barbarous, 
 as not to be translated. Jesus Christ, say they, is present in 
 the supper both as God and man: as God, enter, prizsenter; 
 render these words who can : by his Jehoval divinity, that is, in 
 common speech, by his divinity properly so called, and expressed 
 by the incommunicable name, "As the vine in its branches, and 
 the head in its members." All this is true, but nothing to the 
 Supper, where the question relates to the body and blood. They 
 proceed, therefore, to say, that Jesus Christ is present as man 
 in four ways. " In the first place," say they, "by his union with 
 the word, inasmuch as he is united to the word who is every 
 where. Secondly, he is present in his promise by the word and 
 by faith, communicating himself to his elect as the vine com- 
 municates itself to its branches, and the head to its members, 
 though distant from it. Thirdly, he is present by his sacramental 
 institution, and the infusion of his holy spirit. Fourthly, by his 
 office of dispenser, or by his intercession for his elect." They 
 add, " he is not present carnally, nor locally, it being requisite 
 he should be no where corporally till the day of universal judg- 
 ment, except in heaven. "| 
 
 70. — Ubiquity taught by the Polish Zuinglians. 
 
 The three last of these four ways of presence are well enough 
 known amonfjst the defenders of the figurative sense. But will 
 they be able to make us comprehend the first, agreeably to their 
 sentiments ? have they ever taught, as the Poles of their com- 
 munion do, that " Jesus Christ is present as man, in the Supper, 
 by his union with the word, because the word is every where 
 present 1" This is the reasoning of Ubiquitarians, who attribute 
 to Jesus Christ an omnipresence as to place, even according to 
 his human nature ; but this extravagance of the Ubiquitarians is 
 no where maintained but amongst the Lutherans. The Zuin- 
 glians and Calvinists reject it equally with the Catholics. Yet 
 this notion is borrowed by the Polish Zuinglians, who, not fully 
 satisfied with the Zuinglian confession which they had sub- 
 scribed, append to it this new dogma. 
 
 71. — Their agi-eement with the Lutherans and Vaudois. 
 They did more, and that very year united themselves with the 
 
 *Cap.deSacramentariis,p.l53,154. Cap. dePraBS.inCoBna.p.l55. tP«155. 
 
46 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 Lutherans, whom they had but just condemned as gross and 
 carnal men, as men who taught a cruel and bloody communion. 
 They sued for their communion, and those eaters of human flesh 
 became their brethren. The Yaudois entered into this agree- 
 ment, and all, assembled together at Sendomir, subscribed what 
 had been defined concerning the Supper-article in the confession 
 of faith called Saxonic. 
 
 But for the better understanding of this triple union betwixt 
 the Zuinglians, Lutherans, and Vaudois, it will be necessary to 
 know who these Vaudois were, who then appeared in Poland. 
 It may not be amiss to know moreover what were the Vaudois 
 in general, they being at last turned Calvinists ; and many 
 Protestants doing them so much honor as to assert even that 
 the Church, persecuted by the Pope, preserved her succession 
 in this society — so gross and manifest a delusion, that I must 
 strive once for all to cure them of it. 
 
 BOOK XI. 
 
 A SHORT HISTORY OF THE ALBIGENSES, THE VAUDOIS, 
 THE WICKLIFFITES, AND HUSSITES. 
 
 A brief Summary. — A short history of the Albigenses and Vaudois. — That 
 they are two different Sects. — The Albigenses are complete INlanicheans. 
 — Their oricrin explained. — The PauJicians are a branch of the Manicheans 
 in Armenia, whence they pass into Bulgaria, thence into Italy and Ger- 
 many, where they are called Cathari ; and into France, where they took 
 the name of Albigenses. — Their prodigious errors, and their hypocrisy, are 
 discovered by all contemporary authors. — The illusions of Protestants en- 
 deavoring to excuse them. — The testimony of St. Bernard, who is wrong- 
 fully accused of credulity. — The origin of the Vaudois. — The ministers in 
 vain make them the disciples of Berengarius. — They beUeved Transubstan- 
 tiation. — The seven Sacraments acknowledged by them. — Confession and 
 sacramental Absolution. — Their error, a kind of Donatism. — They make 
 the Sacraments depend on the holiness of their Ministers, and allow the 
 administration of them to pious laymen. — Origin of the Sect called tlie 
 Brethren of Bohemia. — That they are not Vaudois, which origin they con- 
 temn; nor the disciples of John Huss, though they boast of it. — Their 
 deputies sent over all the world to seek for Christians of their belief, with- 
 out being able to find any. — Wickliff's impious doctrine. — John Huss, M'ho 
 glories in being his disciple, abandons him in regard of the Eucharist. — 
 The disciples of John Huss divided into Taborites and Calixtins. — The 
 confusion of all these Sects. — The Protestants can draw from thence no 
 advantage for the estabUshment of their Mission, and succession of their 
 Doctrine. — The agreement of the Lutherans, of the Bohemians, and the 
 Zuinglians in Poland. — The divisions and reconciUations of sectaries make 
 equally against them. 
 
 1. — What is the succession of Protestants. 
 It is incredible what pains our reformed have been at, in order 
 to find themselves predecessors in all foregoing ages. Whilst 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 47 
 
 in the fourth age, of all the most illustrious, none could be found 
 but Vigilantius alone, that opposed the honor paid to saints and 
 the veneration of their relics, he is looked on by Protestants as 
 the person who preserved the Depositum, namely, the succes- 
 sion of apostolic doctrine, and is preferred to St. Jerome, who 
 has the whole Church on his side. For the same reason, too, 
 Aerius ought to be considered as the only one whom God en- 
 lightened in the same century, for he alone rejected the sacri- 
 fice which every where else, in the East as well as the West, 
 was offered for the relief of the dead. But, unluckily, he was 
 an Arian ; and they were ashamed to count amongst the wit- 
 nesses of the truth, a man that denied the Divinity of the Son 
 of God. But I am amazed they stuck at that. Claude of Turin 
 was an Arian, and the disciple of Felix of Urgel, that is, a Nes- 
 torian besides.* But because he broke Images, he finds place 
 amongst the forefathers of the Protestants. It matters not how 
 far soever the rest of the Iconoclasts, as well as he, have out- 
 stretched this point, even to say, that God forbade the arts of 
 painting and sculpture ; it is sufficient that they taxed the rest 
 of Christians with idolatry, to be enrolled amongst the firstrate 
 witnesses of the truth. Berengarius impugned notliing but the 
 Ileal Presence, leaving all the rest as he found it ; but the re- 
 jecting of one only tenet was sufficient to make him a Calvinist, 
 and a doctor of the true Church. Wickliff will be of that num- 
 ber, notwithstanding all the impieties we shall see he taught ; 
 though even by asserting that kings, lords, magistrates, priests, 
 pastors, are no longer such from their falling into mortal sin, he 
 has equally subverted all order in the Church and state, and 
 filled both with tumult and sedition. John Huss followed this 
 doctrine, and, what is more, said Mass to the end of his life, 
 and adored the Eucharist ; yet for standing up against the 
 Church of Rome in other points, he must be placed by our re- 
 formed in the calendar of their martyrs. In a word, provided 
 they have muttered against any one point of our tenets, espe- 
 cially inveighed against the Pope, in other respects, be they what 
 they will, and of what opinion soever, they stand on the list of 
 Protestant ancestry, and are deemed worthy to keep up the suc- 
 cession of that Church. 
 
 2. — The Vaudois and Jllhigenses a weak support to Calvhiists. 
 But of all the predecessors the Protestants have made choice 
 of, the most welcome to them, at least to the Calvinists, are the 
 Vaudois and Albigenses. What can be their aim in this? It 
 were but a weak support. To make their antiquity rise some 
 ages higher, (for the Vaudois, allowing them all they desire, and 
 Peter de Bruis, with his disciple Henry, reach no further than 
 ♦ Jon. Aur. prsef. conU Claud. Taur, 
 
48 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 the eleventh age,) and there to stop short unable to show one 
 before them, is being forced to stand much beneath the time of 
 the Apostles ; it is calling for help from men as weak and as 
 much put to it as themselves ; who, alike with them, are chal- 
 lenged to show their predecessors ; who, no more than they, are 
 able to produce them ; who, by consequence, are guilty of the 
 same crime of innovation they are accused of; so that naming 
 them in this cause, is naming accomplices of the same crime, 
 not witnesses that may lawfully depose in their defence. 
 3. — Why the Ccdvinists lay a stress 07i them. 
 
 Nevertheless, this support, such as it is, is eagerly embraced 
 by our Calvinists, and the reason is this. The Vaudois and 
 Albigenses, it seems, formed churches separated from Rome, 
 which Berengarius and Wickliff never did. Making them there- 
 fore their ancestors, is giving themselves, in some manner, a 
 series of church succession. As the origin of these churches, 
 no less than the faith they made profession of, v/as as yet some- 
 what obscure at the time of the pretended Reformation, the 
 people were made believe that they were of a very ancient date, 
 and sprung from the first ages of Christianity. 
 
 4. — Ridiculous pretensions of the Vaudois and of Beza. 
 
 I wonder not that Leger, one of the Vaudois Barbes (for so 
 they called their pastors) and their most celebrated historian, 
 has given into this error, for he was unquestionably the most 
 bold and ignorant of all mankind. But there is reason to wonder 
 that it was embraced by Beza, and that he has written in his 
 Ecclesiastical History, not only that the Yaudois, time imme- 
 morial, had opposed the abuses of the Church of Rome,* but 
 also, in the year 1541, entered on record, by a public and au- 
 thentic act, the doctrine taught them as from father to son dov/n 
 from the year 120, after Christ's nativity, as their ancient pre- 
 decessors always had informed them.| 
 
 5. — False oi'igiii boasted of by the Vaudois. 
 
 Here is certainly a fine tradition, had it but the least proof to 
 countenance it. But, unfortunately, Waldo's first disciples did 
 not trace it up so high ; and the remotest antiquity they chal- 
 lenged was of withdrawing from the Church of Rome at the 
 time when, under Pope Sylvester I, she accepted the temporal 
 domains that Constantine, the first Christian Emperor, endowed 
 her with. This is so frivolous a cause of rupture, and the pre- 
 tension withal so ridiculous, as not to deserve refuting. A man 
 must have lost his wits to persuade himself that, ever since St. 
 Sylvester's time, that is about the year 320, there was a sect 
 amongst Christians which the Fathers new nothing of. Wc 
 
 * L. L p. 35. t Ibid. 39. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 49 
 
 have in the councils held in the communion of the Roman 
 Church, anathemas pronounced against an infinity of different 
 sects ; we have the catalogues of heresies drawn by St. Epiph- 
 anius, by St. Austin, and several other church authors. The 
 most obscure and the least followed sects, those which appeared 
 in a corner of the world, as that of certain women called Colly- 
 ridians, who were to be met with only in some part of Arabia, 
 that of the Tertullianists or Abelians, who were only in Car- 
 thage, or in some villages near Hippo, and many others equally 
 obscure, did not escape their knowledge.* The zeal of pastors 
 that labored to bring back the strayed sheep, discovered all to 
 save all ; none but these separatists on account of ecclesiastical 
 revenues were unknown to every body. These men, more tem- 
 perate than an Athanasius, a Basil, an Ambrose, and all the 
 other doctors, more wise than all the councils, who, without re- 
 jecting goods given to the Church, were contented with making 
 rules for their just administration ; so well, I say, did these men 
 play their part, as never to have been heard of by them. The 
 assurance to assert this, was certainly the height of impudence 
 in the first Vaudois ; but, with Beza, to trace back this sect, 
 unknown to all ages, up to the year of our Lord 120, is giving 
 himself ancestors and church succession by too glaring an im- 
 position. 
 
 6. — The design of this Eleventh Book, and what is to be shoion therein. 
 
 The Reformed, disgusted at their novelty, which they were 
 continually upbraided with, stood in need of this weak support. 
 But, in order to derive some advantage from it, it was also requi- 
 site to set other artifices on foot ; it was requisite to conceal 
 carefully the true state of these Albigenses and Vaudois. Of 
 two quite different sects they made but one ; and ihis, lest the 
 Reformed should discover amongst their ancestors a too manifest 
 contrariety. But, above all, their abominable doctrine was kept 
 a secret ; no notice taken that these Albigenses were complete 
 Manicheans, no less than Peter de Bruis and Henry his disciple ; 
 not a word that these Vaudois had separated from the Church 
 upon grounds equally detested by the new Reformation, and by 
 the Church of Rome. The same dissimulation was used in 
 regard of the Polish Vaudois, who were but nominally such ; and 
 the people kept ignorant that their doctrine was neither that of 
 the ancient Vaudois, nor that of the Calvinists, nor that of the 
 Lutherans. The history I am going to furnish of these three 
 sects, although epitomized, will be nevertheless supported with 
 such pregnant proofs, as to make the Calvinists ashamed of the 
 ancestors whom they have selected for themselves. 
 
 * Epiph. haer. 79. Aug. hacr. 86, S7. Tertull. 
 VOL. II, 6 
 
50 *rHE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 THE HISTORY OF THE NEW MANICHEANS, CALLED THE 
 
 HERETICS OF TOULOUSE AND ALBY. 
 
 7. — Errors of the Manicheans, progenitors of the Mbigenses. 
 
 In order to understand what follows, you must not be wholly 
 ignorant what these Manicheans were. Their whole theology 
 turned on the question of the origin of evil ; they beheld it in the 
 world, and were for discovering its principle. It could not be 
 God, because he is infinitely good. It was therefore necessary, 
 said they, to acknowledge another principle, which, being evil 
 by its nature, might be the cause and origin of evil. Here then 
 is the foundation of the error : two first principles, one of good, 
 the other of evil ; enemies by consequence, and of a contrary 
 nature ; which having fought and mixed in the strife, one diffused 
 good on the world, the other evil ; one light, the other darkness ; 
 and so on — for it is needless to relate here all the impious ex- 
 travagances of this abominable sect. It sprung from Paganism, 
 and its principles may be seen even in Plato. It reigned amongst 
 the Persians. Plutarch has acquainted us with the names they 
 gave to the good and evil cause. Manes, a Persian, strove to 
 introduce this prodigy into the Christian religion in Aurehan's 
 reign, viz. towards the end of the third century. Marcion had 
 begun some years before ; and his sect, divided into many 
 branches, had prepared the way for the impieties and reveries 
 Manes grafted on it. 
 
 8. — Consequences of the false Principle of the Manicheans. 
 
 Now the consequences which these heretics drew from this 
 doctrine were no less absurd than impious. The Old Testament, 
 with all its severity, was but a fable, or at best, but the product 
 of the evil principle ; the mystery of the incarnation an illusion ; 
 and the flesh of Jesus Christ a phantom : for flesh being the 
 work of the evil principle, Jesus Christ, the son of the good God, 
 could not, in truth, have vested himself with it. As our bodies 
 came from the bad principle, and our souls from the good, or 
 rather were the very substance of it, it was not lawful to beget 
 children, nor unite the substance of the good principle with that 
 of the bad ; so that marriage, or rather the generation of children, 
 was prohibited. The flesh of animals, and every thing proceed- 
 ing from it, as white meats, was the work of the evil cause ; the 
 same of wine : all these were impure by nature, and the use of 
 them criminal. Here then are manifestly those men seduced by 
 devils, of whom St. Paul speaks, that were " In latter times .... 
 to forbid to marry," and command " to abstain from meats," as 
 unclean, "which God hath created."* 
 
 * 1 Tim. iv. 1,3. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 51 
 
 9. — The Manicheans endeavored to justify themselves by the usages of the 
 
 Church. 
 
 These wretches, who sought only to deceive the world by 
 appearances, endeavored to justify themselves by the example 
 of the Catholic Church, wherein the number of those that for- 
 bore marriage, from the profession of continence, was very great, 
 and abstinence from certain meats was either practised always, 
 as by many Anchorets after Daniel's example, or at particular 
 times, as in Lent. But the holy fathers replied, that there was 
 a great difference between those that condemned the procreation 
 of children, as the Manicheans did expressly, and those that 
 preferred continence to it with St. Paul and Jesus Christ him- 
 self, and judged it unlawful for them to look back, after making 
 profession of so perfect a state of life.* Besides, it was a differ- 
 ent thing to abstain from certain meats, either to signify some 
 mystery, as in the Old Testament, or to mortify the senses, as 
 was still continued in the new ; a different thing to condemn 
 them with the Manicheans, as impure, as evil, as the work, not 
 of God, but of the bad principle. And the fathers observed, that 
 the apostle expressly impugned this latter sense, which was that 
 of the Manicheans, by these words : every creature of God is 
 good. And, again, by these : nothing is to be refused of all 
 God has created ; from thence concluding, that there was no 
 wonder the Holy Ghost had warned the faithful so long before, 
 by the mouth of St. Paul, against so great an abomination. 
 
 10. — Three other Characteristics of the Manicheans. — First, the Spirit of 
 
 Seduction. 
 
 Such were the principal points of the Manichean doctrine. 
 But this sect had, besides, two remarkable characteristics ; one, 
 that in the midst of these impious absurdities, which the devil 
 had inspired them with, they yet mixed something in their dis- 
 courses of so specious a nature, so prodigiously seducing, that 
 St. Austin himself, so great a genius, was ensnared thereby, and 
 remained amongst them nine whole years, a great zealot of this 
 sect. "I" It was observed, likewise, that this was one of those 
 heresies which it is most difficult to be reclaimed from ; for, to 
 impose upon the vulgar, it had jugghng and unaccountable 
 delusions, so far even as to be taxed with sorcery ; in a word, 
 none of the implements of seduction were wanting to it. 
 , 11. — Second Characteristic, Hypocrisy. 
 
 The second characteristic of the Manicheans is, their knowing 
 how to conceal what was most detestable in their sect, with so 
 profound an artifice, that not only strangers, but even those of 
 
 * Aug. 1. XXX. cont. Faust. Man. c. 3, 4, 5, 6. Dan. 1, 8, 12. 1 Cor. vii. 
 26, 32, 34, 38. Matt. xix. 12. Luke ix. 62. 1 Tim. iv. 4. 
 
 t L. ii. cont. Faus. Man. c. 19 ; et L iv. Conf. c. L Theod. 1. 1 haer. Fab. 
 c. ult. de Manich. Ibid. 
 
52 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 the profession, passed a long time amongst them in ignorance 
 thereof. For beneath the colorable pretext of chastity they hid 
 impurities not to be named, and which made part of their very 
 mysteries. Amongst them were several degrees. Those whom 
 they called auditors, knew not the bottom of their sect ; and 
 their elect, namely, those that were let into the whole mystery, 
 carefully kept close from their probationers the abominable 
 secret, till they had been prepared for it by several gradations. 
 They made a show of abstinence and the exterior of a life not 
 only good, but mortified ; and one part of the seduction was, 
 the arriving as it were by stages to that which was believed the 
 more perfect, because hidden. 
 
 12. — Third Characteristic : Mixing with the Catholics in the Churches, and 
 concealing themselves. 
 
 For the third characteristic of these heretics, we may further 
 observe in them a surprising dexterity in mixing with the faith- 
 ful, and concealing themselves under the appearance of the same 
 profession ; for this dissimulation was one of the artifices they 
 employed to inveigle men into their sentiments.* They were 
 seen promiscuously with others in the churches ; there they 
 received the communion ; and although they never received the 
 blood of our Lord, as well because they detested wine used in 
 consecration, as also because they did not believe Jesus Christ 
 had true blood, the liberty allowed in the Church of partaking 
 of one or both kinds, was the cause that, for a long time, the 
 perpetual affectation of their rejecting that of wine, passed un- 
 perceived. At length, St. Leo discovered them by this mark : 
 but their cunning to elude the notice of the Catholics, however 
 vigilant, was so great, that they still concealed themselves, and 
 scarce were discovered under the pontificate of St. Gelasius. 
 At that time, therefore, in order to render them wholly dis- 
 tinguishable to the people, it was necessary to proceed to an 
 express prohibition of communicating otherwise than under both 
 kinds ; and to show that this prohibition was not founded on 
 the necessity of always taking them conjointly, St. Gelasius f 
 grounds it in formal terms on this ground, because those who 
 refused the sacred wine did it through a certain superstition ; 
 an evident proof, that, were it not for this superstition, which 
 rejected one of the parts of this mystery as evil, the usage in its 
 nature had been free and indifferent, even in solemn assemblies. 
 Protestants that believed this word, superstition, was not strong 
 enough to express the abominable practices of the Manicheans, 
 did not reflect that this word, in the Latin tongue, signifies all 
 false religion ; but that it is particularly appropriated to the Mani- 
 
 * Leo i. Serm 45. Qui est iv. de Gluadr. c. 5. 
 t G elas. in Dec. Grat de conf. distinct 2. c. Comperimus. Yvo. Microl. &c. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 53 
 
 chean sect, on account of their abstinences and superstitious 
 observances : the books of St. Austin proves this sufficiently.* 
 
 13. — The PaiUicians or Manicheans of Armenia. 
 This so hidden a sect, so abominable, so full of seduction, of 
 superstition, and hypocrisy, notwithstanding imperial law^s which 
 condemned its followers to death, yet maintained and diffused 
 itself. The Emperor Anastasius, and the Empress Theodora, 
 wife to Justinian, had given it countenance. The followers 
 thereof are to be seen under the children of Heraclius, that is, 
 in the seventh age, in Armenia, a province bordering on Persia, 
 the birthplace of this detestable superstition, and formerly sub- 
 ject to the empire. They were there settled,^ or confirmed by 
 one named Paul, from whom the name of Paulicians was given 
 them in the ^East, by one named Constantine, and, finally, by 
 one named Sergius. They arrived to such great power in that 
 country, either by the weakness of the government, or the pro- 
 tection of the Saracens, or even by the favor of the Emperor 
 Nicephoras, much wedded to this sect, that at length, being per- 
 secuted by the Empress Theodora, the wife of Basil, they 
 were able to build cities, and take up arms against their sove- 
 reigns. + 
 
 14. — History of the Paulicians, by Peter of Sicily, addressed to the Archbishop 
 
 of Bulgaria. 
 
 These wars were long and bloody under the reign of Basil 
 the Macedonian, to wit, at the close of the ninth century. Peter 
 of Sicily^ was sent by this Emperor to Tibrica in Armenia, 
 which Cedrenus calls Tephrica, a stronghold of these heretics, 
 to treat about the exchange of prisoners. During this time, he 
 became thoroughly acquainted with the Paulicians, and dedi- 
 cated a book concerning their errors to the Archbishop of Bul- 
 garia, for reasons hereafter specified. Yossius acknowledges 
 we are much obliged to Raderus for giving us, in Greek and 
 Latin, so particular and so excellent a history. || There, Peter 
 of Sicilyir paints out to us these heretics in their proper char- 
 acters, their principles, the contempt they had for the Old Tes- 
 tament, their prodigious address in concealing themselves when 
 they pleased, and the other marks already mentioned. But he 
 notices two or three which must not be forgotten, viz., their 
 particular aversion to the Images of Christ crucified,^* a natural 
 consequence of their error, forasmuch as they rejected the pas- 
 sion and death of the Son of God ; their contempt of the Holy 
 Virgin, whom they did not account the mother of Jesus Christ, 
 
 * De Morib. Ecc. Cath. c. 34. De morib. Manich. c. 18. Cent. Ep. fun- 
 dam, c. 15. t Cedr. t. i. p. 432. J Ibid. t. ii. p. 480. Ibid. p. 541. 
 § Pet. Sic. Hist, de Manich. Cedr. lb. 541, &c. || Voss! de Hist. Graec 
 V Pet. Sic. lb. Preef.&c. ** Ibid. 
 
 VOL. II. 6* 
 
54 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 since they denied liis human flesh ; and, above all, their abhor- 
 rence of the Eucharist.* 
 
 15. — The conformity of the Paulicians with the Manicheans^ whom St. Austin 
 
 refuted. 
 
 Cedrenufl,t who has taken the greatest part of what he writes 
 of the Paulicians from this historian, instances, after him, these 
 three characteristics, namely, their aversion to the Cross, to the 
 blessed Virgin, and the holy Eucharist. The same sentiments 
 had the Manicheans of old. We learn from St. Austin, J that 
 their Eucharist was different from ours, and something so ex- 
 ecrable as not to be thought on, much less written. But the 
 new Manicheans had also received, from the ancient, another 
 doctrine, we are to observe. So long since as St. Austin's time, 
 Faustus, the Manichean, upbraided the Catholics with their idol- 
 atry in the honor they paid the holy martyrs, and in the sacri- 
 fices they oiTered on their relics. § St. Austin pointed out to them 
 that this worship had nothing common with that of the heathens, 
 because it was not the worship of Latria, or of subjection and 
 perfect servitude ; and if they offered to God the holy oblation 
 of the body and blood of Jesus Christ, at the tombs and on the 
 relics of the martyrs, they were far from offering to them this 
 sacrifice, but hoped only " To excite themselves thereby to the 
 imitation of their virtues, to be brought into partnership with their 
 merits ; and, lastly, to be assisted by their prayers." So clear 
 an answer did not prevent the new Manicheans from continuing 
 the calumnies of their forefathers. Peter of Sicily || acquaints 
 us, that a Manichean woman seduced an ignorant layman called 
 Sergius, by telling him. Catholics honored the saints as divinities, 
 and for that reason laymen were hindered from reading the Holy 
 Scripture, lest they should discover a number of the like errors. 
 
 16. — The design of the Paulicians on the Bulgarians ; and Peter of Sicily's 
 instruction to hinder the effect. 
 
 It was by such calumnies as these the Manicheans seduced 
 the ignorant. A great desire of enlarging their sect was always 
 remarked amongst them. Peter of SicilylT discovered, whilst 
 ambassador at Tibrica, that it was resolved in the council of the 
 Paulicians, to send preachers of their sect into Bulgaria, in order 
 to seduce those new converts. Thrace, bordering on this prov- 
 ince, had been infected with this heresy long before. So there 
 was but too much reason to fear the worst for the Bulgarians, 
 should the Pauhcians, the most cunning of the Manichean sect, 
 attempt to seduce them ; and it was this which induced Peter 
 of Sicily to inscribe the above-mentioned book to their arch- 
 
 * Pet. Sic. lb. Prref. &c. f Cedr. t. ii. p. 434. J Aug. hcer. 
 
 46, &c. Lib. .\x. Cont. Faus. c. 4. § Ibid. c. 21, et seq. Ibid. c. 18. 
 
 11 Peter Sic. ibid. If Peter Sic initio lib. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 55 
 
 bishop, to secure them against such dangerous heretics. In 
 
 spite of all his pains, it is certain the Manichean heresy took 
 
 deep root in Bulgaria, and thence soon after spread itself over 
 
 the other parts of Europe ; whence came, as we shall see, the 
 
 name of Bulgarians, given as the followers of this heresy. 
 
 17. — The Manicheans begin to appear in the West after the year of our Lord 
 
 one thousayid. 
 
 A thousand years had elapsed since the birth of Jesus Christ, 
 and the prodigious relaxation of discipline threatened the West- 
 ern Church with some extraordinary disaster. Besides, it was 
 not unlikely the dreadful time when Satan was to be let loose, 
 foretold in the Revelations,* after a thousand years, which may 
 denote a thousand years after the strong-armed, to wit, the vic- 
 torious Satan, was bound by Jesus Christ at his coming into the 
 world.! Howsoever that may be, in this time and in 1017, during 
 King Robert's reign, heretics were discovered at Orleans, of 
 such a doctrine, as long before had been unheard of amongst 
 the Latins. J 
 
 18. — Manicheans that come from Italy, discovered at Orleans in the time of 
 
 King Robert. 
 
 An Italian woman brought into France this abominable heresy. 
 Two Canons of Orleans, § one called Stephen or Heribert ; the 
 other Lisoius, both men of reputation, were the first inveigled. 
 There was great difficulty in discovering their secret. But at 
 length a person, named Arifaste, suspecting what it might be, 
 having insinuated himself into their famiharity, these heretics 
 and their followers confessed, after a great deal of pains, that 
 they denied the human flesh of Jesus Christ ; that they did not 
 believe remission of sins was given in baptism ; nor that the 
 bread and wine could be changed into the body and blood of 
 Jesus Christ. It was discovered, they had a particular Eucha- 
 rist, by them called the celestial food. It was cruel and abomi- 
 nable, and wholly suitable to the Manichean genius, although 
 not found amongst those of old. But besides what was seen at 
 Orleans, Guy of Nogent|| also takes notice of it in other coun- 
 tries ; nor is it to be wondered at that new prodigies are to be 
 met with in so close a sect, whether invented by them, or but 
 newly brought to light. 
 
 19. — Sequel. 
 
 Here are the general characteristics of Manicheism. We 
 have seen these heretics reject the incarnation. As for baptism, 
 St. AustinlT says expressly, the Manicheans did not give it, and 
 believed it useless. Peter of Sicily,** and after him Cedrenus,tt 
 
 * Rev. XX. 2, 3, 7. f Matt. xii. 29. Luke xi. 21, 22. t Acta Cone. Aurel. 
 spicil. t. il Cone. Lab. t. ix. Glab. lib. iii. c. 8. § Glab. ibid. Aeta, Cone. 
 
 Aurel. II Do vixk sua, lib. iii. c. 16. H Do haer. in haer. Man. *+ Peter, 
 Sic. ib. tt Cedr. t. i. p. 434. 
 
56 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 tell us the same of the Pauhcians ; altogether they show us that 
 the Manicheans had a different Eucharist from ours. What was 
 said by the heretics of Orleans, that we ought not to beg the 
 saints' assistance, was also of the same stamp, and sprung, as 
 is seen above, from the ancient source of this sect. 
 
 20. — Sequel. 
 
 They said nothing openly of the two principles, but spoke with 
 contempt of the creation, and the books which record it, meaning 
 the Old Testament ; and confessed, at the very time of their 
 execution, that they had entertained evil sentiments concerning 
 the Lord of the universe.* The reader will remember, that he 
 was judged the evil principle by the Manicheans. They went 
 to the stake with joy, in hopes of a miraculous delivery, so 
 strangely were they possessed with the spirit of seduction. Now 
 this was the first instance of the like punishment. It is known, 
 the Roman laws condemned the Manicheans to death ; the holy 
 King Robert judged them worthy of the fiames.| 
 
 21. — The same Heresy in Gascony and at Toidouse. 
 A'i the same time, the same heresy is discovered in Aquitaine 
 and Toulouse, as appears by the history of Ademarus,^ of Cha- 
 banes, monk of the Abbey of St. Cibard, in Angouleme, contem- 
 porary with these heretics. An ancient writer of the history 
 of X quitaine, pubhshed by the celebrated Peter Pithou,§ in- 
 forms us that they were discovered in this province, whereof 
 Peri;j!;ord made part, " Manicheans, that rejected baptism, the 
 sign of the holy cross, the church, and the Redeemer himself; 
 den} ing his incarnation and passion, and the honor due to saints, 
 lawful marriage, and the use of meat." And the same author 
 sho\ s us they were of the same sect with the heretics of Or- 
 leans, whose error came from Italy. 
 
 22. — The Manicheans of Italy called Cathari, and xchy. 
 In effect, we see the Manicheans had settled in that country. 
 They were called Cathari, as much as to say, pure. Formerly 
 other heretics had assumed that name, the Novatians, in the 
 persjasion that their life was more pure than that of others, on 
 accc unt of the severity of their discipline. But the Manicheans, 
 elatod with their continency and abstinence from flesh, which 
 they believed unclean, accounted themselves not only Cathari, 
 or },ure, but also, as St. Austin [j relates, Catharists, namely, 
 puri'iers, by reason of that part of the divine substance, which 
 was mixed with the herbs and pulse together with the contrary 
 substance, from which, in eating them, they separated and puri- 
 
 * Cedr. t. i. p. 434. f Cond. de haer. 1. 52. f Bib. nov. I'Abb. t. ii. 
 
 pp. 1"6, 180. § Frag. Hist. Aquit. editaa Petro Pith. Bar. t. xi. An. 1017 
 II De haer. in haer. Man. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 57 
 
 fied this divine substance. These, I own, are monstrous opin- 
 ions ; and it were hardly to be believed, that men could have 
 been so strangely infatuated, had not experience taught us that 
 God sets, to man's proud mind, examples of the blindness he 
 may fail into, when abandoned to himself. This, then, is the 
 true original of the heretics of France, sprung from the Cathari 
 of Italy. 
 
 23. — Origin of the Manicheans of Toulouse and Italy. — Proof that they came 
 
 from Bulgaria. 
 
 Vignier, whom our reformed have accounted the restorer of 
 history in the last age, speaks of this heresy, and the discovery 
 thereof made in the Council of Orleans, whose date he places, 
 by mistake, in 1022, and observes, that "In this year many 
 people were taken and burnt, for the crime of heresy, in the 
 presence of king Robert ; for it is written," continues he, " that 
 they spoke ill of God and the Sacraments, to wit, of baptism 
 and the body and blood of Jesus Christ, as likewise of mar- 
 riage ;" nor would eat meats that had blood and fat, reputing 
 them unclean.* He reports, also, that the chief of these here- 
 tics was called Stephen, whereof he cites Glaber as a witness, 
 with the chronicle of St. Cibard ; " according to whose testi- 
 mony," proceeds he, " many other followers of the same heresy, 
 called Manicheans, were executed elsewhere, as at Toulouse 
 and in Italy." No matter though this author was mistaken in 
 the date, and some other circumstances of his history ; he had 
 not seen the acts, which have been recovered since that time. 
 It is enough that this heresy of Orleans, which had Stephen for 
 one of its authors, on the enormities of which king Robert took 
 vengeance, and whose history Glaber hath reported, be acknovvl- 
 edged for Manichean by Yignier ; that he held it for the source 
 of that heresy which afterwards was punished at Toulouse, and 
 that all this impiety, as we are going to see, was derived from 
 Bulgaria. 
 
 24. — The same Origin proved by an ancient Axithor quoted by Vignier — 
 {addition to the Second Part.) 
 
 An ancient author, cited in the additions of the same Vignier, 
 leaves no room to doubt of it. The passage of this author, 
 which Vignier transcribes entire in Latin, imports, " that as 
 soon as the heresy of the Bulgarians began to spread itself in 
 Lombardy, they had tor Bishop a certain man called Mark, who 
 had received his ordination from Bulgaria, and under whom 
 were the Lombards, the Tuscans, and those of Mark Ancona ; 
 but that another Pope, named Nicetas, came from Constanti- 
 nople into Lombardy, who impeached the ordination of Bulga- 
 ria ; and that Mark had received his from Drungaria."j" 
 
 * Bib Hist. 2 p. in the year 1022, p. 672. f ^ib. Hist. p. 133. 
 
58 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 25. — Sequel of the same Passage. 
 What country he meant by Drungaria I have no need to ex- 
 amii e. Renier, thoroughly acquainted, as we shall see, with 
 all these Reresies, tells us of the Manichean churches of Du- 
 granicia and Bulgaria, whence come all the rest of the sect 
 both in Italy and France ;* which perfectly well agrees, as is 
 plain, with Vignier's author. | In this same ancient author of 
 Vigiiier, we see that this heresy, brought from beyond sea, to 
 wit, nom Bulgaria, thence spread itself thiough other provinces, 
 where afterwards it was in great vogue, into Languedoc, Tou- 
 louse-, and especially into Gascony ; whence the name of Albi- 
 genses, as, for the like reason, that of Bulgares, was conferred 
 on the sect, on account of its origin. I shall not repeat what 
 VignierJ observes, how the name Bulgare was turned to its 
 present signification in our language. The word is too infa- 
 mou,;, but its derivation certain ; nor is it less certain that the 
 Albigenses were called by this name in token of the place they 
 came from, namely from Bulgaria. 
 26. — Council of Tours and Toulouse against the Manicheans of this last city. 
 There needs no more to convict these heretics of Manicheism, 
 Butv in process of time, the evil grew more apparent, principally 
 in Languedoc and Toulouse, for this city was hke the metrop- 
 ohs of the sect, " whence the heresy, extending itself," as speaks 
 the Canon of Alexander III, in the Council of Tours, " like a 
 cancer, into the neighboring countries, infected Gascony and 
 the other provinces."§ As the source of the evil, as I may say, 
 there took its rise, there also the remedy was first applied. The 
 Pope, CaUixtus II, held a Council at Toulouse, || where were 
 conflemned the heretics that " rejected the sacrament of our 
 Lord's body and blood, infant baptism, the priesthood, and all 
 ecclesiastical orders, with lawful marriage." The same canon 
 was repeated in the general Council of LateranlT under Innocent 
 II. The character of Manicheism is here seen in the condem- 
 nation of marriage. And again, in rejecting the sacrament of 
 the Eucharist ; for it ought to be particularly observed, that the 
 canon imports, not that these heretics had some error respecting 
 the .sacrament, but that they rejected it, as we have seen the 
 Mai'icheans did likewise. 
 
 27. — Their conformity loith the Manicheans known by St. ^Austin. — The same 
 
 Heresy in Germany. 
 
 As for the priesthood and all ecclesiastical orders, the total 
 
 subversion of the hierarchy introduced by the Manicheans, and 
 
 the contempt they had of all church subordination, may be seen 
 
 * Ren. cont. Wald. c. 6. t. iv. f Bibl. PP. part ii. p. 759. 
 
 i Vignier, ib. § Cone. Tur. ii. c. 3. |1 Cone. Tol. An. 1119. Can. 3. 
 
 H Cone. Later, ii. An. 1139. Can. 23. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 59 
 
 in St. Augustin and other authors.* In respect ot infant bap- 
 tism, we shall observe hereafter, that the new Manicheans im- 
 pugned it with particular industry ; and although they rejected 
 baptism in general, what struck men with surprise was chiefly^ 
 the refusal they made of this sacrament to children, whilst the 
 Church in general showed so much eagerness to confer it on 
 them. Therefore, the sensible characteristics, whereby this 
 Toulousian, afterwards called Albigensian heresy, made itself 
 known, were specified in this canon of Toulouse and Latoran. 
 The bottom of the error lay more deeply concealed. But the 
 more this cursed offspring from Bulgaria diffused itself in the 
 West, their Manichean tenets became the more palpable. They 
 penetrated into the heart of Germany, and the Emperor Henry 
 IV there discovered them at Goslar, a city of Suabia, towards 
 the middle of the eleventh century, surprised whence coulo. pro- 
 ceed this Manichean progeny. "f" These here v/ere knov n by 
 their abstaining " from the flesh of animals of what kind soever, 
 and believing their use prohibited." The error soon spread in 
 Germany on all sides ; and in the twelfth century, many of 
 these heretics were met with near about Cologne. The rame 
 of Cathari made the sect known, and Ecbert, a contemporary 
 author and able divine, shows us, in these Cathari near Cologne, 
 all the Manichean characters ; J the same detestation of flesh 
 and marriage ; the same contempt of baptism ; the same ab- 
 horrence of communion ; the same repugnance to believ*^ the 
 truth of the Son of God's incarnation and passion : in short, 
 other similar marks which it is needless to repeat. 
 28. — Sequel of EcberVs Sentiments concerning the Manicheans of Germany. 
 But as heresies change, or in time show themselves pkiner, 
 so, many new tenets and usages are perceptible in this. For 
 instance, in explaining to us amongst the rest, the contem|)t the 
 Manicheans had of baptism, Ecbert informs us, that although 
 they rejected the baptism of water, they gave, with lij-hted 
 torches, a certain baptism of fire, the ceremony of which he 
 sets forth. § They were firmly opposed to infant baptism, which 
 I notice once more, it being one of the distinguishing marks of 
 these new Manicheans. || They had likewise another not less 
 remarkable ; their maintaining that the sacraments lost their 
 virtue by the bad life of those that administered them. Where- 
 fore, they exaggerated the corruption of the clergy, in orcer to 
 make it appear that we had no longer any sacraments amongst 
 us ; and this is one of the reasons for which we have seen they 
 
 * Aug. de hser. in haer. Man. Ecb. Serm. i. Bib. PP. t. iv. part ii. p. 81. 
 Ren. cont. Wald. c. 6. f Herm. cont. ad An. 1052. Par. To. xi. ad 3und. 
 An. Centuriat. in Cent. xi. c. 5. sub fin. % Ecb. Serm. xii. adv. Cath. t. 
 iv. Bib. PP. part ii. § Serm. i. viii. xi. || Serm. vii. Serm. iv. 3i.c. 
 
60 THE HISTORY OF [eOOK 
 
 were accused of rejecting all ecclesiastical orders, together with 
 the priesthood. 
 
 29. — It is discovered that they held tioo first Principles. 
 
 The belief of these new heretics, as to the two principles, was 
 not as yet fully brought to light. For although men were very 
 sensible this was the foundation of their rejecting the union of 
 both sexes, and whatever proceeded from it in all animals, as 
 flesh, eggs, and white meats, yet, as far as I can find, Ecbert is 
 the first that objects this error to them in express terms. Nay, 
 he says, " he had most certainly discovered," that their private 
 motive for abstaining from flesh was, " Because the devil was 
 the creator of it."* You see how difficult it was to dive to the 
 bottom of their doctrine ; yet it appeared sufficiently by its 
 consequences. 
 
 30. — Variations of these Heretics. 
 
 We learn from this same author, "f" that these heretics showed 
 themselves, at times, more moderate in regard to marriage. 
 One called Hartuvinus allowed a youth amongst them to marry 
 a maiden, but required they should be both virgins, and not pro- 
 ceed beyond the first child ; which I take notice of, in order to 
 show the od.dities of a sect contradictory to itself, and often 
 forced to act counter to its own principles. 
 
 31. — Their industry to conceal themselves. 
 
 But the most certain mark by which to know tnese heretics, 
 was the pains they took to conceal themselves, not only by re- 
 ceiving the sacraments with us, but also by answering like us 
 when urged regarding their faith. This was the spirit of the 
 sect from its beginning, and we have before taken notice of it, 
 ever since the time of St. Austin and St. Leo. Peter of Sicily, J 
 and after him Cedrenus, show us the same character in the 
 Paulicians. They did not only deny in general that they were 
 Manicheans, but also, when interrogated in particular concern- 
 ing each tenet of their faith, they feigned themselves Catholics, 
 betraying their sentiments by manifest lies, or at least disguising 
 them by equivocations worse than lies, because more artful and 
 more fraught with hypocrisy. § For example, when spoken to 
 concerning the water of baptism, they received it, understanding 
 by the water of baptism, the doctrine of our Lord, whereby souls 
 are purified. All they say abounded with the like allegories ; 
 and men took them for orthodox, unless from long custom they 
 had learned to see through their equivocations. 
 
 32. — Their equivocatio7is when interrogated about faith. 
 
 Ecbert informs us of one which it was impossible to guess at. 
 
 ♦ Ecb. Serm. vi. p. 99. f Serm. v. p. 94. 
 
 X Petr. Sic. init. lib. de Hist. Man. § Ibid. Cedr. t. i. p. 434. 
 
XI. J THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 61 
 
 It was known that they rejected the Eucharist ; and when, to 
 sound them on so important an article, they were asked whether 
 they made the body of our Lord ? they answered readily, They 
 made it, understanding that their own body, which they made 
 in some wise by their food, was the body of Jesus Christ, by 
 reason that, according to St. Paul, they were the members of 
 it.* By these artifices they appeared, outwardly, good Catho- 
 lics. But, what is yet more unaccountable, one of their tenets 
 was, that -the Gospel forbade swearing for whatsoever cause :t 
 nevertheless, when examined concerning their religion, they be- 
 lieved' it lawful not only to lie, but to forswear themselves ; and 
 had learned from the ancient Priscilhanists, another branch of 
 the Manicheans known in Spain, this verse, cited by St. Austin : 
 " Jura^ perjura, secretum prodere noli : Swear true or false, as 
 long as thou betrayest not the secret of the sect. "J For which 
 reason E chert styled them obscure men, men that did not preach 
 but whispered in the ear, who lurked in corners, and muttered 
 rather in private than explained their doctrine. § This was one 
 of the sect's allurements ; there was something of a charm in 
 this impenetrable secret observed amongst them ; and as the 
 wise man said, " Those waters you drink by stealth are the 
 pleasantest."|| St. Bernard, who was well acquainted with these 
 heretics, as we shall soon see, remarks in them this particular 
 character, that whereas other heretics, urged on by the spirit of 
 pride, sought only to make themselves known ; these on the 
 contrar}^ strove only to conceal themselves — others aimed at 
 victory ; but these, more mischievous, sought only to aflfhoy, 
 lurking silently in the grass, that they might instil their poison 
 the more securely as the bite was less expected. IT The thing 
 was, their error, once discovered, was already half vanquished 
 by its own absurdity ; wherefore they betook themselves to the 
 ignorant, to mechanics, to silly women, to peasants, and recom- 
 mended nothing so much to them as this mysterious secret. 
 
 33. — Enet-vin consults St. Bernard about the Manicheans near Cologne. 
 
 Enervin, who served God in a church near Cologne, at the 
 time these new Manicheans, whom Ecbert speaks of, were dis- 
 covered there, gives in the main the same account of them as 
 this author ; and not finding in the Church a greater doctor to 
 whom he could address himself for their conviction than the 
 great St. Bernard, Abbot of Clairvaux, he wrote him that fine 
 letter which the learned Francis Mabillon has given us in his 
 Analects.** Therein, besides the dogmas of these heretics, 
 
 * Ecb. Serm. i. ii. f Bern, in Cant. Serm. Ixv. | De heer. in haer. Priscil. 
 Ecb. Serm. il Bern. lb. init. lib. id. Serm. i. ii. vii, &c. § Ibid^ || Prov, i.y. 
 17. Serm. \xv. in C antic. IT Ibid. Ecb. iniL lib. &c. Bern. Serm, Ixv. bcvi. 
 ** Enervin, Ep. ad S. Bern. Anal. iii. p. 452 j Ibid. pp. 455, 456, 457. 
 
 VOL. II. 6 
 
62 , THE HISTORY OF [BOOK 
 
 which it is needless to repeat, we see the particularities which 
 occasioned their discovery ; we see the distinction between " the 
 Auditors and the Elect," a certain character of Manicheism 
 specified by St. Austin ; we there see that they had their Pope, 
 a truth which afterwards became more manifest ; and in fine, 
 that they boasted, " their doctrine had a continued succession 
 down to us, but hidden ever since the time of the martyrs, and 
 after that in Greece, and in some other countries ; which is very 
 true, since it came from Marcion and Manes, heresiarchs of the 
 third century ; and thereby it is apparent in whose shop was 
 first vended this method of maintaining the Church's perpetuity, 
 by a hidden series, and doctors scattered here and there without 
 any manifest and legitimate succession. 
 
 34. — These Heretics interrogated before all the people. 
 
 But, lest it should be said the doctrine of these heretics was, 
 perchance, calumniated for want of being well understood, it 
 appears, as well by Enervin's letter as by Ecbert's sermons,* 
 that the examination of these heretics was made in public ; and 
 that it was one of their bishops, with a companion of his, who 
 defended their doctrine to their utmost, in the presence of the 
 archbishop, the whole clergy, and all the people. 
 
 35. — The tenets of these Heretics refuted by St. Bernard, who was well ac- 
 quainted icith them at Toulouse. 
 
 St. Bernard, whom the pious Enervin excited to confute these 
 heretics, then composed the two fine sermons on the Canticles, 
 in \^4lich he so vigorously impugned the heretics of his time. 
 They carry so manifest a relation to Enervin's letter, that it is 
 plain this gave occasion to them ; but it is no less plain by St. 
 Bernard's firm and positive way of speaking, that he had also 
 other informations, and knew more of the matter than Enervin 
 himself. And, indeed, it was now above twenty years since 
 Peter de Bruis and his disciple Henry had secretly spread their 
 errors in Dauphiny, in Provence, and especially in the neigh- 
 borhood of Toulouse. St. Bernard took a journey into that 
 country expressly to root up this bad seed, and the miracles he 
 there wrought in confirmation of the Catholic truth are more 
 conspicuous than the sun. But the material point to be ob- 
 served is, that he spared no pains to inform himself fully con- 
 cerning a heresy he was going to oppose ; and after frequent 
 conferences with the disciples of these heretics, he could not be 
 ignorant of their doctrine. Now he distinctly instances, together 
 with their condemnation " of infant baptism,"!" the invocation of 
 saints, the oblations for the dead," that of *' the use of marriage, 
 and of all that proceeded," far or near, " from the union of both 
 
 * Enervdn, Ep. ad S. Bern. Anal. iii. p. 453; Ecb. Serm. i. f Serm. Ixvi. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 63 
 
 sexes, as flesh and white meats."* He taxes them Hkewise 
 with not admitting the Old Testament, and their receiving the 
 Gospel only. Another, also, of their errors remarked by St. 
 Bernard wasr,! that a sinner ceased to be a bishop, and that the 
 popes, the archbishops, the bishops, and priests, were neither 
 capable of giving nor receiving the sacraments, by reason they 
 were sinners. But what he most insists on, is their hypocrisy, 
 not only in the deceitful appearance of their austere and peni- 
 tential life, but also in the custom they constantly observed of 
 receiving the sacraments with us, and professing our doctrine 
 publicly, which they inveighed against in secret. J St. Bernard 
 shows their piety was all dissimulation. In appearance they 
 blamed commerce with women, and nevertheless were all seen 
 to pass days and nights apart with them. The profession they 
 made of abhorring the sex, seemed to warrant their not abusing 
 it. They believed all oaths forbidden, yet, examined concerning 
 their faith, did not stick at perjury ; such oddness and incon- 
 stancy is there in extravagant minds !§ From all these things 
 St. Bernard concluded this was " the mystery of iniquity" fore- 
 told by St. Paul,[| so much the more to be feared in proportion 
 as it was more hidden ; and that these were they whom the 
 Holy Ghost made known to the same apostle, as " giving heed 
 to seducing spirits and doctrines of devils, speaking hes in hy- 
 pocrisy, having their conscience seared with a hot iron, forbid- 
 ding to marry, and commanding to abstain from meats which 
 God has created."l[ All the characters agree too clearly with 
 them to need insisting on. Behold here the fine ancestors whom 
 the Calvinists have selected for themselves ! 
 36. — Peter de Bruis and Henry. 
 To say that these heretics of Toulouse, of whom St. Bernard 
 speaks, are not the same with those vulgarly called Albigenses, 
 were too gross a fallacy. The ministers are agreed that Peter 
 de Bruis and Henry are two chiefs of this sect, and that Peter, 
 the venerable Abbot of Cluny, their contemporary, of whom we 
 shall soon speak, attacked the " Albigenses under the name of 
 Petrobusians."** If the chiefs are convicted of Manicheism, 
 the disciples have not degenerated from this doctrine, and these 
 bad trees may be judged of by their fruit ; for although it be 
 certain, from St. Bernard's letters, and from the authors then 
 living, that he converted many of these Toulousian heretics, the 
 disciples of Peter de Bruis and Henry, yet the race was not 
 extinguished, which the more private it kept itself the more 
 proselytes it gained. If They were called " the good men" 
 
 * Serm. Ixv. f Serm. Ixvi. f Serm. Ixv. § Ibid. || 2 Thess. ii. 7. 
 IF Serm. Ixvi. 1 Tim. iv. ], 2, 3. ** La Roq. Hist, de I'Euch., pp. 
 
 452, 453. ft Ep. 241, ad Tol. Vit. S. Bern. Ub. iii. c. 5. 
 
64 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 from their apparent meekness and simplicity ; but their doctrine 
 became manifest in an interrogatory many of them underwent 
 at Lombez, a little town near Alby, in a council held there 
 in 1176.* 
 
 37. — The Council of Lombez. — Famous examination of these Heretics. 
 Gaucelin, Bishop of Lodeve, equally well acquainted with 
 their artifices and with sound doctrine, was there commissioned 
 to examine them concerning their faith. They shuffle in many 
 articles ; they lie in others ; but own in express terms, that 
 " They reject the Old Testament ; that they believe the conse- 
 cration of the body and blood of Jesus Christ, equally good 
 whether made by laymen or clergy, if good men ; that all swear- 
 ing is unlawful ; and that bishops and priests, devoid of the 
 qualities prescribed by St. Paul, are neither bishops nor priests." 
 They never could be brought, whatever was said, to approve of 
 marriage, nor infant baptism ; and the obstinate refusal to ac- 
 knowledge such certain truths, was taken for a confession of 
 their error. They were condemned also from the Scripture 
 as men that refused to confess their faith ; and, on all the points 
 proposed, were hard pressed by Ponce, Archbishop of Narbonne, 
 by Arnold, Bishop of Nismes, by the abbots, and especially by 
 Gaucelin, Bishop of Lodeve, whom Gerald, Bishop of Alby, 
 there present, and ordinary of Lombez, before the place was 
 erected into a bishopric, had vested with his authority. I do 
 not think there can be seen, in any council, either a more regu- 
 lar procedure, or Scripture better employed, or a dispute more 
 precise and convincing. Let men come and tell us after this, 
 that what is said of the Albigenses is all mere calumny. 
 
 38. — Histonj of the same Council by a contemporai-y Author. 
 An historian of those times recites at length this council, and 
 gives a faithful abridgment of more ample acts which have been 
 since recovered, "j" He begins his account thus : " There were 
 heretics in the province of Toulouse, who would have them- 
 selves be called good men, and were maintained by the soldiers 
 of Lombez. Those said, they neither received the law of Moses, 
 nor the Prophets, nor the Psalms, nor the Old Testament, nor 
 the Doctors of the New, except the Gospels, St. Paul's Epis- 
 tles, the seven canonical Epistles, the Acts, and Revelations.'* 
 Setting all the rest aside, here is enough to make our Protes- 
 tants blush for the errors of their ancestors. ^ 
 
 39. — Why these Heretics are called Arians. 
 But in order to raise a suspicion of some calumny in the pro- 
 ceedings against them, they observe, they were not called Mani- 
 
 * Act. Oonc. Lumb. t. x. Cone. Lab. An. 1176. 
 f Roger. Hoved. in Annal. Angl. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 65 
 
 cheans but Arians ; yet the Manicheans were never accused of 
 Arianism ; a mistake, say they, which Baronius himself has 
 owned.* What a feint this is, to cavil about the title men give 
 a heresy, when they see it specified, not to mention other marks, 
 by that of rejecting the Old Testament ! But we must also show 
 these contentious spirits, what reason there was to accuse the 
 Manicheans of Arianism. It was because, as Peter of Sicily 
 expressly tells us, " They professed the Trinity in words, but 
 denied it in their hearts, and turned the mystery into impertinent 
 allegories, "f 
 
 40. — The sentiments of the Manicheans concerning the Trinity, from St. Austin, 
 This is likewise what St. Austin fully informs us of. Faustus, 
 bishop of the Manicheans, had written : " We confess under 
 three names one only and the same Divinity of God the Father 
 Almighty, of Jesus Christ his Son, and of the Holy Ghost."J 
 But then he further adds, " that the Father dwelt in the prin- 
 cipal and sovereign light called by St. Paul inaccessible. As 
 for the Son, he resided in the second light, which is visible ; 
 and being twofold, according to the Apostle who speaks of the 
 power and wisdom of Jesus Christ, his power resided in the sun, 
 and his wisdom in the moon ; and finally, in regard of the Holy 
 Ghost, his habitation was in our ambient air."§ This is what 
 Fastus said : whereby St. Austin convicts him of separating 
 the Son from the Father even by corporeal spaces ; nay, of 
 separating him from himself, and of separating the Holy Ghost 
 from them both ; to situate them also, as did Faustus, in places 
 so unequal, was placing between the divine persons a too mani- 
 fest inequality. Such were these allegories fraught with igno- 
 rance, by which Peter of Sicily convicted the Manicheans of 
 denying the Trinity. Such an explanation as this was far from 
 a confession of it ; but, as St. Austin says, " was squaring the 
 belief of the Trinity by the rule of his own conceits." An au- 
 thor of the twelfth century, contemporary with St. Bernard, || 
 acquaints us that these heretics declined saying, " Gloria Patri ;" 
 and Renier states it expressly that the Cathari or Albigenses did 
 not believe that the Trinity was one only God, but believed that 
 the Father was greater than the Son and the Holy Ghost. IT No 
 wonder then that the Catholics have sometimes ranked the Mani- 
 cheans with those that denied the blessed Trinity, and, on this 
 consideration, given them the name of Arians. 
 
 41. — Manicheans at Soissons. — The Testimony of Guy ofj^ogent. 
 To return to the Manicheism of these heretics : Guy of No- 
 gent,** a celebrated author of the twelfth age, and more ancient 
 
 * La Roq. ib. Bar. t. xii. An. 1176, p. 674. t Pet. Sic. ibid. 
 
 I Faust ap. Aug. lib. xx. cont. § Ibid, c 7. || Herib. Mon. Ep. Annal. iii. 
 
 II Ren. cont. Wald. c. 6, t. iv. Bib. PP. p. 759. ♦ * Do vita sua, lib. iii. c. 16. 
 
 VOL. II. 6* 
 
Q6 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 than St. Bernard, shows us heretics near Solssons that made a 
 phantom of the incarnation ; that rejected infant baptism ; that 
 held in abhorrence the mysteiy wrought at the Altar ; yet took 
 the sacraments with us ; that rejected all manner of flesh, and 
 whatsoever proceeds from the union of both sexes. They made, 
 after the example of those heretics above seen at Orleans, a 
 Eucharist and sacrifice not fit to be described ; and, to show 
 themselves completely like the other Manicheans, " they con- 
 cealed themselves hke them, and mixed clandestinely amongst 
 us," confessing and swearing any thing, to save themselves from 
 punishment.* 
 42. — Testimony of Radulphus Aniens cmicerning the Heretics of the .^genois. 
 
 Let us add to these witnesses Radulphus Ardens, a renowned 
 author of the eleventh age, in the description he gives us of the 
 heretics of the Agenois, who " boast of leading the life of the 
 Apostles ; who say, they do not lie, they do not swear ; who 
 condemn the use of flesh and marriage ; who reject the Old 
 Testament, and receive a part only of the New ; and, what is 
 more terrible, admit tAvo Creators ; who say, the Sacrament of 
 the Altar is nothing but mere bread ; who despise baptism and 
 the resurrection of bodies. "| Are not these Manicheans in their 
 proper colors ? Now we descry no other characteristics in them 
 than in those of Toulouse and Alby, whose sect, we have seen, 
 extended itself into Gascony and the adjacent provinces. Agen 
 also had its particular doctors : but, be that as it will, the same 
 spirit is discernible every where, and all is of the same stamp. 
 43. — The same Heretics in England. 
 
 Thirty of these heretics of Gascony took shelter in England 
 in the year 1160. They were called Poplicans or Publicans. 
 But let us see what was their doctrine from Gulielmus Neo- 
 bridgensis, an historian near to those times, whose testimony 
 Spelman, a Protestant author, has inserted in the second volume 
 of his English Councils. J " These heretics," says he, " were 
 brought before the council held at Oxford. Girard, the only 
 person of any learning, answered well as to the substance of 
 the heavenly physician : but proceeding to the remedies he had 
 left us, they spoke very ill, abhorring baptism, the Eucharist and 
 marriage, and despising Catholic unity." Protestants put in the 
 catalogue of their ancestors these Gascoign heretics, for speak- 
 ing ill (in the sentiment of the English nation, then believing 
 the Real Presence) of the Eucharistic sacrament. § But they 
 ought to have considered, that these Poplicans stand accused, 
 not of denying the Real Presence, but of abhorring the Eucha- 
 
 * De vita sua, lib. iii.c. 16. f Rodul. Ard. Serm. in Dom. viii.postTrin. t.ii. 
 I Gul. Nes. Rer. Ang. lib. ii. c. 13. Cone. Oxou. t. ii. Cone. Ang. Cone. 
 Lab. t. X. An. 1160. § La Roq. Hist, de I'Euch. c. xviii. p. 460. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 67 
 
 rist, no less than baptism and marriage, — three visible charac- 
 teristics of Manicheism : nor do I hold these heretics wholly 
 justified as to the other points, under pretext that they did not 
 answer amiss ; for we have seen too much of the wiles of these 
 people ; and at best they would not the less be Manicheans for 
 mitigating some few errors of this sect. 
 
 44. — That the Poplicans, or Publicans^ are Manicheans. 
 Even the name of Publicans or Poplicans was a name of the 
 Manicheans, as is manifestly seen from the testimony of William 
 le Breton. This author, in the life of Philip Augustus, dedicated 
 to his eldest son Lewis, speaking of these heretics, vulgarly 
 called Poplicans, says, " that they rejected marriage ; accounted 
 it a crime to eat flesh ; and had other superstitions specified by 
 St. Paul in a few words : viz., in the first to Timothy."* 
 
 45. — The ministers make the Vaudois Manicheans, in making them Poplicans. 
 Our Reformed nevertheless think they do an honor to the 
 disciples of Waldo by ranking them amongst the Poplicans. 
 There needed no more to condemn the Vaudois. But I shall 
 take no advantage from this mistake : I shall leave to the Vau- 
 dois their particular heresies, it being enough for me here to 
 have shown the Poplicans convicted of Manicheism. "f 
 
 46. — The Manicheans of Ermengard. 
 I own, with the Protestants, that Ermengard's treatise ought 
 not to have been entitled, " against the Vaudois," as it was by 
 Gretser, for he speaks in no respect concerning these heretics ; 
 but the fact is, in Gretser's time, the general name of Vaudois 
 was given to all sects separate from Rome ever since the eleventh 
 or twelfth century down to Luther's days : which was the rea- 
 son that this author, publishing divers treatises against these 
 sects, gave them this common title, " against the Vaudois. "J 
 Yet he did not omit to preserve to each book the title he had 
 found in the manuscript. Now Ermengard or Ermengaud had 
 entitled his book thus : " A treatise against these Heretics, who 
 say it is the devil and not God, that created the world and all 
 things visible."§ He refutes in particular, chapter by chapter, 
 all the errors of these heretics, which are all those of Manicheism 
 so frequently noticed by us. || If they speak against the Eu- 
 charist, they speak no less against baptism ; if they reject the 
 worship of saints, and our other doctrinal points, they do no less 
 reject the creation, the incarnation, the law of Moses, marriage, 
 eating of flesh, and the resurrection ; so that to value themselves 
 on the authority of this sect, is placing their glory in infamy itself. 
 
 * Phil. lib. i. Duch. t. v. Hist, France, p. 102. t La Roque, p. 455. 
 I Aubert. La Roque. § Tom. x. Bib. PP. part. i. p. 1233. 
 
 I! Ibid. cap. xi. Ibid. xii. Ibid. xiii. Ibid. ci. i. ii. iii. vii. Ibid. v. xv. xvi. 
 
68 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 47. — ^n examination of the ^Authors loho treat of the Manicheans and Vaudois 
 
 is proceeded to. 
 
 I pass by many other witnesses which, after so many con- 
 vincing proofs, are no longer necessary ; but some there are 
 not to be omitted, for this reason, that they insensibly lead us to 
 the knowledge of the Vaudois. 
 
 48. — Proof from Manus that the Heretics of Montpellier are Manicheans. 
 
 In the first place, I produce Alanus, a famous monk of the 
 Cistercian order, and one of the first authors that wrote against 
 the Vaudois. He dedicated a treatise against the heretics of 
 his time to the Count of MontpelUer, his lord, and divided it 
 into two books. The first regards the heretics of his country. 
 To them he ascribes the two principles, the denial of Jesus 
 Christ's incarnation, and attributing to him a fantastical body, 
 and all the other points of Manicheism, against the law of Moses, 
 against the Resurrection, against the use of Flesh, and Mar- 
 riage ;* to which he adds some other things we had not as yet seen 
 in the Albigenses ; amongst others, the damnation of St. John 
 the Baptist, for having doubted of the coming of Jesus Christ, 
 for they took it for a doubt, in his holy precursor, what he caused 
 his disciples to say to our Saviour, " Art thou he that should 
 come 1" a most extravagant notion, but very conformable to 
 what Faustus, the Manichean, writes, as St. Austin testifies. 
 The other authors who wrote against these new Manicheans, 
 unanimously lay the same error to their charge. 
 
 49. — The same author distinguishes the Vaudois from the Manicheans. 
 
 In the second part of his work, Alanus treats concerning the 
 Vaudois, and there makes a list of their errors, which we shall 
 see in due place ; it suffices to observe here, that there is noth- 
 ing amongst them savoring of Manicheism, and that at first 
 sight, these two heresies are quite distinct. 
 
 50. — Peter of Vaucernay distinguishes very clearly these two sects, and shoios 
 the Albigenses are Manicheans. 
 
 That of Waldo was as yet a novelty. It took its rise at Lyons, 
 in the year 1160, and Alanus wrote in 1202, at the beginning of 
 the thirteenth century. A little after, and about the year 1209, 
 Peter of Vaucernay compiled his history of the Albigenses, 
 where, treating on the difl'erent sects and heresies of his time, 
 he begins with the Manicheans, and specifies their several par- 
 ties, Wherein are always to be seen some characteristics of those 
 above observed in Manicheism, although in some strained higher, 
 and in others more tempered, according to the fancy of these 
 heretics. I Be that as it will, the whole is bottomed on Mani- 
 
 * Alan. p. 31. Mat. xi. 3. Lib. v. cont. Faust, c. i. Ebrard. Antihser. 
 c. xiii. t. vi. Bib. PP. 1332. Ermeng. c. vi. ibid. 1339, &c. 
 
 t Hist. Albi. Pet. Mon. Val-Cern. cap. ii. t. v. Hist. Franc. Duchcsn. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 69 
 
 cheism, and this is the pecuUar characteristic of that heresy 
 which Vaucernay represents to us in the province of Narbonne, 
 namely, the heresy of the Albigenses, whose history he under- 
 takes. Nothing like this does he attribute to the other heretics 
 of whom he treats. " There were," says he, " other heretics, 
 called Vaudois, from a certain Waldius of Lyons. These doubt- 
 less were bad, but nothing in comparison with the first." Then 
 he observes, in a few words, four of their capital errors, and im- 
 mediately after returns to his Albigenses. But these errors of 
 the Vaudois are far remote from Manicheism, as will soon ap- 
 pear ; here, then, we have again the Albigenses and Yaudois, 
 two sects thoroughly distinct, and the last clear from any char- 
 acter of Manicheism. 
 
 51. — Peter of Vaucernay in his plain way has loell specified the characteristics 
 
 of the Manicheans. 
 
 The Protestants will have it that Peter of Vaucernay spoke 
 of the Albigensian heresy without well knowing what he said, on 
 account of his charging them with blasphemies which are not to 
 be found even in the Manicheans. But who can answer for all 
 the secrets and new inventions of this abominable sect? What 
 Peter of Vaucernay makes them speak regarding the two Jesuses, 
 whereof one was born in the visible and terrestrial Bethlehem, 
 the other in the celestial and invisible, is much of a piece with 
 the other extravagances of the Manicheans. This invisible Beth- 
 lehem does not ill suit with the supernatural Jerusalem, which 
 Peter of Sicily's Paulicians called the mother of God, whence 
 Jesus Christ proceeded.* Say what they will of the visible 
 Jesus, that he was not the true Christ, that he was accounted 
 evil by these heretics, I see nothing in all that more extravagant 
 than the other blasphemies of the Manicheans. We meet in 
 Renier with heretics holding something of the principles of the 
 Manicheans, and acknowledging a Christ, son of Joseph and 
 Mary, evil at first and a sinner, but afterwards turned good, and 
 the restorer of their sect."!" Certain it is these Manichean her- 
 etics were much addicted to change. Renier, one of their num- 
 ber, distinguishes the new from the ancient opinions, and observes 
 many novelties to have arisen amongs them in his time, and 
 since the year 1230. J Ignorance and extravagance seldom 
 hold long in the same state, and know no bounds in man. How- 
 ever it be, if hatred conceived against the Albigenses made men 
 charge them with Manicheism, or, if you please, something worse 
 than hatred ; whence proceeds that care they took to excuse the 
 Vaudois, since it cannot be supposed they were better loved than 
 those, or less declared enemies to the Church of Rome ] Yet 
 
 + Petr. Sic4 f I^en. cont. Wald. c. vi. t. iv. part ii. Bib. PP. p. 753. 
 
 X Ibid. 759. 
 
70 THE HISTORY OP [BOOK 
 
 we have already two authors very zealous for the Catholic doc- 
 trine, and very averse to the Vaudois, who carefully distinguish 
 them from the Manichean Albigenses. 
 
 52. — Distinction of the two sects by Ebrard of Bethune. 
 
 Here is also a third not less considerable. It is Ebrard, 
 native of Bethune, whose book, entitled " Anti-heresy," was 
 composed against the heretics of Flanders.* These heretics 
 were called Piples or Piphles, in the language of that country. 
 A Protestant author does not conjecture ill, imagining this word 
 Piphles to be a corruption from that of Pophcans ; and thence 
 it may be known that these Flemish heretics, like the Poplicans, 
 were perfect Manicheans, nevertheless good Protestants, if we 
 believe the Calvinists, and worthy to be their ancestors. But 
 not to dwell on the other name, we need but give ear to Ebrard, 
 an author of that country, in his description of these heretics. 
 The first characteristic which he gives them is, that they re- 
 jected the Law, and the God that gave it ; the rest is of the 
 same stamp, they not only despising marriage, but the use of 
 flesh meat, and the sacraments. | 
 
 53. — The Vaudois loell distinguished from the Manicheans. 
 
 After methodically digesting all he had to say against this 
 sect, he proceeds to speak against that of the Vaudois, which 
 he distinguishes, like the rest, from that of the new Manicheans ; 
 and this is the third witness we have to produce. J But here is 
 a fourth, of greater importance in this fact than all the rest. 
 
 54. — Testimony of Renier, who had been of the sect of Manicheans, in Italy, 
 
 seventeen years. 
 
 It is Renier, of the order of Dominican friars, from whom we 
 have already cited some passages. He wrote about the year 
 1250, or '54, and the title he gave his book was, " De Hsereticis," 
 " of Heretics," as he testifies in his preface. He styles himself 
 " Brother Renier, formerly an Heresiarch, and now a priest," 
 on account of his having been seventeen years among the Ca- 
 thari, as he twice acknowledges. § This author is well known 
 among the Protestants, who never cease boasting the fine de- 
 scription he has given of the manners of the Vaudois. He is 
 the more to be credited on the occasion, as he tells us both good 
 and bad with so grer.t sincerity. Now it cannot be alleged he 
 had not a competent knowledge of the several sects of his time. 
 He had been frequently present at the examination of heretics, 
 and there it was that the minutest differences were most nar- 
 rowly scanned of so many obscure and cunning sects, where- 
 with Christendom, at that time, was overrun. Many of them 
 
 + Bib. PP. p. 1075. Pet de Val-cern. Ibid. c. ii. La Roq. p. 454. 
 t Ibid. c. i. ii. iii. et seq. J Cap. 25. § Ren. cont. Wal. t. iv. Bib. PP. part 
 u. p. 746. Pref. Ibid. pp. 746, 756, 757. Ibid. c. vii. p. 765. Ibid. c. iii. p. 748. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 71 
 
 were converted, and disclosed all the mysteries of the sect, 
 which had been so carefully concealed. A thorough knowledge 
 of the distemper is half the cure. Over and above this, Renier 
 applied his study to the reading of heretical books, as of that 
 great volume of John of Lyons,* a leading man amongst the 
 new Manicheans, and from thence extracted the articles of his 
 doctrine which he reports. No wonder, then, this author has 
 given us a more exact account than any other, of the differences 
 in his contemporary sects. 
 
 55. — He distinguishes them very clearly from the Vaudois. — The Characteristics 
 of Manicheism in the Cathari. 
 
 The first he instances in is that of the " poor men" of Lyons, 
 descended from Peter Waldo, all whose dogmas he sets down 
 even to the nicest minutiae. All therein is far remote from 
 Manicheism, as we shall see hereafter. Thence he proceeds 
 to the other sects of the Manichean race ; and comes at length 
 to the Cathari, whose secrets he was entirely acquainted with ;| 
 for besides his having been, as already observed, seventeen years 
 amongst them, and thoroughly initiated in the sect, he had heard 
 their greatest doctors preach, and amongst others, one called 
 Nazarius, the most ancient of them all, who boasted of having 
 been formed, sixty years before, under the discipline of the two 
 chief pastors of the Bulgarian Church. However, observe this 
 extraction always from Bulgaria. It was from thence the Ca- 
 thari of Italy, amongst whom Renier dwelt, derived their au- 
 thority ; and as he had been conversant amongst them so many 
 years, it is not to be wondered that he has explained more 
 accurately, and more minutely, their errors, their sacraments, 
 their ceremonies, the different parties formed amongst them, 
 with the affinities as well as the diversities of one from the other. 
 In him, every where are to be seen very clearly the principles, 
 the impieties, and the whole spirit of Manicheism. The dis- 
 tinction of the Elect and Auditors, a particular characteristic of 
 the sect, frequent in St. Austin and other authors, is found here 
 distinguished under another name. We learn from Renier, that 
 these heretics, besides the Cathari or Pure, the most consum- 
 mate of the sect, had also another class which they called " their 
 Behevers," made up of all sorts of people. J These were not 
 admitted to all the mysteries ; and the same Renier relates that 
 the number of the perfect Cathari, in his time, when the sect 
 was weakened, " did not exceed four thousand in all Christen- 
 dom ;" but "that the believers were innumerable ; a computation,'* 
 says he, " which several times has been made amongst them."§ 
 
 * Ren. Ibid. c. vi. pp. 762, 763. f Ibid, c v. p. 749, et seq. Ibid. c. vl 
 
 pp. 753, 754, 755, 756. % Ibid. p. 756. § Ibid. p. 759. 
 
72 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 56. — A remarkable list of the Manichean Churches. — TheMbigenses comprised 
 in it. — All of them descended from Bulgaria. 
 
 Amongst the Sacraments of these heretics, their imposition 
 of hands, in order to remit sins, is chiefly to be observed ; they 
 called it consolation ; it served both instead of baptism and 
 penance. You see it in the above Council of Orleans, in 
 Ecbert, in Enervin, and in Ermengard. Renier gives the best 
 account of it, as an adept in the mysteries of the sect.* But 
 the most remarkable thing in Renier's book is the exact list of 
 the Churches of the Cathari, and his account of the state they 
 were in at his time. They counted sixteen in all, and amongst 
 the rest he reckons the Church of France, the Church of Tou- 
 louse, the Church of Cahors, the Church of Alby, and in fine, 
 the Church of Bulgaria, and the Church of Drunganicia, 
 " whence," says he, "sprung all the rest." This considered, I 
 see not how the Manicheism of the Albigenses can be called in 
 question, nor their descent from the Manicheans of Bulgaria. 
 The reader has but to call to mind the two orders of Bulgaria 
 and Drungaria, mentioned by Vignier's author, and which united 
 themselves in Lombardy. I repeat once more that there is no 
 necessity of searching what this Drungaria can be. These 
 obscure heretics often took their name from unknown places. 
 Renier tells us of Runcarians, a Manichean sect of his time, 
 whose name was taken from a village. "j" Who knows but this 
 word, Runcarians, was a corruption of Druncarians ? 
 
 We find in the same author, and elsewhere, so many different 
 names of these heretics, that it were labor lost to inquire into 
 their origin. Patarians, Poplicans, Toulousians, Albigenses, 
 Cathari, were, under different names, and often with some diver- 
 sity in sect, Manicheans, all of Bulgarian descent ; whence also 
 they took the name most in use among the vulgar. 
 
 57. — Tlie same origin proved from Mattheio Paris. — The Pope of the Albi- 
 genses in Bulgaria. 
 
 So certain is this origin, that we find it acknowledged even 
 in the thirteenth century. *' At this time," says Matthew Paris, 
 (viz. in the year 1223,) " the Albigensian heretics made them- 
 selves an Antipope, called Bartholomew, in the confines of Bul- 
 garia, Croatia, and Dalmatia."J It appears afterwards, that the 
 Albigenses went in crowds to consult him ; that he had a vicar 
 at Carcassonne and Toulouse, and despatched his Bishops far 
 and near ; which comes up manifestly to what was said by 
 Enervin, that these heretics had their Pope ; although the same 
 author informs us that all did not own him. And that no doubt 
 
 * T. ix. Cone. Ecb. Ron. c. xiv. t. vi. Bib. PP. part 1. p. 1254. Ibid. 759. 
 t Ren. c. xiv. pp. 753, 756. J Mat. Paris in Henr. Ill, An. 1223, p. 
 
 317. Ep. Enerv. ad S. Bernard. Anal. MabiU. iii. Ibid. 1234. An. p. 395. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 73 
 
 might remain as to the eiTor of the Albigenses, mentioned by 
 Matthew Paris ; the same author assures us, " the Albigenses 
 of Spain," that took up arms in 1234, amongst many other 
 errors, " particularly denied the mystery of the incarnation." 
 
 58. — The great hypocrisy of these Heretics from Enet^in. 
 Notwithstanding such great impieties, the outward appearance 
 of these heretics was surprismg. Enervin introduces them, 
 speaking in these terms : — " You, for your part," said they to 
 the Catholics, "join house to house, and field to field : the most 
 perfect amongst you, as the monks and canons regular, if they 
 possess no goods in property, have them at least in common. 
 We, the poor of Jesus Christ, without repose, without settled 
 habitations, wander from town to town like sheep in the midst 
 of wolves, andi suffer persecution like the martyrs and apostles."* 
 They boasted next of their abstinence, their fasts, the narrow 
 w^ay they walked in, and called themselves the only followers 
 of the apostolic life, for that, contented with necessaries, they 
 had neither house, nor land, nor riches, " for this reason," said 
 they, " because Jesus Christ neither had, nor possessed the 
 like things, nor suffered his disciples to possess them." 
 
 59. — And from St. Bernard. — Coniformity of their discourse with that ofFaustus 
 the Manichean, in St. Austin. 
 
 According to St. Bernard, there was " nothing more Chris- 
 tian in appearance" than their speech, nothing more blameless 
 than their manners. Therefore they called themselves the Apos- 
 tohc, and boasted of leading the lives of the apostles. Methinks, 
 I hear over again Faustus the Manichean, who, in St. Austin, 
 thus speaks to Catholics : — " You ask me whether I receive 
 the gospel 1 you see I do, inasmuch as I observe what the gos- 
 pel prescribes : of you I ought to ask whether you receive it, 
 since I see no mark of it in your lives. For my part, I have 
 forsaken father, mother, wife and children, gold, silver, meat, 
 drink, delights, pleasures ; content with having what is suffi- 
 cient for life from day to day. I am poor, I am peaceable, I 
 weep, I suffer hunger and thirst, I am persecuted for justice 
 sake, and do you question whether I receive the gospel?" j* Af- 
 ter this, must persecutions be still taken for a mark of the true 
 Church and true piety ? it is the language of Manicheans. 
 60. — Their hypocrisy confounded by St. Austin and St. Bernard. 
 
 But St. Austin and St. Bernard show them that their virtue 
 was nothing but vain ostentation. To carry the abstinence 
 from meats so far as to say that they are unclean and evil in 
 their nature, and continence, even to the condemnation of mar- 
 riage, is, on the one hand, to attack the Creator, and on the 
 
 * Enervin, Anal. iii. p. 454. f Serm. 65. Serm. 66. L. v. cont Faust, c. i. 
 VOL. n. 7 
 
74 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 other, loosing the reins to evil desires by leaving them abso- 
 lutely without a remedy.* Never believe any good of those 
 who run virtue to extremes. The depravation of their minds 
 venting itself in such extravagance of speech, introduces into 
 their lives disorders without end. 
 
 61. — The infamy of the Heretics and chiefly of the Patarians. 
 St. Austin informs us that these people, who debarred them- 
 selves of marriage, allowed liberty for every thing else. What, 
 according to their principles, they had an abhorrence of, (I am 
 ashamed to be forced to repeat it,) was properly conception ; 
 whence it appears what an inlet was opened to the abominations 
 whereof the old and new Manicheans stand convicted. But, as 
 among the different sects of these new Manicheans there were 
 degrees of weakness, the most infamous of all were those called 
 Patarians ; which I the more willingly take notice of, by reason 
 that our Reformed, who place them expressly amongst the Vau- 
 dois, glory in descending from them."! 
 
 62. — Doctrine of these Heretics, that the effect of the Sacraments depends on the 
 sanctity of the Ministers. 
 
 Those that make the greatest ostentation of their virtue and 
 the purity of their lives, generally speaking, are the most cor- 
 rupt. It may have been observed how these impure Manicheans 
 prided themselves, at their beginning, and through the whole 
 progress of the sect, in a virtue more severe than that of others ; 
 and with the view of enhancing their own merit, said that the 
 sacraments and mysteries lost their efficacy in impure hands. 
 It is necessary to take good notice of this part of their doctrine, 
 which we have seen in Enervin, in St. Bernard, and in the 
 Council of Lombez. Wherefore Renier repeats twice, that this 
 imposition of hands, by them called Consolation, and wherein 
 they placed the remission of sins, was unprofitable to the re- 
 ceiver, if the giver of it were in sin, though hidden. J Their 
 manner of accounting for this doctrine, according to Ermengard, 
 was because a person having lost the Holy Ghost, is no longer 
 empowered to give it ; which was the very reason alleged by 
 the Donatists of old. 
 
 63. — They condemn all Oaths and Punishment of Crimes. 
 
 It was moreover for show of Sanctity and to raise themselves 
 above others, that they said, a Christian ought never to affirm 
 the truth by oath for what cause soever, not even in a court of 
 judicature, and that it was unlawful to put any one to death, 
 however criminal. The Vaudois, as we shall see, borrowed 
 
 * Bern. Serm. 66, in Cant, 
 t Aug. Ren. c. xvi, Ebrard. c. 26. T. iv. Bib. PP. parti, p. 1178. Ren. c. 
 vi. T. iv. Bib. PP. part ii. p. 753. La Roq. Hist, de I'Euc. part ii. c. 18. p. 445. 
 I Ren. c. vi. Ibid. pp. 756, 759. Erm. c. xiv. de imp. Man. Bib. PP. p. 1254. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 75 
 
 from them all these extravagant maxims and all this vain ex- 
 terior of piety."* 
 
 Such were the Albigenses by the testimony of all their con- 
 temporary authors, not one excepted. The Protestants blush 
 for them ; and all they can answer is, that these excesses, these 
 errors, and all these disorders of the Albigenses, are the cal- 
 umnies of their enemies. But have they so much as one proof 
 for what they advance, or even one author of those times, and 
 for more than four "hundred years after, to support them in it ? 
 For our parts, we produce as many witnesses as have been au- 
 thors in the whole universe who have treated of this sect. Those 
 that were educated in their principles have revealed to us their 
 abominable secrets after their conversion. We trace up the 
 damnable sect even to its source ; we show whence it came, 
 which way it steered its course, all its characteristics, and its 
 whole pedigree branching from the Manichean root. They op- 
 pose against us conjectures ; nay, what conjectures 1 We shall 
 take a view of them, for I mean to produce here those that carry 
 the best appearance. 
 
 65. — Examination of Peter de Bruises doctrine — the Minister's objection taken 
 
 from Peter of Cluny. 
 
 The greatest effort of our adversaries is in order to justify 
 Peter de Bruis and his disciple Henry. St. Bernard, say they, 
 accuses them of condemning meats and marriage. But Peter 
 the Venerable, Abbot of Cluny, who, much about that time, re- 
 futed Peter de Bruis, speaks nothing of these errors, and ac- 
 cuses him of five only : of denying infant baptism ; of condemn- 
 ing hallowed churches ; of breaking crosses, instead of venerating 
 them ; of rejecting the Eucharist ; of ridiculing oblations and 
 prayers for the dead."!" St. Bernard avers that this heretic and 
 his followers " received only the Gospel." But Peter the Ven- 
 erable, speaks doubtingly of it. " Fame," says he, " has pub- 
 lished that you do not wholly believe either in Jesus Christ, or 
 the Prophets, or the Apostles ; but reports, frequently deceitful, 
 are not to be lightly credited, there being some even that say, 
 you reject the whole Canon of the Scriptures. "J Whereupon 
 he adds : " I will not blame you for what is uncertain." Here 
 Protestants commend the prudence of Peter the Venerable, and 
 blame St. Bernard's credulity, as one too easily assenting to 
 confuted reports. 
 
 66. — Peter de Bnds's doctrine according to Peter of Cluny, 
 
 But, in the first place, to take only what the Abbot of Cluny 
 reproves as certain in this heretic, there is more than enough to 
 
 * Bern. Serm. 66, in Cant. Ebrard. c. xiv. xv. Erm. c. xviii. xix. Bib. 
 PP. pp. 1134, 1136, 1260, 1261. f Petr. Ven. con. Petrobr. X Petr. Ven. 
 T. xxii. Bib. Max. p. 1034. Sermon 65, in Cant. Peter Ven. Ibid. p. 1037. 
 
76 THE HISTORY OP [BOOK 
 
 condemn him. Calvin* has numbered amongst blasphemies 
 the doctrine condemning infant baptism. The denying it, with 
 Peter de Bruis and his disciple Henry, was refusing salvation 
 to the most innocent age of man ; it was saying, that for so 
 many ages, during which scarce any were baptized but children, 
 there had been no baptism in the world, no sacrament, no church, 
 no Christians. It is what excited horror in the Abbot of Cluny. 
 The rest of Peter de Bruis's errors, refuted by this venerable 
 author, are not less insupportable. Let us give ear to what he 
 is reproached with in regard of the Eucharist by this holy abbot, 
 who hath just declared to us, that he will object nothing to him 
 but what is certain. " He denies," says he, " that the body and 
 blood of Jesus Christ can be made by virtue of the divine word 
 and ministry of the priest, and avers, that all that is done at the 
 altar is unprofitable."! This is not only denying the truth of 
 the body and blood, but, like the Manicheans, rejecting abso- 
 lutely the Eucharist. For which reason the holy abbot subjoins 
 a little after, " Were your heresy contained within the bounds of 
 that of Berengarius, who, in denying the truth of the body, did 
 not deny the sacrament or the appearance and figure of it, I 
 would refer you to the authors that have refuted him. But," 
 proceeds he, a little after, " you add error to error, heresy to 
 heresy; and not only deny the truth of the flesh and blood of Jesus 
 Christ, but their sacrament, their figure, and their appearance, 
 and so leave God's people without a sacrifice." 
 
 67. — St. Bernard as circumspect as Peter of Cluny, 
 As for the errors of which this holy abbot does not speak, and 
 those he doubts of, it is easy to comprehend that the reason of 
 this was, their not being as yet sufficiently proved, nor all the 
 secrets of a sect, which had so many windings and turnings, 
 thoroughly disclosed at the beginning. They came to light by 
 degrees ; and Peter the Venerable, assures us himself, that 
 Henry, the disciple of Bruis, had added a great deal to the five 
 chapters condemned in his master. J He had by him the writing 
 wherein all this heresiarch's new en*ors were collected from his 
 own mouth. But this holy abbot waited, before he refuted them, 
 for still further assurance. St. Bernard, who had beheld these 
 heretics at close view, knew more of them than Peter the 
 Venerable, who wrote only from report ; nor did he know all, 
 and for that reason would not venture to call them complete 
 Manicheans ;§ for he was not less circumspect than Peter the 
 Venerable, to impute nothing to them but what was certain. 
 Accordingly, observe how he speaks of their impurities : " Men 
 say, they do shameful things in private." |1 " Men say," imphes, 
 
 * Opusc. cont. servet. f Bib. Mex. p. 107. J Ep. ad Episcop. Arelat. &c. 
 Ante Epist. contra Petrob. Bib. Max. p. 1034. § Sermon 66. jl Ibid. 65. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 77 
 
 he had not as yet a full assurance of them, for which reason he 
 durst not speak positively. Those who knew them, have spoken 
 of them ; but this circumspection of St. Bernard shows us 
 clearly the certainty of that which he objects to them. 
 
 68. — Jlnsioer to the objection regarding the credulity of St. Bernard. 
 But, say they, he was credulous, and Otho of Frisingen, an 
 author of the time, has reproached him with it. We must still 
 hear this conjecture, which Protestants lay so much stress on. 
 It is true, Otho of Frisingen finds St. Bernard too credulous, 
 because he caused the manifest errors of Gilbert of Poiree, 
 Bishop of Poictiers, to be condemned, whom his disciple Otho 
 endeavored to excuse. This reproach of Otho is then an ex- 
 cuse, which a fond disciple draws up for his master. Let us 
 see, however, in what he makes the credulity of St. Bernard to 
 consist. " This abbot," said Otho, " both by the fei-vor of his 
 faith, and by his natural goodness, had a little too much cre- 
 dulity ; so that the doctors, who trusted too much to human 
 reason, and to the wisdom of the age, became suspected by 
 him ; and if it was mentioned to him, that their doctrine was 
 not altogether conformable to the faith, he easily beheved it."* 
 Was he wrong? Unquestionably not; and experience suf- 
 ficiently shows that Peter Abelard, who became suspected by 
 him in consequence of this ; and Gilbert, who explained the 
 Trinity rather according to the topics of Aristotle than according 
 to tradition and the rule of faith, strayed from the right path, 
 since their errors, condemned in the councils, are equally con- 
 demned by Catholics and Protestants. 
 
 69. — St. Bernard imputes nothing, of which he is not certain, to Peter de Bniis 
 and Henry, the seducers of the Toulousians. 
 
 Let us not then here arraign the credulity of St. Bernard. 
 If he have represented to us Henry, the disciple of Peter de 
 Bruis, and the seducer of the Toulousians, as the most wicked 
 and the most hypocritical of all men, all writers of the time 
 have passed the same judgment on him. The errors which he 
 attributes to the disciples of these heretics have been acknowl- 
 edged and discovered by themselves more and more every day, 
 as the sequel of this history will show. It was not without 
 reason that St. Bernard imputed to them those which we find 
 in his sermons. " I wish," said he, " to recount to you their 
 extravagances, which we have ascertained, either by the answers 
 which they have given, without intending it, to CathoUcs, or by 
 the mutual reproaches, which their divisions have caused to 
 burst forth, or by the things which they did, after having been 
 converted." Thus, then, those extravagances were discovered, 
 which St. Bernard subsequently calls blasphemies. When there 
 * Albert. La Roq. Otho. Fris in Frid. c. 46, 47. 
 
 VOL. II. 7* 
 
78 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 was nothing else in the Henricans, but their blind attachment 
 for those women, whom they kept in their company, as St. 
 Bernard states, and with whom they spent their lives, shut up 
 in the same room night and day, that were sufficient for their 
 being held in detestation. However, the matter was so pubhc, 
 that St. Bernard wished that they should be known by this mark. 
 " Tell me," said he to them, " my friend, what woman is this ? 
 Is she your wife?" — " No," say they, " that suits not my pro- 
 fession." " Is she your daughter, your sister, your niece ?" — 
 " No ; she is no way related to me." — " But do you know that 
 it is not allowed, according to the laws of the Church, to those 
 who have professed continence, to cohabit with women ] Put 
 her away, then, if you wish not to scandalize the Church ; other- 
 wise, this fact, which is manifest, will make us suspect the rest, 
 which is not so much so." He was not too credulous in this 
 suspicion, and the turpitude of these pretendedly chaste indi- 
 viduals has since been disclosed to the entire world. 
 
 70, — Conclusion. 
 Whence comes it then, that Protestants undertake the defence 
 of these wicked men 1 The reason is too obvious. It is their 
 ambition to procure themselves predecessors. They find none 
 others who reject the worship of the cross, the prayers of the 
 saints, and oblations for the dead. They are annoyed at finding 
 the commencement of their reformation only among the Mani- 
 cheans. Because they grumble against the Pope and the Church 
 of Rome, the reformation is well disposed in their favor. The 
 Catholics of that time reproach them with their bad notions 
 concerning the Eucharist. Our Protestants would have been 
 glad if they had been but mere Berengarians, displeased with 
 the Eucharist in part, not Manicheans, averse to it in the whole. 
 But though it had been so, these reformed, whom you will have 
 your brethren, concealed their doctrine, " frequented our churches, 
 honored priests, went to the oblation ; confessed their sins, com- 
 municated, received with us," continues St. Bernard, " the body 
 and blood of Jesus Christ."* Behold them, therefore, in our 
 assemblies, which in their hearts they detested as the conventi- 
 cles of Satan ; present at mass, which, in their error, they ac- 
 counted an idolatry and sacrilege ; and, in short, practising the 
 usages of the Church of Rome, which they believed was the 
 kingdom of Antichrist. Are these the disciples of Him, who 
 commanded his gospel to be preached on the house-tops 1 Are 
 these the children of light ? Are these the works which shine 
 forth before men, or rather such as should be hid in darkness ? 
 In a word, are these fit fathers for the Reformation to choose 
 and boast of? 
 
 * Sermon 65, in Cant. Ecbert. Ren, 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 79 
 
 A HISTORY OF THE VAUDOIS. 
 
 71. — Beginning of the Vaiulois, or Poor Men of Lyons. 
 
 The Vaudois serve them no better with regard to establishing 
 a legitimate succession. Their name is derived from Waldo, 
 the author of the sect. Lyons was the place of their nativity. 
 They were called the " poor men" of Lyons, on account of the 
 poverty affected by them ; and as the city of Lyons was then 
 called, in Latin, Leona, they had also the appellation of Leon- 
 ists, or Lionists. 
 
 72. — The names of the Sect. 
 
 They were also called the Insabbatized, from an ancient word 
 signifying shoes, whence have proceeded other words of a like 
 signification, still in use in several other languages as well as 
 ours.* They took, therefore, the name of the Insabbatized from 
 a sort of shoes of a particular make, which they cut in the upper 
 part, to show their feet naked like the Apostles, as they said ; 
 and this fashion was affected by them in token of their apostolic 
 poverty. 
 
 73. — Their History bipartite. — Their beginnings specious. 
 
 Now, here is an abridgment of their history. At their first 
 separation, they held but few tenets contrary to ours, if any at 
 all. In the year 1160, Peter Waldo, a merchant of Lyons, at a 
 meeting held, as was customary, with the other rich traders of 
 the town, was so lively struck with the sudden death of one of 
 the most eminent amongst them, that he immediately distributed 
 all his means, which were considerable, to the poor of that city ; 
 and having, on that account, gathered a great number of them, 
 he preached to them voluntary poverty, and the imitation of the 
 life of Jesus Christ and his Apostles. This is what Renier says, 
 whom the Protestants, pleased with the encomiums we shall 
 find he bestows on the Vaudois, will have us believe in this mat- 
 ter preferably to all other authors.! But we are going to see, 
 what misguided piety can arrive to. Peter Pylicdorf, who be- 
 held the Yaudois in their most flourishing condition, and related, 
 not only their dogmas, but deportment too, with much simpli- 
 city and learning, says, that Waldo, moved with those words of 
 the gospel so highly favorable to poverty, believed the apostolic 
 life was no longer to be found on earth. Bent on restoring it, 
 he sold all he had. " Others, touched with compunction, did 
 the same," and united together in this undertaking. J At the 
 first rise of this obscure and timorous sect, either they had none, 
 or did not publish any particular tenet ; which was the reason 
 that Ebrard of Bethune remarks nothing singular in them but 
 
 * Ebrard. Ibid. c. 25. Conrad. Ursper. Chron. ad An. 1212. 
 t Ren. c. V. p. 749. | Lib. cont. Wal. c. i. T. iv. Bib. PP. part ii. p. 779. 
 
80 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 the affectation of a proud and lazy poverty.* One might see 
 these Insabbatized or Sabbatized, so he calls them, with their 
 naked feet, or rather with " their shoes cut open" at top, waiting 
 for rims, and living only on what was given them."]" Nothing 
 was blamed in them, at first, but ostentation, and, without rank- 
 ing them as yet amongst heretics, they were reproached only 
 with imitating their pride. J But let us hear the sequel of their 
 history : " After living awhile in this pretended apostolic pov- 
 erty, they bethought themselves that the Apostles were not only 
 poor, but also preached the gospel." § They set themselves, 
 therefore, to preach, according to their example, that they might 
 wholly imitate the apostolic life. But the apostles were sent ; 
 and these men, whose ignorance rendered them incapable of 
 such mission, were excluded by the prelates, and lastly, by the 
 Holy See, from a ministry which they had usurped without their 
 leave. Nevertheless, they continued it in private, and mur- 
 mured against the clergy, that hindered them from preaching, 
 as they said, through jealousy, and on account that their doc- 
 trine and holy life cast a reproach on the corrupt manners of 
 the other. II 
 
 74. — Whether Waldo were a man of learning. 
 Some Protestants have asserted, that Waldo was a man of 
 learning ; but Renier says only, " he had a small tincture of it ;'* 
 aliqiianlulmn liter atus.yi Other Protestants, on the contrary, take 
 advantage from the great success he had in his ignorance. But 
 it is but too well known, what a dexterity often may be met with 
 in the minds of the most ignorant men, to attract to them those 
 tliat are alike disposed, and Waldo seduced none but such. 
 
 75. — The Vaudois condemned by Lucius III. 
 This sect, in a little time, made a great progress. Bernard, 
 abbot of Fontcauld, who saw their beginnings, remarks their 
 increase under Pope Lucius III.** This Pope's pontificate 
 commences in 1181, to wit, twenty years after Waldo had ap- 
 peared at Lyons. Twenty years at least were requisite to make 
 a body and so considerable a sect as to deserve notice. At that 
 time, therefore, Lucius III condemned them ; and as his pon- 
 tificate held but four years, this first condemnation of the Vau- 
 dois must have fallen between the year 1181, when this Pope 
 was raised to St. Peter's chair, and the year 1185, wherein he 
 died. 
 
 76. — They come to Rome. — They are not accused of any thing in respect to the 
 
 Real Presence. 
 
 Conrade, abbot of Ursperg, thoroughly acquainted, as we 
 
 * Antih. c. 25. Bib. Max., 1168. f Ibid. 
 
 i Bib. p. 1170. § Pylicd. ib. || Pylicd. ib. Ren. ib. IF Ren. c. vL 
 
 *+ Bern. Abb. Fontiscal. adv. Wald. Sect. T. iv. Bib. PP. Pr«f. p. 1195. 
 
XI J THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 81 
 
 shall find, with the Yaudois, has written, that Pope Lucius placed 
 them in the number of heretics, on account of some dogmas 
 and superstitious observances. As yet these dogmas are not 
 specified ; but there is no question, that, i-f the Vaudois had 
 denied such remarkable points as that of the Real Presence (a 
 matter become so notorious by Berengarius's condemnation,) 
 it had not been thought sufficient to say in general, they held 
 *' some superstitious dogmas."* 
 
 77. — Another proof that their errors did not regard the Eucharist. 
 Much about the same time, in the year 1194, a statute of Al- 
 phonsus or Ildephonsus, King of Arragon, reckons the Vaudois 
 or Insabbatized, otherwise the poor men of Lyons, amongst 
 heretics anathematized by the Church, and this is manifestly in 
 consequence of the sentence pronounced by Lucius III. After 
 this Pope's death. When in spite of his decree these heretics 
 spread themselves far and near, and Bernard, Archbishop of 
 Narbonne, who condemned them anew after a great inquest, 
 could not stem the current of their progi'ess, many pious persons, 
 Ecclesiastics and others, procured a conference, in order to 
 reclaim them in an amicable manner. " Both sides agreed to 
 choose for umpire" in the conference, a holy priest called Rai- 
 mond of Daventry, " a man illustrious for birth, but much more 
 so for the holiness of his life." The assembly was very solemn, 
 " and the dispute held long." Such passages of Scripture, as 
 each party grounded itself on, were produced on both sides. 
 The Vaudois were condemned, and declared heretics in regard 
 to all the heads of accusation, "f 
 
 78. — Proof of the same truth by a famous Conference, wherein all points were 
 
 discussed. 
 Thence it appears that the Vaudois, though condemned, had 
 not as yet broken all measures with the Church of Rome, inas- 
 much as they had agreed to the umpirage of a Catholic and a 
 priest. The Abbot of Fontcauld, present at the conference, did 
 commit to writing, with much judgment and perspicuity, the de- 
 bated points, and the passages alleged on both sides : so that 
 nothing can give us a clearer insight into the whole state of the 
 question, such as it then was, and at the beginning of the sect. 
 79. — Articles of the Conference. 
 The dispute chiefly turned on the obedience due to pastors. 
 It is plain, the Vaudois refused it, and, notwithstanding all their 
 prohibitions, believed they had a right to preach, both men and 
 women. As this disobedience could be grounded on nothing 
 else but the pastor's unwortliiness, the Catholics, in proving the 
 
 * Chron. ad An. 1212. + Apud Em. p. ii. direct, inq. q. xiv. p. 287, et 
 
 apud Mai-ian. Praef. in Luc. Trid. t. iv. Bib. PP. ii. p. ii. p. 582. Bern, de 
 Font. Cal. adversus WaL Sect, in Pitef. t. iv. Bib. PP. p. iii. p. 1195. 
 
82 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 obedience due to them, prove it is due even to the wicked, and 
 that grace, be its channel what it will, never ceases to diffuse 
 itself on the faithful.* For the same reason they showed, that 
 slandering of pastors (whence was taken the pretext of disobe- 
 dience) was forbidden by the laws of God.^ Then they attack 
 the liberty, which laymen gave themselves, of preaching with- 
 out the pastors' leave, nay, in spite of their prohibitions, and 
 show, that this seditious preaching tends to the subversion of 
 the weak and ignorant. J Above all, they prove from the Scrip- 
 ture, § that women, to whom silence is enjoined, ought not to 
 interfere in teaching. || Lastly, it is remonstrated to the Yau- 
 dois, how much they are in the wrong, to reject prayer for the 
 dead, so well grounded in Scripture, and so evidently handed 
 down by tradition : and, whereas, these heretics absented them- 
 selves from the churches, in order to pray apart in their houses, 
 they are made sensible, that they ought not to abandon the house 
 of prayer, whose sanctity the whole Scripture and the Son of 
 God himself had so much recommended. 
 
 80. — The Eucharist is not there spoken of. 
 
 Without examining here which side was right or wrong in this 
 debate, it is plain, what was the ground of it, and which were 
 the points contested ; and it is more clear than day, that in these 
 beginnings, far from bringing the Real Presence, transubstan- 
 tiation, or the sacraments into question, they did not as yet so 
 much as mention praying to saints, nor rehcs, nor images. 
 
 81. — Jllanus, who makes a list of the errors of the Vaudois, objects nothing 
 concerning the Eucharist, 
 
 It was nearly about this time, that Alanus wrote the book 
 above mentioned ; wherein, after carefully distinguishing the 
 Vaudois from the other heretics of his time, he undertakes to 
 prove, in opposition to their doctrine, " That none ought to 
 preach without mission ; that prelates should be obeyed, and 
 not only good, but also evil ones ; that their bad lives derogate 
 not from their power ; that it is to the sacred order we ought 
 to attribute the power of consecrating and that of binding and 
 loosing, and not to personal merit ; that we ought to confess 
 to priests, and not to laymen ; that it is lawful to swear in cer- 
 tain cases, and to execute malefactors. "IT This is much what 
 he opposes to the errors of the Yaudois. Had they erred in 
 relation to the Eucharist, Alanus would not have forgotten it, 
 the very thing he was so mindful to reproach the Albigenses 
 with, against whom he undertakes to prove both the Real Pres- 
 ence and transubstantiation ; and after reproving so many things 
 
 * c. 1, 2. t lb. c. 3. t lb. c. 4, et seq. § lb. c. 7. || lb. c. 8. c 9. 
 II Alan. lib. ii. p. 175, et seq. Lib. i. p. 118, et seq. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 83 
 
 of less importance in the Yaudois, he would never have omitted 
 so essential a point. 
 
 82. — J^or Peter de Vaucernay. 
 
 A Uttle after Alanus's time, and about the year 1201, Peter 
 de Vaucernay, a plain downright man, and of unquestionable 
 sincerity, distinguishes the Vaudois from the Albigenses by their 
 proper characters, when he tells us, " the Vaudois were bad, but 
 much less so than these other heretics," who admitted the two 
 principles, and all the consequences of that damnable doctrine.* 
 " Not to mention," proceeds the author, " their other infideli- 
 ties ; their error chiefly consisted in four heads : viz., their 
 wealing sandals in imitation of the Apostles ; their saying it was 
 not lawful to swear for any cause whatsoever ; nor to put to 
 death, even malefactors ; lastly, in that they said that each one 
 of them, though but mere laymen, provided he wore sandals, 
 (namely, as above seen, the mark of apostolic poverty,) might 
 consecrate the body of Jesus Christ." Here are in reality the 
 specific characters that denote the true spirit of the Vaudois ; 
 the affectation of poverty in the sandals which were the badge 
 of it ; simplicity and apparent meekness in rejecting all oaths 
 and capital punishments, and, what was more peculiar to this 
 sect, the belief that the laity, provided they had embraced their 
 pretended apostolic poverty and bore its badge, that is, provided 
 they were of their sect, might administer and consecrate the 
 Sacraments, even the body of Jesus Christ. The rest, as their 
 doctrine concerning prayer for the dead, was comprised in the 
 other infidelities of these heretics, which this author forbears to 
 particularize. Yet, had they risen up against the Real Pres- 
 ence, since the disturbance this matter had caused in the Church, 
 not only this religious would not have forgotten it, but had been 
 far from saying, " they consecrated the body of Jesus Christ," 
 thereby making them not to differ from Catholics in this point, 
 except their attributing to laymen that power, which Catholics 
 acknowledged only in the priesthood. 
 
 83. — The Vaudois come to demand the approbation of Innocent III. 
 
 It appears then manifestly, that the Yaudois in 1209, at the 
 time of Peter de Yaucernay's writings, had not so much as 
 thought of denying the Real Presence, but retained so much 
 either true or apparent submission to the Church of Rome, that 
 even in 1212, they came to Rome, in order to obtain " the appro- 
 bation of their sect from the Holy See." It was then that Con- 
 rade. Abbot of Ursperg,"f saw them there, as he himself reports, 
 with their" master Bernard. They may be discovered by the 
 characters given them by this chronicler : they were " the poor 
 
 * Pet. de Val.-Cern. Hist. Albig. c. 2. Duch. Hist. Fran, t v. p. 575. 
 ■f Conr. Ursperg. ad An. 1212. 
 
84 THE HISTORY OP [BOOK 
 
 men of Lyons, those whom Lucius III had put in the list of 
 heretics," who made themselves remarkable by the affectation 
 " of apostolic poverty, with their shoes cut open at top ;" who 
 in " their private preaching and clandestine assemblies reviled 
 the Church and Priesthood." The Pope judged the affectation 
 was very odd which they discovered " in these cut shoes, and 
 in their capuches, like those of the religious, though, contrary 
 to their custom, they wore a long head of hair like laymen." 
 And truly, these strange affectations most commonly cover 
 something bad ; but especially men took offence at the liberty 
 these new apostles gave themselves of going promiscuously to- 
 gether, men and women, in imitation, as they said, of the pious 
 women that followed Jesus Christ and the apostles to minister 
 to them ; but very different were the times, the persons, and the 
 circumstances. 
 
 84. — The Vaudois begin to be treated like obstinate heretics. 
 
 It was, says the Abbot of Ursperg, with the design of giving 
 to the Church men truly poor, more divested of earthly goods 
 than these false poor of Lyons, that the Pope afterwards ap- 
 proved the institute of the Brother- Minors, assembled under the 
 direction of St. Francis, the true pattern of humility, and miracle 
 of the age ; whilst these other poor, fraught with hatred against 
 the Church and her ministers, notwithstanding their fallacious 
 humility, were rejected by the Holy See ; insomuch that, after- 
 wards, they were treated as contumacious and incorrigible here- 
 tics. Yet they made a show of submission till the year 1212, 
 which was the fifteenth of Innocent III, and fifty years since 
 their beginning. 
 
 85. — The Church's patience in regard to the Vaudois. 
 
 Thence a judgment may be formed of the Church's patience 
 with respect to these heretics, using no rigor against them for 
 fifty years together, but endeavoring to reclaim them by confer- 
 ences. Besides that mentioned by Bernard, Abbot of Font- 
 cauld, we also find another in Peter de Vaucernay,* about the 
 year 1206, where the Vaudois were confounded ; and lastly in 
 1212, when, on their coming again to Rome, the Church pro- 
 ceeded no further against them than by rejecting their impos- 
 ture. Three years after. Innocent III held the great Council 
 of Lateran, where, in his condemnation of heretics, he particu- 
 larly takes notice of " those, who, under pretext of piety, arro- 
 gate to themselves the authority of preaching without mission ;" 
 whereby he seems to have particularly pointed out the Yaudois, 
 and distinguished them by the Origin of their schism. 
 
 * Pet de Val. c. 6. p. 561. Cone, Lat. iv. Can. 3, de Hsefot 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 85 
 
 86. — The sect of the Vaudois a species ofDonatism. 
 Here are seen evidently the beginnings of this sect. It was 
 a kind of Donatism, but different from that impugned of old in 
 Africa, in that the African Donatists, making the effect of the 
 sacraments depend on the virtue of the ministers, reserved at 
 least the pov/er of conferring them to holy priests and bishops ; 
 whereas these new Donatists atti-ibuted it, as above seen, to lay- 
 men whose life was pure. Nor did they come to this excess 
 but by degrees ; for at first they allowed nothing to the laity but 
 preaching. They not only reproved evil manners, which the 
 Church no less condemned than they, but also many other things 
 she approved of, as ceremonies, yet so as not to touch on the 
 sacraments : for Pylicdorf,* who was very accurate in obsei-ving 
 both the ancient spirit and the whole progress of the sect, ob- 
 serves that they discarded every thing employed by the Church 
 to edify the faithful, "except," says he,| "the sacraments alone;" 
 which shows, they left them untouched. The same author re- 
 lates, moreover, " that it was a long while before they began, 
 being laymen, to hear confessions, to enjoin penances, and give 
 absolution ; and it has been observed but a little time since," 
 continues this author, " that one of these heretics, a mere lay- 
 man, did consecrate, according to his notion, our Lord's body, 
 and communicated himself, together with his accomplices, al- 
 though somewhat reprimanded for it by the rest." 
 
 87. — Their prestimption increased by little and little. 
 
 See how their presumption increased by degrees. The fol- 
 lowers of Waldo, scandalized at the lives of several priests, 
 " believed themselves," says the same Pylicdorf, better absolved 
 by their own people, seemingly to them more virtuous, than by 
 the ministers of the Church, J which proceeded from the opinion, 
 wherein principally consisted the error of the Vaudois, that per- 
 sonal merit had greater influence in the sacraments than char- 
 acter and order. 
 
 83. — The Vaudois doctrine concerning Church goods. 
 
 But the Yaudois carried the merit necessary to Ministers of 
 the Church so far as to have nothing in property ; and this was 
 one of their dogmas, that to consecrate the Eucharist, it was 
 requisite to be poor like them : so " that Catholic priests were 
 not the true and legitimate successors of Jesus Christ's apostles, 
 because they possessed goods of their own ;"§ which they pre- 
 tended Jesus Christ had forbidden his apostles. 
 
 89. — J^o error relating to the Sacraments. 
 Hitherto their whole error, in respect to the sacraments, re- 
 
 * Pet. Pylicid. cont. Wald. c. i. T. iv. Bib. PP. part ii. p. 780. f Ibid. 
 X Ibid. § V. sup. Pet. de Valle-Cern. Refut. Error. Ibid. p. 819. 
 
 VOL. II. 8 
 
86 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 garded only the persons empowered to administer them ; all the 
 rest was left entire, as says expressly Pylicdorf. So they doubted 
 not either of the real presence, or transubstantiation ; and, on 
 the contrary, this author has but just informed us, that the lay- 
 man presuming to give communion, did only believe " he had 
 consecrated the body of Jesus Christ." After all, by the man- 
 ner we have seen this heresy begin, it seems as if Waldo had 
 a good design at first ; that the glory of poverty which he boasted 
 of, did seduce both him and his followers ; that, puffed up with 
 the holiness of their lives, they swelled with a bitter zeal against 
 the clergy, and whole Catholic Church ;* that, exasperated with 
 their being prohibited to preach, they fell into schism, and, as 
 Gui says, " from schism into heresy." 
 
 90. — Manifest insincerity of Protestant Historians, and of Paid Perrin, con- 
 cerning the beginnings of the Vaudois. 
 
 From this faithful account, and the incontestable proofs with 
 which it is manifestly supported, it is easy to judge how much 
 Protestant historians have abused the public credit by their re- 
 lation of their origin of the Vaudois. Paul Perrin, author of 
 their history printed at Geneva, says, that in the year 1160, when 
 the penalty of death was denounced against all who should dis- 
 believe the Real Presence, " Peter Waldo, a citizen of Lyons, 
 was one of the most courageous in opposing such an invention, "f 
 But nothing is more false ; the article of the Real Presence had 
 been defined a hundred years before, against Berengarius : noth- 
 ing had been done anew relating to this article ; and so far was 
 Waldo from opposing it, that we have seen both him and all his 
 disciples in the common faith for fifty years together. 
 91. — The Minister de la Roque. 
 
 M. de la Roque,J more learned than Perrin, is not more sin- 
 cere, when he says, " that Peter Waldo, having found whole na- 
 tions divided from the communion of the Latin Church, joined 
 himself to them with his followers, in order to make but one and 
 the same body, and one and the same society, by the unity of 
 one and the same doctrine." But, on the contrary, we have 
 seen, in the first place, that all the contemporary authors (for 
 not one have we omitted) have shown us the Vaudois and Al- 
 bigenses as two distinct sects ; secondly, that all these authors 
 discover these Albigenses to be Manicheans ; and I defy all the 
 Protestants in the world to show me that there was any where 
 in Europe, when Waldo arose, any one sect separate from Rome 
 which was not either the very sect, or some branch and subdi- 
 vision of Manicheism. Thus, nothing can make Waldo's cause 
 more evidently defenceless, than to grant liis abettors what they 
 
 * Guid. Car. de Haer. in Haeresi Wald. init. f Hist, des Vaudois, chap. i. 
 X Hist, de I'Euch. part ii. ch. xviii. p. 454. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 87 
 
 demand in his behalf, namely, that he joined himself in unity of 
 doctrine with the Albigenses, or with such people as, at that 
 time, were separated from the communion of Rome. In a word, 
 though Waldo should have united himself to guiltless churches, 
 his particular errors would not have allowed any advantage to 
 be drawn from this union, these errors being detested, not by 
 Catholics only, but also by the Protestants. 
 
 92. — Whether the Vaudois aftei-wards changed their doctrine about the Eucharist. 
 
 But let us proceed in the history of the Vaudois, and see 
 whether our Protestants will discover in it any thing more fa- 
 vorable from the time these heretics broke off entirely from the 
 Church. The first act we meet with against the Vaudois since 
 the great council of Lateran, is a Canon of the Council of Tar- 
 ragona, describing the Insabbatized, as men " that forbade to 
 swear, and obey ecclesiastic and secular powers, and moreover 
 to punish malefactors, and other such hke things,"* not the least 
 word appearing in regard of the Real Presence, which not only 
 would have been expressed, but also set foremost, had they 
 denied it. 
 
 93. — Proof of the contrary from Renter. 
 
 At the same time, and towards the year 1250, Renier, so often 
 quoted, who so carefully distinguishes the Vaudois or Leonists 
 and the poor men of Lyons, from the Albigenses, sets down 
 moreover all their errors, reducing them to these three heads : 
 against the Church, against the Sacraments and Saints, and 
 against Church Ceremonies. "I* But so far from any thing ap- 
 pearing in all these articles against transubstantiation, you there 
 find expressly, amongst their errors, that " transubstantiation 
 ought to be made in the vulgar tongue ; that a priest could not 
 consecrate in mortal sin ;" that when a man communicated from 
 the hand of an unworthy priest, the transubstantiation was not 
 made in his hand that consecrated unworthily, but in the moute 
 of him who worthily received the Eucharist ; that one might 
 consecrate at table, at common meals, and not in churches only, 
 conformably to those words of Malachi, " In every place there 
 is sacrificing, and there is offered to my name a clean oblation:" J 
 which shows, they did not deny the sacrifice nor the oblation of 
 the Eucharist : and that, if they rejected the Mass, it was on 
 account of the ceremonies, making it only to consist in " the 
 words of Jesus Christ pronounced in the vulgar tongue. "§ 
 Thence it clearly appears, that they admitted transubstantiation, 
 and in notliing differed from the doctrine of the Church as to the 
 substance of this sacrament ; but said only, that it could not be 
 
 * Cone. Tarrac t. xi. Cone. part. J. An. 1242. p. 593. f R-en. c. v. T. iv, 
 Bib. PP. part iL p. 749. Ibid. 750. J Malach. 111. § Ren. Ibid. 
 
88 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 consecrated by bad priests, and might be by good laymen, ac- 
 cording to these fundamental maxims of their sect, which Renier 
 is always exact in observing, " that every good layman is a 
 priest, and the prayer of an evil priest availed nothing :"* whence 
 also they concluded, the consecration by an evil priest is worth 
 nothing. It is likewise to be seen in other authors, that ac- 
 cording to their principles,"!* " a man, without being a priest, 
 might consecrate and administer the sacrament of penance ; and 
 every laic, even women, ought to preach." 
 
 94. — A list of the Vaudois errors. 
 
 We find also in the catalogue of their errors, as well in Renier 
 as other authors, " that it is not lawful for clergymen," namely, 
 the ministers of the Church,J " to have goods ; that neither 
 lands, nor people, ought to be divided ;" which aims at the obli- 
 gation of setting all in common, and establishing, as necessary, 
 this pretended apostolic poverty, which these heretics gloried 
 in;§ "that every oath is a mortal sin; that all princes and 
 judges are damned, because they condemn malefactors contrary 
 to these words : }j ' Vengeance is mine, saith the Lord ;' and 
 again, ' Let both grow together until the harv^est.' "IT Thus did 
 these hypocrites abuse the Scripture, and with their counterfeited 
 lenity subvert the whole foundation of Church and State. 
 
 95. — Another list, and no mention of their erring in regard of the Eucharist. 
 
 We find in Pylicdorf, a hundred years after, an ample refuta- 
 tion of the Yaudois, article by article, without appearance of the 
 least opposition in their doctrine to the Real Presence or tran- 
 substantiation. On the contrary, it alwa3'-s appears in this author, 
 as in the rest, that the laymen of this sect made the body of 
 Jesus Christ,** although with fear and reserve in the country 
 wherein he wrote ; nor, in short, does he observe any kind of 
 error in these heretics relating to the Eucharist, except, that bad 
 priests did not make it " any more than the other Sacraments." 
 
 96. — Another list. 
 
 Finally, in all the lists we have of their errors, whether in the 
 Bibliotheca Patrum,|| or in the Inquisitor Eraerick, we meet with 
 nothing against the Real Presence, although the least differences 
 between these heretics and us, the minutest articles whereon 
 they are to be interrogated, be there specified ; on the contrary, 
 Emerick the Inquisitor thus reports their error on the Eucharist: 
 " They will have it that the bread is not transubstantiated into 
 
 * Ren. p. 751. f Fragm. Pylicd. Ibid. 817. Ren. Ibid. p. 751. 
 
 t Ren. p. 750. Ibid. err. 820. § Ibid. p. 752. || Ind. err. Ibid. 831. 9. 23. 
 IT Rom. xii. 19. Matt. xiii. 30. ** Pylicd. cont Wald. T. iv. Bib. PP. part 
 ii. 778, et seq. An. 1395. Ibid, c. xxx. p. 803. Ibid. c. i. Ibid. c. xvi. xviij. 
 tt Bid. PP. t iv. part ii. p. 820, 832, 836. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 89 
 
 the body of Jesus Christ, if the priest be a sinner :"* which 
 clearly evidences two things ; first, that they beheved transub- 
 stantiation ; and secondly, believed the sacraments depended 
 on the sanctity of the ministers. 
 
 You find in the same list all the errors of the Vaudois we 
 have already mentioned. The errors of the new Manicheans, 
 whom we have shown were the same with those of the Albi- 
 genses, are also related apart in the same book. It is plain 
 from thence, that these two sects are utterly distinct, nor is 
 there any thing amongst the errors of the Vaudois that savors 
 of Manicheism, which the other list abounds with. 
 
 97. — Demonstration that the Vaudois did not in the least err about Transub- 
 
 stanliation. 
 
 But to return to Transubstantiation : whence could it proceed, 
 that the Catholics should have spared the Vaudois in a point of 
 so essential a nature, they who were so zealous in exposing even 
 the least of their errors ?"|' Was it perchance that these matters, 
 and especially that of the Eucharist, were not of sufficient im- 
 portance, or not sufficiently known, after Berengarius's con- 
 demnation by so many councils ? Was it the desire of keeping 
 the people ignorant that this mystery was attacked ? But they 
 were not afraid to report the much greater blasphemies of the 
 Albigenses, even against this mystery. Nothing was concealed 
 from the people of what the Vaudois said, the most shocking 
 against the Church of Rome, as that she was " the harlot men- 
 tioned in the Revelations ; her Pope, the chief of those that 
 erred ; her prelates and reUgious, scribes and pharisees." Their 
 excesses were pitied, but never kept private ; and had they re- 
 jected the Church's faith in regard of the Eucharist, they would 
 have been upbraided with it. 
 
 98. — Sequel of the same demonstration. — Testimony of Claude Seyssel in 1517. 
 — Gross evasion of D^Jluhertin. 
 
 Further, in the last age, in 1517. Claude Seyssel, J famous 
 
 for his learning and offices of trust, held under Louis XII and 
 
 Francis I, and raised by his merit to the Archbishopric of Turin ; 
 
 in the search he made after these heretics, hidden in the valleys 
 
 of his diocese, in order to unite them to his flock, relates in the 
 
 minutest manner all their errors, like a faithful shepherd willing 
 
 to know the bottom of the distemper afflicting his eheep, that 
 
 he might heal them ; and we read in his account all that other 
 
 writers relate of them, neither more nor less. With them he 
 
 chiefly observes, as the source of their error, that " they made 
 
 the authority of ecclesiastical ministry to depend on personal 
 
 merit ; thence concluding, that they ought not to obey the Pope, 
 
 * Director, part ii. q. 14. p. 279. Ibid. p. xiii. p. 273. f Rtn. c. iv. Ibid. 
 
 750. Emeric Ibid. X Adv. error. Wald. purt. An. 1520. C i. etseq. Ibid. f. 10. 1 1. 
 VOL. II. 8* 
 
90 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 nor Bishops, because being wicked, and not imitating the lives 
 of the apostles, they have no authority from God, either to con- 
 secrate, or absolve ; and as to themselves, they alone had this 
 power, because they observed the law of Jesus Christ, that the 
 Church was no where but amongst them, and the See of Rome 
 was that harlot of the Revelations, and the fountain-head of all 
 errors." This is what that great Archbishop says of the Vaudois 
 in his diocese. The minister Aubertin* is astonished that in so 
 exact an account as he gives of their errors, it is not discovered, 
 that they rejected either the Real Presence or Transubstantia- 
 tion ; nor any other reply can he make to it, than that this pre- 
 late, who had so strenuously confuted them in all other points, 
 was, in this, conscious of his too great weakness to resist them : 
 as if so learned and eloquent a man could not at least transcribe 
 what so many other learned Catholics had written on this sub- 
 ject. Instead, therefore, of so miserable a shift, Aubertin ought 
 to have acknowledged, that if so accurate, so knowing a person, 
 did not reproach the Vaudois with this error, it was in reality 
 because he had discovered none such amongst them : wherein 
 there is nothing particular as to Seyssel, since all the other au- 
 thors have no more accused them of it than this Archbishop. 
 
 99. — Jlubertiii's vain objection. 
 
 Nevertheless, Aubertin triumphs at a passage of the same 
 Seyssel, where he says,| " lie did not think it worth his while 
 to relate what some of that sect, to show themselves more 
 learned than the rest, prattled, or rallied, rather than discoursed, 
 concerning the substance and truth of the Eucharistic Sacra- 
 ment, because, what they vented by way of secret, was so high, 
 that the most expert divines could scarcely comprehend it." 
 But so far are these words of Seyssel from showing the Real 
 Presence was denied by the Yaudois, that I should, on the con- 
 trary, conclude from them, that some amongst them pretended to 
 subtilize in expounding it. And should it be allowed (yet gra- 
 tuitously and without any kind of reason, since Seyssel speaks 
 not a word of it) that these high notions entertained by the Vau- 
 dois, relating to the Eucharist, regarded the real absence, to wit, 
 a thing the least sublime of any in the world, and the most suited 
 to carnal sense ; yet then, it is nevertheless manifest that Seys- 
 sel does not report here the belief of all, but the babble and idle 
 discourse of some : so that, on all hands, nothing is more cer- 
 tain than what I have advanced, that the Vaudois never were 
 reproached with rejecting transubstantiation ; but, on the con- 
 trary, had always been supposed to believe it. 
 
 * Lib. iii. de Sacr. Eiich. p. 936. Col. 2. Ibid. 987. 
 \ FoL 55, 56. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 91 
 
 100. — Another proof from Seyssel that the Vaudois believed Transiibstantlatmi. 
 
 Accordingly the same Seyssel,* introducing a Vaudois sum- 
 ming up all his reasons, puts these words into his mouth against 
 a wicked priest and bishop : " How can the bishop and priest, 
 enemies to God, render God propitious to others 1 how can he, 
 that is banished the kingdom of heaven, have the keys of it ? 
 in fine, since his prayer and other actions have no manner of 
 effect, how shall Jesus Christ transform himself, at his word, 
 under the species of bread and wine, and suffer himself to be 
 handled by that person, who has utterly rejected him?" It is 
 then still manifest, their en-or consists in a Donatism, and nothing 
 but a priest's life hinders the bread and wine from being changed 
 into the body and blood of Jesus Christ. 
 
 101.' — Interrogatory of the Vaudois in the library of the Marquis of Seignelay. — 
 Two Volumes marked 1769, 1770. 
 
 And what leaves no kind of doubt on this head is, v/hat may 
 be seen still at this day among the manuscripts of M. de Thou, 
 collected together in the valuable library of the Marquis of 
 Seignelay ; there, I say, may be seen the inquests, in the ori- 
 ginal, juridically made against the Vaudois of Pragelas and the 
 other valleys in 1495, collected in two great volumes ; wherein 
 you have the examination of one Thomas Quoti of Pragelas, 
 v/ho being asked whether the barbes (their priests) taught them 
 to believe the sacrament of the altar, answers, " That the barbes 
 both preach and teach that when a chaplain who is in orders, 
 utters the words of consecration on the altar, he consecrates the 
 body of Jesus Christ, and that a true change is wrought of the 
 bread into the true body," and says moreover, " that prayer 
 made at home, or on the road, is every whit as good as in the 
 church." Conformably to this doctrine, the same Quoti answers 
 at two several times, " That he received every year, at Easter, 
 the body of Jesus Christ ; and the barbes taught them, that, in 
 order to receive it, they ought to have been well confessed, and 
 rather hy the barbes than by the chaplains," meaning the priests. 
 102. — Seqxiel of the same Examination. 
 
 The reason of this preference is derived from the so often 
 repeated principles of the Vaudois ; and it is pursuant to these 
 principles the same person answers, *' that the gentlemen of the 
 church-ministry led a life too large, but the barbes led a holy 
 and upright life." And in another answer, " that the barbes led 
 the life of St. Peter, and had the power of absolving from sins, 
 and this Avas his belief; and if the Pope did not lead a holy life, 
 he had no power of absolving." For this reason, the same 
 Quoti answers again in another place, " that he had given credit, 
 
 * F. 13. 
 
92 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 without any doubting, rather to the discourses of the barbes than 
 to those of the chaplains, because, in those times, no ecclesiastic, 
 no cardinal, no bishop, nor priest, led the life of the apostles ; 
 and, therefore, it was better believing the barbes who were good, 
 than an ecclesiastic that was not so." 
 
 103.— Sequel. 
 
 It were superfluous to relate the other examinations, the same 
 language appearing throughout, as well in respect of the Real 
 Presence as of all the rest ; and especially it is repeated there 
 continually, " that the barbes behaved in the world like the im- 
 itators of Jesus Christ, and had more power than the priests of 
 the Church of Rome, who lived too much at large." 
 104. — J^ecessity of Confession. 
 
 Nothing is repeated there so much as these dogmas, " That it 
 was necessary to confess their sins ; that they confessed to the 
 barbes, who had power of absolving them ; that they confessed 
 kneeling ; that at each confession they gave a quart (a certain 
 piece of money;) that the barbes imposed penances on them 
 which generally did not exceed a Pater and Credo, but the Ave 
 Maria was never enjoined ; that they forbade them all oaths what- 
 soever, and taught them neither to sue for help from the saints, 
 nor to pray for the dead." Here is enough whereby to discover 
 the principle tenets and genius of the sect ; further than this, to 
 expect to meet with order and one constant form in such odd 
 opinions, in all times and all places, were to be deceived. 
 
 105. — Sequel of the same Subject. 
 
 I do not find they were interrogated concerning sacraments 
 administered by the generality of laymen, whether because the 
 inquisitors were not apprized of this custom, or that the Vaudois 
 had at length forsaken it.* And, indeed, we have observed, it 
 was not without difficulty and contradiction first introduced 
 amongst them with regard to the Eucharist. But, as for con- 
 fession, nothing is more established in the sect, than the right 
 good laymen have to it ; "A good layman," said they, " has 
 power to absolve ; they all gloried in forgiving sins by imposi- 
 tion of hands ; they heard confessions ; enjoined penances ; 
 and lest such an extraordinary practice should be discovered, 
 they very privately received confessions, and those of women 
 even, in cellars, in caverns, and other unfrequented places ; 
 they preached clandestinely in corners of houses, and often in 
 the night-time." 
 
 106. — The Vaudois exteriorly did the Duties of Catholics. 
 
 But what cannot be too much remarked is, that although they 
 
 * Pylicd. c. i. T. iv. Bib. PP. part ii. p. 780. Tnd. Err. Ibid. p. 832. N. 12. 
 Ren. Ibid. 750. Pylicd. Ibid. c. i. p. 780. Ibid. c. viii. p. 782. 820. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 93 
 
 had such an opinion of us as we have seen, yet they frequented 
 our assembhes : " There they offer," says Renier,* " there they 
 confess, there they communicate, but with dissimulation." The 
 reason was, in short, whatever they might say,! because " some 
 distrust remained in them of the communion they practised 
 among themselves." Wherefore, " they came to communicate 
 in the church when the throng was greatest, for fear of discov- 
 ery. Many also remained even four, nay, six years, without 
 communicating, concealing themselves either in villages, or 
 towns, at Easter time, lest notice should be taken of them. 
 They also judged it advisable to communicate in the church, 
 but at Easter only, and, under this appearance, they passed for 
 Christains." This is what the ancient authors say of them,J 
 and what also frequently may be found in the interrogatories 
 abovjp mentioned. " Being asked whether he made his con- 
 fession to the parish priest, and discovered his sect to him, his 
 answer was, that he confessed yearly to him, but did not men- 
 tion his being a Vaudois, which the barbes had forbid discover- 
 ing." They answer also as above, " that every year they com- 
 municated at Easter, and received the body of Jesus Christ ; 
 and that the barbes warned them of the necessity, before they 
 received, of having made a good confession." Observe, there 
 is no mention here made but of the body alone, and of one 
 only species ; as, since the Council of Constance, it was then 
 given over all the Church, the barbes never thinking all this 
 while of condemning it. An old author§ has observed, " They 
 very rarely received from their teachers either baptism or Christ's 
 body, but as well teachers as simple believers went to seek 
 them at the priest's hands." Nor, indeed, do we conceive how 
 they could have acted otherwise, in regard to baptism, without 
 discovering themselves, for it would soon have been taken no- 
 tice of, had they not brought their children to church, for wliich 
 they would have been called to an account. Thus, separated 
 in sentiments from the Catholic Church, these hypocrites, as far 
 as they were able, shewed themselves externally of tlie same 
 faith with others, and exhibited no act of religion in pubhc wiiich 
 did not belie their doctrine. 
 
 107. — Whether the Vaudois had discarded any one of the Seven Sacraments. — 
 
 Confirmation. 
 
 The Protestants may perceive by this example what kind of 
 
 men those hidden faithful before the Reformation were, whom 
 
 they extol so much, and who had not bent a knee to Baal. It 
 
 might be doubted whether the Yaudois had discarded any of the 
 
 * Ren. Ibid, c v. p. 752. Ibid. vii. p. 765. f Ind. Err. N. 12, 13. 
 
 Ibid. p. 832. \ Pylicd. c. xxv. Ibid. 796. Interrogat. of Gtuoti and others. 
 Ibid. § Pylicd. Ibid. c. xxiv. p. 796. 
 
94 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 Seven Sacraments. And it is already manifest, they were not 
 accused of denying so much as one at the beginning ; on the 
 contrary, an author has been produced, who, upbraiding them 
 with their changes, excepts the sacraments. Those, Renier 
 speaks of,* might be suspected of varying in this matter, he 
 seeming to say, they rejected not only orders, but also con- 
 firmation and extreme unction ; but it is manifest, he means 
 such only as Catholics conferred. For, as to confirmation, 
 Renier, who makes them reject it, adds, " They were aston- 
 ished we permitted none but bishops to confer it :" for this 
 reason, because they were for allowing to good laymen the 
 power of administering this as well as the other sacraments. 
 Wherefore these same heretics, mentioned as rejecting confirm- 
 ation, boast, a little after, " of giving the Holy Ghost, by laying 
 on of hands ;"| which is, in other words, the very substance of 
 this sacrament. 
 
 108. — Extreme Unction. 
 In regard to extreme unction, this is what Renier says of it : J 
 " They reject the sacrament of unction, as if given to the rich 
 only, and because many priests are necessary thereto ;" words, 
 which sufficiently evince that its nullity, which they pretended 
 was amongst us, proceeded from imaginary abuses, not from 
 the nature of the thing. Besides, St. James§ having enjoined 
 to call in the priests in the plural number, these cavillers were 
 for believing that unction, given by a single person, as com- 
 monly practised amongst us even so long ago, was not suffi- 
 cient, and this bad pretext served for their neglecting it. 
 
 109. — What loas the Ahhdion Renier speaks of in Baptism. 
 As for baptism, notwithstanding these ignorant heretics had 
 cast off its most ancient ceremonies with contempt, there is no 
 doubt but they received it. One might only be surprised at 
 Renier's words, || as uttered by the Vaudois, "that ablution, 
 given to children, is of no advantage to them." But, whereas 
 this ablution is in the list of those ceremonies of baptism, which 
 were disapproved by these heretics, it is plain, he speaks of the 
 wine given to children after their baptism ; a custom that may 
 be still seen in many ancient rituals, about that time, and which 
 was a remnant of the communion heretofore administered to them 
 under the liquid species only. This wine, put into the chalice 
 to be given to these children, was called ablution, because this 
 action resembled the ablution taken by the priest at Mass. Again, 
 this word ablution is not to be found in Renier as signifying 
 baptism ; and, at all events, if men will persist to have it signify 
 this sacrament, all they could conclude from it would be for the 
 
 + C. v. pp. 750, 751. t Ibid. 751. J P. 751. § Ch. v. 14. |1 P. 751 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 95 
 
 worst, viz., that Renier's Vaudois accounted as null whatever 
 baptism was given by unworthy ministers, such as they believed 
 all our priests were ; an error so conformable to the principles of 
 the sect, that the Vaudois, whom we have seen approve our bap- 
 tism could not do itwithout running counter to their own doctrine, 
 
 1 10. — Confession. 
 Here, then, already are three sacraments, which the Vaudois 
 approved in the main, Baptism, Confirmation, and Extreme 
 Unction. We have the whole sacrament of penance in their 
 private confession, in the penances imposed by them, in the ab- 
 solution received for the remission of sins ; and if they said, 
 oral confession was not always necessary when contrition was 
 in the heart ; they said true, in the main and in certain cases, 
 although frequently, as above instanced, they abused this maxim 
 by too long deferring their confession. 
 
 1 11. — The Eucharist, 
 
 There was a sect called the Siscidenses, who differed little or 
 nothing from the Vaudois, says Renier, but in that they received 
 the Eucharist. Not that he meant the Vaudois, or poor men 
 of Lyons, did not receive it, he having shown, on the contrary, 
 that they received even transubstantiation ; but he means only, 
 they had an extreme repugnance to receive it from the hands 
 of our priests, whereas these others made less difficulty in it, or 
 perchance, none at all. 
 
 112. — Marriage. — Whether Reiner hath calumniated the Vaudois, 
 
 Protestants accuse Renier of calumniating the Vaudois, by 
 reproaching them, " that they condemned marriage ;" but these 
 authors mutilate his words,* which here you have entire : 
 " They condemn the sacrament of marriage, by saying, mar- 
 ried people sin mortally when they use marriage for any other 
 end than to have children ;" whereby Renier would observe only 
 the error of these proud heretics, who, to show themselves above 
 human infirmity, would not admit the secondary end of marriage, 
 namely, its serving as a remedy against concupiscence. It was 
 then in this respect only that he accused these heretics of con- 
 demning marriage, to wit, of condemning this necessary part, 
 and making that a mortal sin, which the grace of so holy a state 
 renders pardonable. 
 
 113. — Demonstration that the Catholics were neither ignorant of ,n(yr dissembled^ 
 the doctrine of the Vaudois. 
 
 It is now seen what was the doctrine of the Vaudois or poor 
 
 men of Lyons. The Catholics cannot be accused, either of 
 
 not knowing it, since they dwelt and conversed amongst them, 
 
 and daily received their abjurations ; or, of neglecting to inform 
 
 * C. iv. p. 751. 
 
96 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 themselves, since, on the contrary, they applied themselves with 
 so much care to report its minutest points ; or, in fine, of ca- 
 lumniating them, since we have seen they were so exact, not 
 only in distinguishing the Vaudois from the Cathari and the rest 
 of the Manicheans, but also in acquainting us with all the cor- 
 rectives applied by some of them to the extravagances of others ; 
 and, in a word, of relating to us with so much sincerity what 
 was commendable in their manners, that their partisans even 
 now-a-days take advantage from it. For we have seen, they 
 did not dissemble the specious appearances at Waldo's first set- 
 ting out, nor the first simpUcity of his followers. Renier,* who 
 so much blames them, hesitates not to say, " that they lived 
 justly before men ; that they believed of God what was fitting 
 to believe, and all that was contained in the creed ;" that they 
 were regular in their deportment, modest in their dress, just in 
 their dealings, chaste in their marriages, abstemious in their diet, 
 and so of the rest, as it is well known. We shall have a word 
 to say on this testimony of Renier ; but, in the interim, we see 
 he rather flatters, as I may say, than calumniates the Vaudois ; 
 and, therefore, it cannot be doubted that what he says besides 
 of these heretics is true. And though we should suppose with 
 the ministers, that Catholic authors, urged on by the hatred they 
 had conceived against them, charged them with calumnies ; this 
 is a new proof of what we have but just said concerning their 
 doctrine, because finally, had the Vaudois stood in opposition to 
 trans ubstantiation and the adoration of the Eucharist, at a time 
 when our adversaries agree it was so well estabhshed amongst 
 us, the Catholics, whom they represent so inclined to load them 
 with false crimes, would never have failed reproaching them 
 with what was so true. 
 
 114. — Division of the Vaudois doctrine into three heads. 
 Now then that we know the whole doctrine of the Vaudois, 
 we may divide it into three sorts of articles. Some there are 
 which we detest together with the Protestants : some that we 
 approve, and Protestants reject : others that they approv^e, and 
 we condemn. 
 
 115. — Doctrine which the Protestants as xoell as the Catholics reject in the 
 
 Vaudois. 
 
 The articles we condemn in common are, in the first place, 
 that doctrine so injurious to the Sacraments, which makes their 
 vahdity depend on the holiness of their ministers ; secondly, that 
 of rendering the administration of the Sacraments common to 
 priests and laity without distinction ; next, that of forbidding 
 oaths in all cases whatsoever, thereby condemning not only St. 
 Paul the Apostle,! but even God himself who has sworn : lastly, 
 
 * C. iv. p. 749. Ibid. vii. p. 765. f Heb. vi. pp. 13, 16, 17 ; and vii. 21. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 97 
 
 that of condemning the just punishments of malefactors, and 
 authorizing all crimes by impunity. 
 
 116. — Doctrine which the Catholics approve in the Vaudois, and Protestants 
 
 condemn. 
 
 The articles which we approve, and the Protestants reject, are 
 that of the Seven Sacraments, except, perchance. Orders, and in 
 the manner above spoken to, and what is still more important, 
 that of the Real Presence and Transubstantiation. So many 
 articles which the Protestants detest either with us, or, contrary 
 to our sentiments, in the Vaudois, pass under the cover of five 
 or six points, wherein these same Vaudois favor them ; and not- 
 withstanding their hypocrisy and aU their errors, these heretics 
 are made to be their ancestors. 
 117. — The Vaudois have changed their Doctrine since Luther*sand Calvin"* s time. 
 
 Such was the state of this sect till the time of the new Ref- 
 ormation. Although this made so much noise ever since the 
 year 1517, the Vaudois, whom we have seen till that date abiding 
 in all the sentiments of their ancestors, still remained unaltered. 
 At length in 1630, after much suifering, whether solicited to it, 
 or taking it into their heads of themselves, they thought fit to 
 make them their protectors, whom like themselves they had 
 heard exclaim against the Pope so many years. Those who 
 had withdrawn for nearly two hundred years, as Seyssel* re- 
 marks, into the mountains of Savoy and Dauphiny, consulted 
 Bucer and the Swiss, their neighbors. With much commenda- 
 tion which they received, Gilles,| one of their historians, ac- 
 quaints us, they received also admonitions concerning three de- 
 fects observed amongst them. The first related to the decision 
 of certain points of doctrine ; the second, to the estabhshment 
 of the order of discipline and ecclesiastical assemblies, to the 
 end they might be held more openly : the third invited them, 
 no longer to permit those that desired to be accounted members 
 of their Churches, to be present at Mass, or to adhere, in any 
 kind, to papal superstitions, or to acknowledge the priests of the 
 Roman Church for pastors, or to make use of their ministry. 
 1 18. — iN'exo Articles proposed to the Vaudois by the Protestants. 
 
 There needs no more to confirm every thing we have said, 
 concerning the state of these wretched Churches, which con- 
 cealed their faith and worship under a contrary profession. On 
 these advertisements of Bucer and (Ecolampadius, the same 
 Gilles assures us, new articles were proposed to the Vaudois. 
 He owns he does not report them all : but here are five or six 
 of such as he specifies, which sufficiently discover the ancient 
 spirit of the sect. For in order to reform the Vaudois to the 
 
 * F. 2. t Hist Eccl. des. Egl. Re£ de Pier. Gilles, c. v. 
 
 VOL. II. 9 
 
98 THE HISTORY OF [BOOK 
 
 Protestant mode, it was necessary to make them say,* " that a 
 Christian may swear lawfully ; that auricular confession is not 
 commanded of God ; that a Christian may lawfully exercise the 
 office of magistrate over other Christians ; that there is no de- 
 termined time for fasting ; that the minister may possess some- 
 thing in particular wherewith to maintain his family, without 
 prejudice to apostolic community ; that Jesus Christ has ap- 
 pointed but two Sacraments, Baptism and the holy Eucharist." 
 Hereby appears a part of what was necessarily to be reformed 
 in the Vaudois, in order to make them Zuinglians or Calvinists, 
 and, amongst the rest, one of the corrections was, to admit but 
 two Sacraments. It was also necessary to hint to them a word 
 or two concerning predestination, which assuredly they had 
 heard but little of; and they were informed as to this new dogma, 
 which was then like the soul of the Reformation, that whosoever 
 owns free-will denies predestination. It appears by these same 
 articles that, in process of time, the Yaudois had fallen into new 
 errors, since it was requisite to teach them"]* " they were to cease 
 from earthly labors on the Sabbath-day, in order to attend God's 
 service ;" and again, " that it is not lawful for a Christian to 
 revenge himself on his enemy." These two articles show the 
 brutality and barbarity, which these Vaudois Churches (the main 
 support, it seems, of decayed Christianity) were fallen into, at 
 the time the Protestants reformed them : and this confirms what 
 SeysselJ says of them, that " they were a base and bestial race 
 of men, that hardly could distinguish, by reason, whether they 
 were men or brutes, alive or dead." Such, by Gilles's account, 
 were the articles of reformation proposed to the Vaudois towards 
 incorporating them with the Protestants. If Gilles mentioned 
 no more of them, it might either proceed from a fear of exposing 
 too great an opposition between the Vaudois and Calvinists, 
 of whom the design then was to make but one communion, or 
 because this was all the Vaudois could be drawn to at that time. 
 Be that as it will, he owns nevertheless, § they could not come 
 to an agreement, because some of the barbes were of opinion, 
 that by assenting to all these conclusions, they should dishonor 
 the memory of those who had so very prosperously conducted 
 those churches to that time. Thus, it is manifest, the design 
 of the Protestants was not to follow the Vaudois, but to make 
 them change, and reform to their fashion. 
 
 119. — Conference of the Vaudois xoith (Ecolampadius. 
 During this negotiation with the ministers of Strasburg and 
 Basil, two of the Vaudois deputies had a long conference with 
 (Ecolampadius, which Abraham Scultet, a Protestant historian, 
 
 * Hist. Eccl. des Egl. Ref. de Pier, Gilles, c. v. f Gilles, c. v. 
 
 I F. 38. § Gill. Ibid. c. v. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 99 
 
 relates whole and entire in his EvangeHcal Annals,* and de- 
 clares he had transcribed it word for word. 
 
 One of the deputies opens the conversation, by owning that 
 the ministers, of which number he was one, " being prodigiously 
 ignorant, were incapable of teaching the people : that they lived 
 by alms and labor, poor shepherds or husbandmen, the cause of 
 their profound ignorance and incapacity : that they were not 
 married, nor lived always very chastely ; but when they had 
 been caught tripping, they were expelled the company of the 
 rest : that it was not the ministers, but the priests of the Roman 
 Church who administered the Sacraments to the Vaudois ; but 
 that their ministers made them ask pardon of God for receiving 
 the Sacraments from those priests, because forced to it ; more- 
 over, they admonished them not to adhere to the ceremonies of 
 Antichrist : that they practised auricular confession, and, till 
 then, had always owned seven Sacraments, wherein, they heard 
 it said, they were very much mistaken." They proceed to give 
 an account of how they rejected the Mass, purgatory, and the 
 invocation of saints, and in order to clear up their doubts, they 
 propose the following queries : — " Whether or not it be lawful 
 for magistrates to put criminals to death, by reason God has 
 said, I will not the death of the sinner ?" But asked at the 
 same time, " If it were not allowable in them to kill the false 
 brethren who informed against them to Catholics, because, they 
 having no jurisdiction amongst them, there was no other way to 
 keep them in awe : whether the human and civil laws, by which 
 the world was governed, were good, the Scripture having said, 
 that the laws of men are vain : whether churchmen might re- 
 ceive donations and have anything of their own : whether it were 
 lawful to swear : whether the distinction they made of original, 
 venial, and mortal sin, were good : whether all children, of 
 whatsoever nation, be saved by the merits of Jesus Christ ; and 
 whether the adult, of whatsoever religion, not having faith, may 
 also be saved ; what are the judiciary and ceremonial precepts of 
 the law of Moses : and whether they have been abolished by Jesus 
 Christ ; and which are the canonical books." After all these 
 queries, which so clearly confirm all we have said of the belief 
 of the Vaudois, and the brutal ignorance these heretics were at 
 last fallen into, their deputy speaks in these terms : — " Nothing 
 has so much disturbed us, weak and simple as we are, as what 
 I have read in Luther concerning free-will and predestination ; 
 for we believe all men have naturally some power and strength, 
 which, excited by God, might do something, conformably to 
 those words. Behold, I stand at the door and knock ; and who- 
 soever would not open, should receive according to his works : 
 * Ann. Eccl. decad. 2. An. 1530, a p. 294, ad 300. Heidelb. 
 
100 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 but if the thing be not so, I do not see, as says Erasmus, of 
 what use the commandments are. As for predestination, we 
 believe that God has foreseen from all eternity those that were 
 to be saved or damned, and that he had made all men in order 
 to be saved, and the reprobate become such through their own 
 fault : but should all come to pass of necessity, as Luther says, 
 and the predestinated not have it in their power to turn reprobate, 
 nor contrarywise, to what end so much preaching and so much 
 writing, since, everything happening by necessity, matters never 
 will be better or worse ?" Whatever ignorance may appear 
 throughout this discourse, it is plain, these ignorant people, with 
 all their rusticity, spoke better than those they had chosen for 
 reformers ; and here are the men, forsooth, they present us as 
 the remains and refuge of Christianity. 
 
 We find nothing here in particular relating to the Eucharist ; 
 which makes it likely, that the whole of the conference was not 
 related ; nor is it difficult to guess the reason. It was, in short, 
 because the Yaudois were, as above seen, greater Papists on 
 this head than the Zuinglians and Lutherans desired. More- 
 over, this deputy speaks nothing to (Ecolampadius of any Con- 
 fession of Faith as in use amongst them ; and we have already 
 seen that even Beza* reports none but that which the Vaudois 
 made in 1641, so long after Luther and Calvin : which shows 
 manifestly, that the Confessions of Faith produced by them, as 
 of the ancient Yaudois, can be but very modern, as we shall 
 soon discover. 
 
 120. — The Vaudois nowise Calvinists, as proved from Crespin. 
 
 After all these conferences with those of Strasburg and Basil 
 in 1536, Geneva was consulted by her neighbors the Yaudois, 
 and then it v/as that their society with the Calvinists commenced, 
 by the instructions of Farel, minister of Geneva. But we need 
 only hear the Calvinists themselves, to be convinced how far 
 remote the Yaudois were from their Reformation. Crespin,| in 
 his History of Martyrs, says, that those of Angrogne, by a long 
 succession, and as from father to son, had retained some purity 
 of doctrine. But to show how small, even in their estimate, 
 was this purity of doctrine, he says in another place, J speaking 
 of the Yaudois of Merindol, " that the very little true light they 
 had, they endeavored to increase from day to day, by despatch- 
 ing people on all sides, even to a great distance off, wheresoever 
 they heard some ray of light did discover itself." And he agrees 
 moreover in another place, § that " their ministers, who taught 
 them in private, did not do it with that purity, which was re- 
 quisite ; inasmuch as ignorance having overflowed the whole 
 
 ♦ Sleid. 1. ii. n. 4. f Hist, des Mart, in 1536. fi 111. 
 
 + In 1543. f: 133. § In 1561, £ 532. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 101 
 
 universe, and God having a right to let men go astray as he did, 
 like brute beasts, it is no wonder these poor men had not so 
 pure a doctrine as they have since enjoyed, and at this day more 
 than ever." These last words show the pains the Calvinists 
 were at since the year 1636, to lead the Vaudois whither they 
 had a mind ; and after all, it is but too manifest that, from that 
 time, this sect is not to be looked on as persisting in her ancient 
 doctrine, but as reformed by the Calvinists, 
 121. — Proof from Beza, 
 
 We learn as much from Beza,* though with a Uttle more pre- 
 caution, when he owns in his description of them, " that the 
 purity of doctrine was somewhat adulterated by the Vaudois ;" 
 and in his history, that " in process of time, they had somewhat 
 swerved from piety and doctrine." Afterwards he speaks more 
 openly,"!* confessing that " in a long series of time the purity of 
 doctrine had been greatly adulterated by their Ministers, inso- 
 much that they became sensible, by the ministry of CEcolampa- 
 dius, of Bucer, and others, how, by little and little, the purity 
 of doctrine had not remained amongst them, and gave orders, 
 by sending to their brethren in Calabria, to put all things in a 
 better state." 
 
 122. — The change of the Cdabrian Vaudois, and their entire extinction. 
 
 These brethren of Calabria were, like them, fugitives, who, 
 according to the maxims of the sect, held their assemblies, as 
 Gilles reports, J " in the most secret manner it was possible, and 
 dissembled many things against their will." What this minister 
 endeavors to hide under these words, you must understand was, 
 that the Vaudois of Calabria, after the example of all the rest 
 of them, performed all the external duties of good Catholics ; 
 and I leave you to judge whether they could have been exempt 
 from it in that country, considering what we have seen of their 
 dissimulation in the valleys of Pragelas and Angrogne. Ac- 
 cordingly Gilles acquaints us, hpw that these Calabrians, pressed 
 at last to withdraw from church assemblies, yet not able to take 
 the resolution, though advised to it by this minister, " of for- 
 saking so fine a country," were soon abolished. 
 123. — The present Vaudois arenot the predecessors, butfolloioers of the Calvinists. 
 
 Thus expired the Vaudois. As they had only subsisted by 
 concealing what they were, they fell as soon as ever they re- 
 solved to declare themselves ; for those that afterwards remained 
 under that name, it is plain, were nothing else but Calvinists, 
 whom Farel and the other ministers of Geneva had formed to 
 their mode ; so that these Vaudois, whom they make their an- 
 cestors and predecessors, to speak the truth, are nothing but 
 
 * Liv. i. p. 23. 1536. f Ibid. pp. 35, 36. 1544. | Gilles, ch. iii. et xxix. 
 VOL. II. 9* 
 
102 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 their successors, and new disciples whom they have proselyted 
 to their faith. 
 
 124. — J^o advantage to be derived from the Vaudois in behalf of the Calvinists. 
 But, after all, what help can these Vaudois, by whom they 
 seek to justify themselves, afford our Calvinists ? It is mani- 
 fest by this history that Waldo and his disciples were all mere 
 laymen, who thrust themselves in to preach without orders, with- 
 out mission, and afterwards to administer the sacraments. They 
 separated from the Church by a manifest error, detested as much 
 by Protestants as Catholics, which was that of Donatism ; nay, 
 this Donatism of the Yaudois is beyond comparison much worse 
 than the African Donatism of old, so strongly confuted by St. 
 Austin. Those Donatists of Africa said, indeed, that none but 
 a holy person could validly administer the sacraments ; but they 
 did not arrive at the extravagance of the Vaudois, to allow the 
 administration of the sacraments as well to holy laymen as holy 
 priests. If the African Donatists pretended that the Catholic 
 bishops and priests had forfeited their ministry by their crimes, 
 they at least accused them of crimes, which were actually re- 
 proved by the law of God. But our nev/ Donatists separate 
 themselves from the whole Catholic clergy, and would have it, 
 they were degraded from their orders for not observing their 
 pretended apostolic poverty, which, at most, was but a counsel. 
 For this was the origin of the sect, and what we have seen it 
 stood to, as long as it persisted in its first belief. Who, there- 
 fore, does not see that such a sect is nothing at bottom, but hy- 
 pocrisy boasting her poverty and other virtues, and making the 
 sacraments depend, not on the efficacy Jesus Christ has given 
 them, but on man's merits ? And, after all, these new doctors, 
 from whom the Calvinists derive their succession, whence came 
 they themselves, and who sent them 1 Puzzled at this query no 
 less than the Protestants, like them they went in quest of pre- 
 decessors, and here is the fable trumped up by them. They 
 were told, that in the time of St. Sylvester,* when Constantino 
 endowed the churches with revenues, " One of this Pope's com- 
 panions would not consent to it, and withdrew from his commu- 
 nion, abiding, together with them that followed him, in the way 
 of poverty ; and then it was the Church failed in Sylvester and 
 his adherents, and remained with them." Let not this be called 
 a calumny invented by the enemies of the Vaudois, for we have 
 seen, that the authors, who unanimously report it, had no design 
 of calumniating them. This fable was still in vogue in Seyssel's 
 time. I The vulgar were then told, " This sect had taken its 
 rise from a certain man called Leo, a very religious person, in 
 
 * Ren. c. iv. v. p. 749. Pylicd. c. iv. p. 779. Frag. Pylicd. pp. 815, 816, 
 &c, I Seyss. £ 5. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 103 
 
 the time of Constantine the Great, who detesting the avarice of 
 Sylvester, and Constantine's excessive Hberahty, chose rather 
 to follow the poverty and simplicity of faith, than, with Sylvester, 
 to defile himself with a fat and rich benefice, to which Leo and 
 all those joined themselves, that judged aright in faith." These 
 ignorant people had been made to believe, it was from this coun- 
 terfeit Leo, the sect of Leonists derived their name and birth. 
 Christians are all for finding a succession in their Church and 
 doctrine. Protestants boast of theirs in the Vaudois, the Vau- 
 dois in their pretended companion of St. Sylvester ; and both 
 are equally fictitious. 
 
 125, — The Calvinists have no contemporary authors to favor their pretensions to 
 
 the Vaudois. 
 
 All the truth to be found in the origin of the Vaudois is, that 
 they took their motive of separation from the endowing of 
 churches and church-men, contrary, as they pretended, to that 
 poverty Jesus Christ requires of his ministers. But as this origin 
 is absurd, and besides, nowise serves the turn of Protestants, 
 we have seen what an account Paul Perrin has given of it in his 
 history of the Vaudois."^ He represents this Waldo as a person 
 " the most courageous in opposing" the Real Presence in the 
 year 1160. But does he produce any author in confirmation of 
 what he says 1 No, not so much as one ; neither Aubertin, nor 
 La Roque, nor Chappel, — in a word, no Protestant of Germany 
 or France hath produced, or ever will produce, any one author, 
 either of those times, or of succeeding ages, for the space of 
 three or four hundred years, who gives the Vaudois that origin 
 which this historian lays for the foundation of his history. Have 
 any of the Catholics, who wrote so copiously, whatever Beren- 
 garius and the rest objected against the Real Presence, so much 
 as named Waldo amongst those that opposed it? None ever 
 has dreamed of it ; we have seen what they said of Waldo was 
 far different. But why must they have spared him only ? What, 
 then, did this man, whom they make so courageous in stemming 
 the torrent, so conceal his doctrine that none ever could per- 
 ceive he impugned an article of this importance 1 Or, was 
 Waldo so formidable a person, that no Catholic durst impeach 
 him of this error at the time they impeached him of so many 
 others 1 An historian that sets out with a fact of this nature, 
 and lays it for the foundation of his history, what credit does he 
 deserve? Nevertheless, Paul Perrin is heard, like an oracle, 
 among Calvinists, so readily do they come into whatever favors 
 the prejudices of the sect. 
 
 126. — Vaudois books produced hy Perrin. 
 But, for want of known authors, Perrin produces, for his 
 * Hist, des Vaudois, ch. L 
 
104 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 only proof, some old books* of the Vaudois, in manuscript, which 
 he pretends to have recovered ; amongst the rest, one volume, 
 wherein was " A book, concerning Antichrist, bearing date 1120, 
 and in this same volume, many sermons of the Yaudois Barbes." 
 But it is already evidently made out, that there neither were 
 Yaudois nor Barbes in 1120; since Waldo, by Perrin's own 
 account, did no-t appear till 1160. The word barbe was not 
 known, nor in use among the Yaudois to signify their doctors, 
 till many ages after, and manifestly in the latter times. So, 
 these discourses cannot all of them be made to pass as of the 
 year eleven hundred and twenty. Nay, Perrin himself is re- 
 duced to allow this date only to the discourse concerning Anti- 
 christ, which, by this means, he hopes to father on Peter de 
 Bruis, who lived about that time, or on some of his disciples. 
 But the date standing in the front, should seemingly extend to 
 all, and consequently is utterly false in regard of the first, as it 
 evidently is in regard of the rest. And besides, this treatise 
 about Antichrist, which he pretends to be of 1160, is not in a 
 different language from the other pieces of the Barbes cited by 
 Perrin ; and this language is very modern, very little unlike the 
 dialect of Provence, now in use. Not only Yillehardouin's lan- 
 guage, who wrote a hundred years since Peter de Bruis, but that 
 also of the authors subsequent to Yillehardouin, is more obso- 
 lete and obscure than that which he would date in the year eleven 
 hundred and twenty ; so that there is not a more gross and pal- 
 pable imposition, than to palm on us these pieces as of remote 
 antiquity. 
 
 127.— Sequel. 
 Nevertheless, on account of this sole date of 1120, placed, 
 you know not by whom, you know not when, in this Yaudois 
 volume no body knows any thing of, our Calvinists have cited 
 this book about Antichrist as undoubtedly the work of, " some 
 one of Peter de Bruis's" disciples, or as his own."]" The same 
 authors quote, with great confidence, some discourses which 
 PerrinJ has annexed to that concerning Antichrist, as if of the 
 same date, 1120, although, in one of those where purgatory is 
 handled, is cited a book which St. Austin entitled, as the original 
 has it, " Milparlemens," that is, of a thousand sayings, as if St. 
 Austin had written a book with this title ; which can be attri- 
 buted to nothing but a compilation made in the thirteenth cen- 
 tury, bearing this title, " Milleloquim Sancti Augustini," which 
 the ignorant author of this treatise on Purgatory took for the 
 work of this father. Besides this, we might be able to say some- 
 
 * Hist, des Vaudois, lib. i. ch. vii. p. 57. Hist, des Vaud. et. Albig. part, 
 iii. lib. iii. ch. i. p. 253. j Aub. p. 962. La Roque. Hist de I'Euchar. pp. 
 451, 459. J Hist, des Vaud. part. iii. liv. iii. ch. ii. p. 305. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 105 
 
 thing of the age of these Vaudois books, and the alterations 
 possibly made in them, were we told of some known library 
 where they might be seen. Till the public has received this 
 necessary information, we cannot but wonder such books have 
 been produced to us for authentic as have not been seen but by 
 Perrin alone ; neither Aubertin nor La Roque citing them other- 
 wise than on his Vv'ord, without so much as telling us they have 
 ever handled them. This Perrin,* who alone boasts of them 
 to us, observes none of those marks in them whereby the date 
 of a book may be ascertained, or its antiquity proved ; and all 
 he tells us is, they are old Vaudois volumes ; which, in general, 
 may be said of the most modern Gothic books of no more than 
 a hundred or sixscore years' antiquity. There is then every 
 reason for believing that these books, whence they produce what 
 they please without any solid proof of their date, have been 
 composed or altered by those Vaudois, whom Farel and his 
 brethren reformed in their own way. 
 
 128. — Confessioti of Faith produced by Perrin. — That it is posterior to Calvinism. 
 As to the Confession of Faith published by Perrin,| and 
 which all Protestants quote as an authentic piece of the ancient 
 Vaudois, " It is extracted," says he, "from a book entitled the 
 * Spiritual Almanac,' and from the ' Memoirs of George Morel.' " 
 As for the Spiritual Almanac, I know not what to say to it, un- 
 less, that neither Perrin, nor even Leger, who speaks with so 
 great a regard for the books of the Vaudois, have mentioned any 
 tiling of the date of this. They have not even thought it worth 
 their while to acquaint us whether it may be a manuscript or in 
 print ; and we may hold it for certain, it is very modern, since 
 those who would make the most of it, have not specified its an- 
 tiquity. But what Perrin reports is decisive, viz., that this Con- 
 fession of Faith is extracted from the Memoirs of George Morel. 
 Now it is plain from Perrin himself, J that George Morel was the 
 man who about 1630, (so many years after the Reformation,) 
 went to confer with CEcolampadius and Bucer, concerning the 
 means to bring about an union ; which makes it clear enough 
 that this Confession of Faith is not, any more than the rest, 
 produced by Perrin, of the ancient Vaudois^ but of the Vaudois 
 reformed according to the model of the Protestants. 
 
 129. — Demonstration that the Vaudois had no Confession of Faith before the 
 pretended Reformation. 
 
 Accordingly it has been already remarked by us, that no 
 mention of a Vaudois confession of faith was made in the Con- 
 ference of 1530, between CEcolampadius and the said Vaudois. 
 We may even boldly assert, that they never made a confession 
 
 + Hist, des Vaud. part iii. liv. i. ch. vii. p. 56. f Hist, des Vaud. liv. i. ch. 
 12, p. 76. Ibid. X Lett, of CEcolamp. Perr. Ibid. ch. vi. p. 46 j vii. p. 59. 
 
106 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 of faith till a long while after, since that Beza, so diligent in his 
 researches into, and taking advantage from, the acts of these 
 heretics, says nothing, as has been seen, of any such confession 
 of faith, that he knew of, except in 1541. However that may be, 
 never before Luther's and Calvin's Reformation had a Vaudois 
 confession of faith been so much as heard of.* Seyssel, whom 
 pastoral vigilancy and the duty of his charge engaged in those 
 latter times, namely, in 1516 and 1517, to so exact an inquiry 
 into all that concerned this sect, says not one word of a con- 
 fession of faith : and the reason was,! because he had never 
 heard of any such thing, either from juridicial examinations or 
 from those of his own converts, who, with so great tokens of 
 sincerity, discovered to him, with tears and compunction, the 
 whole secret of the sect. They had not, therefore, at that time, 
 any such confession ; their doctrine was to be learnt, as we have 
 seen, by their interrogatories at tribunals ; but as for a confes- 
 sion of faith, or any Yaudois writing, we find not a word in those 
 authors that knew them best. On the contrary, the brethren of 
 Bohemia, a sect of whom we shall speak presently, and which 
 the Yaudois have frequently strove to unite themselves to, both 
 before and since Luther's time, assure us they wrote nothing. 
 " They never had," say they,J " a Church known in Bohemia, 
 nor had our people learnt any thing of their doctrine, by reason 
 they never had published any writings we know of." And in 
 another place — " They would not suffer that there should be 
 any public testimony of their doctrine." But if you will say, 
 they had nevertheless, amongst themselves, some writing and 
 some confessions of faith ; if so, doubtless they would have 
 communicated them to the brethren with whom they wished to 
 unite themselves. But the brethren declare, they knew nothing 
 as to that point, except from some articles of Merindol, 
 " which articles," say they, " possibly might have been polished 
 since our time." This is what a learned minister of the Bohe- 
 mians writes, § a long while after the Reformation of Luther and 
 Calvin. He would have spoken more accurately if, instead of 
 saying these articles were " polished," he had said they were 
 coined since the Reformation. But so it was that men were 
 willing, in the party, to give some air of antiquity to the Yaudois 
 articles, nor would this minister entirely disclose the secret of 
 the sect. Be that as it will, he says enough of it to convince 
 us what we ought to credit concerning the confessions of faith 
 produced, in his time, under the name of the Yaudois ; and it 
 is easily perceived they knew nothing of the Protestant doctrine 
 
 * S. n. 4. f Seyss. f. 3, et seq. J Esrom. Rudi^. de frat. Orth. narrat. 
 Heid. cum. Hist Cam. 1605, pp. 147, 148. Prajf. Conf. fid. frat. Bohem. An. 
 1572. Ibid. 173. § Rud. Ibid. pp. 147, 148. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 107 
 
 before they had been taught it by the Protestants. Nay, they 
 scarce knew what they themselves beheved, and but confusedly 
 dehvered their minds concerning it to their best friends, so far 
 from having confessions of faith aheady at hand, as Ferria 
 would fain persuade us. 
 
 130. — The Vaudois, in drawing their Calvinistical Confession of Faith, retained 
 something of the Dogmas that icere peculiar to them. 
 
 And nevertheless we perceive, even in these pieces of Pcrrin, 
 some footsteps of the ancient genius of the Vaudois, a confirma- 
 tion of what we have already said concerning them. For ex- 
 ample, in the book about Antichrist, it is said,* " That the 
 emperors and kings supposing that Antichrist resembled the 
 true and holy mother the Church, they loved him, and endowed 
 him contrary to God's command," which comes up to the tenet 
 of the Vaudois, that the clergy are forbidden to have any goods ; 
 an error, as above seen, which was the first ground- work of 
 their separation. What is advanced in the catechism, viz., that 
 you may know the ministers " by their true sense of the faith, 
 and by their holy doctrine and life of good example," &c., suits 
 also with that error, which made the Vaudois believe, that min- 
 isters of an evil life were degraded from their ministry, and lost 
 the administration of the sacraments. For which reason, in 
 the book that treats of Antichrist, it is also said, that one of his 
 works is, " to attribute the Reformation of the Holy Ghost to 
 faith exteriorly dead, and to baptize children into this faith, 
 teaching that, by this faith, these children do receive from him 
 baptism and regeneration :" words whereby a living faith is re- 
 quired in the ministers of baptism, as a thing necessary for the 
 child's regeneration, and the contrary is ranked among the works 
 of Antichrist. Thus, when they composed these new confessions 
 of faith agreeable to the Reformation, which they had a design 
 of entering into, there was no hindering them from still insinu- 
 ating something that savored of the old leaven ; and without 
 further loss of time in this inquiry, it is sufficient you have ob- 
 served, in these works of the Vaudois, the two errors which 
 were the ground of their separation. 
 
 131. — Reflections on the History of the Mbigenses and Vaudois. — Artifice of 
 
 the Ministers. 
 
 Such is the history of the Albigenses and Vaudois as reported 
 by the authors of those times. Our Reformed, finding nothing 
 therein favorable to their pretensions, connived at their being 
 imposed upon by the most gross of all artifices. Many Catholic 
 authors who wrote in this, or towards the end of the precedin'^ 
 age, have not sufficiently distinguished the Vaudois from th ^ 
 
 + Hist, des Vaud et Albig. part iii. 1. iil ch. L p. 292. Ibid, part iii. i \ 
 p. 167. Ibid. 1. iii. p. 267. 
 
108 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 Albigenses, but given the general name of Vaudois alike to 
 
 both of them. Wliatever might have been th-e cause of their 
 
 error, our Protestants are more able critics than to require we 
 
 should credit either Mariana, or Gretser, or even De Thou, 
 
 and some other moderns, to the prejudice of the ancient authors, 
 
 who all unanimously, as we have seen, distinguished these two 
 
 sects. Nevertheless, on so gross an error, the Protestants, 
 
 after taking it for granted that the Albigenses and Vaudois were 
 
 but one and the same sect, have concluded, that nought but 
 
 calumny branded the Albigenses with the imputation of Mani- 
 
 cheism, since the Vaudois, according to the ancient authors, 
 
 are exempt from that blemish. 
 
 132. — Demonstration that the Heretics, who denied the_Reality in the twelfth 
 and thirteenth centuries, were Manicheans. — J^otoriously fdse supposition 
 of the Ministers. 
 
 They ought to reflect that these ancients, who, in accusing the 
 Vaudois of other errors, have acquitted them of Manicheism, at 
 the same time have distinguished them from the Albigenses 
 whom we have convicted of it. For example, the minister de 
 la Roque, who, as he was the last who wrote on this subject, 
 has mustered up the subtle quirks of all the other authors of the 
 party, and especially those of Aubertin, believes he has justified 
 the Albigenses as to their rejecting the Old Testament, like the 
 Manicheans, by showing from Renicr's testimony, that the Vau- 
 dois received it :* he gains nothing, since these Vaudois are, in 
 the same Renier,"}" thoroughly distinguished from the Cathari, 
 the stem of the Albigensian progeny. The same La RoqueJ 
 thinks to reap advantage from certain heretics, who, according 
 to Radulphus Ardens, said, " That the sacrament was nothing 
 but mere bread-" It is true ; but the same Radulphus adds, 
 what La Roque no less than Aubertin have dissembled, that 
 these same heretics " admit two Creators, and reject the Old 
 Testament, the truth of the incarnation, marriage, and the use 
 of flesh-meat." The same minister also cites certain heretics 
 mentioned by Peter de Vaucernay,§ who denied the truth of 
 Jesus Christ's body in the Eucharist. I ov/n it ; but, at the 
 same time, this historian || assures us, they admitted the two 
 principles, with all the train of Manichean errors. La Roque 
 would make us believe, that the same Peter de Vaucernay dis- 
 tinguishes the Arians and Manicheans from the Vaudois and 
 Albigenses. The half of this statement is true : it is true that 
 he distinguishes the Manicheans from the Vaudois, but he dis- 
 tinguishes them not from the heretics " that were in the country 
 
 * La Roq. 459, Aub. p. 967, ex. Ren. c. iii. p. 5. f Ren. c vi. 
 
 X La Roq. 456, Aub. p. 964. B. Rad. Aid. Serm. 8, Post Pentec. 
 § La Roq. Aub. Ibid. 965, ex. Pet. de ValJe-Cern. Hist. Albig.lib. ii.cap.6. 
 II Hist. Albig. cap. 2. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 109 
 
 of Narbonne ;" and certain it is, these are the same that were 
 called Albigenses, and who unquestionably were Manicheans. 
 But, continues the same La Roque,* Renier owns heretics who 
 say, " the body of Jesus Christ is mere bread ;" they were those 
 he calls Ordibarians that spoke thus, and, at the same time, 
 denied the Creation, and vented a thousand other blasphemies 
 which Manicheism had introduced : so that these enemies of 
 the Real Presence were at the same time no less enemies of the 
 Creator than the Deity. 
 
 1 33. — Sequel. — Manicheism at Metz. — The Bogomilists. 
 
 La Roque returns to the attack with Aubertin, and believes 
 he finds good Protestants in the persons of those heretics, who, 
 by the testimony of Cesarius of Hesterback,"!" *' blasphemed the 
 body and blood of Jesus Christ." But the same Cesarius in- 
 forms us, they admitted the two principles, and all the other 
 Manichean blasphemies ; which he avers he is very well assured 
 of, not from hearsay, but " from his frequent conversation with 
 them in the Diocese of Metz." A famous minister of Metz, 
 whom I was well acquainted with, made the Calvinists of that 
 country believe these Albigenses of Cesarius v/ere their ances- 
 tors ; and then they were plainly shown, that these ancestors he 
 had given them, were abominable Manicheans. La Roque, in 
 his history of the Eucharist, would fain have us believe, the 
 Bogomilists were the same with those called, in divers places, 
 Vaudois, poor men of Lyons, Bulgarians, Insabbatized, Ga- 
 zares, Poplicans, and Turlupins. I agree that the Vaudois, the 
 Insabbatized, and tlie poor men of Lyons are the same sect ; 
 but that they were called Gazares or Cathari, Poplicans, Bul- 
 garians, or I3ogoniilists, is what never will be proved from any 
 author of those times. Nevertheless, M. de la Roque must 
 needs have these Bogomilists to be their friends ; surely for this 
 reason, because " they accounted the body and blood, which we 
 consecrate, unworthy of all esteem." But he ought to have 
 learned from Anna Comnena,J who has given us a right notion 
 of these heretics, " that they reduced to a phantom the incarna- 
 tion of Jesus ; that they taught such impurities as the modesty 
 of her sex forbade this princess to repeat ; and, in a word, that 
 they had been convicted by the Emperor Alexius, her father, of 
 introducing a dogma mixed with two, the most infamous of all 
 heresies, that of the Manicheans and that of the Massalians." 
 
 134. — Sequel of the suppositions of the Ministers. 
 The same La Roque § numbers also amongst his friends Peter 
 
 * La Roque, p. 457. Aub. p. 965. Ren. cap. vi. f Ca:;sar. Hesterb. 
 lib. V. cap. 2, in Bibl. Cisterc. La Roque, p. 457. Aub. p. 964. Ferri Cat. 
 Gen. pp. 85, 455. | An. Comn. Alex. lib. xv. p. 486. et seq. 
 
 § La Roq. p. 458. Rog. de Hoved. An. Angl. Baron, ad 1178. 
 VOL. II. 10 
 
110 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 Moran, who, pressed to declare his faith before all the people, 
 confessed, " He did not believe the consecrated bread was the 
 body of our Lord ;" and he forgets that this Peter Moran, by 
 the report of the author whose testimony he cites, was of the 
 number of those heretics convicted of Manicheism, who were 
 called Arians for the reason above mentioned. 
 
 135. — Another falsity. 
 This author reckons also amongst his friends* those heretics, 
 concerning whom it is said in the Council of Toulouse, under 
 Cahxtus II, " that they rejected the sacrament of Jesus Christ's 
 body and blood ;" and he mutilates the very canon he has taken 
 these words from, in the sequel whereof is to be seen, that these 
 heretics, together with the sacrament of the body and blood, 
 " rejected also infant baptism and lawful wedlock." 
 
 136. — Another passage mutilated. 
 
 With a like boldness he corrupts! a passage of Emerick, the 
 inquisitor, concerning the Vaudois. " Emerick," says he, " at- 
 tributes to them, as a heresy, their saying that the bread is not 
 transubstantiated into the true body of Jesus Christ, nor the 
 wine into blood." Who would not believe the Yaudois con- 
 victed by this testimony of denying transubstantiation 1 but we 
 have given the whole passage, where you will read, " The ninth 
 error of the Vaudois is, that the bread is not transubstantiated 
 into the body of Jesus Christ, if the priest who consecrate it be 
 a sinner. ^^ M. la Roque cuts off these last words, and, by this 
 falsification alone, takes from the Vaudois two important points 
 of their doctrine : one, which is the abhorrence of all Protes- 
 tants, to wit, transubstantiation ; the other, which is the abhor- 
 rence of all Christians, namely, their saying, that the sacraments 
 lose their virtue in the hands of unworthy ministers. Thus do 
 our adversaries prove what they please by manifest falsifications, 
 nor dread giving themselves predecessors even at this rate. 
 
 1 37. — Recapitulation. 
 
 These are a part of Aubertin's and La Roque's illusions with 
 regard to the Albigenses, and Vaudois, or poor men of Lyons. 
 In a word, they perfectly vindicate these last from Manicheism, 
 but, at the same time, bring no kind of proof to show they de- 
 nied transubstantiation ; on the contrary, they corrupt the pas- 
 sages which prove that they admitted it. And as for those who 
 denied it in those days, they produce none but such as are con- 
 victed of Manicheism, by the testimony of the same authors that 
 accuse them of denying the change of substance in the Eucha- 
 rist ; so that their ancestors either, with us, defend transubstan- 
 
 * La Roq. p. 451. Cone. Tolos. An. 1119. Can. ill. v. 8. 
 t P. 457. Direct, part ii. p. 14. 
 
'XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. Ill 
 
 tiation as the Yaudois, or are convicted of Manicheism with the 
 
 Albigenses. 
 
 138. — Tioo other objections of the Ministers. 
 But here is what these ministers have advanced with greater 
 subtlety. Overpowered by the number of authors, who, treating 
 of these Toulousian and Albigensian heretics, make them per- 
 fect Manicheans, they cannot deny there were such, and even 
 in those countries ; and they were those, say they,"^ who were 
 called Cathari or Puritans. But, they add, they were very few 
 in number, since Renier,"!" who knew them so well, assures us, 
 they had but " sixteen churches in the whole world ;" nay, that 
 the number of these Cathari did not exceed four thousand in all 
 parts of the earth ; " whereas," says Renier,J " the believers 
 are not to be numbered." These ministers would have it un- 
 derstood from this passage, that these sixteen churches, and four 
 thousand men spread in all parts of the universe, could not have 
 caused in it all that noise and all those wars the Albigenses were 
 authors of; it must, therefore, have happened that the name of 
 Cathari or Manicheans was extended to some other sect more 
 numerous, and that the Vaudois and Albigenses had the name 
 of Manicheans given them either by mistake or calumny. 
 
 139. — Sixteen Churches of the Manicheans that comprehend the lohole Sect. 
 
 Whoever wishes to see what length prejudice or illusion will 
 go, needs but to hear, after what the ministers have said, the 
 truth I am going to relate, or rather, call to mind what has al- 
 ready been related. And, in the first place, as to these sixteen 
 churches, you have seen that the word Church was taken in this 
 place by Renier,§ not for particular churches which were in cer- 
 tain towns, but often, for whole provinces : thus you find amongst 
 these churches, the church of Sclavonia, the church of Marc- 
 Ancona in Italy, the church of France, the church of Bulgaria, 
 the mother of all the rest. All Lombardy was contained under 
 the title of two churches ; those of Toulouse and Alby, which 
 in France formerly were the most numerous, comprehended all 
 Languedoc, and so forth ; so that, under the denomination of 
 sixteen churches, the whole sect was expressed as divided into 
 sixteen cantons, all which had their relation to Bulgaria, as above 
 seen. 
 140. — The Cathari, in number four thousand. — Hoio is this to be understood? 
 
 We have also observed, with respect to those four thousand 
 Cathari, that none were understood by that name but the perfect 
 of the sect, called elect in St. Austin's time ; but at the same 
 time that Renier assures us, in his time, to wit, in the middle 
 of the thirteenth century, when the sect was weakened, though 
 
 * Aub. p. 968. a. La Roq. p. 460, ex. f C. vi. J Ibid. § Ren. c. vi. 
 
112 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 there were but four thousand perfect Cathari, yet, that the mul- 
 titude of the rest of the sect, namely, of simple believers, was 
 then infinite. 
 
 141. — TVkether the loord Believers, in the ancient authors, signified the Vaudois. 
 
 — Auberthi's fallacy. 
 
 La Roque, after Aubertin,* pretends, the word " Believers" 
 signified the Vaudois, by reason that Pylicdorf, and Renier him- 
 self, call them so. But here is again too palpable a fallacy. 
 The word " Believers" was common to all the sects : each sect 
 had its behevers or followers. The Vaudois had their believers, 
 Credentes ipsorum, whom Pylicdorf has spoken of in divers 
 places. Not that the word " Believers" was appropriated to the 
 Vaudois ; but the thing meant was, that they had theirs like 
 the rest. The passages cited from Renier, by the ministers, 
 says, the heretics " had their believers, Credentes suos, to whom 
 they allowed all kind of crimes." It is not the Vaudois he speaks 
 of, since he commends their good deportment. The same Renier 
 relates the mysteries of the Cathari, or the breaking of their 
 bread, and says,| " they admitted to this table not only the Ca- 
 thari, men and women, but also their believers," namely, those 
 who were not as yet arrived to the perfection of the Cathari ; 
 which shows manifestly these two orders so well known among 
 the Manicheans ; and what he further remarks, that the simple 
 believers were admitted to this kind of mystery, makes it evi- 
 dent, that there were other mysteries which they were not deemed 
 worthy of. These believers of the Cathari were therefore the 
 " innumerable" above mentioned ; and these, guided by the rest 
 of an inferior number, raised all the commotions which dis- 
 turbed the world. 
 
 142. — Conclusion : that the Vaudois conciirnot in sentiment with the Calvinists, 
 Here have you then the subtleties, not to say artifices, the 
 ministersare reduced to,in order tofind themselves predecessors. 
 They have none of an apparent and continued succession ; of 
 such they go in search the best way they are able, amongst ob- 
 scure sects whom they strive to unite, and make of them good 
 Calvinists, though there be nothing they all agree in, but their 
 hatred against the Pope and Church. 
 
 143. — What is to be believed concerning the lives of the Vaudois. 
 It will be asked me, perhaps, what is my opinion concerning 
 the manners of the Vaudois so much extolled by Renier 1 I can 
 easily credit all he says, nay, if they please, more than Renier 
 said of them ; for the devil matters not by what sort of bands he 
 secures men to him. Those Toulousian heretics, confessedly 
 Manicheans, had not less of this apparent piety than the Vaudois. 
 
 * Aub. 968. a. La Roq. 460. c. i. 14, 18. p. 780, &c. c. i. p. 747. t C. vi. p. 756. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 113 
 
 It was of them St. Bernard said :* " Their manners are irre- 
 proachable ; they oppress none ; they injure no man ; their 
 countenances are mortified and wan with fasting ; they eat not 
 their bread Uke sluggards, but labor to gain a livelihood." What 
 can be more plausible than these heretics mentioned by St. Ber- 
 nard ? But, after all, they were Manicheans, and their piety but 
 disguise. Inspect the foundation : it was pride, it was hatred 
 against the clergy, it was rancor against the Church ; this made 
 them drink in the whole poison of an abominable heresy. An 
 ignorant people may be led whither you please, when, after 
 kindling a violent passion in their breasts, especially hatred 
 against their guides, you use it as a chain to drag them by. But 
 what shall we say of the Vaudois, who kept themselves so clear 
 of the Manichean errors. The devil had accomplished his work 
 in them, when he inspired them with the same pride ; the same 
 ostentation of their pretended Apostolic poverty ; the same pre- 
 sumption to boast their virtues ; the same hatred against the 
 clergy, carried so far as even to despise the Sacraments in their 
 hands ; the same bitterness against their brethren, even to a 
 rupture from them and open schism. With this hatred in their 
 breasts, even though they were externally still more just than 
 has been reported, St. John assures me,"!" they are murderers. 
 Were they as chaste as angels, their lot would be no better than 
 that of the " foolish virgins,"J whose lamps were void of oil, 
 and hearts void of that sweetness which alone can nourish charity. 
 
 144. — So^irness is the character of this Sect. — Muse of the Scripture. 
 Renier§ has therefore justly pointed out the character of these 
 heretics, when he resolves the cause of their error into hatred, 
 bitterness, and rancor : Sic processit dodrina ipsorum, et rancor. 
 These heretics, says he, whose exterior was so specious, read 
 much, " and prayed little. They went to sermons, but in order 
 to lay snares for the preacher, as the Jews did for the Son of 
 God ;" as much as to say, there was amongst them much of 
 the spirit of contention, but little of the spirit of compunction. 
 All of them in general, Manicheans and Vaudois, never ceased 
 inveighing against human inventions, and citing the holy Scrip- 
 ture, whence they always had a text at hand upon all occasions. || 
 When examined concerning faith, they eluded the question by 
 equivocating ; if reproved for this, it was Jesus Christ Irimself, 
 said they, that taught them this practice when he said to the 
 Jews : " Destroy this temple, and in three days I v.ill raise it 
 up ;"ir meaning of the temple of his body what the Jews under- 
 stood of that of Solomon. This text, to those that knew no 
 better, seemed expressly made for their purpose. The Vaudois 
 
 * Serm. 65, in Cant. f 1 John iii. 15. J Matt. xxv. 3. 
 
 § Ch. V. p. 749. II Ren. Ibid. IT John ii. 19. 
 
 VOL. n. 10* 
 
114 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 had a hundred others of this sort, which they were expert in 
 wresting to their own purposes ; and to those not thoroughly 
 versed in Scripture, it was no easy matter to escape their snares. 
 Another author* remarks a very singular character in these false 
 professors of poverty. They did not proceed like a St. Bernard, 
 like a St. Francis, like other apostolic preachers, and attack in 
 the midst of the world the dissolute hvers, the usurers, the game- 
 sters, the blasphemers, and the like public sinners in order to 
 convert them : on the contrary, whomsoever they found, in towns 
 or villages that were peaceable and retired, it was into their 
 houses they insinuated themselves under the covert of their ex- 
 terior simplicity. Scarce durst they raise their voice, their 
 meekness was so great : yet the topic of wicked priests and 
 wicked monks was introduced forthwith : a keen and merciless 
 satire put on the disguise of zeal ; well-meaning people, that 
 listened to them, were ensnared ; and transported with this bitter 
 zeal, imagined even they became better men by becoming here- 
 tics : thus an universal contagion diffused itself. Some were 
 drawn into vice by the great scandals that appeared in the world 
 on every side ; the devil took in the simple after another man- 
 ner ; and, by a false horror of the w^icked, alienated them from 
 the Church, wherein the number of such was daily seen to in- 
 crease. 
 
 145. — Eminent sanctity in the Catholic Church. 
 Nothing could be more unjust ; since the Church, far from 
 approving the disorders which gave a handle to the revolt of 
 heretics, by all her decrees detested them, and nourished at the 
 same time in her bosom men of so eminent a holiness, that in 
 comparison to it, all the virtue of these hypocrites appeared as 
 nothing. St. Bernard alone, whom God raised in those days 
 with all the graces of the Prophets and Apostles to combat these 
 new heretics, when they were making their greatest efforts to 
 spread themselves in France, was alone sufficient to confound 
 them. In him might they behold a spirit truly apostolical, a 
 sanctity of such a lustre, that even those whose errors he im- 
 pugned were in admiration of it, insomuch that there were some 
 of them who, whilst they wickedly anathematized the holy doc- 
 tors, excepted St. Bernard from that sentence,t and thought 
 themselves obliged to publish, that at last he had come over to 
 their party ; so much did they blush to have against them so 
 great a witness. Amongst his other virtues, was seen to shine 
 in him, and his brethren the holy monks of Cisteaux and Clair- 
 vaux, to mention nothing of the rest, that apostolic poverty these 
 heretics boasted so much of; but St. Bernard and his disciples, 
 notwithstanding they carried this poverty and Christian mortifi- 
 * Pyiicd. c. X. p. 2S3. f Apud. Ren. ch. vi. p. 755. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 115 
 
 cation to its utmost height, did not glory that they alone had 
 preserved the Sacraments, nor were they the less obedient to 
 superiors however wicked, distinguishing, with Jesus Christ, 
 abuses from the chair and from doctrine. 
 
 146. — Bitterness and presumption of Heretics. 
 At the same time, great saints might be numbered, not only 
 among the bishops, among the priests, among the monks, but 
 also among the common people, and even amongst princes, in 
 the midst of this worldly pomp ; but heretics cared to look on 
 nothing but vice, that they might say more boldly \vith the phari- 
 see, " We are not as other men are ;"* we are spotless, we are 
 the poor beloved of God ; come to us if you will receive the 
 Sacraments. 
 
 147. — Whether their false constancy ought to surprise us. — St. Bernard's mem- 
 
 arable answer. 
 
 One ought not, therefore, to be surprised at the apparent regu- 
 larity of their manners, this being a part of that seduction against 
 which we have been put on our guard by so many admonitions 
 of the gospel. To finish the external piety of these heretics, 
 this last stroke is added ; that they suffered with a surprising 
 patience. It is true, and this it is which completes the illusion. 
 For the heretics of those times, and even the Manicheans, whose 
 infamies we have beheld, after shifting and dissembling as long 
 as ever they were able to escape punishment, when convicted, 
 and condemned by the laws, ran to death with joy. Their false 
 constancy amazed the world : Enervin, their accuser, j" was nev- 
 ertheless astonished, and inquired of St. Bernard with concern 
 the meaning of such a prodigy. But the saint, too well versed 
 in the deep wiles of Satan to be ignorant of his being able to 
 make those he held captives mimic even martyrdom itself, an- 
 swered, that by a just judgment of God, the evil one might have 
 power, " Not only over the bodies of men, but also over their 
 hearts ;" j and if he was able to prevail v/ith Judas to destroy 
 himself, he might well work on these heretics to suffer death 
 from the hands of others. Let us not, therefore, wonder, if we 
 see martyrs of all rehgions, even of those the most m.onstrous, 
 but let us learn from this example, to hold none for true martyrs 
 but those who die in unjty. 
 
 148. — Inevitable condemnation of these Heretics, in that they debited their religion. 
 But what ought to put Protestants for ever out of conceit with 
 all these impious sects, is the detestable custom they had of 
 denying their religion, and partaking outwardly of our worship 
 whilst they rejected it in their hearts. It is certain the Yaudois, 
 like the Manicheans, lived in this practice ever since the be- 
 
 * Luke xviii. 11. f Analect lib. iii. p. 454. % Serm. 66. in Cant. sub. fin. 
 
116 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 ginning of the sect, till towards the middle of the last century. 
 Seyssel* could not sufficiently wonder at the false piety of their 
 Barbes, who condemning even the minutest lies, as so many 
 grievous sins, yet dreaded not, in presence of the judges, to lie 
 in point of faith, with an obstinacy so surprising, that the con- 
 fession of it could scarcely be extorted from them by the most 
 acute tortures. They forbade swearing, though even to bear 
 witness to truth in courts of judicature ; and at the same time 
 stuck at no oath to conceal their sect and faith ; a tradition they 
 had received from the Manicheans, as they had also inherited 
 from them their presumption and rancor. Men inure themselves 
 to any thing, when once their guides have gained the ascendant 
 over their minds ; but especially when engaged in a cabal under 
 the pretext of piety. 
 
 A HISTORY OF THE BOHEMIAN BRETHREN, VULGARLY 
 
 AND FALSELY CALLED VAUDOIS. 
 
 149. — The Sect of the Bohemian Brethren. 
 
 We are now to speak of those who were falsely called Vaudois 
 and Picards, and who called themselves the Brethren of Bohe- 
 mia, or the Orthodox Brethren, or, barely. Brethren. They con- 
 stitute a particular sect distinct from the Albigenses and the 
 poor men of Lyons. When Luther rose up, he found some 
 churches in Bohemia, and especially in Moravia, which he long 
 detested. He approved afterwards of their confession of faith, 
 corrected as we shall see. Bucer and Musculus have also be- 
 stowed great praises on them. The learned Camerarius, whom 
 we have so much spoken of, that intimate friend of Melancthon, 
 judged their history worthy to be written by his fine pen. His 
 son-in-law, Rudiger,"!" though called by the Protestant churches 
 of the Palatinate, preferred to them those of Moravia, and chose 
 to be their minister ; and of all the sects separated from Rome 
 before Luther, this is the most commended by Protestants : but 
 its birth and doctrine will soon evince that nothing could be 
 drawn from it to their advantage. 
 
 150. — They disoion those who call them Vaudois, and why. 
 
 As for its birth, many, led into a mistake by the name, and 
 some conformity of doctrine, make these Bohemians descend 
 from the ancient Vaudois : but for their part, they renounce this 
 origin,|; as appears clearly in the preface they prefixed to their 
 Confession of Faith in 1672. There they set forth their origin 
 in an ample manner, and say, amongst other things, that the 
 Vaudois are more ancient than they ; that these had, indeed, 
 
 * F. 47. t De Eccl. Frat. in. Boh. et Mor. nar. Hist Held. 1605. 
 
 J De Oiig. Eccl. Boh. et confess, ab iis editis. Heid. An. 1605, cum Hist. 
 Joach. Gamer, p. 173. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 117 
 
 some churches dispersed in Bohemia when their own began first 
 to appear, but they had no acquaintance with them ; that nev- 
 ertheJess these Yaudois, in process of time, made themselves 
 known to them, yet refused, say they, to make any deep research 
 into their doctrine. *' Our annals," continue they, " inform us 
 they were never united to our churches, for two reasons : first, 
 because they gave no testimony of their faith and doctrine ; 
 secondly, because, in order to keep peace, they made no diffi- 
 culty of assisting at masses celebrated by those of the Church 
 of Rome." Whence they concluded, not only " that they never 
 had entered into any union with the Vaudois, but also, that they 
 had always believed they could not enter into any such with a 
 safe conscience." So far are these people from acknowledging 
 a Vaudois extraction, that what is eagerly sought for by the 
 Calvinists is rejected by them with scorn. 
 
 151. — The sentiments of Camerarius and Rudiger. 
 Camerarius writes the same thing in his history of the Bo- 
 hemian brethren :* but Rudigerjf one of their pastors in Mo- 
 ravia, says, still more clearly, that " these churches are far dif- 
 ferent from those of the Vaudois ; that the Vaudois were in being 
 ever since the year 1160, whereas the Brethren did not begin to 
 appear till the fifteenth century ; and finally, that it is written ia 
 the annals of the Brethren, how they always with constancy re- 
 fused to make any union with the Vaudois, because they did not 
 give a full Confession of their faith, and went to Mass." 
 
 152. — The Vaudois disoioned by the Brethren as well as the Picards. 
 
 Accordingly, we see the Brethren, in all their synods and all 
 their acts, style themselves the Brethren of Bohemia, falsely 
 called Vaudois..]; The name of Picards is still more detested 
 by them : " It is very likely," says Rudiger, " that those, who 
 first gave it to our ancestors, took it from a certain Picard, who, 
 renewing the ancient heresy of the Adamites, introduced nudi- 
 ties, and shameful actions ; and as this heresy penetrated into 
 Bohemia about the time our churches were established, they 
 were discredited by so infamous a title, as if we had been noth- 
 ing but the miserable remains of that impure Picard. "§ You see 
 tViereby how these two pedigrees, from the Yaudois and this 
 Picard, are rejected by the Brethren ; " they account it even an 
 affront to be called Picard and Yaudois ;" || and if the first origin 
 displeases them, the second, in which our Protestants glory, 
 seems to them but little less shameful ; but now we are going to 
 see that which they give themselves is not much more reputable. 
 
 * Hist p. 105, &c. t Rudig. de Eccl. Frat. in Bohem, et Mor.nar. p. 147. 
 I In Syn. Sendom. Synt Gen. part. ii. p. 219. § Rudig. EccL Frat. in 
 
 Bohem. et Mor. nar. p. 148. || Apo. 1532. ap. Lyd. 1. ii. p. 137. 
 
118 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 THE HISTORY OF JOHN WICKLIFF, AN ENGLISHMAN. 
 153. — WicJdiff^s impious doctrine in his Tnalogue. 
 
 They boast of being the disciples of John Huss ; but to judge 
 of their pretension, we must ascend higher still, since John Huss 
 himself gloried in having WicklifFfor his master. What judg- 
 ment we then ought to pass on WicklifF shall be showed in few 
 words, without producing any other records than his own works, 
 and the testimony of all candid Protestants. 
 
 The chief of all his works is the Trialogue, that famous book 
 which set all Bohemia in a flame, and raised such troubles in 
 England. This was the theology contained in it,* " That all 
 happens by necessity : that he, a long while, spurned at this doc- 
 trine, because it was contrary to the liberty of God ; but, at last, 
 was obliged to yield, and acknowledge at the same time, that all 
 the sins committed in the world are necessary and inevitable :"(" 
 that God could not prevent the sin of the first man, nor forgive 
 it without Jesus Christ's satisfaction, but then it was impossible 
 the Son of God should not become incarnate, should not satisfy, 
 should not die : that God indeed might have done otherwise, 
 had he willed it, but he could not will otherwise ; that he could 
 not but forgive man ; that the sins of man proceeded from se- 
 duction and ignorance, and so it was requisite of necessity, that 
 the divine wisdom should put on flesh to repair them. That 
 Jesus Christ could not save the devils ; that their sin was a sin 
 against the Holy Ghost : J that to save them, it would have been 
 necessary the Holy Ghost should have become incarnate, which 
 was absolutely impossible ; therefore, that§ no possible means 
 were left of saving the devils in general. That nothing was 
 possible to God, but what actually came to pass ; that the power 
 admitted for things, which did not happen, was an illusion. That 
 God can produce nothing within himself, which he does not 
 necessarily produce, nor out of himself, which he does not like- 
 wise necessarily produce in its time. That when Jesus Christ 
 said, he could ask of his Father more than twelve legions of 
 angels, you must understand he could if he would, but must ac- 
 knowledge at the same time he could not will it. || That the 
 power of God is limited in the main, and is no otherwise infinite 
 than because there is no greater power : in a vvord, that the 
 world, and all which exists, IT is of absolute necessity, and were 
 there any thing possible that God should refuse a being to, he 
 would be either impotent or envious ; and as he could not refuse 
 a being to any thing capable thereof, so can he annihilate noth- 
 ing.** That we ought not to ask why God does not hinder sin 
 
 * Lib. iii. c. vii. viii. xxiii. pp. 56, 82. Edit. 1525. f Ibid. c. xxiv. xxv. p. 
 85, &c. X Lib. c. xxvii. lib. i. c. x. p. 15. § Ibid. c. xi. p. 18. || Ibid. c. ii. 
 IT Ibid. c. iv. Ibid. c. x. p. 16. ** Ibid. c. iv. lb. c. x. Lib. iii. c. ix. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 119 
 
 — the reason is, because he cannot ; nor, in general, why he 
 does or does not such a thing — because he does necessarily all 
 he can do : yet is he nevertheless free,* but in like manner, as 
 he is free to produce his Son, whom nevertheless he produces 
 necessarily. That the liberty, so called, of contradiction,! 
 whereby you may do a thing or not do it, J is an erroneous term 
 introduced by the doctors ; euid the imagination we have of our 
 being free, is a perpetual illusion like to that of a child who thinks 
 he walks alone whilst led : yet we deliberate, § we consult about 
 our affairs, we damn our souls, but all this is inevitable, no less 
 than all that is done or omitted in the world either by the crea- 
 ture, [| or by God himself. That God has determined every 
 thing, and necessitates, as well the predestinated as the repro- 
 bate to all they do,?! as also each particular creature to its sev- 
 eral actions ; and thence it happens that there are elect and rep- 
 robate ; and thus it is not in God's power to save one single 
 reprobate.** That he laughs at what is said in schools, de sensu 
 composito et diviso, seeing that God can save none but such as 
 are saved actually ;'|"| that there is a necessary consequence for 
 sinninsr if certain thinsjs fall out ; that God wills these thino;s to 
 happen, and that this consequence be good, because otherwise 
 it would not be necessary : so he wills you should sin, and wills 
 sin on account of the good he draws from it ; and although it 
 does not please God that Peter should sin, yet the sin of Peter 
 pleases him : JJ that God approves sinning ; that he necessitates 
 to sin. That man can do no better than he does ; that sinners 
 and the damned are nevertheless beholden to God, who shows 
 mercy to the damned in giving them existence, which is more 
 advantageous to, and to be wished for by them than non-exist- 
 ence : that indeed, he dares not wholly ascertain this opinion, 
 nor push men on to sin by teaching that it is agreeable to God 
 they should thus sin, and that God allows it them as a recom- 
 pense ; he being aware§§ that the wicked might take occasion, 
 from this doctrine, to commit grievous crimes, which, if they 
 may, they will commit : but if no better reasons are given him 
 than what are commonly alleged, he shall abide confirmed in his 
 sentiment without uttering a word." 
 
 You see thereby, he feels a secret hoiTor of the blasphemies 
 he vents ; but he is hurried into them by the spirit of pride and 
 singularity to which he had abandoned himself, nor does he 
 know how to restrain the transports of his pen. This is a faith- 
 ful extract of his blasphemies ; they are reduced to two heads, 
 to make a God overruled by necessity, and, what is a conse- 
 
 ♦ Lib. i. c. X. t lb. c. xi. | lb. c. x. § Ibid. || lb. lib. iii. c. ix. 
 
 IT lb. i. c. xiv. Lib. iii. c. iv. ** Ibid. c. viii. ff Ibid. c. iv. 
 
 J J Ibid. c. vi. viii. lb. c. iv. §§ Ibid, c viii. 
 
120 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 quence from thence, a God, author and approver of all crimes; 
 namely, a God whom the atheists would have reason to deny : so 
 that the religion of so great a reformer is worse than atheism. 
 
 At the same time may be seen how many of his Dogmas 
 were followed by Luther. As for Calvin and the Calvinists, we 
 shall see them hereafter ; nor, in this sense, is it in vain that they 
 have reckoned this impious wretch among their predecessors. 
 154. — He imitates the false piety of the Vaudois. 
 
 In the midst of all these blasphemies, he was for imitating 
 the false piety of the Vaudois, by attributing the effect of the 
 sacraments to personal merit :* saying, " The keys did not ope- 
 rate except in the hands of holy persons ; and those who do not 
 imitate Jesus Christ cannot have the power of them : that, 
 nevertheless, this power is not lost in the Church ; that it sub- 
 sists in the humble and unknown : that laymen may consecrate 
 and administer the sacraments -.^^ that it is a great crime in 
 churchmen to possess temporal goods, a great crime in princes 
 to have bestowed such on them, and not to employ their authority 
 to take them from the clergy." Here you have in an English- 
 man, if I may be allowed to say it, the first pattern of the Eng- 
 lish Reformation, and church plundering. Some will say, it is 
 self-interest we here combat for ; no, we do but discover the 
 mischievousness of extravagant minds, which, as we see, are 
 capable of every excess. 
 
 155. — Wickliff^s Doctrine not calumjiiated at the Council of Constance. 
 
 M. la Roque pretends, WicklifF was calumniated at the 
 Council of Constance, J and that propositions, which he did not 
 believe, were laid to his charge, this amongst the rest: " God 
 is obliged to obey the Devil." But if we find so many blas- 
 phemies in one only work that remains of Wickliff, we may 
 easily believe there were many others in his books, so very 
 numerous at that time ; and particularly as for this, it is a mani- 
 fest consequence from the above doctrine, forasmuch as God, in 
 all things acting by necessity, is drawn by the will of the devil to 
 do certain things when obliged of necessity to concur to them. 
 156. — Wickliff^ s pernicious Doctrine concerning Kings. 
 
 Neither do we find, in the Trialogue, that proposition imputed 
 to Wickliff,§ " that a king ceased to be a king by the commis- 
 sion of a mortal sin." There were other books enough of Wick- 
 liflf whence this might be taken. In fact we have a conference 
 between the Catholics of Bohemia and the Calixtins, in presence 
 of King George Pogiebrac, wherein Hilary, Dean of Prague, 
 maintains to Roquesane,]] chief of the Calixtins, that Wickliff 
 
 * Lib. iv. c. X. xiv. xxiii. xxv. xxxii. f Ibid. c. xvii. >'viii. xix. xxiv. 
 
 I Hist, de Euch. Cone. Const. Sess. viii. prop. 6. § Ibid. prop. xv. 
 
 II Disput. cum. Rokys. apud. Canis. ant. lect. t. iii. p. ii. p. 474. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 121 
 
 had written in express terms, " that an old woman might be king 
 and pope, were she better and more virtuous than the pope and 
 king ; and in such cases she might say to the king, ' Rise vp, 
 I am more worthy than thou to sit upon the throne.' " Upon 
 Roquesane's answering this was not WickiifPs meaning, the 
 same Hilary offered to show these propositions to the whole 
 assembly, and this besides ;* " that whosoever is, by his virtue, 
 the most praiseworthy, is also the most worthy in dignity, and 
 the most holy old woman ought to be placed in the most holy 
 employment." Roquesane stood mute, and the fact passed for 
 incontestable. 
 
 157. — Such of Wickliffh Articles as were conformable to our Doctrine. 
 
 The same Wickliff| consented to the invocation of saints, 
 honored their images, acknowledged their merits, and believed 
 in purgatory. 
 
 As for the Eucharist, what he most contended against was 
 transubstantiation, which he said was the most detestable heresy 
 that ever had been broached. Wherefore, it is his great article 
 that bread is in this sacrament. With respect to the Real Pres- 
 ence, he has some things for, and some against it. He says, 
 " The body is hidden in each morsel and crumb of bread." In 
 another place, after saying according to his cursed maxim, that 
 the sanctity of the minister is necessary to a valid consecration, 
 he adds, " you must presume for the sanctity of priests ; but," 
 says he, " on account that we have but a bare probability of it, 
 I adore conditionally the host which I see, and adore absolutely 
 Jesus Christ who is in heaven." He does not, therefore, doubt 
 of the Presence, but inasmuch as he is not certain of the holi- 
 ness of the minister, which he believes absolutely necessary 
 thereto. Other such like passages may be found in him, but it 
 is of httle consequence to know more of them. 
 
 158. — Wickliff^s Confession of Faith produced by J\L de la Roque, son of the 
 
 Minister. 
 
 A fact of greater importance is advanced by M. la Roque, 
 junior. J He produces a confession of faith, wherein the Real 
 Presence is clearly owned, and transubstantiation no less clearly 
 rejected ; but most material of all is what he affirms, that this 
 confession of faith was proposed to Wickliff in the Council of 
 London, where happened that great earthquake, called for that 
 reason concilium terrce motus ; some saying the earth had a horror 
 of the bishop's decision, and others, of Wickliff's heresy. 
 159. — Proved false from Wickliff himself. 
 
 But without further examination of this confession of faith, of 
 
 * Disput. cum. Rokys. apud. Canis. ant. lect. t. iii. p. ii. p. 500. 
 t Lib. iii. c. 30. Lib. xi. 14. Lib. iii. 5. iv. 6, 7, 40, 41. Lib. iv. 1, 6. Lib. iv. c. 1. 
 X Nouv. ace. Cont M. Yarril. p. 73. 
 VOL. II. 11 
 
122 THE HISTORY OF ' [bOOK 
 
 which we shall speak with more certainty when we shall have 
 seen it entire, I may ventm-e to say beforehand, that it could 
 not have been proposed to WicklifF by the council. I prove it 
 from WickliiThimself,* who repeats four times, that " in the Coun- 
 cil of London, where the earth trembled," in sno concilio terrcB 
 motus ; it was defined in express terms, " that the substance of 
 bread and wine did not remain after consecration ;" wherefore 
 it is more clear than the day, that the confession of faith wherein 
 is rejected this change of substance, can never be of this council. 
 
 160. — Wickliff renounces his Doctrine and dies in the external Communion of 
 
 the Church. 
 
 I take M. la Roque for a man of too great sincerity not to 
 yield to so clear a proof. Meanwhile, we are obliged to him 
 for sparing us the trouble of proving here the faintheartedness 
 of WicklifF; his recantation in the presence of the council; 
 that " of his disciples, who at first had no more resolution than 
 he ; the shame he conceived at his dastardly comportment in 
 departing from the notions then received,"! which made him 
 break off all commerce with men ; so that, since his retraction, 
 you hear no more mention of him ; and, finally, his dying in his 
 cure, and in the exercise of his function, which proves, as also 
 does his burial in hallowed ground, that he died externally in 
 the communion of the Church. 
 
 I have, therefore, no more to do but conclude with this author, 
 that Protestants can reap nothing but shame from Wickliff's con- 
 duct, J " who either was an hypocritical prevaricator, or a Roman 
 Catholic ; who died in the church even whilst he assisted at the 
 sacrifice accounted the mark of distinction between both parties." 
 
 161. — J\Ielancthon''s sentiment concerning Wickliff. 
 Those who have a mind to know Melancthon's opinion of 
 Wickliff, will find it in the Preface to his " Commonplaces," 
 where he says,§ " You may judge of WicklifT's spirit by the 
 errors he abounds with. He understood nothing," says he, *' of 
 the justice of faith ; he makes a jumble of gospel and politics ; 
 he maintains it unlawful for priests to have anything of their 
 own ; he speaks of the civil power after a seditious manner, and 
 full of sophistry ; with the same sophistry he cavils about the 
 universally received opinion touching our Lord's Supper." This 
 is what Melancthon said, after reading Wickliff. He would have 
 said more, and not spared this author, as well deciding against 
 free-will, as making God the author of sin, had he not feared, 
 in reproving him for these excesses, he should defame his mas- 
 ter, Luther, under Wickliff 's name. 
 
 + Lib. V. c. 36, 37, 38. f La Roque, lb. 70. lb. pp. 81, 85, 88, S9, 90. 
 X La Roque, lb. § Prsef. ad Mycon. Hosp. p. ii. ad An. 1350, f. 115. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 123 
 
 THE HISTORY OF JOHN HUSS AND HIS DISCIPLES. 
 162. — John Huss imitates Wicklijf in his hatred of the Pope. 
 W hat raised WicklifF to so high a station among the prede- 
 cessors of our Reformed, was his teaching that the Pope was 
 antichrist, and that ever since the year of our Lord one thousand, 
 when Satan was to be let loose, according to St. John's prophesy,, 
 the Church of Rome was become the whore of Babylon. John 
 Huss, the disciple of Wickliff,* has merited the same honors, 
 in having so closely followed his master in this doctrine. 
 
 163. — John Htiss says Mass, and has no other sentiments in respect of the Eu- 
 charist than those of the Church of Rome. 
 
 In other points he forsook him. Heretofore there was a dis- 
 pute concerning his sentiments on the Eucharist. But the ques- 
 tion is adjudged by our adversaries' consent ; M. la Roque 
 having shown, in his history of the Eucharist,! from the authors 
 of those times, from the testimony of Huss's first disciples, from 
 his own writings, still extant, that he believed transubstantiation, 
 and all the other articles of the Roman faith, not one excepted, 
 unless communion under both kinds ; and that he persisted in 
 these sentiments even unto death. The same minister demon- 
 strates the same thing in relation to Jerome of Prague, the dis- 
 ciple of John Huss, and the fact admits of no doubt. 
 
 184. — Why Huss^s Doctrine came to be doubted of. 
 
 V^Tiat gave occasion to doubt of John Huss, were some words 
 
 he had uttered inconsiderately, and which were misunderstood, 
 
 or retracted by him. But what more than all the rest caused 
 
 him to be suspected in this matter was, the excessive praises he 
 
 gave Wickliff, the enemy of transubstantiation. WicklifF, in 
 
 reality, was the great doctor of John Huss and all the Hussite 
 
 party : but certain it is, they did not follow his doctrine, crude 
 
 as it was, but strove to explain it, as did John Huss, whom 
 
 Rudiger J praises for having explained artfully, and courageously 
 
 defended the sentiments of WicklifF. It was, therefore, agreed 
 
 on in the party, that WicklifF, who, to speak the truth, was the 
 
 head thereof, had carried matters much too far, and stood greatly 
 
 in need of explanation. But however that may be, it is very 
 
 certain John Huss gloried in his priesthood to the very last, and 
 
 never intermitted saying Mass when able. 
 
 165. — John Huss a Catholic in all the controverted points, except Communion 
 under both kinds, and the Pope''s authority. 
 
 M. la Roque, junior, upholds strenuously his father's senti- 
 ments ; and is even sincere enough to own, that " they are dis- 
 pleasing to several of the party, and especially to the famous 
 Mr. , who generally did not relish truths which had es- 
 
 * Wick. lib. iv. c. 1., &c. f Part ii. th. xLx. p. 484. J R,udig. Narr. p. 153. 
 
124 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 caped his notice."* Every body knows it was Mr. Claude whose 
 name he suppressed. But this young author carries his re- 
 searches much farther than any Protestant had done before. 
 None can any longer doubt, after the proofs which he alleges, 
 that John Huss prayed to saints, honored their images, ac- 
 knowledged the merit of works, the seven sacraments, sacra- 
 mental confession, and purgatory."]" The dispute chiefly turned 
 on communion under both kinds ; and, what was of the most 
 importance, on that damnable doctrine of Wickliff, that authority, 
 and especially ecclesiastical authority, was lost by sin ; for John 
 Huss maintained, on this head, things as extravagant as those 
 advanced by Wickliff, and thence it was he drew his pernicious 
 consequences. 
 
 166. — Jill goes doion loith Protestants, provided you inveigh against the Pope. 
 
 If, with such a doctrine, and saying Mass besides, every day 
 to the end of his life, a man may not only be a true behever, but 
 also a saint and martyr, (as all Protestants proclaim John Huss, 
 no less than Jerome of Prague, his disciple,) there is no need 
 of more disputing about fundamental articles : the only funda- 
 mental article is, to cry out amain against the Pope and Church 
 of Rome ; but if with Wickliff and John Huss you stretch so 
 far as to call that church the Church of Antichrist, this doctrine 
 is the remission of all sins whatever, and covers all kinds of errors. 
 
 IG7.— The Taborites. 
 
 Let us return to the Brethren of Bohemia, and see how they 
 are the disciples of John Huss. Immediately after his con- 
 demnation and execution, two sects were seen to arise under 
 his name, the sect of Calixtins and the sect of Taborites : the 
 Calixtins under Roquesane, who by the joint consent of all, as 
 well Catholic as Protestant authors, was, under the pretext of 
 reformation, the most ambitious of all mankind : the Taborites 
 under Zisca, whose sanguinary actions are not less known than 
 his valor and success. Without inquiring into the doctrine of 
 the Taborites, their rebellions and cruelty have made them 
 odious to the greatest part of Protestants. Men that carried 
 fire and sword into the bowels of their country for twenty years 
 together, and whose marches may be traced by the blood and 
 ashes they left behind, are not over qualified to be held for the 
 principal defenders of the truth, nor to give an origin to Christian 
 Churches. J Rudiger, who alone of the sect, for want of better 
 knowledge, would have the Bohemian brethren descended from 
 the Taborites,§ acknowledges " that Zisca, pushed on by his 
 particular enmities, carried the hatred he had against the monks 
 
 * Nouv. ace. cont. Varr. pp. 148, 150. j lb. p. 158, et seq. Cone. Const. 
 Sess. XV. prop. 11, 12, 13, &c. | De Frat Narrat. p. 158. § lb. 155. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 125 
 
 and priests so far, that he not only set fire to churches and mon- 
 asteries, wherein they served God, but also, in order to leave 
 them no dwelling-place on earth, caused all the inhabitants of 
 those places they possessed to be put to the sword." This is 
 what Rudiger* says, an unsuspected author ; to which he adds, 
 that the brethren, whom he makes to descend from these bar- 
 barous Taborites, were ashamed of this parentage. Accord- 
 ingly, they renounce it in all their Confessions of Faith and 
 Apologies, and show even it is impossible they should have 
 sprung from the Taborites,! because at the time they began to 
 appear, this sect, in a manner crushed by the death of its gen- 
 erals and the universal pacification of the Catholics and Calix- 
 tins, (who united the whole powers of the state in order to de- 
 molish them,) " held but jn a lingering state till Pogiebrac and 
 Roquesane entirely brought their miserable remains to destruc- 
 tion ; insomuch," say they, " that no more Taborites, were left 
 on earth," which is confirmed by Camerarius in his history.J 
 
 IQ8.— The Calixtins. 
 
 The other sect, that prided itself in the name of John Huss, 
 was that of the Calixtins, so called, because they believed the 
 Chalice was absolutely necessary for the people. And it is un- 
 doubtedly from this sect that the Brethren proceeded in 1457, 
 as they themselves declared in the preface to their Confession 
 of Faith of 1558, and again, in that of 1572, so frequently cited 
 by us, where they speak in these terms, § " Those who founded 
 our Churches, sepai-ated themselves at that time from the Ca- 
 lixtins by a new separation ;" their meaning was, as by them 
 explained in their apology of 1532, that as the Calixtins had 
 'separated themselves from Rome, so the Brethren separated 
 from the Calixtins ; so that this was a schism and division, in 
 another division and schism. But what were the causes for this 
 separation ? there is no comprehending them aright without 
 knowing both the belief and condition the Calixtins were in at 
 that time. 
 
 169. — The Compadatum or Articles agreed to by the Council of Basil. 
 
 Their doctrine at first consisted in four articles. The first 
 concerned the cup ; the other three regarded the correction of 
 public and particular sins, which they carried to some excess ; 
 the free preaching of the word of God, from which, they main- 
 tained, none could be precluded ; and Church-revenues. Herein 
 was a smack of the Yaudois errors. These four articles were 
 regulated in the council of Basil, after such a manner as the 
 Calixtins were contented with, and the cup granted them on cer- 
 
 * De Frat. Narrat. p. 155. f Praef. Confess. 1572. seu. de orig. Eccl. 
 
 Boh. &c. post. 1 Hist. Camer. init. Prsef. p. 176. § lb. p. 267. Pr»f Boh. 
 Conf. 1558. Syat. Gen. p. 164. Apol. Frat. 1. part, ap. Lyd. t. ii. p. 129. 
 
 VOL. II. 11 * 
 
126 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 tain terms which they agreed to. This agreement was called 
 Compactatum, a name famous in the history of Bohemia. But 
 one part of the Hussites, not resting contented with these arti- 
 cles, began, under the name of Taborites, those bloody wars 
 just mentioned ; and the Calixtins, the other part of the Hussites, 
 which had accepted the agreement, stood not to it ; for instead 
 of declaring, as they had agreed at Basil, that the cup was neither 
 necessary nor commanded by Jesus Christ, they pressed the 
 necessity thereof, even in regard to new-baptized children.* 
 This point excepted, it is allowed the Calixtins agreed in all 
 dogmas with the Church of Rome, and their disputes with the 
 Taborites prove as much. Lydius, a minister of Dort, has 
 collected the acts thereof, which are not called in question by 
 Protestants. 
 
 170. — The Calixtins disposed to own the Pope. 
 
 In them therefore it may be seen, that the Calixtins not only 
 allow transubstantiation, but also with relation to the Eucharist, 
 all and every part of the doctrine and usages received in the 
 Church of Rome, communion only under both kinds excepted ; 
 and should that be granted by the Pope, they were ready to 
 acknowledge his authority. I 
 
 171. — Wherefore then did they so much respect the memory of Wickliff? 
 
 Here the query might be put, their sentiments being such, 
 how they could retain so great a respect for Wickliff as to call 
 him by excellence, as the Taborites did, the evangelical doctor? 
 the reason in short was, because we find nothing regular in these 
 separated sects. Although Wickliff had inveighed with all the 
 passion imaginable against the Church of Rome, and in particu- 
 lar against transubstantiation, the Calixtins excused him, J by 
 answering, what he had said against this dogma was not spoken 
 decisively but scholastically, by way of dispute ; whereby we 
 may judge how easy a matter they found it to justify, say what 
 you would, an author with whom they were infatuated. 
 
 172. — The ambition of Roquesane and the Calixtins hinders their reunion with 
 
 the Church. 
 
 For all that, they were not the less disposed to submit to the 
 Pope's authority, and Roquesane's interests alone prevented 
 their reunion. This doctor himself had been contriving the rec- 
 onciliation, in hopes, after so great a service, that the Pope 
 would be easily inclined to confer on him the Archbishopric of 
 Prague, which he much ambitioned.§ But the Pope, unwilling 
 to trust the care of souls and depositum of faith to so factious 
 a person, invested Budvix with this prelacy, as much Roque- 
 
 * I.yd. Wald. t. 1. Rotcro. 1616. 
 
 t Syn. Praijue. An. 1431, ap Lyd. p. 304, et An. 1434. Ibid. pp. 332, 354. 
 
 i Ibid. p. 472. § Cam. Hist. Narr. Apol. Frat p. 115, &c. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 127 
 
 sane'«5 superior in merit as in birth. This ruined all. Bohe- 
 mia saw herself reinvolved in more bloody wars than ever. 
 Roquesane, in spite of the Pope, set himself up for Archbishop 
 of Prague, or rather for Pope in Bohemia ; nor could Pogie- 
 brac, whom he had raised to the throne by his intrigues, refuse 
 him any thing. 
 
 173. — Origin of the Bohemian Brethren, loho separate from Roquesane and the 
 
 Calixtins. 
 
 During these disturbances, the tradesmen who had begun to 
 grumble in the precedent reign, set themselves more than ever 
 to confer among themselves concerning the Reformation of the 
 Church. The Mass, transubstantiation, prayer for the dead, the 
 veneration of saints, but especially the power of the Pope, were 
 offensive to them. In fine, they complained that the " Calixtins 
 romanized in every thing except the cup."* They undertook 
 to correct them. Roquesane, incensed against the Holy See, 
 seemed to them a proper instrument to manage this affair.! 
 Shocked with his haughty answer, which savored of nothing but 
 love of this world, they reproached him with his ambition ; that 
 he was a mere worldling, who would sooner abandon them than 
 his honors. At the same time they placed at their head one 
 Kelesiski, a master-shoemaker, who drew up for them a body 
 of Doctrine called the Forms of Kelesiski. Afterwards they 
 chose themselves a pastor named Matthias Convalde, a lay and 
 ignorant person : and in 1467, divided openly from the Calix- 
 tins, as the Calixtins had done from Rome. Such was the birth 
 of the Bohemian Brethren ; and this is what Camerarius and 
 they themselves, as well in their Annals as in their Apologies 
 and Prefaces to their Confessions of Faith, relate of their origin, 
 except that they date their separation from the year 1457 ; and 
 it seems to me more proper to fix it ten years after, in 1467, at 
 the time they themselves date the creation of their new pastors. 
 174, — Weak beginnings of this Sect. 
 I find here some little contradiction between what they relate 
 of their history in their Apology of 1532, and what they say in 
 the Preface of 1572. J For they say in this Preface that in 1457, 
 at the time they separated from the Calixtins, they were a people 
 collected from all manner of degrees : and in their Apology of 
 1532, wherein they were somewhat less assuming, they own 
 frankly,§ they were made up " of the meaner sort, and of some 
 Bohemian priests in small number, all put together but a hand- 
 ful of men, a small remnant, and the despicable refuse," or, 
 translate it as you please, " Miserabilis qmsquilicz^ left in the 
 
 + Apol. 1532, part 1. t Camer. de Eccl. Frat. pp. 64, 84, &c. Apol. 
 
 Frat. 1532, part 1. % De orig. Eccl. Boh. post. Hist. Camer. p. 267, part i. 
 § Apol. Lyd. t. ii. 221, 222, 232, &c. 
 
128 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 world by John Huss." Thus did they separate from the Ca- 
 lixtins, that is, from the only Hussites then in being. Thus it 
 is thr.t they are the disciples of John Huss ; a piece broken 
 from a piece ; a schism cut off from a schism ; Hussites divided 
 from Hussites, and retaining scarce any thing of them but their 
 disobedience and rupture from the Church of Rome. 
 175. — They only took the name of John Huss, andfolloived not his Doctrine. 
 Should it be asked, how they could own John Huss, as they 
 every where do, for an evangelical doctor, for a holy martyr, for 
 their master, and the apostle of the Bohemians, and at the same 
 time reject, as sacrilegious, the Mass, which their apostle con- 
 stantly said to the last, Transubstantiation, and the other dogmas 
 he had always adhered so closely to : their answer is,* " that 
 John Huss had but begun the re-establishment of the gospel," 
 and they beUeved, " had time been given him, he would have 
 changed a great deal more." Still he failed not to be a martyr 
 and apostle, though he persevered, according to them, in such 
 damnable practices, and the Brethren celebrated his martydom 
 in their churches the eighth of July, as we are informed by 
 Rudiger.! 
 
 176. — Their extreme ignorance, and their presumption in pretending to rebap- 
 
 tize the lohole world. 
 
 CamerariusJ acknowledges their extreme ignorance, but says 
 what he can in excuse thereof. This we may hold for certain, 
 that God wrought no miracles to enlighten them. So many 
 ages after the question of rebaptizing heretics had been deter- 
 mined by the unanimous consent of the whole Church, they 
 were so ignorant as to rebaptize " all those that came to them 
 from, other churches." They persisted in this error for the 
 space of a hundred years, as they own in all their writings, and 
 confess in the Preface of 1558, that it was but a little while 
 since they were undeceived. § This error ought not to be 
 deemed of trivial importance, since it amounted to this, that 
 Baptism was lost in the Universal Church, and remained only 
 amongst them. Thus presumptuous in their notions were two 
 or three thousand men, who had more or less equally revolted 
 against the Calixtins, amongst whom they had lived, and against 
 the Church of Rome, from which both of them had divided thirty 
 or forty years before. So small a parcel of another parcel, dis- 
 mem.bered so few years from the Catholic Church, dared to re- 
 baptize the remainder of the universe, and reduce the inheritance 
 of Jesus Christ to a corner of Bohemia ! They believed them- 
 
 * Apo. 1532, part i. ap. Lyd. t ii. pp. 116, 117, 118, &c. t ^^^- Narr. 
 post. Gamer. Hist. p. 151. I Cam. Hist. Narr. p. 102. Prajf. Apol. 1538, 
 apud Lyd. t. ii. p. 105. § Cam. Hist. Apol. part iv. p. 27^4. Conf. fid. 
 
 1558. Art. xii. Synt. Gen. p. 195. Ibid. p. 170. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 129 
 
 selves therefore the only Christians, since they believed that 
 they only were baptized ; and whatever they might allege in 
 their own vindication, their rebaptization condemned them. All 
 they had to answer was, if they rebaptized the Catholics, the 
 Catholics also rebaptized them. But it is well enough known, 
 that the Church of Rome never rebaptized any that had been 
 baptized by any person whatsoever, " in the name of Father, 
 Son, and Holy Ghost;" and supposing there had been, in Bo- 
 hemia, such very ignorant Catholics as not to know so notorious 
 a thing, ought not they, who called themselves their Reformers, 
 to know better ? After all, how came it to pass that these new 
 rebaptizers did not cause themselves to be rebaptized ? If, at 
 their coming into the world, Baptism had ceased throughout 
 all Christendom, that which they had received was no higher 
 in value than that of their neighbors, and by invalidating the 
 Baptism of those by whom they were baptized, what became of 
 their own ? They were then obliged no less to cause themselves 
 to be rebaptized, than to rebaptize the rest of the universe : and 
 in this there was but one inconveniency ; namely, that, accord- 
 ing to their principles, there was not a man on earth that could 
 do them this good turn. Baptism being equally null whatever 
 side it came from. Thus it is when a shoemaker commences 
 Reformer, one, as themselves acknowledge in a Preface to their 
 Confession of Faith,* that knew not a word of Latin, and was 
 no less presumptuous than ignorant. These are the men whom 
 Protestants admire. Does the question turn on condemning 
 the Church of Rome ? — they never cease to upbraid her with 
 the ignorance of her priests and monks. Is the question re- 
 garding the ignorant individuals of these latter ages, who have 
 set up for reforming the Church by schism 1 — they are fisher- 
 men turned apostles : although their ignorance stand eternally 
 on record, from the first step they took. No matter ; if we 
 believe the Lutherans in the Preface they placed before the 
 Brethren's Apology, and printed at Wittenberg in Luther's time ; 
 if, I say, we believe them, it was in this ignorant society, in this 
 handful of men, that " The Church of God was preserved when 
 she was thought entirely lost."! 
 
 177. — Their fruitless search over all the universe after a Church of their Belief. 
 Nevertheless, these remains of the Church, these depositaries 
 of the ancient Christianity, were themselves ashamed that they 
 could not discover in the whole universe a Church of their be- 
 lief. Camerarius informs us,J that it entered into their thoughts 
 at the beginning of their separation, to make inquiry if they could 
 
 * Conf. fid. 1558, Synt. Gen. part ii. p. 164. 
 
 t Joan. Euseb. in ora. praefixa Apo. frat sub hoc titulo : CEconomia, &c. ap. 
 Lyd. t. ii. p. 95. | De Eccl. Frat. p. 91. 
 
130 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 find, in some place of the earth, and chiefly in Greece or Ar- 
 menia, or some other part of the east, that Christianity, of which 
 the west was utterly bereft according to their sentiments. At 
 that time, many Grecian priests, who had fled to Bohemia from 
 the sacking of Constajitinople, and to whom Roquesane gave 
 reception in his own house, had leave to celebrate the holy mys- 
 teries according to the rites of their Church. Therein the Breth- 
 ren beheld their own condemnation, and beheld it still more in 
 conversing with those priests. But notwithstanding these Gre- 
 cians assured them it was in vain for them to travel into Greece 
 in quest of Christians formed to their mode, whom they never 
 would find ; yet they appointed three deputations of able and 
 discreet persons, whereof some traversed all the east, others went 
 northwards into Muscovy, and others turned their course towards 
 Palestine and Egypt ; whence all meeting at Constantinople, 
 according to the project concerted by them, they returned at last 
 to Bohemia, and all the answer they brought to their brethren 
 was, that they might depend upon it there were none of their 
 profession in the whole universe. 
 
 178. — How they sought Orders in the Catholic Church. 
 
 Their solitude, thus destitute of all succession and lawful or- 
 dination, raised such a horror in them, that even in Luther's 
 time they sent some of their people, who surreptitiously stole 
 Ordination from the Church of Rome ; we learn this from one 
 of Luther's treatises, which is quoted in another place. A poor 
 church indeed, which, void of the principle of fecundity left by 
 Jesus Christ to the apostles and their legitimate successors, 
 were forced to intrude themselves amongst us to beg, or rather 
 to purloin, sacred orders. 
 
 179. — Reproaches made them by Luther. 
 Besides, they were upbraided by Luther* that they knew noth- 
 ing, no more than John Huss, of Justification, the very principal 
 point of the Gospel ; for they " placed it," he proceeds, " in 
 faith and works together, as many fathers had done ; and John 
 Huss was wedded to this opinion." He was in the right ; for 
 neither the Fathers, nor John Huss, nor his master Wickliff*, 
 neither orthodox, nor heretics, nor Albigenses, nor Yaudois, had 
 ever, before him, dreamed of his " imputed justice." Wherefore 
 he despised the Brethren of Bohemia,"]' "as men serious, rigid, 
 of an austere countenance, that martyred themselves with the 
 law and works, and never enjoyed a cheerful conscience." Thus 
 did Luther treat the most regular, to all appearance, of all the 
 schismatic Reformers, and, as was said, the sole remnant of the 
 true Church. But he had soon reason to be satisfied with them : 
 
 * Luth. Coll. p. 286. Edit, of Franc, an. 1676. J Ibid. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 131 
 
 the Brethren carried Lutheran Justification so far, as to run 
 blindly into the excesses of the Calvinists, and even into such 
 as the Calvinists now-a-days strive to clear themselves from. 
 The Lutherans would have us justified without our co-operation, 
 and without our having part therein. The Brethren added,* it 
 was even " without our knowledge and feeling it, as an embryo 
 is quickened in its mother's womb." After our regeneration, 
 God begins to make himself felt ; and if Luther would have us 
 know with certainty our Justification, the brethren still further 
 would have us entirely and indubitably assured of our perseve- 
 rance and salvation. They went so far with the imputation of 
 justice as to say, that " sins, how enormous so ever, were but 
 venial," provided you committed them "with repugnance," and 
 that it was of these sins St. Paul said, " there is now no con- 
 demnation to them which are in Christ Jesus. "| 
 
 180. — Their Doctnne concerning the Seven Sacraments. 
 The Brethren had, like us. Seven Sacraments in the Confes- 
 sion of 1504, which was presented to King Ladislaus. They 
 proved them from the Scriptures, a^nd acknowledged them " es- 
 tablished for the accomplishment of the promises God had made 
 to the faithful." They must have preserved this doctrine of the 
 Seven Sacraments even in Luther's days, since he blamed them 
 for it. The Confession of Faith was therefore reformed, and 
 the Sacraments reduced to two : Baptism and the Supper, as 
 Luther had ordained. Absolution was acknowledged, but not 
 in quality of a Sacrament. In 1504, they spoke of the confes- 
 sion of sins as a thing of obligation. This obhgation docs no 
 longer appear so express in the Reformed Confession, where it 
 is merely said, " You ought to demand of the priest absolution 
 of your sins by the keys of the Church, and obtain the forgive- 
 ness of them by this ministry ordained for that end by Jesus 
 
 Christ."J 
 
 181. — Concerning the Real Presence. 
 
 As for the Real Presence, the defenders of the literal and the 
 figurative sense have equally strived to turn to their advantage 
 the Bohemian Confession of Faith. § For my part, the thing 
 being indifferent to me, I shall only report their words, and here 
 is what at first they wrote to Roquesane, as they themselves set 
 forth in their Apology : " We believe that we receive the body 
 and blood of our Lord under the species of bread and wixie." 
 And a little further on : " We are none of those who, ill uiider- 
 
 * Apo!. part iv. ap. Lyd. t. ii. p. 244, 248. Ibid, part ii. 172, 173. part iv. 
 p. 282. Ibid, part ii. p. 168. t Rom. viii. 1. 
 
 X Conf. fiid. apud Lyd. t. iii. p. 8. et seq. citat. in Apol. 1531. ap. eund. Lyd. 
 296. t. ii. Ihen. Germ. liv. de I'ador. p. 229, 230. Ibid. Art. xi. xii. xiii. lb. 
 Art. V. xiv. Pref. fid. ad Lad. c. de poenitent. laps. ap. Lyd. t. ii. p. 15. 
 
 § Apol. 1532, part iv. ap. Lyd. p. 295. 
 
133 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 standing the words of our Lord, say, he has given us consecrated 
 bread as a memorial of his body, which he pointed at with his 
 finger, saying, ' This is my body.' Others say, this bread is the 
 body of our Lord who is in heaven, but significantly. All these 
 expositions appear to us far remote from Jesus Christ's inten- 
 tion, and are very displeasing to us." 
 
 IS2.— Sequel. 
 
 In their Confession of Faith of the year 1504, they speak 
 thus : " As often as a worthy priest, with a faithful people, pro- 
 nounces these words, * This is my body, this is my blood,' the 
 bread present is the body of Jesus Christ which was offered for 
 us to death, and the wine his blood shed for us ; and this body 
 and this blood are present under the species of bread and wine 
 in memory of his death." And to show the firmness of their 
 faith, they add, they would believe as much of a stone, had 
 Jesus Christ said it was his body.* 
 
 183. — They make the Sacrament depend on the merit of the minister. 
 
 Hitherto we see the same language as is used by Catholics ; 
 we see the body and blood "under the species" immediately 
 after the words, and we see them there, not in figure, but in 
 truth. What they have peculiar to them, is their requiring these 
 words should be pronounced by a worthy priest. This is what 
 they add to the Catholic doctrine. To accomplish the work of 
 God in the Eucharistic bread, Jesus Christ's words did not suf- 
 fice, but the minister's merit was also necessary ; this is what 
 they had learned from John Wickliff and John Huss. 
 184. — Strong expression in favor of the Reality. 
 
 They repeat the same thing in another place :| "When," say 
 they, " a worthy priest prays with his faithful people, and says, 
 * This is my body, this is my blood,' immediately the bread 
 present is the same body which was given up to death, and the 
 wine present is his blood which was shed for our redemption." 
 It is therefore plain they change nothing in the Catholic doctrine 
 as to the real presence ; on the contrary, they seem to make 
 choice of the strongest terms to confirm it, by saying, " that im- 
 mediately after the words, the bread is the true body of Jesus 
 Christ, the same that was born of the Yirgin, and was to be given 
 up to crucifixion ; and the wine his true natural blood, the same 
 which was to be shed for our sins, and all this without delay, at 
 the very instant, with a presence most real and true, prceseniis- 
 sime, as they speak." And the figurative sense appeared to 
 them, say they, " so odious in one of their synods, that a certain 
 person called John Czizco, one of theirs who had dared to main- 
 
 * Prof. fid. ad Lad. o. de Euch. ap. Lyd. t. ii. p. 10. citat. Apol. part iv. lb. 
 296. Ibid. p. xii. 
 
 t Apol. ad Lad. Ibid. 42. Prof. fid. ad. Lad. Ibid. p. 27. Apol. p. 66. etc. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 133 
 
 tain it, was expelled out of their communion." They add that 
 divers writings have been published by them against this pres- 
 ence in sign, and those that defend it hold them for their adver- 
 saries, call them Papists, Antichrists, and Idolaters.* 
 
 185, — The same thing confirmed. 
 Another proof of their sentiment is a saying of theirs, " that 
 Jesus Christ is present in the bread and wine by his body and 
 blood ; otherwise," proceed they, " neither those that are worthy 
 would receive any thing but bread and wine, nor those that are 
 unworthy would be guilty of the body and blood, it being im- 
 possible they should be guilty of what is not there. "| Whence 
 it follows that they are there, not only for the worthy, bij^t also 
 for the unworthy. 
 
 186. — Their manner of refusing Adwafion confirms their Belief of the Reality^ 
 even out of the Reception. 
 
 True it is, they are against our adoring Jesus Christ in the 
 Eucharist for two reasons : first, because he has not commanded 
 it ; secondly, because there are two presences of Jesus Christ, 
 his personal, corporeal, and sensible presence, which ought to 
 attract our adoration ; and his spiritual or sacramental presence, 
 which ought not to attract it. But for all this, they nevertheless 
 acknowledge the substance of the body of Jesus Christ in the 
 Sacrament : " we are not commanded," say they, " to honor this 
 substance of the body of Jesus Christ consecrated, but the sub- 
 stance of Jesus Christ which is at the right hand of the Father." J 
 Here, then, have you, in the Sacrament and in heaven, the sub- 
 stance of Jesus Christ's body, but adorable in heaven and not 
 so in the Sacrament. And, lest you should vv^onder at this, they 
 add, " that Jesus Christ v/ould not even oblige men to adore 
 him on earth when he was there present, because he waited the 
 time of his glory ;"§ which shows their intention was not to 
 exclude the substantial presence, when they exclude adoration; 
 on the contrary, they supposed it, since, had they not believed 
 it, they would have had no manner of occasion to excuse them- 
 selves for not adoring in the Sacrament what, in reality, was 
 not there. 
 
 Let us not inquire of them now, whence they learned this rare 
 doctrine ; that, to adore Jesus Christ, it is not sufficient we know 
 him present, and that it was not his intention we should adore 
 him on earth, but only in his glory : I am satisfied with relating 
 what they say of the Real Presence, nay, of the Real Presence 
 not after the manner of the Melancthonists, in the sole use, but 
 immediately after the Consecration. 
 
 * Apol. 1532, part iv. p. 290. lb. p. 298. Ibid. p. 291, 299. f Ibid. 309. 
 J Ap. ad Lad. p. 67, et alibi passim. Ibid. p. 301, 306, 307, 309, 311, etc. 
 § Ibid. p. 67. Prof. fid. ad Lad. p. 29. Apol. ad eund. p. 68. 
 VOL. II. 12 
 
134 THE HISTORY OF [BOOK 
 
 187. — Their uncertainty and affected Ambiguities. 
 With these expressions apparently so distinct and so decisive 
 for the Real Presence, in other places they confound themselves 
 after so strange a manner, that it seems as if they feared nothing 
 so much as leaving a clear and certain testimony of their faith : 
 for they repeat continually that Jesus Christ is not in the Eu- 
 charist in person.* It is true, they call his being there in per- 
 son, being there sensibly and corporally : expressions which they 
 always hnk together, and oppose to a spiritual manner of being, 
 acknowledged by them. But what casts them into a new con- 
 fusion, is that they seem to say,| Jesus Christ is present in the 
 Eucharist with this spiritual Presence, as he is in Baptism and 
 in preaching the word, as he was eaten by the ancient Hebrews 
 in the desert, as St. John the Baptist was Elias. Nor do I com- 
 prehend what they mean by this odd expression :J Jesus Christ 
 is not here " with his natural body after an existing and corpo- 
 real manner, exisienter et corporaliter,^^ but is here§ " spiritually, 
 powerfully, by way of benediction, and in virtue ; spiritualiler 
 potenter, benedicte,in virtue,'''' What they add is not intelhgible, 
 that " Jesus Christ is here in the abode of benediction," to wit, 
 according to their language, he is in the Eucharist, " as he is at 
 the right hand of God, but not as he is in the heavens." If he 
 be there as he is at the right hand of God, he is there in person. 
 Thus naturally should one conclude : but how shall we dis- 
 tinguish the heavens from the right hand of God? there we are 
 at a loss. The Brethren spoke distinctly when they said:|] 
 *' There is but one Lord, Jesus Christ, who is the same in the 
 Sacrament with his natural body, but who is after another man- 
 ner at the right hand of his Father : for it is one thing to say, 
 there is Jesus Christ, this is my body ; and another to say, he 
 is there after such a manner." But no sooner had they ex- 
 pressed themselves in plain terms, than they bewilder themselves 
 in strange subtilized notions, into which they are plunged by the 
 confusion and uncertainty of their minds and thoughts, together 
 with a vain desire of contenting both parties of the Reformation. 
 
 188. — The Lutherans and Calvinists both stnve to draw them to their side. — • 
 They incline to the first. 
 
 The more forward they advanced, the more important and 
 mysterious they became ; and as the Lutherans and Calvinists 
 strove each to gain them, so they also, on their side, seemed in- 
 clined to content both parties. At length, tliis is what they said 
 in 1558, and what they appeared resolved to stand by. IT They 
 complain, at first, they were accused " of not believing that the 
 
 * Apol.adLadis. lb. p. 63, 69, &c. 71, 73. Ibid. p. 301, 306, 307, 309, 311, &c. 
 
 t Ibid. p. 302, 304, 307, 308. j Ibid. 74. § Ibid. || Ibid. p. 71. 
 
 IT Apol. ad Ladis. p. 162. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 135 
 
 presence of the true body and true blood was present." What 
 odd expressions, presence to be present ! thus they speak in the 
 preface : but teach in the body of the Confession, that it ought 
 to be acknowledged that the bread is the true body of Jesus 
 Christ, and the cup his true blood, without adding any thing of 
 your own to his words. But whilst they forbid adding any thing 
 to the words of Jesus Christ, they themselves add to them the 
 word true, which is not there ; and whereas Jesus Christ said, 
 " This is my body," they suppose he said, " This bread is my 
 body ;" a very different thing, as elsewhere you may have seen. 
 Now if it were allowable in them to add what they judged ne- 
 cessary to denote a true presence, it was no less allowable in 
 others to add also what was requisite to remove all ambiguity ; 
 and to reject these expressions after disputes had arisen, was 
 opposing hght, and leaving the questions undecided. It was 
 for this reason Calvin* wrote to them, that he could not approve 
 of their obscure and captious brevity, and required them to ex- 
 plain how the bread is the body of Jesus Christ ; which, should 
 they fail to do, he maintained their confession of faith could not 
 be subscribed without peril, and would occasion great disputes. 
 But Luther was satisfied with them, as they approximated near 
 to his expressions, and were more inclined towards the Confes- 
 sion of Augsburg. For they even continued to complain of 
 those,| who denied that the bread and wine were the true body 
 and true blood of Jesus Christ, and who called them Papists, 
 Idolaters, and Antichrists, on account of their acknowledging 
 the true presence. Finally, to show how far they were leaning 
 to the side of the Real Presence, they enjoin their ministers, in 
 distributing this sacrament,J and in reciting the words of our 
 Lord, " to exhort the people to believe that the presence of 
 Jesus Christ is present ;" and in this view they enjoin, likewise, 
 although in other respects little inclined to adoration, " That the 
 sacrament be received kneeling." 
 
 189. — Luther gives them his approbation, and how. 
 
 By thus expounding and thus palliating as already seen, they 
 so contented Luther, that he prefixed his approbation to a con- 
 fession of faith published by them,§ declaring, however, " That 
 for this time they not only appeared more adorned, more free, 
 and more polished, but also more considerable and better ;" 
 which sufficiently intimates, he approved their confession only 
 inasmuch as it had been reformed agreeably to his maxims. 
 190. — Their Festivals, their Churches, their Fasts, the Celibacy of their Priests. 
 
 It does not appear that any uneasiness was given them in re- 
 gard of the stated fasts preserved amongst them, nor in regard 
 
 *Calv.Ep.adWald.p.312,etseq. f Ibid. 195. J Ibid. 396. §P.211. 
 
136 THE HISTORY OF [BOOK 
 
 of the festivals tliey celebrated, forbidding all labor, not only in 
 honor of our Lord, but also of the Blessed Virgin and the Saints. 
 They were not upbraided that this was observing days contrary 
 to the precept of the Apostle, nor that these holy days in honor 
 of the saints were so many acts of idolatry. Neither were they 
 accused of raising churches to saints, under the pretext that they 
 continued, as we do, to name the Church of the Virgin, in Templo 
 divm Virginis, of St. Peter, of St. Paul, churches consecrated 
 to God in memory of them. They are likewise suffered to en- 
 join their priests celibacy, and degrade them from priesthood 
 upon marrying, for this unquestionably was their practice no less 
 than that of the Taborites.* All this is harmless in the Brethren ; 
 in us only every thing is rank poison. 
 
 191. — The perpetual Virginity of Mary, Mother of God. 
 
 I would also have them asked, where they find in Scripture 
 what they say of the blessed Virgin : " that she was a Virgin 
 before and after her delivery."'!' It is true, this was the belief 
 of the holy fathers, and the contrary rejected by them for no less 
 than an execrable blasphemy : yet does it, nevertheless, evince 
 that many things may be accounted blasphemies, the contrary 
 to which is nowhere in holy writ ; so that, when they boast of 
 speaking nothing but from Scripture, they really mean no more 
 by it than that it serves their turn to talk in this strain : nor is 
 this apparent respect for the Scripture anything in them but a 
 blind to the ignorant and simple. 
 
 192. — They fiy for shelter into Poland. 
 
 It is averred that these Bohemian brethren (whose words were 
 so meek and respectful in regard of higher powers) the more 
 they engaged in the Lutheran sentiments, so likewise the more 
 did they enter into their intrigues and wars. Ferdinand found 
 them mingled in the Elector of Saxony's rebelhon against 
 Charles the Fifth, and drove them from Bohemia. J They took 
 sanctuary in Poland, and it appears, from a letter of Musculus 
 to the Protestants of Poland, in 1656, that it was but a few 
 years since these fugitives from Bohemia were received into that 
 kingdom. 
 
 193. — There they unite icith the Lutherans and Zuinglians in the Assembly of 
 
 Sendomir. 
 
 Some time after this, the union of the three Protestant sects of 
 Poland was brought about, namely, of the Lutherans, the Bohe- 
 mians, and the Zuinghans. The act of union was passed in 
 1570, at the Synod of Sendomir, and bears this title : " The 
 union and mutual agreement made between the Churches of Po- 
 
 + Art. XV. xvii. Act. Syn. Torin. 1595. Syn. part ii. p. 240, 242. Art. ix. 
 JEn. Silv. Hist. Boh. ap. Lyd. p. 395, 405. f Orat. Enc. ap. Lyd. p. 30. 
 
 Art xvii. p. 201. | Syntag. Gen. part ii. p. 212. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 137 
 
 land ; to wit, between those of the Augsburg Confession, those 
 of the Confession of the Bohemian Brethren, and those of the 
 Confession of the Helvetic churches, or Zuinghans."* In this 
 act the Bohemians style themselves the Brethren of Bohemia, 
 whom the ignorant call Vaudois. It appears then manifestly 
 that the question here was about those Vaudois who, by mistake, 
 were named so, as we have shown, and who accordingly dis- 
 claim this origin. For, with respect to the ancient Vaudois, we 
 learn from an old author,| that there were scarce any of them in 
 the kingdom of Cracovia, namely in that of Poland, no more than 
 in England, in the Low Countries, in Denmark, in Sweden, in 
 Norway, and in Prussia ; and since this author's time, this little 
 number is so dwindled away to nothing, that, in all these coun- 
 tries, we hear no more mention of them. 
 
 194. — Terms af the Sendomir Agreement. 
 The agreement was made in these terms. In order to explain 
 therein the point concerning the Supper, the whole article of the 
 Saxonic Confession, where this matter is handled, was there 
 transcribed. We have seen that Melancthon drew up this Con- 
 fession in 1551, in order to have it presented at Trent. In it was 
 said, that " Jesus Christ is truly and substantially present in the 
 Communion, and is given truly to those who receive the body 
 and blood of Jesus Christ." J To which they add, in a strange 
 manner of expression, " That the substantial presence of Jesus 
 Christ is not only signified, but truly rendered present, distributed, 
 and given to those who eat ; the signs not being naked, but joined 
 to the thing itself, agreeably to the nature of the sacraments. "§ 
 
 195. — In this agreement the Zuingliayis, more than all the rest, recede from their 
 
 particular tenets. 
 
 " The substantial presence," it seems, was had very much at 
 heart, when, in order to inculcate it the more forcibly, they said, 
 it was not only signified but truly present ; but I always distrust 
 these strong expressions of the Reformation, which the more she 
 diminishes the truth of the body and blood in the Eucharist, the 
 more rich is she always in words ; as if she could repair by them 
 the loss she sustains in things. Now, when you come to the 
 point, although this declaration abounds with equivocal expres- 
 sions, and leaves subterfuges to each party whereby to preserve 
 their particular doctrine ; it is, nevertheless, the Zuinglians that 
 take the greatest step, since whereas they said in their confes- 
 sion that the body of our Lord being in heaven absent from us, 
 becomes present to us only by its virtue, the terms of the agree- 
 ment import, that Jesus Christ is substantially present to us ; 
 
 * Syntag. Gen. part ii. pp. 213, 219. f Pylic, cont. Wald. c. 15. t. iv. 
 
 Bib. PP. part. ii. p. 785. J V. sup. lib. viii. n. 18. Syn. Conf. part i. 
 
 p. 166, part ii. p. 72. § Conf. p. 146. 
 
 VOL. II. 12* 
 
138 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 and notwithstanding all the rules of human language, a presence 
 in virtue becomes immediately a presence in substance. 
 196. — Wherein the Lutherans recede, yet may still come off. 
 There are terms in the agreement which it were difficult for 
 the Lutherans to reconcile to their doctrine, did not men inure 
 themselves, in the new Reformation, to expound every thing to 
 their own sense. For instance, they seem much to depart from 
 the belief they are in, that the body of Jesus Christ is taken by 
 the mouth even by the unworthy, when they say in this agree- 
 ment, " The signs of the Supper give by Faith to the BeHevers, 
 what they signify."* But, besides that they may say they spoke 
 in this manner, by reason that the real presence is not knov.n 
 but by faith ; they may also add that, in fact, there are blessings 
 in the Supper which are given to the believers only, as hfe eter- 
 nal, and the nourishment of the soul, and it is those they mean 
 when they say, " The signs given by Faith, what they signify.'* 
 
 197. — Disposition of the Bohemian Brethren. 
 I do not wonder the Bohemians signed this agreement with- 
 out difficulty. Separated about forty or fifty years before from 
 the Cathohc church, and reduced to allow Christianity in no part 
 of the world except a corner of Bohemia, which they inhabited, 
 upon seeing the Protestants appear, all they thought of was to 
 support themselves with their protection. They knew how to 
 gain Luther by their submission ; by equivocating, they had all 
 that could be desired from Bucer; the Zuinglians suffered them- 
 selves to be soothed by the general expressions of the Brethren, 
 who said, yet without practising it, that nothing ought to be add- 
 ed to the words our Saviour used. The most difficult to be pleased 
 was Calvin. We have seen in the letter^ he wrote to the Bohe- 
 mian Brethren, who had taken refuge in Poland, how he blamed 
 the ambiguity of their confession of faith, and declared there was 
 no subscribing it without opening an inlet to dissension or error. 
 
 198. — Reflections on this Union. 
 Contrary to his judgment, all was subscribed, the Helvetic 
 Confession, the Bohemian, and the Saxonic, the presence of 
 substance together with that of virtue only; namely, the two con- 
 trary doctrines with their equivoca.tions favoring them both. All 
 whatever they pleased was added to our Lord's words, even at 
 the time they ratified the Confession of Faith, wherein was laid 
 down for a maxim, that nothing ought to be added to them : all 
 passed, and a peace was concluded by this means. You see 
 how all the sects, divided from Catholic unity, separate and unite 
 among themselves ; separating from the chair of St. Peter, they 
 separate from one another, and bear the just punishment of de- 
 * Con£ p. 164. t Ep. ad Wal. p. 317. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 139 
 
 spising the band of their unity. When they re-unite in appear- 
 ance, they are never the more united in the main ; and their 
 union, cemented only by pohtical interests, serves but to evi- 
 dence, by a new proof, that they have not so much as the idea 
 of Christian unity, since they never do unite in one accord, in 
 one mind, as St. Paul ordains.* 
 
 199. — General Reflections on the history of all these Sects. 
 May it be allowed us at present to make a few reflections on 
 this history of the Vaudois, the Albigenses, and the Bohemians. 
 You see whether the Protestants were right in reckoning them 
 among their ancestors ; whether this extraction be to their credit ; 
 and in particular whether they ought to have looked on Bohemia, 
 since the time of John Huss, as the mother of the reformed 
 churches. t It is clearer than the sun, on one side, that they 
 only bring in these sects from the necessity of finding witnesses 
 in the foregoing ages for what they believe to be the truth ; and 
 on the other, that nothing is more despicable than to allege such 
 witnesses as are all convicted of falsehood in capital points, and 
 who, *! the main, neither agree with Protestants, nor with us, 
 nor with themselves. This is the first reflection Protestants 
 should make. 
 
 200. — .Another Reflection, that these Sects so contrary, all ground themselves on 
 the evidence of Scripture. 
 
 The second is of no less importance. They ought to con- 
 sider that all these sects, so different from one another, and 
 withal so opposite as well to us as to Protestants, agree with 
 them in the common principle of guiding themselves by the 
 Scriptures : not, indeed, as the Church in all times has under- 
 stood and still understands them — for this is a most certain rule ; 
 but as every man of himself is capable of understanding them. 
 This is what has produced all those errors and all those contra- 
 rieties which we have observed. Under the pretext of Scrip- 
 ture, every man has followed his own notions ; and the Scripture, 
 taken in this way, so far from uniting minds, has divided them, 
 and made every one worship the delusions of his own brain, 
 under the name of the eternal truth. 
 
 201. — Last and most important Reflection concerning the accomplishment of SL 
 
 PauVs prediction. 
 
 But there still remains the last and by much the most im- 
 portant reflection to be made on all these things we have just 
 seen in this contracted history of the Albigenses and Vaudois. 
 There we discover the reason of the Holy Ghost's inspiring St. 
 Paul with this prophecy : " the spirit speaketh expressly, that, 
 in the latter times, some shall depart from the faith, giving heed 
 
 * Phillip, ii. 2. f Jur, Avis aux Proles, de I'Europe at the beginning 
 
 of his Prejug. legit, p. 9. . 
 
140 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 to seducing spirits, and doctrines of devils ; speaking lies in 
 hypocrisy, having their conscience seared with a hot iron ; for- 
 bidding to marry, and commanding to abstain from meats, which 
 God hath created to be received with thanksgiving of them which 
 believe and know the truth. For every creature of God is good, 
 and nothing to be refused, if it be received with thanksgiving : 
 for it is sanctified by the word df God and prayer."* All the 
 holy fathers are agreed that this is meant of the impious sect of 
 Marcionites and Manicheans, who taught two principles, and 
 attributed to the evil one the creation of the universe ; which 
 made them detest the propagation of mankind, and the use of 
 many kinds of food which they believed unclean and bad in their 
 nature, as being produced by a creator who himself was bad 
 and impure. St. Paul points, therefore, at these accursed sects 
 by these two their so noted tenets ; and without previously men- 
 tioning the principle whence they drew these two evil conse- 
 quences, he expresses the two sensible characters whereby we 
 have seen that these infamous sects were known in all times. 
 
 202. — The Doctrine of two Principles pointed at by St. Paul : why this Doc- 
 trine is called the Doctnne of Devils. 
 
 But although St. Paul does not immediately express the deep 
 cause why these deceivers forbade the use of two things so nat- 
 ural, he denotes it sufficiently further on, when he says, in op- 
 position to these errors, that " every creature of God is good,""}" 
 overthrowing by this principle the detestable sentiment of those 
 that descried impurity in the works of God, and making us withal 
 sensible that the root of this lay in not knowing the creation, and 
 in blaspheming the Creator. Accordingly, it is what St. Paul 
 calls, in particular, more than all other doctrines, " the doctrine 
 of devils, "J there being nothing more suitable to the jealousy 
 against God and against men of these seducing spirits, than to 
 attack the creation, condemn God's works, blaspheme against 
 the author of the law and the law itself, and defile human nature 
 with all manner of impurities and illusions. For this is what 
 Manicheism consisted in, and what truly is the very doctrine of 
 devils ; especially if you add these enchantments and impos- 
 tures, which all authors testify were so frequently made use of 
 in this sect. To wrest now the so plain and so natural sense 
 of St. Paul, against those who, acknowledging both marriage 
 and all sort of meats for the work and institution of God, yet 
 abstain voluntarily from them to mortify the senses and purify 
 the mind, is a too manifest delusion, and one which we have seen 
 long ago exploded by the Fathers. It is, then, very perceptible 
 whom St. Paul aimed at, nor is it possible to mistake those he 
 has so accurately described by their proper characters. 
 
 * 1 Tim. iv. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5. f Ibid. 4. J Ibid. 1. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 141 
 
 203. — Q,uery, why the Holy Ghost, of all heresies, has only in particular foretold 
 Manicheism. — Character of this heresy. — Hypocrisy. — Spirit of Lyini^. — 
 Conscience cauterized. 
 
 Why the Holy Ghost, amongst so many heresies, would only 
 mark this so expressly, was the admiration of the fathers, and 
 what they endeavored to account for, in the best way they could 
 in their age. But time, the faithful interpreter of prophecies, 
 has discovered to us the deep cause ; nor shall we wonder any 
 more that the Holy Ghost was so particularly careful to fore- 
 warn us against this sect, after having seen it was this that in- 
 fected Christianity the longest and the most dangerously ; the 
 longest, through so many ages as we have seen the world in- 
 fected by it ; and the most dangerously, not making a glaring 
 breach from the Church like the rest, but lurking, as much as 
 was possible, within her precincts, and insinuating herself under 
 the appearances of the same faith, the same worship, and even 
 an astonishing show of piety. For this reason St. Paul,* the 
 apostle, so expressly points out its hypocrisy. Never has the 
 spirit of lying, remarked by this apostle, been so justly charged 
 on any sect, since besides its teaching, like the rest, a false doc- 
 trine, it exceeded all others in dissembling its behef. We have 
 observed, that these wretches allowed every thing you pleased ; 
 they made nothing of lying in the most material points ; they 
 stuck not at perjury to conceal their tenets ; their readiness in 
 betraying their consciences showed in them a certain insensi- 
 bility which St. Paul admirably well expresses by the caideryf 
 which renders the flesh insensible by mortifying it, as the learned 
 TheodoretJ hath observed on this place ; nor do I think ever 
 prophesy could have been verified by more sensible characters 
 than this has been. 
 
 204. — Sequel of the reasons why the Holy Ghost has pointed out this heresy more 
 
 than the rest. 
 
 No longer are we to wonder why the Holy Ghost would have 
 the prediction of this heresy to be so particular and distinct. It 
 was more than all other heresies the error " of the latter times," 
 as it is called by St. Paul,§ whether we understand by the latter 
 times, according to the Scripture style, all the times of the new 
 law ; or understand by that period of ages when Satan was to 
 be loosed anew. || So long since as the second and third cen- 
 tury, the Church beheld the rise of Cerdon, of Marcion, of Manes, 
 those enemies to the Creator. IT The seeds of this doctrine are 
 every where to be met with ; you find them in Tatian, who con- 
 demned wine and marriage ; and in his Concordance of the 
 Bible had erased all the texts that expressed Jesus Christ's ge- 
 
 * Ante, 1 Tim. f Ante. J Comm. in hunc. locum. § 1 Tim. iv. 
 II Rev. XX. 3, 7. H Epip. haer. xlvi. Theod. i. haer. fab. 20. Ibid. v. c.24. 
 
142 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 nealogy from the blood of David. A hundred other infamous 
 sects had attacked the God of the Jews even before Manes and 
 Marcion ; and we learn from Theodoret, that this last did but 
 give another turn to the impieties of Simon the magician. Thus 
 did this heresy commence from the very beginning of Chris- 
 tianity : it was the true " mystery of iniquity"* which fell to 
 work in St. Paul's time ; but the Holy Ghost who foresaw this 
 pestilence was one day to rage in a more glaring manner, made 
 it be foretold by this apostle with an astonishing evidence and 
 distinctness. Marcion and Manes have set this mystery of 
 iniquity in a more manifest light ; the abominable sect has con- 
 tinued its pestilent succession ever since that time. This we 
 have seen, and never did heresy disturb the Church for a longer 
 date, nor spread its branches to a greater distance. But after 
 that, by the eminent doctrine of St. Austin, by St. Leo's and 
 St. Galasius's great care and diligence, it was extinguished 
 every where in the West, and even in Rome, where it had strove 
 to establish itself; then was seen to arrive the fatal time of 
 Satan's being loosed " out of his prison. ""f" A thousand years 
 after that this strong armed had been bound by Jesus Christ at 
 his coming into the world, the spirit of error grew up more than 
 ever ; the remains of Manicheism, too well sheltered in the 
 East, broke in upon the Latin Church. What hinders our look- 
 ing on those miserable times as one of the periods of Satan's 
 being loosed, without prejudice to the other more hidden mean- 
 ings ? J If Gog and Magog only be wanting to fulfil this pro- 
 phecy, we shall find in Armenia, near Samosata, the province 
 named Gogarene, where the Paulicians dwelt, and Magog 
 amongst the Scythians, from whence the Bulgarians took their 
 rise. Thence came those numberless enemies of " the beloved 
 city,"§ who first assaulted Italy. The contagion flew, in an 
 instant, to the extremity of the north ; a spark raises a great 
 combustion ; the flame almost spreads over the whole face of 
 the universe. In all parts of it is discovered this lurking poison ; 
 Arianism, with all kinds of heresies, together with Manicheism, 
 shoot up again under a hundred unheard of and uncouth names. 
 Scarcely could it be compassed to quench this fire in the space 
 of three or four hundred years, and even some of its remains 
 might be seen in the fifteenth century. 
 
 205. — How the Vaudois came from the Mhigensian Manicheans. 
 Nor did the evil cease, when nothing seemed left of it but its 
 ashes. Satan had supplied the impious sect wherewith to re- 
 new the conflagration, in a manner more dangerous than ever. 
 Church discipline was relaxed over all the earth ; the disorders 
 
 * 2 Thess. ii. 7. f Rev. xx. 2,3, 7. Matt. xii. 29. Luke xi. 21, 22. 
 
 X Rev. XX. 7, 8. Boch. Phal. lib. iii. 13. § Rev. xx. 7, 8. 
 
XI.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 143 
 
 and abuses, carried even to the foot of the altar, made the good 
 to sigh, humbled them, urged them on to improve still more in 
 their virtuous courses ; but wrought a far different effect on 
 haughty minds. The Roman Church, the mother and bond of 
 churches, became the object of hatred to all indocile tempers ; 
 envenomed satires spirit up the world against the clergy ; the 
 Manichean hypocrite trumpets them over the whole universe, 
 and gives the name of Antichrist to the Church of Rome, for 
 then was that notion broached in the sink of Manicheism, and 
 amidst the precursors of Antichrist himself. These impious 
 men imagine they appear more holy, when they say, holiness is 
 essentially requisite to the administration of the Sacraments. 
 The ignorant Yaudois swallow down this poison. No longer 
 will they receive the sacraments from odious and defamed min- 
 isters ; " the net is broken"* on all sides, and schisms multiply. 
 Satan no longer stands in need of Manicheism ; hatred against 
 the Church is widely diffused ; the viperous sect has left a brood 
 like to itself, and a too fruitful principle of schism. No matter, 
 though these heretics have not the same doctrine, they are 
 swayed by hatred and bitterness, and banded against the Church ; 
 this is enough. The Vaudois believe not like the Albigenses, 
 but like the Albigenses they hate the Church, and proclaim them- 
 selves the only saints, the only ministers of the sacraments. 
 Wickliff believes not like the Vaudois, but Wickliff proclaims, 
 like the Vaudois, that the Pope and his whole clergy have for- 
 feited all authority by their loose behaviour. John Huss does 
 not believe like Wickliff, though he admires him ; what he ad- 
 mires in him chiefly, and almost only follows in him is, that 
 crimes annul authority. These despicable Bohemians, as we 
 have seen, succeeded to this spirit, which they particularly made 
 appear, when, amounting to no more than a handful of illiterate 
 men, they presumed to rebaptize the whole world. 
 
 206, — Hoxo Luther and Calvin sprung from the Albigenses and Vaudois. 
 
 But a still greater apostacy was hatching by means of these 
 sects. The world teeming with animosity, brings forth Luther 
 and Calvin, who canton Christendom. The superstructure is 
 different, but the foundation is the same ; it is still hatred against 
 the clergy and the Church of Rome, and no man of sincerity 
 can deny that this was the visible cause of their surprising pro- 
 gress. A reformation was necessary — who denies it? but it 
 was still more necessary to refrain from schism. Were those 
 that promoted this schism by their preaching any better than 
 their neighbors 1 They acted as if they were ; this was enough 
 to delude and " spread like a canker," according to St. Paul's 
 expression.| The world was desirous of condemning and reject- 
 * Luke y. 6. ]2 Tira. ii. 17. 
 
144 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 ing their leaders ; this is called Reformation. A specious name 
 dazzles the people, and, to stir up hatred, calumny is not spared: 
 thus is our doctrine blackened ; men hate it before they know it. 
 
 207. — The Protestant Churches seek in vain a succession of Persons m the 
 
 preceding Sects. 
 
 With new doctrines, new bodies of churches are erected. 
 The Lutherans and Calvinists make the two greatest ; but they 
 cannot find in the whole earth so much as one church that be- 
 lieves like them, nor whence they can derive an ordinary and 
 lawful mission. The Vaudois and Albigenses, alleged by some, 
 are not to their purpose. We have but just shewn them to be 
 mere laymen, as much at a loss to make out their own mission 
 and title, as those that seek their aid. We know the Toulousian 
 heretics were never able to delude so much as one priest. The 
 preachers of the Vaudois were trading men or mechanics, nay 
 women. The Bohemians had no better origin, as is already 
 proved ; and when Protestants name us all these sects, they 
 name not their fathers, but their accomplices. 
 
 208. — Much less do they find in them a succession of Doctrine. 
 
 But, perchance, though they do not find in these sects a suc- 
 cession of persons, they will find in them a succession of doc- 
 trines. Much less : in certain respects like to the Hussites ; 
 in others, like the Vaudois ; in some like the Albigenses and 
 the other sectaries ; in other articles they are quite contrary to 
 them ; in this manner, without lighting upon any thing that is 
 uniform, and laying hold here and there of what seems to suit 
 them ; without succession, without unity, without true prede- 
 cessors, they climb to what height they can. They are not the 
 first to reject the honor due to Saints, nor the oblations for the 
 dead : they find, before their days, bodies of churches of this 
 same belief in these two points. The Bohemians embraced 
 them, but we have seen these Bohemians seek in vain for asso- 
 ciates through the whole earth. However, here is a church at 
 least before Luther ; this is something to such as have nothing. 
 But, after all, this church before Luther is but fifty years before 
 him ; they must strive to advance higher ; they will find the 
 Vaudois, and, a little more distant, the Manicheans of Toulouse. 
 They will find, in the fourth age, the Manicheans of Africa 
 opposed to the worship of Saints. One only, Vigilantius, fol- 
 lows them in this particular point, but higher than this no certain 
 author can be found ; yet thereon depends the stress of the 
 question. They may go a little further as to oblations for the 
 dead. The priest Aerius will appear, but alone, and without 
 followers ; an Arian besides. This is all can be found that is 
 positive ; whatever is built besides this, will be built manifestly 
 
XII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 145 
 
 in the air. But let us see what they will discover as to the 
 Real Presence, and remember the question is concerning posi- 
 tive and certain facts. Carlostadius is not the first who main- 
 tained that the bread was not made the body ; Berengarius had 
 said as much four hundred years before him, in the eleventh 
 century. Yet neither was Berengarius the first ; these Mani- 
 cheans of Orleans had just said the same, and the world was 
 still full of the rumor of their evil doctrine, when this scantling 
 of it was picked up by Berengarius. Beyond this, I find many 
 pretensions and actions lodged against us concerning this sub- 
 ject, but no averred and positive facts. 
 
 209. — What is the succession of Heretics. 
 Now the Socinians have a more manifest succession ; catch- 
 ing up a V. ord here and another there, they will name to you 
 declared enemies of the divinity of Jesus Christ in all ages, and 
 at the head of them will find Cerinthus, next to the Apostles. 
 Notwithstanding their discovering something concordant among 
 so many in other respects, discording witnesses, they will be 
 never the better founded, since, when all is said. Succession 
 and Umformity are wanting to them. To take tlie thing thus, 
 namely, -'should each of them, in patching up their several 
 churches, collect here and there without bond of union, all that 
 could be found conformable to their sentiments ; there is no 
 difficulty, as might have been observed, to trace the extraction 
 of every sect seen at this day, or ever to be seen, even up to 
 Simon the Magician, and to that " mystery of iniquity," (2 Thess. 
 ii. 7) which began in the time of St. Paul. 
 
 BOOK XII. 
 
 [From the year 1571 to 1579, and from 1603 till the year 1615.] 
 
 A. brief Summary. — The Reformed Churches disturbed about the word Sub- 
 stance even in France. — It is maintained as grounded on the word of God 
 in one Synod, and in another brought to nothing in favor of the Swiss, 
 who were angry with the decision. — One Faith for France, and another 
 for Switzerland. — Assembly of Frankfort, and a project of a new Confes- 
 sion of Faith for the whole second party of Protestants. — What was to be 
 suppressed there in favor of the Lutherans. — Detestation of the Real Pre- 
 sence established and suppressed at the same time. — Piscator's affair, and 
 the doctrinal decision of four National Synods reduced to nothing. — Prin- 
 ciples of the Calvinists, and demonstrations drawn from them in our behalf. 
 — Du Moulin's propositions received at the Synod of Ay. — Nothing solid 
 or serious in the Reformation. 
 
 1. — Many pretended Reformed Churches of France are for changing the article 
 of the Stipper, in their Confession of Faith. — 1581. 
 
 The union of Sendomir had not its effect, except in Poland. 
 
 In Switzerland, the Zuinglians continued steadfast to reject 
 
 VOL. II. 13 
 
146 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 equivocations. The French began already to join in their sen- 
 timents. Many maintained openly, that it was requisite to dis- 
 card the word Substance, and change the thirty-sixth article of 
 the Confession of Faith presented to Charles IX, wherein the 
 Supper was explained. It was not particular men that made 
 this dangerous proposal, but whole churches, even the chief 
 churches, those of the Isle of France and Brie, that of Paris, 
 that of Meaux, where the exercise of Calvinism commenced, 
 and others neighboring to them. These churches were for 
 changing so considerable an article of their Confession of Faith, 
 which they had published but ten years before as containing 
 nothing but the pure word of God ; this must have too much 
 discredited the new party. The Synod of Rochelle, wherein 
 Beza presided, resolved to condemn these reformers of the 
 Reformation in 1571. 
 
 2. — The JsTational Synod condemns them. — This Synod''s decision full of per- 
 plexities. 
 
 The case required a clear and distinct sentence. The con- 
 test being on foot, and the parties present, there needed no 
 more than to decide in few words ; but brevity is the fruit of 
 clear conceptions only. Behold, therefore, word for word what 
 was concluded, and I ask only to be allowed to divide the de- 
 cree into three parts, and to recite them severally. 
 
 They begin by rejecting what is evil, and their condemnations 
 fall justly enough. To fix upon any thing will be the grand 
 difficulty ; but let us read. " Concerning the thirty-sixth article 
 of the Confession of Faith, the deputies of the Isle of France 
 represented, that it would be requisite to explain this article, in- 
 somuch as it speaks of the participation of the substance of 
 Jesus Christ. After a conference of some length, the Synod, 
 approving the thirty-sixth article, rejects the opinion of those 
 who refuse to receive the word Substance, by which word is not 
 understood any confusion, commixion, or conjunction whatever 
 after a carnal manner, or otherwise natural, but a true conjunc- 
 tion, very intimate, and in a spiritual way, whereby Jesus Christ 
 himself is so made ours, and we his, that there is no conjunc- 
 tion of body, whether natural or artificial, so close ; the which 
 nevertheless does not tend to this end, that of his substance and 
 person joined to our substances and persons, there should be 
 compounded some third person and substance, but only to this, 
 that his virtue and all in him requisite to our salvation, be by 
 this means the more strictly given and communicated to us, dis- 
 senting from those who say, we join ourselves to all his merits 
 and gifts, and with his holy Spirit only, without he himself being 
 ours." Here is abundance of words, and nothing said. It is 
 no commixion, either carnal or natural : who knows not that "? 
 
XII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 147 
 
 It has nothing in common with the vulgar mixtures ; its end is 
 
 divine ; the manner of it is entirely celestial, and in this sense, 
 
 spiritual ; who questions it ? But has any man ever dreamed, 
 
 that of the substance of Jesus Christ united to ours, a third 
 
 person was made a third substance 1 So much time ought not 
 
 to be lost in rejecting such chimeras as never entered into any 
 
 man's head. 
 
 3. — Vam efforts of the Synod to find the substance of the Body and Blood in the 
 Doctrine of the pretended reformed Churches. 
 
 It is something to reject those who pretend we partake in 
 nothing but the merits of Jesus Christ, in his gifts, and in his 
 spirit, without his giving himself to us : it was only requisite 
 they should add, that he gives himself to us in the proper and 
 natural substance of his flesh and blood, for this was the point 
 in hand, and the thing to be explained. Catholics do this very 
 clearly, for they say, Jesus Christ in pronouncing " This is my 
 body, the same that was given for you : This is my blood, the 
 same that was shed for you,"* designs, not the figure of it, but the 
 substance, which, in saying " Take," he renders wholly ours, 
 there being nothing more ours than that which is given us in this 
 manner. This speaks ; this is intelligible. Instead of deliv- 
 ering themselves thus clearly and distinctly, we shall see our 
 ministers lose themselves in rambling from the point, heap texts 
 on texts without concluding anything. Let us return to where 
 we left off; here is what presents itself: " Not consenting," 
 proceed they, " with those who say, we join ourselves to his 
 merits and his gifts and his spirit only, yea, rather marvelling 
 with the Apostle (Ephes. v.) at this secret, supernatural and in- 
 comprehensible to our reason, we believe that we are made par- 
 takers of the body given for us and the blood shed for us ; that 
 we be flesh of his flesh and bone of his bones, and receive him 
 together with all his gifts with him by faith engendered in us by 
 the incomprehensible influence and power of this holy spirit ; 
 thus understanding that which is said, ' whoso eateth the flesh 
 and drinketh the blood hath life everlasting.' Item, Christ is 
 the vine and we the branches, and that he maketh us abide in 
 him to the end we may bring forth fruit, and that we be mem- 
 bers of his body, of his flesh, and of his bones." They are 
 certainly afraid of being understood, or rather do not understand 
 themselves ; thus clogging their meaning with so many useless 
 words, so many intricate phrases, such a confused jumble of 
 crowded texts. For after all, what they have to show is, how 
 much those are in the wrong who, refusing to acknowledge, in 
 the Eucharist, any other communication than that of the merits 
 and spirit of Jesus Christ, discard from this mystery " The 
 * Matt xxvi. 26, 28. Luke xxiL 19, 20. 1 Cor. xi. 24. 
 
148 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 proper substance of his body and blood." Now this is what in 
 no way appears in any of these numerous texts. These texts 
 conclude, only that we receive something flowing from Jesus 
 Christ in order to enliven us, as members receive from the Head 
 the spirit which animates them ; but do not at all conclude for 
 our receiving the proper substance of his body and blood. None 
 of these texts, except one only, namely, that of St. John vi., 
 relate at all to the Eucharist ; neither does that of St. John vi., 
 if we believe the Calvinists, relate to it. And if this text, well 
 understood, shows indeed in the Eucharist the proper substance 
 of Jesus Christ's flesh and blood, yet it does not show it in the 
 manner it is here employed by the ministers, since the upshot 
 of their discourse concludes at length in this, that " We re- 
 ceive Jesus Christ together with all his gifts with him by faith 
 engendered in us." Now " Jesus Christ by faith engendered 
 in us," is nothing less than Jesus Christ united to us in the 
 proper and true substance of his flesh and blood ; the first of 
 these being no more than a moral union wrought by pious af- 
 fections of the mind ; and the second, being physical, is real 
 and immediate of body to body, and of substance to substance : 
 thus does this great synod expound nothing less than what it 
 proposes to expound. 
 
 4. — Error of the Synod tohich seeks the Mystery of the Eucharist without pro- 
 ducing the Institution. 
 
 I observe in this decree, that the Calvinists having undertaken 
 
 to explain the mystery of the Eucharist, and in this mystery the 
 
 proper substance of Jesus Christ's body and blood, which it is 
 
 grounded on, allege to us far different things from the words of 
 
 the institution, " This is my body. This is my blood ;" for they 
 
 are very sensible, should they say, these words import the proper 
 
 substance of the body and blood, that this would be making it 
 
 clearly appear, that our Lord's design was to express the body 
 
 and blood, not in figure, nor even in virtue, but in effect, in truth, 
 
 and in substance. Thus this substance must have been not 
 
 only by faith, in the minds and thoughts of the faithful, but in 
 
 effect, and in truth, under the sacramental species, where Jesus 
 
 Christ denotes it, and thereby, even in our bodies, into which 
 
 we are ordered to receive it, to the end that we might, in every 
 
 way, enjoy our Saviour and participate of our victim. 
 
 5, — The Stjnod^s reason for establishing the Substance. — They conclude the 
 other Opinion to be contrary to God's word. 
 
 Now, whereas the decree had not cited any one text that con- 
 cluded for the proper substance, the thing in question, but rather 
 had excluded it by showing Jesus Christ united by faith only ; 
 they come back at length to the substance by the following 
 words : " And in fact, as we derive our death from the first Adam, 
 
XII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 149 
 
 inasmuch as we partake of his substance ; so it is requisite we 
 should partake truly of the second Adam, Christ Jesus, that we 
 may derive our life from him. Wherefore all pastors, and in 
 general, all the faithful shall be exhorted to give no way, in 
 any kind, to opinions contrary to the above doctrine, wliich is 
 grounded expressly on the word of God.^'* 
 
 6. — The Synod says more than it designed. 
 The holy Fathers made use of this comparison of Adam to 
 show that Jesus Christ ought to be in us otherwise than by faith 
 and affection, or morally ; for it is not by affection and thought 
 only, that Adam and parents are in their children ; it is by the 
 communication of the same blood, and the same substance ; and 
 therefore the union we have with our parents, and by their means 
 with Adam, from whom we are all descended, is not only moral, 
 but physical and substantial. The Fathers have thence con- 
 cluded, that the new Adam ought to be in us after a manner 
 equally physical and substantial, to the end that we might derive 
 immortality from him, as from our first parent we derive mor- 
 tality. Accordingly, it is what they have found, and much more 
 abundantly, in the Eucharist than in ordinary generation, for 
 that it is not a portion of the blood and substance, but the whole 
 substance and the whole blood of our Lord Jesus Christ which 
 is therein communicated to us. To say now with the ministers, 
 that this communication is wrought barely by faith, is not only 
 to weaken the comparison, but also to annihilate the mystery, 
 and deprive it of its substance ; and whereas it is more abun- 
 dantly in Jesus Christ than in Adam, it is making it to be much 
 less in him, or rather not at all. 
 
 7. — ^ point of Doctrine was in Q,uestion among them. 
 Thus do our doctors confound themselves, and the more 
 pains they take to speak their minds, the more do they obscure 
 the subject. Nevertheless, through all these mists, you discern 
 plainly, that among the defenders of the figurative sense there 
 was in reality an opinion which admitted nothing in the Eucha- 
 rist but the gifts and merits of Jesus Christ, or at most, nothing 
 but his spirit, not the proper substance of his flesh and blood ; 
 but that this opinion was expressly contrary to the word of God, 
 and not to have any admittance amongst the faithful. 
 
 8. — The Swiss believe themselves condemned by this decision. 
 
 It is no hard matter to guess who were the defenders of this 
 opinion ; it was the Swiss, the disciples of Zuinglius ; and such 
 of the French as approving their sentiment would fain reform 
 this article. And this was the reason that the Swiss were pres- 
 ently heard to complain, thinking they beheld their own condem- 
 nation in the Synod of Rochelle, and the fraternity broken ; 
 
 VOL. II. 13* 
 
150 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 since, notwithstanding the soft turn given to the decree, their 
 doctrine was condemned in the main as contrary to the word of 
 God, with express exhortation to allow it no shelter among the 
 pastors or the faithful. 
 
 9. — The Synod answers them by Beza, that this Doctrine only regards France. 
 
 — The Lutherans as well as Catholics detested as Defenders of a monstrous 
 
 Opinion. 
 
 Under this persuasion they wrote to Beza, and the answer 
 returned them was surprising. Beza was ordered to acquaint 
 them, that the decree of the synod of Rochelle did not regard 
 them, but only certain Frenchmen ; so that there was a Confes- 
 sion of Faith for France, and another for Switzerland, as if faith 
 varied according to the climate, and it were not equally true, 
 that in Christ Jesus there is neither Swiss nor Frenchman, as 
 it is true, according to St. Paul, that there is neither Scythian 
 nor Greek. To this Beza added, in order to calm the Swiss, 
 that the churches of France detested the substantial and carnal 
 presence, together with the monsters of transubstantiation and 
 consubstantiation,* Here, then, by and by, we have the Lu- 
 therans as badly treated as the Catholics, and their doctrine ac- 
 counted no less monstrous ; but this only in writing to the Swiss ; 
 we have seen how far they are able to soften matters when they 
 write to the Lutherans, and how tender they are then of con- 
 substantiation. 
 
 10. — The Swiss, not satisfied ivith Beza's answer, still Iwld themselves for 
 
 condemned. 
 
 The Swiss would not be gulled with these subtleties of the 
 synod of Rochelle, but were very sensible that they themselves 
 were attacked under the name of these Frenchmen. Bullinger, 
 minister of Zurich, who was ordered to answer Beza, made no 
 difficulty of telUng him they were in fact the people condemned rf 
 " You condemn," answered he, " those who reject the word 
 ' proper substance ;' and who is ignorant that we are of this 
 number?" What Beza had added, against the carnal and sub- 
 stantial presence, did not remove the difficulty ; Bullinger knew 
 full well, that the Catholics no less than the Lutherans com- 
 plained that a carnal presence was laid to their charge, which 
 they did not dream of; and besides, he could not comprehend 
 the meaning of receiving in substance what was not substan- 
 tially present. Thus unable to conceive the refinements of 
 Beza, or a substance united without being present, he answered 
 him, " that they ought to speak plainly in matters of faith, lest 
 they should reduce the simple to such straits as no longer to 
 know what to believe ;" whence he concluded that it was ne- 
 
 * Colos. iii. 11. Hosp. 1571. f. 344 f Hosp. Ibid. 
 
XII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 151 
 
 cessary to mitigate the decree, and this was the only means he 
 proposed for a reconcilement. 
 
 11. — They were at last farced to change the Decree, and reduce the Substance to 
 
 nothing at all. — 1572. 
 
 They were forced to stoop to these terms, and the year fol- 
 lowing, in the synod of Nismes, substance was brought to so 
 small a matter, that they might as well have quite suppressed it. 
 Whereas at the synod of Rochelle, the debate was about putting 
 a stop to an opinion contrary to that which was grounded ex- 
 pressly on the word of God, they endeavor now to insinuate that 
 the question was only about a word. They raze out of the de- 
 cree of Rochelle these words which contained its main force 
 and purpose : viz. " The synod rejects the opinion of those who 
 refuse to receive the word substance." They declare they will 
 do no prejudice to strangers ; and such is their complaisance 
 for them, that these great words, " the proper substance of Jesus 
 Christ's body and blood," so much affected by Calvin, so stren- 
 uously maintained by his disciples, so carefully retained at the 
 synod of Rochelle, and at last brought to nothing by our re- 
 formed, no longer appear in their confession of faith, but as a 
 monument of the impression of the reality and substance, which 
 the words of Jesus Christ had naturally made in the minds of 
 their forefathers, and even of Calvin himself. 
 
 12. — Reflection on this weakening of the first Doctrine. 
 
 And yet if they will but reflect on these relaxations of their 
 first doctrine, they may observe therein in what manner the spirit 
 of seduction has deluded them. Their fathers would not easily 
 have deprived themselves of the substance of Jesus Christ's 
 body and blood. Accustomed in the Church to this sweet 
 presence of the body and blood of their Saviour, the pledge of 
 an immense love, they would not willingly have been brought 
 down to shadows and figures, nor to a simple virtue flowing ironi 
 his body and blood. Calvin had promised them something more. 
 They had suffered themselves to be attracted by a notion of re- 
 ality and substance continually inculcated in his books, in his 
 sermons, in his commentaries, in his confessions of faith, in his 
 catechisms : a false notion, I confess, they being there in words 
 only, and not in fact ; but yet they were charmed with the fine 
 idea, and believing they lost nothing of what was possessed by 
 them in the Church, they did not fear to leave it. Now that 
 Zuinghus has gained the ascendant by the consent of their 
 synods, and Calvin's big words stand evidently void of force and 
 destitute of all sense, why do not they return from their error, 
 and seek, in the Church, that real possession with which they 
 had been flattered ? 
 
152 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 13. — The different Confessions of Faith a mark of the disunion of the Party. 
 The Swiss Zuinglians were appeased by the explanation of 
 the synod of Nismes : but the ground of division still subsisted. 
 So many confessions of faith were a too convincing token of it 
 to be dissembled. Meanwhile the French, the Swiss, the Eng- 
 lish, and the Poles, had their separate ones, which all of them 
 kept to, without borrowing from their neighbors, and their union 
 seemed nearer allied to policy than true concord. 
 
 14. — The .Assembly of Frankfort, where endeavors are xised to bring the defenders 
 of the figurative sense to agree in one common Confession. — 1572. 
 
 They had often sought remedies for this inconvenience, but 
 in vain. In 1677, an assembly was held at Frankfort, where 
 the ambassadors of Queen Elizabeth assembled with the depu- 
 ties of France, of Poland, of Hungary, and of the low countries.* 
 The Count Palatine, John Casimir, who, the year before, had 
 brought into France such great succor to our reformed, procured 
 this assembly. The whole party that defended the figurative 
 sense, whereof this prince was one, was there assembled, except 
 the Swiss and Bohemians. But these last had sent their decla- 
 ration, submitting themselves thereby to what should be resolved: 
 and as for the Swiss, the Palatine caused it to be declared by 
 his ambassador that he held himself assured of them. I The 
 intent of this convention, as appears by the palatine-deputy's 
 harangue at his opening of it, was to draw up, by the unanimous 
 consent of all the other deputies, one common confession of faith 
 for these churches ; and the reason that induced the Palatine to* 
 make this proposal was, because the Lutherans of Germany, 
 after making the famous Book of Concord so often mentioned, 
 were to hold an assembly at Magdeburg, there to pronounce 
 with one accord the approbation of this book, and at the same 
 time the condemnation of all those who should refuse to sub- 
 scribe it ; so as, being declared Heretics, they might be ex- 
 cluded from toleration granted by the empire in matters of re- 
 ligion. By this means, all the defenders of the figurative sense 
 were to be banished, and the monster of ubiquity, maintained in 
 this book to be established. It was the interest of these churches, 
 which were to be condemned, to appear at that time numerous, 
 powerful, and united. They were cried down as having each 
 one their particular confession of faith, and the Lutherans, united 
 under the common name of the Confession of Augsburg, easily 
 resolved on the proscription of a party, which its disunion made 
 contemptible. 
 
 15. — A design of comprehending the Lutherans in this common Confession of 
 
 Faith. 
 
 This their great grievance was colored over nevertheless, in 
 * Act. auth. Blon. p. 59. f Ibid. p. 60. 
 
XII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 153 
 
 the best way possible, with specious words ; and the Palatine- 
 deputy declared that all these Confessions of Faith, conformable 
 in doctrine, differed in method only, and the way of speaking. 
 But he well knew the contrary, nor were the differences but too 
 real for these churches. Be that as it will, it was their interest, 
 in order to put a stop to 4he proceedings of the Lutherans, to 
 show them their union by a confession of faith as well received 
 among them all, as was that of Augsburg among the Lutherans. 
 But they had yet a more general design : for in making this new 
 confession of faith common to the defenders of the figurative 
 sense, their intent was to pitch on such expressions as the Lu- 
 therans, defenders of the literal sense, might agree to, and so 
 by this means make one body of the whole party called Reformed. 
 The deputies had no better means than this of preventing the 
 condemnation threatened them from the Lutheran party. Where- 
 fore, the decree they made concerning this common Confession 
 of Faith had this turn given it.* " That it ought to be made, 
 and made clear, full, and solid, with a clear and brief refutation 
 of all the heresies of these times ; yet, with such a temper of 
 style, as rather to attract than alienate those that adhere purely 
 to the Confession of Augsburg, as much as truth could allow.'* 
 16. — (Qualities of this new Confession of Faith. — Deputies named to draio it up. 
 To make this Confession of Faith clear, to make it full, to 
 make it solid, with a clear and brief confutation of all the heresies 
 of those times, was a grand undertaking ; fine words, but the 
 thing exceedingly difficult, not to say impossible, amongst people 
 of such different persuasions : above all, not to exasperate any 
 further the Lutherans, those zealous defenders of the literal sense, 
 it was necessary to pass lightly over the Real Presence, and the 
 other articles so often mentioned. Divines were named, who 
 had a thorough knowledge of the grievances of the Church, to 
 wit, of the divisions in the Reformation, and of her Confessions 
 of Faith which kept them asunder. Rodulph Gultier, and The- 
 odore Beza, ministers, one of Zurich and the other of Geneva, 
 were to put the finishing stroke to the work which was after- 
 wards to be despatched to all the churches in order to be read, 
 examined, corrected, and augmented as judged proper. 
 
 17. — Letter written to the Lutherans by the Assembly of Frankfort. 
 To prepare a work of such great nicety, and hinder the con- 
 demnation which the Lutherans were hatching, it was concluded 
 to write, in the name of the whole assembly, a letter capable of 
 molHfying them. Wherefore they were acquainted,! that this 
 assembly was called together from sundry parts of the Christian 
 world, to oppose the Pope's attempts, after informations received 
 
 * Act. autli. Blon. p. 62. -f Ibid. p. 63. 
 
154 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 that he was uniting the most potent princes of Christendom 
 against them, namely, the Emperor, the King of France, and 
 the King of Spain ; but what had most afflicted them was, that 
 certain princes of Germany, who say they invoke the same God 
 with us, as if the CathoHcs had another, and detest with us the 
 tyrarny of the Roman Antichrist, wei% preparing to condemn 
 the doctrine of their Churches ; and so, amidst the misfortunes 
 that distressed them, they saw themselves attacked by those, in 
 whose virtue and wisdom they had reposed their chief trust. 
 18. — The Jlssemhly minces the difficulty of the Eiichanst. 
 Then they represented to those of the Confession of Augs- 
 burg, that the Pope, whilst he ruined the rest of the Churches, 
 would not spare them. For how, proceed they, should he hate 
 those less who first gave him the mortal stab, namely, the Lu- 
 therans, whom, by this means, they place at the head of the whole 
 party 1 They propose a free council in order to unite amongst 
 themselves, and oppose the common enemy. Lastly, after com- 
 plaining they were going to be condemned without a hearing, 
 they say, the controversy that divides them most from those of 
 the Confession of Augsburg, viz., that of the Supper and Real 
 Presence, has not so much difficulty as is imagined, and it is an 
 injury done them to accuse them of rejecting the Confession 
 of Augsburg. But they add, it stood in need of explanation in 
 some places, and even that Luther and Melancthon had made 
 some corrections in it ; by which they evidently mean those dif- 
 ferent editions, wherein were made the above-seen changes in 
 the lifetime of Luther and Melancthon. 
 
 19. — The consent of the Synod of Sainte-Foy to the new Confession of 
 
 Faith.— 1578. 
 
 The year following, the Calvinists of France held their na- 
 tional Synod at Sainte-Foy, where they gave power to change 
 the Confession of Faith, which they had so solemnly presented 
 to our Kings, and which they boasted they would maintain to 
 the last drop of their blood. The decree of this Synod is worth 
 our notice : it imports, " that after seeing the instructions of the 
 assembly held at Frankfort by the means of Duke John Casi- 
 mir, khey enter into the design of uniting in one holy band of 
 pure doctrine all the reformed Churches of Christendom, whereof 
 certain Protestant Divines were for condemning the soundest 
 and the greatest part : and approve the project of making and 
 drawing up a formulary of a Confession of Faith common to 
 all the Churches, as also the invitation expressly made to the 
 Churches of this kingdom, to send to the place appointed men 
 well approved and authorized with ample procuration, in order 
 to treat, agree, and decide on all the points of doctrine and other 
 things relating to the union, repose, and preservation of the 
 
XII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 155 
 
 Church, and God's pure service." For the execution of this 
 project, they name four deputies to draw up this common Con- 
 fession of Faith, but with much more ample powers than had 
 been demanded for them in the assembly of Frankfort.* For, 
 whereas this assembly, unable to believe the Churches could 
 agree in one Confession of Faith, without seeing it, had ordered, 
 that after its being seen by certain ministers and polished by 
 others, it should be sent to all the churches for their examination 
 and correction: this Synod, condescending beyond all that could 
 be imagined, not only expressly charges these four deputies to 
 be present at the place and time appointed, with ample procura- 
 tions as well from the ministers, as in particular from the Vis- 
 count of Turenne ; but also adds thereto, " that in case even 
 there were no means of examining this Confession of Faith 
 throughout all the provinces, it was left to their prudence and 
 sound judgment to agree and conclude all the points that shall 
 come under deliberation, whether in regard of doctrine, or any 
 other thing concerning the welfare, union, and repose of all the 
 Churches." 
 
 20. — Faith trusted in the hands of four Ministers, and of the Viscount of 
 
 Turenne. 
 
 Here have you then manifestly, by the authority of a whole 
 national Synod, the faith of our pretended churches of France 
 left to the disposal of four ministers and of the Viscount of 
 Turenne, with power to determine therein as they pleased, and 
 those who will not allow, that we may refer to the judgment of 
 the whole Church the least points of faith, refer the whole of 
 theirs to that of their deputies. 
 21. — Why M. de Turenne was put in this deputation concerning Doctrine. 
 
 One may wonder perchance to see M. de Turenne named 
 amongst these doctors : but you must understand that this 
 " welfare, union, and repose of all the churches," for the sake 
 of which this deputation was made, meant much more thp.n ap- 
 peared at first sight. Forasmuch as the Duke John Cacimir, 
 and Heniy de la Tour, Viscount of Turenne, joint deputies with 
 these ministers, had thoughts of settling this repose by other 
 means than by arguments and Confessions of Faith ; v.hich, 
 however, necessarily made part of the negotiation, experience 
 having shown that these new reformed Churches could not be 
 united in a league as they ought, without first agreeing in point 
 of doctrine. All France was flaming with civil wars ; and the 
 Viscount de Turenne, then but young, yet full of wit and valor, 
 whom the disaster of the times had drawn into the party but two 
 or three years before, had immediately raised himself in it to so 
 
 * Hist de Pas. de Franc. Act. auth. Blon. p. 63. Syn. de Sainte-Foy. Ibid, 
 pp. 5, 6. 
 
156 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 great an authority (not so much by his illustrious blood which 
 allied him to the greatest families of the kingdom, as his great 
 capacity and courage) that he was already lord-lieutenant to the 
 King of Navarre, afterwards Henry IV. A man of such genius 
 entered easily into the design of reuniting all the Protestants : 
 but God did not suffer him to accomplish it. The Lutherans 
 were found intractable, and the Confessions of Faith, notwith- 
 standing the resolution unanimously taken of changing them all, 
 subsisted as containing the pure word of God, which it is neither 
 lawful to add to, nor take from. 
 
 22. — Letter, wherein the Calvinists oion Luther mid Melancthonfor their Fathers. 
 We see that, in the year following, namely, 1579, a union 
 was still hoped for, since the Calvinists of the Low Countries 
 wrote conjointly to the Lutherans, authors of the Book of Con- 
 cord, to Kemnidus, Chythraeus, James Andrew, and the rest of 
 the violent defenders of Ubiquity, whom they failed not to call, 
 not only their brethren, but their own flesh, (so intimate was 
 their union, notwithstanding their great divisions,) inviting them 
 " to take moderate counsels, to enter into methods of union, in 
 order whereto the Synod of France (that of Sainte-Foy) had 
 named deputies, and this," say they, " after the example of our 
 holy fathers, Luther, Zuinglius, Capito, Bucer, Melancthon, 
 Buliinger, Calvin," whose unanimity was such as you have seen. 
 These, then, are the common fathers of the Sacramentarians 
 and Lutherans ; these are the men in whose harmony and mod- 
 erate counsels the Calvinists glory ! 
 
 23. — The project of a Common Confession continued to our days, and altcays to 
 
 no purpose. 
 
 All these endeavors towards a union proved abortive, and the 
 defenders of the figurative sense were so far from being able to 
 agree with the Lutherans, defenders of the literal sense, in one 
 common Confession of Faith, that they could not even agree 
 among themselves.* The proposal was frequently renewed, 
 and even near to our days in 1614, at the Synod of Tonins, 
 which, in 1615, was backed by the expedients proposed by the 
 famous Peter du Moulin. But though for this he received the 
 thanks of the Synod of the Isle of France, held the same year 
 at the borough of Ay, in Champagne ; and notwithstanding the 
 known credit he had, not only in France, among his own 
 brethren, but also in England and over the whole party, all 
 proved to no purpose. The churches, which defend the fig- 
 urative sense, confessed the mighty evil of their disunion, but 
 withal confessed it was beyond remedy ; and this common Con- 
 fession of Faith, so earnestly desired and endeavored at, is be- 
 come a Platonic idea. 
 
 ♦ Act. Aulh. Blon. p. 72. 
 
XII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 157 
 
 24. — Vahi shifts of the Ministers. 
 This history would require that I should relate the answers 
 returned by the ministers, with regard to this decree of Sainte- 
 Foy, after it became public, and was urged against them by the 
 Catholics. But all of them, by the above account of the fact, 
 fall of themselves. Some said, a mutual toleration was the only 
 thing in question ; but it is plain enough, a common Confession 
 of Faith v/as not necessary for that end, since the effect of this 
 toleration is, not to make one common faith, but to bear mutu- 
 ally with one another's faith. Others, in excuse for the great 
 power of deciding on doctrine lodged in the hands of four depu- 
 ties, answered, this was because it was known " near the mat- 
 ter"* what they could agree in ; this " near the matter" is ad- 
 mirable. Doubtless men are not over nice in questions of faith 
 when satisfied with knowing " near the matter" what they are 
 to say ; and little also do they know what to stick to, when, for 
 want of such knowledge, they give their deputies so unlimited 
 a power of concluding whatsoever they shall think fitting. The 
 Minister Claude^ answered, that they knew precisely v/hatthey 
 were to say ; and should the deputies have gone beyond it, they 
 v/ould have justly been disowned as men that had gone beyond 
 their commission. But this answer, allowing it so, does not 
 satisfy the chief difiiculty, consisting in this, that to please the 
 Lutherans, they must have given up to them all that tended to 
 exclude, as well the Real Presence as the other points contested 
 with them ; that is to say, they must evidently have changed, in 
 such important articles, a Confession of Faith expressly affirmed 
 by them to be contained in the word of God. 
 
 25. — Difference betioeen what ivas designed to be done infcvor of the Lutherans 
 at Frankfoj't and Sainte-Foy, and lohat loas done at Charenlon. 
 
 Care ought to be taken not to confound what was to be done 
 then with what was done since, when the Lutherans were re- 
 ceived into communion at the Synod of Charenton, in 1631. 
 This last action shews only, that the Calvinists can bear with 
 the Lutheran doctrine, as a doctrine not at all prejudicial to the 
 fundamentals of faith. But it is certainly quite a difi*erent thing 
 to tolerate, in the Lutheran's Confession of Faith, what you 
 believe erroneous in it, and to suppress in your own what you 
 believe to be a truth revealed of God, and expressly declared 
 by his word. This is what they had resolved to do in the as- 
 sembly of Frankfort and at the Synod of Sainte-Foy ; this is 
 what they would have executed, had it pleased the Lutherans ; 
 insomuch that it was only the fault of the defenders of the Real 
 Presence that all which clashed with it was not erased out of 
 the Sacramentarian Confessions of Faith. But the reason of 
 + Anon. ii. Rep. p. 365. j Mr. Claude, dan la Nog. Conf. rep. a I'Expos. p. 149. 
 
 VOL. II. 14 
 
158 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 this was, once change, and no end of changing ; a Confession 
 of Faith which changes the doctrine of ages past, shews thereby 
 that itself may be changed hkewise ; nor must we wonder the 
 Synod of Sainte-Foy thought they had power to correct in 1578 
 what the Synod of Paris had estabUshed in 1559. 
 26. — Spiiit of instability in Calvinism. 
 All these means of agreement now mentioned, so far from 
 diminishing the disunion of our Reformed, did but increase it. 
 Here were men ignorant as yet what to stick to, whose first 
 step, at setting out, was by a breach upon the whole Christian 
 world. Here was a religion built on the sand, which had no 
 stability even in her Confessions of Faith, although made with 
 such nice care, and published with such pomp. Even the pro- 
 fessors of it could not persuade themselves that they had not a 
 right to innovate in so changeable a religion, and it was this 
 produced the novelties of John Fischer, known under the name 
 of Piscator, and those of Arminius. 
 
 27. — Piscator^s dispute. 
 
 Piscator's affair will teach us many important matters, and 
 I am the more desirous to relate it at full length, the less it is 
 known by the generality of our reformed. 
 
 Piscator taught divinity in the academy of Herborne, a town 
 in the earldom of Nassau, towards the end of the sixteenth 
 century. Examining the doctrine of Imputed Justice, he says 
 that the justice of Jesus Christ, which is imputed to us, is not 
 that which he practised during the course of his life, but that 
 which he underwent in bearing voluntarily the punishment of 
 our sin on the cross ; as much as to say, the death of our Lord 
 being a sacrifice of an infinite value, whereby he paid and satis- 
 fied for us, it was also by this act alone that the Son of God was 
 properly Saviour, without any necessity of joining to it any other 
 acts, this being of itself sufficient ; so that, if we are to be justi- 
 fied by imputation, it is by that of this act, ip virtue whereof 
 precisely we are acquitted in the sight of God, and whereby 
 *' the hand- writing of the sentence passed against us was de- 
 faced," as St. Paul speaks, " by the blood which pacifieth both 
 heaven and earth."* 
 
 28. — This doctrine detested by the J^ational Synod of Gap. — First decision. 
 This doctrine was detested by our Calvinists in the Synod of 
 Gap, anno 1603,"(* as contrary to the eighteenth, twentieth, and 
 twenty-second articles of the Confession of Faith, and it was 
 resolved by them, *' that a letter should be addressed to Mr. 
 Piscator, and likewise to the university in which he taught." 
 It is certain these three articles decided nothing as to what 
 * Col. ii. 14. f Syn. de Gap. ch. de la Conf, de Foy. 
 
XII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 159 
 
 concerned Piscator, and for this reason we find no more men- 
 tion made of the twentieth and twenty-second articles. And 
 as to the eighteenth, in which it was pretended the decision 
 might be found, it said no more than that " we are justified by 
 the obedience of Jesus Christ, which is allowed us," without 
 specifying what obedience ; so that Piscator found it no hard 
 matter to defend himself in regard to the Confession of Faith. 
 But since they will have it that he innovated in respect to the 
 Confession of the pretended reformed of this kingdom, which had 
 been subscribed by those of the Low Countries, I agree to it. 
 
 29. — Second Condemnation of Piscatofs Doctrine at the Synod ofRochelle. 
 
 Piscator was written to by order of the synod, as resolved, 
 and his answer, modest, but firm in his sentiment, was read at 
 the Synod ofRochelle, in 1607. After reading it, this decree 
 was made : ',' As to the letter of Dr. John Piscator, Professor 
 in the Academy of Herborne, in answer to that of the Synod 
 of Gap, rendering account of his doctrine which teaches justi- 
 fication to be by the sole obedience of Christ in his death and 
 passion, imputed as justice to the faithful, and not by the obedi- 
 ence of his life ; the assembly 7iot approving the division of causes 
 so conjoint, hath declared, that the whole obedience of Christ 
 in his life and death is imputed to us for the entire remission of 
 our sins, as being no other than one and the same obedience." 
 
 30. — Important observation, that the Doctrine of the Calvinists against Piscator 
 resolves the difficulties they urge against us in regard of the sacrifice of the 
 Eucharist. 
 
 In consideration of these last words, I would willingly ask our 
 Reformed, why, in order to merit for us the forgiveness of our 
 sins, they require, not only the obedience of the death, but also 
 that of the whole hfe of our Redeemer? Is it that the merit of 
 Jesus Christ dying is not infinite, and not more than sufficient, 
 for our salvation 1 This they will not say ; they must, therefore, 
 say, that what is required as necessary after an infinite merit, 
 does neither destroy its infiniteness nor sufiiciency : but at the 
 same time it follows, that to consider Jesus Christ, as continu- 
 ing his intercession by his presence not in heaven only, but also 
 on our Altars in the sacrifice of the Eucharist, is destroying 
 nothing of the infiniteness of the propitiation made on the cross ; 
 it is only, as speaks the Synod of Rochelle, not dividing things 
 conjoined, and accounting all Jesus Christ did in his life, all he 
 did in his death, and all he now does whether in heaven, where 
 he presents himself for us to the Father, or on our Altars, where 
 he is present in another way, as the continuation of one and the 
 same intercession, and of one and the same obedience which he 
 began in his life, consummated in his death, and never ceases 
 
160 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 to renew both in heaven and in the mysteries, thereby to apply 
 them to us effectually and perpetually. 
 
 31. — Third decision. — Fortmdary and Subscription ordained against Piscator 
 in the Synod ofPnvas. — 1612. 
 
 The doctrine of Piscator had its partizans. Nothing was 
 found against him in the eighteenth, twentieth, and twenty- 
 second articles of the Confession of Faith. And, indeed, they 
 abandoned the two last to fix on the eighteenth, which was no 
 more to the purpose, as we have seen, than the others ; and to 
 drive the matter home against Piscator and his doctrine, they 
 went so far, in the national Synod of Privas, as to oblige all 
 the pastors to subscribe expressly against Piscator in these 
 terms : " I underwritten N. in regard to the contents in the 
 eighteenth article of the Confession of Faith of the Reformed 
 Churches, regarding our justification, do declare and protest, 
 that I understand it according to the sense received in our church, 
 approved by the tiational synods, and conformable to God^s word ; 
 which is, that our Lord Jesus Christ was subject to the moral 
 and ceremonial law, not only for our good, but in our stead ; 
 and that all the obedience he rendered to the law is imputed 
 to us, and that our justification does consist, not only in the 
 remission of sins, but in the imputation of active justice ; and 
 subjecting myself to the ivord of God, I believe ' that the Son of 
 man came not to be ministered unto, but to minister,' and that 
 he did minister to the purpose he came for : promising never to 
 depart from the doctrine received in our churches, and to subject 
 myself to the ordinances of the national synods on this head.^^ 
 
 32. — The Scripture ill-quoted, and its lohole Doctrine ill-understood. 
 
 What it avails imputed justice, that " Jesus Christ came to 
 minister, and not to be ministered unto ;" and to what purpose 
 this text is brought abruptly and witliout connexion into the midst 
 of this decree, let him guess that can. Neither do I see what 
 use the imputation of the ceremonial law is to us, which never 
 was made for us ; nor for what reason " Jesus Christ must have 
 been subject to it, not only for our good, but in our stead." I 
 well comprehend how Jesus Christ,having dispersed the shadows 
 and figures of the law, has left us free from the servitude of the 
 ceremonial laws, which were but shadows and figures ; but that 
 it was necessary for such intent that he himself should have been 
 subject to them in our stead, the consequence would be perni- 
 cious, since it might be equally concluded he had also set us 
 free from the moral law, by his fulfilling it. All this shows the 
 little exactness of our Reformed, who were more intent on show- 
 ing erudition in a profusion of big empty words, than on speaking 
 with accuracy in their decrees. 
 
XII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 161 
 
 33. — Fourth decision against Piscator in the Synod of Tonins. — 1614. 
 
 I am at a loss to know what could be the reason that Pisca- 
 tor's affair was taken so very niuch to heart by our French Re- 
 formed, or why the Synod of Privas descended to the utmost 
 precautions, by enjoining the above subscription. This, how- 
 ever, ought to have been decisive : a formulary of faith, ordered 
 to be subscribed by all the pastors, should have explained the 
 matter fully and distinctly. Nevertheless, after this subscription 
 and all the precedent decrees, it was still necessary to make a 
 new declaration at the Synod of Tonins in 1614. Four great 
 decrees one after another, and in such different terms, concern- 
 ing a particular article, and on so hmited a subject, is very ex- 
 traordinary ; but in the new Reformation something is always 
 found to be added or curtailed, and never is their faith explained 
 so sincerely,^nor with so full a sufficiency, as to make them 
 adhere precisely to. the first decisions. 
 
 34. — The impiety of Imputed Justice as it is proposed by these Synods. 
 
 To conclude this affair, I shall make a short reflection on the 
 nature of the doctrine, and some reflections on the procedure. 
 
 As to the doctrine, I very well understand how the death of 
 Jesus Christ, and the payment he made to the divine justice of 
 the punishment we owed it, is imputed to us, as you impute to 
 a debtor the payment made by the security for his acquittance. 
 But that the perfect justice fulfilled by our Lord in his life and 
 death, and the absolute obedience he rendered to the law, should 
 be imputed to us, or as they speak, allowed, in the same sense, 
 that the payment of the surety is imputed to the debtor ; is the 
 same as to say, that he discharges us by his justice from the 
 obligation of being good and virtuous, as by his punishment he 
 discharges us from the obligation of undergoing that which our 
 sins had merited. 
 
 35. — Plainness and simplicity of the Catholic Doctrine opposed to the obscurities 
 
 of the contrary. 
 
 I understand, then, and very clearly, in another kind of man- 
 ner, what it avails us to have a Saviour whose sanctity is infinite. 
 For thereby I behold him alone worthy to obtain for us all the 
 graces requisite to make us just. But that we should formally 
 be made just, because Jesus Christ was just ; and that his jus- 
 tice should be allowed us, as if he had fulfilled the law to our 
 discharge, neither does the Scripture say it, nor can any man 
 of good sense comprehend it. 
 
 By this means accounting as nothing our interior justice, and 
 that which we practise through grace, they make us all in the 
 main equally just, by reason that the justice of Jesus Christ, sup- 
 posed by them the only one that renders us just, is infinite. 
 
 VOL. II. 14 * 
 
162 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 They likewise wrest from the elect of God that crown of 
 justice, which the just Judge reserves for each one in particular, 
 since they suppose all have the same justice which is infinite ; 
 or if at length they confess, this infinite justice is allowed us in 
 different degrees, accordingly as we approach to it more or less 
 by that particular justice we are vested with by grace, it is by ex- 
 traordinary expressions, saying the same thing with the CathoUcs. 
 36. — Reflections on the irrocedure. — Scriplicre quoted therein only for form-sake. 
 
 This is, in a few words, what I had to say on the doctrine 
 itself. I shall be still more brief as to the procedure : it has 
 nothing but what is weak in it, nothing grave nor serious. The 
 act of most importance is the formulary of subscription enjoined 
 at the Synod of Privas, but, from the very beginning, they do 
 not so much as think of convicting Piscatorfrom the Scriptures. 
 The point to be proved was, " That the obedience of Jesus 
 Christ, whereby he fulfilled the whole law in his life and death, 
 is allowed us in order to make us just," which is called in the 
 formulary of Privas, as before in that of Gap, the imputation of 
 the active justice. 
 
 Now, all that could be found in four synods to prove this 
 doctrine and the imputation of the active justice, by the Scrip- 
 ture, is, that " the Son of Man did not come to be ministered 
 unto, but to minister," a text so little adapted to imputed justice, 
 that there is no discovering even to what purpose it was cited. 
 
 But so it is with these new reformers, provided they name 
 but the word of God with emphasis, and then fling out a text 
 or two, however wide from the purpose, they think to have 
 answered the profession they make of believing nought but 
 Scripture in express terms. The people are dazzled with these 
 big promises, and are not even sensible what a sway the authority 
 of their ministers has over them, though when all is done it is 
 by that their assent is determined. 
 
 37. — Hoio the Confession of Faith is quoted. 
 
 As from the word of God nothing was proved against Pis- 
 cator, so likewise their Confession of Faith was opposed in vain 
 against him. 
 
 For we have seen them at Privas immediately forego the 
 twentieth and twenty-second articles, which were produced at 
 Gap. The eighteenth is only insisted on, and as it spoke noth- 
 ing but what was general and indeterminate, they bethought 
 themselves of thus remedying it in the Formulary : " I declare 
 and protest that I understand the eighteenth article of our Con- 
 fession of Faith accordhig to the sense received in our churches, 
 approved in our synods, and conformable to the word of God." 
 
 The word of God would have sufficed alone ; but as that 
 
XII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 163 
 
 was in dispute, to finish it there was a necessity of coming back 
 to the authority of things judged, and abiding by the article of 
 the Confession of Faith, understanding it, not according to its 
 precise terms, but according to the sense received in churches, 
 and approved in the National Synods, which finally regulates 
 the dispute by tradition, and shows us that the most assured 
 means of understanding what is written, is to see in what man- 
 ner it always had been understood. 
 
 This is what passed, as to the affair of Piscator, in four na- 
 tional synods. The last of them was that of Tonins, held in 
 1614, where, after the subscription commanded by the Synod of 
 Privas, all seemed determined in the most serious manner im- 
 aginable ; yet after all there was nothing in it, for the year fol- 
 lowing, to go no further, that is, in 1615, Du Moulin, the most 
 renowned of all their ministers, openly made a jest of it, with the 
 approbation of a whole synod. The history of the thing is this : — 
 
 38. — They laugh at all these Decrees. — J^othing serious in the Reformation. — 
 Du Moulhi's remonstrance approved in the Synod of Ay. — 1615. 
 
 The party of the Reformation opposed to Lutheranism had 
 always been disturbed because they could never contrive among 
 themselves a common Confession, to unite all their members, as 
 the Confession of Augsburg united all the Lutherans. So many 
 different Confessions of Faith showed a principal of division 
 which weakened the party. They came back, therefore, once 
 more to the project of a reunion. Du Moulin proposed the 
 means in a writing sent to the Synod of the Isle of France. 
 The whole drift of it was to dissemble the dogmas, which they 
 could not agree in ; and Du Moulin writes in express terms, 
 that among the things it was requisite to dissemble in this new 
 Confession of Faith, they ought to place Piscator's question 
 regarding Justification :* a doctrine so much detested by four 
 national synods, becomes indifferent all of a sudden in the opinion 
 of this minister, and the synod of the Isle of France, with the 
 same hand with which it had but just subscribed Piscator's con- 
 demnation, nay, the pen, as I may say, still wet with the ink it 
 had made this subscription with, thanks M. du Moulin by ex- 
 press letters for this proposal :| such instability is there in the 
 nev/ Reformation, and so easily does she sacrifice the greatest 
 matters to this common Confession which she never could attain. 
 
 39. — Du Moulhi's words. — Dissimulation, character of Heresy, owned in the 
 
 Reformation. 
 
 The words of Du Moulin are too remarkable not to be related. 
 
 " There," says he, J viz., in this assembly to be held for this 
 
 new Confession of Faith, " I am for no disputes about religion, 
 
 for minds once healed will never be brought to yield, and each 
 
 + Act. Aut. Blond. Piece, vi. p. 72. f Ibid. | Ibid. n. 4. 
 
164 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 one in his return cries out victory ; but I would have laid on 
 the table the Confession of the churches of France, of England, 
 of Scotland, of the Low Countries, of the Palatinate, of the 
 Swiss, &c. That out of these Confessions we might strive to 
 form one common one, wherein we should dissemble many things, 
 without the knowledge of which one might be saved, as is Pis- 
 cator^s question regarding Justification, and many subtle opinions 
 proposed by Arminius about Free-will, Predestination and Per- 
 severance of the Saints." 
 
 He adds, " as Satan had corrupted the Church of Rome by 
 her having too much, namely, by avarice and ambition, so he 
 strives to corrupt the churches of the new reformation by know- 
 ing too much, to wit, by curiosity," which, in reahty, is the 
 temptation all heretics sink under, and the snare they are taken 
 in ; and concludes that, in the way of agreement, " they shall 
 have gone the greatest part of the journey, if they can but pre- 
 vail on themselves to be ignorant of many things, be contented 
 with necessaries to salvation, and be easy in regard of others." 
 40. — Reflection on these loords of Du Moulin approved in the Synod ofJly. 
 
 How to agree in this matter was the question, for if by such 
 things, the knowledge of which is necessary to salvation, he 
 understands those which every private man is obliged to know, 
 under penalty of damnation, this common Confession of Faith 
 is already made in the Creed of the Apostles, and in that of 
 Nice. The union made on this foundation would reach much 
 beyond the newly reformed churches, nor could they hinder our 
 being comprehended in it ; but, " if by the knowledge of things 
 necessary to salvation" he understands the full explanation of 
 all the expressly revealed truths of God, who has revealed none 
 the knowledge of which does not tend to secure the salvation of 
 his faithful, there " to dissemble" what the synods have declared 
 " expressly revealed of God," with " detestation" of the con- 
 trary errors, is laughing at the Church, is holding her decrees 
 for imposture even after signing them, is betraying both religion 
 and conscience. 
 
 41. — Du Movlin's inconstancy. 
 
 Now, when you shall perceive that this same Du Moulin, who 
 makes so slight a matter, not of Piscator's propositions only, but 
 also of the much more important ones of Arminius, was after- 
 wards one of the most unmerciful censors of them, you will ac- 
 knowledge, in his procedure, the perpetual inconstancy of the 
 new Reformation, always suiting her dogmas to the occasion. 
 
 42. — Great points to be suppressed; amongst others, that xohich is contrary to 
 
 the Real Presence. 
 
 To conclude the account of this project of reunion then con- 
 certed, when this commoE Confession of the party opposed to the 
 
XII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 165 
 
 Lutherans should be finished, another was to be made also, but 
 more wide and general, in which the Lutherans might be com- 
 prehended.* Du Moulin here sets forth all the ways of ex- 
 pressing themselves, so as " not to condemn the Real Presence, 
 nor Ubiquity, nor the necessity of Baptism," nor the rest of the 
 Lutheran tenets ; and what he cannot save by equivocations or 
 indeterminate expressions, he wraps up in silence, in the best 
 way he can ; he hopes to abolish by this means the appellation 
 of Lutherans, of Calvinists, of Sacramentarians, and, by force 
 of equivocating, to make no other name remain for Protestants 
 than the common one of the Christian Church Reformed. The 
 whole synod of the Isle of France applauded this fine plan ; and 
 this union, thus completed, it would be time, proceeds this min- 
 ister, to solicit the reconcihation of the Church of Rome — but he 
 doubts as to their succeeding. And with good reason, for we 
 have not one instance of her ever approving equivocations in 
 matters of religion, or consenting to the suppression of articles 
 she once believed revealed by God. 
 43. — Importance of the disputes among the defenders of the figurative sense. 
 But I do not allow to Du Moulin and the rest of the same 
 party, that the differences in their Confessions of Faith are only 
 in the method and expressions, or else in polity and ceremonies ; 
 or, if in matters of faith, in such only as had not yet passed into 
 law or public ordinance : for we have seen, and shall see the 
 contrary through the whole sequel of this history. And can 
 they say, for example, that the doctrine of Episcopacy wherein 
 the Church of England is so firm, and carries it to such a pitch 
 as to receive no Calvinistic ministers without reordaining them, 
 is a matter only of expression, or, at most, of mere polity and 
 ceremony 1 Is it nothing to look on a Church as utterly desti- 
 tute of pastors lawfully ordained ? It is true the Calvinists are 
 even with them, as we are assured by one of their famous min- 
 isters in these words : " If any of ours should teach the distinc- 
 tion of bishops and priests, and that there is no true ministry 
 without bishops, we could not suffer him in our Communion, that 
 is to say, at least in our ministry. "| The English Protestants 
 therefore are excluded from it. Is this a difference of small 
 importance 1 This same minister does not speak so of it, he 
 being agreed that, on account of these differences, which he will 
 have but small, of government and discipline, they treat one 
 another as persons excommunicated. J If we descend to par- 
 ticulars in these Confessions of Faith, how many points shall 
 we find in some which are not in others ? And in reality, were 
 the difference in words only, their obstinacy would be too great 
 
 * Act. Autli. Blond, pp. 12, 13. t jur- Syst. p. 214. 
 
 I Id. avis, aux Prot. n. 3, at the begmning ofliis Prej. Legit. 
 
166 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 not to agree after so frequently attempting it : if in ceremonies 
 only, their weakness would be too great in insisting on them ; 
 but the truth is, they are all sensible how little they agree in the 
 main ; and if they boast of being well united, this only serves 
 to confirm, that the union of the new Reformation is rather po- 
 litical than ecclesiastic. 
 
 Nothing now remains but to entreat our brethren to consider 
 the great steps they have seen taken, not by private men, but by 
 their whole churches, touching matters decided by them with 
 all the authority, said they, of the word of God : yet all these 
 decrees came to nothing. It is a way of speaking in the Ref- 
 ormation always to name the word of God : they believe a thing 
 never the more for that, nor fear the least to suppress what they 
 had advanced under the sanction of so great an authority ; but 
 we must not wonder at it. There is nothing in religion more 
 authentic than Confessions of Faith ; nothing ought to have 
 been better warranted by the word of God than what the Cal- 
 vinists had inserted in them against the Real Presence and the 
 other dogmas of the Lutherans. It was not. only Calvin that 
 accounted, as detestable, the invention of the Corporeal Pres- 
 ence ; De corporali prodsentid detestabile commentum :* the whole 
 Reformation of France had just said, in body, by the mouth of 
 Beza, that she detested this monster, as well the Lutheran Con- 
 substantiation as the Papistical Transubstantiation. But there 
 is nothing sincere, nor serious, in these detestations of the Real 
 Presence, since they were ready to retrench all that had been 
 said against it, and this, not only by decree of a national synod, 
 but by a joint determination of the whole party solemnly as- 
 sembled at Frankfort. The doctrine of the figurative sense, not 
 to speak here of other points, after so many battles and such a 
 number of pretended martyrs, would have been buried in eternal 
 silence, had it but pleased the Lutherans. England, France, 
 Germany, Switzerland, the Low Countries, in a word, all the 
 Calvinists any where to be found, consented to this suppression. 
 How therefore can men remain so wedded to a tenet, which 
 they see so little revelation for, that it is already cast foilli from 
 the profession of Christianity by the concurrent wishes of the 
 whole party, 
 
 * 2lDef. cont Westp. Opusc. 83. S. n. 9. 
 
XIII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 167 
 
 BOOK XIII. 
 
 THE DOCTRINE CONCERNING ANTICHRIST, AND VARIA- 
 TIONS ON THIS SUBJECT FROM LUTHER'S TIME DOWN 
 TO THIS. 
 
 A brief Summary. — Variations of the Protestants in regard to Antichrist. — 
 Luther's vain predictions. — Calvin's evasion. — What Luther lays down, 
 as to this Doctrine, is contradicted by Melancthon. — A new article of Faith 
 added to the Confession in the Synod of Gap. — The foundation of this de- 
 cree manifestly false. — This Doctiine despicable in the Reformation. — 
 The absurdities, contrarieties, and impieties of the new interpretation of 
 prophecies proposed by Joseph Mede, and maintained by the minister Ju- 
 rieu. — The most holy Doctors of the Church enrolled amongst Blas- 
 phemers and Idolaters. 
 
 1. — Article added to the Confession of Faith on purpose to declare the Pope 
 
 Antichrist. 
 
 The disputes of Arminius raised great combustions in the 
 United Provinces, and it were now time to treat of them ; but 
 as the questions and decisions resulting from them are of a more 
 particular discussion, before I engage therein, a famous decree 
 should be mentioned of the Synod of Gap, the account of which 
 was deferred, not to interrupt the affair of Piscator. 
 
 It was therefore in this Synod and in 1603, that a new decree 
 was made to declare the Pope Antichrist. This decree was 
 counted of so great importance that it passed into a new article 
 of faith, the thirty-first in order, and took place after the thirtieth, 
 it being there said that all true pastors are equal ; so that what 
 gives the Pope the character of Antichrist, is his styling him- 
 self superior to other bishops. If it be so, it is a great while 
 since Antichrist has reigned ; nor do I conceive why the Ref- 
 ormation has so long deferred enrolling in the catalogue of this 
 great number of Antichrists she has introduced, St. Innocent, 
 St. Leo, St. Gregory, and the rest of the Popes whose epistles 
 show us the exercise of this superiority in every page. 
 
 2. — Luther^s einpty prophecies, and Calvin's as empty shift. 
 Now when Luther so gi-eatly exaggerated this new doctrine 
 of the Antichristian papacy, he did it with that prophetic air 
 above remarked in him.* We have seen in what a strain he 
 foretold the downfall of the Papal power ; and how his preach- 
 ing was that breath of Jesus Christ which was to overthrow the 
 man of sin ; without arms, without violence, by himself alone, 
 without any intervening power : so dazzled, so intoxicated was 
 he with the unexpected effect of his eloquence ! The whole 
 Reformation was in expectation of the speedy accomplishment 
 of this new prophesy. But when they saw the Pope still keep 
 his ground, (for many more than Luther will split against this 
 
 * Sup. 1. i. n. 31. 
 
168 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 rock,) and that the Pontifical power, so far from tumbling at the 
 blast of this false prophet, maintained itself against the con- 
 spiracy of so many revolted powers, insomuch that the attach- 
 ment of God's people to this sacred authority, which makes the 
 band of their unity, redoubled rather than was weakened by so 
 numerous a defection, they laughed at the illusion of Luther's 
 prophecies, and at the weak credulity of those who took them 
 for celestial oracles. Yet Calvin had his evasion ready when 
 he said to one that ridiculed them,* that " though the body of 
 the Papacy subsisted still, the spirit and hfe had forsaken it so 
 as to leave nothing but a dead carcass." Thus men will run 
 the hazard of a prophesy, and if the event does not answer, a 
 flash of wit brings them off. 
 
 3. — Daniel and St. Paul brought in to no purpose. 
 
 But they tell us with a serious air it is a prophesy, not of Lu- 
 ther, but of the Scripture, and evidently to be seen (so it should 
 since it is an article of faith) in St. Paul, and in Daniel. As 
 for the Revelations, Luther did not think fit to employ this book, 
 nor receive it into his canon. But for St. Paul,| what could be 
 more evident, seeing that the Pope sitteth in the temple of God? 
 In the Church, says Luther,J that is questionless in the true 
 Church, the true templeof God; itbeing unexampled in Scripture, 
 that a temple of idols was ever called by this name : so that the 
 first step they must make towards a right understanding how the 
 Pope is Antichrist, is to acknowledge that Church, wherein he 
 presides, for the true Church. What follows is not less man- 
 ifest. Who does not see how " the Pope showeth himself that 
 he is God, exalting himself above all that is worshipped 1" 
 Chiefly in that sacrifice so much condemned by our Reformers, 
 in which, for proof that he is God, the Pope confesses his sins 
 with all the people ; raises himself above every thing by en- 
 treating all the saints and all his brethren to beg forgiveness for 
 him ; also by declaring afterwards, and in the most holy part of 
 this sacrifice, that he hopes this forgiveness, " not through his 
 own merits, but through the bounty and grace, and in the name 
 of Jesus Christ our Lord V A new kind of Antichrist, that 
 obliges all his adherents to place their hope in Jesus Christ, and 
 for always having been the most firm assertor of his divinity, is 
 placed by the Sociniaas at the head of all Anfichrists, as the chief 
 of them all, and as the most incompatible with their doctrine. 
 4. — Protestants discredit themselves by tJds Doctnne. 
 
 But again, if such a dream can deserve our serious attention, 
 which of all these Popes is " that man of sin and the son of per- 
 dition specified by St. Paul?" We never met in Scripture with 
 the like expressions, unless to characterize some particular per- 
 * Gratul. ad Yen. Presbji;. opusc. p. 33 1. 12 Thess. ii. 4. | Sup. 1. iil n, 50. 
 
XIII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 169 
 
 son. No matter for that : all the Popes since St. Gregoiy, as 
 they said heretofore, and as they say at present, all the Popes 
 since St. Leo, are " this man of sin, this son of perdition, and 
 this Antichrist," though they converted to Christianity England, 
 Germany, Sweden, Denmark, and Holland ; so that all these 
 countries, by embracing the Reformation, did publicly acknowl- 
 edge that they had received Christianity from Antichrist himself. 
 5. — Illusions with regard to the Revelations. 
 Who can relate here the mysteries our Reformed have found 
 in the Revelations, and the deceitful prodigies of the beast, which 
 arc the miracles Rome attributes to saints and their relics ; to 
 the end that St. Austin, and St. Chrysostom, and St. Ambrose, 
 and the rest of the Fathers, who, they allow, published the like 
 miracles with unanimous consent, may be the precursors of 
 Antichrist? What shall I say of the character which the beast 
 stamps on the forehead, which in their language m(;ans the sign 
 even of the Cross of Jesus Christ, and the holy chrism which 
 is employed to imprint it : to the end that St. Cyprian, and all 
 the other bishops before and after, who most undoubtedly, as is 
 confessed, did apply this character, may be Antichrists ; and the 
 faithful, who bore it ever since the origin of Christianity, be 
 stigmatized with the badge of the beast ; and the sign of the 
 Son of Man, become the seal of his adversary. It is irksome 
 to relate all their impieties, and for my part, I am verily per- 
 suaded, it was these impertinences and profanations of the holy 
 book of the Revelations, which were seen increasing without 
 end in the new Reformation, that brought the ministers them- 
 selves, weary of hearing them, to a resolution in the national 
 synod of Saumur,* " that no pastor should undertake the expo- 
 sition of the Revelations, without the advice of a provincial synod.'* 
 
 G. — This Doctrine concerning Antichrist was not till then in any one act of the 
 Reformation : Luther places it among the Smalcaldic articles, but Melancthon 
 opposes it. 
 
 Now although the ministers had never ceased to animate the 
 people by these odious notions of Antichristianism, they had 
 never ventured hitherto to let them appear in the confessions of 
 faith, though never so outrageous against the Pope. Luther 
 alone had placed, among the articles of Smalcald, a long article 
 concerning the papacy, more resembling a satirical declamation 
 than a dogmatical article, and in it inserted this doctrine ;| but 
 this example was followed by none else. More than this, when 
 Luther proposed the article, Melancthon refused to subscribe 
 it, and we have heard him say, with the general consent of the 
 whole party, that the Pope's superiority was so great a benefit 
 to the Church, that were it not established, it ought to be so ; J 
 * Syn.ofSaumur.1596. f S.l.iv.n.38. J S. 1. iii. n, 39. L. v. n, 24. 1603. 
 
 VOL. II. 15 
 
170 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 nevertheless, it was precisely in this superiority that our Re- 
 formed acknowledged the character of Antichrist at the synod 
 of Gap in 1603. 
 
 7. — Decision of the Synod of Gap. — Its false Foundation* 
 There they said, " that the Bishop of Rome pretended to a 
 dominion over all the churches and pastors, and styled himself 
 God." In what place? in what counciH in what profession 
 of faith 1 it is what they should have specified, this being the 
 foundation of the decree. But they durst not do it, for then it 
 would have appeared they had nothing to produce but the words 
 of some impertinent interpreter, viz., that in a certain manner, 
 and in the sense God speaks to Judges, *' Ye are gods," the 
 Pope might be called God. Grotius laughed at this objection 
 of his party, asking them since what time the hyperboles of 
 some flatterer were taken for received dogmas ? Nor, indeed, 
 we may safely say it, has this reproach of the Pope's naming 
 himself God, any other foundation than this. On this founda- 
 tion they decide that "he is properly the Antichrist, and the son of 
 perdition pointed at in the word of God, and the beast clothed with 
 scarlet whom the Lord will discomfit, as he promised, and as he 
 has already begun to do :" and this is what was to constitute the 
 thirty-first article of faith for our pretended Reformed of France, 
 according to the decree of Gap, chapter concerning the Confes- 
 sion of Faith. This new article had for title, " Article Omitted." 
 The Synod of Rochelle gave orders, in 1607, that this article 
 of Gap, " as most true and conformable to what was foretold in 
 Scripture, and which we see in our days manifestly fulfilled, 
 should be inserted in the copies of the Confession of Faith 
 which were to be printed anew." But it was judged of dan- 
 gerous consequence to suffer a religion, tolerated under certain 
 conditions, and under a determinate confession of faith, to mul- 
 tiply its articles as its ministers should think fit, and a stop was 
 put to the effect of the synod's decree. 
 
 8. — Occasion of this Decree. 
 
 It may be asked, perhaps, what spirit moved them to this 
 novelty. The secret is discovered by the synod itself. We 
 there read these words in the chapter concerning Discipline : 
 " Forasmuch as many are uneasy for having the Pope called 
 Antichrist, the company protests this is the common belief and 
 confession of us all, by ill luck omitted, nevertheless in all pre- 
 cedent editions, and the foundation of our separating from the 
 Church of Rome, a foundation drawn from the Scripture, and 
 sealed with the blood of so many martyrs." Wretched martyrs, 
 who spill their blood for a tenet absolutely forgotten in all 
 the Confessions of Faith ! But it is true that of late it is be- 
 
XIII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 171 
 
 come the most important of all, and the most essential subject 
 of the breach. 
 
 9. — This Doctnne relating to Antichrist, how despised in the Reformation. 
 
 Let us now hearken to an author, who alone makes more 
 noise in his whole party than all the rest, and whom they seem to 
 have intrusted with the whole defence of the cause, none but he 
 any longer entering the lists. Here is what he says in that fa- 
 mous book entitled, " The Accomplishment of the Prophecies."* 
 He complains, above every thing else, " that this controversy 
 concerning Antichrist had languished a whole century, and was 
 abandoned through policy, and in obedience to popish princes. 
 Had tliis great and important truth, that popery is Antichristian- 
 ism, been "placed before the eyes of the Reformed, they would 
 not have fallen into that remissness we see them in at this day. 
 But it was so long ago since they had heard the thing mention- 
 ed, that they had quite forgotten it." Here, then, is one of the 
 fundamentals of the Reformation ; " and nevertheless," con- 
 tinues this author,! " it so happened, through a manifest blind- 
 ness, that we were solely bent on controversies which were but 
 accessaries, and neglected this, that popery is the Antichristian 
 empire." The more he enters into the subject, the warmer his 
 imagination grows. " In my judgment," proceeds he, J " this 
 is so capital a truth, that without it, we cannot be true Chris- 
 tians." And in another place ; " Verily," says he, " I so greatly 
 account this an article of a true Christian's faith, that I cannot 
 hold those for good Christians who deny this truth, after the event 
 and labors of so many great men have set it in so evident a 
 light." Here is a new fundamental article which they had not 
 as yet thought on, nay, on the contrary, which the Reformation 
 had unfortunately abandoned : " for," adds he,§ " this contro- 
 versy was so thoroughly extinguished, that our adversaries be- 
 lieved it dead, and imagined we had renounced this pretension, 
 a?id this foundation of our whole reform." 
 
 10. — Confuted by the most learned Protestants, Grotius, Hammond, Juricu 
 
 himself. 
 
 For my own part thus much is true, that I never in my life have 
 met with any man of good sense among our Protestants, that 
 laid stress on this article : in sincerity, they were ashamed of so 
 great an excess, and more in pain how to excuse the transports 
 of their own people that introduced this prodigy into the world, 
 than we were to impugn it. Their ablest men freed us from 
 this labor. It is well known what the learned Grotius wrote on 
 this subject, and how clearly he has demonstrated that the Pope 
 
 * Avis. t. i. p. 48. t Ibid. p. 49. 
 
 \ Ibid. Ace. des Proph. part i. ch. xvi. p. 292. § Avis. t. i. p. 49, 50. 
 
172 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 could not be Antichrist.* If the authority of Grotius seem not 
 weighty enough to our Reformed, because truly this learned man, 
 by studying carefully the Scriptures, and reading the ancient ec- 
 clesiastical authors, disabused himself by little and little of the 
 errors he was born in. Doctor Hammond, that learned English- 
 man, was not suspected in the party. Nevertheless, he took no 
 less pains than Grotius to destroy the frenzies of Protestants 
 touching the Antichristianism charged on the Pope. 
 
 These authors, with some others, whom our minister is pleased 
 to call " the shame and reproach, not only of the Reformation, 
 but also of the Christian name,"| were in every body's hands, 
 and received the praises not only of the Catholics, but likewise 
 of all the able and moderate men amongst Protestants. M. 
 Jurieu himself is moved with their authority. For which reason, 
 in his book of " Lawful Prepossessions," J he delivers all he 
 says of Antichrist as a thing not unanimously received, as a 
 thing undecided, as a picture " whose lineaments are applicable 
 to different subjects, some whereof have already happened, and 
 others perchance are yet to come." Accordingly, the use he 
 makes of it is as of a prepossession against popery, not as a 
 demonstration. But now the case is quite altered ; what was 
 undecided before, is now become the groundwork of the whole 
 Reformation ; " for certainly," says our author,§ " I do not be- 
 lieve this Reformation otherwise well grounded than for this 
 reason, that the Church we have abandoned is true Antichris- 
 tianism." Let them no longer perplex themselves as hitherto, 
 in search of their fundamental articles ; here is the foundation 
 of foundations, without which the Reformation would have been 
 unjustifiable. What will then become of it if this doctrine, 
 " popery is true Antichristianism," falls of itself, merely by ex- 
 posing it ? This will be perceived clearly by a little attention 
 to what follows. 
 
 11. — Exposition of the Minister Jurieii's Doctrine. 
 
 There needs only to consider that the whole mystery consists 
 in clearly showing what it is that constitutes this pretended An- 
 tichristianism. The next point to be determined, is the begin- 
 ning of it, its duration and its period, the most speedy that it is 
 possible, in order to comfort those who are wearied with so te- 
 dious an expectation. He thinks he has found, in the Revela- 
 tions, an infallible light for the unfolding of this secret, and sup- 
 poses, by taking the days for years, that the twelve hundred and 
 sixty days assigned in the Revelations || for Antichrist's perse- 
 cution, make twelve hundred and sixty years : let us take all 
 this for truth, for our business here is not to dispute, but relate 
 
 * Avis. p. 4, Ace. part i. ch. xvi. p. 291. f Ibid. p. 4. 
 
 I Prej. leg. part i. ch. iv. pp. 72. 73. § Ibid. p. 50. 1| Rev. xi. xii. xiii. 
 
XIII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 173 
 
 historically the doctrine given us for the groundwork of the 
 Reformation. 
 
 12. — M. Jurieu labors hard to abridge the time of his pretended prophecies. 
 
 At first, he is very much puzzled about these twelve hundred 
 and sixty years of persecution. Persecution is very wearisome, 
 and gladly would he find a speedy end put to it : it is what our 
 author openly manifests ; for since what happened last in France, 
 " my soul being cast," says he,* " into the deepest abyss of 
 grief that I ever felt in my life, I was wilUng for my comfort to 
 find grounds to hope a speedy deliverance for the Church." 
 Bent on this design, he goes to search " even in the fountain 
 head of the Sacred Oracles, to see," says he,"j" " whether the 
 Holy Ghost would not teach me, in regard to the approaching 
 downfall of the Antichristian empire, something more sure and 
 more precise than what other interpreters had discovered in them." 
 13. — This Authoi' owns his prevention. 
 
 Men generally find, right or wrong, whatever they have a mind 
 in prophecies, that is, in obscure places and enigmatic sayings, 
 when violent prejudices accompany them. This author ac- 
 knowledges his own : " I will own it," says he, J "with sincerity, 
 that I approached these divine oracles full of my prejudices, and 
 entirely disposed to believe that we were near to the end of the 
 reign and empire of Antichrist." As he confesses himself pre- 
 possessed, he desires also to be read with favorable preventions : § 
 if so, he is persuaded you cannot but enter into his notions ; all 
 will go on smoothly with this allowance. 
 
 14. — He forsakes his guides, and why. 
 
 Here is he then well convicted, by his own confession, that he 
 commenced reading the word of God, not with a mind disea- 
 gaged from his prejudices, and thereby in a fit temper to receive 
 the impressions of divine light ; but, on the contrary, with a mind 
 " full of its prejudices," disheartened with persecutions, abso- 
 lutely determined to find the end of them, and the approaching 
 overthrow of this so irksome an empire. He finds all the in- 
 terpreters put it off to a distant date. Joseph Mede, whom he 
 had chosen for his guide, and who had indeed set out so much 
 to his liking, lost his way at last; for whereas he hoped, by the 
 means of so good a guide, " to see the persecution ended in five 
 and twenty or thirty years' time," to accomplish what Mede 
 proposes, he must stay many ages. " Thus are we," says he,|| 
 " very much retarded, and greatly remote from our reckoning : 
 we must still wait these many ages." This was too much for 
 a man in such haste to see an end, and to publish better tidinge 
 to his brethren. 
 
 * Avis. p. 4. t Ibid. pp. 7, 8. | Ibid. p. 8. § Ibid. p. 53. 
 
 II Accomp. part ii. ch. iv. p. 60. 
 VOL. II. 15* 
 
174 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 15. — The impcssibility of settling the beginning of these twelve hundred and 
 sixty years xohich the Reformation alloxos to the persecution of Antichnst. 
 
 But after all, do what he will, he is obliged to find full twelve 
 hundred and sixty years of persecution. To give a speedy end 
 to them, it is necessary to date the beginning early. The greatest 
 number of the Calvinists had begun this reckoning from the time 
 we began, as they pretended, to say Mass, and to adore the 
 Eucharist; for that was the god Mauzzim, whom Antichrist 
 was to worship, according to Daniel.* Among other fine alle- 
 gories, there was somewhat of a resemblance in sound between 
 Mauzzim and the Mass. Crespin makes a mighty stir with this 
 in his " History of the Martyrs,"| and the whole party is ravished 
 with the invention. But how ! place the adoration of the Eu- 
 charist in the first ages 1 it is too soon : in the tenth or eleventh, 
 in Berengarius's time 1 that may be done ; those are ages the 
 Reformation is little concerned about : but after all, supposing 
 these twelve hundred and sixty whole years to commence in the 
 tenth or eleventh century, there would remain still six hundred 
 and sixty years of troublesome times to rub through. Our author 
 is disheartened at this, and his ingenuity would be of little service, 
 could it not furnish him with some more favorable expedient. 
 
 16. — Jsl'ew date given to the birth of Antichrist by this Minister in his prepos- 
 sessions. 
 
 Until now the party had shown a regard for St. Gregory. It 
 
 is true, Masses were discovered in him abundantly, even for the 
 
 dead, invocations of saints in plenty, a number of relics ; and 
 
 what is very disagreeable to the Reformation, a strong persuasion 
 
 of the authority of his see. Yet, for all this, his holy doctrine 
 
 and holy life made him be revered. Luther and Calvin had 
 
 called him the last bishop of Rome ; his successors were nothing 
 
 but Popes and Antichrists ; but as for him, it was not feasible 
 
 to make him of that number. Our author was bolder, and in 
 
 his " Lawful Prepossessions" (for he began there to be inspired 
 
 to interpret the Revelations) after frequently deciding with all 
 
 his interpreters, that Antichrist must begin with the ruin of the 
 
 Roman empire, he declared,J " This empire ceased when Rome 
 
 ceased to be the capital city of the provinces, when this empire 
 
 was dismembered into ten parts, which happened at the end of 
 
 the fifth century, and at the beginning of the sixth." This he 
 
 repeats four or five times, that you may not doubt of it, and at 
 
 last concludes thus :§ "It is, then, certain, that at tlie beginning 
 
 of the sixth age, the corruptions of the Church were great enough, 
 
 and the pride of the bishop of Rome already risen high enough, 
 
 to make us determine on this era for the first birth of the Anti- 
 
 * Dan. xi. 38. t Hist, des Mart, by Cresp. L i. 
 
 J Prej. leg. part. i. p. 82, § Ibid. pp. 83, 85. 
 
XIII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 175 
 
 christian empire." And again :* " One may well reckon for the 
 birth of the Antichristian empire a time, wherein were already 
 seen all the sprouts of future corruption and tyranny." And, 
 finally, "this dismembering of the Roman empire into ten pieces, 
 happened about the year 500, a little before the end of the fifth 
 century, and at the beginning of the sixth." It is, then, manifest 
 we must begin from thence to count the twelve hundred and 
 sixty years assigned for the duration of the Popish empire. 
 
 17. — The times do not tally right with it, by reason of the sanctity of the then 
 
 Popes. 
 
 Unfortunately, the Church of Rome is not found sufficiently 
 corrupted in those days to make an Antichristian church of her, 
 for the Popes of those times were the most zealous defenders 
 of the mysteries of the incarnation and redemption of mankind, 
 and withal as illustrious for sanctity as ever the Church had. 
 We need but hear the enconium which Dionysius Parvus, | so 
 learned and pious a man, gives St. Gelasius, the Pope, who was 
 seated in St. Peter's chair from the year 492 to the year 496. 
 We shall there see, that the whole life of this holy Pope was 
 either reading or prayer : his fasting, his poverty, and, in the 
 poverty of his life, his immense charity to the poor, his doctrine, 
 in short, and his great watchfulness, that made him account the 
 least remissness in a pastor of dangerous consequence to souls, 
 formed in him such a bishop as St. Paul describes. This is 
 the Pope whom this learned man beheld in the chair of St. Peter 
 towards the end of the fifth century, when, it seems. Antichrist 
 w^as born. Even a hundred years after him, St. Gregory the 
 Great was seated in this chair, and the whole Church, in the 
 East no less than in the West, was replenished with the odor 
 of his virtues, amongst which his humility and zeal shone con- 
 spicuous. Nevertheless, he was seated in the chair which " be- 
 gan to be the seat of pride, and that of the beast." J These are 
 fine beginnings for Antichrist. Had these Popes been pleased 
 to be something more wicked, and defended with less zeal the 
 mystery of Jesus Christ and the cause of piety, the system v/ould 
 fit better ; but every thing is settled : Antichrist, then, was only 
 in his minority,§ and in this nonage nothing hindered his being 
 a Saint, and a most zealous defender of Jesus Christ and his 
 kingdom. These were our author's discoveries at the begin- 
 ning of the year 1685, and when he composed his " lawful Pre- 
 possessions." 
 
 18. — The Author changes his mind, and is for advancing the overthroxo of 
 
 Jlntichnst. 
 
 But upon his observing, towards the end of the same year, 
 
 * Prej. leg. part i. p. 128. f Pref. Coll. decret. cod. Hist. t. i. p. 183. 
 X Prej. leg. part i. p. 147. § Ibid. 128. 
 
176 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, with all the consequences 
 of it, this great event made him change his prophecies, and 
 advance the time of the downfall of Antichrist's kingdom. The 
 author would have it in his power to say, he hoped to live to be 
 an eyewitness of it. In 1686, he published his great work of 
 the " Accomplishment of the Prophecies,"* wherein he deter- 
 mines the period of the Antichristian persecution at the year 
 1710, or at least in 1714 or 1716. But he informs his reader 
 that, after all, he thinks it a difficult matter to mark precisely 
 the year. " God," says he, " in his prophecies, looks not mto 
 matters so minidehj.^^ Stupendous maxim ! Nevertheless, " one 
 may say," proceeds he, " this must happen between the year 
 1710 and the year 1715." This we may depend upon, and 
 what he calls persecution will be at an end for certain, at the 
 beginning of the eighteenth century ; so we draw near the point : 
 scarce five-and- twenty years remain. Which of the zealous 
 Calvinists would not have patience, and wait so short a term 1 
 
 19. He is obliged to make him be born in the person of St. Leo the Great. 
 
 The truth is, there is some difficulty in the thing ; for the 
 more he advances the end of the twelve hundred and sixty years, 
 the higher must he carry the beginning of them, and settle this 
 epoch of the Antichristian empire in still purer times. Thus 
 to finish in 1710, or thereabouts, he must have begun the Anti- 
 christian persecution in the year 450 or 454, under the Ponti- 
 ficate of St. Leo ; and accordingly it is what the author chooses 
 after Joseph Mede, who, in our days, has made himself famous 
 in England by his learned extravagancies on the Revelations, 
 and the other prophecies employed against us. 
 
 20. — Absurdity of this System. 
 It seems as if God had a design to confound these impostors 
 by filling the chair of St. Peter with the greatest men and greatest 
 Saints it, ever had, at the time which was selected to make it 
 the seat of Antichrist. Can one but consider the letters and 
 sermons wherein St. Leo inspires, even at this day, so forcibly 
 into his readers the faith of Jesus Christ, and believe that an 
 Antichrist was the author of them 1 But what other Pope has 
 impuT;ned more vigorously the enemies of Jesus Christ, has 
 maintained with more zeal both Christian grace and ecclesias- 
 tical discipline, and, in fine, given to the world a more holy 
 doctrine, with more holy examples'? He, whose sanctity made 
 him be revered by the barbarous Attil^, and saved Rome from 
 massacre, is the first Antichrist, and father of all the rest. It 
 was Antichrist thatheld the Fourth General Council,so respected 
 by all good Christians ; it was Antichrist that dictated the divine 
 
 * Ace. part ii. ch. ii. pp. 18, 28. 
 
XIII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 177 
 
 letter to Flavian, which was the admiration of the whole church, 
 wherein the mystery of Jesus Christ is so sublimely and so 
 distinctly explained, that the Fathers of this great Council cried 
 out at each word, " Peter has spoken by the mouth of Leo ;" 
 whereas they should have said, by his mouth Antichrist has 
 spoken, or rather, Peter and Jesus Christ himself have spoken 
 by the mouth of Antichrist. Must not a man have drunk deep, 
 even to the dregs of that infatuating cup, the potion of the lying 
 prophets of old, and turned his head quite giddy with its fumes, 
 to vent to the world such delirious exorbitances 1 
 21. — Idle sJiift of the Minister. 
 
 At this part of the prophecy, the new prophet foresaw the 
 indignation of mankind, and that of Protestants no less than 
 Catholics ; for he is forced to own that, from Leo the First to 
 Gregoiy the Great, inclusively, Rome had a great many good 
 bishops,* of whom he must make as many Antichrists, and 
 hopes to satisfy the world by saying they were " Antichrists 
 commenced." But after all, if the twelve hundred and sixty 
 years of Antichristian persecution begin then, he must either 
 abandon the sense he gives to the prophecy, or say, that then 
 " the holy city was ti'od under foot by the Gentiles ;| the two 
 witnesses," namely, " the small number of the faithful," were 
 put to death, " the woman with child," to wit, the church, " was 
 driven into the wilderness," and deprived at least of the public 
 exercise of religion ; that from that time, in short, began the 
 execrable " blasphemies of the beast against the name of God, 
 and against all those that dwell in heaven, and the war she 
 w^aged against the Saints. "J For it is set down expressly in 
 St. John, that all this was to continue a thousand two hundred 
 and threescore days, which he will have to be years. To make 
 these blasphemies, this war, this Antichristian persecution, and 
 this triumph of error, to begin in the Church of Rome, even 
 from the time of St. Leo, St. Gelasius, and St. Gregory, and 
 make it hold on for the space of all these ages, when unques- 
 tionably that church was the model of all other churches, not 
 in faith alone, but also in piety and disciphne, is the height of 
 all extravagance. 
 
 22. — Three bad characters imputed to St. Leo. 
 
 But again, what has St. Leo done to deserve to be the first 
 Antichrist 1 He could not be Antichrist for nothing. Here are 
 the three characters he gives to Antichristianism, which must 
 be made to agree with the time of St. Leo, and Avith him in 
 person ; " Idolatry, tyranny, and corruption of manners. "§ How 
 deplorable, to be reduced to defend St. Leo against Christians, 
 
 * Ace. part ii. ch. ii. pp. 39, 40, 41. f Rev. xi. 2. J Ace. part ii. oh. 
 X. p. 159, Rev. xii. 6, 14. xiii. 5, 6. § Ibid. ch. ii. pp. 18, 28. 
 
178 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 from all these reproaches ! but charity constrains us to it. Let 
 us begin by the corruption of manners. But then nothing is 
 objected against him on this head ; nothing can be found in the 
 life of this great Pope but examples of sanctity. In his time 
 ecclesiastical discipline was still in its full vigor, and St. Leo 
 was the support of it. Thus you see how manners were cor- 
 rupted. Let us run over the other characters, that of tyranny 
 next, in as few words. Ever since the time of St. Leo, objects 
 our author,* " who was sitting in the year 450, to that of St. 
 Gregory the Great, the Bishops of Rome have labored to arro- 
 gate to themselves a superiority over the universal church :" 
 but was it St. Leo that began 1 He dares not say it ; all he says 
 is, " he labored at it," for he knows full well that St. Celestin 
 his predecessor, and St. Boniface, and St. Zozimus, and St. 
 Innocent, to go no further back at present, acted no otherwise 
 than St. Leo ; nor were they less zealous in maintaining the 
 authority of St. Peter's chair. Why should they not, then, be 
 of the number, at least, of these " Antichrists commenced." 
 The reason is, because, had he b'egun from their time, the twelve 
 hundred and threescore years would have elapsed already, and 
 the event would have behed the sense he is resolved to give 
 the Revelations. Thus do men impose on the world, and turn 
 the divine oracles to their own fancy. 
 
 23. — St. Leo's idolatry. — The Mauzzims of Daniel applied to the Saints. 
 
 But it is time we should come to the third character of the 
 beast, which our adversaries are determined to find in St. Leo, 
 and in the whole church of his time. There is a new Paganism, 
 an idolatry worse than that of the Gentiles, in the honor paid 
 to saints and their relics. It is on this third character the chief 
 stre£3 is laid : Joseph Mede| has the honor of this invention, 
 who interpreting these words of Daniel, " he shall honor the 
 God Mauzzim," to wit, as he translates it, " the God of forces ;" 
 and again, " he shall do it to fence Mauzzim with a strange 
 God ;" understands this of Antichrist, who shall call the saints 
 his fortresses. 
 
 24. — St. Basil and the rest of the Saiyits of those times accused of the same 
 
 Idolatry. 
 
 But how can he find !hat Antichrist will give the saints this 
 name 1 " In this," says he, " that St. Basil has preached to all 
 his people, or rather to the whole universe, who have read and 
 approved his divine sermons, that the forty martyrs, whose relics 
 they possessed, 'were towers whereby the city was defended.' "J 
 St. Chrysostom§ has also said, " that the relics of St. Peter and 
 Paul were more secure towers for Rome than ten thousand 
 
 * Ace. des Proph. part ii. ch. ii. p. 41. f Expos, of Dan. ch. xi. n. 36, &c. 
 Book iii. ch. xvi: xvii. p. 666, et. seq. Dan. xi. 38, 39. J Ibid. ch. xvii. p. 673. 
 Bas. Orat. in 40. Mart. Id. in Maur. Mart. § Chrys. Horn. 32. ad Rom. 
 
XIII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 179 
 
 ramparts." " Is not this," concludes Mede, " raising up the 
 gods Mauzzims?" St. Basil and St. Chrysostom are the Anti- 
 christs who erect these fortresses against the true God. 
 25. — Other Saints likewise Idolaters. 
 
 Yet not they alone : the poet Fortunatus hath sung after St. 
 Chrysostom, " that Rome had two ramparts and two towers in 
 St. Peter and St. Paul." St. Gregory has said as much of them. 
 St. Chrysostom, " that the holy martyrs of Egypt protect us like 
 impregnable ramparts, like unshaken rocks, against our invisible 
 enemies." And Mede still replies, " are not these Mauzziiis^" 
 he adds, " that St. Hilary discovers likewise our bulwarks in the 
 angels,"* He cites St. Gregory, of Nyssa, brother to St. Basil, 
 Gennadius, Evagrius, St. Eucherius, Theodoret, and the prayers 
 of the Greeks, in proof of the same. He does not forget that 
 the Cross is called our defence, and that our common expression 
 is, " we fortify ourselves with the sign of the Cross ;" JVfunire 
 se signo Crucis:'\ the Cross comes in amongst the rest, and this 
 sacred symbol of our salvation must also be ranked amongst the 
 Mauzzims of Antichrist. 
 
 26. — St. Ambrose added to the rest by M. Jurieu. 
 
 M. Jurieu sets ofi'all these fine passages of Joseph Mede to 
 the best advantage ; J and not to be a mere transcriber, adds to 
 them St. Ambrose, who says, " the saints Gervase and Protase 
 were tlie tutelary angels of the city of Milan." He might also 
 have named St. Gregory Nazianzen, St. Austin, and, in short, 
 all the Fathers who abound in as strong expressions. All this 
 is making as many gods of the saints, because it is making of 
 them ramparts and rocks where is found a secure sanctuary, 
 names which the Scripture appropriates to God. 
 
 27. — The Ministers cannot believe what they say themselves. 
 
 These men know well in their own consciences, that the 
 Fathers, whom they quote, never understood it so : but meant 
 only to say, that God gives us in the saints, as heretofove he 
 did in Moses, in David, and in Jeremiah, invincible protectors, 
 whose acceptable prayers are a more secure defence to us than 
 a thousand ramparts : for he is able to make of his saints, when 
 he pleases, and in the manner that he pleases, " impregnable 
 fortresses, iron pillars, and brazen walls. "§ Our doctors, I say 
 again, are convinced in their hearts that is the sense of St. 
 Chrysostom and St. Basil, when they call the saints towers and 
 fortresses. From tliese examples they ought to learn, not to 
 take in a criminal sense other as strong expressions, and withal 
 as innocent as these ; at least not to carry impiety so far as to 
 
 * Chxys. Horn. 32 ad Rom. p. 673. Horn. 70. ad Pop. Ant. Orat. in 40. 
 Mart t Ibid. p. 678. | Ace. des Froph. part i. ch. xiv. pp. 248, 249, et 
 seq. lb. p. 235. Mede ubi sub. ch. xiv. § Jer. i. 18. 
 
180 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 make these holy doctors the founders of Antichristian idolatry, 
 this being a charge equally atrocious on the whole Church of 
 their times, whose doctrine and worship they did but propound. 
 Nor, indeed, ought we to imagine our ministers believed seri- 
 ously what they said, and judged so many saints no better than 
 blasphemers and idolaters. All that we can conclude from 
 thence is, that they suffer themselves to be transported beyond 
 all bounds, and without enlightening the understanding, seek 
 only to kindle hatred in the heart. 
 
 2S. — Why they do not make St. Basil the hegiiining of Antichristianism as well 
 
 as St. Leo. 
 
 But after all, if we must hold for Antichrists all these pre- 
 tended worshippers of Mauzzims, why do they defer to St. Leo's 
 time the beginning of the Antichristian empire '?* Let them 
 show me that in this Pope's days more was done for the saints 
 than acknowledging them for towers and impregnable fortresses? 
 Let them show me that more trust was put in their prayers, 
 more honor paid to their rehcs 1 You say that in 360, and 390, 
 the worship of creatures, that is, in your notion, that of the 
 saints, was not as yet estabhshed in the public service : show 
 me that it was more or less so in St. Leo's time 1 You say, in 
 the same year of 360, and 390, great precautions were taken 
 not to confound the service of God with the service of creatures 
 then commencing : show me that less was taken afterwards, and 
 especially in St. Leo's Pontificate ? But who ever could have 
 confounded things so well distinguished 1 We demand things 
 of God ; we demand prayers of the saints : who ever dreamed 
 of asking either prayers of God, or the things themselves of the 
 saints as of those that gave them 1 Show, then, that in St. Leo's 
 time these characters so distinct were confounded, the service 
 of God, with the honor given to his servants for love of him 1 
 you never will undertake it. Why, therefore, stop in so fair a 
 way? dare to utter what you think. Begin by St. Basil, and 
 St. Gregory of Nazianzen, in the reign of Antichristian idol- 
 atry, and the blasphemies of the beast against the Eternal, and 
 against all that dwells in heaven : turn into blasphemies against 
 God and against the saints, what has been said ever since that 
 time of the glory God imparted to his servants in the Church : 
 St. Basil is no better than St. Leo ; nor the Church more priv- 
 ileged at the end of the fourth age, than fifty years after the 
 middle of the fifth. But I see the answer you make me in your 
 heart, viz., that should you begin by St. I5asil, all would have 
 been completed long ago ; and thus behed by the event, you 
 could no longer amuse the people with vain hopes. 
 
 * Ace part ii. p. 23. 
 
XIII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 181 
 
 29. — Ridiculous Calculations. 
 Accordingly, our author owns* you might begin his whole 
 calculation from four different epochs : viz., 360, 393, 430, and 
 in fine, 450, or 455, which is the calculation he himself follows. 
 All these four accounts, according to him, agree admirably with 
 the system of the new idolatry rf but unluckily in the two first 
 reckonings, where all things else, as he pretends, agree so well, 
 the chief poinl is wanting ; to wit, that according to these com- 
 putations the Popish empire should have fallen in 1620, or in 
 1653. Now it still exists and enjoys a small respite. As to 
 the third calculation, it terminates in 1690, four or five years 
 hence, says our author : it would be too much exposing himself 
 to taJie so short a term. Yet every concurrence tallied with it 
 to admiration. See what these concurrences are which they 
 build so much on, mere dreams, visions, manifest illusions, 
 proved notoriously such by the event. 
 
 30. — Why St. BasiPs Idolatry and that of the other Fathers is not accounted 
 
 Antichrisiian. 
 
 " But," says our author, " the chief reason why God will not 
 compute the birth of Antichristianism from these years, 360, 
 393, and 430, notwithstanding that the new idolatry," which he 
 will have to be the character of Antichristianism, " was then 
 established, is, that there was a fourth characteristic of the birth 
 of this Antichristian empire which had not as yet appeared ; 
 namely, that the Roman empire was to be destroyed ; that there 
 were to be seven Kings, to wit, according to all the Prot- 
 estants, seven forms of government in the city on seven moun- 
 tains, meaning Rome. "J The Papal empire was to make the 
 seventh government, and it was requisite the six others should 
 be destroyed to make room for the seventh, which was that of 
 the Pope and Antichrist. When Rome ceased to be mistress, 
 and the Antichristian empire was to commence, it was necessary 
 there should be ten kings, wliich were to receive the sovereign 
 power at the same time with the beast ;§ and ten kingdoms, 
 " into which the Roman empire was to be subdivided," accord- 
 ing to the oracle of the Revelations. All this was fulfilled in 
 the nick of time under St. Leo : this, therefore, is the precise 
 time of the birth of Antichrist, and there is no resisting the con- 
 currence of such circumstances. 
 
 31. — Infinite absurdity. 
 
 Admirable doctrine ! neither these ten kings, nor the dismem- 
 bering of the empire, entered into the constitution of Antichrist, 
 nor at farthest could this be any thing else than an exterior token 
 of his birth ; what truly constitutes him, is the corruption of 
 
 * Ace. part. ii. p. 20, &c. t Ibid. p. 22. 
 
 X Ace. part ii. p. 33. Rev. xvii. 9. § Rev. xvii. 12. 
 
 VOL. II. 16 
 
182 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 manners, is the pretention to superiority, is principally the new 
 idolatry. All this is no more to be fomid under St. Leo, than 
 fourscore or a hundred years before ; but God would not, as 
 yet, impute it for Antichristianism, nor did it please him that the 
 new idolatry, though already entirely formed, should be Anti- 
 christian. It is impossible, in fine, that such extravagances, 
 where impiety and absurdity strive together which shall exceed, 
 should not open the eyes of our brethren, and, at length, put them 
 out of conceit with those who delude them with such dreams. 
 
 32. — The system of the Ministers concerning the seven Kings of the Revelations 
 evidently confounded by the very words of this prophesy. 
 
 But let us enter into the particulars of these fine concur- 
 rences so dazzling to our Reformed, and begin with the seven 
 Kings, who, according to St. John, are the seven heads of the 
 beast, and with these ten horns, which, according to the same 
 St. John, are ten other kings. The sense, say they, is manifest. 
 " The seven heads," says St. John, " are the seven mountains 
 on which the woman sitteth, and these are seven kings : five 
 are fallen ; one is, and the other is not yet come ; and when he 
 Cometh he must continue a short space ; and the beast that was 
 and is not, even he is the eighth Idng, and one of the seven, and 
 goeth into destruction."* The seven kings are, says our au- 
 thor,! ^^'^® seven forms of government Rome had been subject 
 to ; the kings, the consuls, the dictators, the decemvirs, the mil- 
 itary tribunes, who had consular power, the emperors, and finally 
 the Pope. Five are fallen, says St. John : five of these gov- 
 ernments had expired when he wrote his prophesy : one is still ; 
 the empire of the Caesars under which he wrote : and the other 
 must come soon ; who does not espy the Papal empire 1 It is 
 one of the seven kings : one of the seven forms of government, 
 and it is also the eighth king, namely, the eighth form of gov- 
 ernment : the seventh, because the Pope much resembles em- 
 perors by the dominion which he exercises ; and the eighth, 
 because he has something peculiar, his spiritual empire, his do- 
 minion over consciences ; all mighty just, but for one little word 
 that mars the whole. In the first place, 1 would fain ask, why 
 the seven kings are seven forms of government, and not seven 
 real kings. Let them show me in Scripture, that the forms of 
 government are named kings ; on the contrary, three verses 
 after, I see that the ten king are ten real kings, and not ten sorts 
 of government. Why should these seven kings of verse the 
 ninth, be so different from the ten kings of verse the twelfth ? 
 Does he pretend to make us believe that the consuls, annual 
 magistrates, are kings 1 that the entire extirpation of the regal 
 power of Rome is one of the seven kings of Rome 1 tliat ten 
 * Rev. xvii. 3, 9, 12. lb. 9, 10, 11. f Ace. part i. p. 11. 
 
XIII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 183 
 
 men, the decemviri, are one king ; and the whole series of four 
 or six military tribunes, more or less, another king 1 But in 
 good truth, is that another form of government ? who is ignorant 
 that the mihtary tribunes differed not from consuls, except in the 
 number? for which reason they were called Tribuni militum 
 Consulari pofestate ; and if St. John had a mind to denote all 
 the names of the supreme power among the Romans, why did 
 he forget the Triumviri ? had they not, at least, as much power 
 as the Decemviri ? And should it be said, it was too short to 
 deserve notice, why should that of the Decemvm, which held 
 but two years, deserve it more 1 This is true, they may reply : 
 let us put them in lieu of the Dictators, for there is little like- 
 lihood the Dictatorship could ever be called a form of govern- 
 ment under which Rome continued for a certain time. It was 
 an extraordinary magistracy, set up according to the exigency 
 of present circumstances in all times of the republic, not a par- 
 ticular form of government. Let us remove them then, and put 
 the Triumviri in their stead. I consent to it, and even willingly 
 give to the interpretation of Protestants the best appearance it 
 is capable of: for when all is said, there is nothing in it but 
 illusion ; one little word, as I said, will subvert the whole fabric ; 
 for in short, we read of the seventh king, (who shall be, since 
 they will have it, the seventh government,) that, " when he 
 cometh, he must continue a short space."* St. John has but 
 just shown him ; and immediately, says he, " he goeth into de- 
 struction." If this be the Papal empire, it must needs be short. 
 Now it is pretended from St. John, that it must continue at least 
 one thousand two hundred and threescore years, as long a time, 
 as is owned by our new interpreter, " as all the other govern- 
 ments together."! Wherefore it is impossible the Papal empire 
 should be meant by this prophesy. 
 
 33. — Trifling reply. 
 But replies our author, " one day," as says St. Peter,J " is 
 with the Lord as a thousand years." A fine discovery ! all equally 
 is short to the eyes of God, and not only the reign of the seventh 
 king, but also the reign of all the rest. Now St. John would 
 distinguish this seventh king by comparing him with the other 
 kings, and his reign was to be remarkable by the shortness of 
 its continuance. To show this characteristic in the Papal gov- 
 ernment, who does not see that its being short in the sight of 
 God, with whom nothing is durable, is not sufficient ? It ought 
 to be short in comparison with the other governments ; more 
 short by consequence than that of the military Tribunes, which 
 scarcely subsisted thirty or forty years ; more short than that of 
 the Decemviri, which continued but two ; more short at least 
 * Rev. xvii. 10. f Ace. part i. p. 11. J 2 Pet. iii. 8. 
 
184 THE HISTORY OF [BOOK 
 
 than that of the kings, or consuls, or emperors, who filled up the 
 greatest space of time in duration. But on the contrary, that 
 Avhich St. John has distinguished by the brevity of its duration, 
 does not only hold out longer than any of the rest, but also longer 
 than all the rest together : what more manifest absurdity ! and 
 is it not an attempt to make the prophecies ridiculous, thus to 
 interpret them 1 
 
 34.— TAe Ten Kings of the Revelations manifestly as ill interpreted. 
 But let us say one word of the ten kings whom our interpreter, 
 after Joseph Mede, believes he triumphs in. There it is he 
 ranges before us'^ — first, the Britons ; second, the Saxons ; 
 third, the French ; fourth, the Burgundians ; fifth, the Visigoths ; 
 sixth, the Suevi and Alani ; seventh, the Yandals ; eighth, the 
 Germans ; ninth, the Ostrogoihs in Italy, where the Lombards 
 succeed them ; tenth, the Grecians. Here are fully ten king- 
 doms v/hich the Roman empire was divided into at its fall. 
 IVithout disputing on the qualities, without disputing on the 
 number, without disputing on the dates, this at least is very cer- 
 tain — viz. that as soon as ever these ten kings appear, St. John 
 makes them "give their power and strength unto the Beast.""]" 
 We own as much, say our interpreters ;J and it is hkewise the 
 very thing that gains our cause ; for these are " the ten vassal 
 and subject kings which the Antichristian empire, namely, the 
 Pontifical, hath always had in subjection to worship it, and main- 
 tain its power." Here is a wonderful tallying of incidents ; but 
 what, I pray, have the Arian kings contributed to the establish- 
 ment of the Papal empire, such as the Visigoths and the Ostro- 
 goths, the Burgundians and the Vandals ; or the Heathen kings, 
 such as at that time were the French and Saxons 1 Are these 
 the ten vassal kings of the Papacy, who had nothing else to do 
 but worship it 1 But when v.as it that these Vandals and Os- 
 trogoths worshipped the Popes ? Was it under Theodoric and 
 his successors, when the Popes groaned under their tyranny 1 
 or under Genseric, when with the Vandals, he pillaged Rome 
 and carried the spoils of it into Africa ? And since even the 
 Lombards are introduced, were they also of the number that 
 aggrandized the Church of Rome, they that did all in tlieir power 
 to oppress her as long as ever they subsisted, namely, for two 
 hundred years ? For what else were, during this whole space 
 of time the Alboini, the Astolphi, and the Didiers, but enemies 
 to Rome, and the Church of Rome 1 And the Emperors of the 
 East, who were in reality the Emperors of Ptome, though ranged 
 here the last under the name of Greeks, must they also be 
 reckoned amongst the vassals and subjects of the Pope, they 
 
 * Pre), legit, part i. ch. vii. p. 126. Ace. des Proph. part ii. pp. 27, 28. 
 t Rev. xvii. 13. X Ace. part i. ch. xv. p. 266. 
 
XIII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 185 
 
 whom St. Leo and his successors, down to the time of Charle- 
 magne, acknowledged for their sovereigns 1 But, you will say, 
 these Heathen and heretical kings embraced the true faith. 
 Right ; they embraced it a long while after this division into ten 
 kingdoms. The French had four Heathen kings : the Saxons 
 were not converted till the time of St. Gregory, a hundred and 
 fifty years after this division ; the Goths, who reigned in Spain, 
 were converted from Arianism at the same time. AYhat has this 
 to do with these kings, who, according to the pretension of our 
 interpreters, were to begin to reign at the same time with the 
 Beast, and give up their power to him ? Besides, can no other 
 era be found for the entrance of these kings into the Antichiis- 
 tian empire, but that of their turning Christians or Catholics t 
 y» hat a happy destiny for this pretended Antichristian empire, 
 to be compounded of people converted to Jesus Christ ! But 
 what is it, after all, that these kings, so happily converted, have 
 contributed to the establishment of the Pope's authority? If, at 
 their admittance into the Church they acknowledged the First 
 See, which was that of Rome, neither did they give him that 
 supremacy which he had undoubtedly before their conversion, 
 nor did they acknowledge, in the Pope, any thing more than 
 Christians had acknowledged in him before them, to wit, the 
 successor of St. Peter. Nor did the Popes, on their side, ex- 
 ercise their authority over these people otherwise than by teach- 
 ing them the true faith, and upholding regularity and discipline 
 among them : nor can any man show, during this time, or four 
 hundred years after, that they concerned themselves with any 
 thing else, or enterprised any thing on temporals. Thus you 
 see what were these ten kings, with whom the Papal empire was 
 to commence. 
 
 35. — Vain reply. 
 
 But then, we are told,* came other ten in their place, and 
 these are they with their kingdoms : first, Germany ; second, 
 Hungary ; third, Poland ; fourth, Sweden ; fifth, France ; sixth, 
 England; seventh, Spain; eighth, Portugal ; ninth, Italy; tenth, 
 Scotland. Expound who can why Scotland stands here rather 
 than Bohemia ; why Sweden rather than Denmark or Norway; 
 why, in fine, Portugal, as separated from Spain, rather than 
 Castile, Arragon, Leon, Navarre, and the other kingdoms ? But 
 why do we lose our time in examining these fancies ] Let them 
 resolve me at least this question, whether or no these were the 
 ten kingdoms that were to be formed out of the rem.nants of the 
 Roman empire at the same time that Antichrist was to appear, 
 and which were to resign their authority and power to him ] 
 What has Poland to do here, and the other kingdoms of the 
 * Prej. part i. ch. vi. p. 105. 
 
 VOL. II. 16 * 
 
186 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 North, whicli Rome was not acquainted with, and which, beyond 
 question, were not formed of her ruins when the Antichrist, St. 
 Leo, came into the world ? Is it in banter that men write, with 
 so serious an air, such ridiculous conceits ? In good truth, it 
 ill becomes those who_ have nothing in their mouths but the pure 
 word of God, thus rashly to sport with its oracles : and if they 
 have nothing more pertinent whereby to explain the prophecies, 
 it v/ere much better to adore their sacred obscurity, and respect 
 the future, which God has reserved in his own hands. 
 36. — Contrarieties of the new Interpreters. 
 We must not wonder to see these daring interpreters at va- 
 riance among themselves, and destroying one another. Joseph 
 Mede, on that verse of St. John, importing that in a great earth- 
 quake " the tenth part of the city fell,"* thought he had hit ex- 
 actly, when he interpreted this tenth part with respect to the new 
 Antichristian Rome, which is ten times less than ancient Rome. 
 To come at the proof of his interpretation, he seriously com- 
 pares the area of old Rome with that of the new, and with a fine 
 figure demonstrates that the first is ten times greater than the 
 last : but his disciple, M. Jurieu, deprives him of so mathematical 
 an interpretation. " He is mistaken with all the rest," cries 
 out haughtily the new prophet,^ " when by the city St. John 
 speaks of, he understands only the city of Rome." " We ought 
 to hold for certain," proceeds he in a masterly strain, " that the 
 great city is Rome with its empire. "J And the tenth part of the 
 city, what shall it be 1 He has found it out : " France," says 
 he, "is the tenth part."§ But how? shall France fall? and 
 does this prophet forebode so ill of his own country 1 No, no, 
 she may be reduced indeed to a tottering condition ; let her look 
 to it, the prophet threatens her : yet shall not perish. What the 
 Holy Ghost here means by saying she shall fall, is, " that she 
 shall fall with respect to Popery ;"|| but then she shall rise more 
 illustrious than ever, because she shall embrace the Reformation, 
 and that speedily ; and our kings (a thing I am loth to repeat) 
 are on the point of being Calvinistically reformed. What pa- 
 tience is able to support these interpretations 1 But afler all, he 
 is more in the right than he imagined, by calling this a " fall :" 
 dreadful indeed would be the "fall" into a "reformation," 
 v/herein the spirit of illusion so forcibly predominates. 
 
 37. — The Englishman finds England, and the Frenchman Finance, in the Reve- 
 lations. 
 
 If the French interpreter finds France in the Revelations, the 
 Englishman finds England in them : the phial poured out upon 
 the rivers and fountains of waters, " are the Pope's emissaries, 
 
 * Rev. xi. 13. Med. comni. in apoc. part ii. p. 489. 
 t Ace. p. ii. ch. xi. p. 194. J Ibid. pp. 200, 203. § lb. 201. || Ibid. 
 
XIII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 187 
 
 and the Spaniards vanquished in Queen Elizabeth's reign of 
 glorious memory." But good Mr. Mede,* it seems, was in a 
 gross mistake : his more enlightened disciple assures us,! the 
 second and third phial " were the crusades, when God returned 
 blood upon Catholics for the blood of the Vaudois and Albigenses 
 spilt by them." These Vaudois and Albigenses, John Wickliff 
 and John Huss, with all the rest of that gang, even to the bloody 
 Taborites, appear throughout these new interpretations as faithful 
 witnesses of the truth persecuted by the Beast ; but they are now 
 well known, and even this were enough to prove the falsity of 
 these pretended prophecies. 
 
 38. — The King of Siveden f (/retold, and the prediction falsified immediately after. 
 Joseph Mede had outdone himself in his exposition of the 
 fourth phiat. He saw it " poured out upon the sun, upon the 
 chief part of the heaven possessed by the Beast," J — namely, the 
 Papal empire : the meaning whereof was, that the Pope was 
 going to lose the empire of Germany, which is his sun : nothing 
 more clear. Whilst Mede, if you will believe him, was printing 
 these things, " which he had meditated on long before,"^ he 
 heard of the wonderful achievements " of that pious, happy, and 
 victorious king, whom God had sent from the North to defend 
 his cause :" in a word, it was the great Gustavus. Mede can 
 no longer doubt but his conjecture was an inspiration ; and ap- 
 ])lies to this great king the same canticle that David apphed to 
 the Messiah : " Gird thy sword upon thy thigh, most mighty 
 King ! combat for the truth, and for justice, proceed prosper- 
 ously and reign." 11 But the event belied the prediction; so 
 Mede published at once his prophecy and shame. 
 
 39. — Ridicidous conceit about the Turks. 
 No less remarkable is that fine passage, where, whilst Mede 
 is contemplating the overthrow of the Turkish empire, his dis- 
 ciple, on the contrary, spies in it the victories gained by that 
 empire. The Euphrates in the Revelations, IT is to Mede"^* the 
 empire of the Turks ; and the waters of the Euphrates dried up 
 at the effusion of the sixth phial, is the Turkish empire destroyed. 
 He is quite in the dark : M. Jurieu|| demonstrates to us that 
 the Euphrates is the Archipelago and the Bosphorus, which the 
 Turks passed in 1390, in order to possess themselves of Greece 
 and Constantinople. More than this : JJ " there is great likeli- 
 hood that the conquests of the Turks are carried on thus far in 
 order to give them the means of contributing, together with Pro- 
 testants, to the great work of God, — namely, to the destruction 
 
 * Med. comm. Apo. p. 528. ad Phial. Ap. iii. p. 16. f Ace. des Proph. 
 
 part ii. ch. iv. p. 72. Prej. legit, part i. ch. v. pp. 98, 99. | Com. Ap. p. 528. 
 kev.xvi. S. § Ibid. p. 529. j| Psalm xiiv. ' H Rev. xvi. 12. 
 
 ** Jos. Mede, ad Ph, vi. p. 529. ft Ace. partii. ch. vii. p. 99. | J Ibid. p. 101. 
 
188 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 of the Papal empire : for though the Turks have never been so 
 low as at present" (this is the very thing that makes our author 
 believe they will soon rise again,) " T look upon," says he, " this 
 year 1685, as critical in this affair. God hath humbled the 
 Reformed and the Turks at the same time, to raise them up again 
 at the same time, and in order to make them the instruments of 
 his revenge against the Popish empire." Who would not admire 
 this sympathy of Turkism with the Reformation, and this com- 
 mon destiny of them both 1 Should the Turks prove successful, 
 then will the Reformed (whilst the rest of Christians grieve at 
 their victories) raise up their heads, and believe that the time of 
 their deliverance is at hand. We were strangers as yet to this 
 new excellency of the Reformation — of its being to increase and 
 decrease as it were by sympathy with the Turks. Our author 
 himself was puzzled at this place when he composed his allow- 
 able " Prepossessions," and knew nothing of the plagues of the 
 two last phials wherein this mystery was locked up : but at last, 
 "after knocking two, four, five," and "six times, with a religious 
 attention, the door flew open,"* and he beheld this mighty secret. 
 40. — Wluj these absurdities are tolerated in the party. 
 
 Men of sense, you will tell me, among the Protestants, laugh 
 at these fooleries as well as we. Yet they let them take their 
 run, knowing them necessary to amuse the credulous multitude. 
 It was principally by these visions that hatred was excited 
 against the Church of Rome, and hopes fomented of her speedy 
 overthrow. The same artifice is employed again for the same 
 purpose, and the people, a hundred times deceived, give ear to 
 them, as the Jews, abandoned to the spirit of error, did hereto- 
 fore to false prophets. Examples are quite useless to disabuse 
 a people possessed with prejudice. They believed they saw, 
 in the prophecies of Luther, the expiration of the Papacy so 
 near at hand, that there was not a Protestant who did not hope 
 to be present at its funeral. It was necessary, indeed, to pro- 
 long the time, but the same spirit was kept up still, and the 
 Reformation never ceased to be the bubble of these lying pro- 
 phets, who prophesy the delusions of their frantic brain. 
 41. — The party's Prophets are impostors. — Confession of the Minister Jurieu. 
 
 God forbid I should lose my time in speaking here of a Cot- 
 terus, a Drabicius, a Christiana, a Comenius, and all those other 
 visionaries, of whose predictions our minister boasts, and whose 
 errors he acknowledges. None of them, as he pretends, no, not 
 even the learned Usher, but must turn prophet. But the same 
 minister frankly owns he was no less mistaken than the rest. 
 Experience proved them all deluded, " and we discover in 
 them," says the minister,| " so many things in which they blun- 
 * Ace. part ii. ch. vii. p. 94. j Avis a tous les ch., at the beginning, pp. 5, 67. lb. 
 
XIII.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 189 
 
 dered, that there is no relying on them." Yet he nevertheless 
 accounts them prophets, and great prophets, Ezekiels and Jere- 
 miahs. He finds " in their visions such majesty and loftiness, 
 that those of the ancient prophets have not more, and a train of 
 miracles as great as ever happened since the apostles."* Thus 
 does the chief of our Protestants suffer himself to be imposed 
 on by these false prophets, even after the event had confounded 
 them : so prevalent is the spirit of illusion in the party ; but the 
 true prophets of the Lord deliver themselves in another strain 
 against such impostors as abuse the name of God : " Hear thou, 
 O Hananiah," saith Jeremiah,| " this word that I speak in thine 
 ears, and in the ears of all the people. The prophets that have 
 been before me, and before thee of old, and have prophesied 
 good or evil to nations and to kingdoms ; when their words 
 came to pass, it was known that they were prophets whom the 
 Lord had truly sent ; and the word of the Lord came unto 
 Jeremiah, saying. Go and tell Hananiah, saying, thus saith the 
 Lord ; thou hast broken the yokes of wood," — in token of the 
 people's future dehverance, — " and thou shalt make for them 
 yokes of iron: I will aggravate the yoke of those nations" to 
 whom thou denouncest peace. " Then said the prophet Jere- 
 miah unto Hananiah the prophet, Hear now, Hananiah, the 
 Lord hath not sent thee, but thou makest this people to trust in 
 a lie ; therefore, thus saith the Lord, Behold, I will cast thee 
 from off the face of the earth : this year thou shalt die, because 
 thou hast spoken against the Lord ; and Hananiah the prophet 
 died the same year, in the seventh month." Thus did he de- 
 serve to be confounded who deceived the people in the Lord's 
 name, and the people needed but to open their eyes and take 
 warning. 
 
 42. — Their interpreters no better. 
 Our Reformed interpreters are not worth more than our Re- 
 formed prophets. The Revelations and the rest of the Prophe- 
 cies have ever been the subject which the wits of the Reformation 
 have thought themselves at liberty to sport with. Each one 
 has discovered in them his concun-ences, whereby the credu- 
 lous Protestants were always caught. M. Jurieu reproves often, 
 as we have seen, Joseph Mede, whom he had chosen for his 
 guide. J Nay, he has pointed out the errors of Du Moulin, his 
 grandfather,§ whose interpretations on the prophecies were ad- 
 mired by the whole Reformation ; and has even showed " that 
 the foundation he built upon was destitute of fidelity." Never- 
 theless, there was abundance of wit, and a very extensive eru- 
 dition in these visions of Du Moulin ; but so it is, the more wit 
 
 * Ace. des Proph. part ii. p. 174. Ibid. t Jer. xxviii. 7, et seq. 
 
 I Jur. Ace. des Proph, part i. p. 71. § Part ii. p. 183. 
 
190 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 a man has, the more he deceives himself on these occasions ; 
 because, the more wit he has, the more he invents, and ventures 
 the more. Du MouHn's fine wit, which must needs exercise 
 itself on futurity, set him on a task for which he was laughed at, 
 even in his own family; and M. Jurieu, his grandson, who, 
 perhaps, shows more wit than the rest on this subject, will be 
 but the more certainly the laughter of mankind. 
 
 43. — What the Ministers have discovered in the Revelations touching their 
 
 Reformers. 
 
 I am ashamed of dwelling so long on visions more chimerical 
 than sick men's dreams. But I ought not to forget what is of 
 greatest importance in this vain mystery of the Protestants. 
 According to the idea they give of the Revelations, nothing 
 should be more distinctly marked in them than the Reformation 
 itself, with its authors, who came to destroy the empire of the 
 Beast ; and especially it ought to be marked in the effusion of 
 the " seven phials," in which are foretold, as they pretend, the 
 seven plagues of their Antichristian empire. But what our 
 interpreters descry here, is so ill contrived, that one destroys 
 what the other builds. Joseph Mede* thinks he has found both 
 Luther and Calvin when the phial is poured on the sea, that is 
 on the Antichristian world, and when immediately this sea, " is 
 changed into blood like to that of a dead man."f " Here," 
 says he, " is the Reformation ; it is a poison that kills every 
 thing : for then every living soul died in the sea." Mede takes 
 care to explain this blood like to that of a carcass, and says, it 
 is as the blood of a member lopped off, on account " of the pro- 
 vinces and kingdoms which were then rent from the body of the 
 papacy."J This is an ill-boding spectacle for Protestants, to 
 see the reformed nations exhibited to them in no other view than 
 that of "lopped members," which have lost, according to Mede, 
 " all connexion with the fountain of life, all vital spirit, and all 
 warmth," without telling us any more of the matter. 
 
 44. — The idea of the JSIhiister Jurieu. 
 
 This is Mede's idea of the Reformation. But if he sees it 
 in the effusion of the second phial, the other interpreter sees it 
 only in the effusion of the seventh, " When there came," says 
 St. John,§ " a great voice out of the temple of heaven, from the 
 throne, saying, it is done. And there were voices, and thun- 
 ders, and lightnings ; and there was a great earthquake, such 
 as was not since men were upon the earth ;" there, says he, is 
 the Reformation. I j 
 
 This great commotion, I must own, suits well enough with 
 
 the disturbances it raised over the whole universe, such as never 
 
 * Jos. Mede, ad Ph. ii. Apo. xvi. 3. f Rev. Ibid. J Med. Ibid. 
 
 § Rev. xvi. 17. |1 Ace. part ii. ch. viii. p. 122. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 191 
 
 had been seen before on the score of reUgion. But here it is 
 he shines most : " the great city was divided into three parts,* 
 namely," says our author, " into the Church of Rome, the Lu- 
 theran, and the Calvinian ; these are the three parties that divide 
 the ' great city,' to wit, the Western Church." I accept the 
 omen; the Reformation breaks unity: in breaking it, she divides 
 herself into two, and leaves unity to the Church of Rome in 
 St. Peter's chair, which is the centre of it. But St. John should 
 not have forgotten that one of the divided parties, the Calvinian, 
 broke again into two pieces, since England, reckoned to apper- 
 tain to it by our minister, yet makes, in the main, a sect apart. 
 Nor must he say, this division is but hght, for, by his own con- 
 fession, they mutually treat each other as " excommunicated 
 persons. ""I" Accordingly, the Church of England reckons the 
 Calvinists, or Puritans, in the number of Nonconformists ; that 
 is, in the number of those whose service she does not allow, 
 nor receives their ministers but by ordaining them anew as pas- 
 tors, destitute of sanction or character. I might also speak of 
 the other sects which divided the Christian world at the same 
 time with Luther and Calvin, and which, taken together or 
 separately, make a party sufficiently great not to have been 
 omitted in this passage of St. John. And all considered, these 
 men should have given their reformation a more specious char- 
 acter than that of overthrowing every thing, and a more credit- 
 able mark than that of pulhng to pieces the Western Church, 
 the most flourishing of the whole universe ; which has been the 
 greatest of all plagues. 
 
 BOOK XIV. 
 
 [From the year 1601, to that part of the Seventeenth Century, wherein the 
 Author wrote and concluded his History.] 
 
 A brief Summary. — The excesses of the Reformation, with respect to Pre- 
 destination and FreeWill, discovered in Holland. — Arminius, who owns 
 them, falls into other excesses. — Parties of Remonstrants and Anti-Re- 
 monstrants. — The Synod of Dort, where theexcessesof Calvinian Justifica- 
 tion are clearly approved. — Monstrous Doctrine on the certainty of Salvation, 
 and the justice of the most wicked persons. — Consequences equally absurd, 
 concerning Infant Sanctification, decided in the Synod. — The Synod's 
 procedure justifies the Church of Rome against Protestants. — Arminianism, 
 in the main, left entire, notwithstanding the decisions of Dort. — Pelagianisni 
 tolerated, and the suspicion of Socinianism the sole cause of rejecting the 
 Arminians. — The uselessness of Synodical decisions amongst Protestants. 
 — The Synod of Dort's connivance at an infinity of capital errors, whilst 
 bent on maintaining the particular Dogmas of Calvinism. — These Dogmas 
 confessed at the beginning for essential, at last reduced almost to nothing. — 
 
 * Rev. Ibid. f S. 1. xii. n. 44. 
 
192 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 Decree of Charenton for receiving the Lutherans to Communion. — Conse- 
 quence of this decree, which changes the state of Controversies. — The dis- 
 tinction of articles, Fundamental and not Fundamental, obliges Protestants 
 to own, at last, the Church of Rome for a true Church, affording salvation 
 to her members. — Conference of Cassel between the Lutherans and Cal- 
 vinists. — Their agreement, wherein decisive grounds are established for 
 Communion under one kind. — Present state of Controversies in Germany. 
 — The opinion concerning Universal Grace prevails in Franco. — Is con- 
 demned at Geneva and among the Swiss. — The question decided by the 
 Magistrate. — Formulary estabUshed. — The errors of this Formulary with 
 respect to the Hebrew text. — Another decree concerning Faith, made at 
 Geneva. — That Church impeached by M. Claude of making a schism 
 from the rest of the Churches by her new decisions. — Reflections on the 
 Test, in which the Reality remains entire. — Acknowledgment of the 
 Protestant Church of England, tliat the Mass and Invocation of Saints 
 may have a good sense, 
 
 1. — Intolerable excesses of Calvinism. — Free-ioill destroyed, and God made the 
 author of sin. — Beza's words. 
 
 The subject of Grace and Free-will was carried to such 
 lengths in the Reformation, that it was impossible even Protes- 
 tants themselves should not bS'at last sensible of these exorbi- 
 tancies. In order to destroy Pelagianism, which they were 
 determined to fix on the Church of Rome, they had cast them- 
 selves into the opposite extremes, insomuch that the very name 
 of Free-will excited a horror in them. There never had been 
 such a thing in men or angels ; nay, impossible it should have 
 been : nor had the Stoics themselves ever made Fate more 
 rigid and inflexible. Predestination reached even to sin itself, 
 and God was not less the cause of evil actions than of good ; 
 such were Luther's sentiments : Calvin had followed them, and 
 Beza, the most renowned of his disciples, had published " A 
 Brief Exposition of the Chief Points of the Christian Religion," 
 where he laid down this principle, " that God does all things 
 according to his determined counsel, even those that are wicked 
 and execrable."* 
 
 2. — Mam's Sin ordained by God. 
 
 He had extended this principle as far as the sin of the first 
 Man, which, according to him, was not committed but by God's 
 will and appointment, on account, that " he having ordained the 
 end, "I which was to glorify his justice in thepunishment of the 
 Reprobate, " must likewise have ordained the proportionable 
 causes leading to that end," to wit, sins which lead to eternal 
 damnation, and in particular that of Adam, the origin of all the 
 rest ; so " that the corruption of the principal work of God," 
 namely, the first Man, " did not happen by chance, nor without 
 the decree and just will of God. "J 
 
 3. — Inevitable necessity in Jldam.. 
 
 It is true, this author maintains at the same time, " that the 
 
 * Ex. de la Foi. chez, Riv. 1560, ch. ii. Cone. 1. f lb. ch. p. iii. t. iv. \ art 
 V. p. 35. X lb. Cone, part vi. p. 38. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 193 
 
 will of man, which was created good, made itself evil :"* but 
 then he understands and repeats several times, that what is 
 voluntary, is withal necessary ;'f" so that nothing hinders the 
 will of sinning from being always the fatal consequence of a 
 hard and unavoidable necessity ; and if men will reply, " that 
 they had not the power of resisting the will of God," Beza 
 does not answer them as he ought to do, that God does not 
 move them to sin, but says only, " they must be left to plead 
 against him, who will be well able to defend his own cause." 
 
 4. — This Doctrine of Beza taken from Calvin. 
 
 This doctrine of Beza was taken from Calvin, who maintains, 
 in express terms,J " that Adam could not avoid falling, yet was 
 nevertheless guilty, because he fell voluntarily;" which he 
 undertakes to prove in his Institution, and reduces the whole of 
 his doctrine to two principles : the first, that the will of God 
 causes in all things, even in our wills, without excepting that 
 of Adam, an inevitable necessity ; the second that this necessity 
 is no excuse for sinners. Hereby it is plain, he preserves free- 
 will in name only, even in the state of innocence ; and after this 
 there is no room for disputing whether he makes God the author 
 of sin, since besides his frequently drawing this consequence, 
 it is but too evident, by the principles he lays down, that the will 
 of God is the sole cause of that necessity imposed on all that sin.§ 
 
 Nor indeed are Calvin's sentiments, and those of the first 
 reformers, any longer disputed now, as to that point ; and after 
 owning what they have said upon it, " even that God pushes 
 on the wicked to enormous crimes, and that he is in some sort 
 the cause of sin,"|j his- disciples think they have sufficiently 
 justified the Reformation from these so impious expressions, by 
 reason that " they have not been employed for more than a hun- 
 dred years ;"![ as if it were not a sufficient conviction of the 
 evil spirit she was conceived in, to confess in her very authors 
 such horrid blasphemies. 
 
 5. — The Tenets which Calvin and Beza superadded to those of Luther. 
 Such, therefore, was the fatality which Calvin and Beza taught 
 after Luther ; and thereto the aforesaid dogmas were added 
 by them regarding the certainty of Salvation and the inam.issi- 
 bility of justice.** As much as to say, true justifying faith 
 could never be lost : those that have it are surely assured of 
 having it, and thereby are not only assured of their present 
 justice, as spoke the Lutherans, but also of their eternal salva- 
 tion, and this with an absolute and infallible certainty : assured, 
 
 * Ex. de la Foi. chez. Riv. 1 560, ch. ii. Cone, part vi. p. 39. f lb. 29, 90, 9 1. 
 
 ch. iii. Con. part vi. p. 40. J Lib. de JEt. Dei prides, opusc. 704, 705. Lib. 
 
 iii. c. xxiii. n. 7, 8, 9. § De praedes. de occult, provid., &c. || Jur. jugem. 
 
 sur les mech. Sect xvii. pp. 142, 143. U Jur. Ibid. ^'^ S. 1. ix. n. 3, et seq, 
 
 VOL. II. 17 
 
194 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 by consequence, of dying just, whatever crimes they might 
 commit ; and not only of dying just, but also of continuing so 
 in sin itself, because without that, they could not maintain the 
 sense given by them to this text of St. Paul, " the gifts and call- 
 ing of God are without repentance."* 
 
 6. — Every Believer certified of his Perseverance and Salvation : and this, in 
 Calvhiism, is the chief foundation of Religion. 
 
 This is what Beza likewise decided in the same exposition of 
 faith, where he said, " that to the elect alone was granted the gift 
 of faith :" that this faith, which is proper and peculiar to the 
 elect, consists in depending with certainty, each " one for him- 
 self, on their election :" whence it follows, " that whosoever hath 
 this gift of true faith, ought to rest assured of his perseverance." 
 For as he says,"]* " What does it avail me to believe, if I be not 
 assured (perseverance in faith being requisite) that perseverance 
 will be given me ?" Then he reckons among the fruits of this 
 doctrine, that it alone teaches us to be assured of our faith for 
 the time to come : which he takes to be of such importance, 
 *' that those," says he, " who oppose this, do certainly overthrow 
 the chief foundation of the Christian religion." 
 
 7. — This cei-tainty of One's own particular Salvation, as great as if God himself 
 had given it us by His own Mouth. 
 
 Thus, this certainty, which every man hath of his own faith 
 and perseverance, is not only a certainty of faith, but also the 
 principal foundation of the Christian religion ; and to show that 
 he speaks not here of a moral and conjectural certainty, Beza 
 adds,j; " that we have it in our power to know whether we be 
 predestined to salvation, and to be assured of the glorification 
 which we expect, on account of which all Satan's war is waged 
 against us ; yea, say I, assured," continues he, " not by our 
 fancy, but by conclusions as certain as if we had ascended into 
 heaven to hear that sentence from the mouth of God." He will 
 not have the faithful aspire to less certamty than this : and after 
 proposing the means of attaining to it, which he places in the 
 certain knowledge we have of the faith that is in us, he conludes, 
 *' we thereby learn that we are given to the Son according to 
 God's purpose and predestination : by consequence," proceeds 
 he, " since that God is unalterable, since that persevercmce in 
 the faith is requisite to salvation, and being made certain of our 
 predestination, glorification is annexed to it by an indissoluble 
 band : how can we doubt of perseverance, and finally of our 
 salvation?" 
 
 8. — Calvinists begin to be sensible of these Excesses. 
 
 As the Lutherans, no less than the Catholics, abominated these 
 
 ♦ Rom. xi. 29. t Ch. viii. cone, part i. p. Q6. | lb. cone, part ii. p. 121. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 195 
 
 dogmas, and the writings of the first were read with a more fa- 
 vorable prevention by the Calvinists, the horror of these senti- 
 ments, unheard of till Calvin's days, spread itself by little and 
 little among the Calvinian churches. Men began to awake, and 
 perceive how horrible it was, that a true believer could not fear 
 for his salvation in contradiction to this precept of the apostle : 
 *' work out your own salvation with fear and trembling."* If it 
 be a temptation and weakness to fear for one's salvation, as in 
 Calvinism men are forced to say, why does St. Paul command 
 this fear ; and can a temptation fall within the precept t 
 
 9. — They opposed this Fear commanded by St. Paul, 
 The £mswer returned by them was not satisfactory. " The 
 believer trembles," said they, "when he regards himself, because, 
 however just he may be, he hath nothing in himself but death 
 and damnation ; and would indeed be damned, were he judged 
 with rigor. But resting assured that he shall not be so judged, 
 what has he to fear 1 the future," say they ; " because should 
 he forsake God, he would perish :" weak reasoning ! since, be- 
 sides their holding the condition itself impossible, they hold, 
 moreover, that the true faithful ought to believe assuredly that 
 they shall persevere. Thus, in all manner of ways, the fear 
 inspired by St. Paul is banished, and salvation rendered certain. 
 10. — Frivolous Evasion. 
 When they answer, — without fearing for salvation, there are 
 other chastisements enough to afford just occasion of trembling; 
 the Catholics and Lutherans reply, that this fear mentioned by 
 St. Paul does manifestly regard salvation : " Work out," says 
 he, " your own salvation with fear and trembling." The apostle 
 inspired a terror reaching so far as to fear making shipwreck in 
 the faith, as well as in a good conscience ;'[* and Jesus Christ 
 himself hath said, " fear him who is able to destroy both soul 
 and body in hell :"J a precept which concerned the faithful as 
 M'ell as the rest, and made them fear no less a thing than the 
 loss of their own souls. To these proofs they added those from 
 experience : the idolatrous and disastrous fall of a Solomon, 
 adorned undoubtedly at first with all the gifts of grace ; the 
 abominable crimes of a David ; besides what every person is 
 conscious of in his own regard. What, then, is it fitting that, 
 without security against crimes, you should be secure against 
 their penalties ; and that he, who once believed himself truly 
 faithful, should be obliged to believe that he is sure of forgive- 
 ness, let him fall into whatsoever abominations he may. But 
 must he lose this certainty in the midst of crimes 1 — he must 
 then necessarily lose the remembrance of his faith and of the 
 
 * Phil. ii. 12. t 1 Tim. i. 19. J Matt. x. 28. 
 
196 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 grace he has received. Does he not lose it ? — he must then 
 remain as secure in crimes, as in innocence ; and, provided he 
 argue aright according to the principles of his sect, he shall find 
 therein Wherewith to condemn all doubts whatever which might 
 arise of his conversion ; so that, whilst he continues to live 
 amidst disorders, he will be sure not to die in them : or else, 
 will be sure he never had been a true believer when he most be- 
 lieved himself such ; and there you see him in despair, never 
 able to hope for more certainty of his salvation than he had en- 
 joyed then, nor able, to do what he will ever to secure himself 
 in this life, that he shall not relapse into the deplorable state he 
 now is in. What remedy for all this, unless to conclude, that 
 the infallible certainty, boasted of in Calvinism, suits not with 
 this life, and that nothing is more rash nor pernicious than such 
 certainty. 
 
 11. — Justifying Faith not forfeited by sin. 
 
 But how much is it more so, to hold one's self assured, I do 
 not say to recover lost grace, with true justifying faith, but not 
 to lose them in sin itself; to remain therein still just and regen- 
 erated ; to preserve therein the Holy Ghost, and the seed of 
 life, as the Calvinists undoubtedly believe,* if they follow Calvin 
 and Beza and the other chief doctors of their sect t For, ac- 
 cording to them, justifying faith is peculiar to the sole elect, who 
 are never deprived of it ; and Beza said, in the exposition so 
 often quoted, f " that faith, although it be as it were buried some- 
 times in the elect of God, in order to make them sensible of 
 their infirmity, yet it never is without the fear of God, and charity 
 for our neighbor." And a little further on, J he says two things 
 concerning the spirit of adoption : first, " that those who are 
 planted in the Church only for a time, do never receive it ;" 
 second, " that those who are admitted among the people of God 
 by this spirit of adoption, do never go forth from them." 
 
 12. — What Scripture-texts Calvinists ground themselves on. 
 
 This doctrine was grounded on these texts : " God is not like 
 to man, so as to be a liar ; nor like to the son of man, so as to 
 repent."§ Which also was the reason why St. Paul said, "That 
 the gifts and calling of God are without repentance." j| What 
 then, does not man lose any of the gifts of God in adulteries, in 
 homicides, in the blackest of crimes, not even in idolatry ? And 
 if some of them at least may be lost for a time and during this 
 state, why should not justifying faith, and the presence of the 
 Holy Ghost, be of this number, nothing being more incompatible 
 with the state of sin, than such Graces ? 
 
 + S. 1. ix. n. \5. t Ch. iv. Cone, part 13. p. 74. 
 
 X S. 1. ix. Ch. v. Cone. 6. p. 90. § Cone. p. 74. \\ Rom. xi. 29. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 197 
 
 13. — (Question proposed to the Calvinists : xohethera Believer were damned that 
 
 died in his crime. 
 
 In regard to this last difficulty, a very material query was also 
 
 proposed, which I beg may be attentively considered, because 
 
 it will be the subject of an important dispute presently to be 
 
 treated of. The Calvinist is therefore asked, whether this true 
 
 believer, David for instance, fallen into adultery and murder, 
 
 would be saved or damned dying in this state before he had done 
 
 penance ? None durst answer, he would be saved ; and indeed, 
 
 how can a Christian maintain that any may be saved with such 
 
 crimes ? This true believer would be therefore damned, dying 
 
 in this state ; this true believer, in this state, has therefore ceased 
 
 to be just, since none will ever say of a just man, that he would 
 
 be damned dying in his justice. 
 
 14. — The Calvinists^ inextricable confusion under this question. 
 
 To answer, he shall not die in his sin, but will do penance if 
 he be of the number of the predestinated, is saying nothing ; for 
 it is not predestination, nor the penance we shall do one day, 
 which justifies and makes us saints ; otherwise, a predestinated 
 infidel would actually be sanctified and justified even before he 
 had faith and repentance ; since, before he had either of them, 
 he was already certainly predestinated ; God had already cer- 
 tainly decreed he should have them. 
 
 If it be answered, this infidel is not actually justified and 
 sanctified, because he has not as yet had faith, and repentance, 
 although he be to have them hereafter ; whereas, the true be- 
 liever has them already : here arises a new perplexity ; for it 
 would follow from thence, that faith and repentance, but once 
 exercised by the faithful, justify and sanctify them actually and 
 for ever, although ceasing to exercise them, and even abandon- 
 ing them by abominable crimes : a thing more horrible to con- 
 ceive than all hitherto said on this subject. 
 
 15. — This no indifferent question. 
 Again, this is no chimerical question ; it is a question that 
 every believer, when he sins, should make to himself: or rather, 
 it is a judgment he ought to pronounce ; were I to die in the 
 state I am in, I should be damned. To add after this, but I am 
 predestinated, and shall amend one day ; and by reason of this 
 future amendment, am, at this instant, just and holy and a living 
 member of Christ Jesus, is utter blindness. 
 
 16. — These difficulties were the occasion of many forsaJdng Calvinism, 
 
 Whilst Catholics, and Lutherans more readily listened to in 
 the new Reformation, than they, urged home these arguments, 
 many Calvinists were convinced ; and seeing on the other hand 
 amongst the Lutherans a more engaging doctrine, they were 
 
 VOL. II. 17* 
 
198 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 attracted by it.* A general will in God to save all mankind ; 
 in Jesus Christ, a sincere intention to redeem them, and means 
 sufficient offered unto all, was what the Lutherans taught in the 
 book of Concord. We have seen as much ; we have seen even 
 their excesses regarding these offered means and the co-opera- 
 tion of free-will : they gave daily more and more into these 
 sentiments, and the Calvinists began to listen to them, prin- 
 cipally in Holland. 
 
 17. — Arminius's dispute and excesses. — 1601, 1602. 
 James Arminius, a famous minister of Amsterdam, and since 
 Professor of Divinity in the University of Leyden, was the first 
 that declared himself in the university against the maxims re- 
 ceived in the Churches of his country : but a man of so vehe- 
 ment a temper was not likely to keep within just bounds. He 
 openly blamed Beza, Calvin, Zanchius, and the rest, whom Cal- 
 vinism accounted her main pillars and support, j* But he im- 
 pugned excesses with other excesses; and besides his apparently 
 drawing near to the Pelagians, was suspected, nor without rea- 
 son, of something worse ; certain words falling from him, made 
 him be believed favorable to Socinianism, and a great number 
 of his disciples turning afterwards to that side, confirmed the 
 suspicion. 
 
 IS. — Gomar''s opposition to him in defence of Calvinism. — Party of Remon- 
 strants and vinti- Remonstrants. 
 
 He met with a terrible adversary in the person of Francis 
 Gomar, Professor of Divinity in the University of Leyden, a 
 rigorous Calvinist, if ever there was one. The academies di- 
 vided themselves between these two Professors : the division 
 increased ; the ministers espoused the quarrel ; Arminius be- 
 held whole churches in his party. His death did not end the 
 dispute. And the minds of men on both sides were so inflamed 
 under the names of Remonstrants and Anti-Remonstrants, 
 namely, of Arminians and Gomarists, that the United Provinces 
 saw themselves on the very brink of a civil war. 
 
 19. — The Prince of Orange upholds the first, Barneveld the second Party. 
 
 Maurice, Prince of Orange, had his reasons for supporting 
 the Gomarists. Barneveld, his enemy, was judged favorable 
 to the Arminians ; and the reason of it was his proposing a 
 mutual toleration and imposing silence on both parties. J 
 
 This indeed answered the wishes of the Remonstrants. A 
 
 party just shooting up, and as yet but weak, asks no more than 
 
 time to gather strength : but the ministers, among whom Gomar 
 
 prevailed, were determined on victory, and the Prince of Orange 
 
 * S. 1. viii. n. 52. Epit. c. xi. Concord, p. 621. solid, repet. 669,805, et seq. 
 t Act. Syn. Dordr. Edit. Dordr. 1620. Preef. ad Eccl. ante Synod. Dordr. 
 
 t Ibid. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 199 
 
 had more skill than to let a party strike root, which he judged 
 as opposite to his grandeur as to the primitive maxims of the 
 Reformation. 
 
 20. — The Remontrants or Arminians condemned in the Provincial Synods. — 
 Convocation of the Synod of Dort. 
 
 The provincial Synods had done nothing but aggravate the evil 
 by condemning the Remonstrants ; it was necessary to proceed 
 at length to a greater remedy : wherefore the States-general 
 assembled a national Synod, and invited to it all those of their 
 religion in every country. Upon this invitation England, Scot- 
 land, the Palatinate, Hesse, the Swiss, the republics of Geneva, 
 of Bremen, and Embden,in a word, the whole body of the Ref- 
 ormation not united to the Lutherans, sent deputies, with the 
 exception of the French, whom reasons of state prevented ; and 
 of all these deputies, in conjunction with those of the whole 
 United Provinces, was composed that famous Synod of Dort, 
 whose doctrine and procedure we are now to relate. 
 
 21. — Opening of the Synod, 1618. 
 This assembly opened the 14th of November, 1618, with a 
 sermon preached by Balthasar Lydius, minister of Dort. The 
 first sessions were taken up in regulating divers matters of dis- 
 cipline, or of procedure ; nor was it till the 13th of December, 
 in the thirty-first sitting, that, properly speaking, they began to 
 treat of doctrine. 
 
 22. — The dispute reduced to five heads. — Declaration of the Remonstrajits in 
 general touching these five heads. 
 
 In order to understand in what manner they proceeded there, 
 it is necessary to know that, after many books and conferences, 
 the dispute was at length reduced to five heads. The first re- 
 garded predestination ; the second, the universality of redemp- 
 tion ; the third and the fourth, which were always treated to- 
 gether, regarded the corruption of man and his conversion : the 
 fifth regarded perseverance. 
 
 On these five heads, the Remonstrants had declared in gen- 
 eral, in full Synod, by the mouth of Simon Episcopius, Professor 
 of Divinity at Ley den, who always appears at their head, that 
 men of great renown and repute in the Reformation had laid 
 down such things as agreed neither with God's wisdom, nor with 
 his goodness and justice, nor with the love which Jesus Christ 
 bore to all men, nor with his satisfaction and merits, nor with 
 the sanctity of preaching and the ministry, nor with the use of 
 the sacraments, nor, in fine, wuth the duties of a Christian. 
 These great men, whom they impeached, were the authors of 
 the Reformation, — Calvin, Beza, Zanchius, and the others, 
 whom they were not allowed to name, but whom they had not 
 spared in. their writings. After this general declaration of their 
 
200 THE HISTORY OF [BOOK 
 
 sentiments, they explained themselves in particular as to the five 
 articles ;* and their declaration attacked principally the certainty 
 of salvation, and the inamissibility of justice — tenets by which, 
 they pretended, piety was ruined in the Reformation, and so fine 
 a name discredited. I shall relate the substance of this decla- 
 ration of the Remonstrants, in order that it may be better un- 
 derstood what chiefly was the subject matter of the deliberation 
 and ihe result thereof, in the decisions of the Synod. 
 23. — The import of the declaration of the Remonstrants as to each particular. — 
 
 ^s to Predestination. 
 
 Concerning Predestination, they said| — " They ought not to 
 own in God any absolute decree, whereby he had determined 
 to give Jesus Christ to the elect alone, no more than to give to 
 them alone by an efficacious vocation, faith, justification, per- 
 severance, and glory ; but that he had appointed Jesus Christ 
 the common redeemer of the whole world, and resolved, by this 
 decree, to justify and save all those who should believe in him, 
 and at the same time to give to all of them sufficient means 
 in order to be saved ; that none perished through want of these 
 means, but through the abuse thereof; that the absolute and 
 especial election of particular persons was made in view of their 
 faith and future perseverance, nor was there any election but 
 conditional ; and that reprobation likewise was made in view of 
 men's infidelity and perseverance in so great an evil." 
 
 24. — Doctrine of the Remonstrants concerning Infant Baptism, and lohat they 
 xoould conclude from it. 
 
 They added two points worthy of particular consideration : 
 the first, that all children of the faithful were sanctified, and that 
 none of them, dying before the use of reason, are damned ; the 
 second, that with much more reason none of these children 
 dying after baptism, before the use of reason, are damned. J 
 
 In saying that all the children of the faithful are sanctified, 
 they did but repeat what we have clearly seen in the Calvinian 
 Confessions of Faith; and if they be sanctified, it is evident they 
 cannot be damned in this state. But after this first article, the 
 second seemed unnecessary ; for if these children were secure 
 of their salvation before baptism, after its reception there could 
 be no question of it. It was therefore with a particular design 
 that this second article was inserted, and the Remonstrants 
 would thereby denote the inconstancy of the Calvinists, who on 
 one hand, to salve the baptism given to all these children, said, 
 they were all saints, and born in the covenant, the sign whereof, 
 by consequence, could not be refused them ; and to salve, on 
 the other hand, the doctrine of the inamissibilty of justice, they 
 said that baptism given to children had not its effect, but in the 
 * Sese. xxxi. p. 112. f Ibid. J Art. ix. 10. Ibid. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 201 
 
 predestinated alone ; so that the baptized that lived ill after- 
 wards never had been saints, not even with the baptism they 
 had received in their infancy. 
 
 Remark, I beseech you, judicious reader, this important diffi- 
 culty ; it strikes home to the question of inamissibility, and it 
 will be curious to behold how the Synod will behave in this 
 regard. 
 25. — Declaration of the Remonstrants concerning the universality of Redemption. 
 
 As to the second head, regarding the universality of redemp- 
 tion, the Remonstrants said,* that " the price paid by the Son 
 of God was not only sufficient to all, but actually offered for all 
 and every individual person ; that none were excluded from the 
 fruit of redemption by an absolute decree, or otherwise than by 
 their own fault ; that God, prevailed with by his Son, had made 
 a new treaty with all mankind, although sinners and damned." 
 They said, by this treaty he had bound himself in respect of all, 
 to afford them those sufficient means as abovementioned: '-but 
 that the remission of sins, merited for all, was not given actu- 
 ally, except through actual faith, whereby man believed actually 
 in Jesus Christ ;" by which words they gave to understand, 
 that whosoever lost, by his crimes, actual faith which justifies 
 us, lost also, together with it, justifying grace and sanctity ; 
 finally, they said also, " none ought to believe Jesus Christ died 
 for him, save only those for whom he died in effect ;| insomuch 
 that the reprobate, for whom Jesus Christ did not die, whatso- 
 ever some might think of them, ought not to believe that he died 
 for them." This article reached much further than it seemed. 
 For the design of it v/as to show (according to the doctrine of 
 Calvin and the Calvinists, who laid down for an undoubted 
 dogma, that Jesus Christ did not die in any sort but for the pre- 
 destinated, and in no sort for the reprobate) that it followed from 
 thence, that to be enabled to say, Jesus Christ died for me, one 
 ought to be assured, with an absolute certainty, of his predesti- 
 nation and eternal happiness, mthout ever being able to say, 
 " he died for me, but I have rendered his death and redemption 
 unserviceable to me," — a doctrine which defeats all preaching 
 of the word to Christians, who, if bad livers, are continually told 
 they have made themselves unworthy of being redeemed by 
 Jesus Christ. Accordingly, this was one of those articles by 
 which the Remonstrants maintained, that, in the Reformation, 
 all the sincerity and holiness of preaching was subverted, as 
 well as this text of St. Peter — " They have denied the Lord that 
 bought them, and brought upon themselves swift perdition. "J 
 
 26. — Their doctrine as to the third arid fourth head. 
 
 Regarding the third and fourth head, after saying that grace 
 + Sess. xxxiv. p. 115, et seq. ] Art iv. Ibid. | 2 Pet. ii. 1, 
 
202 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 is necessary to all good, not only to finish, but also to begin it, 
 they added, " that efficacious grace was not irresistible."* This 
 was their expression, and that of the Lutherans, whose doctrine 
 they boasted of following. Their meaning was, that one might 
 resist all kind of grace ; and thereby, as every one sees, they 
 pretended, "f " That although grace were bestowed unequally, 
 yet God gave or offered a sufficient grace to all those to whom 
 the gospel was announced, even to those that were not converted ; 
 and offered it with a sincere and serious desire of saving them 
 all without acting two different parts, seeming inclined to save, 
 and at bottom unwilling to do it, and moving men interiorly to 
 sins which he forbade exteriorly." In all these places they 
 aimed directly at the authors of the Reformation, and that insin- 
 cere vocation which they attributed to God, whilst he openly 
 called those to grace whom in reality he excluded from it, pre- 
 destinating them to evil. 
 
 In order to show how far grace was resistible,^ (these words 
 warr.mted by use, must be allowed, in order to avoid circumlo- 
 cution,) they had inserted an article, which said " that man 
 could do more good by the grace of the Holy Ghost than he 
 did, a.nd keep at a further distance from evil than he did ;" he 
 therefore frequently resisted grace, and made it useless. 
 
 27. — Declaration of the Remonstrants concerning the Amissihilitxj of Justice. 
 
 Concerning perseverance, they decided, § that " God gave to 
 the true faithful, regenerated by his grace, means for preserving 
 themselves in that state ; that they might lose the true justifying 
 faith, and fall into sins incompatible with justification, even into 
 atrocious crim^es ; persevere in them, die in them, recover from 
 them likewise by repentance, nevertheless without being neces- 
 sitated to it by grace." Here is what they urged with the 
 greatest efforts, " detesting," said they, " from the bottom of 
 their hearts those impious dogmas, and contrary to good morals, 
 which were disseminated daily among the people ; viz., that the 
 true faithful could not fall into the sins of malice, but only into 
 the sins of ignorance and weakness ; that they could not lose 
 grace ; that all the crimes of the world put together could not 
 f rust^ate their election, nor deprive them of the certainty thereof; 
 a thing," added they, " which opened a gap to carnal and per- 
 nicious security ; that no crimes, how horrible soever, were 
 imputed to them ; that all manner of sins present and to come 
 were forgiven them beforehand ; that in the midst of heresies, 
 of adulteries, of murders, for which they might be excommuni- 
 cated, they could not totally and finally lose the faith." 
 
 * Ead. Sess. xxxiv. p. 1 16, et seq. t Ibid. p. 117. J Art. vii. Ibid. p. 117. 
 § Ibid. pp. 117, 118, et seq. |1 Ead. Sess. xxxiv. Art. iv. Ibid. p. 118. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 203 
 
 28. — Two inatencd words tohich the whole dispute turned on : that one coidd 
 lose grace totally a7id finally. 
 
 These two words, totally and finalhj^ were what the dispute 
 chiefly turned upon. To lose faith and the grace of justification 
 totally, was to lose it wholly for a certain time; to lose it finally, 
 was to lose it for ever and beyond recovery. Both the ono and 
 the other were held impossible in Calvinism, and both of these 
 excesses were detested by the Remonstrants. 
 
 29. — ^S gainst the certainty of Salvation. 
 
 They concluded the declaration of their doctrine by saying 
 that, as the true believer might, in the time present, be assured 
 of his faith and good conscience, he might also be assured for 
 that time, should he then die, of his eternal salvation ;* that he 
 might also be assured of being able to persevere in the faith, 
 forasmuch as grace would never fail him for that end : but to be 
 assured of always doing his duty, they did not see how he " could 
 be so, nor how this assurance could be necessary for him." 
 
 30. — Foundatio7is of the Remonstrants, viz., that there is no gi'atuitovs pre- 
 ference for the Elect. 
 
 If you desire now to comprehend in few words the whole of 
 their doctrine, the foundation of it was, that there is no absolute 
 election, no gratuitous preference, whereby God prepares for 
 certain chosen persons, and for them only, certain means to lead 
 them to glory ; but that God offers to all men, and especially 
 all those to whom the gospel is published, sufficient means of 
 conversion, which some make use of, and others not, without 
 employing any other for his elect more than for the reprobate ; 
 so that election always is conditional, which, the condition 
 failing, may be forfeited. Whence they concluded in the first 
 place, that we may lose justifying grace, and totally, th^it is, 
 entirely ; and finally, that is, beyond recovery : secondly, that 
 man could not in any wise be sure of his salvation. 
 
 31. — Wherein Catholics agreed with the Remonstrants. 
 
 Although Catholics did not agree with them in the principle, 
 they agreed with them in the two last consequences, which 
 nevertheless they grounded on other principles, which it is not 
 necessary to the present subject to set forth in this place ; and 
 likewise they agreed that the Calvinistic doctrine, opposi;;e to 
 these consequences, was impious, and an inlet to ail sorts of 
 wickedness. 
 
 32. — Wherein consisted the difference hetioeen Catholics, Lutherans, and 
 
 Remonstrants. 
 
 The Lutherans also agreed on this point with the Catholics 
 
 and Remonstrants. But the difference between Catholics and 
 
 Lutherans is, tliat these latter, denying the certainty of perse- 
 
 * Art. vii, and viii. Ibid. p. 119. 
 
204 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 verance, acknowledged a certainty of present justice, in which 
 they were followed by the Remonstrants ; whereas Catholics 
 differed from both of them, by maintaining that none could be 
 assured either of his future good dispositions, nor even of his 
 present ones, which by reason of the bhndness of self-love, we 
 have always grounds to distrust ; so that the confidence we 
 have on God's side, takes not away wholly the doubt we have 
 on our own. 
 
 33. — Calvinists contrary to the Doctrine of them both. 
 
 Calvin and the Calvinists opposed the doctrine of both these, 
 and maintained against the Lutherans and Remonstrants, that 
 the true believer was sure, not of the present only, but also of 
 the future, and sure, by consequence, of never losing totally, 
 that is, entirely ; nor finally, that is, beyond recovery, justifying 
 grace or the true faith once received. 
 
 34. — The Remonstrants demand a distinct Decision. 
 
 The state of the question and the different sentiments are well 
 understood ;* and never so little perspicuity in the decision of 
 the Synod of Dort, would have made us easily comprehend what 
 was their doctrine, which they were so much the more obliged 
 to, as the Remonstrants, after their declaration, had summoned 
 those that should complain of their doctrines being ill-repre- 
 sented by them, to reject distinctly every particular wherein they 
 judged themselves wrongfully accused ; and entreated also the 
 Synod to deliver themselves precisely in respect of the articles 
 that cast such a blemish on the whole Reformation. 
 35. — The Synod'' s decision. 
 
 If ever there was a necessity of speaking plainly, it was after 
 such a declaration and in such a conjuncture. Let us now give 
 ear to the decision of the Synod. 
 
 It pronounces on the five heads proposed in four chapters, for, 
 as above said, the third and fourth head always went together. 
 Each chapter has two parts : in the first, they assert : in the 
 second, reject and condemn. This is the substance of their 
 canons, for so did they call the decrees of this Synod. 
 
 36. — The Synod's decision on the first head. — Faith in the sole Elect : certainty 
 
 of Salvation. 
 
 Concerning predestination and election they decided, " that 
 the decree thereof is absolute and unchangeable ; that God gives 
 tme and lively faith to all those he resolves to withdraw from 
 common damnation, and to them only : that this faith is a gift 
 of God 1 that all the elect, in their time, are assured of their 
 election, albeit not in the same degree nor in equal measure ; 
 that this assurance is derived to them, not from the fathoming 
 
 ♦ Sess. xxxiv. Ibid. pp. 121 322. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 205 
 
 of God's secrets, but from observing in themselves, with a holy 
 pleasm'e and spiritual joy, the infallible fruits of election, such 
 as be true faith, sorrow for their sins, and the like ; that the 
 sense and certainty of their salvation always make them better; 
 that those, who have not as yet this sense and this certain con- 
 fidence, ought to desire it ; and, lastly, that this doctrine should 
 not affright any but those who, wedded to the world, are not 
 seriously converted.'-* Here have we already for the sole elect, 
 together with true faith, the certainty of salvation ; but the thing 
 will unfold itself hereafter much more clearly. 
 
 37. — Decision on Infant Baptism. | 
 
 The seventeenth article decides,! " that the word or God de- 
 claring holy the children of the faithful, not by nature, but by 
 the covenant wherein they are comprised together with their pa- 
 rents, the believing parents ought not to doubt of the election 
 and salvation of their children that die in this infant age." 
 
 In this article the Synod approves the doctrine of the Remon- 
 strants, whom we have heard say precisely the same thing : J 
 nothing, therefore, is more unquestionable amongst our adver- 
 saries, than an article which we see equally taught by both par- 
 ties ; the sequel v/ill manifest to us what are its consequences. 
 
 .38. — Condemnation of those that denied the certainty of Salvation. 
 Amongst the rejected articles, we find that which asserts that 
 "the certainty of salvation depends on an uncertain condition ;"§ 
 that is to say, they condemn those who teach that one is sure of 
 being saved by persevering to live well, but one is not sure of 
 living well ; which precisely is the doctrine we have heard the 
 Remonstrants teach. The Synod declares this, " uncertain cer- 
 tainty" absurd ; and, by consequence, establishes an absolute 
 certainty, which it endeavors even to prove from Scripture : but 
 proofs are not our present purpose ; it is to see this doctrine 
 well asserted, viz., that the true believer, according to the de- 
 crees of Dort, not only ought to be sure of his salvation, sup- 
 posing he does his duty well, but also ought to be sure of doing 
 it well, at least, at the end of his life. But this is nothing as 
 yet, and we shall see this doctrine decided much more clearly. 
 
 39. — Justifying Faith again confessed in the sole Elect. 
 
 Concerning Redemption and the Promise of Grace, they de- 
 fine, " that it is announced indifferently to all people ; that it is 
 through their own fault that those who believe it not do reject 
 it, and through grace, that the true faithful do embrace it ; but 
 they are the elect only to whom God is resolved to give justify- 
 ing faith, whereby the infallibly are saved." Here then, a second 
 
 * Sess. xxxvi. p. 249, et seq. lb. Art. xii. et seq. p. 251. 
 t Ibid. Art. xvii. p. 252. J Sup. n. 23. § Ibid. Art viii. p. 254. 
 
 VOL. II. 18 
 
206 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 time, have we justifying faith in the elect alone : we must see 
 afterwards what those shall have who do not continue to believe 
 unto the end. 
 
 40. — Co-operalion, how admitted. 
 
 The summary of the Fourth Chapter is, that although God 
 calls seriously all those to whom the Gospel is proclaimed, so 
 that if they perish it is not God's fault ; something nevertheless 
 particular is wrought in those that are converted, God calling 
 them efficaciously, and giving to them faith and repentance. 
 The sufficient grace of the Arminians, whereby " Free-will de- 
 termines itself," is rejected as a Pelagian tenet.* Regenera- 
 tion is represented as transacted " without us," not by " the ex- 
 terior word, or by moral persuasion," but by an operation leaving 
 it not " in the power of man to be regenerated or not^^^ to be con- 
 verted, or not converted ; and nevertheless, say they in this 
 article, " when the will is renewed, it is not only pushed on and 
 moved by God, but atcs, being moved by him, and it is man 
 that believes and repents." 
 
 41. — The Believer's certainty. 
 
 The will therefore does not act but when converted and re- 
 newed. What then, does it not act when one begins to desire 
 liis conversion, and to pray for the grace of regeneration 1 Or 
 had you it already, when you began to pray for it? This they 
 ought to have explained, and not say in general. Conversion and 
 Regeneration is wrought " without us." Many other things 
 might be said in this place, but our business is not disputing, it 
 is sufficient we make the doctrine of the Synod historically well 
 understood. 
 
 It says, in the thirteenth article, that the manner whereby this 
 operation of regenerating grace is wrought in us is inconceiva- 
 ble : it is sufficient to conceive that by this grace the believer 
 " knows and feels that he believes and loves his Saviour." He 
 " knows and feels ;" here have you what is most certain within 
 the compass of perception, to know and feel. 
 42. — Sequel of the same subject. 
 
 We read in the sixteenth article,^ that as sin hath not robbed 
 man of his nature, nor of his understanding, nor of his will ; so 
 regenerating grace acts not in him " as in a stump or log of 
 wood ;" it preserves to the will " its properties, and does not 
 force it in spite of itself ;" that is, it does not make it " will with- 
 out willing." What strange theology ! Are not men resolved 
 to puzzle every thing, who thus weakly express themselves on 
 free-will ? 
 
 43. — Habits infused. 
 
 Amongst the rejected errors, I find that which teaches, J " that 
 * Art. xii. p. 265. f Ibid. | Ibid. vi. p. 267. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 207 
 
 in the true conversion of man, God cannot communicate quali- 
 ties, habits, and gifts by infusion, and that faith by which we are 
 first converted, and from which we are called faithful, is not a 
 gift and quality by God infused, but only an act of man." I am 
 glad to hear the infusion of these new qualities and habits ; it 
 will be of great service to us in order to explain the true idea 
 of justification, and to show by what means it may be obtained 
 of God. For I do not believe it can be doubted but that, in 
 those who are come to the age of understanding, it is an act of 
 fiiith inspired by God which obtains for us the grace to receive 
 the habit of it, with that of other virtues. Yet the infusion of 
 this habit will be nevertheless gratuitous, as will be seen in due 
 time. But let us proceed, and come now to the last chapter, 
 which is the most material, because the reproaches of. the Re- 
 monstrants concerning the certainty of salvation and the inamis- 
 sibility of justice were there to be answered fully and distinctly. 
 44. — Justice not to be lost. — Monstrous doctrine of the Synod. 
 
 Concerning inamissibility, this is what they say,'*''^ vizj^, " That 
 in certain particular actions the true faithful may sometimes 
 withdraw themselves, and do so in effect, by their vices, from 
 the guidance of grace, to follow concupiscence, even so far as 
 to fall into atrocious crimes ; and do, by these enormous sins, 
 offend God, render themselves guilty of death, intermpt the ex- 
 ercise of faith, greatly wound their consciences, and sometimes 
 lose, for a while, the sense of grace, ''^ O God, is it possible, in 
 this detestable state, they should only " lose the sense of graced"" 
 and not grace itself, and this, too, but " sometimes /"f But it is 
 not yet time to exclaim ; here is much worse : "God, in those 
 dismal falls, does not entirely deprive them of his holy Spirit, nor 
 suffers them to fall so as to foifeit the grace of adoption and the 
 state of justification^ nor so as to commit the sin tmto death, 
 nor against the Holy Ghost, and be damned." Whosoever 
 therefore is once truly faithful, and regenerated by grace, not 
 only shall not perish in his crimes, but at the very time he aban- 
 dons himself to them, " does not fall from the grace of adoption, 
 and the state of justification.''^ Could Jesus Christ be associated 
 with Belial, grace with sin, in a more flagrant manner 1 
 45. — What is the sin a true Believer cannot fall into ? 
 
 The Synod, indeed, seems willing to preserve the faithful 
 from some crimes, when it says, " they are not so far abandoned 
 as to fall into the sin unto death, or against the Holy Ghost," 
 which the Scripture says is not to be forgiven ; but if they un- 
 derstand any other sin by this, than that of final impenitence, I 
 am at a loss to know what it can be, there being no such sinner, 
 what disorders soever he may have been guilty of, that should 
 * Art. iv. V. p. 271. t Il^id. vi. et seq. 
 
208 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 not be made to hope the forgiveness of them. Let us, however, 
 leave to the Synod to determine what other explanation of this 
 sin it may please to fancy ; it is sufficient we see plainly, accord- 
 ing to its doctrine, that all crimes possible to be named, for 
 example, an adultery as long continued, and a murder as much 
 premeditated as that of David's heresy, idolatry, even with all 
 its abominations which the Synod evidently allows the true be- 
 liever may fall into, are compatible " with the grace of adoption 
 and the state of justification." 
 
 46. — The Synod speaks plainly. 
 
 Nor can it be said by this state the Synod understands only 
 the right of salvation still remaining in the true believer, namely, 
 according to the Synod, in the predestinated, in virtue of pre- 
 destination ; for on the contrary, the matter here in deliberation 
 concerns the immediate right one has to salvation by actual 
 regeneration and conversion, and concerns the state whereby 
 one is, I do not say destined to, but really in possession as well 
 of the tru^ faith as of justification. In a word, the matter in 
 debate i^ not v/hether you shall one day have this grace, but 
 whether, after having had it, you can forfeit it one single m.o- 
 ment; the Synod decides you cannot. Remonstrants, com- 
 plain not, you have your answer, at least, in plain terms, as you 
 desired it, and all the pernicious doctrine you say is believed in 
 the party which you accuse, all that you reject therein with ab- 
 horrence is decided by them in express terms. 
 
 47. — The great words " totally''' and ^^jinally.^^ 
 
 But, to remove all equivocation, we must see in the Synod* 
 these essential words, " totally" and " finally," whereon, I have 
 shown, the whole dispute depended. We must see, I say, 
 whether it allows the Remonstrants to assert, that a true believer 
 *' may fall totally and finally from the state of justification." 
 The Synod, to leave no doubt of its sentiment as opposite to 
 the total loss, says, " that the immortal seed, whereby the true 
 faithful are regenerated, abides always in them in spite of their 
 fall." As opposite to the final loss, the same Synod says,! that 
 the reconciled, one day, " shall feel grace anew ;" they shall 
 not recover it ; no, the Synod is sure not to say that, " they 
 shall feel it" anew. In this manner, proceeds the Synod, 
 it happens that " neither do they lose totaihj the faith and grace, 
 nor do they remmn finally in their sin, so as to perish in it." 
 
 Here, methinks, is enough said for inamissibility. Let us 
 see as to certainty. 
 
 48. — Certainty of salvation, qfvjhat kind. 
 
 " The true faithful," says the Synod,J " m-e^y be certain, and 
 are so, of their salvation and perseverance, according to the 
 * S. n. 27. t Art. vii. \dii. p. 272. | lb. Art. ix.. pp. 272, 273. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 209 
 
 measure of faith wherewith they believe with ceriainty that they 
 are, and abide, hving members of the Church ; that they have 
 forgiveness of their sins, and Ufe eternal : a certainty which 
 does not accrue to them from a particular revelation, but from 
 faith in the promises which God hath revealed in his word, and 
 by the testimony of the Holy Ghost, and lastly, by a good con- 
 science, and a holy and serious application to good works." 
 49. — Ml uncertainty a temptation. 
 To leave nothing unsaid, it adds,* " that in the temptations 
 and doubts of the flesh, which we are to contend with, we do 
 not always feel this fullness of faith and this certainty of perse- 
 verance :" to the end that, as often as ever you feel some doubt, 
 and dare not promise yourself with an entire certainty to perse- 
 vere always in your duty, you may look on yourself obliged to 
 reckon this doubt among the motions of the flesh, and the temp- 
 tations you are to fight against. 
 
 50. — Totally and finally. 
 Among the rejected errors this afterwards is reckoned,^ viz. 
 " that the true faithful may fall, and do often fall, totaUij and 
 fnally from justifying faith, from grace and salvation, and that, 
 during this life, you cannot have any security of future perse- 
 verance without special revelation." They declare this doctrine 
 brings back the doubts of Papists, because this certainty, with- 
 out special revelation, was condemned in the Council of Trent. 
 51. — Hoiv man justified remains guilty of death. 
 It may be asked, how they reconcile with the doctrine of Ina- 
 missibility, that which is said in the Synod,J viz. that by great 
 crimes, the faithful committing them, " render themselves guilty 
 of death." This is what easily is brought to bear with the prin- 
 ciples of the new Reformation, where it is maintained that the 
 true behever, how much soever regenerated, remains always, 
 by concupiscence, " guilty of death," not only in his great and 
 less sins, but also in his good works ; so tliat this state, render- 
 ing us guilty of death, is no hindrance, according to the terms of 
 the Synod, to our abiding in the " state of justification and grace." 
 52. — The self-contradiction of the Calvinian Doctrine. 
 But then, have we not said that our Reformed could not deny, 
 nor in effect did deny, but that, should one die in these crimes 
 without doing penance, he would be damned? True it is, the 
 greatest part confess it ; and although the Synod decided 
 nothing in body concerning this difficulty, it was proposed there, 
 as we shall see, by some of the Opiners. In good truth, it is 
 wonderous strange men can remain in an error containing so 
 inevitable and manifest a contradiction as that is which acknowl- 
 *S.n.27. Artii. f Art.iii.p.274.Conc.Trid.Sess.vi.c.xii.Can.xvi. tS.n.42. 
 VOL. II. 18 * 
 
210 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 edges a state of grace, in which, nevertheless, one would be 
 damned should he die therein.. But many other contradictions 
 are there in this doctrine ; here is one unquestionably not less 
 palpable than the other. In the new Reformation, true faith is 
 inseparable from the love of God and good works, the necessary 
 fruits thereof; it is the most steady dogma of this religion and 
 here you see, nevertheless, in opposition to this dogma, true 
 faith, not only without good works, but also in the greatest 
 crimes. Have patience, this is not all: I see another contra- 
 diction not less manifest in the new Reformation, even by the 
 Synod's own decree :* All children of the faithful are holy, and 
 their salvation certain. Therefore, in this state, they are truly 
 justified : therefore they cannot fall from grace, and every indi- 
 vidual of the Reformation will be predestinated : nor can one 
 believer, which is still more strange, have a child that is not 
 holy and predestinated like himself: thus all their posterity are 
 evidently predestinated, and never can a reprobate spring from 
 one elect. Who of them all will dare to say it 1 And yet, who 
 of them can deny, that so visible and so strange an absurdity is 
 clearly contained in the principles of the Synod and the doctrine 
 of inamissibility 1 It is therefore all over teeming with manifest 
 absurdities, all over jarring with horrid contradictions ; nor can 
 it indeed be otherwise than the necessary result of error thus 
 always to contradict itself. 
 
 53. — ^U error contradicts itself. 
 There is no error but must fall into self-contradiction some 
 way or other ; but see what befalls man possessed with strong 
 prejudice. He first strives, what he can, to avoid seeing this 
 inevitable and glaring contradiction : if this cannot be done, he 
 looks on it with a -prepossession, that does not allow him to 
 form a right judgment of it; he thinks to fence against it by 
 soothing himself with frothy reasoning and fine words : dazzled 
 with some specious principle to which he is strongly wedded, 
 he is resolved never to forsake it. Eutyches and his followers 
 durst not say, Jesus Christ was not at the same time true God 
 and true man : but fond of that unity ill-understood, which they 
 imagined in Jesus Christ, they would have both natures con- 
 founded in this union, and were pleased and gloried in removing 
 by this means to a greater distance than all others (though it 
 were even to excess) from Nestorius's heresy which divided 
 the Son of God. Thus do men entangle, thus do they prepos- 
 sess themselves, thus do the prepossessed, with Wind determin- 
 ation, lead the van and draw after them the giddy vulgar, with- 
 out being willing, or able to understand, as says the Apostle,^ 
 " either what they say themselves, or whereof they affirm" with 
 * S. n. 36. J 1 Tim. i. 7. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 211 
 
 such assurance. This is what constitutes all opinionists ; this 
 is the pit all heretics fall into. 
 
 54. — Certainty of salvation, a false allurement. 
 Our adversaries frame to themselves an object of infinite 
 comfort in the certainty they will needs be in of their eternal sal- 
 vation. Do not expect they ever will regard, with candid equity 
 or attention, what may deprive them of this certainty. If to 
 maintain it they must be obliged to say, one is sure not to die 
 in sin though he fall into it with malice prepense, nay, though 
 he contract a detestable habit thereof; this they will say. If 
 they must exaggerate, beyond measure, this text of St. Paul,* 
 *' The gifts and calling of God are without repentance," and 
 say, God never takes away entirely, nor in substance, what he 
 has given ; this they will say, happen what will, whatever con- 
 tradictions you may show them, whatever inconsistency, what 
 dismal consequence soever may result from their doctrine : 
 otherwise, besides losing the pleasure of their certainty and the 
 charms discovered by them in the novelty of this tenet, they 
 must also be forced to own that they were in the wrong as to 
 the point they looked upon the most essential of their Reforma- 
 tion, and the Church of Rome, so much censured and hated by 
 them, was in the right. 
 
 55. — Whether the Sy7iod were ill-xuider stood in respect to Iiiamissihility, and 
 xohether the Certainty it proposes be no more than confidence. 
 
 But, perchance, this certainty, which they teach, is nothing 
 else at bottom than that trust v/hich we admit. Would to God 
 it were ! Nobody denies this trust : the Lutherans maintained 
 it, yet the Calvinists told them a hundred times, that something 
 more was requisite. But without going forth from the Synod, 
 the Arminians admitted this trust ; for unquestionably they never 
 said that a believer fallen into sin, v/hich he repents of, should 
 despair of his salvation. The Synod nevertheless condemns 
 them, because that, satisfied with this hope, they reject certainty. 
 The Catholics in fine admitted this trust, and the holy perse- 
 verance, which the Council of Trent | will have us acknowledge 
 as God's special gift, it will have us expect with confidence 
 from his infinite bounty : and yet, because it rejects absolute 
 certainty,^ the Synod condemns it, and accuses the Remon- 
 strants, who likewise condemned this certainty, of falling by this 
 means into the doubts of Popery. Had the dogma of absolute 
 certainty and inamissibility raised as much horror in the Synod 
 as so hideous a doctrine should excite naturally in all minds, 
 the ministers that composed this assembly would not have had 
 mouths enough to proclaim throughout all the universe, that the 
 Remonstrants, the Lutherans, and the Catholics, laying such a 
 
 * Rom. xi. 29. f Cone. Trid. Sess. vi. J Can. xv. xvi. xxii. 
 
212 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 blasphemy to their charge, did cakimniate them ; and all Europe 
 would have rung v/ith their clamor : but on the contrary, so 
 far were they from defending themselves against this certainty 
 and inamissibility objected to them by the Remonstrants, that 
 they define it expressly, and condemn the Remonstrants for de- 
 nying it. When they think themselves calumniated, they are 
 not at all sparing of their complaints. They complain, for in- 
 stance, at the close of their Synod,* that their enemies, and 
 amongst the rest, the Remonstrants accuse them " of making 
 God the author of sin ; and of the reprobation of men without 
 any regard to sin : of making him precipitate the children of 
 the faithful into damnation, so as that all the prayers of the 
 Church, and even baptism itself, are not able to withdraw them 
 from it." Why do they not complain, in like manner, they are 
 wrongfully accused of admitting this same certainty and inamis- 
 sibility. " It is true," they say in this very place,| they are 
 accused " of inspiring men with carnal security, by affirming 
 that no crime prejudices the salvation of the elect, and that they 
 may, with full security, commit the most execrable." But is 
 this a sufficient explanation from men that were asked for a 
 plain and direct answer? What, does it not suffice them then 
 for an evasion, that they acknowledged crimes, for instance, 
 " the sin even unto death and against the Holy Ghost," what- 
 ever it may be, which the elect and true faithful never fall into ? 
 And if it was their sentiment that other crimes were equally in- 
 compatible with true faith and the state of grace, could they not 
 have said as much in express terms, whereas, in express terms, 
 they assert the contrary 1 
 
 56. — Calvin'' s Dodnne expressly defined by the Synod. 
 Conclude we, therefore, that, of the three articles wherein we 
 have made the Calvinian justification to consist, the two first 
 which already were insinuated in the Confessions of Faith, 
 namely, absolute certainty of predestination, and the impossi- 
 bility of forfeiting finally faith and grace once received, are ex- 
 pressly defined in the synod of Dort ; and that the third article, 
 where the question is, whether a true believer may at least lose 
 for a while, and during his continuance in sin, justifying grace 
 and true faith, although not expressed in any confession of faith, 
 is likewise decided conformably to Calvin's doctrine and the 
 spirit of the new reformation. J 
 
 57. — Peter de JMoulhi's Sentiments approved by the Sy^iod. 
 One may also know the sentiment of the whole Synod by that 
 of the renowned Peter du Moulin, minister of Paris ; allowed 
 
 * Syn. Dord. Concl. Sess. 136. p. 275. f Ibid. J S. 1. ix. n. 2, 3, 
 
 et seq. Conf. de Foi de Fr. Art. x^dii. xix. xx. xxi. xxii. Dim. 18, 19, 36. 
 S. 1. ix. Conf. Bilg. Art. xxiv. Synt. Gen. part i. p. 139. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 213 
 
 by all the world to be unquestionably the most rigorous Calvinist 
 of his time, and the most wedded to the doctrine which Gomar 
 defended against Arminius. He sent to Dort his judgment on 
 this matter, which was read and approved by the whole Synod, 
 and inserted in the acts. He declares, that he had not leisure 
 to handle all the questions :* but lays down the whole substance 
 of the Synod's doctrine v/hen he decides, that none is justified 
 but he that is glorified : whereby he condemns the Arminians, 
 in that they teach,| " there are men justified that lose the faith, 
 and are damned." And still more clearly in these words :;}; 
 *' Although the doubt of salvation enter sometimes into the 
 minds of the true faithful, God nevertheless commands us in his 
 word to have a certainty thereof, and we must tend with all our 
 might to this certainty, at which we should not doubt many do 
 arrive ; and whoever is assured of his salvation, is so, at the 
 same time, that God will never abandon him, and that he shall 
 thus persevere even to the end." One cannot more clearly re- 
 gard doubting as a temptation and weakness, nor certainty, as 
 enjoined by God's commandment. Thus the faithful are not 
 assured that they shall not fall into the worst of crimes, and con- 
 tinue in them a long while, like David : but are nevertheless 
 assured, " God never will abandon them, and that they shall 
 persevere even to the end. " This is an abridgment of the Synod : 
 accordingly, it was resolved by the assembly to return Du Mou- 
 lin thanks for the very accurate judgment passed by him on this 
 subject, and for his assent to the doctrine of the Synod. 
 
 58. — Q,%iestion lohether the certainty of Salvation be a certainty of Faith. 
 
 Some would doubt whether this certainty required by the Sy- 
 nod in every believer for his salvation, be a certainty of faith : 
 but their doubt will cease, if they do but observe, that the cer- 
 tainty in question, is always expressed by the word " Believe," 
 which in the Synod is taken no otherwise than for true faith ; to 
 which add, that this certainty, accT)rding to the same Synod, is 
 nothing else than the belief of the promises applied by each in- 
 dividual to himself and to his eternal salvation, with a certain 
 feeling in the heart of the sincerity of his faith ; so that, to the 
 end no kind of certainty may be wanting, you have that of faith 
 joined to that of experience and feeling. 
 
 59. — The Sentiment of the Divines of Great Britain. 
 
 Of all the Opiners, those that best explain the sense of the 
 Synod, are the Divines of Great Britain : for after confessing, 
 with all the rest, a kind of doubt in the beUever concerning his 
 salvation, but a doubt that always proceeds from temptation, 
 they explain very clearly, § " how that after the temptation, the 
 
 * Sess. ciii. civ. pp. 289, 300. f Ibid. p. 291. X Ibid. 300. § Theolog. 
 Mag. Brit, c. de persev. cert, quoad nos. Th. iii. p. 218. Ibid.Th. iv. p. 219. 
 
214 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 act whereby one believes that God looks upon him with the 
 ejes of mercy, and that he shall infalhbly possess eternal life, is 
 not an act of dubious opinion, or of conjectural hope, wherein 
 one might be deceived, cuifalsum subesse potest ; but an act of 
 a true and lively faith excited and sealed in our hearts by the 
 spirit of adoption :" wherein these Divines seem to advance 
 further than the English Confession of Faith, which, as we have 
 already seen, looks as if it designed to avoid speaking so clearly 
 " on the certainty of salvation."* 
 
 60. — These Divines believed that Justice could not he forfeited. — Contradiction 
 
 of their Doctrine. 
 
 Some have thought that these English Divines were not of 
 the common opinion in respect to justice attributed to the faith- 
 ful fallen into grievous crimes whilst they continue in them like 
 to David ; and what may occasion this doubt is, that these doc- 
 tors decide formally, " that these faithful are in the state of dam- 
 nation, and would be damned, should they die therein :"| whence 
 it follows, that they are fallen from the grace of justification, at 
 least for that time. But this is one of those places which in- 
 volve all such as err in necessary contradictions : for these 
 Divines see themselves obliged, by their erroneous principles, 
 to acknowledge, on one side, that the faithful, thus plunged into 
 crimes, would be damned should they then die ; and on the other, 
 " that they do not fall from the state of justification." J 
 
 61. — That Faith and Charity subsist amidst the greatest Crimes. 
 
 Nor must one persuade himself, they here confound justifica- 
 tion with predestination : for, on the contrary, it is what they dis- 
 tinguish most expressly ; and say,§ that these faithful, plunged 
 into crimes, not only are not fallen from their predestination, 
 which is true of all the elect, but, " they are not fallen from 
 the faith, nor from that celestial seed of regeneration and those 
 fundamental gifts, without which, spiritual life can in no wise 
 subsist ; || insomuch, that it is impossible the gifts of charity and 
 faith should entirely be extinguished in their hearts. They do 
 not entirely lose the faitli, sanctity, adoption :1T they abide in this 
 universal justification, which is justification in its most proper 
 sense, which no particular crime can exclude them from : they 
 abide in this justification, from which interior renovation and 
 sanctification are inseparable ;"** in a word, they are saints, 
 who, if they died, would be damned. 
 
 62. — What it ivas that remained in the Faithful guilty of grievous crimes. — 
 The Doctnne of those of Embden. 
 
 They were extremely puzzled to explain, according to these 
 
 * Conf. AncT. Art. xvii. Synt. Gen. i. p. 102. S. 1. x. n. 23. f Theol. 
 
 Mag. Brit. Th! iii. iv. I lb. Th. ii. p. 212. § lb. Th. v. p. 213. vi. 214. 
 if lb. 215. II Ibid. Th. vii. Ibid. Th. vi. ** Ibid. pp. 214, 218. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 215 
 
 principles, what it was that remained in the faithful who had run 
 themselves into criminal disorders. Those of Embden were 
 agreed,* " actual faith could not remain in them, and that it was 
 inconsistent with the consent to grievous sins." TV hat they did 
 not lose, " was habitual faith, that," said they, " which subsists 
 in man whilst he sleeps, or doth not act :" but then, " this ha- 
 bitual faith infused into man by preaching and the use of the 
 sacraments, is the true living and justifying faith ;" whence they 
 concluded that the faithful did not, for all these enormous crimes, 
 lose " either justice or the Holy Ghost :" and when they were 
 asked whether it might not as well be said, they lost " faith and 
 the Holy Ghost" afterwards to recover them, as to say, they only 
 lost "the feeling and energy" thereof;! they answered, the faith- 
 ful ought not to be deprived of the comfort accruing to them 
 from the impossibihty of their ever losing " either faith or the 
 Holy Ghost, what crime soever they fell into against their con- 
 science." " For this," said they, " would be but a cold com- 
 fort, to tell them, you have entirely lost faith and the Holy Ghost, 
 yet, perchance, God will adopt and regenerate you again, that 
 you may be reconciled to him." Thus, what sins soever the 
 behever may give himself up to, contrary to his conscience, they 
 are so favorable to him, that to comfort him, they are not satis- 
 fied with leaving him the hopes of a future return to the state 
 of grace ;J but he must also have the comfort of actually being 
 in it, his crimes notwithstanding. 
 
 63. — What it was the Holy Ghost did in the Faithful guilty of grievous sins. — 
 Strange idea of Christian justice. 
 
 The question still remains, what did faith and the Holy Ghost 
 in these believers thus abandoned to sin, and whether or no they 
 were altogether without action in them ] It was answered, they 
 were not without action ; and the effect produced by them, for 
 example in David, was, that he did not sin " whole and entire : 
 Pecavit David, at non totus ;"§ there being a certain sin which 
 he did not commit. But if you urged so far as to ask, what 
 could be " this sin the whole man falls into," and the faithful are 
 never guilty of? they answered, |1 " it was not a particular fall 
 of the Christian man into such or such a crime against the first 
 or second table, but a total and universal defection and apostacy 
 from the Gospel truth, whereby man offends not God in part 
 and by halves, but, by an obstinate contempt, despises his whole 
 majesty, and absolutely excludes himself from grace." Thus, 
 till you are arrived to this obstinate contempt of God, and to 
 this universal apostacy, you still have the " comfort of being 
 
 * Jud. Theo. Embd. de V. Art. Th. i. n. 44, 52, pp. 266, 267. Ibid. n. 45. 
 Ibid. 270. j Ibid. n. 50, 51. t Ibid. n. 30. p. 265. 
 
 J § Ibid. n. 54, p. 267. || Ibid. n. 60. p. 268. 
 
216 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 holy, of being justified, and regenerated," and of having the 
 Holy Ghost dwelling in you. 
 
 64. — The Opinion of those of Bremen. 
 Corresponding to this is the sentiment of Bremen, when they 
 say,* " that those who are once truly regenerated, never wander 
 to that degree as to stray entirely from God by a universal apos- 
 tacy, so as to hate him as their enemy, to sin like the Devil with 
 a studied mahce, and to deprive themselves of heavenly gifts : 
 wherefore they never lose absolutely God's grace and favor ;" 
 so that they remain in this grace and favor, well regenerated, 
 well justified, provided only they be not the declared enemies 
 of God, and quite as wicked as the Devil. 
 
 65. — Whether the Synod can be excused from these excesses. — The unanimous 
 consent of all the Opiners. 
 
 So great are these excesses, that the Protestants are con- 
 founded at them ; nay, there have been some Catholics that 
 could not persuade themselves the Synod was guilty of them. 
 Nevertheless, here have you historically, with the decrees of the 
 Synod, the votes of the principal Opiners. "j" And that there 
 might be no doubt, in respect to those of all the rest, besides 
 w^hat is inserted in the Acts of the Synod, that every thing was 
 there decided by the unanimous consent of all the voices, not one 
 excepted, I have expressly related the opinions, wherein those 
 that are willing to excuse the Synod of Dort find the greatest 
 moderation. 
 
 66. — The Sanctification of all baptized Children cmxfessed in the Syjiod, and 
 the consequence of this doctrine. 
 
 Besides these important points, we see a fourth expressly de- 
 cided in the Synod ; and it is that of the sanctity of all children 
 descending from the faithful. There have been different ex- 
 planations of this article in the Acts of the new Reformation. 
 We have seen this sanctity of children formally established in 
 the Catechism of the Calvinists of France, and there it is said 
 expressly, that all children of the faithful are sanctified, and born 
 in the Covenant ; yet, we have seen the contrary in the agree- 
 ment of those of Geneva with the Swiss, and the sanctification 
 of infants, even baptized, is there restrained to the predestinated 
 alone. Beza seems to have followed this restriction in the 
 above-cited exposition : but the Synod of Dort pronounces in 
 favor of the sanctity of all children born of faithful parents, and 
 permits not the parents to doubt of their salvation ; an article 
 from which we have seen it follow demonstratively, according 
 to the principles of the Synod, that all the children of the faith- 
 ful, and all the posterity of these children to the end of time, 
 
 * Jud. Brem. de V. Art. n. 32, 33. pp. 254, 255. 
 \ Sess. cxxv. cxxx. et prsef. ad Ecc. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 217 
 
 should their race continue so long, are of the number of the 
 predestinated.* 
 
 67. — Procedure of the Synod. — Petition of the Remonstrants complaining that 
 they are judged by their Adversaries. 
 
 Whether all these decisions, which seem so authentic, be so 
 certainly fundamental in the new Reformation, as to deprive of 
 salvation and cut off from the Church all those that reject them, 
 is what we are to examine by setting forth the procedure of the 
 Council. 
 
 The first thing I observe therein, is a petition preferred by the 
 Remonstrants, representing to the Synod| that they have been 
 condemned, treated as Heretics, and excommunicated by the 
 Anti-Remonstrants, their colleagues and parties ; that they are 
 pastors like the rest, and so naturally ought to have a seat in 
 the Synod together with them : if they are to be excluded from 
 it as parties in the cause, their plaintiffs ought to be excluded 
 from it no less than they — otherwise, they would be both judges 
 and parties at the same time, which of all procedures is the 
 most unjust. 
 
 68. — They employ the same arguments which the whole Protestant party insisted 
 
 on against the Church. 
 
 These were manifestly the same reasons for which all the 
 Protestants had excepted against the Council of the Catholics ; 
 for which the Zuinglians in particular had opposed the Synod 
 of the Ubiquitarians, by whom they were condemned at Jena, 
 as before seen. The Remonstrants did not fail to quote these 
 examples. They instanced chiefly the complaints made against 
 the Council of Trent, when all Protestants exclaimed,^ " We 
 will have a free Council ; a Council we may be present at to- 
 gether with the rest ; a Council that comes unbiased ; a Council 
 that does not hold us for Heretics — otherwise we should be 
 judged by our adversaries." We have seen that Calvin and the 
 Calvinists alleged the same reasons against the Synod of Jena. 
 The Remonstrants found themselves in this very state when 
 they beheld Francis Gomar and his adherents seated in the 
 Council amongst their Judges, yet themselves excluded, and 
 treated as guilty persons :§ this was prejudging against them 
 before examining the cause ; and these reasons seemed to them 
 so much the more convincing, as they were visibly the very 
 same their fathers had urged against the Council of Trent, as 
 they set forth in their petition. 
 
 * S. I. ix.pp. 11, 12, 19. Ibid. 21. Expos. delaFoi, ch.iv. Conc.xiii. p. 80. 
 Sessione xxxvL Ca. de pra^dest. Art. xvii. Sup. n. 36. f Sess.xxv. p. 65. 
 et seq. J S. 1. viii. n. 41. Ibid. 70, 81. 
 
 § Syn. Dord. Ibid. pp. 70, 71, 72, &c. 81, &c. 
 VOL. II. 19 
 
218 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 69. — Their mouths are stopped by the authority of the States. 
 
 After their petition was read, it was declared to them, " the 
 Synod thought it very strange that the accused should set laws 
 to their judges, and prescribe them rules ; which was not only 
 injuring the Synod, but also the States-General, by whom it was 
 assembled and authorized to judge ; wherefore they had no more 
 to do but to obey."* 
 
 This was stopping their mouths with the authority of the secular 
 power, but not answering their arguments, nor the example of 
 their forefathers when they declined the judgment of the Council 
 of Trent. And truly, little did they dwell on these considera- 
 tions: the delegates of the States who were present at the Synod]* 
 with the whole authority of their superiors, judged the Remon- 
 strants were not to be admitted plaintiffs, and ordered them to 
 obey the regulations of the Synod — which, on its side, declared 
 their propositions insolent, and their challenging the whole Synod 
 as a party in the cause, injurious, not only to the Synod itself, 
 but also to the supreme authority of the States-General. 
 
 70. — They protest against the Synod. — The arguments used against them by the 
 Synod condemn the whole Protestant party. 
 
 The Remonstrants condemned, change their petitions into 
 protests against the Synod. These were debated on ; and as 
 the reasons alleged by them were the same with those the Prot- 
 estants had used to elude the authority of the Catholic bishops, 
 the answers returned them were the same that the Catholics had 
 employed against the Protestants. J They were told that it 
 had never been the custom of the Church to deprive pastors of 
 their right of suffrage against errors, because that they had op- 
 posed them : that this would be divesting them of the preroga- 
 tives of their function for having faithfully discharged their duty, 
 and subverting the whole economy of Church judgments : that 
 by the same reasons the Arians, the Nestorians, and the Eu- 
 tychians might have excepted against the whole Church, and 
 ietl themselves no judge among Christians : that this would be 
 the way to silence pastors and give a free scope to all kind of 
 heresies. After all, what judges would they have 1 Where could 
 they find, in the whole body of the pastors, these neutral and in- 
 diiTerent persons that had interested themselves no way in ques- 
 tions of faith and affairs of the Church ? These arguments were 
 unanswerable ; but then, unluckily for our reformed, they were 
 the same that had been objected to them when they declined the 
 judgment of the bishops in possession of authority, at the time 
 of their separation. 
 
 * Syn. Dord. p. 80. Sess. xxvi. pp. 82, 83. t Sess. xxvi. p. 81. 
 I Sess. xxvil p. 93. Ibid, n. 83, 87, 97, 98, 100, 104, 106. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 219 
 
 71. — They decide that the weaker and younger party ought to yield to the greater 
 
 and more ancient. 
 
 What carried the greatest weight in the objections against the 
 Remonstrants was, " that they were innovators, and the least 
 party, as well as the newest, which by consequence ought to be 
 judged by the greatest, and the most ancient ; by that which 
 was in possession, and which maintained the doctrine till then 
 received."* But thereby the Catholics did most evidently gain 
 their cause, for, after all, what antiquity did the Dutch Reformed 
 Church allege against the Remonstrants'? We will not suffer, 
 said she,"!" any alteration to be made in the doctrine we have 
 constantly taught " these fifty years past," for this was the utmost 
 antiquity they could boast. If fifty years gave to this Church, 
 that called herself reformed, so great a power against the Ar- 
 minians newly crept out of her bosom, what ought to be the au- 
 thority of the whole Catholic Church, of so many ages standing? 
 72.—z_Perplexity of the Synod at the Protest of the Remonstrants. 
 
 Among all the answers made to the Remonstrants, in relation 
 to their Protest, what was the least taken notice of was the com- 
 parison made by them between their exceptions against the Synod 
 of Dort, and those of the Reformed against the councils of the 
 Catholics and those of the Lutherans. J Some of them said, 
 " there was a great difference between this, and the councils of 
 Papists and Lutherans. There you hear men, the Pope and 
 Luther ; here you hear God. There men are prepossessed ; 
 here not a man to be found that is not ready to yield to the 
 word of God. There you have enemies to contend with ; and 
 here, none but brethren. There every thing is forced ; here all 
 is free." This was solving the question by that which caused 
 the difficulty. The question was, whether the Gomarists did 
 not come to the Synod prepossessed ; the question was, whether 
 they were enemies or brethren ; the question was, which of them 
 had the most docile hearts in regard to truth and the word of 
 God ; whether the Protestants in general, or the Catholics, the 
 disciples of Zuinglius or those of Luther ; the Gomarists or the 
 Arminians. And as to liberty, the authority of the States which 
 every where interposed, and moreover was always in the mouth 
 of the Synod,§ that of the Prince of Orange, the declared enemy 
 of the Arminians, the imprisonment of Grotius and the other 
 heads of that party, and lastly, the capital punishment of Barne- 
 veld, sufficiently prove what liberty was allowed in Holland as 
 to that matter. 
 
 73. — Strange answer of those of Geneva, 
 
 The deputies of Geneva made fewer words of the difficulty, 
 
 * Sesa. xxvii. pp. 97, 103, &c. f Prsef. ad Ecc. Ant. Syn. Dord. 
 
 J P. 99. § Sess. XXV. 80. xxvi. SI, 82, 83, &c. 
 
220 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 and without stopping at the Lutherans, to whom but four years 
 of seniority above the ZuingUans could give but Uttle authority 
 to be their judges, they answer in respect of the Cathohcs :* 
 " Our fathers might, as they pleased, protest against the Coun- 
 cils of Constance and Trent, because we are determined to have 
 no kind of union with them ; on the contrary, we despise and 
 hate them : in all times those who declined the authority of 
 Councils separated from their communion." This is the whole 
 of their ansv/er ; and these great doctors would have had noth- 
 ing to oppose against the exceptions of the Arminians, had they 
 but broken off from the Churches of Holland, and openly " des- 
 pised" and " hated" them. 
 
 74. — According to the Synod of Dort, the Protestants were obliged to own the 
 Council of the Catholic Church. 
 
 According to this way of answering, the Lutherans needed 
 not have taken so much pains to heap up grievances against the 
 Council of Trent, nor to have discussed which was party, and 
 which was not, in this cause. To reject the authority of the 
 Council the Catholics cited them to, they had no more to do but 
 say downright. We are determined to break with you, we de- 
 spise you, we hate you, we trouble not ourselves about your 
 Council. But public edification, and the very name of a Chris- 
 tian, would not suffer such an answer. Neither did the Luther- 
 ans answer in this manner ;| on the contrary, they declared, and 
 even at Augsburg in their own Confession, J that they appealed 
 to the Council, even that Council which the Pope was to assem- 
 ble. There is a like declaration in the Confession of Stras- 
 burg ; so that both Protestant parties were agreed in this point. 
 They were not for breaking with us ; they did not hate us ; they 
 did not despise us to that degree as did those of Geneva. If it 
 be therefore true, according to them, that the Remonstrants 
 ought to have submitted themselves to the Council of the Ref- 
 ormation, as they were averse to schism ; so the Protestants, 
 who alike declared they would not separate from the CathoUc 
 Church, ought to have submitted to her Council. 
 
 75. — In order to silence the Remonstrants, a Syjiod of Calvinists is forced to 
 have recourse to the assistance of the Holy Ghost promised to Comicils. 
 
 We must not forget the answer made by a whole Synod of 
 the Province of Holland to the exceptions of the Remonstrants : 
 it was the Synod held at Delft, a little before that of Dort. The 
 Remonstrants objected that the Synod, which was to be con- 
 vened against them, would not be infallible hke that of the Apos- 
 tles, and, consequently, would not bind their consciences. This 
 they must certainly have owned, or denied all the principles of 
 
 * Sess. xxvi. 103. f S. 1. iii. n. 62. 
 
 I Conf. Argent. Peror. Synt Gen. part i. p. 199. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 221 
 
 the Reformation ; yet after owning it, those of Delft had these 
 words ;* " Jesus Christ, who promised the Apostles the spirit of 
 truth, whose lights were to lead them into all truth, had likewise 
 promised to his Church to be with her even to the end of the 
 world, and to be in the midst of two or three that should meet 
 together in his name ;" whence they concluded a little after, 
 " that when pastors should meet together from sundry countries, 
 in order to decide, according to God's word, what ought to be 
 taught in the churches, one ought to persuade himself with a 
 firm confidence that Jesus Christ would be with them according 
 to his promise." 
 
 76. — This is returning to the Catholic Doctrine. 
 
 Here, then, you see them obliged to confess two promises of 
 Jesus Christ, that he will be present at and direct the judgments 
 of his Church. Now the Catholics never had any other foun- — 
 dation than this to believe the Church infallible. They make 
 use of the first text, in order to show he always is with her con- -^ 
 sidered in her whole. They make use of the second to show 
 we ought to hold for certain he would be in the midst of two or 
 three, were we assured that they were truly assembled in the 
 name of Jesus Christ. Now what is doubtful in respect to two ^i 
 or three assembled in private, is certain in regard to the whole ) 
 Church assembled in body : we ought, therefore, to hold for cer- ' 
 tain, in such case, that Jesus Christ is there by his spirit, and 
 by that means her judgments are infallible ; or let them tell us ' 
 what other use can be made of these texts in the case to wliich 
 the Synod of Delft applies them. 
 
 77. — The Remonstrants are made to hope for an Oecumenical Council. 
 
 It is true, the certain accomplishment of these promises is to 
 be found in the body of the Universal Church and in her oecu- 
 menical council. Accordingly, it was to such a council the 
 Remonstrants had appealed. They were answered,! " It was 
 doubtful whether and when this oecumenical council could be 
 assembled ; meanwhile, the national one, called together by the 
 states, would be like to one oecumenical and general, forasmuch 
 as it would be composed of the deputies of all the reformed 
 churches ;" and in case they should find " themselves aggrieved 
 by the national Synod, they would be free to appeal to an cecu- 
 menical council, provided, in the interim, they obey the national 
 council." 
 
 78. — The illusion of this promise. 
 
 The reflection we ought to make here is, that to speak of an 
 oecumenical council was, amongst these new reformed, a rem- 
 nant of the language of the Church. For what could this word 
 
 * Oct. 24, 1618. Syn. Delph- Int. Act. Dord. Sess. xxvi.p.86. Matt, xviii. 20. 
 t Pracf. ad Ecc. Ant S}^l. Dord. 
 VOL. II. 19 * 
 
222 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 mean in these upstart churches ? They durst not say, the depu- 
 ties of all the Reformed Churches were an oecumenical council 
 representing the Universal Church. It was, said they, not an 
 oecumenical council, but like to an oecumenical council. What, 
 then, should a true oecumenical council be composed of? Ought 
 the Lutherans to be a part of it, who had excommunicated them ? 
 or the Catholics 1 or, in fine, some other churches I That is 
 what the Calvinists could not tell, and in the condition they had 
 put themselves by dividing from all the rest of Christendom, the 
 great name of an oecumenical council, so venerable among 
 Christians, was nothing to them but an insignificant word, which 
 had no idea in their mind corresponding to it. 
 
 79. — Resolution of the Synod, that the Confessio7isof Faithmight be revised, and 
 at tue same time an obligation imposed of subscribing them. 
 
 The last observation I have to make, as to the procedure, re- 
 gards the Confessions of Faith and the Catechisms received in 
 the United Provinces. The provincial Synods obliged the Re- 
 monstrants to subscribe them.* These refused it absolutely, 
 because they believed there were principles in them from which 
 the condemnation of their doctrine might be clearly enough de- 
 duced. Upon this refusal they were treated as heretics and 
 schismatics ; and this, notwithstanding it was agreed in the pro- 
 vincial Synods, and expressly declared in the Synod of Dort,"{* 
 that these Confessions of Faith, so far from passing for a cer- 
 tain rule, might be examined anew ; so that they obliged the 
 Remonstrants to subscribe a doctrine of faith, even without be- 
 lieving it themselves. 
 
 80. — Decree of the pretended Reformed of France, at the Synod of Charenton, 
 in order to approve thatof Dort. — The certainty of Salvation ackn&wledged as 
 the principal point. 
 
 We have observed already, what is specified in the acts, that 
 the canons of the Synod against the Remonstrants were estab- 
 lished with the unanimous consent of all the voices, " not one 
 excepted." The pretended reformed of France were not al- 
 lowed to go to Dort though invited, but received its decisions 
 m their national Synods, and amongst the rest, in that of Cha- 
 renton, in 1 G20, where all the canons were translated into French, 
 and a subscription of them enjoined in this form : J — " I receive, 
 approve, and embrace all the doctrine taught in the Synod of 
 Dort, as entirely conformable to God's word and to the Confes- 
 sion of Faifh of our churches : the doctrine of the Arminians 
 makes God's election to depend on the will of men, brings back 
 Paganism, disguises popery, and overthrows the whole certainty 
 of salvation." These last words show us what they judged of 
 
 * Syn. Delph. Int. Act f Dord. Sess. xxv. p. 91. Sess.xxxii. 123. 
 
 I vSess. cxxv. cxxx. Praef. ad Ecc. Sin. de Clia. xxiii. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 223 
 
 most importance in the decisions of Dort, and the certainty of 
 salvation stands foremost as one of the most essential charac- 
 teristics of Calvinism. 
 
 81. — A nexo Subscription of the Synod of Dort, by the French Refugees. 
 
 Even very lately, the first thing required of our ministers, who 
 
 had taken refuge in Holland in these last contests about religion, 
 
 was to subscribe the acts of the Synod of Dort ; and so great a 
 
 concourse, so many oaths, such a number of repeated acts, seem 
 
 to make it plain, that nothing is more authentic in the whole party. 
 
 82. — By the Decree cf the Synod of Dort the Remonstrants stand deposed and 
 
 excommunicated. 
 
 Even the decree of the Synod shows the importance of this 
 decision,* the Remonstrants being deprived by it " of the min- 
 istry, of their chairs of professorship in divinity, of all other func- 
 tions as well ecclesiastic as academical, until, having satisfied 
 the Church, they be fully reconciled and received to her com- 
 munion :" which shows they were treated as excommunicated, 
 and that the sentence of excommunication passed against them 
 in particular churches and synods was ratified ; after which the 
 Synod supplicates the states not to suffer " any other doctrine 
 to be taught but that which was just defined, and to obstruct 
 heresies and errors that were creeping in ;" which manifestly 
 regards the Arminian articles, by them qualified " as erroneous, 
 and as the source of hidden errors." 
 83. — The decisions of Dcn'tnot essential. — The sentiment of the Minister Jurieu. 
 
 All these things might make one think these articles were ac- 
 counted very essential to religion. M. Jurieu, nevertheless, 
 assures us of the contrary : for after supposing " the Church of 
 Rome was in the sentiment of the Arminians, at least during the 
 time of the Council of Trent," he thus proceeds i"}" "If she had 
 no other errors, we should have done exceedingly ill to separate 
 from her : we ought to have borne with those for peace sake, 
 by reason that she was a church whereof we made part, and 
 which had not banded herself to maintain grace according to St. 
 Austin's system of divinity," &c. And accordingly, it is this 
 which makes him conclude, "that the reason which made them 
 cut the Remonstrants off from their communion was, that they 
 would not submit to a doctrine which, in the first place, we be- 
 lieved conformable to the word of God, which, in the second, 
 we had bound ourselves, by a confederate confession, to main- 
 tain and defend against the Pelagianism of the Church of Rome." 
 84. — Semi- Pelagianism, according to this Author, damns none. 
 
 Without assenting to his principles, or what he says of the 
 
 Church of Rome, it suffices to relate his sentiments, which make 
 
 * Sent. Syn. de Remon. Sess. cxxxviii. p. 280. 
 t Syst. de I'Egl. liv. ii. ch. iii. p. 255. Ibid. ch. x. p. 305. 
 
224 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 him say in another place,* " that the churches of the Swiss and 
 Geneva Confession would exclude from their communion a 
 Sem\-Pelagian, and one that should maintain the eiTors of the 
 Remonstrants : yet it would not be their design thereby to de- 
 clare this man damned, as if Semi-Pelagianism did damn." It, 
 therefore, stands well grounded by the sentiment of this minister, 
 that the doctrine of the Ptemonstrants may well exclude one 
 from the particular confederation of the pretended reformed 
 churches, but not, in general, from the fellowship of God's chil- 
 dren : which shows that these articles are not of the number of 
 thoso they call fundamental. 
 
 Lastly, the same doctor,! in his "judgment concerning me- 
 thods," where he labors at the reunion of the Lutherans to those 
 of his communion, acknowledges, " that in order to stem a tor- 
 rent of Pelagianism which was going to overflow the Low Coun- 
 tries, the Synod of Dort ought to oppose the most rigid and 
 strict method to this Pelagian relaxation." He adds, " that with 
 this view she might have imposed on her party the necessity of 
 maintaining St. Austin's method, and obliged, I do not say all 
 the members of her society, but, at least, all her doctors, 
 prea'ihers, and the rest concerned in teaching, yet without lay- 
 in<r other churches and other communions under the same obli- 
 gaticn." Whence it comes that the Synod, so far from binding 
 all Christians to her tenets, does not even pretend to bind all 
 her members, but only her preachers and doctors ; W'hich shows 
 what these grave decisions of the new Reformation are in the 
 main ; when, after so much boasting the express word of God, 
 all terminates at last in obliging doctors to teach, by common 
 agreement, a doctrine which private men are neither obliged to 
 believe nor profess. 
 85. — The tenets in debate at Dort were the most popular and the most essential. 
 
 Nor can it be answered that these are dogmas wliich apper- 
 tain not to the knowledge of the people : for besides that all 
 dogmas revealed by God are made for the people as well as for 
 the rest, and there are certain cases wherein they are not allowed 
 to be ignorant of them ; that which was defined at Dort ought, 
 above all others, to be a most popular dogma, since it principally 
 concerned that certainty every body ought to have of his own 
 salvation ; a dogma, wherein the Calvinists laid the main foun- 
 dation of the Christian religion. 
 86. — The minister Jurieu makes the Synod of Dort act more by policy than truth. 
 
 All the rest of the decisions of Dort, as you have seen, tend- 
 ing to this dogma of certainty, it was no question of idle spec- 
 ulation, but of practice, which they judged the most necessary 
 
 * Syst. de I'Egl. liv. ii. ch. iii. p. 249. 
 t Jug, sur les meth. Sect, xviii. pp. 159, 160, 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 225 
 
 and of the utmost consequence to religion ; and, nevertheless, 
 M. Jurieu has represented this doctrine not so much as a cap- 
 ital dogma, but as a method they were obliged to follow ; and 
 not as the most certain neither, but as being " the most rigid." 
 " In order to stem," says he,* " this torrent of Pelagianism, it 
 was necessary to expose against it the most rigid and strict 
 method, and to decide," adds he, " many things to the prejudice 
 of that liberty of disputing pro and cow, which always had sub- 
 sisted among the Reformed :" as if this were a political affair, 
 or that other things were to be considered in Church decisions 
 than the pure truth revealed by God clearly and expressly in his 
 word ; or, after a full knowledge thereof, it were allowable to 
 shift and decline from it. 
 
 87. — They were ready to hear xoith Pelagianism in the Arminians. 
 
 But what this minister teaches in another place, is still more 
 surprising, since he declares to the Arminians, that it is not 
 properly Arminianism, but Socinianism, which they reject in 
 them. I " These Remonstrants," says he, " ought not to wonder 
 we offer peace to sects that seem to be of the same mind with 
 them in respect to the Synod of Dort, and do not offer it to 
 them. Their Semi- Socinianism will ever be a wall of separation 
 between them and us." Here then is what makes the separa- 
 tion. " It is because, at this day," proceeds he, " Socinianism 
 is in the most elevated stations amongst them." It is plainly 
 seen, were it not for this obstacle, that they might unite with the 
 Arminians, without concerning themselves for " that torrent of 
 Pelagianism with which they overflowed the Low Countries," 
 nor for the decisions of Dort, nor even for the confederacy of 
 all Calvinism in favor of the pretended sentiments of St. Austin. 
 
 88. — The rest of the Ministers are of the same opinion with M. Jurieu. 
 
 M. Jurieu is not the only one that has revealed to us this 
 
 secret of the party. The minister Matthew Bochart had assured 
 
 us before him,J that, " if the Remonstrants had only differed 
 
 from the rest of the Calvinists in the five points decided at the 
 
 Synod of Dort, the difference might have been adjusted," which 
 
 he confirms by the opinions of other doctors of the sect, even 
 
 with that of the Synod itself. 
 
 89. — The Reformation alloxos private men to arrogate to themselves more capacity 
 for understanding sound Doctrine, than all the rest of the Church. 
 
 It is true, he says at the same time,§ that although they were 
 disposed to tolerate, in peaceable and modest individuals senti- 
 ments opposite to those of the Synod, they could not have suf- 
 fered them in the ministers, who ought to be better instructed 
 than the rest : but this, however, is enough to evince, that these 
 
 * Jug. sur les meth. Sect, xviii. p. 59. f lb. Sect. xvi. p. 137. 
 
 I Diallact. c. viii. p. 126, &c. lb. 130. lb. 127. § lb. 126, et seq. lb. 127. 
 
226 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 decisions, " which were opposed against Pelagianism," although 
 made by the Synod with so great solemnity and with such fre- 
 quent declarations of their following nothing therein but the pure 
 and express word of God, are not very material to Christianity ; 
 and what is more surprising, is, that they hold for modest men 
 such private persons as, after knowing the decisions of all the 
 doctors, nay, as speaks Mr. Bochart, " of all the Churches of 
 the party as many as there are in Europe," yet believe they are 
 better able to understand which is sound doctrine, not only than 
 any one of these in particular, but even than all of them together. 
 
 90. — The Doctors themselves are very much relaxed in the observance of the de- 
 crees of Dort. 
 
 It is also very certain, that the doctors, in whom sentiments 
 opposed to those of the Synod were not to be tolerated, are 
 greatly relaxed in that respect.* The ministers who have writ- 
 ten in latter times, and among others M. Beaulieu, whom we 
 have seen at Sedan one of the most learned and pacific of them 
 all, soften as much as they are able the dogma of inamissibihty 
 of justice, and even that of the certainty of salvation ; and two 
 reasons move them to it : the first is, the dislike of Lutherans 
 to it, whom they are willing to be united to at any rate ; the 
 second is, the absurdity and impiety discoverable in these tenets 
 by never so little an inspection. The doctors may, by degrees, 
 inure themselves to them in consequence of the false principles 
 they are imbued with ; but plain and sincere people will not 
 easily be persuaded, that every one of them, to have true faith, 
 must assure himself he has no damnation to fear, let him com- 
 mit v/hat crimes he pleases ; much less, that he is sure of pre- 
 serving sanctity and grace in such crimes. 
 
 As often as our Reformed disclaim these impious tenets, let us 
 praise God for it, and without more disputing, entreat them only 
 to consider that the Holy Ghost could not have been in those 
 that taught them, and who made a great part of the Reformation 
 to consist in notions so derogatory to Christian justice. 
 
 91. — The Synod of Dort hath done no good, and in spite of all its decrees M. 
 
 Jurieu is a Pelagian. 
 
 Tlds, however, we may conclude from thence : that, after all, 
 this ^reat Synod has proved quite useless, and neither cured the 
 people, nor even the pastors, for whom it was principally in- 
 tended, inasmuch as what is called Pelagianism in the Reforma- 
 tion (the thing the Synod resolved to destroy) still stands its 
 ground ; for I ask, who has been cured of this evil 1 Not those 
 surely who do not believe the Synod ; nor even those who do 
 believe it ; for M. Jurieu, for instance, who is of this last num- 
 
 * The. de Art. Just, part ii. Th. 42, 43. Item. Th. An Homo soils nat. 
 virib., &c. Corol. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, &c. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 227 
 
 ber, and seems to continue so firm in the confederation, as he 
 calls it, of the Calvinian Churches against Pelagianism, in re- 
 ality does not disapprove it, since he maintains, as we have seen, 
 that it is not contrary to piety.* He is like those Socinians, 
 who when asked if they believe the eternal divinity of the Son 
 of God, make no difficulty of answering, they beheve it : but 
 urged a little further, will tell you, that the contrary belief, in the 
 main, is neither opposite to piety nor true faith. Such are true 
 enemies to the Son of God's divinity, since they hold the tenet 
 for indifferent : M. Jurieu is a Pelagian, and the enemy of 
 grace, in the same sense. 
 
 92. — Another Pelagian saying of the same Minister, and his wretched contra- 
 dictions. 
 
 In effect, what is the tendency of these words of his, " in ex- 
 hortation, you must of necessity speak like a Pelagian'?" This 
 is not the speech of a divine ; for if Pelagianism be a heresy, 
 and a heresy that renders useless the cross of Jesus Christ, as 
 has been so much preached even by the Reformation, you can- 
 not keep at too great a distance from it in exhortation, so far 
 from retaining the least tincture of it.| 
 
 This minister is no less inconsistent when he excuses the Pe- 
 lagians or Semi-Pelagians of the Augsburg Confession, together 
 with the Arminians, following the same sentiments, under pre- 
 text that, " whilst they are Semi-Pelagians in word and spirit, 
 they are the disciples of St. Austin in the heart ;" for can he be 
 ignorant that a perverted spirit soon corrupts the heart? Men 
 must be very closely attached to error when even truth pre- 
 sented does not awaken them, nay, presented by a synod made 
 up of their whole communion. 
 
 When therefore M. Jurieu says, on one hand, that Pelagian- 
 ism does not damn; and on the other, that you will '■^ never make 
 truly pious men of Pelagians and Semi-Pelagians," J though he 
 be never so subtle a divine, he could not show more clearly that 
 he does not reflect on what he says, and that, by endeavoring to 
 save all, he loses all. 
 
 93. — This Minister falls back into the excesses of the Reformers relating to the 
 
 cause of Sin. 
 
 He also thinks he has kept clear from that blasphemy which 
 makes God the author of sin, into which, he pretends, none of 
 his party has fallen " for this hundred years ;" and he himself 
 relapses into it in that very book where he pretends to show 
 they are no longer guilty of it.§ For after all, whilst you con- 
 tinue to deprive mankind of the hberty of their choice, and be- 
 lieve that free-will subsists together with an entire and inevitable 
 
 * S. n. pp. 83, 84, 87. f Meth. Sect xv. p. 131. Ibid. Sect. xiv. pp. 113, 114 
 X S. n. 83, 84, 87. MetL Sect. xv. pp. 113, 121. § S. n. 6. 
 
228 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 necessity, it always will be true that neither men, nor prevari- 
 cating angels, could avoid sinning ; and so the sins they fell into 
 are the necessary consequence resulting from those dispositions 
 their Creator placed them in. Now M. Jurieu is one of those 
 who leave this inevitable necessity whole and entire, when he 
 says, we know nothing of our soul, " only that she thinks," nor 
 can we define what is requisite " to constitute her free."* He 
 owns, therefore, he does not know but it is this inevitable ne- 
 cessity which drags us into evil as well as good, and by that 
 means sinks into all the excesses of the first Reformers, from 
 which he boasts that his party has been free a whole age. 
 
 To avoid these terrible inconveniences, you must at least 
 believe, if not arrived to the comprehension of it, that there is 
 no admitting, without blasphemy and making God the author of 
 sin, this invincible necessity which the Remonstrants reproached 
 the pretended Reformers with, and from which the Synod of 
 Dort has not justified them. 
 
 94. — Connivance of the Synod of Dort, not only at the excesses of the pretended 
 Reformers, but also at those of the Remonstrants. 
 
 And in reality, I observe that nothing is said in any part of 
 the Synod against these damnable excesses. It was wilHng to 
 spare the Reformers and save the beginnings of the Reforma- 
 tion from eternal infamy. 
 
 Yet at least it ought not to have extended the like condescen- 
 sion to the Remonstrants, who opposed to the excesses of the 
 Reformers other no less criminal excesses. 
 
 They printed in Holland in 1618, a httle before the Synod, a 
 book under this title — " The State of Controversies in the Low 
 Countries,"! where it is shown it was the doctrine of the Re- 
 monstrants that certain accidents might befal God ; that he was 
 liable to change ; that his prescience of certain events was not 
 certain ; that he proceeded by discoursing and conjecture in 
 drawing, as we do, one thing from another ; and other the like 
 numberless errors, wherein the Author sides with those philoso- 
 phers who destroy God's foreknowledge, for fear of lessening 
 the liberty of man. There it is made appear they went so far 
 astray as to make God corporeal, to attribute to him three 
 essences, and the rest that may be learned from that Book, 
 which is very perspicuous and concise. It was composed in 
 order to prepare, for the approaching Synod, the subject matter 
 of their dehbcrations : but none of all these things were men- 
 tioned at it, no more than many others as materially started by 
 the Remonstrants. The whole care of the Synod was taken up 
 in preserving those Articles which are peculiar to Calvinism ; 
 
 * Meth. Sect. pp. 129, 132. 
 
 t Specim. Controv. Belg. ex Offic. Elzev. pp. 2, 4, 7, &c. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 229 
 
 and more zeal was exhibite-d by them for these opinions, than 
 
 for the fundamental principles of Chris-tianity. 
 
 95. — The Decree^qf Charenton receiving the Lutherans to Communiori. — 1631. 
 
 The great deference which we have seen was paid to the Lu- 
 therans, prevailed nothing with them in regard to an union, they 
 still persisting to hold the whole party of the Sacramentarians 
 for excommunicated. At last the Reformed of France, in their 
 national Synod of Charenton, made this memorable decree, 
 wherein they de-clare, " that the Germans and others following 
 the Confession of Augsburg, for so much as the Churches of 
 the Augsburg Confession agree with the others that are reformed 
 in the fundamental principles and tenets of the true religion, and 
 that in their worship there is neither idolatry nor superstition, 
 may, without making abjuration, be received to the holy table, 
 to contract marriage with the faithful of our Confession, and to 
 present, as god-fathers, children to baptism, in promising the 
 Consistory" they will never solicit them to act counter, directly 
 or indirectly, to the doctrine received and professed in our 
 Churches, but will be contented with instructing them in the 
 principles wherein we all agree." 
 
 96. — The Consequences of this Decree, 
 
 In consequence of this decree, they were obliged to say,* 
 " that the doctrine of the Real Presence, taken in itself, has no 
 venom in it : that it is neither contrary to piety nor God's hon- 
 or, nor the good of mankind : that although the opinion of the 
 Lutherans relating to the Eucharist infers, no less than that of 
 Rome, the destruction of Jesus Christ's humanity, this conse- 
 quence nevertheless cannot be imputed to them without ca- 
 lumny, inasmuch as it is formally rejected by them," — so that 
 it is an allowed maxim that, in matters of religion, none ought 
 to charge on others the consequences they draw from their doc- 
 trine, but only such things as they allow in express terms. 
 97. — The Calvinists had never advanced so far before. 
 
 Never had the Sacramentarians, before this time, made so 
 great an advance towards the Lutherans. The novelty of this 
 decree does not consist in saying, that the Real Presence, and 
 the other disputed points between both parties, do not regard the 
 fundamentals of salvation ; for it must be owned ingenuously, 
 that ever since the time of the Conference of Marpurg, that is, 
 so long ago as the year 1529,| the Zuinglians offered the Lu- 
 therans to hold them for brethren notwithstanding their doctrine 
 of the Real Presence ; and never, from that time, did they be- 
 lieve it fundamental, but required that the fraternity should be 
 mutual, and owned equally on both sides ; which being refused 
 
 * Daille Apol. ch. vii. p. 43. Id. Lettre a Mongl. t S. 1. ii. n. 45. 
 
 VOL. II. 20 
 
230 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 them by Luther, they Ukewise continued to disown those for 
 brethren who were so averse to pass the same judgment in their 
 favor : whereas, in the Synod of Charenton, it is the Sacra- 
 mentarians alone that receive the Lutherans into that fellowship, 
 notwithstanding that they are held by them for excommunicated. 
 98. — Memorahle date of the Decree of Charenton. 
 The date of this decree is remarka»ble : it was made in 1631, 
 when the great Gustavus was thundering in Germany, and when 
 it was currently believed throughout the whole Reformation, 
 that Rome itself would be soon in the power of the Lutherans. 
 God had otherwise ordained : the year following, this victorious 
 King was killed at the battle of Lutzen, and all the rare disco- 
 veries made concerning him in the prophecies were now to be 
 retracted. 
 
 99. — Great change in controversies by means of this Decree. — It convicts the 
 
 Calvinists of cahimny. 
 
 Meanwhile the decree passed, and the Catholics observed the 
 greatest change imaginable in the doctrine of the Protestants. 
 
 In the first place, all that horror they had infused into the 
 people against the doctrine of the Real Presence appeared man- 
 ifestly unjust and calumnious. The doctors may say what 
 they please of the matter : but it was the Real Presence on 
 which the aversion of the people was chiefly bent. This doc- 
 trine had been represented to them, not only as gross and carnal, 
 but also as brutal and full of barbarity, whereby men became 
 Cyclopses, eaters of human flesh and human blood, parricides 
 that eat their Father and their God. But now, since the decree 
 of this Synod, it stands confessed, that all these exaggerations, 
 with which the silly vulgar were fascinated for so long a time, 
 are calumnies ; and the doctrine that was made to pass for so 
 impious and inhuman, has no longer any thing in it that is con- 
 trary to piety. 
 
 100. — The literal sense and the Real Presence necessary. 
 
 Thereby even it becomes the most credible and the most ne- 
 cessary ; for the chief reason inducing to wrest the sense of 
 these words — " Except ye eat the flesh of the Son of Man, and 
 drink his blood,"* and also of these — " Eat, this is my body ; 
 drink, this is my blood, ""j" — to spiritual and metaphorical mean- 
 ings was, because they seemed to lead to sin by commanding 
 to eat human flesh, and to drink human blood : so that St. Aus- 
 tin's rule, of interpreting spiritually what appears to incline to 
 evil, was here to take place. But at present this reason carries 
 no longer any the least probability ; all this imaginary crime is 
 vanished, and nothing prevents taking the words of our Saviour 
 in their true literal sense. 
 
 * John vi. 53. t Matt. xxvi. 26, 27, 28. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 231 
 
 The people were made to abhor the Catholic doctrine, as a 
 doctrine that destroyed Jesus Christ's human nature, and ruined 
 the mystery of his ascension. But they must no longer be 
 affrighted at these consequences, since the denial of them suf- 
 ficiently acquits whosoever denies them. 
 
 101. — The chief argument in behalf of the rupture rendered frivolous. 
 
 These horrors thus raised in the minds of the people were, 
 to speak the truth, the real cause of their departure from the 
 Church. Read in all the acts of the pretended martyrs the 
 cause for which they suffered, and you will find everywhere, that 
 it was for the doctrine opposite to the Real Presence. Consult 
 a Melancthon, a Sturmius, a Peucer, all the rest that v»ere 
 against condemning the doctrine of the Zuinglians — you will 
 find their chief reason to be, because it was for this doctrine 
 that such a number of the faithful laid down their lives in France 
 and England. These wretched martyrs persuaded themselves, 
 in dying for this doctrine, they died for a fundamental point of 
 faith and piety ; at present this doctrine is innocent, and excludes 
 none from the sacred table, nor from the kingdom of heaven. 
 
 102. — The hatred of the People turned against Transubstantiation, a thing of 
 of much less importance. 
 
 To preserve in the hearts of the people their aversion to the 
 
 Catholic doctrine, it was requisite to turn it on another object 
 
 than the Real Presence. Transubstantiation is now the great 
 
 crime : there is now no manner of difficulty in admitting Jesus 
 
 Christ really present ; in admitting one and the same body in 
 
 different places at once ; in admitting the entire body in eveiy 
 
 crumb of bread : the grand error consists in taking the bread 
 
 avvay : what regards Jesus Christ is of small importance ; what 
 
 regards the bread is alone essential. 
 
 103. — Jesus Christ no longer adorable in the Eucharisty as formerly believed by 
 
 Protestants. 
 
 All the maxims, till then held for unquestionable, regarding 
 the adoration of Jesus Clii'ist, are now changed. Calvin and 
 the rest of them had demonstrated, that wherever Jesus Christ, 
 so adorable an object, was held present by so special a Presence 
 as that acknowledged in the Eucharist, it was not lawful to with- 
 hold that adoration which is due unto him. But now, Jesus 
 Christ's Presence in any place is not enough to make him be 
 adored in it ; he must command it, he must " declare his will, 
 in order to be adored in such and such a state ;"* otherwise, as 
 much G od as he is, he will meet with no worship from us. More 
 than this, he must show himself: "if the body of Jesus Christ 
 be in a place insensibly, and in a manner imperceptible to all 
 
 + Cont. Westp. Cont. Heshu. Dial. Du Minist. Boch. sur le syn. de Cha. i. 
 p. 24. Ejusd. Dial, part ii. cap. vii. Sedaiii, p. 21. 
 
232 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 the senses, he does not obUge us to worship him in such a place." 
 
 His word does not suffice, it is necessaiy he should be seen : 
 
 you may hear the voice of the king never so much ; if you see 
 
 him not with your own eyes, you owe him no respect, or, at 
 
 least, he must declare expressly it is his intention to be honored ; 
 
 otherwise you should behave as in his absence. Were it the 
 
 case of an earthly king, none would question paying him what 
 
 is his due the moment it is known where he is ; but thus to 
 
 honor the King of heaven would be idolatry, and it vv ould be to 
 
 be feared lest he should take the worship to be given to another 
 
 than himself. 
 
 104. — Interior Jlcts of Adoratmi are toleratedin the Lutherans, and the exterioTy 
 xohich are but the tokens of them, rejected. 
 
 But here is a device that is new and sui*prising. The Lu- 
 theran, who believes Jesus Chiist present, shall receive him as 
 his God ; shall put his tmst in him, shall invoke him ; and the 
 Synod of Charenton decides, " their is neither idolatry, nor su- 
 perstition in his worship :" but if he make any perceptible act 
 of adoration, he idolizes ; that is to say, it is allowable to have 
 the substance of adoration, which is the interior sentiment, but 
 not allowable to testify it ; and you become an idolater in making 
 appear, by some posture of respect, the sense of that truly sacred 
 veneration you have in your heart. 
 
 105. — Frivolous Answer. 
 
 "But the reason of this is," say they,* "because, should the 
 Lutheran adore Jesus Christ in the Eucharist, who is there to- 
 gether with the bread, there would be danger lest the adoration 
 should be referred to the bread alike as to Jesus Chiist ; or, 
 however, lest some should think the intention was to refer it so:" 
 no question, when the wise men adored Jesus Christ, either in 
 his crib, or in a cradle, it was to be feared lest they should wor- 
 ship, together with Jesus Clu-ist, either the crib or the cradle ; or 
 in fine, lest the Blessed Virgin and St. Joseph should take them 
 for worshippers of the cradle rather than of the divine infant lying 
 in it. These were the subtleties introduced by the decree of 
 Charenton. 
 
 106. — Ubiquity tolerated. 
 
 Moreover, the doctrine of Ubiquity, which had been accounted, 
 and with reason, alike by the Sacramentarians and by Catholics, 
 a most monstrous doctrine, confounding both natures of Jesus 
 Christ, becomes the doctrine of the Saints. 
 
 For you are not to imagine that the defenders of this doctrine 
 
 were expected out of the union : the Synod speaks in general 
 
 of the churches of the Augsburg Confession, whereof it is well 
 
 known the greatest part are Ubiquitarians, and the ministers as- 
 
 * Dial du Min. Boch. sur le syn. de Cha. i. p. 24. 
 
XIV ] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 233 
 
 sure us,* Ubiquity hath nothing mortal in it, though it destroys, 
 more expressly than ever Eutychianism did, the human nature 
 of our Lord. 
 
 107. — JsTotkhig but the external Worship is looked upon as important. 
 
 In a word, little account is made of every thing that causes 
 no alteration in the worship, even in the external worship : for 
 the belief, which you may have interiorly, is no obstacle to com- 
 munion ; nothing but the respect you show externally makes 
 the sin ; and this is what we are brought to by those who are 
 always preaching to us adoration in spirit and in truth. 
 
 108. — The foimdalix)n of Piety formerly acknowledged by them, is changed. 
 
 It plainly appears, without needing my intimation, that after 
 the Synod of Charenton, neither the inamissibility of justice, nor 
 the certainty of salvation, are any longer a necessaiy foundation 
 of piety, since the Lutherans are admitted to communion with 
 the contrary doctrine. 
 109. — The disputes about Predestination concern not the Substance of Religion. 
 
 No more must they speak to us of absolute predestination and 
 absolute decrees as of a fundamental article, since they cannot 
 deny, according to M. Jurieu, " but there is piety in those great 
 communions of Protestants, wherein both absolute decrees and 
 grace of itself efficacious, are so roughly handled." The same 
 minister is agreed, " that the Protestants of Germany make the 
 foreknowledge of our faith enter into that gratuitous love whereby 
 God has loved us in Jesus Christ." Thus the decree of pre- 
 destinaton will not be an absolute decree, and independent of all 
 foreknowledge, but a conditional decree, including the condition 
 of our future faith; and this is what M. Jurieu does not condemn, "f 
 110. — Tioo other remarkable J^ovelties ensuing from the Decree of Charenton. 
 
 But here are the two most remarkable novelties wliich the 
 decree of Charenton has introduced into the pretended Reforma- 
 tion : first, the dispute on fundamental points ; and secondly, 
 the dispute on the nature of the Church. 
 
 111. — Distinction of fundamental Points, and the inevitable perplexity of our 
 
 Reformed. 
 
 As to fundamental points, the Catholics thus argued with them. 
 " If the Real Presence, if Ubiquity, if so many other important 
 points, contested for more than an age between the Lutherans 
 and Calvinists, be not fundamental, why should those be more 
 so on which you dispute with the Church of Rome ? Does not 
 she believe the Trinity, the Incarnation, the whole Creed ? Has 
 she laid any other foundation than Jesus Christ ? All you ob- 
 ject against her, on this head, in order to show that she has an- 
 other, are so many consequences which she denies, and which, 
 
 * Boch. Ibid. Dial. xv. part ii. c. vii. 
 Jugement sur les Meth. Sect. xiv. p. 113. Ibid. sect, xviii. p. 15S. 
 VOL. II. 20* 
 
234 THE HISTORY OF [BOOK 
 
 according to your own principles, ought not to be imputed to 
 her. Wherein, then, do you place precisely what is fundamental 
 in religion ?' To relate here all they have said concerning fun- 
 damental points, some one way, some another, and the greatest 
 part confessing that it is all a mysteiy to them, and a thing rather 
 to be felt than explained, were an endless task, and involving 
 one's self with them in a labyrinth from whence there is no exit. 
 
 112. — They are Jorced to oxmi that the Church of Rome is a true Churchy 
 
 wherein one may he saved. 
 
 The other dispute was not less important : for this principle 
 being once established by them, that those who retain the prin- 
 cipal foundations of faith, however separated in communion, are, 
 in the main, the same Church and the same society of God's 
 children, worthy of his holy table and his kingdom, the Catholics 
 demand how they can be excluded from this Church and from 
 eternal salvation ? For now it will no longer serve their turn to 
 
 O 
 
 say, the Church of Rome is a Church excluding the whole world, 
 
 and which the whole world ought to exclude : for you see the 
 
 Lutherans, who exclude the Calvinists, are not excluded. It is 
 
 this which has produced this new system of the Church wliich 
 
 makes so great a noise, and wherein, after all, they cannot but 
 
 comprehend the Church of Rome. 
 
 113. — The Conference of Cassel, lohere the Lutherans of Rintel come to an 
 Agreement loith the Calvinists of Marjyxirg. 
 
 The Protestants of Germany have not been in all places alike 
 
 inexorable in regard of the Calvinists. In 1661, a conference 
 
 was held at Cassel between the Calvinists of Marpurg and the 
 
 Lutherans of Rintel, where both parties entered into a brotherly 
 
 fellowship. I own this union was without consequence in the 
 
 other parts of Germany, and I have not been able to discover 
 
 what even was the consequence of it between the contracting 
 
 parties : but in the agreement there was one important article 
 
 not to be forgotten. 
 
 114. — bnpartant article of this Agreement relating to the breaking of the Eu- 
 
 charistic Bread. 
 
 The Calvinists reproached the Lutherans that, in the celebra- 
 tion of the Eucharist, they omitted the breaking of the bread, 
 which had a divine institution.* It is the current doctrine of 
 Calvinism, that the breaking makes part of the Sacrament as 
 ])eing a symbol of that body broken which Jesus would give 
 to liis disciples ; that for this reason it was practised by Jesus 
 Christ, that it is of precept, and comprehended by our Saviour 
 in this ordinance, " Do ye this." This is what was maintained 
 by the Calvinists of Marpurg, and denied by the Lutherans of 
 Rmtel. They nevertheless united, each side persisting in theii' 
 
 * Coll. Cass. ^. de fract pan. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 235 
 
 sentiments ; and it was said by those of Marpurg, " That the 
 breaking did not appertain to the essence, but only to the in- 
 tegrity of the Sacrament, as being necessary thereto by the 
 example and commandment of Jesus Christ, so that the Luther- 
 ans, without breaking the bread, had nevertheless the substance 
 of the Supper, and both parties might mutually tolerate each other." 
 
 115. — Demonstration in favor of Conimu7mn under one kind. 
 
 A minister, who answered a treatise concerning Communion 
 under both kinds, has examined this conference which was ob- 
 jected against them: the fact passed for unquestionable, and the 
 minister agreed that the breaking of the bread, although com- 
 manded by Jesus Christ, did not appertain to the essence, but 
 only to the integrity of the Sacrament.* Here, then, have we 
 the essence of the Sacrament manifestly separated from the di- 
 vine precept, and reasons have been found to dispense with that 
 which they said was commanded by Jesus Christ : after which 
 I do not see how they can urge the precept of receiving under 
 both kinds ; forasmuch that as though we were agreed Jesus 
 Christ had commanded the receiving of them, we should still 
 be admitted to examine whether this divine commandment- re- 
 garded the essence, or only the integrity. 
 
 116. — Present state of Controversies in Germany. 
 
 The present state of controversies in Germany between the 
 Lutherans and Calvinists may be likewise seen in the same con- 
 ference ; where it will be perceived, that the constant doctrine 
 of the divines of the Augsburg Confession is, that grace is uni- 
 versal ; that it is resistible ; that it is amissible ; that predesti- 
 nation is conditional, and presupposes the foreknowledge of our 
 faith ; lastly, that the grace of conversion is annexed to an action 
 purely natural, and depending on our own strength, namely, on 
 our carefulness to hear sermons i"]" which the learned Beaulieu 
 confirms by many testimonies, to which we could add many 
 others, were not the thing past dispute, as might have been seen 
 by the testimony of M. Jurieu,J and had we not spoken of this 
 matter already. 
 
 117. — The relaxation of the principles of the Lutherans give occasion to those 
 of Cameron and of his disciples, touching Universal Grace. 
 
 Accordingly, one may have seen in this history, how Melanc- 
 thon had softened, among the Lutherans, that extreme rigor 
 wherewith Luther maintained absolute and particular decrees, 
 and how unanimously it is taught amongst them, that God wills 
 seriously and sincerely the salvation of all men ; that he offers 
 them Jesus Christ as their redeemer; that he calls them to him 
 
 * Traite de Coinniunion sous leg deux Especes. part ii, ch. xii. La Roq. 
 Rep. part ii, ch. x^^i. p. 307. -j Thcs. de q. An hom. in stat. pecc. solis nat. 
 viribus, &c. Th. xxxi. et scq. :j. S. n. 109. S. 1. viii. n. 48, ct seq. 
 
236 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 by preaching and the promises of his gospel ; and that his Spirit 
 is ever ready to be efficacious in them, if they do but hearken 
 to his word ; that, finally, it is attributing to God two contrary 
 wills, to say on one side, he proposes his gospel to all mankind ; 
 and on the other, that he will save but a very small number of 
 them.* In consequence of that complaisance, still continued 
 in behalf of the Lutherans, John Cameron of Scotland, a famous 
 minister, and Professor of Divinity in the Academy of Saumur, 
 there taught an universal vocation and grace, declared in behalf 
 of all mankind by the wonders of God's works, by his word, and 
 the Sacraments. This doctrine of Cameron was strenuously 
 and ingeniously defended by his disciples Amiraud and Testard, 
 professors of divinity in the same town. This entire Academy 
 embraced it : Du MouHn put himself at the head of the con- 
 trary party, and engaged in this sentiment the Academy of Sedan, 
 where he ruled uncontrolled ; and in our days we have seen the 
 whole Reformation divided in France, with much warmth, be- 
 tween Saumur and Sedan. In spite of the censures of the 
 Synods, which suppressed the doctrine of universal grace, yet 
 without qualifying it as heretical or erroneous, the most learned 
 ministers undertook to defend it. Daille made its apology, to 
 which Blondel put a preface very much to the advantage of the 
 abettor of this sentiment ; and universal grace triumphed even 
 in Sedan, where the minister Beaulieu taught it in our days. 
 
 118. — Whether Universal Grace be contrary to the Synod of Dort. 
 It had not equal success out of this kingdom, particularly in 
 Holland, where it was judged opposite to the Synod of Dort. 
 But on the contrary, Blondel and Daille showed,| that the di- 
 vines of Great Britain and Bremen had maintained in the Synod 
 " an universal will and intention" of saving all mankind, a suffi- 
 cient grace given to all ; a grace without which one could not 
 renew in himself God's image. This is what these divines had 
 publicly declared in the Synod, nor did they merit the less for it 
 the praises and congratulations of this whole assembly. 
 
 119. — Decree passed at Geneva against Universal Grace, and the question re- 
 solved by the Magistrate. — Helvetic Formulary. — 1669-1671. 
 
 Geneva, ever attached to Calvin's rigorous propositions, was 
 very averse to this Universality, which nevertheless was carried 
 into its very bowels by the French ministers. Every family was 
 now in contention for or against it, when the Magistrate inter- 
 posed. From the court of Twenty-five it was carried to that 
 of the Two Hundred. These Magistrates did not blush to 
 
 * S. 1. viii. n. 22, et seq. Epit. Tit. de prsed. Cone. p. 617. Solida repetit. 
 Cod. Tit. p. 804. f Dall. Apol. Tract, part ii. Blond. Act. auth. viii. 
 
 ct seq. p. 77. Jud. The. Mag. Brit, de Art. ii. mter. Act. Syn. Dord. part 
 ii. p. 287. Jud. Brem. Ibid. p. 113, et seq. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 237 
 
 make their pastors and professors enter into a dispute before them, 
 and set themselves up as judges in a question of the most re- 
 lined theology. Powerful recommendations came from the 
 Swiss in behalf of particular grace against universal grace ; 
 a rigorous decree was issued in condemnation of the latter. 
 They published the formulary of a divine which the Swiss ap- 
 proved, wherein the system of universal grace was declared 
 *' not a little remote from the sound doctrine revealed in Scrip- 
 ture ;" and that nothing might be wanting to it, the sovereign 
 magistrate commanded that all doctors, ministers, and professors, 
 should subscribe the formulary in these words : " Thus do I 
 believe ; thus do I profess ; thus will I teach." This is no sub- 
 mission of polity and order, it is a pure act of faith enjoined by 
 the secular authority ; this is what the Reformation ends in, 
 subjecting the Church to the world, learning to ignorance, and 
 faith to the magistrate. 
 
 120. — Another decision of the Helvetic Formulary., concerning the Hebrew text, 
 which the learned of the jtarty laugh at. — Variaiion in regard to the Vulgate. 
 
 This Helvetic formulary had also another clause, wherein, not 
 concerning themselves with the Septuagint, nor the Targums, 
 nor the original Samaritan, nor with any of the old interpreters, 
 nor any of the ancient readings, they canonized even the points 
 of the Hebrew text, such as we now have it, declaring it un- 
 tainted with any even the least faults of the transcriber, and clear 
 from all injuries of tim^e. The authors of this decree were not 
 sensible how egregiously they exposed themselves to the laughter 
 of all learned men, even of their own communion ; but they 
 adhered to the old maxims of the Reformation, then but igno- 
 rant. They were vexed that the readings of the Vulgate, for- 
 merly taken by them for so many falsifications, were daily more 
 and more approved by the learned of the party ; and by fixing 
 the original text, such as it is at this time, they thought to rid 
 themselves of the necessity of tradition, never reflecting that, 
 under the name of the Hebrew text, instead of ecclesiastic tra- 
 ditions, and that of the ancient Synagogue, they consecrated 
 those even of the Rabbins. 
 
 121. — Other decisions of Geneva and the Swiss hoio much cojidemned by M, 
 
 Claude. 
 
 Another decree passed also at Geneva concerning Faith in 
 1675, wherein was confinned that of 1649, whereby they added 
 two new Articles to the Confession of Faith ; the first, import- 
 ing " that the imputation of Adam's sin was anterior to corrup- 
 tion ;" the second, "that, in the economy of the divine decrees, 
 the sending of Jesus Christ is after the decree of election." 
 They ordered fliat all those who should refuse to subscribe these 
 
238 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 two new articles of Faith, should be excluded and deposed from 
 the ministry and all ecclesiastical functions. 
 
 This decision was judged very odd even in the party, and 
 Turretin, minister and professor at Geneva, was greatly up- 
 braided for it by M. Claude,* as appears by a letter of this 
 minister dated the twentieth of June, 1675, which Lewis du 
 Moulin, son to the minister Peter du Moulin, and uncle to the 
 minister Jurieu, caused to be printed. 
 
 M. Claude complains in this letter,! " that the Swiss were 
 solicited to draw up a Formulary conformable to that of Geneva, 
 containing the same points and the same restrictions, in order 
 to be added to their Confession of Faith :" and it is plain from 
 a remark of Du Moulin, inserted in the same letter,^ that the 
 Swiss had in fact struck this stroke which M. Claude judged 
 so terrible. 
 
 Nevertheless, the same minister maintains that it is not law- 
 ful to add thus§ " new articles of Faith to those of his Confes- 
 sion ; and that it is dangerous to remove the ancient landmarks 
 which have been set by our fathers." || I would to God our 
 Reformed had always had before their eyes this maxim of 
 the wise man, which they so frequently are obliged to return 
 to, in order to terminate the divisions they see daily breed- 
 ing in the midst of them ! M. Claude proposes it to those 
 of Geneva,^ and is astonished that this Church " should thus 
 make new articles of Faith and new laws of preaching :" he 
 makes bold to say,** that acting in this manner is setting up 
 gods of their own, and breaking unity with all the Churches 
 which are not of their own opinion : to wit " with those of 
 France, with those of England, with those of Poland, of Prussia, 
 and Germany ;" that the matter in hand is not of mere disci- 
 pline, in which Churches may be allowed to vary, but that it is 
 separating themselves in|| " points of doctrine unalterable in 
 their nature, which they cannot, with a good conscience, teach 
 differently :" so that this is not only " setting up for themselves 
 a particular ministry," but also sowing " the seeds of a fatal 
 division" in faith itself, and, in short, " shutting their hearts" 
 aoainst other Churches. 
 
 If now one should be desirous to know to what length Geneva 
 carried her rigor, he will be informed from the same letter : JJ 
 for it specifies, *' that the signing of the articles was exacted 
 with an inconceivable severity, and exacted even from those 
 who came to Geneva to be ordained with the design of serving 
 elsewhere ; that the same necessity of subscription was laid on 
 
 * Fascic. Ep. 1676, pp. 83, 94. f Ibid. p. 95. J P. 101. § Ibid, 
 p. 15. II Prov. xxii. 28. IT Fascic. Ep. p. 89. ++ Pp. 90, 91, 98, 
 
 103. ft Ibid. pp. 93, 100. J j Fascic. Ep. pp. 94, 95. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 239 
 
 them as on those of Geneva itself; that it was exacted with the 
 same rigor from pastors aheady received, notwithstanding they 
 had ah-eady grown old in the labors of the ministry :" and this, 
 says M. Claude,* " is, as much as in them lies, wresting every 
 where the cure from those that are of different opinions, namely, 
 from all the rest of the Churches^ and condemning themselves, 
 as having hitherto maintained as unjust peace with people against 
 whom they ought to have declared war." 
 
 All these remonstrances were of no effect ; the church of 
 Geneva stood firm, no less than that of the Swiss, both of them 
 in the notion that their determinations were grounded on the 
 word of God : which still continues to make it manifest that, 
 under the covert of this word, it is his own conceits every man 
 pays worship to ; and if they have no other principle whereby 
 to agree in the sense of this word, there never will be amongst 
 their Churches any other than a political and exterior union, 
 such as subsists with those of Geneva, who in the main have 
 broken off from all the rest ; and in order to find something 
 fixed, it is necessary, after M. Claude's example, that they 
 should be brought back to this maxim of the wise man, " not 
 to remove the landmarks set them by their forefathers ;"| that 
 is, they must hold to the decisions already made by those in 
 matters of faith. 
 
 122. — The Test Act in England : therein the English approach to our senti- 
 ments, and only, through manifest error, condemn the Church of Rome. 
 
 The famous Test well deserves a place in this history, foras- 
 much as it was one of the principal acts of Religion in Eng- 
 land. The parliament held at London in 1678, passed an Act 
 enjoining the following declaration. " I, A. B. do solemnly 
 and sincerely, in the presence of God, profess, testify, and de- 
 clare, that I do believe that in the Sacrament of the Lord's 
 Supper there is not any transubstantiation of the elements of 
 bread and wine into the body and blood of Christ, at or after 
 the consecration, by any person whatsoever ; and that the in- 
 vocation or adoration of the Virgin Mary, or any other saint, 
 and the sacrifice of the Mass, as they are now used in the 
 Church of Rome, are superstitious and idolatrous, &c." The 
 particulars to be observed in this Profession of Faith, are first, 
 that it only attacks Transubstantiation and not the Real Presence, 
 wherein it follows the amendment which Elizabeth had made 
 in the Reformation of Edward the Sixth. There are only added 
 to it these words, " at or after the Consecration," which mani- 
 festly allow the belief of the Real Presence before the mandu- 
 cation, since they exclude nothing, as is plain, but the sole 
 change of substance. 
 
 ♦ Pp. 97, 100. t Prov. xxii. 28. 
 
240 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 Thus, a good English Protestant, without blemish to his reli 
 gion or conscience, may believe that the body and blood of 
 Jesus Christ are really and substantially present in the bread 
 and wine immediately after consecration. If the Lutherans be- 
 heved as much, it is certain they would adore him. Neither do 
 the English place any obstacle to it in their Test : and as they 
 receive the Eucharist kneeling, nothing hinders their acknowl- 
 edging and worshipping Jesus Christ there present, in the same 
 spirit that we do : after this, to cavil with us about Transubstan- 
 tiation, is a proceeding little worthy of them. 
 
 In the following words of the Test, the Invocation, or as they 
 call it, the Adoration of the Blessed Virgin and the saints, with 
 the sacrifice of the Mass, are condemned as acts of "supersti- 
 tion and idolatry :" not absolutely, but " as they are now used 
 in the church of Rome." But the reason of this was, that the 
 Enghsh are too well versed in antiquity to be ignorant, that the 
 Fathers of the fourth century (to ascend no higher at present) 
 did invoke the Blessed Virgin and the saints. They know that 
 St. Gregory of Nazianzum approves expressly, in the mouth of 
 a martyr, that piety which moved her to beg of the Blessed 
 Virgin, " that she would assist a Virgin engaged in danger."* 
 They know that all the Fathers have made, and solemnly ap- 
 proved in their Homilies, the like invocations addressed to saints : 
 nay, in respect of them, have even used the word Invocation."!* 
 As for that of adoration, they know likewise, it is equivocal no 
 less among the holy Fathers than in Scripture ; and does not 
 always signify, rendering to a person divine honors ; and for 
 this reason also St. Gregory of Nazianzum made no difficulty, 
 in many places, of saying that the relics of the martyrs were 
 adored, and that God did not disdain to confirm such an adora- 
 tion by miracles. The English are too well read in antiquity 
 to be ignorant of this doctrine and these practices of the ancient 
 Church, and bear her too great a veneration to accuse her of 
 superstition and idolatry : it is this which makes them use this 
 restriction, which we observe in their Test, and suppose, in the 
 church of Rome, a kind of invocation and adoration different 
 from that of the Fathers, because they were very sensible, with- 
 out this precaution, the Test would be no more subscribed with 
 a good conscience by the learned Protestants than by Catholics. 
 
 Nevertheless it is certain, as to the fact, that we demand 
 nothing of the saints but the partnership of their prayers, no more 
 than the ancients did : and that we honor nothing in their relics, 
 but what they honored in them. If we sometimes entreat the 
 Saints, not to pray, but to give and act, the learned among the 
 
 * Orat. in. Cyp. Basil. Orat. in Mam. f Greg. Nyss. Orat. in Theo. 
 
 Amb. Serm. de. S. Vit. Greg. Naz. Orat. in Jul. i. in Machab. &c. 
 
XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 241 
 
 English will agree that the ancients have done it Hke us,* and 
 like us have understood it in that sense which attributes favors 
 received, not only to the Sovereign that distributes them, but 
 also to the intercessors who obtain them : so that there never 
 will be found any real difference between the ancients, whom 
 the Enghsh will not condemn, and us, whom they do condemn, 
 but through mistake, and by laying to our charge what we do 
 not believe. 
 
 I say the same of the sacrifice of Mass. The Enghsh are 
 better skilled in antiquity than to be ignorant that in all times 
 the same gifts were offered to God, in the sacred mysteries and 
 the celebration of the Eucharist, as were afterwards distributed 
 to the peo])le, and that these were offered to him no less for the 
 dead than for the living. The ancient Liturgies containing the 
 form of this oblation, as well in the east as west, are in the hands 
 of every one, and the English are far from accusing them either 
 of superstition or idolatry. There is then a way of offering 
 to God the Eucharistic sacrifice for the living and the dead, 
 which the Protestant Church of England judges neither super- 
 stitious nor idolatrous : and if they reject the Roman Mass, it 
 is by supposing that it is different from that of the ancients. 
 
 But this difference is none at all ; one drop of water is not 
 more like another, than the Roman Mass is like, as to its essence 
 and substance, to the Mass which the Greeks and the rest of 
 Christians received from their forefathers. For which reason 
 the church of Rome, when she admits them to her communion, 
 does not prescribe another Mass to them. Thus the Roman 
 Church has not, in the main, another sacrifice than that which, 
 by the confession of the English Protestants themselves, was 
 offered in the east and west ever since the beginning of 
 Christianity. 
 
 Hence it clearly follows that the Roman doctrine, as well 
 concerning Invocation and Adoration, as the sacrifice of the 
 Mass, is no otherwise condemned in the Test, than by presup- 
 posing that Rome receives these things in another sense, and 
 practises them in another spirit, than that of the Fathers ; which 
 visibly is not so : so that readily, and without alleging further 
 reasons, we may say, that abrogating the Test would be nothing 
 else but abrogating a notorious calumny fixed on the Church 
 of Rome. 
 
 + Greg. Naz. Orat. funeb. Ath. et Basil, &c. 
 VOL. II. 21 
 
242 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 BOOK XV. 
 
 [Variations in the Article of the Creed : I believe the Holy Catholic Church. — 
 The unshaken steadiness of the Church of Rome.] 
 
 A brief Summary. — An account of the Variations relating to the subject of 
 the Church. — She is naturally owned to be Visible. — The difficulty of 
 showing where the Church was, forced men upon the device of an Invis- 
 ible one. — The perpetual VisibiUty of it necessarily confessed. — Divers 
 means of saving the Reformation under this supposition. — The state of the 
 question, as, by the disputes of the Ministers Claude and Jurieu, it stands 
 at present. — They are at length forced to own that salvation may be still 
 had in the Church of Rome, as well as before the pretended Reformation. 
 — Strange Variations, and the Confessions of Faith despised. — Advantages 
 yielded to Catholics on the necessary foundation of Jesus Christ's promises 
 in favor of perpetual Visibihty. — The Church owned to be infalUble. — 
 Her sentiments acknowledged to be an infaUible rule of Faith. — Vain 
 exceptions. — All the proofs against tire infallible authority of the Church 
 brought to nothing by the Ministers. — Evidence and simplicity of the 
 Catholic doctrine with regard to the Church. — The Reformation for- 
 sakes her first groundwork, by owning that Faith is not formed on the 
 Scriptures. — Consent of the Ministers Claude and Jurieu on this tenet. — 
 Unheard of absurdities of the new system concerning the Church, but ne- 
 cessary to defend themselves against the objections of the Catholics. — The 
 uniformity and constancy of the Catholic Church opposed to the Varia- 
 tions of the Protestant Churches. — Abridgment of this fifteenth Book. — 
 Conclusion of the whole Work. 
 
 1. — The cause of Variations, in Protestant Churches, is their want of a true 
 notion ofivhat the Church is. 
 
 As, after observing the pernicious effects of a distemper on 
 man's body, the cause of it is diligently inquired into, in order 
 to apply specific remedies : in like manner, after seeing that 
 perpetual instability of Protestant Churches, (the disastrous dis- 
 temper of Christendom,) the prime source thereof ought to be 
 traced out, to the end that a suitable relief, if possible, may be 
 afforded. The cause of those variations, which we have ob- 
 served in separate societies, is their not having known the au- 
 thority of the Church, the promises she has received from heaven, 
 nor, in short, so much as what the Church is. For that was 
 the fixed point, in which all the steps they were to take ought 
 to centre ; and by deviating from tliis, heretics, either curious or 
 ignorant, have been bewildered in the mazes of human reason- 
 ing, abandoned to their resentments, to their particular passions ; 
 the very reason they did but walk groping even in their confes- 
 sions of faith, and could not shun falling under the two inconve- 
 niences specified by St. Paul concerning false teachers ; one 
 of which is " to be condemned by their own judgment ;"* and 
 the other, " to be ever learning, and never able to come to the 
 knowledge of the truth. "| 
 2. — The Catholic Church ever knew herself, and never varied in her Decisions. 
 
 This original cause of the instability of the pretended Refor- 
 *Tit. iii. 11. t2Tim. iii. 7. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 243 
 
 mation has appeared through the whole series of this work : but 
 it is time to observe it with particular attention, by showing, in 
 the confused sentiments of our separated brethren, relating to 
 the article of the Church, the variations which have caused all 
 the rest : after that we shall finish this discourse, by showing a 
 quite contrary procedure in the Catholic Church, which, from 
 well knowing what she was through the grace of Christ Jesus, 
 has always so well delivered herself at the very first in all ques- 
 tions that arose, in order to ascertain the faith of Christians, that 
 there never happened a necessity, I do not say of varying, but 
 of deliberating anew, or of departing in the least tittle from the 
 first plan. 
 
 3. — Doctrine of the Catholic Church concerning the Article of the Church. — 
 Four points essential and inseparable one from the other. 
 
 The doctrine of the Catholic Church consists in four points, 
 whose connexion is inviolable :* the first, that the Church is 
 visible ; the second, that she is perpetual ; the third, that the 
 truth of the Gospel is always professed therein by the whole 
 society ; the fourth, that it is unlawful to depart from her doc- 
 trine : which is as much as to say, in other terms, that she is 
 infallible. 
 
 The first point is grounded on a certain fact : which is, that 
 the word Church always signifies in Scripture, and, therefore, 
 in the common language of the faithful, a visible society : Ca- 
 tholics take this for granted, and it was necessary for Protestants 
 to assent to it, as will appear hereafter. 
 
 The second point, that the Church is perpetual, is not less 
 certain, it being grounded on Jesus Christ's promises agreed on 
 by all parties. 
 
 Hence the third point is inferred most clearly, that the truth is 
 professed always by the society of the Church ; for the Church 
 being no otherwise visible than by the profession of the truth, it 
 follows, that if she be always, and always be visible, she cannot 
 but always teach and profess the truth of the Gospel : from 
 whence the fourth point is as clearly deduced, that it is not allow- 
 able to say the Church is in error, nor to forsake her doctrine ; 
 and all this is founded on the promise allowed by all parties, 
 since, in fine, the same promise, which makes the Church be 
 always, makes her always be in that state which the word Church 
 implies ; consequently always visible, and always teaching the 
 truth. Nothing is more simple, more clear, nor more coherent 
 than this doctrine. 
 
 4. — Sentiments of the Protestants touching the perpetual visibility of the Church. 
 — The Confession of Augsburg. 
 
 So clear is this doctrine, that Protestants could not deny it ; 
 * Conf. avec M. CI. p. 13, et seq. 
 
244 THE HISTORY OF [BOOK 
 
 SO clearly does it condemn them, that they durst not own it : 
 wherefore, their whole thoughts were bent on perplexing it, nor 
 were they able to avoid falling into the contradictions I am about 
 to relate. 
 
 Let us, in the first place look into their confessions of faith ; 
 and to begin with that of Augsburg,* which is the first, and as 
 it were the foundation of all the rest, — the article concerning the 
 Church was thus delivered by it : " We teach that there is a 
 holy Church which must eternally subsist." What now is that 
 Church whose duration is eternal 1 The following words explain 
 it : " The Church is the assembly of saints, wherein the Gospel 
 is rightly taught, and the sacraments rightly administered." 
 
 Here may be seen three fundamental truths. First, " that 
 the Church subsists always :" there is then an inviolate succes- 
 sion. Second, that she is essentially compounded of pastors 
 and people, the administration of the sacraments and preaching 
 of the word entering into her very definition. Third, that the 
 word and sacraments are not only therein administered, but 
 rightly administered, recte, " as they ought to be ;" which also 
 enters into the essence of a Church, since it is placed, as we see, 
 in her definition. 
 
 5. — This doctrine owned by Protestants is the subversion of their Reformationj 
 and the source of their perplexities. 
 
 Now, this being admitted, the question is, how they can pos- 
 sibly accuse the Church of error, either in doctrine or in adminis- 
 tration of the sacraments ; for, could that happen, the definition 
 of the Church wherein is placed not only preaching, but true 
 preaching of the Gospel, and not only administration, but the 
 right administration of the sacraments, would be false ; and if 
 that cannot happen, the Reformation, which accused the Church 
 of error, carried in her very title her own condemnation. 
 
 Observe well the difficulty : for this was the first source, in 
 the Protestant Churches, of those contradictions we shall dis- 
 cover in them ; but contradictions, which the remedies they 
 thought to find for the defect of their original, made them but 
 plunge the deeper into. In the meanwhile, till the series of 
 facts lead us to these fruitless remedies, let us endeavor 
 thoroughly to make known the evil. 
 
 6. — What it loas precisely that the Protestants did oblige themselves to by this 
 
 Doctrine. 
 
 On this foundation of the seventh article of the Confession 
 
 of Augsburg, the Lutherans were asked, what it was they came 
 
 to reform 1 " The Church of Rome," said they. But have you 
 
 any other Church wherein the doctrine you would estabUsh is 
 
 professed 1 It was a fact incontestable that they could show 
 
 * Conf. Aug. Art. vii. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 245 
 
 none. "WTiere was then that Church, in which, by your seventh 
 article, the true preaching of God's word, and the right adminis- 
 tration of the sacraments, were always to subsist? To name 
 some doctors here and there, and from time to time, who, as 
 you pretend, have taught your doctrine, allowing the fact proved, 
 yet would be nothing to the purpose : for it was a body of a 
 Church you were to show, a body wherein truth was preached, 
 and wherein the sacraments were administered; by consequence, 
 a body compounded of pastors and of people ; a body, in this 
 respect, always visible. This is what must be shown, and, con- 
 sequently, there must be shown in this body a manifest succes- 
 sion both of doctrine and of ministry. 
 
 7. — Perpetual Visibility of the Church Confirmed by the .Apology of the 
 Jlugsburg Confession. 
 
 At the recital of the seventh article of the Confession of 
 Augsburg, the Catholics found fault with their defining the 
 Church "the assembly of saints ;" and said, that sinners and 
 hypocrites, who are united to the Church by the external bands, 
 ought not to be excluded from their unity. Melancthon ac- 
 counted for this doctrine in the Apology,* and it is not impos- 
 sible that might be a dispute as much about words as things ; 
 but without stopping at this, let us but observe, they persisted 
 to sayl that the Church was ahvays to last, and to last always 
 visible, preaching and the sacraments being essential to her ; 
 for let us hear how they speak : J " The Catholic Church is not 
 an exterior society of certain nations, but it is men dispersed 
 all over the universe, who have the same sentiments with regard 
 to the Gospel, who have the same Christ, the same Holy Ghost, 
 and the same Sacraments." And still more expressly a little 
 after,§ " We never have dreamed that the Church was a Pla- 
 tonic city not to be found on earth ; we say that the Church ex- 
 ists, that in it there are true believers, and men truly just spread 
 over all the universe ; we add to this, its marks, the pure Gos- 
 pel, and the Sacraments, and it is such a Church that is properly 
 the pillar of truth." Here, then, at least, unquestionably is a 
 Church very really existing ; very really visible, wherein sound 
 doctrine is very really preached, and the Sacraments very really 
 administered as they ought to be ; for, as they subjoin, the 
 kingdom of Jesus Christ cannot subsist but with the word and 
 sacraments, so that where they are not, there can he no Church. || 
 
 8. — How they endeavored to make this Doctrine consist with the necessity of a 
 
 Reformation. 
 
 Notwithstanding, many human traditions, said they, had crept 
 into the Church, whereby sound doctrine and the right admin- 
 
 + Apol. Tit. de Ecc. p. 144. f Ibid. pp. 14.5, 146. | Ibid. 
 
 § Ibid. p. 48. II Ibid. p. 156. 
 
 VOL. I!. 21* 
 
248 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 istration of the sacraments was changed ; and this was what 
 they would reform. But if these human traditions were turned 
 in the Church into articles of faith, where could be that purity 
 of the word and doctrine, without which she could not subsist? 
 Here the thing was to be palliated, and accordingly they said,* 
 as has been seen, that their design was not to combat against 
 " the Catholic Church, nor even the Church of Rome, nor to 
 maintain opinions which the Church had condemned ;" that the 
 matter in debate was no more than some few abuses brought 
 into the Church without any certain authority ; nor was that to 
 be taken for the doctrine of the Church of Rome, which was 
 approved of only by the Pope, some cardinals, some bishops, 
 and some monks. 
 
 To hear the Lutherans speak thus, one might think they did 
 not impugn the received dogmas, but some particular opinions 
 only, and some few abuses lately crept in without authority. 
 This but little suited with those outrageous invectives of sacri- 
 lege and idolatry, with which they filled the whole universe, 
 much less with an open rupture. But the fact is certain, and 
 by these smooth words they endeavored to salve the inconsist- 
 ency of owning corruption in the tenets of the Church, after hav- 
 ing made a pure preaching of the truth essential to her. 
 
 9. — The perpetual Visibility ccmfirmed in the Articles of Smcdcald by the pro- 
 mises of Jesus Christ. 
 
 This immutability and perpetual duration of sound doctrine 
 
 was confirmed in the articles of Smalcald,| subscribed by the 
 
 whole Lutheran party, explaining those words of our Saviour : 
 
 *' On this rock will I build my Church," namely, said they, " on 
 
 this ministry of the profession made by Peter." Thereunto 
 
 preaching, and true preaching, was therefore necessary, without 
 
 which they owned the Church could not subsist. 
 
 10. — The Saxo7iic Confession, in which they begin to spy mit the diffi>culty xoitlv- 
 out departing from the precedent doctrine. 
 
 Now we are upon the subject of the doctrine of the Lutheran 
 Churches, the Saxonic Confession, known to be Melancthon's, 
 opportunely presents itself. In it is acknowledged that " there 
 is always some true Church ; that the promises of God, who 
 hath promised her duration, are immutable ; that they speak 
 not of the Church as of a Platonic idea, but point out a Church 
 which is seen and heard ; and that she is visible in this life, and 
 is the assembly which embraces the Gospel of Christ Jesus, 
 and which has the true use of the Sacraments, in which God 
 operates efficaciously by the ministry of the Gospel, and wherein 
 many are regenerated. "J 
 
 * S. lib. iii. n. 59. f Art. Smal. Concord, p. 345. 
 
 X Cap. de Ecc. Syn. Gen. part ii. p. 72. 
 
 ■ct 
 
XV.J THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 247 
 
 They add, " she may be reduced to a small number ; yet, 
 however, there is always a remnant of the faithful, whose voice 
 makes itself be heard on earth, and of which God, from time to 
 time, renews the ministry." They must mean that he continues 
 it ; for the definition of the Church which, as just said, cannot 
 subsist without the ministry, does not allow its interruption even 
 for a moment ; and immediately after it is subjoined,* " that 
 God will have the ministry of the Gospel be public ; he will not 
 have preaching shut up in darkness, but heard by all mankind ; 
 and that there are assemblies where it may resound, and where 
 his name may be praised and invoked." 
 
 Here then you see the Church always visible. True it is, 
 they begin to see the difficulty when saying, " she may be re- 
 duced to a small number;" but after all, the Lutherans have not 
 less difficulty in showing, at Luther's first appearance, a small 
 society of their sentiments than a great one, and yet without 
 that there is neither ministry nor Church. 
 
 11. — Doctrine of the Confession of Wirtemburg, and the perpetual Visibility 
 
 alio ays maintained. 
 
 The Confession of Wirtemburg, which was penned by Bren- 
 tius, does not degenerate from this doctrine, it being there ac- 
 knowledged " that there is a Church so well governed by the 
 Holy Ghost, that, although weak, she lasts for ever ; that she 
 judges of doctrine ; and is where the Gospel is sincerely 
 preached, and where the sacraments are administered accord- 
 ing to Christ's institution."! The difficulty still remained of 
 showing us a Church and a society of pastors and people wherein 
 sound doctrine had always been preserved to Luther's days. 
 
 The next chapter relates how councils may err ; by reason 
 that, although Jesus Christ has promised his Church the per- 
 petual presence of his Holy Spirit, nevertheless, " every as- 
 sembly is not the Church ;" and it may happen in the Church, 
 as in bodies politic, that the greater number of bad men may 
 prevail over the good. This is what I shall not dispute at pres- 
 ent ; but I still insist on their showing me a Church, little or 
 great, which, before Luther's coming, was of his sentiments. 
 12. — The Confession of Bohemia. 
 
 The Confession of Bohemia is approved by Luther. Therein 
 is confessed;|; " a Holy and Catholic Church, which compre- 
 hends all Christians dispersed throughout all the earth, which 
 are assembled by preaching of the gospel in the faith of the 
 Trinity and of Jesus Christ : wheresoever Jesus Christ is 
 preached and received, and wheresoever are the words and sa- 
 craments according to the rule by him prescribed, there is the 
 
 * Cap. de Coen. p. 72. f Cap. de Ecc. Ibid. p. 132. Ibid. c. de Cone. p. 134. 
 I Syn. Gen. Art. viii. p. 186 
 
248 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 Church." These men at least were fully satisfied that when 
 they were born there was no Church in the whole universe of 
 their belief;* for the deputies despatched by them every where 
 on that errand, had well assured them of it. And yet they durst 
 not say their assembly, such as it was, little or great, was the 
 holy, universal Church ; but only that " she was a member and 
 a part thereof."! But what then was become of all the other 
 parts ? They had surveyed all corners of the world, and no 
 tidin ;;s of them : sad extremes indeed ! not to dare to say they 
 were the Universal Church, and dare still less to say that they 
 had met with brethren and partners of their faith in any part what- 
 soever of the whole universe. 
 
 Be that as it will, these are the first that seem to insinuate in 
 a Cotifession of Faith, that true Christian Churches might be 
 separated from one another, since they dare not exclude from 
 Catholic unity, those Churches with whom they knew they had 
 no communion ; which I beg may be remarked, by reason that 
 this doctrine will at length be the last resource of Protestants, 
 as shall appear hereafter. 
 
 13. — The Confession of Strasburg. 
 
 We have seen the Confession of the Lutherans regarding the 
 Church : we shall now hear the other party. The Confession 
 of Strasburg, presented as before observed, to Charles V, at the 
 same time with that of Augsburg, defines the Church,^ " the 
 society of those who have enlisted themselves soldiers of Jesus 
 Christ, amongst whom are mixed many hypocrites." There is 
 no doubt that such a society is visible — that she must always 
 abide in this state of visibility, — it being added, " that Jesus 
 Christ does never abandon her ; that those who do not hear her, 
 ought to be held for heathens and publicans ; that, indeed, there 
 is no seeing what constitutes her a Church, namely, her faith ; 
 yet she makes herself be seen by her fruits, amongst which 
 confession of the truth is one." 
 
 Tiie following chapter sets forth§ how that " the Church being 
 on earth in the flesh, God also will instruct her by the exterior 
 word, and make her faithful members preserve an exterior so- 
 ciety by means of the sacraments." There are then necessarily 
 both pastors and people, nor can the Church subsist without this 
 ministry. 
 
 14. — Tioo Confessions of Bcisil. 
 
 The Confession of Basil in 1536 says,|| "that the Catholic 
 Church is the holy congiegation of all the saints ; and although 
 unknown to any but God, nevertheless is she seen, is she known, 
 is she constituted by external rites of God's appointment : to wit, 
 
 * S. 1. xi. n. 176. t Syn. Gen. p. 187. J Conf. Argent, c. xv. de Eccl. 
 Synt. Gen. part i. p. 191. § Ibid. cap. xvi. || Ibid. Art. 14, 15. 
 
 f« 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 249 
 
 by the sacraments, and by the public and lawful preaching of 
 liis word ;" wherein is seen manifestly, that ministers la\vfully 
 called are comprehended, by whom it is also added, " God makes 
 himself known to his faithful, and administers to them the re- 
 mission of then* sins." 
 
 In another Confession of Faith, made at Basil, in 1532, " The 
 Christian Church is likewise defined the society of the Saints, 
 whereof all those who confess Jesus Christ are the citizens;" 
 thus the profession of Chiustianity is essential to her. 
 
 15. — The Helvetic Confession of 1566, and the perpetiuU Visibility thoroughly 
 
 established. 
 
 Whilst we are upon the Helvetic Confessions, that of 1666, 
 which is the great and solemn one, defines also the Church, 
 " which has been always, which is, and which shall ever be, the 
 assembly of the faithful, and of the saints who know God, and 
 serve him by the Word and the Holy Ghost."* Here, then, is 
 not only the interior band, namely, the Holy Ghost, but the ex- 
 terior also, which is the word and preaching ; and therefore they 
 say afterwards, " that lawful and true preaching is her chief 
 mark, to which must be added the sacraments as God has in- 
 stituted them. "I Whence they conclude "that the Churches, 
 which are deprived of these marks, although they boast the suc- 
 cession of their bishops, their unity, and their antiquity, do not 
 belong to the true Church of Jesus Christ ; nor can salvation 
 any more be had out of the Church than out of the ark ; if you 
 will have life, you must not separate yourself from the true 
 Church of Jesus Chi'ist." 
 
 I desire these words may be observed, which will be of great 
 consequence when we shall come to the last answers of the 
 ministers ; in the mean time, let us but remark, that it is impos- 
 sible to teach more clearly that the Church is always visible, and 
 that she is necessarily compounded of pastors and people, than 
 is here done by this Helvetic Confession. 
 
 16. — They begin to vary. — The invisible Church begins to appear. 
 
 But as they were obliged, according to these ideas, always to 
 find a ministry and a Church wherein the ti'uth of Christianity 
 was preserved : the difficulty was no small one, because, say 
 what they would, they were very sensible that there was no 
 Church, little or great, composed of pastors and people, wherein 
 they could show that faith, which they would mal^e pass for the 
 only true Christian faith. They are then forced to subjoin, 
 " that God has had his friends out of the people of Israel ; that, 
 during the captivity of Babylon, the people were deprived sixty 
 years of the sacrifice ; that, through a just judgment of God, 
 the truth of his word and worship, and the Catholic faith, are 
 * Syn. Gen. cap. xvii. p. 31. t Ibid. Pp. 33, 34, 
 
250 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 sometimes so obscured, that it seems almost as if they were 
 extinct, and no Church at all subsisting, as happened in the time 
 of Eli and at other times ; so that the Church may be called in- 
 visible ; not that the men she is composed of are so, but be- 
 cause she is often hidden to our eyes, and being known to God 
 alone, escapes from the sight of men." Here is the dogma of 
 an4nvisible Church, as clearly established as the dogma of the 
 visible Church had been before ; that is to say, the Reformation, 
 struck at first with the true notion of the Church, defined it so 
 as that her visibility came into her very essence ; but aftenvards 
 fell into other notions through the impossibility of finding a 
 Church always visible of her belief. 
 17. — Church invisible. — Why invented. — Confession of the Minister Jurieu. 
 
 That it was this inevitable perplexity which drove the Cal- 
 vinian Churches upon this chimera of a Church invisible none 
 can doubt, after hearing M. Jurieu. " That which moved," 
 says he,* " some reformed doctors (he should have said whole 
 Churches of the reformation) in their own Confessions of Faith, 
 to cast themselves into the perplexity they were entangled in 
 upon their denying the perpetual visibility of the Church, was 
 because they believed, by owning the Church always visible, 
 they should find it difficult to answer the question which the 
 Church of Rome so often asks us : — Where was our Church a 
 hundred and fifty years ago ? If the Church be always visible, 
 your Calvinist and Lutheran Church is not the true Church, 
 for that was not visible." This is fairly owning the cause of 
 that perplexity which disturbed his Churches : he that pretends 
 to have refined beyond them, will not extricate himself better, 
 as wo shall see ; but let us continue to observe the confusion 
 of the Churches themselves. 
 
 18. — Belgic Confession, and sequel of the perplexity. 
 
 The Belgic Confession manifestly copies after the Helvetic, 
 since it says,| " that the Catholic or Universal Church is the 
 assembly of all the faithful ; that she has been, is, and will be 
 eternally, by reason that Jesus Christ, her eternal King, cannot 
 be without subjects ; although for some time she seem little, 
 and OS it ivere extinct to the eyes of men ; as in the time of 
 Achab ajid of those seven thousand who had not bent their 
 knees to Baal." 
 
 Nevertheless, they afterwards subjoin,^ " that the Church is 
 the assembly of the elect, out of which none can be saved ; that 
 it is not lawful to withdraw from her, or abide apart ; but all 
 must unite themselves to the Church, and submit to her disci- 
 pline ;§ that one may see and know her, by pure preaching, 
 
 * Syst. p. 226. t Syn. Gen. Art. 27. p. 140. X lb. Art. 28. § lb. Art. 29. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 251 
 
 right administration of the sacraments, and a good discipline ; 
 and it is thereby, say they, that we may rightly distinguish this 
 true Church, from which it is not allowable to depart." 
 
 It seems, then, on one side, as if they would say, one may 
 easily and always know her, since she has such manifest tokens, 
 and that it is never lawful to depart from her. An-d on the other 
 side, if we press them to show us a Church of their belief, though 
 never so minute, always visible, they provide a subterfuge for 
 themselves by flying to this Church which does not appear, al- 
 though they dare not speak out boldly, nor say absolutely that 
 she is extinct, but only that she seems as it were extinct. 
 19. — Church of England. 
 
 The Church of England speaks ambiguously. "The visible 
 Church," says she,"* " is a congregation of faithful men, in which 
 the pure word of God is preached, and the sacraments are duly 
 ministered, a.ccording to Christ's ordinance ;" that is, such is 
 she when v'isible, but this is not saying that she is always vi>^ible. 
 What follows is not more clear : " As the Churches of Jerusa- 
 lem, Alexandria, and Antioch, have erred, so also the Church 
 of Rome hath erred in matters of faith :" the question is, (they 
 thus attainting these great, and as it were, mother churches of 
 all the rest,) whether the infection might have spread so univer- 
 sally, as that the profession of truth was extinguished over all 
 the earth : but they chose rather to speak nothing of it, than to 
 incur this terrible dilemma, which would oblige them, on one 
 side, either to own there was no Church left on earth in vhich 
 truth was confessed : or, allowing the impossibility of this, would 
 oblige them, on the other side, to seek what they knew could 
 not be found, to wit, a Church always subsisting and believing 
 as they did. 
 
 20. — Confession of Scotland, and manifest contradiction. 
 
 In the Confession of Scotland, the Catholic Church is defined 
 the Society of all the Elect : they say,| " She is invisible, and 
 known to God only, who alone knows his elect ;" and add, 
 " that the true Church hath for its mark, preaching and the 
 sacraments:" and wherever these marks be, though there should 
 be but two or three men, there is the Church of Jesus ( hrist, 
 in the midst of which he is, according to his promise : " \v'hich 
 is understood," say they, " not of the universal Church just 
 spoken of, but of the particular Church of Ephesus, of Corinth, 
 and so forth, wherein the ministry had been planted by St. Paul." 
 Prodigious ! to make Jesus Christ say the ministry may be 
 where two or three men can be found. But they were forced 
 into these straits ; for to find one only Church of their belief, 
 
 * Syn, Geu. Art. 19, p. 103. f Ibid. Art. 16, de Eccl. p. 1 IS, Art. 18, p. 119. 
 
252 TKE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 wherein was a regulated ministry, as at Ephesus or Corinth, 
 always subsisti-ng, was what they despaired of. 
 
 21. — Catechism of the pretended Reformed of France. 
 
 I have reserved the Confession of the pretended Reformed of 
 France for the last, not only on account of the particular con- 
 cern I ought to have for my own country, but also because in 
 France especially the Protestants have foi* this long time sought 
 most diligently for the solution of this difficulty. 
 
 Let us begin by the Catechism,* wherein on the fifteenth 
 Sunday, upon this Article of the Creed, " I believe the Holy 
 Catholic Church," they teach, that this name is given her, " to 
 signify that as there is but one head of the faithful, so all are to 
 be united in one bodj ; so that there are not many Churches, 
 but one only, which is diffiased all the world over." How the 
 Lutheran or Calvinian Church was diffused all over the world, 
 when scarcely known in some corner of it ; and, how Churches 
 of this belief are to be found, in all times and in all the world, 
 is what constitutes the difficulty. Th^y saw, and they obviate 
 it in the following Sunday,| where, after having asked, whether 
 this Church maybe otherwise known than by believing her, they 
 answer thus : " There is indeed a visible Church of God con- 
 formable to the signs he hath given us to know her by ; but in 
 this place, (the Creed,) properly speaking, is meant the society 
 of those whom God hath elected for salvation, which cannot be 
 discovered fully by the eye." 
 
 22. — Sequel inwhich the difficulty appears. — The Church in the Creed at length 
 
 acknoivlexlged visible. 
 
 They seem to say two things : the first, that no mention is 
 made of the Church in the symbol of the Apostles ; the second, 
 that for want of such a Church which they might show visibly 
 of their belief, it is sufficient to have recourse to that invisible 
 Church which cannot be seen fully by the eye. But what fol- 
 lows puts an obstacle to the tw o points of this doctrine, it being 
 there taught, " that no man obtains pardon of his sins, unless he 
 be first incorporated with God's people, and persevere in unity 
 and communion with the body of Christ, and so be a member 
 of the Church :" whence they conclude, that " out of the Church 
 there is nothing but death and damnation ; and that all those 
 who separate themselves from the company of the faithful to 
 make a sect apart, ought not, whilst divided, to hope salvation." 
 To make a sect apart, is, unquestionably, to break the exterior 
 bonds of the unity of the Chuich. They suppose, therefore, 
 that the Church, wherewith it is necessary to be in communion 
 in order to obtain pardon of our sins, has a twofold union, the 
 internal and external ; and that both of them are necessarv, 
 * Catech. Dim. xv. f Dim. xvi. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 253 
 
 first, to salvation, and secondly, to the understanding the Article 
 of the Creed touching the Catholic Church : so that this Church, 
 confessed in the Creed, is visible and distinguishable in her ex- 
 terior ; for which reason also they durst not venture to say that 
 we could not see her, but, could not see her fully, to wit, as to 
 that which is internal ; a thing no man disputes. 
 23. — Calvin'' s Sentiment. 
 
 All these notions in the Catechism came from Calvin who 
 composed it: for, explaining the Article, " I believe the Catholic 
 Church,"* he distinguishes the Church visible from the invisible 
 known to God alone, which is the society of all the elect, and 
 it seems as if he would say it is this the Creed speaks of: al- 
 though, says he,"(" " this Article regards, in some measure, the 
 external Church," as if they were two Churches, and it were not, 
 on the contrary, most evident, that the same Church, which is 
 invisible in her internal gifts, doth manifest herself by the sacra- 
 ments and profession of her faith. But so it is, that the Reforma- 
 tion is always in a panic when the visibility of the Church is to 
 be acknowledged. 
 
 24. — Confes^on of Faith of the French Calvinists. 
 
 They act more naturally in their Confession of Faith, and 
 elsewhere it hath been proved unanswerably, that they there 
 own no other Church but that which is visible. J The fact stands 
 incontestable, as will be seen hereafter. Nor was there, indeed, 
 any thing that could less bear a dispute ; for, from the twenty- 
 fifth Article, where this matter begins, to the thirty-second 
 Article, where it ends, they all along evidently suppose the 
 Church visible ; and in the twenty-fifth Article, they lay it down 
 as a fundamental point, that " the Church cannot subsist, unless 
 there be pastors in her that have the charge of teaching." It is, 
 therefore, a thing absolutely necessary ; and those who oppose 
 this doctrine are detested, as fantastical. Whence they conclude, 
 in the twenty-sixth Article, " that no man ought to withdraw 
 apart, nor rest on self-sufficiency ;" so that it is necessary' to be 
 united externally with some Church : a truth inculcated in eveiy 
 place, without the appearance of so much as one word of a 
 Church invisible. 
 
 It ought, however, to be observed, that in the twenty-sixth 
 Article, where it is said, " No man ought to withdraw apart nor 
 rest on self-sufficiency, but should join himself to some Church," 
 they add, " and this in whatever place God shall have established 
 a true form of a Church ;" whereby it is left undecided whether 
 or no they mean that such a form always does subsist. 
 
 25. — Sequel, wherein the perpetual Visibility is always manifestly supposed. 
 
 In the twenty-seventh Article caution is given to distinguish 
 * lustit. 1. iv. c. 1. n. 2. f N. 3. % Conf. avec. M. CL p. 9, et seq. 
 VOL. II. 22 
 
254 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 carefully which is the true Church ; words that plainly show 
 they suppose her visible : and after having decided that she is 
 " the congregation of truly faithful men," they add, " amongst 
 the faithful there be hypocrites and reprobate, whose wicked- 
 ness cannot deface the title of a Church," wherein the Church's 
 visibility is again clearly supposed. 
 
 26. — The Church of Rome excluded from the title of atrue Church by the twerdy- 
 eighth Article of the French Confession. 
 
 By the principles laid down in the twenty-eighth Article, the 
 Church of Rome stands excluded from the title of a true Church, 
 forasmuch as, after laying this foundation, "that, where the 
 word of God is not preached, and no profession is made of 
 bringing one's self under subjection to it, and where there is no 
 use of sacraments, properly speaking, we cannot judge that 
 there is any Church :" they declare they ^' condemn the assem- 
 blies of the Papacy, considering that the pure truth of God is 
 banished thence, and the sacraments are there corrupted, adul- 
 terated, falsified, or wholly annihilated ; and all superstitions 
 and idolatries are in vogue amongst them :" whence they draw 
 this consequence, — " We hold that all those who join in such 
 deeds, and communicate in them, do separate and cut them- 
 selves ofi^from the body of Christ Jesus." 
 
 It is impossible to decide more clearly that there Js no salva- 
 tion in the Church of Rome. And what is subjoined by them, 
 that there are still some " footsteps of a Church amongst us," so 
 far from mitigating the preceding expressions, even strengthens 
 them ; inasmuch as this term implies rather some remains and 
 traces of a Church that had formerly passed that way, than a 
 token of her being there. Thus was it understood by Calvin, 
 when he asserted* " that the essential doctrine of Christianity 
 was entirely forgotten by us." But the difficulty of discovering 
 a society in which God could be served, before the Reformation, 
 has made them elude this article, as we shall see hereafter. 
 
 27. — The thirty-first Article, in tvhich the interruption of the Ministry ^ and the 
 cesssaiion of the visible Church, is acknoioledged. ■ 
 
 The same reason obliged them also to elude the thirty-first, 
 which regards the vocation of Ministers. However trite may 
 have been this subject, it must nevertheless, of necessity, be 
 resumed, and so much the more, as it has given occasion to 
 notorious variations even in our days. It begins by these words : 
 — " We believe, (it is an article of faith, consequently revealed 
 by God, and revealed clearly in his Scripture according to the 
 principles of the Reformation,) we believe, then, that no man 
 may intiude himself, of his own proper authority, into the gov- 
 ernment of the Church;" allowed, the thing is certain: "but 
 
 * Instit. iv. c. xi. n. 2. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 255 
 
 that this ought to be done by election ;" this part of the Article 
 is not less certain than the other. You must be chosen, deputed, 
 authorized, by somebody ; otherwise you are an intruder, " and 
 by your own particular authority," the thing just now prohibited. 
 But here is what annoys the Reformation ; they knew not who 
 had chosen, deputed, authorized the Reformers, and it was ne 
 cessary to find out here some cloak for so visible a defect. 
 Wherefore, after having said you ought to be elected and dep- 
 uted after some form or other, without specifying any, they add, 
 "so far forth as is possible, and God permits it :" whereby an 
 exception is manifestly prepared in behalf of the Reformers. 
 And, accordingly, they immediately subjoin, " which exception 
 we add expressly, because it hath been necessary sometimes, 
 nay, in our days, when the state of the Church was interrupted, 
 that God should raise men in an extraordinary manner to set up 
 the Church anew which was fallen into ruin and desolation." 
 They could not denote in more clear and more general terms 
 the interruption of the ordinary ministry estabhshed by God, 
 nor carry it further than to be obliged to have recourse to an 
 extraordinary mission which God himself despatches, and ac- 
 cordingly furnishes with the particular proofs of his immediate 
 will. For they acknowledge frankly in the present case, that 
 they can neither produce pastors that did consecrate, nor people 
 that could elect ; which implied necessarily the entire extinction 
 of the Church in her visibility ; and remarkable it was that, from 
 the interruption of the visibility and ministry, they came to ov/n 
 in plain terms that the Church was fallen into ruin, without dis- 
 tinguishing the visible from the invisible, because they had got 
 into a train of simple notions by wliich the Scripture naturally 
 leads us to own no Church but such as is visible. 
 
 28. — Perplexity in the Synods of Gap and Rochelle, on account of the invisible 
 Church having been forgotten in the Confession. 
 
 This difficulty was at length perceived by the Reformation ; 
 and in 1603, five and forty years after the Confession of Faith 
 had been published, was proposed to the national Synod of Gap 
 in these terms :* " The provinces are exhorted to examine 
 thoroughly, in the provincial synods, in what terms the twenty- 
 fifth Article of the Confession of Faith ought to be couched, 
 so much the more as our belief, regarding the Church, whereof 
 mention is made in the creed, being to be expressed, there is 
 nothing in the said confession that can be understood of any 
 other than the Church militant and visible." A general com- 
 mand is subjoined, " that all come prepared on questions con- 
 cerning the Church." 
 
 This is, therefore, a fact well avowed, that when they were 
 
 * Synod, de Gap. ch. de la Conf. de Foi. 
 
256 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 to expound the doctrine of the Church, an article so essential 
 to Christianity as to have been expressed in the creed, the idea 
 of a Church invisible did not so much as enter into the minds 
 of the Reformers, so distant was it from good sense, and so 
 unnatural. However, they bethink themselves afterwards that 
 it is necessary for their turn, it being impossible for them to find 
 out a Church which had always visibly persisted in the faith they 
 profess, and a remedy is therefore sought for this omission. 
 What shall they say ] That the Church might be wholly in- 
 visible ? This were introducing into a Confession of Faith so 
 crude a fancy, so repugnant to good sense, that it never entered 
 into the heads of those that drew it up. It was therefore re- 
 solved, at last, to leave it as they found it ; and four years after, 
 in 1607, at the national Synod of Rochelle,* when all the prov- 
 inces had thoroughly examined what was wanting to the Con- 
 fession of Faith, " they concluded not to add to or diminish 
 anything from the twenty-fifth and twenty-ninth Articles," the 
 very same in which the visibility of the Church was expressed 
 the most fully, " nor to meddle anew with the subject of the 
 Church." 
 
 29. — Vain subtlety of the Minister Claude toivards eluding these Synods. 
 
 M. Claude, of all men, was the most subtle to elude the de- 
 cisions of his Church when they incommoded him ;| but, on 
 this occasion, he jests but too openly, for he would make us 
 believe that all the difficulty the Synod of Gap met with in the 
 Confession of Faith, was, that she could have wished that, in- 
 stead of specifying only " the militant and visible part of the 
 universal Church, her invisible parts, which are the Church tri- 
 umphant and that which is still to come, had also been specified." 
 Was not that, indeed, a very important, a very difficult question, 
 to order the discusssion of in all the synods and over all the 
 provinces, towards bringing it to a decision in the next national 
 synod ] Did they so much as dream of ever raising so frivo- 
 lous a question 1 And to beUeve they troubled their heads about 
 it, must not he have forgotten the whole state of controversies 
 ever since the beginning of the pretended Reformation? But 
 M. Claude was not for acknowledging that the synod's per- 
 plexity proceede from her not finding, in their Confession of 
 Faith, the invisible Church, whibt his brother, M. Jurieu, more 
 sincere in that particular, agrees that they thought it was ne- 
 cessary in the party, in order to answer the query, Where was 
 the Church] 
 
 30. — Remarkable decision, which they stick not to, of the Synod of Gap, con- 
 cerning extraordinary Vocation. 
 
 The same Synod of Gap passed an important decision on the 
 * Syn. de la Roch. 1607. j I^ep. au Disc, de M. de Cond. p. 220. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 257 
 
 thirty- first article of the Confession of Faith, which spoke of 
 the extraordinary vocation of pastors : for the question being 
 proposed, " Whether or not it were expedient, when they should 
 treat on the vocation of pastors who reformed the Church, to 
 ground the authority they had to reform and teach, on the voca- 
 tion they had received from the Church of Rome ;" the Synod 
 judged " they ought to refer it, according to the article, to the 
 extraordinary vocation only whereby God interiorly stirred them 
 up to this ministry, and not to the small remains amongst them 
 of that corrupted ordinary vocation." Such was the decision 
 of the Synod of Gap : but, as before frequently observed, the 
 Reformation never hits right at first. Whereas, she enjoins here 
 to have recourse to an extraordinary vocation only, the Synod of 
 Rochelle says they must principally have recourse to it. But 
 they will no more abide by the exposition of the Synod of Ro- 
 chelle, than by the determination of the Synod of Gap ; and 
 the whole sense of the article, so carefully explained by two 
 Synods, shall be changed by two ministers. 
 
 31. — The Ministers elude the decree concerning extraordinary Vocation. 
 
 The ministers Claude and Jurieu are no longer for an extra- 
 ordinary vocation by which ministers are sent immediately from 
 God; neither does a confession of faith, nor Synods, terrify 
 them : for as the Reformed in the main neither care for confes- 
 sions of faith nor synods, and answer objections from them only 
 for form-sake, even the slightest evasions will serve their turn. 
 For such, M. Claude was never at a loss ; " the right to teach," 
 says he, " and to perform the pastoral functions, is one thing : 
 the right to labor towards a reformation, is another."* As for 
 the last, the vocation was extraordinary, on account of the ex- 
 traordinary talents the Reformers were endowed with : but as 
 for the vocation to the pastoral ministry, there was nothing ex- 
 traordinary in it ; since these first pastors were appointed by 
 the people, in whom the source of authority and vocation nat- 
 urally resides. I 
 
 32. — Extraordinary Vocation, established in the Confession and two national 
 Synods, is abandoned. 
 
 They could not shift off* the thirty-first Article in a more gross 
 manner. For, it is manifest the question there regarded in no 
 manner of way either the extraordinary labor towards a refor- 
 mation, or the rare talents wherewith the Reformers were en- 
 dowed ; but merely the vocation for governing the Church, into 
 which it was not lawful " for any one to intrude himself of his 
 own proper authority." Now it was in this regard that they had 
 
 * Def. de la Rep. p. i. ch. iv. et p. iv. ch. iv. Rep. a M. de Cond. pp. 313, 333. 
 
 t Ibid. pp. 307,313. 
 VOL. II. 22 * 
 
258 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 recourse to an extraordinary vocation ; consequently, it was in 
 regard of the pastoral functions. 
 
 The Synod explains itself no less clearly ; for without the 
 least thought of distuiguishing between the power of reforming 
 and that of teaching, which in reality are so linked together, that 
 the same power which authorizes to teach, authorizes likewise 
 to reform abuses, — the question was, whether the power, as well 
 of reforming as of teaching, ought to be founded on vocation 
 derived from the Church of Rome, or on an extraordinary com- 
 mission issuing immediately from God ; and the Synod con- 
 cludes for the latter. 
 
 But no longer were there any means left of maintaining it, 
 they not having any one mark thereof: nay, two Synods could 
 find no other warrant to authorize these extraordinary commis- 
 sioned pastors, except what they said for themselves, that they 
 had an "interior impulse to their ministry." The chiefs of the 
 Anabaptists and Unitarians say the same, nor is there a more 
 sure method of introducing into the pastoral charge all manner 
 of fanatics. 
 33. — How important is the present state of the controversy about the Church. 
 
 Here was a fine field opened to Catholics. Nor have they 
 failed so to press the arguments regarding the Church and min- 
 istry, that intestine divisions began to disorder the camp of the 
 enemy ; and the minister Claude, after subtilizing to a higher 
 pitch than any one had ever done before him, was not able to 
 content the minister Jurieu. What they both have said on this 
 subject, the steps they have taken towards the truth, the absurd- 
 ities they fell into for not having sufficiently pursued their prin- 
 ciple, have placed the question concerning the Church in such a 
 state as not to be dissembled without omitting one of the most 
 material occurrences of this history. 
 
 34. — They no longer contest with us the visibility of the Church. 
 
 These two ministers suppose the Church visible, and always 
 visible, nor is it in this point they are divided. In order to put 
 it beyond all doubt that M. Claude persisted in this sentiment 
 to the very last, I will produce his last work on this subject. 
 He there declares,* that the question between Catholics and 
 Protestants is not whether the Church be visible ; that it is not 
 denied in his religion that the true Church of Jesus Christ, the 
 Church which his promises relate to, is so ; he very clearly 
 decides that the text of St. I*aul, in which the Church is repre- 
 sented as without spot or wrinkle, " regards not only the Church 
 in heaven, but also the visible Church that is on earth : inso- 
 much, that the visible Church is the body of Christ Jesus, or, 
 * Rep. au Disc, de M. de Cond. p. 73. lb. pp. 82, 83, et seq. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 259 
 
 what comes to the same thing, the body of Christ Jesus, which 
 alone is the true Church, is visible : that this is the sentiment 
 of Calvin and Mestresat, and that the Church of God is not to 
 be sought out of the visible state of the ministry and world." 
 
 35. — The promises of Jesus Christ in behalf of the Visibility are alloxocd. 
 
 This is most clearly owning that she cannot subsist without 
 her visibility and the perpetuity of her ministry : accordingly 
 this author has acknowledged it in many places, and particularly 
 in expounding these words : the " gates of hell shall not prevail 
 against her ;" where he speaks thus :* " if in these words he 
 understood a perpetual subsistence of the ministry in a state suf- 
 ficient for the salvation of God's elect, in spite of all the efforts 
 of hell, and in spite of all the disorders and confusions of the 
 ministers themselves ; it is no more than what I own has been 
 promised by Jesus Christ, and therein it is that we have a sensi- 
 ble and palpable token of his promise." 
 
 The perpetuity, therefore, of the ministry is not a thing which 
 happens accidentally to the Church, or is only suitable to her 
 for a time ; it is a thing which is promised her by Jesus Christ 
 himself; and it is equally certain, that the Church will never 
 be without a visible ministry, as it is certain that Jesus Christ 
 is the eternal truth. 
 
 36. — Another •promise equally confessed. 
 
 This Minister proceeds still further,^ and expounding this 
 promise of Jesus Christ, " Go ye, baptize, teach, and lo, I am 
 with you always even unto the end of the world," he approves 
 this comment thereon : " with you teaching, with you baptiz- 
 ing," and concludes it with these words : " I acknowledge that 
 Jesus Christ promises the Church to be with her, and to teach 
 with her, without mferriipfion^ to the end of the world :" an 
 acknowledgm.ent from whence I shall, in due time, conclude the 
 infallibility of the Church's doctrine, with whom Jesus Christ is 
 always teaching : but I only employ it here to establish by his 
 scriptures and his promises, with the consent of this Minister, 
 the visible perpetuity of the Church ministry. 
 
 37. — The Visibility enters into the definition ichich the Minister Claude has 
 given of the Church. 
 
 Accordingly, also, he proceeds thus to define the Church : 
 " the Church is," says he, "the true faithful who make profession 
 of the truth, of Christian piety, of a true sanctity under a minis- 
 try which furnishes her with the food necessary for a spiritual 
 life, without subtracting from her any part thereof.";|' Where 
 the profession of the truth and the perpetuity of the visible min- 
 
 * Rep. au. Disc, de M. de Cond. p. 105. Matt. xvi. 18, f Conf. avec. M. 
 CI. p. 36. Rep. au. Disc, de M. de Cond. pp. 106, 107. I Rep. au Disc. 
 
 deM. deCond. p. 119, 
 
260 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 istry are seen manifestly to enter the definition of the Church : 
 whence it clearly follows, that as much as he is assured that 
 she will always exist, so much is he assured that she always 
 will be visible, since visibility appertains to her essence, and 
 comes into her very definition. 
 38. — In lohat manner the Society of the faithful is visible, in thi^s Minister'' s 
 
 opinion. 
 
 If it be asked this minister, how he understands the Church 
 to be visible, since he will have her be the assembly of the true 
 faithful known to God alone, and that the profession of the truth, 
 which might make her known, is common to her with wicked 
 men and hypocrites, as well as the visible and exterior ministry ; 
 he answers,* that it is sufficient to render the assembly of the 
 faithful visible, that we may point at the place where she abides, 
 to wit, the body wherein she is nourished, and the visible min- 
 istry under which she is necessarily contained : by which means 
 we may even say, " there she is," as viewing the field in which 
 grow good corn and tares, we say, " there is the good corn ;" 
 and as, beholding the nets wherein are good and bad fish, 
 " there are the good fish." 
 
 39. — Before the Refonncdion, the Elect of God saved in the Communion, and 
 under the Ministrxj of Rome. 
 
 But what was that public and visible ministry under which 
 were contained, before the Reformation, the true faithful whom 
 he will have alone to be the true Church ? this was the grand 
 question. No ministry was to be found throughout the whole 
 universe that had perpetually continued, except that of the 
 Church of Rome, or of others, whose doctrine was equally dis- 
 advantageous to Protestants. Wherefore he was obliged at last 
 to own, that " this body in which the true faithful were nour- 
 ished, and this ministry whereby they received sufficient food 
 without subtraction of any part, was the body of the Church of 
 Rome, and the ministry of her prelates. "j" 
 
 40. — This Minister has not recourse to the .Mlbigenses, ^c. 
 This Minister is here to be praised for his penetration, ex- 
 ceeding that of many others, and for not having confined the 
 Church to societies separate from Rome, as were the Vaudois 
 and Albigenses, the Wickliffites and the Hussites : for though 
 he considers them as the most " illustrious part of the Church, 
 because they were the most pure, the most knowing, and the 
 most generous ;" J he well saw it was ridiculous there to place 
 the whole defence of his cause; and in his last work, without 
 minding these obscure sects, whose insufficiency is now made 
 
 * Rep. au Disc, de M. de Cond. pp. 79, 96, 115, 121, 146,243. f Ibid. pp. 
 130, &c. 145, &c. 360, &c. 369, &c. 373, 378. J Def. de la Rep. p. iii. cli. 
 V. p. 289. Rep. au Disc, de M. de Cond. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 261 
 
 visible, he no where places the true Church and true faithful 
 but in the Latin ministry. 
 
 41. — Inevitable perplexity and contradiction. 
 
 But here lies the dilemma, which it is impossible to evade ; 
 for the Catholics return to their old query : if the true Church 
 be always visible ; if the marks to know her by, according to all 
 your catechisms and all your confessions of faith, be the pure 
 preaching of the Gospel, and the right administration of the 
 Sacraments, either the Church of Rome had these two marks, 
 and you came in vain to reform her, or she had them not ; and 
 you can no longer say, according to your principles, that she is 
 the body in which is contained the true Church. For, in con- 
 tradiction to this, Calvin has said,* " that the doctrine essential 
 to Christianity was there buried, and she was nothing but a 
 school of idolatry and impiety." His sentiments passed into 
 the Confession of Faith, wherein we have seen, j" " that the pure 
 truth of God was banished from this Church ; that the sacra- 
 ments were there corrupted, falsified, and adulterated ; that all 
 superstition and idolatry were there in vogue." Whence he 
 concluded, " that the Church was fallen into desolation and 
 ruin, the state of the ministry interrupted, and her succession 
 so annihilated, that there was no means of reviving it but by an 
 extraordinary mission." And, in reality, if imputed justice was 
 the foundation of Christianity ; if the merit of works, and so 
 many other received doctrines, were mortally ruinous to piety : 
 if both kinds were essential to the Eucharist, where was the 
 truth and sacraments \ Calvin and the confession were in the 
 right to say, according to these principles, that no Church at all 
 was left amongst us. 
 
 42. — The ansioers iohereby they fall into a greater perplexity.X 
 
 On the other side, neither can it be said that the Church has 
 ceased, nor ceased to be visible : the promises of Jesus Christ 
 are too perspicuous, and reconciled they must be, some way or 
 other with the doctrine of the Reformation. Hence commenced 
 the distinctions of additions and subtractions : if by subtraction 
 you take away some fundamental truths, no longer stands the 
 ministry : if you lay evil dogmas on these foundations ; nay, 
 though they should destroy this foundation by consequence, the 
 ministry subsists, impure indeed, yet sufficient ; and by the dis- 
 cernment which the faithful make of the foundation, which is 
 Jesus Christ, from that which is superadded, they shall find all 
 necessary nourishment in the ministry. Here then ends that 
 purity of doctrine, and of sacraments rightly administered, which 
 had been set as marks of the true Church. Without having so 
 
 * Inst. I. iv. c. ii. n. 2. S. n. 26. t Ibid. 
 
 X Rep. de M. CI. au Disc de M. de Meaux, pp. 12S, 146, 149, 247, 561, &c 
 
262 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 much as preaching which you can approve of, or worship which 
 you can join in, or an entire Eucharist, still you have all neces- 
 sary food without subtraction of any part thereof, still you have 
 the purity of the word, and the sacraments well administered ; 
 what is it to contradict one's self, if this be not 1 
 
 43. — .According to the Minister's principles all is entire in the Church of Rome 
 that can be required for exterwd Salvatioi. 
 
 But here occurs another difficulty. If together with all these 
 points of doctrine, all these practices, and all this worship of the 
 Church of Rome, with the adoration and oblation of our Sa- 
 viour's body, with the subtraction of one kind, and all the other 
 dogmas, you have still " all necessary food without subtraction 
 of any part," because one God is by her confessed. Father, Son, 
 and Holy Ghost, and one only Jesus Christ as God and Saviour ; 
 it is, therefore, to be had there still : still you have in her the 
 marks of a true Church, namely purity of doctrine, and the right 
 administration of the sacraments to a sufficient degree : still 
 then the true Church is there, and still therein may you save 
 your soul. 
 
 44. — J^o difference between us and our fathers. 
 
 To this M. Claude would not agree ; the consequences of so 
 considerable a concession made him tremble for the Reformation. 
 But M. Jurieu did not mince the matter, sensible as he was that 
 the differences which M. Claude alleged between us and our 
 fathers were too frivolous to contend for. And, indeed, no more 
 than these two were mentioned : the first is, that at present there 
 is a body whose communion we may embrace, viz. the body of 
 the pretended Reformed: the second is, that the Church of 
 Rome has made many dogmas articles of faith, which in our 
 father's time, were undecided.* But nothing can be more friv- 
 olous ; and to convince the Minister Claude, he needs only to 
 remember what the Minister Claude has but just told us : viz. 
 that the Berengarians, the Vaudois, the Albigenses, the Wick- 
 liffites, the Hussites, &c., had already appeared in the world as 
 " the most illustrious part of the Church, because they were the 
 most pure, the most knowing, the most generous. "| Again, 
 he has but to remember that, even in his judgment, the Church 
 of Rome " had already given cause sufficient of withdrawing 
 from her communion by her anathemas against Berengarius, 
 against the Vaudois and Albigenses, against John Wickliff and 
 John Huss, and by the persecutions she had exercised against 
 them."J Yet he owns, nevertheless, in all these places, that, 
 in order to salvation, it was not necessary to join with tliese 
 sects, and that Rome did still contain the elect of God. 
 
 + Def. de la Ref. p. 265. Rep. au Disc, de M. de Cond. pp. 370, 358, &c. 
 t Ibid. p. iii. ch. v. p. 289. | Rep. au Disc, de Cond. p. 368. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 263 
 
 To say that the Lutherans and Calvins outshone them in 
 brightness and lustre, were only disputing about more or less, 
 the substance of the thing still continuing the same. The de- 
 cisions, passed against these sects, comprehended the principal 
 part of what afterwards was defined against Luther and Calvin; 
 and without speaking of decisions, the constant and universal 
 practice of offering the sacrifice of the Mass, and making the 
 most essential part of the divine worship to consist in this obla- 
 tion, was no new thing, nor was it possible to remain in the 
 Church without consenting to this worship. We had, therefore, 
 with this worship, and with all its dependencies, all necessary 
 food, without subtraction of any part thereof : therefore we may 
 still have it ; M. Claude could not have denied this without too 
 gross an imposition, nor was the concession of it, lately made 
 by M. Jurieu, otherwise than forced. 
 
 Add to this that M. Claude, who would make us believe so 
 great a difference between the times preceding and those sub- 
 sequent to the Reformation, under pretext that doctrines before 
 undecided, are since made articles of faith, has himself destroyed 
 this answer, by saying,* " that it was not a more difficult thing 
 to the people to abstain from believing and practising what had 
 been made a dogma, than to abstain from believing and prac- 
 tising what was taught by the ministry, what was commanded 
 by it, and what was become common ;" so that this mighty mat- 
 ter of making new Dogmas, which he sets up for such a scare- 
 crow to his party, after all, is just nothing even in his own 
 judgment. 
 
 45. — Falsehood asserted by the Minister Claude, that one might be i?i the Ro- 
 mish Communion without Communicating in her Dogmas and Practice. 
 
 To these inconsistencies of M. Claude's doctrine, I add also 
 a palpable falsehood which he was bound to maintain by this 
 system, viz. that the true faithful, whom he owns in the Church 
 of Rome before the Reformation, " therein subsisted without 
 communicating in her doctrines, or her corrupted practices ;"'}* 
 that is to say, without coming to Mass, without confessing them- 
 selves, without communicating all their lives, or at death ; in a 
 word, without ever performing any one action of a Roman 
 Catholic. 
 
 He has been made to see, a hundred times, what a new pro- 
 digy this would be ; for without speaking of the great care that 
 was taken through the entire Church to make inquiries after the 
 Vaudois and Albigenses, the Wickliffites and Hussites, it is 
 certain, in the first place, that even those, whose doctrine was 
 unsuspected, were obliged, on a hundred occasions, to show 
 tokens of their belief, and particularly when the holy Viaticum 
 
 * Rep. au Disc, de M. de Cond. p. 357. f Ibid. pp. 360, 361, &c. 369, &c. 
 
264 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 was given them. We need but look into all the rituals antece- 
 dent to Luther's times, to be convinced of the care then taken 
 to make those to whom they administered it, first to confess 
 their sins, and in giving it to them, to make them own therein 
 the truth of the body of our Lord, and adore it with a profound 
 respect. A second incontestable fact results from thence : which 
 is, that the concealed Yaudois and others, who wished to shelter 
 themselves from the censures of the Church, had no other means 
 of compassing it, than by practising the same worship with the 
 Catholics, even by receiving communion with them :* this has 
 been most clearly shown by all kinds of proofs that can be had 
 in such a matter. But there is a third and still more certain 
 fact, inasmuch as it is acknowledged even by the ministers, viz. 
 that of all those who embraced either Lutheranism or Calvinism, 
 not so much as one has been found to say, that in embracing 
 such doctrines he did not change his belief, but only declared 
 what he always had believed in his heart. 
 
 46. — A certain fact, that before the Reformation, the Doctrine she taught was 
 imknoxon. — Reflection on a book of M. Claude, after the conference of this 
 Minister. 
 
 To this fact distinctly stated, M. Claude is satisfied with an- 
 swering insultingly, " Does M. de Meaux imagine that the dis- 
 ciples of Luther and Zuinglius ought to have made formal dec- 
 larations of all they had thought before the Reformation ; or 
 that these declarations ought to appear pubhcly in print ?"! 
 
 This is shuffling in too weak and palpable a manner, for I did 
 not pretend that all ought to be declared, or all printed ; but that 
 they never would have omitted to write that which decided one 
 of the most material points of the whole cause, namely, the 
 question, whether or not, before Luther and Zuinglius, there was 
 any one person of their faith, or whether their faith then was ab- 
 solutely unknown. This question was decisive, since none being 
 able to conceive that the truth had been wholly extinguished, it 
 followed manifestly that what doctrine soever was undiscoverable 
 then on earth, could not be the truth. Examples would have 
 cleared all kind of doubt on this matter, and if any had been, it 
 is evident they would have made them public, but they produced 
 none ; it is therefore because there were none, and the fact 
 must stand as incontestable. 
 
 47. — Whether Luther'' s great success be a proof, that before his disputes men 
 
 thought as he did. 
 
 All that could be answered to this was, that had men been 
 satisfied with the doctrines and worship of Rome, the Refor-. 
 mation would not have met with so speedy a success. J But, 
 
 * Sup. 1. xi. n. 106, 107, 1 17, 149, &c. f Rep. au Disc, de M. de Cond. p. 460. 
 4 Rep. au Disc, de M. de Cond. p. 363. Rep. h la Let. Past, de M. de Meaux. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 265 
 
 not to repeat here what may be found elsewhere, with regard 
 to this success, and even throughout this whole history, it is 
 sufficient to reflect on that saying of St. Paul, " That the word 
 of heretics will spread like to a gangrene :"* now the gangrene 
 does not suppose a gangrene in the body it conupts, nor by 
 consequence do Heresiarchs find their error already settled in 
 those minds which it depraves. It is true, matters were dis- 
 posed,"!" as M. Claude says, by ignorance and other before- 
 mentioned causes, for the most part little to the credit of the 
 Reformation : but to conclude from thence with this minister, 
 that the disciples, whom novelty gained to Luther, were already 
 of his sentiments, is, instead of a positive fact whereof proof is 
 demanded, substituting a consequence that is not only doubtful, 
 but even evidently false. 
 
 48. — Absurdity of M. Claude's supposition, with respect to those who, in his 
 judgment, lived in the communion of Rome. 
 
 Again, though it were granted M. Claude, that before the 
 Reformation all men were asleep in the Church of Rome, even 
 so far as to let every man act as he pleased ; those that were 
 neither present at Mass nor Communion, that never confessed 
 their sins, never partook of the sacraments, either living or dy- 
 ing, lived and died quite undisturbed : none ever dreamed of 
 requiring from such people a confession of their faith, and repa- 
 ration of the scandal they had given to their brethren : after all, 
 w^hat does he gain by advancing such prodigies ? His drift 
 therein was to prove that men might have saved their souls 
 whilst remaining with sincerity in communion with the Church 
 of Rome. In proof of this, the first thing he does, is to take 
 from those he saves all the exterior bands of communion. The 
 most essential part of the service was the Mass : (hey were to 
 take no part in it. The most manifest token of communion, 
 was communicating at Easter : they were to abstain from it ; 
 otherwise they must have adored Jesus Christ as present, and 
 partook but of one kind. All pulpits resounded with this wor- 
 ship, with this communion, and, in fine, with these doctrines 
 deemed so corrupt. Great heed was to be taken not to give 
 the least sign of approving them ; by this means, says M. 
 Claude, salvation might be had in communion with the Church. 
 He ought rather to have concluded, that by this means salva- 
 tion would be had out of communion with the Church, since by 
 this means such would have violated all the ties of communion ; 
 for, in short, let them define to me what it is to be in commu- 
 nion with a Church. Is it to dwell in the country where this 
 Church is owned, as Protestants did amongst us, and Catholics 
 do now in England and Holland ? Surely it cannot be that ; 
 
 * 2 Tim. ii. 17. f Ibid. 
 
 VOL. II. 23 
 
266 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 but, perhaps, it is to appear in the churches, to hear the sermons, 
 and be present at the assembUes without any token of approba- 
 tion, and much in the sa*me disposition with a curious traveller, 
 without saying " amen" to their prayers, and especially without 
 ever communicating ! This is bantering, you will reply. Why, 
 then, to communicate with a church, is at least to frequent her 
 meetings with the marks of consent and approbation given 
 thereto by others. To give these marks to a Church whose 
 profession of faith is criminal, is giving consent to a crime ; 
 and refusing them, is no longer being in that exterior commu- 
 nioa, wherein, nevertheless, you would have them be. 
 
 But if you say, the marks of approbation to be given must 
 only fall on the truths which this Church preaches, and on the 
 good she practises, by the same way of reasoning, one might 
 be in communion with the Socinians, with the Deists, could they 
 make one society, with the Mahometans, with the Jews, by re- 
 ceiving the several truths professed in each party, silent as to 
 all the rest, and living withal in every respect a complete So- 
 cinian, a complete Deist : what extravagance can compare 
 with this ? 
 49. — This Minister varies in what he had said of the Visibility of the Church. 
 
 This is the state wherein M. Claude has left the controversy 
 regarding the Church ; a weak state, as is plain, and manifestly 
 indefensible. And, indeed, he does not trust to it, nor will he 
 deprive his party of the subterfuge, though never so pitiful, of 
 an invisible Church, since he supposes God may make his 
 Church entirely vanish out of the sight of men :* and when he 
 says he may, he does not mean that he can do this absolutely 
 speaking, and it implies no contradiction, for that is not the 
 question ; nor are metaphysical abstractions here so much as 
 thought of; but he may do it in the hypothesis, and allowing 
 the present plan of Christianity. It is in this sense that M. 
 Claude decides, " That God may, when he pleases, reduce the 
 faithful to an entire external dispersion, and preserve them in 
 this miserable state, and that there is great difference between 
 saying, the Church ceases to be visible, and saying, the Church 
 ceases to be." After a hundred times repeating, that he dis- 
 putes not with us the visibility of the Church ;f after making 
 the visibility of her ministry enter into her very definition ; after 
 grounding her perpetuity on these promises of Jesus Christ, 
 " Lo, I am with you always, and the gates of hell shall not pre- 
 vail," — to say what we have just heard, is to forget his own 
 doctrine, and make void the promises which are more durable 
 than heaven and earth. But his case was this : after his ut- 
 
 * Def. de la Rep, pp. 47, 49, 314. Rep. au disc, de M. de Cond. pp. 89, 
 92, 245, 247. f P. 63, et seq. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 267 
 
 most straining to reconcile them with his Reformation, and to 
 maintain the Scripture doctrine of the visibihty, he found it still 
 requisite to leave himself a last refuge in the invisible Church, 
 to fly to in case of need. 
 
 50. — The Minister Jurieu comes in to the assistance of the Minister Claude^ 
 who had involved himself in an inextricable labyrinth. 
 
 In this posture was the question, when M. Jurieu published 
 his new system of the Church.* No means were there of de- 
 fending the difference which his brother would have placed be- 
 tween us and our forefathers, nor of saving one in damning 
 the others. No less ridiculous was it, in owning that some 
 elect are born to God, in the communion of the Church of 
 Rome, to say, that these elect of her communion were such as 
 took no part in her doctrine, nor in her worship, nor in her sac- 
 raments. M. Jurieu was very sensible that these pretended 
 elect could be nothing but hypocrites or impious men ; and at 
 length, though with much ado, he opened Heaven's gate to 
 those who lived in the communion of the Church of Rome. 
 But lest she might glory in this advantage, he communicated it, 
 at the same time, to all other Churches wheresoever Christianity 
 is spread, how much soever divided amongst themselves, though 
 never so unmercifully excommunicating one another. 
 51. — He establishes Salvation in all Communions. 
 
 He carried this notion to such a height, that he did not hesi- 
 tate to call the contrary opinion inhuman, cruel, barbarous,| in 
 a word an executioner's opinion, that is pleased with damning 
 mankind, and the most tyrannical that ever was. He will not 
 allow a truly charitable Christian can have any other sentiment 
 than that which places the elect in all communions where Je- 
 sus Christ is known ; and informs us that, " if amongst his own 
 people this doctrine has not been hitherto much insisted on, it 
 was from the effect of a policy which he does not approve." 
 Nay, he has found means to render his system so far plausible 
 in his party, that they no longer oppose any thing else to our in- 
 structions, and believe they have therein so strong a hold as not 
 to be forced from it ; so that the last resource of the Protestant 
 party is to give to Jesus Christ a kingdom like unto that of 
 Satan ; a kingdom " divided against itself,J ready," by conse- 
 quence, " to be brought to desolation, and whose houses are 
 falling one upon the other." 
 
 52. — The history of this opinion, beginning from the Socinians. — Division in 
 the Reformation between M. Claude and M. Pajon. 
 
 If now one should desire to know the history and progress 
 
 of this opinion, the glory of the invention belongs to the So- 
 
 * Syst. de I'Egl. 1. i. ch. xx. xxi., &c. f System. Pref. towards the end. 
 
 I Luke xL 17, 18. 
 
268 THE HISTORY OP [BOOK 
 
 cinians. These men, indeed, agree not with the rest of Chris- 
 tians in fundamental articles, for they admit but two ; the unity 
 of God and the mission of Jesus Christ. But, they say, all 
 those who profess them with manners suitable to this profes- 
 sion, are true members of the Church universal, and that the 
 dogma superadded to this foundation hinder not salvation ; nor 
 is the world ignorant of the notions and indifference of De- 
 Dominis on this head. After the Synod of Charenton, where 
 the Calvinists received the Lutherans to communion, notwith- 
 standing the separation of both societies, there resulted a neces- 
 sity of acknowledging one and the same Church in different 
 communions. The Lutherans were far from this sentiment ; 
 but Calixtus,* one of the most renowned and learned of them, 
 has, in our days, brought it into vogue in Germany, and admits 
 into the communion of the universal Church all sects preserv- 
 ing the foundation, without even excepting the Church of Rome. 
 It is nearly thirty years since Huisseau, minister of Saumur, 
 pushed on the consequence of this doctrine to a great extent. 
 This minister, already famous in his party for his publication 
 of Ecclesiastical Discipline compared with the decrees of na- 
 tional Synods, made himself much spoken of by the plan of 
 reuniting all Christians of all sects, which he proposed in 1670 ; 
 and M. Jurieu acquaints us,| that he had many sticklers, not- 
 withstanding the solemn condemnation which was passed on 
 his books and person. A little while since, M. Pajon, the fa- 
 mous minister of Orleans, in his answer to the Pastoral Letter 
 of the French clergy, did not think himself able to maintain the 
 Church system defended by M. Claude. The catholicity or 
 universality of the Church appeared to him much more exten- 
 sive than his brother had made it ; and M. Jurieu gives notice 
 to M. Nicole, J "that answering M. Claude's book will be 
 doing nothing, unless he also answer that of M. Pajon, by rea- 
 son that these two gentlemen having taken different paths, one 
 and the same answer cannot satisfy both." 
 
 53. — Sentiments of the Minister Jurieu. 
 
 In this division of the Reformation, driven to the utmost 
 straits on the question regarding the Church, M. Jurieu§ sided 
 with M. Pajon ; and not affrighted with the separation of 
 Churches, decides, " that all Christian societies which agree in 
 some tenets, inasmuch as they agree, are united to the body of 
 the Christimi Church, though they be in schism one against 
 another, even to daggers drawing." 
 
 Notwithstanding these so general expressions, he varies in 
 
 * Calixt. de fid. et stud. Cone. Ecc. n. 1, 2, 3, 4, &c. Ludg. Bat. 1651. 
 
 t Avert, aux. Prot. de I'Eur. at the beginning of the Prejug. p. 19. 
 
 I Ibid. p. 12. § Prejug. p. 4. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 269 
 
 regard of the Socinians ; for at first in his " allowable Prepos- 
 sessions," where he spoke naturally what he thought, he begins, 
 by enrolling them " amongst the members of the Christian 
 Church."* He seems a little puzzled at the question, whether 
 or not one may save his soul amongst them : for on one hand, 
 he seems to allow none capable of salvation but those who live 
 in sects wherein the divinity of Jesus Christ, with the other 
 fundamental articles, are acknowledged ; and on the other,"]" 
 after compounding " the body of the Church of all that great 
 heap of sects which make profession of Christianity in all pro- 
 vinces of the world put together," wherein the Socinians are 
 visibly comprehended, he concludes in express terms, " that 
 the saints and elect are spread in all parts of this vast body." 
 
 The Socinians gained their cause, and M. Jurieu was blamed, 
 even in his own party, for having been too favorable to them ; 
 which is tho reason that he restrains in some measure his ideas 
 in his systems : for whereas, in his " Prepossessions," he placed 
 naturally in the body of the universal Church all sects whatso- 
 ever without exception : in the system, he commonly adds to 
 it this corrective, " at least those who preserve the fundamental 
 articles ;" J which he explains in behalf of the Trinity, and other 
 points of like consequence. Thereby he seemed to limit his 
 general propositions : but at last, led on by the force of his 
 principle, he broke through all restraints laid on him by the 
 policy of the party, and loudly owned that the true faithful may 
 be found in the communion of a Socinian Church. 
 
 This is the history of that opinion which makes up the Catho- 
 lic Church out of separate communions. In all probability, its 
 authority among Protestants would be great, did not pohcy ob- 
 struct it. The disciples of Calixtus multiply in the Lutheran 
 party. As for the Calvinists, it is plain that the new system 
 of the Church prevails among them ; and as M. Jurieu signal- 
 izes himself in that party, by defending it, and none has better 
 laid down the principles, nor better foreseen the consequences 
 of it, its irregularity cannot be shown better, than by relating the 
 disorder into which that minister has cast himself by this doctrine, 
 and the advantage he at the same time affords the Catholics. 
 54. — Salvation may be had in the Church of Rome, according to this Ministet, 
 
 To dive to the bottom of his notion, his distinction of the 
 Church considered as to its body, and of the Church consi- 
 dered as to its soul, must be presupposed. § The profession 
 of Christianity is sufficient to make part of the body of the 
 Church, which he advances against M. Claude, who com- 
 pounds the body of the Church, of the true faithful only ; but 
 
 Prej. leg. p, 4. f Ibid. p. 4, &c. p. 8. J Ibid. p. 133, &c. 
 
 § Prej. leg. ch. i. Syst. 1. i. ch. i. 
 VOL. II. 23* 
 
270 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 to have part in the soul of the Church, it is necessary to be in 
 the grace of God. 
 
 This distinction supposed, the question is, what sects are 
 simply in the body of the Church ; and what are those in which 
 one may attain to partake of her soul, namely, of charity and 
 the grace of God 1 which he explains sufficiently by an abridg- 
 ment he makes of Church history. This he begins, by saying* 
 " that she was corrupted after the third century :" this date 
 must be observed. He passes over the fourth century with- 
 out either approving or blaming it : " but," continues he,| " in 
 the fifth, the sixth, the seventh, and the eighth, the Church 
 adopted divinities of a second rate, adored relics, made herself 
 images, and prostrated herself before them even in the Churches ; 
 and then grown sickly, deformed, ulcerous, she was alive never- 
 theless :" so that her soul was in her still, and what is worthy 
 of observation, it was in her in the midst of idolatry. 
 
 He goes on saying,'! " ^^^^ ^^^® universal Church divides itself 
 into two great parties, the Greek Church, and the Latin Church. 
 The Greek Church, before this great schism, was already sub- 
 divided into Nestorians, Eutycheans, Melchites, and divers 
 other sects : the Latin Church into Papists, Vaudois, Hussites, 
 Taborites, Lutherans, Calvinists, and Anabaptists ; and he pro- 
 nounces, that it is an error to imagine all these different parties 
 had absolutely broken off from Jesus Christ, by breaking one 
 from the other." 
 
 55. — The Church of Rome comprehended amongst the living Societies, wherein 
 the fundamentals of Salvation are retained. 
 
 Who breaks not with Jesus Christ, breaks not from salvation 
 and life ; accordingly, he counts these societies amongst the 
 living societies. The societies that are dead, accordino; to this 
 minister, are " those which ruin the foundation ; to wit, the 
 Trinity, the Incarnation, the satisfaction of Jesus Christ, and 
 other the like articles ; but this is not the case of the Greeks, 
 the Armenians, the Cophts, the Abyssinians, the Russians, the 
 Papists, and Protestants ; all these societies," says he, " have 
 composed the Church, and therein does God preserve his fun- 
 damental truths. "§ 
 
 It signifies nothing, to object that they subvert these truths 
 by consequences drawn in good form from their principles ; 
 because, as they disown these consequences, they ought not, 
 says this minister,] [ to be imputed to them; for which reason, 
 he acknowledges God's elect even amongst the Eutychians, 
 who confounded the two natures of Jesus Christ, and amongst 
 the Nestorians, who divided his person. " There is no room 
 
 * Prej. leg. ch. i. Syst. 1. i. ch. i. p. 5. t Ibid, t Ibid. p. 6. § Syst. pp. 
 147, 149. II Ibid. p. 155. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 271 
 
 to doubt," says he,* " but God preserves a remnant in them ac- 
 cording to the election of grace ;" and lest it should be imagined 
 there is more difficulty with respect to the Church of Rome than 
 for others, by reason that she is, according to him, the kingdom 
 of Antichrist, he clears this doubt in express terms, asserting 
 " that God- s elect were preserved even in the kingdom of Anti- 
 christ, and in Babylon itself. ""f 
 
 56. — The Jlntickristianism oj the Church of Rome no hindrance to Men's 
 
 saving their souls in it. 
 
 The minister proves it by these words : — " Come out of Bab- 
 ylon, my people. "J Whence he concludes that the people of 
 God, that is, his elect, must necessarily have been in it ; but, 
 continues he, " they were not in it, as his elect are in some 
 manner amongst the heathens, from whom they are withdrawn ; 
 for God does not call those his -people who are in a state of 
 damnation ; consequently, the elect who are found in Babylon 
 are absolutely out of this state, and in a state of grace. It is," 
 says he, " clearer than day, that God, in these words, ' come 
 out of Babylon, my people,' alludes to the Jews of the Baby- 
 lonian captivity," who certainly, " in this state, did not cease to 
 be Jews and the people of God." 
 
 After this manner the spiritual Jews and the true Israel of 
 God,§ that is, his true children, are to be found in the commu- 
 nion of Rome, and will be found there to the end, it being evi- 
 dent that this sentence, " come out of Babylon, my people," || 
 is pronounced even in the fall and desolation of that mystical 
 Babylon, which he will have to be the Church of Rome. 
 57. — Men may be saved amongst us whilst retaining our Faith and Worship. 
 
 In order to explain how men are saved in her, the minister 
 distinguishes tv/o ways : the first, which he has taken from M. 
 Claude, is the way of separation and discernment, when one is 
 in the communion of a Church without partaking of her errors, 
 and of whatever may be evil in her practices: the second, added 
 by him to that of M. Claude, is the way of toleration on God's 
 side, when, in consideration of fundamental truths retained in a 
 communion, God pardons errors superadded to them. 
 
 That he comprehends us in this last way he clearly gives to 
 understand in his system, where he declares the conditions upon 
 which one may hope from God some toleration " in the sects 
 which sap the foundation by their additions, yet without taking 
 it away."'TT By what has been now said, it is plain he means 
 us and those like to us ; and the condition under which he allows 
 men may be saved in such a kind of sect is, " that they commu- 
 nicate with it in sincerity, believing that it has preserved the 
 
 * Prej. cL i. p. 16. f Ibii J Svst. p. 145. § Gal. vi. 16. 1| Rev. xviii. 4. 
 
 H Syst. TD. 173, 174. 
 
272 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 essence of the sacraments, and obliges to nothing against con- 
 science," which shows (so far from obhging those who abide 
 in those sects to reject their doctrine in order to be saved) that 
 they who remain therein with the greatest sincerity, and are the 
 most persuaded as well of the doctrine as of the practices in use 
 amongst them, may be the soonest saved. 
 
 58. — One may be saved who is sincere in his convej'sion from Calvinism to the 
 
 Church of Rome. 
 
 It is true he seems to add two other conditions also : one, of 
 having been engaged in these sects from one's birth ; and the 
 other, of not having it in one's power to communicate with a 
 more pure society, either because one knows none such, or " is 
 not m a condition of breaking" with the society he happens to 
 be in.* But afterwards he passes beyond these bounds : for 
 after having proposed the question, whether it be lawful " to be 
 one ^hile a Greek, another while a Latin ; now a reformed, 
 then a Papist ; sometimes a Calvinist, sometimes a Lutheran," 
 he answers,! " no, when you make profession of believing what 
 you do not believe in fact. But if you pass from one sect to 
 another by way of seduction, and because you cease to be per- 
 suaded of certain opinions which you had formerly looked upon 
 as true," he declares that " one may proceed to different com- 
 munions without hazard of salvation, as well as remain in them : 
 because those who pass into sects, which neither ruin nor sub- 
 vert the foundations, are not in a different state from those who 
 are born in them ;" so that one may not only remain a Latin 
 and Papist when born in this communion, but also come into it 
 from Calvinism, without forsaking the way of salvation ; nor 
 are they who save their souls amongst us, such only, as said 
 M. Claude, who abide amongst us without approving our doc- 
 trine, but such even as are sincere in the profession of it. 
 
 59. — This Doctrine of the Minister destroys all he says against us and our 
 
 Idolatries. 
 
 Our brethren, the pretended Reformed, may thence be con- 
 vinced, that all they are told of our idolatries is wretchedly ex- 
 travagant. Never was it believed that an idolater might be 
 saved under pretence of his sincerity ; so gross an error, so 
 manifest an impiety, is incompatible with an upright conscience. 
 Wherefore the idolatry imputed to us is of a particular species ; 
 it is an idolatry invented to excite against us the hatred of the 
 wea!^ and ignorant. But it is high time they should undeceive 
 themselves ; for, to be converted is no such great misfortune, 
 since he who cries out the loudest against our idolatries, and 
 loads with most reproaches the converters and converted, is 
 agreed that all of them may be true Christians. 
 
 * Syst. pp. 158, 164, 259. f Ibid, pp, 174, 175, 195. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 273 
 
 GO. — The Ethiopians saved adding Circumcision to the Sacraments of the 
 
 Church. 
 
 Neither is the presumption imputed to us of having, on one 
 side, augmented the number of the Sacraments, and on the 
 other, mutilated the Supper by cutting off, as they say, a part 
 from it, any longer to be exaggerated by them : for this minis- 
 ter declares it would be " a cruelty to turn out of the Church"* 
 such as admit other sacraments than those two, which he pre- 
 tends are only instituted by Jesus Christ, namely. Baptism and 
 the Supper ; and so far from excluding us thence for having 
 added to them Confirmation, Extreme Unction, and the rest, he 
 does not even exclude from it the Ethiopic Christians, who, says 
 he, " receive circi^mcision, not by the politic custom, but in 
 quality of a sacrament, although St. Paul has declared, ' If ye 
 be circumcised, Christ shall profit you nothing.' "| 
 
 61. — Communion under one kind contains, according to the Ministers, the 
 ivhole substance of the Eucharistic Sacrament. 
 
 As for what concerns communion under one kind, nothing is 
 more common in the writings of the ministers, even of this 
 author himself, than to say, that by so giving the Eucharistic 
 sacrament we corrupt the foundation and essence thereof; 
 which, in matter of sacraments is saying " the same thing as if 
 we no longer had them." J But such propositions are not to be 
 taken literally as they stand ; since M. Claude has already told 
 us that, before the Reformation, " our Fathers receiving but in 
 one kind, had nevertheless all necessary food without subtrac- 
 tion of any part thereof ;"§ and M. Jurieu says still more 
 clearly the same thing, forasmuch as after having defined the 
 Church " the aggregate of all the communions which preach the 
 same Jesus Christ, which declare the same salvation, which 
 give the same sacraments in substance, and which teach the 
 same doctrine," j| he counts us expressly in this collection of 
 communions, and in the Church ; which necessarily supposes 
 that we give the substance of the Eucharist, and by consequence, 
 that both kinds are not essential to it. Let our brethren, there- 
 fore, no longer defer coming over to us in sincerity and truth, 
 since their ministers have removed for them the greatest obsta- 
 cle, if not the only one, which they allege against it. 
 
 62. — The excesses of the Confession of Faith softened in our favor. 
 
 The truth is, there appears a manifest opposition between 
 this system and the Confessions of Faith of the Protestant 
 Churches : for the confessions of faith, all of them, unanimously 
 give two only marks of a true Church, " The pure preaching 
 of God's word, and the administration of the Sacraments con- 
 formably to the institution of Jesus Christ ;"U for which reason, 
 
 * Syst pp. 539, 548. f Gal. v. 2. \ Syst. p. 548. § S. n. 37, 4L 
 W Ibid*, p. 216. TT Prej. legit, p. 24. 
 
274 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 the confession of faith of our pretended Reformed has con- 
 cluded,* " That in the Roman Church, whence the pure truth 
 of God was banished, and where the sacraments were corrupted, 
 or wholly annihilated, properly speaking, there was no Church 
 at all." But our minister assures us,| these expressions are 
 not to be understood in their strict sense ; as much as to say, 
 there is a great deal of exaggeration and excess in what the 
 Reformation lays to our charge. 
 
 63. — The tivo marks of a true Church given by Protestants are sufficiently to be 
 
 seen amongst us. 
 
 However, it is something curious to behold how the minister 
 will acquit himself as to these two marks of the true Church so 
 solemn in the whole Protestant party. It is true, says he,J 
 " We lay them down : we, that is to say, we Protestants : but 
 for ray part, I would give the thing," proceeds he " another turn, 
 and would say, that to know the body of the Christian and uni- 
 versal Church in general, there is but one mark requisite, viz. 
 the confession of the name of Jesus Christ, the true Messias 
 and Redeemer of mankind." 
 
 This is not all : for after having found the marks of the body 
 of the universal Church, " It is necessary to find those of the 
 soul, to the end you may know in what part of this Church God 
 preserves his elect." Here it is, answers the minister,§ " that 
 we must return to our two marks, pure preaching, and pure 
 administration of the sacraments." But beware you be not de- 
 ceived ; " this is not to be taken in a strict sense." j| To save 
 the essence of a Church, the preaching is sufficiently pure when 
 the fundamental truths are preserved, what error soever be 
 superadded ; the sacraments are sufficiently pure, notwithstand- 
 ing tie additions : let us add, following the aforesaid principle, 
 notwithstanding the subtractions which spoil them : forasmuch 
 as, in the midst of all this, the foundation subsists, and " God 
 applies to his elect what good there is, hindering whatsoever of 
 human institution from turning to their prejudice and destruc- 
 tion." We conclude, therefore, with this minister, that nothing 
 of what has been said on this subject in the Confession of Faith 
 must be taken in a strict sense ; and moreover, that the Church 
 of Rome, (Lutherans and Calvinists, calm your hatred!) the 
 Church of Rome, I say, so much hated and so much con- 
 demned, in spite of all your confessions of faith and all your 
 reproaches, may glory in having, in a very true sense, as 
 far G.S is necessary to form the children of God, " the pure 
 preaching of the Word, and the right administration of the 
 Sacraments." 
 
 * Art. xxviii. S. n. 26. f Ibid. J Prej. legit, p. 25. Syst. p. 214. 
 
 § Ibid. p. 25. II Ibid. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 275 
 
 64. — The Confession of Faith hath no longer any authority amongst the 
 
 Ministers. 
 
 If it be said, these favorable interpretations of the Confessions 
 of Faith are quite opposite to, and destroy the text ; that for 
 instance, what is there said of the Church of Rome, that truth 
 is " banished from her, the sacraments either falsified or wholly 
 annihilated, and properly speaking, that we have no such thing 
 as a Church among us ;"* are far different things from what we 
 have just heard from our ministers. I own as much ; but tho rea- 
 son in short is, they have found by experience that there i'i no 
 longer any possibility of maintaining their confessions of faith, to 
 wit, the foundations of the Reformation. Nor indeed is ii less 
 truth that, in the main, little are the ministers concerned about 
 them ; and it is only from a point of honor that they give them- 
 selves any pains to answer in their behalf; which was the cause 
 of the minister Jurieu's inventing the aforesaid answers, more 
 polite and better suited to his turi!, than sincere and solid. 
 
 65. — This system changes the language of CJiristians, and confounds their ideas, 
 even of those of the Reformation. 
 
 Now, to maintain this new system, a courage is requisite ca- 
 pable of withstanding any difficulty, and not to be startled at 
 any novelty. Although men be animated against one another 
 even to " daggers drawing," it must be said, they are but one 
 body in Jesus Christ. t If any one rebel against the Church, 
 and scandalize her, either by his crimes or his errors, one ^v ould 
 think, by excommunicating him, he is cut off from the body of 
 the Church in general, and thus have Protestants spokrn as 
 well as we : it is a mistake : this scandalous and this heretical 
 person is cut off but from one particular flock, and do what you 
 will, remains a member of the Catholic Church by the sole pro- 
 fession of the Christian name : notwithstanding that Jesus Christ 
 has pronounced, " If any one neglect to hear the Church, look 
 upon him," J not as a man that is cut off from a particular flock, 
 and who remains in the great one of the Church in general, but 
 look upon him as " a heathen and a publican," as an alien from 
 Christianity, as a man that has no longer any part with God's 
 people. 
 
 66. — Manifest contrariety betioeen the notions of the Minister in regard of Ex- 
 communication, and those of his oiy?i Church. 
 
 Further, what M. Jurieu here advances is a particular opin- 
 ion wherein he evidently contradicts his own Church. A na- 
 tional Synod has defined excommunication in these terms : " to 
 excommunicate," say they, " is to cut a man off from the body 
 of the Church like a rotten member, and to deprive him of her 
 communion and all her benefits. "§ And in the proper form of 
 
 * Art. xxviii. f Ibid. S. n. 15. | Matt, xviii. 17. 
 
 § 2 Syn. of Par. 1565. Disci, ch. 5. Art. 17. p. 102. 
 
276 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 excommunication, the people are thus addressed : " We remove 
 this rotten member from the society of the faithful, that he may 
 be to you as a heathen and a publican." M. Jurieu* spares no 
 pains to embroil this matter with his distinctions of sentence 
 declaratory and sentence juridical ; sentence which cuts off from 
 the body of the Church, and sentence which cuts off only from 
 a particular confederation. He invents these distinctions only 
 that the reader may lose himself in the maze of these subtle- 
 ties, and not perceive he is fed with empty sound. For, after 
 all, he never will be able to show, in the pretended Reformed 
 Churches, any other excommunication, separation, lopping off, 
 than the abovementioned ; nor can one depart more expressly 
 from it, than does M. Jurieu. He pronounces, and repeats in 
 a hundred places and a hundred different ways, that " it is im- 
 possible to banish a man from the universal Church ;"| and his 
 Church says on the contrary, that the excommunicated person 
 must be looked upon as a heathen, who no longer appertains to 
 God's people. M. Jurieu proceeds : J " All excommunication 
 whatsoever is made by a particular Church, and is nothing else 
 but an expulsion from a particular Church ;" and we see, ac- 
 cording to the rules of his religion, that a particular Church 
 severs a man from the body of the Church as " one does a rot- 
 ten member," which doubt) ess no longer cleaves to any part of 
 the body after it is once divided from it. 
 
 67. — Confessions of Faith but arbitrary conventions. 
 Let us, nevertheless, consider again what are these partic- 
 ular Churches and these particular flocks, from which he sup- 
 poses one is separated by excommunication. The Minister 
 explains himself by this principle :§ " All whatever different 
 flocks have no other external link than that which is made by 
 way of voluntary and arbitrary confederation, such as was that 
 of the Christian Churches in the third age, on account that they 
 found themselves united under the same temporal prince." So 
 that, ever since the third age, when the Church was still found 
 in her purity, the Churches, according to the Minister, were no 
 otherwise united than by an arbitrary confederacy, or, as he 
 elsewhere styles it, " by accident,." || What ! Those Christians 
 then who were not subject to the Roman Empire, those who 
 were spread from the time of St. Irenaeus, and even from the 
 time of St. Justin, amidst the Barbarians and Scythians, were 
 they under no external band with the other Churches, and had 
 they not a right to communicate with them '? This is not the 
 notion they have formerly given us of Christian fraternity. All 
 that are orthodox have a right to communicate with an orthodox 
 
 * Syst 1. ii. ch. iii. ' f Syst. p. 24, &c. J Ibid, 
 
 § Prej. p. 6. Syst. pp. 246, &c. 254, 262, 269, 305, 557. || Ibid. p. 265. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 277 
 
 Church ; all that are Catholic, to wit, all members of the Church 
 universal, with the whole Church. All those who bear the mark 
 of the children of God have a right to be admitted wherever they 
 find the table of their common Father, provided their manners 
 be approved : but here comes one to disturb this fine order ; 
 you are no longer in society, " but by accident ;" Christian fra- 
 ternity is changed into arbitrary confederacies, which you may 
 extend at will, more or less, according to the different confes- 
 sions of faith agi'eed upon.* These confessions of faith are 
 treaties in which you insert whatever you please. Some have 
 put in them, " that they are to teach the verities of grace as ex- 
 pounded by St. Austin,"! and these, we are told, are the pre- 
 tended Reformed churches : far from truth ; nobody is less, in 
 their doctrine, than St. Austin ; yet they are pleased to say so. 
 These men are not allowed to be " Semipelagians, and the Swiss, 
 no less than those of Geneva, would exclude them from their 
 communions. "J As for those who have not made the like con- 
 vention, they shall be Semipelagians, if they please. What is 
 still more, those who have entered into the confederacy of Ge- 
 neva and that of the pretended Reformed, where one thinks he 
 is obliged to maintain the grace of St. Austin, " may depart from 
 the agreement ;"§ but then they must be contented to be sepa- 
 rated from a confederation whose laws they have violated, and 
 " what one would tolerate everywhere else," can be no longer tol- 
 erated in those flocks in which other conventions had been made, 
 
 68. — Independentism established contrary to the Decree of Charenton, 
 
 But what will become of those men who break the agreement 
 of the Calvinian Reformation, or of some such other like con- 
 federacy ? Shall they be then obliged to enter into league with 
 some other Church ? No such thing : " It is nowise necessary, 
 when you separate yourself from one Church, to find out another 
 to adhere to."|| I am aware he is forced to say so, because 
 otherwise he could not excuse the Protestant Churches, which, 
 on their separation from the Church of Rome, were not able to 
 find on earth a Church they could embrace. But we must hear 
 the reason which authorizes such a separation. " It is," con- 
 tinues M. Jurieu,l[ " because all Churches are naturally free and 
 independent of one another ;" or, as he explains it in another 
 place, " naturally and originally, all Churches are independent." 
 
 Here is exactly our doctrine, will say the Independents ; we 
 are the true Christians that defend tl#s primitive and natural lib- 
 erty of Churches. Yet Charenton has nevertheless condemned 
 them in 1644. Therefore by anticipation has also condemned 
 
 * Syst. p. 254. t Ibid. J Ibid. p. 249. § Ibid. p. 254. 
 
 II Lib. iii. ch. xv. p. 547. II Ibid. 
 
 VOL. II. 24 
 
278 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 M. Jurieu, who maintains them ;* but let us hear the Decree. 
 " Whereas it has been represented, that many who call them- 
 selves Independents, because they teach that every church ought 
 to govern herself by her own laws ivithout any dependance on 
 any body in Church matters, and free from any obligation of ac- 
 knowledging the authority of Conferences and Synods for their 
 conduct and government ;" that is, without any confederation 
 with any other Church whatsoever ; and tliis is exactly the case 
 of M. Jurieu. But the Synod's answer is very different from 
 his : for the Synod pronounces, " that it ought to be dreaded, 
 lest this poison insensibly diffusing itself, should create," say 
 they, " disorder and confusion amongst us, should open a gate 
 to ail kind of irregularities and extravagances, and make void 
 all means of applying a remedy ; which would be equally prej- 
 udicial to Church and State, and give room to form as many re- 
 ligions as there are parishes and particular assemblies." And 
 M. Jurieu concludes, on the contrary, that by separating from 
 one Church without adhering to another, you do nothing but re- 
 tain " the liberty and independence, which naturally and origi- 
 nally belongs to Churches," namely, that liberty which Jesus 
 Christ, at their formation, bestowed upon them. 
 
 69. — All authority and subordination of Churches depends on Princes. 
 
 xlccordingly, there is no way of maintaining, conformably to 
 the principles of this minister, these Conferences and Synods. 
 For he supposes, in case a Cathohc kingdom should divide itself 
 from Rome, and then subdivide itself into many sovereignties, 
 that each Prince might make a Patriarch, and establish, in his 
 state, a government absolutely independent of that of its neigh- 
 boring states " without appeal," without union, without corre- 
 spondence ;! for all that, in his notion, depends on the Prince ; 
 and it is for this reason that he makes the first confederation of 
 Churches depend on the unity of the Roman Empire. But, if 
 this be so, his uncle, Lewis du Moulin, gains his cause : for he 
 pretends, J that all this subordination of Conferences and Synods 
 (if you consider it as ecclesiastical and spiritual) is nothing else 
 but Popery in disguise, and the ushering in of Antichrist ; con- 
 sequently, that there is no power in this distribution of Churches 
 but from the Sovereign's authority ; and that excommunications 
 and degradations made by Synods, whether provincial or na- 
 tional, have no authority but from thence. But by a little fur- 
 ther extension of this argmpent, the excommunications of con- 
 sistories will appear no more effectual than those of Synods : 
 so that, either there will be no ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and the 
 Independents are in the right ; or, it will be lodged in the Prince's 
 
 * Disc. ch. vi. of the union of Churches. Notes on the 2d Art. p. 118. 
 
 t Syst. p. 546. I Fasci. Ep. Lud. Moh. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 279 
 
 hand ; and, in fine, Lewis du Moulin must have converted his 
 nephew, who so long opposed his errors. 
 
 70. — The true Christian Unity. 
 See what this system comes to, wherein the whole solution 
 of this difficulty about the Church is placed ; it is matter of as- 
 tonishment to hear these novelties. What an error to imagine 
 there is no external Union between Christian Churches, but de- 
 pendently on Princes, or by some other " arbitrary and voluntary 
 confederation ;" and not be sensible that Jesus Christ hath 
 obliged his faithful to live in a Church, to wit, as is owned, in 
 an exterior society, and to communicate with one another, not 
 only in the same faith and the same sentiments, but also, when 
 they meet, in the same sacraments and the same service ; in- 
 somuch that, however distant churches be, yet are they but the 
 same Church distributed into divers places, the diversity of 
 places not hindering the unity of the holy table, at which all 
 communicate one with another, as they do with Jesus Christ 
 their common head. 
 
 71. — Rashness of the Minister, who owns that his System is contrary to the 
 
 Faith of all ages. 
 
 Let us now consider the origin of this new system which we 
 have just now taken a view of. Its author boasts,* perhaps, as 
 he does in other tenets, of having on his side the three first ages ; 
 and, it is hkely, the opinion which includes the whole Church 
 in one and the same communion (it being pretended so tyran- 
 nical) will be born under the empire of Antichrist : no ; it was 
 born in Asia, even in the third age : Firmilian, so great a man, 
 and his colleagues, such great bishops, are the authors of it : it 
 passed over into Africa, where St. Cyprian, a martyr so illus- 
 trious, and the light of the Church, embraced it with the whole 
 council of Africa ; and it was this cruel opinion which made 
 them rebaptize all heretics, no other reason for it being alleged 
 by them, but that heretics were not of the Catholic Church. 
 
 It must be owned St. Cyprian made use of the following bad 
 argument : Heretics and Schismatics are not of the body of the 
 Catholic Church ; therefore they ought to be rebaptized at their 
 coming into it. But M. Jurieu would not have the assurance 
 to say, that the principle of the unity of the Church, abused by 
 St. Cyprian, was as new as the consequence he drew from it, 
 since this minister acknowledges,! " that the false idea of the 
 unity of the Church was formed on the history of the two first 
 ages down to the middle, or end of the third. We must not 
 wonder," continues he, " that the Church accounted all the sects 
 which existed during those times, as entirely separated from the 
 body of the Church, for that was true ;" and he adds, " it was 
 * Syst. 1. i. ch. vii. viii. f Ibid. p. 55. 
 
280 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 at that time, namely in the two first ages down to the middle of 
 the third,* that they got a habit of believing that heretics did 
 not in any manner appertain to the Church :" so that the doc- 
 trine of St. Cyprian, which he accuses of novelty, nay, of ty- 
 ranny, was a habit contracted ever since the first two ages of 
 the Church ; that is, from the beginning of Christianity. 
 
 It must no less be owned that this doctrine of St. Cyprian, 
 concerning the unity of the Church, was not invented on the oc- 
 casion of rebaptizing heretics, by reason that the book, " Con- 
 cerning the Unity of the Church," wherein the doctrine exclu- 
 ding heretics and schismatics is so clearly laid down, did pre- 
 cede the dispute of rebaptization ; so that St. Cyprian entered 
 naturally into this doctrine consequently to the tradition of the 
 two foregoing ages. 
 
 Nor is it less certain that the whole Church had embraced this 
 doctrine equally with him, long before the dispute of rebaptizing. 
 For this dispute began under St. Stephen, Pope. Now, before 
 this, and not only in the time of St. Lucius, his predecessor, but 
 also from the beginning of the pontificate of St. Cornelius, pre- 
 decessor to St. Lucius, Novcitian and his followers^ had been 
 looked upon as separated from the communion of all the Bishops 
 and Churches of the world, although they had not renounced the 
 profession of Christianity, nor overthrown any fundamental arti- 
 cle. From that time, therefore, even those that preserved the 
 fundamentals, if under other pretexts they broke unity, were ac- 
 counted separated from the universal Church. 
 
 Thus is it an unquestionable fact, that the doctrine impugned 
 by M. Jurieu was received by the whole Church, not only before 
 the quarrel about rebaptization, but even from the first origin of 
 Clii-istianity ; and was made use of by St. Cyprian, not as a new 
 foundation which he gave to his error, but as a common principle 
 in which the whole world concurred. 
 
 72. — The Minister contradicts himself by asserting the Council of J^ice to be 
 
 of his sentiments. 
 
 The Minister had the presumption to say,J that his ideas of 
 
 the Church are the same with those of the Nicene Council, and 
 
 concludes, " that this holy council did not reject all heretics from 
 
 the communion of the Church, because it did not command all 
 
 of them to be rebaptized, neither requiring this in regard of the 
 
 Novatians or Cathari, nor of the Donatists, nor of the rest that 
 
 retained the foundation of faith, but only of the Paulianists, 
 
 namely, the followers of Paul of Samosata, who denied the 
 
 Trinity and Incarnation." But, waiving other arguments, the 
 
 Minister needs but hear himself, in order to be convicted. He 
 
 speaks of the Council of Nice " as of the most universal ever 
 
 * Syst. 1. i. ch. vii. viii. p. 56. f Epist. Cyp. ad Antonian., &c. J Syst. p. 61. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 281 
 
 held ;"* but which, nevertheless, was not altogether so, since 
 " the great assemblies of the Novatians and Donatists were 
 not called to it." I desire no more than tliis confession to con- 
 clude, that consequently they were not accounted, at that time, 
 as part of the universal Church, since there was not so much as 
 the least thought of calling them to the Council expressly con- 
 vened to represent her. 
 
 And, in fact, let us hear how tliis Council speaks of the No- 
 vatians or Cathari : those, says the council,| " when they shall 
 come to the Catholic Church." Enough said ; the dispute is 
 ended : in the Church, therefore, they could not be. Nor does 
 it speak in other terms of the Paulianists whose baptism it con- 
 demns ; J as for the Paulianists, when they ask to be received 
 into the Catholic Church, see again ; in it, therefore, they were 
 not, according to the notions of these Fathers, and the minister 
 agrees therein. But that he may no longer presume to say, that 
 those whose baptism is received are in the Catholic Church, and 
 not those whose baptism is rejected ; the coimcil puts out of the 
 Church no less those whose baptism it approves, as tlie Nova- 
 tians, than those whom it makes be rebaptized, as the Paulian- 
 ists ; consequently, tliis difference did not at all depend on those 
 being deputed members of the Catholic Church, and not these. 
 
 As much must be said of the Donatists, the Council of Nice 
 neither admitting of their communion nor their bishops ; on the 
 contrary, receiving to its sessions Cecilian, bishop of Carthage, 
 from whom the Donatists had separated. The council, there- 
 fore, looked upon the Donatists as separated from the universal 
 Church. 
 
 Let the minister now come and tell us that the Fathers of the 
 Nicene council are of his opinion, or that their doctrine was 
 new, or that when they pronounced against the Arians this sen- 
 tence — " The holy Catholic and Apostolic Church anathemizes 
 them," — they left them fellow-members of this same Catholic 
 Church, and did but banish them from a voluntary and arbitrary 
 confederation, which they might extend, more or less, according 
 to their fancy : such discourses ought to appear nothing less 
 than prodigies. 
 
 73. — The Minister is condetrvaed by the Creeds which he receives. 
 The Minister counts amongst the symbols received by the 
 whole world, that of the Apostles, that of Nice, and that of 
 Constantinople. We are agreed, indeed, that these three creeds 
 make but one, and that the Apostles' creed is but explained by 
 that of the two first QScumenical councils. § We have seen 
 the sentiments of the Council of Nice. The Council of Coii- 
 
 * Syst. p. 234. t Cone. Nic. Can. \iii. t Ibid. Can. xix. 
 
 § Cone. c. p. Epist. ad Omn. Episc. 
 VOL. II. 24 * 
 
282 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 stantinople proceeds on the same principles, in that it banishes 
 all sects from its unity : whence it concludes, in its letter to all 
 the bishops, that the body of the Church is not divided ; and it 
 was conformably to this same spirit that it said in its creed — " I 
 believe one Holy, Catholic, and Apostohc Church," — adding this 
 word one, to those. Holy and Catholic, which were in the Symbol 
 of the Apostles, and strengthening it by that of JlpostoHc, in 
 order to show that the Church thus defined and perfectly one by 
 the exclusion of all sects, was that which was founded by the 
 Apostles. 
 
 74. — The Minister endeavors to weaken the authority of the Apostles'* Creed. 
 
 The judicious reader expects here to know what this hardy 
 minister will say in regard of the Apostles' Creed, and touching 
 that article, " I believe the Catholic Church." Until now it had 
 been believed, and even in the Reformation, that this creed, so 
 unanimously received by all Christians, was an abridgment, and 
 as a summary of the doctrine of the Apostles and the Scripture. 
 But the minister tells us quite the contrary ;* for, after deciding 
 that the Apostles were not the authors of it, he will not even 
 grant, what none else denied till now, that, at least, it was made 
 wholly according to their spirit. He says, therefore, " that we 
 must look for the sense of the ai"ticles of the creed, not in the 
 Scripture, but in the intention of those who composed it." But, 
 proceeds he, " the creed was not made all at once : the article — 
 * I believe the Catholic Church' — was added in the fourth age." 
 What does this reasoning tend to else, but to prepare himself a 
 refuge against the creed, and give it only the authority of the 
 fourth age'l Whereas all Christians to this time have held it for 
 a common Confession of Faith, of all ages, and of all Christian 
 Churches, from the days of the Apostles. 
 
 75. — Jl neio gloss of the Minister on the ^postles^ Creed. 
 But let us see, nevertheless, in what manner he will define the 
 Catholic Church conformably to the creed. He at once rejects 
 the definition which he imputes to Catholics ;'|' nor does he ap- 
 prove more of that which he attributes to Protestants. For his 
 part, he, who no less raises himself above his brethren, the 
 Protestants, than above his adversaries, the Catholics, being to 
 define the Church of all times, he does it thus : " it is the body 
 of those who make profession of believing Jesus Christ the true 
 Messias ; a body divided into a great number of sects ;" he 
 must add besides, which excommunicate one another, to the end 
 that all anathematized Heresies, nay, all Schismatics, though 
 divided from their brethren, " even to daggers drawing," (to use 
 the minister's expression,) may have the happiness of being in 
 
 * Prej. leg. ch. ii. pp. 27, 28. Syst. p. 217. f Prej. p. 29. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 283 
 
 the Church expressed by the creed, and in the Christian unity 
 which it teaches us. This is what men are bold enough to say 
 in the Reformation, and the kingdom of Jesus Christ carries 
 among them, in its proper definition, the character of the divi- 
 sion " whereby every kingdom (as the Gospel says) is brought 
 to desolation."* 
 
 76. — The Minister destroys the notion of a Catholic Church taught by himself 
 lohen he explaiiud the Catechism. 
 
 The minister should at least have called to mind the Cate- 
 chism, which he himself taught at Sedan so many years; wherein, 
 after reciting " I believe the Catholic Church," it concludes, 
 *' that out of the Church there is nothing but damnation and 
 death, and that all those who separate themselves from the com- 
 munity of the faithful to make a sect apart, ought not to hope 
 salvation."! It is very certain, that the Church here spoken of 
 is the universal Church ; therefore, in respect to her, one may 
 make a sect apart, one may separate himself from her unity. 
 I ask, whether in this place to make " a sect apart," be a word 
 that implies apostacy ? Is it necessary for him that makes a 
 sect apart, to put on a turban, and publicly renounce his bap- 
 tism 1 Do men speak thus ? Should they speak thus, in a 
 catechism, to an innocent child, on purpose to confound all his 
 ideas, and that he may no longer know what to stick to 1 
 
 77. — The Schism of Jeroboam and the Twelve Tribes is justified. 
 Methinks I labor for the salvation of souls, by continuing the 
 recital of this minister's errors, the most exorbitant and palpable 
 that the defence of a bad cause has perhaps ever cast man into. 
 What he was forced to invent in support of the new system, is 
 still more strange, if possible, and more unheard of than the 
 system itself. It was necessary for him to perplex all the ideas 
 with which the Scripture furnishes us. It speaks to us of the 
 schism of Jeroboam J as of a detestable action, which began by 
 a revolt, which maintained itself by a downright idolatry in ado- 
 ring calves of gold, so far even as to forsake the ark of the cov- 
 enant ;§ in fine, to renounce the law of Moses, to cast off the 
 priesthood of Aaron and the whole Levitical ministry, to conse- 
 crate false priests of strange gods and of devils. Yet must it 
 be said, nevertheless, that these Schismatics, these Heretics, 
 these Apostates from the law, these Idolaters, made part of God's 
 people ;|| that the seven thousand whom God had reserved to 
 himself, and the remainder of the elect in Israel, adhered to the 
 schism ; that the prophets of the Lord communicated with these 
 Schismatics and Idolaters, and broke off from Judah, which was 
 the place that God had chosen ; and a schism aggravated with 
 
 * Luke xi. 17. -f Catechism of the Prot. Ref. Dim. 17. f Kin^s iii. 12. 
 2 Par. ix. 13. § 2 Paralip. xi. 15. H Syst. 1. i. ch. xiii. 
 
284 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 such circumstances ought not, it seems, to be counted " among 
 those sins which destroy grace."* If this be true, the whole 
 Scripture must be nothing but delusion and the most excessive 
 exaggeration that can be found in all human language. But then, 
 what must be said to the texts alleged by M. Jurieu 1 Any 
 thing, rather than to own so enormous a doctrine, and to place 
 manifest idolaters in the communion of God's children, for this 
 is no proper place for a deeper research into this subject. 
 78. — The Church in the Apostle's time is accused of Schism and Heresy. 
 
 No more does the Christian than the Jewish Church escape 
 the hands of this minister.! He attacks her in her prime and 
 vigor, even in those happy days when she was governed by the 
 Apostles. For, if we believe him, the converted Jews, namely, 
 the greatest part of the Church, there being " so many thousands 
 of them," J according to St. James's testimony, and undoubtedly 
 its most noble part, since it comprehended those on whom the 
 rest "were grafted;" the stock "and holy root whence the fat- 
 ness of the good olive"§ was derived to the wild branches, were 
 Heretics and Schismatics, || nay, guilty of a heresy of which St. 
 Paul has said, "it destroyed grace, and rendered Christ of no 
 effect to them."1T The rest of the Church, to wit, those who 
 came from heathenism, partook of the schism and heresy by 
 consenting to it, and by acknowledging those as holy and 
 brethren in Jesus Christ, who entertained in their minds so 
 strange a heresy, and in their hearts so criminal a jealousy; and 
 the Apostles themselves were the most heretical and schismati- 
 cal of all, for conniving at such crimes and errors. Such is the 
 idea he gives us of the Christian Church under the Apostles, 
 when the blood of Jesus Christ was, as I may say, still reeking, 
 his doctrine fresh in their minds — the spirit of Christianity in 
 its full strength. What an opinion will the impious have of the 
 Church in her progress, if these so much extolled beginnings 
 be grounded on heresy and schism; nay, if corruption even 
 reach to those who had the first-fruits of the Spirit? 
 
 79. — According to the Minister, one may save himself even in the Communion 
 
 of Socinians. 
 
 It seemed as if our minister was for excluding the Socinians, 
 at least, from the communion of God's people, he having so 
 frequently said, that they impugn directly the fundamental truths, 
 and that these being subverted, such societies are dead and can 
 raise no children to Almighty God. But all this was nothing 
 but a false appearance ; and the minister would heartily despise 
 whosoever should be deluded by it. 
 
 * Syst. 1. i. ch. XX. p. 153. f Ibid. ch. xiv., xxi. p. 167. J Acts xxi. 
 § Rom. xi. 17, &c. || Syst. Ibid. ch. xx. p. 167. U Gal. v. 2, 4 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 285 
 
 And, indeed, the principal foundation of his doctrine is,* 
 *' That the word of God is never preached in any country but 
 God makes it effectual with regard to some people." As then, 
 very certainly, the word of God is preached amongst the So- 
 cinians, the minister concludes aright, according to his princi- 
 ples,! "That if Socinianism had been as much diffused as is, 
 for example. Popery, God would also have found means of 
 feeding in it liis elect, and of hindering their taking part in the 
 mortal heresies of that sect, as he found means heretofore of 
 preserving, in Arianism, a number of elect and virtuous souls 
 untainted with the Arian heresy." 
 
 And if the Socinians, in the state they are in at present, can- 
 not contain in their body the elect of God, it is not on account 
 of their pei-verse doctrine, but,J " for that they being in small 
 numbers, and dispersed up and down without making a figure 
 in the world, and in most places having not so much as an as- 
 sembly, it is not necessary to suppose that God saves any of 
 them." Nevertheless, since it is certain the Socinians have 
 had churches in Poland, and have at this day in Transylvania, 
 one might ask of the minister, what is the number requisite to 
 make a figure? But be that as it will, according to him it de- 
 pends only on princes to give children of God to all societies 
 whatsoever, by giving them assemblies ; and if the devil com- 
 plete his work, if taking men on that side to which their senses 
 lean, and, by that means, multiply Socmians in the world, he 
 also finds means of procuring them a more free and extensive 
 exercise of their religion, he will compel Jesus Christ to form 
 his elect amongst them. 
 
 80. — By the Minister's principles, one might be saved in the exterior Commu- 
 nion of the Mahometans and Jexos. 
 
 The minister will answer doubtless, that if he says, you may 
 be saved in the communion of Socinians, it is not by the way 
 of toleration, but by that of discernment and separation; that is 
 to say, it is not by presupposing God tolerates Socinianism as 
 he does other sects which have preserved the foundation, but, 
 on the contrary, by presupposing that these the Socinian asso- 
 ciates, discerning the good from the evil in the doctrine of this 
 sect, will reject in their hearts what is blasphemous therein, al- 
 though they remain united therewith exteriorly. 
 
 But take his answer which way you will, it is equally full of 
 impiety. For in the first place, this makes him inconsistent 
 with himself in respect to the toleration of those who deny the 
 divinity of the Son of God, since he extends this toleration even 
 to the Arians : " To damn," says he,§ "all those numberless 
 
 + Prej. leg. pp 4, 5, &c. j Syst. pp. 147, 149, &c. Prej. leg. p. 16. Syst. 
 1. i. ch. xii. pp. 98, 102 ; ch. xix. p. 149, &c. ; ch. xx. p. 153, &c. \ Ibid. 
 
 § Prej. p. 22. 
 
286 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 Christians who lived in the external communion of Arianism, 
 some whereof detested its tenets, others were ignorant of them, 
 some tolerated them in the spirit of peace, others held their tongues 
 through fear and authority: to damn, I say, all those people, is 
 the opinion of an executioner, and becoming the cruelty of 
 Popery." In this manner M. Jurieu extends his mercy, not to 
 those only who remained in the communion of Arians, being ig- 
 norant of their sentiments, but to those also who knew them ; 
 and not only to those who, knowing and detesting them in their 
 hearts, did not blame them through fear, but also to those who 
 " tolerated them in the spirit of peace," namely, to those who 
 judged that denying the divinity of Jesus Christ was a tolerable 
 doctrine. What, then, hinders his tolerating, in the spirit of 
 peace, even the Socinians, as he tolerates the rest, and extend- 
 ing his charity so far even as to save them? 
 
 But although the minister should repent himself of having 
 carried his toleration to this excess, and would save but those 
 only in the Socinian communion that should heartily detest their 
 sentiments, his doctrine would be nothing the better for that ; 
 since, in short, he must always save those who, conscious of the 
 Socinian tenets, should, nevertheless, remain in their external 
 communion, that is, frequent their assemblies, join in their 
 prayers and worship, be present at their sermons with an exte- 
 rior like to that of others who pass for men of that communion.^ 
 If this dissimulation be lawful, no longer do we know what is 
 hypocrisy, nor what this sentence means, " Depart from the 
 tents of the wicked."* 
 
 Should now the minister reply, that those who frequent the 
 Socinian assemblies in this manner, ought so to direct their in- 
 tention as to partake only of that which is good amongst them, 
 namely, of the unity of God and the mission of Jesus Christ ; 
 this is a still greater absurdity, since, in this sense, there would 
 be likewise no difficulty of living in the communion of Jews and 
 Turks : for you need but persuade yourself, you partake only 
 with them in the belief of God's unity, detesting in your heart, 
 without uttering a word, all they speak impiously against Jesus 
 Christ ; and should it be said, that it is enough to incur damna- 
 tion to make your usual worship in an assembly where Jesus 
 Christ is blasphemed, the Socinians, blasphemers of his divinity 
 and so many others of his sacred truths, are no better than they. 
 
 81. — The succession which the Minister gives his Religion, is commmi to him 
 
 xoith all Heresies. 
 
 Such are the absurdities of this new system : it was not the 
 
 product of free choice, for no man takes pleasure in making 
 
 himself ridiculous by advancing such paradoxes. But one false 
 
 * Num. xvi. 26. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 287 
 
 step draws on another ; nor would he have plunged into this 
 excess, but for others he had fallen into before. The Refor- 
 mation had fallen into the excess of separating herself not only 
 from the Church in which she had received her baptism, but also 
 from all other Christian Churches. In this state, urged to 
 answer where the Church was before the time of these Re- 
 formers, she could not keep to one constant language, and ini- 
 quity gave herself the lie. At last, quite nonplused, and little 
 satisfied with all the answers hitherto made in our days, she 
 thought to extricate herself by saying,* it is not of particular 
 societies, of Lutherans, of Calvinists, you should ask for the 
 visible succession of their doctrine and pastors ; it being true, 
 " they were not as yet formed two hundred years ago ;" grant- 
 ing this, yet the universal Church, whereof these sects make 
 a part, was visible in the communions of which Christianity was 
 composed, viz. that of the Grecians, of the Abyssinians, of the 
 Armenians, and Latins, which is all the succession there is oc- 
 casion for. Here is the last refuge ; this their whole solution. 
 But all kinds of sects, they must allow, may say the' same. 
 There is not any, nor ever was, to take in each of them no more 
 than the common profession of Christianity, which does not find 
 its particular succession as our minister has found his ; so that, 
 to give a descent and an always visible perpetuity to his Church, 
 he was forced to lavish the same favor on the most novel and 
 impious societies. 
 
 82. — The Minister at the same time speaks pro and con ivith relation to the 
 perpetual Visibility of the Church. 
 
 The greatest offence that can be done to truth is, to know it, 
 and, at the same time, to abandon or undermine it. M. Jurieu 
 has owned great truths : in the first place, " that the Church is 
 taken in Scripture for a society always visible ; nay, I go, " says 
 he, " further on this head than M. de Maux."| With all my 
 heart ; what I had said was sufficient ; but since he will allow 
 us more, I receive it from him. 
 
 Secondly, he agrees that it cannot be denied " that the Church, 
 which the Creed obhges us to believe is a visible Church. "J 
 
 This was enough to demonstrate the perpetual visibility of 
 the Church, because that, which is beheved in the Creed, is 
 eternally and unalterably true. But in order that there may be 
 no doubt that this article of our faith is grounded on the express 
 promises of Jesus Christ, the minister grants us moreover, that 
 the Church to which Jesus Christ had promised that hell should 
 not prevail against her, was§ " a confessing Church, a Church 
 which published the faith with St. Peter, a Church, by conse- 
 
 * Syst. I. i. ch. xxix. p. 226. ; 1. iii. ch. xvii. f Syst p. 215. J Ibid. p. 217. 
 
 §Ibid. p. 215. 
 
288 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 quence, always exterior and visible ;" which he carries so far 
 as to declare, without hesitation,* " that he, who should have 
 the faith without the profession of the faith, would not be of the 
 Church." 
 
 It is this also that makes him say,| " it is essential to the 
 Christian Church to have a ministry." Equally with M. Claude, 
 he approves J of our inferring from these words of our Saviour, 
 teach, baptize, and lo I am with you always, even unto the end 
 of the world ;§ "that there will be teachers with whom Jesus 
 Christ shall teach, and that true preaching never shall cease in 
 the Church." He says as much of the sacraments, and is 
 agreed, II " that the band of Christians, by means of the sacra- 
 ments, is essential to the Church ; that there is no true Church 
 without the sacraments ;" whence he concludes, that it is neces- 
 sary " to have the essence" and foundation, to be members of 
 the body of the Church. 
 
 From all these express passages, the minister concludes with 
 us, that the Church is always visible, necessarily visible, and, 
 what is more remarkable, visible not only as to its body, but 
 also as to its soul, as he terms it, because, says he, IT " when I 
 see Christian societies, wherein doctrine conformable to the 
 word of God is preserved as much as is necessary for the es- 
 sence of a Church, 1 know and see for certain, that there are 
 elect in it, since, wherever are the fundamental truths, they are 
 salutary to some people." 
 
 After this chain of doctrine, which the minister confirms by 
 so many express passages, one might think nothing could be 
 better settled in his mind, from Scripture, from the promises of 
 Jesus Christ, from the Creed of the Apostles, than the perpetual 
 visibility of the Church ; and yet he says the contrary, not by 
 consequence, but in formal terms ; for he says, at the same 
 time,** " that this perpetual visibility of the Church is not to be 
 found by those proofs which are called of right," that is, by 
 Scripture, as he explains it, " otherwise than by supposing that 
 God always preserves to himself a hidden number of the faith- 
 ful, a Church, as one may say, subterraneous and unknown to 
 the whole earth, which would be as well the body of Jesus 
 Christ, his spouse and his kingdom, as a known Church ; and, 
 in fine, that the promises of Jesus Christ would remain invio- 
 late, though the Church should have fallen into so great an ob- 
 scurity, as that it were impossible to point out and say, there is 
 the true Church, and there does God preserve the elect." 
 
 What, then, becomes of that express acknowledgment, that 
 
 * Syst. p. 2. I L. iii. ch. xv. p. 549, &c. t Ibid. pp. 228, 229. 
 
 § Matt, xxviii. 19, 20. || Syst. pp. .'i39, 548. IT Prej. leg. ch. ii. pp. 21, 
 22, &c. Syst. p. 221. ** Prej. leg. pp. 21, 22, &c. Syst. p. 221. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 289 
 
 the Church in the Scripture is always visible ; that the promises 
 she has received from Jesus Christ, for her perpetual duration, 
 are addressed to a visible Church, to a Church that publishes 
 her faith, to a Church which has the keys and a ministry, to 
 whom the ministry is essential, and which no longer is a Church, 
 if the profession of faith be wanting to herl This we are at a 
 loss to know ; the minister thinks he salves all by telling us, 
 that, for his part,* he truly believes the Church always visible, 
 and that she hath been ever so, may be proved from history. 
 Who does not see what he aims atl Namely, in a word, that 
 in case it happens a Protestant should be forced to own, accord- 
 ing to his belief, that the Church had ceased to be visible, at most 
 he would only have denied a fact, yet not overthrown the promises 
 of Jesus Christ. But this is putting us on the wrong scent in too 
 gross a manner. The question in hand is not whether the Church, 
 by good luck, has always remained to this day in her visibility, but 
 whether she has promises of continuing for ever in it ; nor, whether 
 M. Jurieu believes it, but whether M. Jurieu has written that all 
 Christians are obliged to believe it as a truth from God, and as 
 a fundamental article couched in the Creed. Most certainly 
 he has written it, as we have seen ; and he goes on demon- 
 strating, that the question touching the Church involves the 
 ministers in such a disorder, that they know not which way to 
 turn themselves ; and if they can but meet with an evasion, it 
 is all they aim at. 
 
 83. — Vain distinction betioeen errors. 
 
 But not one is left them, provided they follow but never so 
 little the principles which they have granted ; for, if the Church 
 be visible and always visible by the confession of the truth ; if 
 Jesus Christ has promised she would be so eternally, it is 
 clearer than day that it is not allowable to depart one moment 
 from her doctrine, which is saying, in other words, that she is 
 infallible. The consequence is very plain ; since, departing 
 from the doctrine of her who always teaches truth, would be too 
 manifestly declaring enmity to truth itself; agaiuf nothing can 
 be more clear and distinct than this. 
 
 Let us consider, nevertheless, what method the ministers 
 have used to ward off this stroke. Jesus Christ has promised, 
 say they, a perpetual ministry, yet not a ministry always pure ; 
 the essence of the ministry shall subsist in the Church, because 
 the foundations will be retained ; but what shall be added to 
 these, will corrupt it, which makes M. Claude to say,| that the 
 ministry will never come to a subtraction of a fundamental 
 truth, such as is seen, for example, in Socinianism, which rejects 
 the divinity of Jesus Christ ; but there is not a like inconveni- 
 + Syst p. 125. Prej. p. 22. f Rep. an disc, de M. de Cond. p. 383, et seq. 
 
 VOL. II. 25 
 
290 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 ence in corrupting, by addition, wholesome truths, as the Church 
 of Rome has done, because the fundamentals of salvation still 
 subsist. 
 
 Pursuant to the same principles, M. Jurieu agrees,* " that 
 Jesus Christ has promised there always shall be teachers with 
 whom he will teach, so far that true preaching shall never cease 
 in his Church ;" but he distinguishes : there always shall be 
 teachers with whom Jesus Christ will teach the fundamental 
 truths, he grants it ; but that there never shall be errors in this 
 ministry, he denies it :t so, " true preaching shall never cease 
 in the Church ; we own it," answers he, " if by true preaching 
 be understood a preaching which announces the essential and 
 fundamental verities ; but we deny it, if by true preaching a 
 doctrine be understood that contains no kind of errors. 
 
 84. — Ji single word destroys these subtilties. 
 
 To dispel all these mists, nothing more is necessary than to 
 ask these men, where it is they have learned to put a restriction 
 on the promises of Jesus Christ 1 He that is able to prevent 
 subtractions, why must he not be able to prevent dangerous ad- 
 ditions ? What certainty, therefore, have they, that preaching 
 shall be more pure, the ministry more privileged with regard to 
 subtraction, than to addition 1 This word, " I am with you,"J 
 implies an universal protection to those with whom Jesus Christ 
 does teach. If the duration of the external and visible ministry be 
 the work of man, it may fail equally on all sides; if, on account 
 of the intervention of Jesus Christ, pursuant to his promises, 
 we are assured that subtraction has never taken place therein, 
 no longer do we comprehend how addition can find admittance. 
 
 85. — Strange way of securing the promises of Jesus Christ. 
 
 And assuredly it is impossible, agreeing as they do, that 
 Jesus Christ has promised his Church that the truth should al- 
 ways be taught in her, and that he would eternally abide with 
 the Ministers of this same Church, in order to teach with them; 
 it is, I say, impossible he should not have meant to say, that 
 the truth he promised to preserve in her should be pure, and 
 such as revealed by him ; there being nothing more ridiculous 
 than to make him promise he would always teach the truth with 
 such as, retaining a foundation of it, were to overwhelm this 
 foundation, nay destroy it, as is supposed, with their errors, by 
 the inevitable consequence of their doctrine. 
 
 And, in reality, I leave the Protestants to judge whether these 
 magnificent promises of rendering the Church immovable in the 
 visible profession of the truth be fultilled in the state, which the 
 Minister has represented to us by these words :§ — " We say that 
 
 * Syst. pp. 228, 229. f Ibid. J Matt, xxviii. 20. § Prej. leg. p. 21. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 291 
 
 the Church is perpetually visible ; but the greatest part of the 
 time, and almost always, she is more visible by the corruption of 
 her manners, by the addition of mnny false tenets, by the decay 
 of her ministry, by her errors and her superstitions, than by the 
 truths she does preserve." If such be the visibility which Christ 
 has promised to his Church, if it be thus he promises,* that the 
 truth, shall always be taught in her, there is no sect, though never 
 so impious, which may not glory that the promise of Jesus Christ 
 is fultilled in her : and if Jesus Christ only promises to teach 
 with all those that shall teach some truth, whatever error may be 
 interwoven with it, he promises nothing more to his Church than 
 to the Socinians, to the Deists, to Atheists themselves, since 
 none of them are gone so far astray as not to retain some rem- 
 nant of the truth. 
 
 86. — The Minister says that the Universal Church teaches, and at the same time 
 
 does not teach. 
 
 It is now easy to understand what we have inculcated so fre- 
 quently, that the article of the creed, " I believe the Catholic 
 and Universal Church," imports necessarily the belief of her 
 infallibility, and that there is no difference between believing the 
 Catholic Church and believing in the Catholic Church, to wit, 
 by approving and assenting to her doctrine. The Minister rises 
 up with contempt against this reasoning of M. de Meaux, and 
 opposes it by two answers :| the first is, that the Universal 
 Church teaches nothing ; the second, that, supposing she taught 
 the truth, it would not follow that she taught it entirely pure. 
 But he contradicts himself in these two answers : in the first, 
 in express terms, as I am going to show ; in the second, 
 by the evident consequence of his principles, as will be shown 
 hereafter. Let us, then, observe how he speaks in his first 
 answer. " The Universal Church," says he,J " mentioned in the 
 Creed cannot, properly speaking, either teach or preach the 
 truth :" and I prove to him the contrary by his own words, he 
 having said, but two pages before, that the Church to which Jesus 
 Christ promises an eternal subsistence, by saying "the gates of 
 hell shall not prevail against her, is a confessing Church, a 
 Church that pubhshes her faith :"§ now this Church is, undoubt- 
 edly, the Universal Church, and the same that the Creed speaks 
 of; therefore the Universal Church, of which mention is made 
 in the Creed, confesses and publishes the truth ; nor can it any 
 longer be denied by this Minister, without giving himself the 
 lie, but that Church does confess, does preach the truth, unless 
 publishing and confessing be different from preaching to the 
 whole universe. 
 
 + Matt xvi. 18. t Syst. 1. i. ch. xxvi. pp. 217, 218. 
 
 t Ibid. p. 218. § Ibid. p. 215. 
 
292 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 87. — Sequel of the contradictions of the Minister on this subject, that the Uni- 
 versal Church teaches mid judges. 
 
 But let us dive farther into this ??Iinister's sentiments on this 
 important subject. What he most repeats, what he most insists 
 upon in his system is, " that the Universal Church teaches noth- 
 ing, decides nothing, has never passed, nor will ever pass, nor 
 will be able ever to pass, any judgment ; and that to teach, to 
 decide, to judge, is the property of particular Churches." But 
 this doctrine is so false, that, to see it convicted of error, no 
 more is requisite than to continue on the reading of those places 
 where it is a:-serte4.; for there you will find,* that " the subsist- 
 ing communions, and those which make a figure, are the Greeks, 
 the Latins, the Protestants, the Abyssinians, the Armenians, the 
 Nestorians, the Russians. I say that the consent of all these 
 communions in teachmg certain verities, is a kind of judgment, 
 nay, of infallible judgmenU^ These communions, therefore, 
 teach ; and seeing these communions, according to him, are the 
 Universal Church, he cannot deny that the Universal Church 
 does teach ; no more can he deny that she judges in a certain 
 sense, since he attributes to her a kind of judgment, which can 
 be nothing less than a sentiment declared. Here is, then, by 
 the confession of the Minister, a declared sentiment, and, more- 
 over, an infallible sentiment of the Church he calls universal. 
 
 88. — By the Confession of the Minister, the sentiment of the Church is a certain 
 rule of Faith in the most essential matters. 
 
 He proceeds : — " When the consent of the Universal Church 
 is general in all ages as well as in all communions, then I main- 
 tain that this unanimous consent makes a demonstration." This 
 is not enough ; this demonstration is grounded on the perpetual 
 assistance which, according to him, God owes his Church : 
 " God," says he,"!" " can?iot permit great Christian societies to be 
 engaged in uiortal errors, nor to persevere in them a long while." 
 And, a little after, " is it likely that God should so far have aban- 
 doned the Universal Church, that all communions, in all ages, 
 should have unanimously renounced the most important truths ?" 
 
 Thence it clearly follows that the sentiment of the Universal 
 Church is a certain rule of faith, and the Minister makes the 
 application of it to the two most important disputes, which, in 
 his own judgment, possibly can arise among Christians. The 
 first is that of the Socinians, which comprehends so many essen- 
 tial points ; and, thereupon, " the presumption of the Socinians," 
 says hej, " cannot be considered otherwise than as a prodigious 
 temerity and a certain token of reprobation ; for that, in the 
 articles of Jesus Christ's divinity, the trinity of persons, the re- 
 demption, satisfaction, original sin, the creation, grace, immor- 
 
 * Syst. pp. 6, 218, 233, 234, 235, 236. f Syst. p. 237, J Ibid. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 293 
 
 tality of the soul, and eternity of torments, they have departed 
 from the sentiment of the whole Universal Church."* Again, 
 therefore, this Universal Church has a sentiment : her senti- 
 ment carries along with it an infallible condemnation of the 
 errors opposite thereunto, and serves as a rule for the decision 
 of all the aforesaid articles. 
 
 89. — This rule, according to the Minister, is sure, clear, sufficient, and the Faith 
 it produces is not blind nor unreasonable. 
 
 Besides this, there is another subject wherein this sentiment 
 stands for a rule : " I believe that it is here also the most sure 
 rule of judging which points are fundamental, and of distinguish- 
 ing them from such as are not ; so knotty, so difficult a question 
 to resolve ! Thus, all that Christians have unanimously believed, 
 and do still everywhere believe, is fundamental and necessary 
 to salvation." 
 
 This rule is not only certain and clear, but also fully sufficient ; 
 since the Minister, after having said that the discussion of texts, 
 of versions, of interpretations of Scripture, and even the reading 
 of this divine book, is not necessary to the believer in order to 
 form his faith, concludes at last,| that " a simple woman, who 
 has learnt the Apostles' Creed, and understood it in the sense of 
 the Universal Church (withal keeping God's commandments,) 
 shall be, perhaps, in a more sure way than the learned, who, with 
 so much ability, contend about the difference of versions." 
 
 There must be, therefore, an easy method of discovering what 
 is believed by the Universal Church, since this discovery is 
 within the reach of a simple woman. There is a security in this 
 knowledge so discovered, since this simple woman relies upon 
 and trusts to it ; lastly, there is an entire sufficiency, since this 
 woman has nothing to seek further, and, fully instructed in her 
 faith, needs no otherwise to be concerned than how to live well. 
 This belief is neither blind nor unreasonable, since it is founded 
 on clear and sure principles ; and in reality, when one is weak, 
 as we all are, it is the most excellent pitch of reason to know 
 well whom you may rely upon. 
 
 90. — It can be no longer objected to ^is, that by following the authority of the 
 
 Church tcefolloio men. 
 
 But let us push on this argument still further. That which 
 makes an absolute certainty in matter of faith, a certainty of de- 
 monstration, and the best rule to decide truths by, must be clearly 
 grounded on the word of God. Now, this kind of infallibility, 
 which the Minister attributes to the Universal Church, imports 
 a certainty absolute, and a certainty of demonstration, and it is 
 the most sure rule whereby to decide the most essential, and 
 
 + Syst. p. 237. t Syst 1. iii. ch. iv. p. 463. 
 
 VOL. II. ' 25 * 
 
294 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 withal the most knotty truths : therefore, it is clearly grounded 
 
 on the word of God. 
 
 For the future, therefore, when we shall urge the Protestants 
 
 with the authority of the Universal Church, should they object 
 
 to us, that we follow the authority and traditions of men ; their 
 
 Minister will confound them by saying, with us, that following 
 
 the Universal Church is not following men, but God himself, 
 
 who assists her by his spirit. 
 
 91. — The idea lohich the Minister forms to himself of the Universal Church us 
 he conceives it, is not agreeable with the sentiments of the Universal Chnrch. 
 
 If the Minister should answer, that we get nothing by this 
 acknowledgment, because the Church, wherein he owns this 
 infallibility, is not ours, and that all Christian communions enter 
 into the notion which he gives of the Church : he will be no 
 less confounded by his own principles, since he has but just 
 placed among the conditions of the true faith, that the Creed be 
 understood " in the sense of the Universal Church." We 
 must therefore understand, in this sense, that article of the 
 Creed, which speaks of the Universal Church herself. Now 
 the Universal Church never has beheved, that the Universal 
 Church was the ao-greorate of all Christian sects : nor does the 
 Minister find this notion in all places, or all times;* on the 
 contrary, he is agreed that the notion which reduces the Church 
 to a perfect unity, by excluding all sects from her communion, 
 is of all ages, even of the three first : he has seen it in the two 
 councils whose creeds he receives, namely, in that of Nice, and 
 in that of Constantinople. It is not, therefore, in his sense, 
 but in ours, that the simple woman, whom he makes to walk so 
 surely in the way of salvation, ought to understand these words 
 in the Creed, "the Catholic or Universal Church;" and when 
 this good woman says, she believes therein, she is obliged to 
 fix upon one certain communion, which God shall have distin- 
 guished from all the rest, and which contains in her unity none 
 but the orthodox : a conmiunion which must be the true king- 
 dom of Christ Jesus perfectly united in itself, and opposite to 
 the kingdom of Satan, | whose character, as before observed, is 
 disunion. 
 
 92. — The Minister condemns his Church by the characteristics ascribed hxj him 
 to the Universal Church. 
 
 Should the Minister think to escape by answering that, sup- 
 posing we had proved a communion of this nature, we had done 
 nothing as yet, since it still remained to be proved that this is 
 our communion ; I own, before we come to that, there are still 
 some steps to be taken : but, in the meanwhile, and before we 
 do this, and force the Minister, according to his principles, to 
 
 + See Sect 71, of this Book, et seq. f Luke xi. 17. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 295 
 
 take these steps with us ; we find already in his principles, 
 whereby to reject his Church. For when he gave us for a rule 
 that which the Universal Church unanimously believes every- 
 where : lest he should comprehend the Socinians in this Uni- 
 versal Church, whose authority he opposed against them, he 
 reduced this Church to " communions which are ancient and 
 extensive,"* exclusively of sects which have neither of these 
 advantages, and which, " for this reason, could neither be called 
 communions, nor Christian communions." Here are then two 
 great characteristics, which, according to him, a communion 
 ought to have to merit the denomination of Christian, antiquity 
 and extent : now it is very certain, that the Churches of the 
 Reformation were not, at the beginning, either ancient or ex- 
 tensive, no more than those of the Socinians and others which 
 the Minister rejects ; therefore, they were neither " Churches 
 nor communions :" but if they were not so then, they could not 
 become so afterwards : therefore, they are not so now, nor can 
 one, consistently with the Minister's rules, too speedily forsake 
 them. 
 
 93. — All the Minister''s means for defending his Churches are common to them 
 with those of the Socinians and of other Sectaries rejected by the Refor- 
 mation. 
 
 It serves no purpose to answer, that these Churches had their 
 predecessors in those great societies which were antecedent to 
 them, and which preserved the fundamental verities ; for it suits 
 only with the Socinians to say as much. The minister urges them 
 in vain with these words,| " Let these men name us a commu- 
 nion which has taught their dogma. To find out the succession 
 of their doctrine, they begin by a Cerinthus ; they continue by 
 an Artemon, by a Paul of Samosata, by a Photinus, and other 
 such like men, who never had an assembly of four thousand 
 people, who never had a communion, and who were the abomi- 
 nation of the whole Church." When the Minister urges them 
 thus, he is right in the main, but he is not right according to his 
 principles, because the Socinians will always tell him, that the 
 only fundamental point of salvation is to believe one only God, 
 and one only mediator, Christ ; that it is the unity of these 
 tenets, which all the world agrees in, that makes the Church's 
 unity ; that the superadded tenets may, indeed, make particular 
 confederations, but not another body of the Church universal ; 
 that their faith had subsisted, and does still subsist in all Chris- 
 tian societies ; that they can live amongst the Calvinists, as the 
 pretended elect of the Calvinists hved, before Calvin, in the 
 Church of Piome ; that they are no more obliged to show, nor 
 to reckon their predecessors, than the Lutherans or Calvinists ; 
 * Syst. 1. ii. ch. i. p. 238. t Ihid. 
 
296 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 that it is not true, they were " the abomination of the whole 
 Chuich ;" since, besides their being a part thereof, the whole 
 Church never had the power of assembling herself against them ; 
 the whole Church " teaches nothing, decides nothing," detests 
 nothing ; that all these functions appertain only to paritcular 
 Churches ; that he is in the wrong to find fault with them for 
 clandestinity, or rather for the nullity of their assemblies ; that 
 those of the Lutherans or Calvinists at the beginning were in no 
 resp-^ct different ; that, after their example, they meet together 
 when able, and where they have the liberty : which if others 
 have extorted by bloody wars, their cause is never the better for 
 that ; and to annex salvation to such favor or toleration, how- 
 soev'jr obtained from prince or magistrate, whether by negotia- 
 tion or force, is making Christianity to depend on policy. 
 94. — Mndgment of the foregoing arguments. 
 The Minister having taken these great steps, by never so lit- 
 tle reflection upon his own principles, would soon join issue with 
 us. The sentiment of the universal Church is a rule ; it is a 
 certain rule against the Socinians : therefore, an universal 
 Church must be shown in which the Socinians are not compre- 
 henc'.ed. What excludes them from it is the want of " extent 
 or succession :" a succession, therefore, must be pointed out 
 to t'iem, which they cannot meet with amongst themselves : 
 now they meet evidently with the same succession that Calvin- 
 ists boast of; namely, a succession in the principles which are 
 common to them with other sects ; it is necessary, therefore, 
 they should find out another ; it is necessary, I say, that you 
 should find a succession in the tenets peculiar to that sect 
 whose antiquity you would establish. Now this succession 
 agrees not with Calvinists, who, in their peculiar tenets, have 
 no more succession, nor antiquity, than the Socinians : you 
 must, therefore, go forth from theirs as well as from the So- 
 cinian Church : you must, therefore, be able to find out a better 
 anti(juity and succession than either of theirs. Finding this 
 antiquity and this succession, you will have found the certainty 
 of faith : all, therefore, you will have to do is, to rely on the 
 sentiments of the Church, and on her authority ; and what is 
 all this else, I pray, but owning the Church infallible? This 
 Minister leads us then by a sure way to the infallibility of the 
 Chu'-ch. 
 
 95. — There is no restriction xoith respect to Dogmas in the Church's Infallir' 
 
 bility. 
 
 I am sensible he lays a restriction. *' The universal Church," 
 says he,* " is infallible to a certain degree, as far as those 
 bounds which divide fundamental truths from those which are 
 
 ♦ P. 236. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 297 
 
 not so." But we have already made it plain that this restric- 
 tion is arbitrary. God hath not declared to us that he ever 
 confined within these bounds the assistance which he promised 
 to his Church, nor that he designed to hmit his promises at the 
 v/ill of ministers. He gives his Holy Ghost, not to teach some 
 truth, but to teach " all truth,"* because he has revealed none 
 but such as is useful and necessary in certain cases. Never, 
 therefore, will he permit any one of these truths to be extin- 
 guished in the body of the universal Church. 
 
 96. — What is once believed in the whole Church, loas always believed in it. 
 
 Wherefore, whatsoever doctrine I shall show to have been 
 once universally received, the minister must receive it accord- 
 ing to his principles ; and should he think to escape by answer- 
 ing that this doctrine, for instance, transubstantiation, the 
 sacrifice, invocation of saints, veneration of images, and such 
 like points, are indeed to be found in all the Oriental comm.u- 
 nions no less than in the Western Church, but yet were not al- 
 ways there, and that it is in this perpetuity that he has placed 
 the stress of his proof and the infallibility of the universal 
 Church : he must have misunderstood himself, because he could 
 not have believed in the Church universal, a perpetual assist- 
 ance of the Holy Ghost, without comprehending, in this ac- 
 knowledgment, not only all times together, but also each time 
 in particular : this perpetuity including them all : from whence 
 it follows that, throughout the whole duration of the Church, he 
 will never be able to point out a time, when the error prevails 
 which the Holy Ghost has bound himself to preserve her from. 
 Now it has been seen, the Holy Ghost has equally bound him- 
 self to preserve her from all error, nor from one more than 
 another ; therefore there never can be any. 
 
 97. — The Catholic alone believes in the promises. 
 
 What makes our adversaries stop at this, is their having 
 nothing but a human and a wavering faith. But the Catholic, 
 whose faith is divine and firm, will say without hesitating : if 
 the Holy Ghost has promised his universal Church to assist her 
 indefinitely against errors, therefore against all : and if against 
 all, therefore always : and as often as one shall find, in any 
 certain time, a doctrine established in the whole Catholic 
 Church, such can never be impeached of novelty, but by eiror. 
 
 98. — The Minister can no longer deny the Infallibility which he has confessed. 
 We press him too much, will he say, and at last shall force 
 him to forsake his principles of the infallibility of the universal 
 Church. God forbid he should forsake so true a principle, or 
 that he should fall back into all the absurdiUes he sought to 
 
 * John xvi. 13. 
 
298 THE HISTORY OP [book 
 
 avoid by establishing it ; for then his case would be that men- 
 tioned by St. Paul, " If I build again the things which I de- 
 stroyed, I make myself a prevaricator."* But since he has 
 begun to take so wholesome a medicine, he must be made to 
 follow it to the last drop, however bitter it may seem at present ; 
 that is, he must be shown all the necessary consequences of 
 that truth which he has once acknowledged. 
 
 99. — The infallibility of general Coxmcils a consequence from the infallibilily 
 
 of the Church. 
 
 He puzzles himself about the infallibility of universal coun- 
 cils : but in the first place, supposing there were no councils, 
 the minister is agreed that the consent of the Church, even with- 
 out being assembled, would serve for a certain rule. Her con- 
 sent might be known, since he supposes it is so sufficiently at 
 present, to condemn the Socinians, and to serve for an unalter- 
 able rule in the most knotty questions. Now, by the same 
 means that the Socinians are condemned, the other sects may 
 also be condemned. Nor, indeed, can it be denied that the 
 whoie Church, without assembling herself, has sufficiently con- 
 demned Novatian, Paul of Samosata, the Manicheans, the Pe- 
 lagians, and an endless number of other sects. In like manner, 
 what sect soever may arise, it may always be condemned like 
 those, and the Church will be infallible in this condemnation, 
 since her consent will be a rule. Secondly, by owning that the 
 universal Church is infallible, how can the Councils not be so 
 that represent her, which she receives, which she approves, 
 wherein nothing else is proposed but to declare her sentiments 
 in a lawful assembly ? 
 
 100. — Cavils against Councils. 
 
 But this assembly is impossible, because there is no assem- 
 bling all the pastors of the universe, and nmch less, so many 
 opposite communions. What a chicanery ! Did ever man 
 take it into his head to require, in order to form an Oecumen- 
 ical Council, that all pastors should be present at it? Is it not 
 sufficient tluit so many come to it, and from so many places, 
 and the rest so evidently consent to their assembly, as to be- 
 come manifest that the judgment passed in it is the judgment 
 of the whole earth? Who, therefore, can refuse his consent to 
 such a Council, unless he that will say, Jesus Christ, contrary 
 to his promise, has abandoned the whole Church? And if the 
 sent-ment of the Church was of much force whilst diffused, of 
 how much more will it be, when reunited ? 
 
 101. — Excessive and monstrous poxoer given by the Minister to those ivho are 
 
 rebels to the Church. 
 
 Concerning what the Minister says about opposite commu- 
 
 * Gal. ii. 18. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 299 
 
 nions, I have but one word to tell him. If the Universal Church 
 be infallible in opposite communions, she would be much more 
 so, remaining in her primitive unity. Let us, then, take her in 
 this state ; let us convene her pastors in the third century, be- 
 fore the Church was corrupted : before, if he pleases, that No- 
 vatian had separated from it : at such a time, he must allov/ the 
 convention of such a council would have been a divine relief in 
 order to prevent the progress of an error. Let us now suppose 
 what came to pass : a proud Novatian makes himself bishop in 
 a See already filled, and makes a sect that will reform the 
 Church. He is expelled ; is excommunicated : what then ; 
 because he continues to call himself a Christian, must he be of 
 the Church in despite of her 1 Because he carries his insolence 
 to the utmost extremes, and will hsten to no kind of reason, 
 must the Church have lost her first unity, nor be able any 
 longer to assemble, nor to form an universal Council unless 
 his proud heart consent? Must temerity have such a po"/er? 
 And will there need no more than to lop off a branch, nay, a 
 rotten branch, to say that the tree has lost its unity and root 1 
 102. — The Council of J^ice formed contrary to the principles of the Mirujter. 
 It is therefore a thing not to be questioned, that in spitv3 of 
 Novatian, in spite of Donatus, in spite of all other no less con- 
 tentious than unreasonable men, the Church will have power to 
 convene an Oecumenical Council. Will have it, do I say? 
 Already has she exercised that power, and in despite of Nova- 
 tian and Donatus held the Nicene Council. That it was 
 necessary to call, and what is worse, to make the followers of 
 those heresiarchs actually come to it, in order that the assembly 
 might be lawfully held, is what was never so much as thought 
 of. To invent such an evasion, and thirteen hundred ) ears 
 after the whole world (the impious part excepted) has looked 
 on this holy council as universal ; to maintain it was not so, nay, 
 that it was impossible for the Catholic Church to hold such a 
 council, because she could not assemble in it those rebels who 
 had unjustly broken unity, is obhging her to depend on her ene- 
 mies, and punish their rebellion on herself. 
 
 103. — Remarkable words of a learned Englishman concerning the infallibility 
 of the JS''icene Council. 
 
 Here is, then, a Council justly called universal, by conse- 
 quence infallible, if the minister do not forget all he has just 
 granted ; and pleased am I with the opportimity of quoting to 
 him what a learned Englishman, a staunch Protestant, has said 
 to this purpose. " The matter under question in this Council 
 was a main article of the Christian religion. If, in a question 
 of this importance, it be imagined, that all the pastors of the 
 Church could have fallen into error, and deceived all the faith- 
 
300 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 ful, how shall we be able to defend the word of Jesus Christ, 
 who has promised his Apostles, and in their persons, his suc- 
 cessors, to be always with them ? A promise that would not 
 be true, the Apostles not being to live so long a time, were it 
 not that their successors are here comprehended in the persons 
 of the Apostles themselves ;"* which he confirms by a passage 
 out of Socrates,! who says, " That the Fathers of this Council, 
 although simple and not over-learned, could not fall into error, 
 for that they were illuminated with the light of the Holy Ghost ;" 
 whereby he shows us all at once the infallibility of universal 
 Councils by the Scripture and by the tradition of the ancient 
 Church. May the blessing of God light on the learned Doctor 
 Bull ! and in recompense of this smcere acknowledgment, and 
 withal of that zeal he has shown in defence of Jesus Christ's di- 
 vinity, may he be delivered from the prejudices which prevent him 
 from opening his eyes to the lights of the Catholic Church, and 
 to the necessary consequences of that truth he has confessed. 
 104. — One may judge of other Councils by the Council of J^ice. 
 I do neither undertake the history nor the defence of all gene- 
 ral councils ; it suffices me to have remarked in one only, from 
 avovv-ed principles, what the attentive reader will easily extend 
 to all the rest ; and the least that can be concluded from this 
 example is, that God having prepared in these assemblies so 
 immediate an assistance to his troubled Church, it is renouncing 
 faith in his providence to believe, that Schismatics may so alter 
 the constitution of his Church, as that this remedy should be- 
 come absolutely impossible to her. 
 
 105. — The Minister forced to take from Pastors the title of Judges in matters 
 
 of Faith. 
 
 In order to enervate the authority of ecclesiastical judgments 
 in matters of faith, M. Jurieu has ventured to say that they are 
 not even judgments ; that the pastors assembled in these cases 
 are not judges, "but wise and experienced men, and that they 
 act not with authority ;" that the want of being let into this se- 
 cret was the cause, that his brethren " have written with so little 
 perspicuity on this subject ;" and the reason he alleges for 
 taking from councils the title of judges is, because " not being 
 infallible, it is impossible they should be judges in decisions 
 of faith, because the word 'judge' imports a person you must 
 necessarily submit to. "J 
 
 106. — This Doctrine is contrary to the sentiments of his Churches. 
 
 That the pastors are not judges in questions relative to faith, 
 is what never has been heard of among Christians, nay, not so 
 much as in the Reformation, where ecclesiastical authority is 
 
 * Dr. Bull, def. fid. Nic. prcem. n. 2. p. 2. Ibid. n. 3. f Socra. 1. i. c. 9. 
 X Syst. 1. iii. ch. ii. p. 243. ch. iii. p. 251. ch. iv. p. 258. Ibid. 243. p. 255. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 301 
 
 brought to so low an ebb. On the contrary, M. Jurieu him- 
 self produces us the words of the Synod of Dort,* v*herein 
 that Synod declares herself judge, and even "lawful judge, in 
 the cause of Arminius," which certainly regarded faith. 
 
 We read also in the book of Dis.cipline,t " that all the differ- 
 ences of a province shall be definitively judged, and without ap- 
 peal, in its respective provincial Synod, except what regards 
 
 suspensions and degradations And likewise what 
 
 concerns doctrine, the sacraments, and discipline in general ; 
 all which cases may, step by step, be brought up to the national 
 Synod to receive the definitive and last judgment," which, in 
 another place, is called " the entire and final resolution. "J 
 
 To say with M. Jurieu, § that the word "judgment" is here 
 taken " in an extensive sense," for a report of experienced 
 men, and not for a sentence " of judges having authority to bind 
 men's consciences," is an insult on human language ; for what 
 must be called acting with authority, and binding consciences, 
 if it be not to push things so far as to obhge the particular con- 
 demned persons II " to acquiesce from point to point, and with 
 express disclaiming of their errors entered in a register, under 
 penalty of being cut off from the Church?" 
 
 Is this a judgment in an improper "and more extensive sense," 
 and not rather a judgment in full rigor? And that the Synods 
 have exerted this power, we have seen in the aflair of Piscator,*)! 
 they obliging him to subscribe a formulary which condemned 
 his doctrine : we have seen in the affair of Arminius, and in the 
 subscription required to the canons of the Synod of Dort ; and 
 all the registers of our reformed are full of the like subscriptions. 
 
 107. — Subscriptions disapjrroved by the Minister notwithstanding the practice 
 
 of his Churches. 
 
 No other remedy has M. Jurieu found out for this but to say,** 
 " that when a Synod decides controversies which are not impor- 
 tant, it ought never to oblige the condemned parties to sub- 
 scribe, and to beheve her decisions ;" but this is contrary to the 
 express terms of their Discipline, " which obliges to acquiesce 
 from point to point, and with an express disclaiming of their 
 errors entered in a register, under penalty of being severed from 
 the Church ;" which M. Jurieu himself understands " of less 
 important controversies, which neither destroy nor hurt the 
 foundation. "|"j* 
 
 103. — The Minister's evasion. 
 
 It only remainded to say, that " cutting off from the Church," 
 in this place, was no more than cutting off from an arbitrary 
 
 * Syst. 1. iii. ch. ii. p. 243. ch. ili. p. 251. ch. iv. p. 258. Ibid. 243. p. 257. 
 
 t Disc. ch. viii. Art. x. J Ibid. v. Art. xxxii. p. 114. § Syst. p. 257. 
 
 II Disc. Ibid. H S. I. xii. ++ Syst. p. 306. ft Ibid. p. 270. 
 VOL. II. 26 
 
S02 THE HISTORY OF [BOOK 
 
 confederation,* contrary to the express words of their Disci- 
 pline, which, explaining this cutting off in the same chapter, is 
 acquainted with no other than that which severs a rotten mem- 
 ber from the body, and ranks it among heathens, as already seen, 
 
 109. — Infallibility proved by the principles of the Minister. 
 Wherefore it is but too manifest that this minister has changed 
 the maxims of the sect. Let us now restore them, and joining 
 them to the minister's own principles, we shall clearly find in- 
 fallibility confessed. By the minister's principles, if councils 
 were judges in matters of faith, they would be infallible :| now, 
 by the principles of his Church, they are judges ; therefore, the 
 minister either must condemn himself, or his Church, if he al- 
 low not the infallibility of councils, of those at least, wherein is 
 the last and final resolution : but though he should have bereft 
 the pastors assembled of the title of judges, so as to leave them 
 nothing but that of experienced men, yet the councils would be 
 but the better authorized by his doctrine, there being not a man 
 of sound sense that would not hold himself for at least as rash, 
 in resisting the sentiment of all experienced men, as in resist- 
 ing the sentence of all judges. 
 
 110. — Sirange expression of the Minister, who will have xts sacrifice Truth to 
 
 Peace. 
 
 He is not less perplexed about the letters of submission, which 
 the deputies of all provincial Synods are to carry to the national 
 one in good form, and in these terms :;]; — " We promise before 
 God to subiTiit ourselves to all that shall be concluded and re- 
 solved in your holy assembly, persuaded, as we are, that God 
 will there preside, and will lead you into all truth and equity by 
 the rule of his v/ord." The last words demonstrate that the 
 matter in hand was religion ; nor any longer can we learn what 
 it is to be judges, nay, and sovereign judges, if men to whom 
 such an oath is taken be not so. I have elsewhere shown § that 
 they exacted it in full rigor; that many provinces were censured 
 for having made a difficulty of submitting " to the clause of ap- 
 probation, of submission and obedience ;" and that they were 
 obliged " to make it in specific terms to all that should be con- 
 cluded and decreed, without condition or modification." These 
 words are so pressing, that after so long torturing himself to 
 expound them, ]\L Jurieu at length comes to say,]] '' that they 
 promise this submission on regulations of discipline relating to 
 things indiiferent, or, at furthest, less important controversies, 
 which do not destroy nor hurt the foundation of faith ;" so that, 
 concludes he, " it is not strange that in such sort of things we 
 
 * Syst. p. 269. Ibid. Art. xvii. t Sup. n. 105. S. 106, et seq. J Disc. p. 144. 
 
 § Expos, ch. xix. Conference with M. Claude, pp. 52. 337. 
 
 li Syst. pp. 270, 271. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 303 
 
 pay the Synod an entire submission, because, in controversies 
 which are not of the utmost importance, we ought to sacrifice 
 truths to the good of peace." 
 
 Sacrifice truths, and the revealed truths of God ! Either he 
 knows not what he says, or he blasphemes. To sacrifice hea- 
 venly truths, if this be to renounce them, and subscribe the con- 
 demnation of them, it is a blasphemy. There is no truth 
 revealed of God that does not deserve, so far from sacrificing 
 it, that we should sacrifice ourselves for it. But perchance to 
 sacrifice them, is to hold one's tongue. The expression is 
 much too violent. Let it pass, however, provided this will 
 satisfy : but the Synod will come upon you " after her last and 
 final resolution," and press you in virtue of their Discipline and 
 your own solemn oath, " to acquiesce from point to point, and 
 with an express disclaiming of your opinion authentically enter- 
 ed in a register," in order to prevent all equivocation, under 
 penalty of being cut ofi'from God's people, and accounted as a 
 heathen. What will you do, if unable to make your judgment 
 bend to that of the Church ? Certainly, either you will subscribe 
 and betray your conscience, or speedily you alone will be your 
 whole Church. 
 
 111. — The Confession of Faith alio ays put to the question in all Synods. 
 
 Besides, when the minister tells us,* that the points of con- 
 troversy which are submitted to the Synod, are not those which 
 are contained in the " Confession of Faith," he does not reflect 
 how many times they Vv'ould have changed them in important 
 articles out of complaisance to the Lutherans. Nay, more, he 
 has forgotten the custom of all their Synods, wherein the first 
 point put to debate always is, upon reading the Confession of 
 Faith, to examine whether there be anything to be corrected in 
 it. The fact was put to M. Claude, f nor was it denied by him, 
 and besides this, it is manifest by the acts of all the Synods. 
 Yv'ho v/ill now wonder that nothing has escaped change in the 
 new Reformation, since, notwithstanding so many books written, 
 and so many Synods held, they are every day still to seek and 
 deliberate anew about their faith 1 
 
 1 12. — The weak constitution of the Refm-mation forces at length the Ministers 
 to change their Capital Dogma, viz. the necessity of the Scripture. 
 
 But nothing will set in a plainer light the feeble constitution 
 of their Church, than the change I am now about to relate. 
 Nothing; amono;st them is more essential, nor more fundamen- 
 tal, than to oblige each one to form his faith on the reading of 
 the Scripture. But one sole question proposed to them has, at 
 length, withdrawn them from this principle. Now, they were 
 asked, what could be the faith of those people, who as yet had 
 * Syst. p. 270. t Conference with M. Claude, p. 378. 
 
304 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 neither read the Scripture nor heard it read, but were just entering 
 on the reading of it 1 There needed no more than this to put 
 them manifestly to a stand. 
 
 To say, ihat in this state, one has no faith, with what dispo- 
 sition, then, and in what spirit, will such a man read the holy 
 Scripture ] But if you say, he has, whence has he received it? 
 All they had to answer was,* " that the Christian doctrine, 
 taken in the whole, makes itself be felt ; that to form an act of 
 faith on the divinity of Scripture, it is not necessary to have 
 read it ;| that it suffices to have read a summary of Christian 
 doctrine without descending to particulars ; that those who 
 wanted the Scripture, had it nevertheless in their power to be- 
 come good Christians ; that the Gospel doctrine makes its di- 
 vinity be felt by the simple, independently of the book in which 
 it is contained ; that supposing this doctrine were mixed with 
 things not divine but useless, the pure and celestial doctrine 
 blended with it would nevertheless make itself be felt ; that con- 
 science relishes truth, after which the faithful man believes such 
 a book to be canonical, because he has found truths that sensi- 
 bly affect him ; in a word, that one feels truth as he feels the 
 light in seeing it ; heat, sitting near the fire ; sweet and bitter, 
 in eating." 
 
 113. — Their Faith no longer fcn-med on Scripture. 
 
 Heretofore it was an inextricable difficulty for the ministers 
 
 to resolve this question ; whether or not it is requisite, if faith 
 
 be to be formed on Scripture, to have read all the books thereof? 
 
 and, if sufficient to have read some of them, which are those 
 
 privileged ones we must read preferably to the rest, in order to 
 
 form our faith ? But they have rid themselves of this perplexity 
 
 by saying, there is not even a necessity of reading any one of 
 
 them ; nay, they have carried it so far as to make a believer 
 
 form his faith without so much as knowing which are the books 
 
 inspired by God. 
 
 114. — The people have no further necessity of discerning Apocryphal from 
 
 Canonical Books. 
 
 Their thoughts were too much busied about the Confession 
 of Faith, when they said, speaking of the divine books,J " that 
 they were known for canonical, not so much from the consent 
 of the Church, as from the testimony and interior persuasion of 
 the Holy Ghost." The ministers, it seems, are sensible at 
 present that this was all illusion, and how little likelihood there 
 is that the lliithful should be capable, by their interior relish, and 
 without the assistance of tradition, to discern from a profane 
 book, the Canticle of Canticles, or to feel the divinity of the first 
 chapters of Genesis, and so forth ; accordingly, it is decided at 
 
 * Syst. p. 428. t Ibid. p. 453, et seq. J Confess. Art. iv. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 305 
 
 present, " that the examination of the question touching Apoc- 
 ryphal books, is not necessary for the people." M. Jurieu* has 
 written a chapter expressly to prove it ; and so far is it from 
 being requisite to torment one's self about books Canonical or 
 Apocryphal, about text or version, or to be at the pains of dis- 
 cussing Scripture, or even reading it, that the Christian truths, 
 provided you only put them together, will of themselves make 
 you feel them as you feel cold and heat. 
 
 115. — The importance of this change. 
 
 M. Jurieu says all this ; and what is more remarkable, says 
 it but after M. Claude. And since these two ministers have 
 concurred together in this point, which is as much as to say, 
 that the party has but this sole refuge ; let us stop a while to 
 consider whence they set out, and ^yhither they are arrived. 
 The ministers heretofore built faith on Scripture ;"|" now they 
 form it without the Scripture. It was said in the Confession 
 of Faith, speaking of Scripture, J that " all things ought to be 
 examined, regulated, and reformed according to it ;" now, not 
 the sentiment, which men have of things, ought to be proved by 
 Scripture, but Scripture itself is not known, nor perceived to 
 be Scripture, otherwise than by the sentiment you have of things 
 before you know the divine books ; and religion is formed 
 without them. 
 
 1 16. — Manifest Fanaticism. 
 
 This testimony, imagined by men to proceed from the Holy 
 Ghost, whereby to discern divine Scripture from Scripture not 
 divine, was held deservedly for fanaticism and a means of deceit ; 
 because this testimony, not being annexed to any positive proof, 
 there was not a man that could not either boast of it without 
 reason, or fancy it to himself without grounds. But the case 
 is now much worse ; whereas they said formerly, " let us see 
 what is v.Titten, and then we will believe ;" which was begin- 
 ning at least by something positive and a certain fact : now, 
 they begin by feeling things in themselves as you feel cold and 
 heat, sweet and bitter ; and when afterwards they come to read 
 the Scripture in this disposition, God knows with what facility 
 they turn it to what they already hold for as certain as vv^hat they 
 have seen with their eyes and touched with their hands. 
 
 117. — J^either Miracles, nor Prophecies, nor Scripture, nor Tradition necessary 
 to authorize and declare Revelation. 
 
 According to this presupposition, viz., truths necessary to 
 
 salvation make themselves be felt by themselves, Jesus Christ 
 
 needed not miracles, nor prophecies : Moses would have been 
 
 believed, though the Red Sea had not divided itself, though the 
 
 * Syst. 1. iii. lb. ch. ii. p. 3. j Def of the Ref. part ii. ch. ix. p. 296. 
 
 et seq. \ Confession of Faith, Art v. 
 
 VOL. II. 26* 
 
306 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 rock had not poured out torrents of water at the first touch of 
 the wand ; they had nothing to do but to propose the Gospel or 
 the law. No more had the fathers of Nice and Ephesus, than 
 to propose the Trinity and Incarnation, provided they proposed 
 it with all the other mysteries ; the researches into Scripture 
 and tradition, which they made with so much care, were need- 
 less to them : on the bare exposition of truth, grace would have 
 commanded the assent of all the faithful ; God inspires all he 
 pleases into whom he pleases, and inspiration of itself alone can 
 do all things. 
 
 118. — The Grace necessary to produce Faith, lohy annexed to certain exterior 
 means and matters of fact. 
 
 This was not the thing doubted of, and the power of God was 
 well known to Catholics, no less than the necessity men stood 
 in, of his inspiration and grace. The business was to find out 
 the external means it makes use of, and whereto God has been 
 pleased to annex it ; one may feign or imagine that he is inspired 
 of God without being really so ; but he cannot feign, nor ima- 
 gine that the sea divides itself, that the earth opens, the dead 
 arise, those born blind receive sight, that he reads such a thing 
 in a book, and that such and such our predecessors in the faith 
 have so understood it ; that the whole church believes, and 
 always has beheved it so. The question, therefore, at issue is, 
 not whether those external means be sufficient without grace 
 and divine inspiration, for none pretends that : but, in order to 
 hinder men from feigning or imagining an inspiration, whether 
 it has not been God's economy, and his usual conduct, to make 
 his inspiration walk hand in hand with certain means of fact, 
 which men can neither feign in the air without being convicted 
 of falsehood, nor imagine without illusion. This is not the 
 place to determine which are these facts, which these external 
 means, which the motives of belief, since it is already certain 
 there are some such, for the minister hath agreed to it ; it is, I 
 say, agreed, not only that there are such certain facts, but more- 
 over that those certain facts may serve for an infallible rule. 
 For instance, according to him, it is a certain fact that the Chris- 
 tian Church has always believed the divinity of Jesus Christ, 
 the soul's immortality, and the eternity of pains, with such and 
 such other articles : but this certain fact, according to him, is an 
 infallible rule, and the best of all rules, not only to decide all 
 these articles, but also to resolve the obscure and knotty ques- 
 tion concerning fundamentals. We have seen the passages 
 where the Minister teaches and proves this ;* but when he 
 teaches thus, and allows the universal consent to be " the most 
 sure rule" of judging these important and knotty questions ; 
 
 '^ S. n. 38. et seq. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 307 
 
 yet, in proposing this external motive, which, according to him, 
 implies demonstration, he did not aim at excluding grace and 
 inward inspiration : the question, therefore, is, whether the au- 
 thority of the Church, which joined to the grace of God is a 
 sufficient motive and " most sure of all rules" in certain points, 
 may not be so in all ; and whether, setting up an inspiration ex- 
 clusive of all these exterior means, and whereof you give your- 
 self and your own sentiment for surety to yourself and others, 
 be not the best plea that can possibly be put into the mouths of 
 false teachers, the surest illusion to drive headstrong men to the 
 utmost extremes. 
 
 119. — The language of the Ministers loosens the reins to the peopWs 
 licentiousness. 
 
 After having put it into the heads of the people that they are 
 particularly inspired by God ; to complete the thing you need 
 but also tell them that they may make themselves guides as they 
 think fit, may depose all those that are established, may set up 
 others to act by such powers as they judge meet to communi- 
 cate. This is what has been done in the Reformation. M. 
 Claude and M. Jurieu also agree together in this doctrine. 
 120. — The language of the Catholic Church concerning the settlement of Pastors. 
 
 The Catholic Church thus speaks to the Christian people. 
 Ye are a people, a state, and a society : but Jesus Christ, who 
 is your king, holds nothing of you, and his authority is derived 
 from a higher source : naturally, you have no more right to give 
 him ministers than you have to appoint him your prince ; thus 
 his ministers, who are your pastors, derive their descent stiil 
 higher as he himself does, and it is necessary they should come 
 by an order of his appointment. The kingdom of Jesus Christ 
 is not of this world, nor can a comparison be made between his 
 kino;dom and those of the earth, which is not defective ; in a 
 word, nature affords us nothing that bears a conformity with 
 Jesus Christ and his kingdom, nor have you any other right 
 than that which you shall find in the laws or customs immemo- 
 rial of your society. Now, these customs immemorial, to 
 begin from the Apostolic times, are, that the pastors already 
 constituted should constitute others : " Choose ye," say the 
 Apostles, " and we shall appoint ;"* it was Titus's business to 
 appoint the pastors of Crete ; and it was from Paul, appointed 
 by Jesus Christ, that he received this power. " For this cause," 
 says he, " left I thee in Crete, that thou shouldest reform the 
 things that are wanting, and ordain priests in every city, as I 
 had appointed thee.""f Besides, those who flatter you with the 
 notion that your consent is absolutely necessary to constitute 
 your pastors, do not believe what they tell you, since they 
 * Acts vi. 3, 6, 7. t Tit. i. 5. 
 
308 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 acknowledge those of England for true pastors, though the peo- 
 ple has no share in their election. The example of St. Mathias, 
 extraordinarily chosen by a divine lot, ought not to be made a 
 precedent, nay, even then, all was not left to the people, for Pe- 
 ter, already established pastor by Jesus Christ, held the assem- 
 bly : neither was it election that constituted Mathias ; it was 
 heaven which declared itself. Everywhere else, the authority 
 of constituting is given to pastors already constituted : the 
 power, which they have from above, is rendered sensible by the 
 imposition of hands, a ceremony reserved to their order. It is 
 thus that pastors follow successively one another : Jesus Christ, 
 who appointed the first, has said that he would always be with 
 those to whom they should transmit their power ; ye cannot have 
 pastors anywhere but in this succession, nor any more ought ye 
 to apprehend its failing, than that the Church herself, preaching, 
 and the sacraments, should fail. 
 
 121. — Language of the Reformation. 
 Thus speaks the Church, nor do the people presume beyond 
 what is given them : but the Reformation speaks to them quite 
 the contrary. In you, says she, is the source of celestial power ; 
 ye may not only present, but constitute your pastors. Should 
 proofs of this power, in the people, be required from the Scrip- 
 tures, she would be at a stand. To exempt herself from this 
 task, she tells the people that it is a natural right of all societies ; 
 so that, to enjoy it, there is no need of Scripture, it being suffi- 
 cient that Scripture has not recalled this right allowed by nature. 
 The turn is cunning, I must own ; but beware of it, ye people, 
 who are fed with this delusion ! To make yourselves a lord on 
 earth, it suffices to acknowledge him for such, and every man 
 carries this power in his own will. But the case is not the same 
 in making yourselves a Christ, a Saviour, a celestial King, and 
 appointing him his ministers. And will ye then, indeed, ye peo- 
 ple, impose your hands on them on being told it appertains to 
 you to appoint them 1 They dare not : but are again encouraged, 
 when assured this ceremony of imposition of hands is not neces- 
 sary. What ! is it not sufficient to judge it necessary, that you 
 so often find it in Scripture, and do not find, either in Scripture 
 or in all tradition, that ever pastor was made any other way, no, 
 not one but was made by other pastors'? No matter, do it ne- 
 vertheless, O people ! believe ye that the power of loosing and 
 binding, of appointing and rejecting, is in you, and that your 
 pastors have no power but as your representatives ; that the 
 authority of their Synod flows from you, that they are no more 
 than your delegates ; beheve, I say, all these things, although 
 you find not a word thereof in Scripture ; and believe, beyond 
 every thing else, that, when you shall think yourselves inspired 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 309 
 
 by God to reform the Church, whensoever you shall be assem- 
 bled in whatsoever way, you have power to do with your pastors 
 just what you please, none having a right to deprive you of this 
 liberty, it being derived from nature. Thus is the Reformation 
 preached ; thus is Christianity destroyed root and branch, and 
 the way paved for Antichrist. 
 
 122. — The Sects issuing from the Reformation, proofs of her evil constitution. — 
 Comparison of the Ancient Church ill alleged. 
 
 With such maxims and such a spirit, (for although it shoots 
 out more manifest in our days, the root was always the same in 
 the Reformation), it is no longer to be wondered that we have 
 seen it, from its first origin, run from change to change, pro- 
 ductive of so many sects of so many kinds. M. Jurieu has 
 had the face to answer, that herein, as in all other things, it re- 
 sembles the primitive Church.* In good truth, this is too noto- 
 riously abusing the people's credulity and the venerable name 
 of the primitive Church. The sects which divided from her 
 were not the consequence or natural effect of her constitution. 
 Two kinds of sects did arise in primitive Christianity ; some 
 purely heathen in their foundation, as that of the Yalentinians, 
 the Simonians, the Manicheans, and others of that stamp which 
 entered themselves, in appearance, on the list of Christians, 
 only to set themselves off with the great name of Jesus Christ ; 
 nor have these sects anything in common with those of the lat- 
 ter ages. The other sectaries, for the most part, were Chris- 
 tians, which, unable to bear the loftiness, and, as I may say, the 
 whole weight of faith, sought to ease reason now of one article, 
 then of another : thus, some deprived Christ of his divinity ; 
 others, unable to unite the divinity and humanity, mutilated, as 
 it were, in divers ways, both one and the other. Against the 
 like rocks split the proud spirit of Martin Luther. He sunk in 
 reconciling grace and free-will, which, in truth, is a grand mys- 
 tery : he kept no compass in matter of predestination, and no 
 longer saw anything for men but a fatal and inevitable neces- 
 sity, wherein good and evil are equally comprehended. We 
 have seen how these extravagant maxims produced those of the 
 Calvinists, still more extravagant. When laying aside all tem- 
 per, by carrying to extremes predestination and grace, men fell 
 into such visible excesses as were no longer to be supported : 
 the horror they conceived thereof cast them into the opposite 
 extreme ; and from Luther's excess, who went beyond bounds 
 with grace, (however incredible it may seem), they passed to 
 the excess of the Demipelagians, who destroy it. Whence 
 have we the Arminians, who, in our days, have produced the 
 Pajonists, complete Pelagians, whose author was M. Pajon, the 
 
 + History of Calvin, part i. ch. iv. 
 
310 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 late minister of Orleans. On the other side, the same Luther, 
 cast down by the force of these words, — " This is my body, 
 this is my blood," could not find in his heart to reject the Real 
 Presence ; but at the same time was resolved, in compliance 
 with human sense, to rid it of the change of substance. Things 
 stopped not there ; and the Real Presence was soon assaulted. 
 Human sense took a pleasure in its own inventions, and its ex- 
 ceptions being satisfied with regard to one mystery, stood up 
 for the same concession in all the rest. As Zuinglius and his 
 followers pretended that the Real Presence was a remnant of 
 Popery still to be reformed in Lutheranism, the Socinians now 
 a days say the same of the Trinity and Incarnation ; and these 
 great mysteries, which had stood free from all insult of heresy 
 for twelve hundred years, are entered on the footing of disputa- 
 ble points in an age when all kinds of novelties think they have 
 a right to show their heads. 
 
 123. — Socinians united with the Jlnabaptists, and both of them deriving their 
 ongin from Luther and Calvin. 
 
 We have seen the illusions of the Anabaptists, and are sen- 
 sible it was by following the principles of Luther and the rest 
 of the Reformers that they rejected baptism without immersion, 
 and infant baptism ; for this reason, that they did not find them 
 in the Scripture, where they were made believe all was con- 
 tained. The Unitarians or Socinians united with them, yet not 
 so as to keep within the limits of their maxims, because the 
 principles they had borrowed from the Reformers led them much 
 further. 
 
 M. Jurieu remarks that they came forth a long while since 
 the Reformation, from the midst of the Church of Rome. 
 Where is the wonder ! Luther and Calvin came forth from her 
 as well as they. The question is, whether the constitution of 
 the Church of Rome was the cause of these innovations, and 
 not rather the riew Church-frame set up by the Reformers. 
 Now this question is easily decided by the history of Socinian- 
 ism.* In 1545, and in the years subsequent to this date, twenty 
 years after Luther had removed the bounds set by our forefa- 
 thers, when all minds v/ere in a ferment, and the world, teeming 
 with novelty from his disputes, was always ready to bring forth 
 some strange offspring, Lelio Socinus and his companions held 
 their clandestine conventicles in Italy against the divinity of the 
 Son of God. George Blandratus and Faustus Socinus, Lelio's 
 nephew, maintained this doctrine in 1558 and in 1573, and 
 formed the party. By the same method employed by ZuingUus 
 to elude these words, " This is my body," the Socinians and 
 their followers eluded those by wliich Christ is called God. If 
 * Vid. Bibl. Anti-Trinit 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 311 
 
 Zuinglius believed himself forced to the figurative interpretation 
 by the impossibiUty of comprehending a human body whole and 
 entire everywhere that the Eucharist was distributed, the Unita- 
 rians believed they had the same right over all the other myste- 
 ries equally incomprehensible ; and after it had been set them 
 for a rule to understand figuratively those passages of Scripture 
 which bore hard on human reasoning, they did but extend this 
 rule to whatsoever the mind of man had to suffer the like vio- 
 lence from. To these evil dispositions introduced by the Re- 
 formation, let us join the general foundations it had laid, the 
 authority of the Church despised, the succession of pastors held 
 for nothing, precedent ages impeached of error, the Fathers 
 themselves basely handled, all fences laid open, and human cu- 
 riosity abandoned entirely to itself; what else could be the issue 
 but what has been seen, namely, an unbridled licentiousness in 
 all matters of religion 1 But experience has proved that these 
 hardy innovators saw not the least possibility of settling amongst 
 us ; it was to the Churches of the Reformation they betook 
 themselves ; those upstart Churches, which, set in motion, and 
 still giddy with their own changes, were susceptible of all others. 
 It was in the bosom of these Churches, at Geneva, amongst the 
 Swiss and the Polish protestants, that the Unitarians sought a 
 sanctuary. Repulsed by some of these Churches, they raised 
 themselves a sufficient number of disciples amongst the rest of 
 them to make a separate body. This, beyond question, was 
 their origin. You need but look into the Testament of George 
 Schoman, one of the Unitarian chiefs, and the account given by 
 Andrew Wissonats, " in what manner the Unitarians separated 
 themselves from the Reformed,"* to be convinced that this sect 
 was nothing but a progress of, and a sequel from the dogmas 
 of Luther, of Calvin, of Zuinglius, of Menon, the last of whom 
 was one of the heads of the Anabaptists. There you will find 
 all those sects were but " the first draught, and, as it were, the 
 dawn of the Reformation, and that Anabaptism, joined to Soci- 
 nianism, is the mid-day. "| 
 
 124. — Constilution of the Reformation hoio unlike to that of the Primitive 
 
 Church. 
 
 No longer, therefore, let them object to us the sects of the 
 ancient Church, and no longer boast of resemblinn; her. Never 
 did the ancient Church vary in her doctrine ; never, in her con- 
 fessions of faith, did she suppress the truths which she believed 
 were revealed by God ; she never retouched her decisions, 
 never deliberated anew on matters once determined ; never, no 
 not once, proposed new expositions of faith, save when some 
 
 * Test. Georg. Sch. et relat Wisson. in Biblioth. Anti-Trin. Sand. pp. 
 191, 209. t lb. 
 
312 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 new question arose. But the Reformation, quite on the con- 
 trary, never could content herself; her creeds have nothing that 
 is certain ; the decrees of her synods nothing fixed ; her con- 
 fessions of faith are confederacies and arbitrary contracts ; what 
 is an article of faith amongst them, is not so for all, nor always 
 — they go apart by caprice, and meet again by policy. When, 
 therefore, sects arose in the ancient Church, it was from the 
 common and inveterate depravation of mankind ; and when 
 they now arise in the Reformation, it is from the novel and par- 
 ticular constitution of the Churches she has modelled. 
 125. — Jl memorable instance of Vanation in the Protestant Church of Strasburg. 
 To make this truth the more apparent, I shall choose for an 
 example the Protestant Church of Strasburg, as one of the most 
 learned of the Reformation, and by her proposed, ever since the 
 beginning, as a pattern of discipline to all the rest. This great 
 city was one of the first that fell by Luther's preaching, and did 
 not think, at that time, of disputing the Real Presence. All the 
 complaints made against her senate were, that " it took away 
 images, and made communion be given in both kinds."* It 
 was in 1523 that, by the means of Bucer and Capito, she turned 
 Zuinglian. After she had for some years heard their invectives 
 against the Mass, without wholly abolishing it, and without a 
 full assurance of its being evil, the senate decreed " it should 
 be suspended until it were proved a worship acceptable to God."t 
 Here is a new provision in matter of faith ; and though I had 
 not mentioned that this decree came from the senate, it would 
 easily have been understood, that the assembly where it was 
 made had nothing in it that was ecclesiastical. The decree 
 passed in 1529. The same year, those of Strasburg,;]; having 
 never been able to agree with the Lutherans, joined in a league 
 with the Swiss, who were Zuinglians like themselves. So far 
 did they carry Zuinglius's notion and their hatred of the Real 
 Presence, as to refuse to subscribe the Confession of Augsburg 
 in 1530,§ and to make themselves a particular Confession, 
 which we have seen under the name of the Confession of Stras- 
 burg, or of the four towns, jj The very next year,ir they shuf- 
 fled so much, and with so much art on this subject, as to get 
 themselves comprehended in the league of Smalcald, from 
 which the rest of the Sacramentarians were excluded. But 
 they went still further in 1536, inasmuch as they subscribed the 
 Wittemberg agreement, wherein, as we have seen, was con- 
 fessed the substantial presence and the communion of the true 
 body and true blood in the unworthy, although void of faith-** 
 
 * Sleid. lib. iv. fol. 60. f Ibid. lib. vi. fol. 93. t ^bid. fol. 100. 
 
 § Ibid. lib. viiL fol. 104. H S. Ub. iii. n. 3. IF Sleid. lib. viii. fol. 125. 
 
 ** S.lib. iv. n. 23. Hosp. partii. An. 1536. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 313 
 
 Thereby they passed over insensibly to Luther's sentiment, and 
 from that time were counted among the defenders of the Con- 
 fession of Augsburg which they subscribed. They declared, 
 nevertheless, in 154S,* that this was without departing from 
 their first Confession, which, although formerly it had made 
 them reject that of Augsburg, was found conformable to it now. 
 In the mean time, Strasburg was so wedded to the agreement 
 of Wittemberg and the Confession of Augsburg,! that Peter 
 Martyr and Zanchius, the two greatest men at that time of the 
 Sacramentarians, were forced at length to withdraw from that 
 city ; one for refusing to subscribe the agreement, and the other 
 for having subscribed the Confession with a restriction ; so 
 zealous were they become at Strasburg for the Real Presence. 
 In 1598, this city subscribed the book of Concord; and after 
 having been for so long a time the chief, as it were, of those 
 cities that opposed the Real Presence, she stretched her Con- 
 fession, in spite of Sturmius, to the prodigious tenet of Ubi- 
 quity."! The cities of Linden and Memmingon, formerly 
 her associates in the hatred of the Real Presence, followed this 
 example. § At this time the ancient Agenda was changed, and 
 Marbachius's book was printed at Strasburg, in which he main- 
 tained that " Jesus Christ, before his ascension, was in Heaven, 
 as to liis humanity ; that this visible ascension was nothing, in 
 reality, but an appearance ; that the Heaven wherein Jesus 
 Christ's humanity was received, contained not only God and all 
 the saints, but moreover all the devils and all the damned ; and 
 that Jesus Christ was, according .to his human nature, not only 
 in the bread and wine of the Supper, but also in all the pots and 
 all the glasses." To these extremities were men driven, when, 
 forsaking the sure guidance of Church authority, they gave 
 themselves up to human ooinions like to a changeable and im- 
 petuous wind. 
 
 126. — Constancy of the Catholic Church. 
 If now, to the variations and giddiness of these new Churches, 
 you oppose the constancy and gravity of the Catholic Church, 
 it will easily be judged where it is the Holy Ghost presides ; 
 and because I neither can, nor ought to relate, in this work, all 
 the judgments she has passed in matters of faith, that uniformity 
 and steadiness I commend her for, shall be made appear in 
 those very articles wherein we have seen the inconstancy of 
 our Reformed. 
 
 127. — Example in the Q,uestio7i moved by Berengarius concerning the Real 
 
 Presence. 
 
 The first who made a sect in the Church, and dared to con- 
 
 * Hosp. An. 1548. fol. 203. f Ibid. An. 1556 et 1563. 
 
 X Ibid. Cone, discors. c. Ivi. p. 278. § Ibid. Cone, discors. c. Ivi. fol. 99. 
 
 VOL. II. 27 
 
314 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 demn her, in regard to the Real Presence, was unquestionably 
 Berengarius. What our adversaries say of Ratramnus* is 
 nothing less than a certain fact, as above seen ; and, though it 
 were granted that Ratramnus favored them, (which is false,) 
 an ambiguous author, by all of them made to speak in behalf 
 of their several opinions, would be in nowise proper to make a 
 sect. I say the same of John Scot, whose error was personal, 
 and had no continued succession. 
 
 128. — The Clmrcli's behaviour in regard of Innovators. 
 
 The Church does not always anathematize rising errors ; nor 
 does she censure them as long as there are hopes they will 
 vanish of themselves ; nay, often fears rendering them famous 
 by her anathemas. Thus Artemon, and some others who had 
 denied Jesus Christ's divinity before Paul of Samosata, drew 
 not such signal condemnations on themselves as he did, they 
 not being judged capable of raising a sect. As for Berenga- 
 rius, certain it is he attacked openly the faith of the Church, 
 and had disciples of his own name like other heresiarchs, al- 
 though his heresy was soon extinguished. 
 
 129. — Beginning of Berengarius'' s Sect, and his Condemnation. 
 
 It appeared about the year 1030 ; not but that we have al- 
 ready remarked, some years before, even from the year 1017, 
 the Real Presence manifestly impugned by the heretics of Or- 
 leans, who were Manicheans.f Such were the first authors 
 of that doctrine, one article of which was maintained by Beren- 
 garius. But as that sect kept concealed, the Church was sur- 
 prised at this novelty, yet not much disturbed with it at that 
 time. It was against Berengarius that the first decision was 
 made on this subject in 1052, in a council of a hundred and 
 thirteen bishops called together at Rome from all sides by 
 Nicholas II. J Berengarius submitted himself, and the first 
 who made a sect of the Sacramentarian heresy, was the first 
 also that condemned it. 
 
 130. — First Confession of Faith required of Berengarius. 
 
 No one is ignorant of that famous Confession of Faith, which 
 begins " Ego Berengarius," wh^e this Heresiarch acknow- 
 ledges, " that the bread and the wine which are placed on the 
 altar after consecration are not only the sacrament, but also the 
 true body and the true blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, and are 
 sensibly touched by the hands of the priest, broken and bruised 
 between the teeth of the faithful, not only in sacrament, but in 
 truth." 
 
 There we're none but understood, that the body and blood of 
 
 * S. lib. iv. n. 32. f S. lib. xi. n. 17, et seq. 
 
 \ Concil. Rom. sub Nic. II. An. 1059. t. ix. Con. Lab. Guit. lib.iii. t. xviii. 
 Bib. PP. Max. p. 462, &c. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 315 
 
 Jesus Christ was broken in the Eucharist, in the same sense 
 that we say a man is torn, he is v/et, when the clothes he actu- 
 ally wears are torn or wet. When his clothes are not on him, 
 we use not the same way of speaking : so that the meaning- 
 was, that Jesus Christ was as truly under the species, which 
 are broken and eaten, as we are truly in the clothes we wear. 
 It was said, moreover, that Jesus Christ is sensibly received 
 and touched, because he is in person and in substance under 
 the sensible species which are touched and received ; and all 
 this imported that Jesus Christ is received and eaten, not in his 
 proper species and under the exterior of man, but under a fo- 
 reign species, and under the exterior of bread and wine. And 
 if the Church said also, in a certain sense, that the body of Je- 
 sus Christ is broken, it was not from her being ignorant that, in 
 another sense, it was not so : just as when saying, in a certain 
 sense, we are torn and wet when our clothes are so ; we are 
 still sensible, at the same time, that, in another sense, we are 
 neither one nor the other, as to our persons. Thus the Fathers 
 justly said to Berengarius what we still say,* " that the body 
 of Jesus Christ is all entire in the whole Sacrament, and all 
 entire in every particle thereof; everywhere the same Jesus 
 Christ always entire, inviolable and indivisible, communicating 
 himself without dividing himself, as the word to a whole audi- 
 ence, and as our soul to all our members." But what obliged 
 the Church to say, after many Fathers, and after St. Chrysos- 
 tom, that the body of Jesus Christ is broken, was, that Beren- 
 garius, under pretext of doing honor to the Saviour of the world, 
 was accustomed to say,| " God forbid that man may break with 
 the tooth or divide Jesus Christ, in the same manner as we put 
 under the tooth, and divide these things," namely, the bread 
 and wine. The Church, which always took care to combat in 
 heretics the most precise and strongest words they made use 
 of to explain their error, opposed against Berengarius the con- 
 tradictory of that proposition he had advanced, and placed in 
 some manner the Real Presence under the eyes of Christians, 
 by saying to them what they received in the sacrament, after 
 consecration, was as really the body and the blood, as before 
 consecration it was really bread and wine. 
 
 131. — Berengarius'' s second Confession of Faith, where the change of Substance 
 is more clearly explained, and why. 
 
 Besides, when the faithful were told that the bread and wine 
 of the Eucharist were in truth the body and the blood, they were 
 accustomed to understand, not that they were so by their na- 
 ture, but became such by the consecration, so that the change 
 
 * Guit. lib. i. adv. Beren. Bib. PP. t. xviii. pp. 443, 449. 
 t Ber. apud Guit. Ibid. p. 441. 
 
316 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 of substance was contained in that expression, although what 
 principally was aimed at by it, was to render the presence sensi- 
 ble, which likewise was principally impugned. Some while after it 
 was perceptible that Berengarius and his disciples varied. For 
 we learn fro.n authors of those times* that, in the course of the 
 dispute, they acknowledged in the Eucharist the substance of 
 the body and blood, but with that of bread and wine, employing 
 even the term of impanation and that of invination, and assert- 
 ing that Jesus Christ was, as I may say, impanate in the Eu- 
 charist, as he became incarnate in the Virgin's womb. This, 
 says Guitmoadus,| was as a last entrenchment to Berengarius; 
 nor was it Vvithout difficulty that this subtlety of the sect was 
 discovered. But the Church, which always follows heretics 
 step by step to condemn their errors as they disclose them, 
 after havinsr so well established the Real Presence in Beren- 
 garius's first Confession of Faith, proposed also another to him, 
 in which the change of substance was expressed more distinctly. 
 He confessed, therefore, under Gregory VII., in a Council 
 held at Rome,J which was the sixth held under that Pope in 
 1079, " That the bread and wine, which are placed on the altar, 
 by the mystery of holy prayer and the words of Jesus Christ, 
 are substantially changed into the true, life-giving, and proper 
 flesh of Jesus Christ, &c." And the same is said of the blood. 
 It is specified that the body here received " is the same that 
 was born of the Virgin, that was nailed to the cross, that is 
 seated at the right hand of the Father, and the blood is the same 
 that flowed from his side ;" and in order that no room might be 
 left for equivocation, whereby heretics delude mankind, it is 
 added, this is done " not in sign and in virtue by a simple sacra- 
 ment, but in the propriety of nature and the truth of substance." 
 132. — The change of Substance was opposed to Berengarius from the beginning, 
 
 Berengarius again subscribed^ and this second time con- 
 demned himself; but he was now so hampered, that no room 
 for equivocation was left him, no subterfuge for his error. And 
 if the change of substance was here insisted on more precisely, 
 it was not that the Church hac' before in the least doubted of it, 
 since, from the beginning of the dispute against Berengarius, 
 Hugo of Langres had said,§ " that the bread and wine did not 
 remain in their first nature, but pass into another ; that they 
 were changed into the body and blood of Jesus Christ by the 
 omnipotence of God, against which Berengarius opposed him- 
 self in vain." And as soon as ever this heretic had declared 
 
 * Guit. ante pp. 441, 442, 462, 463, 464. Alg. de Sac. Corp. et Sang. 
 Fraef. t. xxi. p. 251. 
 
 t Ibid. X Cone. Rom. vi. sub Greg. VII. t. x. Cone. Lab. An. 1079. 
 § Bib. PP. Max. t. xviii. p. 417. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 317 
 
 himself, Adelman, Bishop of Bresse, his schoolfellow, and the 
 first discoverer of his error, warned him,* " that he stood in op- 
 position to the sense of the whole Catholic Church, and that it 
 was as easy for Jesus Christ to change the bread into his body, 
 as to change water into wine, and create hght by his word 
 alone." It was, therefore, a constant doctrine of the universal 
 Church, not that the bread and wine contained the body and 
 blood of Jesus Christ, but that they became his body and blood 
 by a change of substance. 
 
 133. — A certain fact, that the Faith opposed to Berengarius was that of the 
 lohole Church and of all Christians. 
 
 Nor was it Adelman only that reproached Berengarius with 
 the novelty and singularity of his doctrine ; all authors unani- 
 mously upbraid him as with a certain fact, that the faith he 
 impugned was that of the whole universe ; that he scandalized 
 the whole Church by the novelty of his doctrine ; that to come 
 over to his faith, it was necessary to believe there was no such 
 thmg as a Church on earth ; that there was not so much as one 
 town, no, not one village of his opinion ; that the Greeks, the 
 Armenians, in a word, all Christians had, in this regard, the 
 same faith with those of the west ; so that nothing could be 
 more ridiculous than to censure, as incredible, what was be- 
 lieved by the whole world. Nor did Berengarius deny this 
 fact, but, like all heretics, answered disdainfully, that wise men 
 ought not to follow " the sentiments, or rather the follies, of the 
 vulgar." But Lanfranc and the rest of them remonstrated, 
 that what he called the vulgar, was the whole clergy and all 
 the people of the universe ; and upon the certainty of this fact, 
 wherein he feared no contradiction, he concluded, that if Be- 
 rengarius's doctrine were true, " the inheritance promised to 
 Jesus Christ was made void, and his promises annihilated :" 
 lastly, that " the Catholic Church was no more, and, if she was 
 no more, she never had been."! 
 
 134. — Ml Innovators always find the Church iu a full and constant possession 
 of that Doctrine they attack. 
 
 A remarkable fact likewise may be here observed ; namely, 
 
 that Berengarius, like all other heretics, found the Church firm 
 
 and universally united in the dogma which he impugned ; this 
 
 is what has always happened in like cases. Of all the dogmas 
 
 which we believe, not so much as one can be named, which 
 
 was not found invincibly and universally estabhshed when the 
 
 contrary dogma began to make a sect ; and wherein the Church 
 
 has not remained, if possible, still more fixed from that very 
 
 * Bib. PP. Max. t. xviii. pp. 438, 439. f A seel. Ep. ad Ber. Guit. Ibid, 
 lib. iii. pp. 462, 463. Lanfranc de Corp, et Sang. Dom, Ibid. c. ii. iv. v. xxii. 
 pp. 7G5, 766, 776. Ibid. c. iv. p. 765. Ibid. c. xxii. p. 776. 
 
 VOL. II. 27* 
 
318 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 time, a thing alone sufficient to make palpable the perpetual 
 succession and immutability of her faith. 
 
 135. — There was no need of an universal Coun-cil against Berengarins. 
 There was not more necessity for convening an universal 
 council against Berengarius than against Pelagius ; the decisions 
 of the holy See, and of the Councils then held, were unani- 
 mously received by the whole Church, and the heresy of Beren- 
 garius, quickly crushed, found no longer any sanctuary but with 
 the Manicheans. 
 
 136. — Decision of the great Council of Lateran. — The xoord Transuhstantia- 
 tion pitched upon, and why. 
 
 It has been seen in what manner these Manicheans began to 
 spread themselves all over the west, filling it with their blas- 
 phemies against the Real Presence, and at the same time, with 
 their equivocating language, on purpose to conceal themselves 
 from the Church, whose assemblies they were determined to 
 frequent.* In order, therefore, that she might defeat these 
 equivocations, the Church thought herself obliged to employ 
 some precise terms, as she had done formerly with so much 
 advantage against the Arians and Nestorians, which she did in 
 this manner under Innocent III., in the great council of Late- 
 ran in the year of our Lord 1215.1 " There is one only uni- 
 versal Church of the faithful out of which there is no salvation, 
 in which Jesus Christ is himself the sacrificer and the victim, 
 whose body and blood are truly contained under the species of 
 bread and wine in the Sacrament of the altar, the bread and 
 wine being transubstantiated, one into the body, and the other 
 into the blood of our Lord by the divine power, to the end that, 
 for accomplishing the mystery of unity, we should take of his 
 what he himself took of ours." There is no one who does not 
 see, that this new word transubstantiation here employed, with- 
 out adding any thing to the idea of a change of substance which 
 we have seen already owned against Berengarius, did but de- 
 clare it by an expression, the bare signification of which served 
 for a mark to the faithful against the subtilties and equivoca- 
 tions of heretics, as did heretofore the Homoousion of Nice, 
 and the Theotocos of Ephesus. Such was the decision of the 
 council of Lateran, the greatest and the most numerous that 
 ever had been held, its authority being so great, that posterity 
 has called it, by excellence, the General Council. 
 
 Vol. — The plainness of the Decisions of the Church. 
 
 By these decisions may be seen, with what brevity, with what 
 
 precision, with what uniformity, the Church explains herself. 
 
 Heretics, always in search after their faith, walk groping in the 
 
 dark, and vary. The Church, which always carries her faith 
 
 ♦ S. 1^ xi. n. 31, 32, &c. f Cone. Lat. iv. t. xi. Cone. Lab. p. 143. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 319 
 
 entirely formed in her heart, seeks only to explain it without 
 intricacy and ambiguity ; for which reason her decisions are 
 never clogged with a multiplicity of words. Besides, as she 
 beholds without surprise the most sublime ditiiculties, she pro- 
 poses them without reserve, convinced that she shall always find 
 in her children a mind ready to captivate itself, and a docility 
 capable of the whole weight of the divine mystery. Heretics, 
 who seek to indulge human sense and the animal part unsuscep- 
 tible of the divine secret, take great pains to bend the Scripture 
 to their taste and fancy. On the contrary, the Church only 
 thinks of taking it in its plain sense. She hears our Saviour 
 say, " This is my body," and cannot apprehend that what he 
 calls "body"' so absolutely, should be anything else than the 
 body itself; wherefore she believes without difficulty, that it is 
 the body in substance, because the body in substance is nothing 
 else but the true and proper body : thus the word substance en- 
 ters naturally into her expressions. But then Berengarius never 
 thought of using that word ; and Calvin, who used it, though 
 agreeing in the main with Berengarius, has thereby made it but 
 manifest, that the figure which Berengarius admitted, did not 
 answer the whole expectation, nor the whole idea of a Christian. 
 
 The same simplicity, which made the Church believe the body 
 present in the Sacrament, has made her believe that it was the 
 whole substance of it, Jesus Christ not having said, " My body 
 is here," but " This is it ;" and as it is not so by its nature, it 
 becomes, and is made so by the divine power. This is what 
 imports a conversion, a transformation, a change ; a word so 
 natural to this mystery, that it could not fail taking place in Be- 
 rengarius's*case, and the more so, as it was everywhere already 
 found in the Liturgies and Fathers. 
 
 138. — Decision of the Council of Trent. 
 
 These reasons, so plain and natural, were opposed to Beren- 
 garius. We have no other, even at this day, to oppose against 
 Calvin and Zuinghus : we have received them from Catholics 
 that wrote against Berengarius, as they had received them from 
 those who preceded them ; nor has the Council of Trent added 
 anything to the decisions of our forefathers, unless what was 
 necessary for a further elucidation of what Protestants studied 
 to perplex and darken, as will easily be perceived by those who 
 have the least knowledge of the history of our controversies.* 
 
 But it was necessary, for instance, to explain more distinctly, 
 that Jesus Christ rendered himself present, not only in the 
 actual use of the Sacrament, as is the opinion of the Lutherans,! 
 but immediately after the Consecration, because it is not there 
 
 * Dur. Troarn. t. xviii. Bib. PP. p. 422. Guit. Ibid. 462, &c. 
 
 t S. n. 131. S. 1. iii. n. 51, et seq. as far as 56 5 1. vi. n. 26, 31, et seq. 
 
320 THE HISTORY OF " [BOOK 
 
 said " This shall be," but " This is ;" which, nevertheless, was, 
 in the main, what had been formerly said against Berengarius 
 wheii the presence was annexed, not to the manducation, or to 
 the iaith of him who received the Sacrament, but to the " sacred 
 prayer and the word of our Saviour ;" whereby also did appear, 
 not the adoration only, but likewise the truth of the oblation and 
 sacrifice, as we have seen confessed by the Protestants :* so 
 that, in the end, there remains no difficulty but in the Real Pre- 
 sence, wherein we have the advantage to discover, that those 
 even who in fact depart from our doctrine, do always endeavor 
 (so sacred is it !) to draw as near to it as they are able. 
 
 139. — Reason for the Decision of the Council of Constance, touching Com- 
 munion under one kind. 
 
 The decision of Constance, in approbation of and for retain- 
 ing communion under one kind, is one of those, wherein our 
 adversaries think they have the most advantage. But in order 
 to be convinced of the gravity and constancy of the Church in 
 this decree, we need but remember that the Council of Con- 
 stan> e,! when they passed it, had found the custom of commu- 
 nicating under one kind established, beyond contradiction, many 
 ages before. The case was much the same with that of Bap- 
 tism by immersion, as clearly grounded on Scripture as com- 
 munion under both kinds could be, and which, nevertheless, had 
 been changed into infusion, with as much ease and as little con- 
 tradiction, as communion under one kind was established ; so 
 that the same reason stood for retaining one as the other. 
 140. — Reasons determining the maintenance of the ancient cxistojn. 
 
 It is a fact most certainly avowed in the Reformation, although 
 at present some will cavil at it, that Baptism was instituted by 
 immersing the whole body into water; that Jesus Christ re- 
 ceived it so, and caused it to be so given by his Apostles ; that 
 the Scripture knows no other Baptism than this ; that antiquity 
 so understood and practised it ; that the word itself imphes it, 
 to bp.ptize being the same as to dip : this fact, I say, is unani- 
 mously acknowledged by all the Divines of the Reformation, 
 nay, by the Reformers themselves, and those even who best 
 und« rstood the Greek language and the ancient customs as well 
 of the Jews as Christians ; by Luther, by Melancthon, by Cal- 
 vin, by Casaubon, by Grotius, by all the rest, and lately even by 
 Jurieu, the most contradicting of all ministers. J Nay, Luther 
 has observed, that the German word signifying Baptism was 
 derived from thence, and this Sacrament named Tauf, from pro- 
 fundity or depth, because the baptized were deeply plunged into 
 
 * S. 1. ix. n. 26, 27, 28, et seq. as far as n. 75. f Cone. Const. Sess. viii. 
 
 X Luth. de Sacr. Bapt. t. i. Mel. loc. coin. c. de Baptist. Cal. Inst. iv. 15, 19, 
 
 &c. Casau. not. in Matt. iii. 6. Grot. Ep. 336. Jur, Syst. 1. iil ch. xx. p. 583. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 321 
 
 water. If, then, any fact in the world can be deemed certain, 
 it is this same : but it is not less certain, even by all these au- 
 thors, that Baptism without immersion is valid, and that the 
 Church is in the right to retain the custom. It is therefore 
 plain, in a parallel fact, what ought to be our judgment as to 
 the decree of communion under one kind, and that all which is 
 opposed against it, is nothing but chicane. 
 
 And, indeed, if there was reason to maintain Baptism with- 
 out immersion, because, in rejecting it, it would follow, there 
 had been no such thing as Baptism for many ages, consequently, 
 no such thing as a Church, it being impossible for the Church 
 to subsist without the substance of the Sacraments ; no less 
 impossible was it, without the substance of the Supper. The 
 same reason, then, subsisted for maintaining communion under 
 one kind, as for maintaining Baptism by infusion ; and the 
 Church, in maintaining these two practices which tradition 
 showed equally indifferent, did nothing else but, according to 
 custom, maintain against contentious spirits that authority, 
 whereon the faith of the people reposed. 
 
 Whoever desires to see more on this subject, may turn back 
 to those places of this history where it is handled, and among 
 others, to those where may be seen, that communion under one 
 kind was settled with so little contradiction, that it was not im- 
 pugned by the greatest enemies of the Church, not even by 
 Luther, at the beginning.* 
 
 141. — (Question about Justification. 
 
 Next to the question of the Eucharist, the principal one of 
 our controversies is that of justification, in relation to which the 
 gravity of the decisions of the Church may be easily under- 
 stood, in that she did but repeat in the Council of Trent, what 
 the Fathers and St. Austin had decided formerly, when this 
 question was debated with the Pelagians. 
 
 142. — Inherent justice acknowledged on both sides. — Consequence of this 
 
 Doctrine. 
 
 And, in the first place, it must be supposed that there is no 
 question between us, whether or not a sanctity and justice in- 
 fused into the soul by the Holy Ghost should be acknowledged 
 in man justified ; for the qualities and infused habits are, as 
 above seen, confessed by the Synod of Dort.l The Lutherans 
 are no less steady in defending them ; and, in a word, all Pro- 
 testants are agreed, that by the regeneration and sanctification 
 of the new man, a sanctity and justice is formed in him hke a 
 permanent habit : the question is, whether this sanctity and this 
 justice be what justifies us in the sight of God. But where is 
 
 * S. 1. ii. 10. iii. 60, 61, et seq. vii. 67. xi. 106. xiv. 114, 115. S. n. 43. 61, 
 t S. 1. xiv. n. 43. 
 
322 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 the difficulty of this? A sanctity which does not make us 
 saints, a justice which does not make us just, were a subtlety 
 quite unintelligible. But a sanctity and justice formed in us by 
 Almighty God, and yet not pleasing to him ; or, if agreeable to 
 him, not making that person in whom it is found agreeable to 
 him, would be another nicety still more unworthy the sincerity 
 of a Christian. 
 
 J 43. — y/je Church in the Council of Trent does but repeat her ancient Decisions 
 touching the notion of justifying Grace. 
 
 But, afterall, when the Church defined in the Council of Trent, 
 that remission of sins was given us, not by a simple imputation of 
 the justice of Jesus Christ outwardly, but by a regeneration which 
 charges and renews us inwardly ; she did but repeat what for- 
 merly she had defined against the Pelagians in the Council of 
 Cartilage, " that children are truly baptized in the remission of 
 sins, to the end that regeneration should purify in them the sin 
 which they contracted by generation."* 
 
 Conformably to these principles, the same Council of Car- 
 thagej* understands by " justifying grace, not only that which 
 remits to us sins committed, but that also which assists us to 
 cominit them no more,"' not only by enlightening our minds, but 
 also by inspiring charity into our hearts, to the end, that " we 
 might fulfil God's commandments." Now, the grace which 
 works these things is not a simple imputation, but is also an 
 emanation of the justice of Jesus Christ : wherefore justifying 
 grace is a different thing from such an imputation ; and what was 
 said in the Council of Trent is nothing but a repetition of the 
 Council of Carthage, whose decrees appeared by so much the 
 more inviolable to the Fathers at Trent, as the Fathers of Car- 
 thage were sensible, in proposing them, they proposed nothing 
 else on this subject, but what " had always been approved of in 
 the Catholic Church spread over the entire earth. "J 
 144. — Touching gratuity. 
 
 Our forefathers, therefore, did not believe, in order to destroy 
 human glory and attribute all to Jesus Christ, that it was neces- 
 sary, either to take from man that justice which was in him, or 
 to diminish the value, or deny the effect thereof ; but beheved 
 they ought to acknowledge it as proceeding from God only by a 
 gratuitous bounty, and this also was what the Fathers of Trent 
 acknowledged after them, as above seen in many places of this 
 work. § 
 
 It is in this sense that the Catholic Church had always con- 
 fessed after St. Paul, that " Jesus Christ is made unto us wis- 
 dom," || not by simply imputing to us that wisdom which is in 
 
 * Cone. Carth. cap. i. f Ibid. cap. iii. iv. ▼. f Ibid. c. iv. 
 
 § S. I. iii. n. 20, et seq. || 1 Cor. I 29, 30, 31. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 323 
 
 him, but by infusing into our souls that wisdom which flows from 
 his ; that he is " unto us justice and sanctity," in the same sense 
 that he is redemption, not by covering our crimes only, bi;t by 
 defacing them entirely by his Holy Spirit poured into our hearts : 
 moreover, that we are " made the justice of God in Jesus 
 Christ,"* in a manner more intimate than Jesus Christ '^ had 
 been made to be sin for us, since God had made him sin," to 
 wit, the victim for sin, by treating him as a sinner though he 
 were just ; whereas, he " had made us the justice of God in 
 him," not by leaving us our sins, and merely treating us as just 
 men, but by taking from us our sins, and by rendering us just. 
 
 145. — Touching the preparations to Grace, that they all proceed from Grace. 
 In order to make this grace inherent in us absolutely gratui- 
 tous, our forefathers did not believe that it was necessary to say, 
 one cannot dispose himself for them by good desires, nor ob- 
 tain them by prayers ; but they believed these good desires and 
 prayers were themselves inspired of God ; and this is what the 
 Council of Trentj" has done after their example, when it said, 
 that all our good dispositions came " from a preventing grace ;" 
 that we could not " dispose and prepare ourselves" for grace, 
 but as we are " excited and assisted by grace itself;" that God 
 is the source of all justice, and in this quality ought to be be- 
 loved ; and that there was " no believing, hoping, loving, nor 
 repenting as we ought, so that the grace of justification nJght 
 be conferred upon us, without a preventing inspiration of the 
 Holy Ghost."J Wherein this Holy Council has done no more 
 than repeat what we read in the Council of Orange, § viz. " that 
 we can neither will, nor believe, nor think, nor love as we ought 
 to do, and advantageously, but by the inspiration of preventing 
 grace ;" that is to say, they would not dispute either against 
 heretics, or against infidels, or even against heathens, or, in 
 a word, against any others who imagine they love God, and 
 who feel in effect inclinations so like to those of the faithful : 
 but, without entering with them into an impossible discussion of 
 the precise differences of their sentiments from those of the 
 just, they were satisfied with defining, that what is performed 
 without grace, is not " as it ought to be," nor agreeable to God, 
 since " without faith it is impossible to please him."|| 
 
 148. — Touching the necessity of preserving Free-will together with Grace. 
 If the Council of Trent, in defending the grace of God, hath, 
 at the same time, maintained Free-will, this also was a faithful 
 repetition of the sentiments of our forefathers, when they de- 
 fined, against the Pelagians, " that grace destroyed not free-will, 
 but set it at liberty, to the end that, of being darkened it might 
 
 ♦ 2 Cor. V. 21. t Sess. vi. c. v. vi. \ Can. i. § Con. Ara. ii. c. 6, 7, 25. 
 
 11 Heb. xi. G. 
 
324 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 become full of light ; of sick, healthy ; of depraved, upright ; 
 of imprudent, provident and wise ;"* for which reason the grace 
 of God was called " an aid and a succor of the free-will ;" 
 consequently, something which, far from destroying, conserved 
 and perfected it. 
 
 147. — Touching the merit of good-works. 
 
 According to so pure a notion, far from fearing the word 
 merit, which indeed naturally expressed the dignity of good- 
 works, our Fathers maintained it against the remnant of Pela- 
 gians in the same Council of Orange,"]* by these words repeated 
 in that of Trent, J " the goodness of God is so great to all man- 
 kind, that what he gives us, he will even have to be our merit ;" 
 from whence it follows, as likewise the same Fathers of the 
 Council of Orange§ have decided, " that all the works and merits 
 of the saints ought to be referred to God's glory, because 
 none can please him except by the things which he has given." 
 
 Lastly, if at Trent they did not fear to acknowledge, with a 
 holy confidence, that eternal recompense is due to good-works, 
 it is still in conformity with, and on the same principles that our 
 Fathers had said in the Council of Orange, |j " that merits do 
 not prevent grace, and that recompense is only due to good-works 
 on account that grace, which was not due, did not precede them." 
 
 148. — Touching the fulfilling of GocPs commandments. 
 
 By this means we find in the Christian a true justice, but 
 which is given him by God together with his love, and which 
 accordingly makes him accomplish his commandments, wherein 
 the Council of TrentlT likewise does not but follow that rule of 
 the Fathers of Orange : viz., " after having received grace by 
 baptism, all the baptized, "uith the grace and co-operation of Je- 
 sus Christ, can and ought to fulfil what appertains to salvation, 
 if they will labor faithfully ;" where these Fathers have united 
 Jesus Christ's co-operating grace with man's labor and faith- 
 ful correspondence, agreeably to that saying of St. Paul, " Yet 
 not I, but the grace of God with me."** 
 
 149. — Touching the Truth, and, withal, the imperfection of our Justice. 
 
 Notwithstanding this opinion which we have of Christian 
 justice, yet we do not beheve that it is perfect and wholly irrepre- 
 hensible, since we place the principal part thereof in continu- 
 ally demanding the forgiveness of sins : and if we beheve these 
 sins, whereof the most just are obliged daily to implore forgive- 
 ness, do not hinder them from being truly just, the Council of 
 Trent has moreover taken this so necessary a decision from the 
 Council of Carthage, which declares|"j' " that the saints are they 
 
 * Auct. sed. Apost de grat. inter dec. Ccelest. P P. f Cone. Ara. |:Conc. 
 Trid. Sess. vi. 16. § Cone. Ara. v. || Ibid. c. xviii. fl Cone. Trid. Sess. 
 vi. can, 11. can. 18. cap. xxv. ** 1 Cor. xv. 10. ff Cap. vii. viii. 
 
XV,] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 325 
 
 who say humbly and truly at the same time, ' forgive us our 
 trespasses ;' that the apostle St. James, although holy and just, 
 said, nevertheless, 'we all offend in many things:' that Daniel 
 also, though holy and just, yet did say, * we have sinned.' " 
 Whence it follows that such sins hinder not holiness and justice, 
 because they hinder not the love of God from reigning in our 
 hearts. 
 
 150. — God accepts our good loorks for the love of Jesus Christ. 
 Now, if the Council of Carthage, on account of these sins, 
 will have us continually say to God, " Enter not into judg- 
 ment with thy servant, for no man living shall be justified in thy 
 sight ;"* we understand this, as does that Council, of perfect 
 justice, without excluding from the just man a true justice ; 
 acknowledging, nevertheless, that it is also by an effect of a 
 gratuitous bounty, and for the love of Jesus Christ, that God, 
 who could have set at as high a price as he pleased, to con- 
 demned persons as we were, so great a good as life eternal, did 
 not exact of us a righteousness without blemish, and, on the 
 contrary, has consented to judge us, not with extremity of rigor, 
 but with a rigor tempered and suited to our weakness, which 
 obliged the council of Trentj to acknowledge " that man hath 
 not wherewith to glorify himself, but all his glory is in Christ 
 Jesus, in whom we hve, in whom we merit, in whom we satisfy, 
 doing worthy fruits of penance which derive from him their vir- 
 tue ; by him are offered to his Father, and for the love of him 
 are accepted by his Father." 
 
 151. — That the Holy Fathers have detested no less than we, as a blasphemy, the 
 doctrine \ohich makes God equally predestinate to good and evil. 
 
 The rock to be feared in celebrating the mystery of Predes- 
 tination, was the admitting it equally in respect of good and evil ; 
 and if the Church abhorred the crime of the pretended Re- 
 formers guilty of this excess, she did but walk in the steps of the 
 Council 'of Orange, J which pronounces an eternal " anathema, 
 with utter detestation, against those who should dare to say that 
 man is predestinated to evil by the divine power ;" and of the 
 Council of Valentia,§ deciding, in like manner, " that God, by 
 his fore-knowledge, doth impose on no man the necessity of 
 sinning, but foresees only what man would be by his own will ; 
 so that the wicked do not perish on account that they had not 
 the power of being good, but because they would not become 
 good, or because they would not remain in the grace they had 
 received." 
 
 152. — The Church alioays found in the same situation. 
 
 Thus, when a question has been once judged in the Church, 
 as she never fails to decide it according to the tradition of all 
 * Cap. vii. viii. f Sess. xiv. c. viii. | Cone. Arau. c. xxv. § Cone. Yalent. iii. c. ii. v. 
 
 VOL, II. 28 
 
326 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 past ages, so, should it happen to be moved again in succeeding 
 times, you find the Church, after a thousand or twelve hundred 
 years, always in the same situation, always ready to oppose 
 against the enemies of truth the same decrees which the Holy 
 Apostolic See and Catholic Unanimity had pronounced, without 
 ever adding anything thereto, save what is necessary against 
 new errors. 
 
 153. — Our Fathers have rejected, as well as we, the certainty of Salvation and 
 
 Righteousness. 
 
 To conclude what remains on the subject of justifying grace, 
 I find no decision touching the certainty of salvation, because 
 as yet nothing had obhged the Church to pronounce on this 
 point : yet none has contradicted St. Austin, who teaches " that 
 this certainty is not beneficial in this state of temptation, in 
 which assurance might produce pride ;"* which also extends 
 itself, as is plain, to the certainty one might have of present 
 righteousness, so that the Catholic Church, whilst she inspires 
 into her children so great a confidence as to exclude perturba- 
 tion and trouble, yet leaves in them, after the example of the 
 Apostles, the counterpoise of fear, and no less teaches man to 
 distrust himself than to trust absolutely in God. 
 
 154. — Melancthon agrees that the article of Justijicalion is easy to be reconciled. 
 In fine, if all that has been seen granted in this work by our 
 adversaries, touching justification and the merits of the saints, be 
 reviewed, it will entirely convince a man that there is not the 
 least occasion to complain of the doctrine of the Church. | 
 Melancthon, so zealous for this article, owns nevertheless that 
 *' it is easy to come to an agreement on both sides :" what he 
 seems most to insist upon is the certainty of justice ; but every 
 humble Christian will easily rest contented with the same cer- 
 tainty with respect to justice as to eternal salvation : all the 
 comfort man ought to have in this life is that of excluding by 
 hope, not only despair, but also trouble and anguish ; nor is 
 there anything to reproach a Christian with, who, assured on 
 God's side, has no longer anything to fear or doubt but from 
 himself. 
 
 155. — The clearness of the decisions of the Church. — She cids away the root 
 of abuses in regard of Prayer to the Saints. 
 
 The decisions of the Catholic Church are not less clear and 
 precise than they are firm and lasting, always obviating what- 
 ever might give occasion to the mind of man going astray. J 
 Honoring the Saints in her assemblies, was honoring God, the 
 author of their sanctity and bliss ; and demanding of them the 
 
 * De correct, et grat. c. xiii. de Civ. Dei. xi. 12. j S. 1. iii. n. 25, et seq., 
 viii. 22, et seq. Sent. Phil. Mel. de pace Ec. p. 10. Bern. Ser. i. de Sept. 
 I S. 1. xiii. xiv. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 327 
 
 partnership of their prayers, was joining ourselves to the choirs 
 of angels, to the spirits of the perfectly just, and to the Church 
 of the first-born which are in heaven. So holy a practice may 
 be discovered ever since the first ages, nor is the beginning of 
 it to be discovered there, since none can then be found who were 
 noted for innovation in that regard. The thing most to be feared 
 with respect to the ignorant was, lest they should make the in- 
 vocation of saints too like to that of God, and their intercession 
 too like that of Jesus Christ : but the Council of Trent^>' in- 
 structs us fully as to these two points, by warning us that the 
 saints pray, — which places them at an infinite distance from him 
 who gives ; and that they pray through Jesus Christ, — which 
 places them infinitely beneath him who is heard through himself. 
 156. — Regarding Images. 
 Setting up images is rendering sensible the mysteries and 
 examples which sanctify us. The thing to be feared in respect 
 of the ignorant is, lest they should believe that the divine na- 
 ture might be represented, or rendered present in images, or, at 
 all events, lest they should look upon them as filled with some 
 virtue for which they are honored ; these are the three charac- 
 ters of idolatry. But the Council has rejected thom in plain 
 terms ;"f" so that it is not lawful to attribute to one image more 
 virtue than to another, nor, by consequence, to frequent one 
 more than another, unless in memory of soiiie miracles, or some 
 pious history which might excite devotion.;]; The use of images 
 being thus purified, Luther himself and the Lutherans v/ill de- 
 monstrate that images of this kind are not what the Decalogue 
 speaks of, and the honor rendered to them will be manifestly 
 nothing else than a sensible and exterior testimony of the pious 
 remembrance they excite, and the simple and natural efiect of 
 that mute language which accompanies these pious representa- 
 tions, and whose usefulness is so much the greater, as it is 
 capable of being understood by all mankind. 
 
 157. — Regarding Worship in general. 
 
 In general, worship is ret'erred to the interior and exterior 
 exercise of faith, of hope, and of charity, and principally to that 
 of this last virtue, whose property it is to unite us with God ; 
 so that a worship in spirit and in truth exists everywhere, wher- 
 ever there is to be found the exercise of charity towards God 
 or towards our neighbor, conformably to that saying of St. 
 James, " Pure religion, and undefiled before God is this, to visit 
 the fatherless and widows, and to keep himself unspotted from 
 the world ;"§ and every act of piety not animated with this 
 spirit is imperfect, carnal, or superstitious. 
 
 * Sess. XXV. deer, de invoc. S. S. f Ibid. | S. 1. ii. n. 28. § Jas. 1. 27, 
 
328 THE HISTORY OP [bOOK 
 
 158. — Against those who accuse the Council of Trent of having spoken 
 
 ambiguously. 
 
 Under pretext that the Council of Trent dechned entering 
 into many difficulties, our adversaries, after Fra-Paolo, are con- 
 tinually blaming it as having explained the dogmas in general, 
 obscure, and equivocal terms, with the design of pleasing in ap- 
 pearance the greatest number : but they would entertain more 
 equitable sentiments, did they but consider, that God, who knows 
 how far he designs to guide our understanding in revealing to 
 us some truth, or some mystery, does not always reveal to us 
 either the ways of explaining it, or the circumstances which ac- 
 company it, or even wherein it consists as to its utmost precision, 
 or, as we speak in schools, as to its specific difference ; so that, 
 in Church decisions, it is often necessary to keep to general 
 expressions, in order to retain that measure of faith so much 
 commended by St. Paul,* and not to transgress his precept 
 forbidding us to be more wise than we ought to be. 
 
 1 59. — The principles of Protestants prove the necessity of Purgatory. 
 
 For example, in the controversy concerning Purgatory, the 
 Council of Trent has firmly beHeved as a truth revealed of God, 
 that just souls may depart this life without being wholly purified. 
 Grotius proves evidently,"!* that this truth is confessed by Pro- 
 testants, by Mestresat, by Spanheim, by Calvin himself, on this 
 common ground- work of the Reformation, viz. that in the whole 
 course of this life the soul is never entirely pure, whence it fol- 
 lows that she is still defiled at her departure from the body. But 
 the Holy Ghost hath pronounced, that " not anything that is pol- 
 luted shall enter into the holy city ;"J and the minister Span- 
 heim§ proves unanswerably, that the soul cannot be presented 
 to God till she be " without spot or wrinkle, all holy, pure, and 
 irreproachable," conformably to the doctrine of St. Paul,|j which 
 he allows she cannot be, during this mortal life. 
 
 160. — Protestants do not reject the purification of souls after this life. 
 
 After this still remains the question, whether or not this puri- 
 fication of the soul be wrought in this life at the last moment, 
 or after death ; and Spanheim leaves the thing undecided : IT 
 " The main point," says he, " is uncertain, but the manner and 
 circumstances are not so." But without further pressing this 
 author with the principles of the sect, the Catholic Church ad- 
 vances beyond this : for the tradition of all ages having taught 
 her to pray in behalf of the dead, for the comfort of their souls, 
 for the forgiveness of their sins, and their relief, she has held it 
 for a certain truth, that the perfect purification of souls was per- 
 formed after death, and this by secret pains not alike explained 
 
 + Rom. xii. 3. f Gf^ot. Ep. extraor. pp. 575, 578, 579. | Rev. xxi. 27. 
 § Span. dub. Ev. Tem. iii. dub. 141. n. vi. vii. |1 Eplies. v. 27. IT N. vii. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 329 
 
 by the holy doctors, but of which they said only, that they might 
 
 be mitigated and wholly remitted by prayers and oblations, 
 
 answerably to the Liturgies of all Churches. 
 
 161. — Moderation of the Church in not determining anything but what is 
 
 certain. 
 
 Without examining in this place whether this sentiment be 
 good or bad, it were no longer equitable, or candid, to refuse 
 granting us, that in this presupposition at least, the Council 
 ought to have formed its decree in a general expression, and 
 defined as it has done :* first, that there is a Purgatory after 
 this life ; secondly, that the prayers of the living may afford 
 relief to faithful souls departed, without descending to particu- 
 lars, either of their pains or the manner in which they are puri- 
 fied, because tradition did not explain it ; but showing only 
 that they are purified by Jesus Christ alone, they being purified 
 only by prayers and oblations made in his name. 
 
 162. — The difference of general terms, from indefinite, perplexed, or ambiguous 
 
 terms. 
 
 The same judgment ought to be passed on other decisions, 
 and care taken not to confound, as our reformed here do, gene- 
 ral v.'ith indefinite, intricate, or ambiguous terms. Indefinite 
 terms signify nothing ; ambiguous terms signify equivocally, 
 and leave in the mind no determinate sense ; intricate terms 
 raise a mist of confused ideas ; but although general terms 
 carry not the evidence as far as the utmost precision, they are, 
 however, to a certain degree perspicuous. 
 
 163. — General terms are clear in their ivay. 
 
 Our adversaries will not deny that the passages of Scripture, 
 w^hich say that the Holy Ghost proceeds from the Father, de- 
 note clearly some truth, since they denote, beyond a.11 doubt, 
 that the third person of the Trinity derives his origin from the 
 Father no less than the second, although they do not express 
 specifically wherein his procession consists, nor wherein it is 
 different from that of the Son. It is, therefore, plain, that gen- 
 eral expressions cannot be blamed, without blaming at the same 
 time Jesus Christ and the Gospel. 
 
 164. — In what consists the clearness of a decision. 
 
 It is in this that our adversaries ahvays show themselves un- 
 just to the Council, sometimes blaming it for descending too 
 much to particulars, and sometimes requiring it should have de- 
 cided all the disputes of the Scotists and Thomists, under pen- 
 alty of being convicted of affected obscurity : as if they were 
 ignorant that, in decisions of faith, a free scope ought to be al- 
 lowed to divines for proposing different means of explaining the 
 Christian truths, and, consequently, that a Council, waiving 
 * Sess. XXV. dec. de Purg. 
 
 VOL. II. 28 * 
 
330 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 their several and particular opinions, ought to keep itself within 
 the compass of such essential points, as they all defend in com- 
 mon. This method of defining the articles of our faith is so 
 far from speaking equivocally, that, on the contrary, it is an ef- 
 fect of clearness to define so plainly that which is certain, as 
 not to involve in the decision what is doubtful ; nor is there any- 
 thing more becoming the authority and majesty of a Council, 
 than to repress the impetuosity of those who would advance be- 
 yond these bounds. 
 
 165. — That which is certain in regard of the Pope''s authority, acknowledged in 
 the Council and by the Catholic Doctors. 
 
 Conformably to this rule, a form for explaining the Pope's 
 authority having been proposed at Trent in such terms as that 
 his superiority over the general Council might in some manner 
 be inferred, the Cardinal of Lorraine and the Bishops of 
 France being opposed to it. Cardinal Pallavicini himself relates 
 in his history, that the form was suppressed, and the Pope an- 
 swered, that " Nothing ought to be defined but what all the 
 Fathers should unanimously agree to ;"* an admirable rule 
 in order to separate what is certain from what is doubtful ! 
 Whence it also came to pass that the Cardinal du Perron, al- 
 though a zealous defender of the interests of the Court of Rome, 
 declared to the King of England, " That the dispute concern- 
 ing the Pope's authority, whether in its spiritual regard to Ecu- 
 menical Councils, or in its temporal regard to secular jurisdic- 
 tions, is not a dispute about things that are held for articles of 
 faith, or are inserted and required in the Confession of Faith, 
 or that could hinder his Majesty from entering into the Church, 
 should he be satisfied in other points.''! ^"^ even in our days, 
 the renowned Andrew du Val,J doctor of Sorbonne, to whom 
 those on the other side of the Alps referred the defence of their 
 cause, decided that the doctrine denying the Pope's infallibility 
 is not absolutely against faith ; and that which places the Coun- 
 cil above the Pope cannot be branded with any censure, either 
 of heresy, or error, or even of temerity. 
 
 166. — With this moderation, Jylelancthoii would have owned the Pope's au- 
 thority. 
 
 Thereby it appears that doctrines, not supported by a certain 
 and perpetual tradition, cannot strike root in the Church, since 
 they make not a part of her confession of faith ; and that even 
 those who teach them, teach them as their particular doctrine, 
 and not as the doctrine of the Catholic Church. § To reject 
 the supremacy and authority of the Holy See, with this whole- 
 
 * Hist. Cone. Trid. interp. Giattin. lib. xix. c. xi. xiii. xiv. xv. 
 t Reply, 1. vi. Praef. p. 858. | Du Val. Elench. p. 9. it. tract de Sup. 
 Rom. Pont, potes. part ii. q. 1. p. 4. q. 7, 8. § Yid. 1. iv. 39. v. 24, 25. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 331 
 
 some moderation, is to reject the band of Christians, is to be at 
 
 enmity with order and peace, and to envy the Church that good 
 
 which Melancthon himself wished it might enjoy.* 
 
 167. — Abridgment of this last book, and first, touching the perpetual Visibility 
 
 of the Church. 
 
 After what has been seen, there is nothing left at present that 
 can hinder our reformed from submitting to the Church ; the 
 shelter of a Church invisible is abandoned : no longer is it al- 
 lowable to allege in its defence the obscurities of the Jewish 
 Church; the ministers have freed us from the trouble of answer- 
 ing on that head, by showing clearly, that the true worship was 
 never interrupted, not even under Achaz and Manasses :| the 
 Christian society, more extensive than that of the Jews, ac- 
 cording to the conditions of its covenant, has Ukewise stood 
 more firm, and the perpetual visibility of the Catholic Church 
 can be no longer doubted of. 
 
 168. — A remark on the Confession of Augsburg. 
 
 Those of the Confession of Augsburg are yet more obliged 
 
 to acknowledge it than the Calvinists : J the Invisible Church 
 
 has neither found place in their Confession of Faith, nor in their 
 
 apology, wherein, on the contrary, we have seen the Church 
 
 spoken of in the Creed vested with a perpetual visibihty, and, 
 
 according to these principles, they should be able to show us 
 
 an assembly made up of pastors and people, in which sound 
 
 doctrine and the Sacraments have ever flourished. 
 
 169. — The arguments brought by them against the authority of the Church, are 
 resolved by the Ministers. 
 
 All the arguments that were formed against the authority of 
 the Church are given up. Yielding to the authority of the Uni- 
 versal Church, is now no longer acting unadvisedly nor sub- 
 mitting to men, since they own that her sentiments are the rule, 
 nay, the most sure rule, for deciding the most important truths 
 of religion.^ They agree, if this rule had been followed, and 
 men had proposed to themselves the understanding holy Scrip- 
 ture as it was understood by the Universal Church, that there 
 never would have been Socinians ; never should we have heard 
 the divinity of Jesus Christ called in question, the immortality 
 of the soul, the eternity of pains, the creation, God's foreknow- 
 ledge, the spirituality of his essence : things so firmly believed 
 among Christians, that they did not so much as think they could 
 be ever doubted of, and which at present are impugned with 
 such captious arguments, that many weak minds are ensnared 
 thereby. They agree that the authority of the Universal Church 
 is an infallible remedy against this disorder ; so that the author- 
 
 * Mel. de pace, c. de pot Pontif. P. 6. 14 Reg. x\'i. 4, 1 5. xxi. Jur. 
 Sypt. pp. 222, 223. | S. n. 4. et seq. to n. 10. § S. n. 86, 87, et sep. 
 
332 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 ity of the Church, far from being, what was said in the Refor- 
 mation, a means of introducing all manner of new-fangled doc- 
 trines amongst Christians, is, on the contrary, a certain means 
 of putting a stop to the licentiousness of men's minds, of pre- 
 venting the abuse they make of the sublimity of Scripture, after 
 a manner so dangerous to the salvation of souls. 
 
 The Reformation has discovered these truths at last ; and 
 if the Lutherans will not receive them from the hands of a Cal- 
 vinist minister, they have but to explain to us how they can re- 
 sist the authority of the Church after having owned that the 
 truth is always manifest in her.* 
 
 170. — Salvation to be had in the Church of Rome. 
 
 None now, of whatever separate communions, should any 
 longer hesitate to come and seek eternal life in the bosom of the 
 Church of Rome, since it is confessed! ^^^^ God's true people 
 and his true elect are still in her, as it hath always been confess- 
 ed that they were before the pretended Reformation. But it is 
 perceived at length, that the difference put between the ages 
 that preceded, and those which followed it, was vain, and that 
 the difficulty which was made of acknowledging this truth, pro- 
 ceeded from evil policy. 
 
 Should the Lutherans here start new difficulties, and not suf- 
 fer themselves to be persuaded by the sentiments of Calixtus, 
 let them show us what the Church of Rome has done since 
 Luther's time to forfeit the title of a true Church, and so to lose 
 her fecundity, that the elect can be no longer born in her womb. 
 
 171. — The Ministers are not to be believed lohen they make Salvation so difficult 
 in the Church of Rome. 
 
 True it is, when the ministers acknowledge you may be saved 
 in the Church of Rome, they would make you believe you may 
 do it as in an infected air, and by a kind of miracle, by reason 
 of her impieties and idolatries. But men should learn to distin- 
 guish, in the ministers, what hatred has made them add, from 
 what truth has forced them to confess. If the Church of Rome 
 made profession of impiety and idolatry, no salvation could have 
 been had in her, either before or after the Reformation ; and if, 
 both before and after, salvation may be had in her body, the 
 accusation of impiety and idolatry is unworthy and calumnious. 
 
 172. — Excesses of the Ministers who prefer the Arian Sect to the Church of 
 
 Rome. 
 
 And, indeed, the hatred they show to her is but too visible, 
 since they are so far transported as to say, that without doubt a 
 man may save his soul in that communion, but with greater 
 difficulty than " amongst the Arians," J who deny the divinity of 
 
 * S. n. 4. et seq. f S. n. 50, 51. et seq. as far as n. 59. 
 
 I Prej. leg. part i. ch. i. Syst. p. 225. 
 
XV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 333 
 
 the Son of God and of the Holy Ghost ; who, by consequence, 
 believe themselves devoted to creatures by baptism ; who, in 
 the Eucharist, look on the flesh of a man, who is not God, as 
 the source of Hfe; who beheve that, without being God, a man 
 has saved them, and was able to pay the price of their redemp- 
 tion ; who invoke him as the person to whom all power is given 
 in heaven and on earth ; who are consecrated to the Holy 
 Ghost, namely, to a creature, to become his temples ; who 
 believe that a creature, to wit, the same Holy Ghost, distributes 
 grace to them as he pleases, regenerates them, and sanctifies 
 them by his presence. This is the sect they prefer to the Church 
 of Rome ; and is not this saying to all that are capable of under- 
 standing. Believe not one word we say ; when we speak of that 
 Church, hatred possesses and sets us besides ourselves. 
 
 173. — The Protestants can no longer excuse themselves from Schism. 
 
 Lastly, there is no longer any possibility for our reformed to 
 avoid being Reckoned amongst the number of those " who sepa- 
 rate themselves, and who make a sect apart," contrary to the 
 precept of the Apostles, particularly St. Jude,* and contrary to 
 the import of their own Catechism, j" Here are its very words 
 in the exposition of the Creed : '' The article of forgiveness of 
 sins is placed after that of the Catholic Church, because no one 
 obtains pardon for his sins except beforehand he be incorpo- 
 rated with God's people, and persevere in unity and commu- 
 nion with the body of Christ, and so be a member of the Church; 
 insomuch that, out of the Church, there is nothing but death and 
 damnation ; for all those who separate from the society of the 
 faithful, to make a sect apart, ought not to hope for salvation 
 whilst they are in division." 
 
 The article speaks clearly of the Universal Church, visible 
 and always visible, and in this we have seen that they are 
 agreed : J they are agreed likewise, as to a fact certain and no- 
 torious, that the Churches, which call themselves reformed, at 
 their renouncing the communion of the Church of Rome, did 
 not find on earth one Church which they united with : they 
 therefore made a sect apart from the whole body of Christians 
 and the Universal Church ; and, according to their own doc- 
 trine, renounce the grace of forgiveness of sinS, which is the fruit 
 of the blood of Jesus Christ ; and death and damnation is their lot. 
 174. — Short repetition of the absurdities of the new System. 
 
 The absurdities, necessarily attending the answer to this ar- 
 gument plainly discover how invincible it is ; for at\er a thou- 
 sand fruitless shifts, they were, in fine, driven into such straits 
 as even to say,§ that you remain in the Catholic and Universal 
 
 * Jud. xvii. 18. t Dim. xvi J S. n. 21, 22, 34, 35, et seq. 68, 81, 82, 83. 
 
 § S. n. 65, &c. 
 
334 THE HISTORY OF [bOOK 
 
 Church, in renouncing the communion of all Churches in the 
 world, and in making a Church apart ; that you remain in the 
 same Universal Church although driven from it by a just cen- 
 sure; that you cannot go forth from it by any other crime than 
 that of apostacy, by renouncing Christianity and your baptism; 
 that all the Christian sects, how divided soever they be, are one 
 and the same body, and one and the same Church in Jesus 
 Christ: that Christian Churches have no exterior band of union 
 by the appointment of Jesus Christ ; that their band is arbitrary ; 
 that the Confessions of Faith whereby they unite themselves, 
 are arbitrary likewise, and contracts susceptible of what terms 
 you please, which yet may not be broken without incurring the 
 guilt of Schism : that the union of Churches depends on em- 
 pires and the will of princes ; that all Christian Churches are 
 naturally, and by their origin, independent one of another, 
 whence it follows that the Independents, so grievously censured 
 at Charenton, do nothing else but stand up for the natural 
 liberty of Churches ; that, provided you find means of assem- 
 bling together either with consent or by violence so as " to 
 make a figure in the world," you are a true member of the body 
 of the Cathohc Church ; that no heresy ever has, or can be, 
 condemned by a judgment of the Universal Church ; nay, that 
 there is not, nor can be, any ecclesiastical judgment in matters 
 of faith ; that men have no right to exact subscriptions to the 
 decrees of Synods respecting fliith; that one may save his soul 
 in the most perverse sects, even in that of the Socinians. 
 
 175. — The height of the absiirdiHes, riz. the kingdom of Jesus Christ con- 
 founded ivith the kingdom of Satan. 
 
 There would be no end were I to repeat all the absurdities it 
 was necessary to vent in order to save the Reformation from 
 the sentence pronounced against those " who make a sect 
 apart." But, besides that it is needless to enter into a detail of 
 them, they are all comprised in this one which has been always 
 more or less maintained in the Reformation, and wherein the 
 whole defence of the cause is placed now more than ever; viz. 
 *' that the Catholic Church," whereof the Creed speaks, is one 
 heap of sects divided amongst one another, and which anathema- 
 tize one another ;* insomuch that the character of the kingdom 
 of Jesus Christ is the same with that given by Jesus Christ to 
 the kingdom of Satan, as above explained. 
 
 But nothing is more opposite to the doctrine of Christ him- 
 self. According to his doctrine, the kingdom of Satan is di- 
 vided against itself,| and must fall, house upon house, to utter 
 desolation. On the contrary, according to the promise of Jesus 
 Christ, his Church, which is his kingdom built on the rock,J on 
 * S. n. 51, &c. f Luke xi. J Matt. xvi. 
 
XV.] 
 
 THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 
 
 335 
 
 the same Confession of Faith, and the same ecclesiastical gov- 
 ernment, is perfectly united : whence it follows that she is im- 
 movable, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against her; 
 that is to say, division, the cause of weakness and the charac- 
 ter of hell, shall not get the better of unity, the cause of strength, 
 and the character of the Church. But all this order is changed 
 in the Reformation ; and the kingdom of Jesus Christ being 
 divided like to that of Satan, no wonder men have said, con- 
 formably to such a principle, that it was fallen to ruin and deso- 
 lation. 
 
 176. — The immovable steadfastness of the Church. — Conclusion of this Work. 
 
 These maxims of division were the ground-work of the Re- 
 formation, inasmuch as it was established by an universal rup- 
 ture, and a Church-unity has never been known therein : and 
 therefore its Variations, whose history we have at length con- 
 cluded, have shown us what it was, to wit, a kingdom disunited, 
 divided against itself, and which must fall sooner or later : 
 whilst the Catholic Church, so unalterably attached to decrees 
 once pronounced, that not the least variation since the origin 
 of Christianity can be discovered in her, shows herself a Church 
 built on the rock, always in full security from the promises she 
 has received, firm in her principles, and guided by a Spirit which 
 never contradicts himself. 
 
 May He who holds in his hand the hearts of men, and who 
 alone knows the bounds he has set to rebellious sects, and to 
 the afflictions of his Church, cause all his stray children quickly 
 to return to her unity ; and may we have the joy to behold with 
 our eyes Israel, so unfortunately divided, unite under one and 
 the same head with Judah.* 
 
 * Hosea i. 11. 
 
336 THE HISTORY OP [APP. TO 
 
 A MATERIAL APPENDIX 
 THE FOURTEENTH BOOK. 
 
 I. — A new Book written by the Minister Jurieu concerning the union of the 
 Calvinists with the Lutherans. 
 
 After this work was finished, a Latin book fell into my 
 hands, which the indefatigable Jurieu has just brought to light, 
 and whereof it is requisite I should give the public some ac- 
 count. The title is, " An Amicable Consultation concerning 
 Peace between the Protestants." Therein he treats of this 
 subject with the Doctor Daniel Severin Scultet, who, on his 
 side, proposes to himself to smooth the difficulties of this peace, 
 so frequently and so unsuccessfully attempted. The question 
 chiefly in debate is that of predestination and grace. The Lu- 
 theran cannot digest what was defined at the Synod of Dort 
 touching absolute decrees and irresistible grace : he judges still 
 more insupportable what the same Synod teaches of the ina- 
 missibility of justice, and the certainty of salvation, there being 
 nothing, in his notion, more impious than to give to man once 
 justified, a certain assurance in the midst of the most heinous 
 crimes, that they shall neither make him forfeit his salvation in 
 eternity, nor in time even the Holy Ghost and the grace of 
 adoption. I repeat not the explanation of these questions, 
 which the reader must have understood from the account given 
 of them in this history ;* but shall oniy say, that this is what is 
 called, among the Lutherans, the particularism of the Calvinists : 
 so abominable a heresy that they charge it with nothing less 
 than of making God the author of sin, and of subverting all 
 Christian morality, by inspiring with a pernicious security those 
 who are abandoned to the most abominable enormities. M. 
 Jurieu does not deny that the Synod of Dort taught these dog- 
 mas laid to its charge : he endeavors only to clear them from 
 those evil consequences which are thence drawn ; and he him- 
 self carries so far the certainty of salvation, the very dogma we 
 have seen all centre in, as to say, that taking it from the faith- 
 ful is making a Christian's life an insutferable torment. "f He 
 grants then, in the main, the sentiments imputed to the Cal- 
 vinists : but in order to bring about a peace, notwithstanding so 
 
 ♦ L. ix. xiv. f P. i. c. viii. p. 2, c. vi. p. 191, &c. xi. 253, 234. 
 
BOOK XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 337 
 
 great an opposition in such important articles, after proposing 
 some mitigations consisting in words only, he concludes for 
 a mutual toleration. The reasons he grounds himself on are 
 reduced to two, one whereof is recrimination, and the other a 
 compensation of dogmas. 
 
 2. — The recrinnnations of the JSIinister Juneu against the Lutherans, concern- 
 ing lAither^s blasphemies. 
 
 As for recrimination, M. Jurieu's reasoning is as follows. 
 You accuse us, says he to Doctor Scultet, of making God the 
 author of sin ;* it is Luther you must accuse of this, not us : 
 and thereupon cites to him those passages we have above re- 
 lated, where Luther decides "that God's prescience renders free- 
 will impossible ; that Judas, for this reason, could not help 
 betraying his master ; that all that passes in man, whether good 
 or evil, happens by pure and inevitable necessity ; that it is God 
 who operates in man all the good and evil that is done by him, 
 and makes man guilty of damnation by necessity ; that David's 
 adultery is no less the work of God than the vocation of St. 
 Paul ; lastly, that it is no more unworthy of God to damn the 
 innocent, than to forgive, as he does, the guilty." 
 
 The Calvinist then shows, that Luther does not speak here 
 in a doubting manner, but with that terrible decision above spe- 
 cified, and which suffers no reply on this head : " You," says 
 he,! " that hear me, never forget that I am the man who thus 
 teaches, and without any new inquiry submit to this word." 
 
 The Lutheran thought to escape, by saying that Luther had 
 recanted : but the Calvinist nonplusses him when he demands,;]] 
 *' where is this recantation of Luther 1 It is true," proceeds 
 he, " he has begged we would excuse, in his first books, some 
 remnants of Popery in regard to indulgences : but as to what 
 regards Free-will, he never changed a tittle of his doctrine." 
 And, indeed, it is very certain that the above-said monsters of 
 impiety were far from being derived from Popery, which, as 
 Luther acknowledges in all these places, held them in execration. 
 
 JVI. Jurieu, in that respect, is of the same opinion with us, 
 and declares,§ " he holds in abhorrence these Dogmas of Lu- 
 ther, as impious, horrible, frightful, deserving every £mathema, 
 introductive of Manicheism, and subversive of all religion." 
 He is sorry to see himself obliged to speak thus of the head of 
 the Reformation. " I speak it," says he, " with grief, and favor, 
 as much as I am able, the memory of this great man." This 
 is, therefore, one of those confessions, which the evidence of 
 truth extorts from men, how much soever against their will ; 
 and, in fine, the author of the Reformation, by the very confes- 
 
 * S. 1. ii. n. 17. Jur. part ii. c. viii. p. 210, et. seq. f S. 1. ii. n. 17. 
 
 I Jur. Ibid. pp. 217, 218. § Jur. part ii. c. viii. pp. 211, 214, et seq. 
 
 VOL. II. 29 
 
338 THE HISTORY OP [apP. TO 
 
 sion of the Reformed, is convicted of being an impious blas- 
 phemer against God : a great man, after this, as much as they 
 please ; for to have sounded the alarm against Rome, is merit 
 enough in the Reformation for any titles whatever. Melanc- 
 thon is guilty of this wicked doctrine, which destroys all re- 
 ligion. M. Jurieu has convicted him of uttering the same 
 blasphemies as his master ;* and instead of detesting them, as 
 they deserved, of never having retracted them but too faintly 
 and with diffidence. You see on what corner-stones the Refor- 
 mation was built. 
 
 3, — Whether Calvin has less blasphemed than Luther. 
 
 But because M. Jurieu here seems willing -to excuse Calvin, 
 he need but cast his eyes on the passages of this author already 
 quoted by me in this history : there will he find"!" " that Adam 
 could not avoid his fall, and was nevertheless guilty, because 
 he fell voluntarily ; that it was ordained by God, and comprised 
 in his secret decrees." There will he find, " that a hidden 
 counsel of God is the cause of hardness of heart ; that we must 
 not deny that God willed and decreed the defection of Adam, 
 since he does all he wills ; that this decree, he must confess, 
 raises horror ; yet, after all, it cannot be denied but God fore- 
 saw the fall of man, because he had ordained it by his own de- 
 cree ; that we ought not to use the word permission, since it is 
 an express order ; that the will of God makes the necessity of 
 things ; and all he hath willed happens necessarily; that it was 
 for this reason Adam fell by an order of God's providence, and 
 because God had so judged it fitting, although he fell through 
 his own fault ; that the reprobate are inexcusable, although they 
 cannot shun the necessity of sinning ; and that this necessity 
 befalls them by God's appointment ; J that God speaks to them, 
 but on purpose to make them the more deaf; that he places 
 light before their eyes, but on purpose to blind them ; that he 
 applies sound doctrine to them, but on purpose to render them 
 the more insensible ; that he sends them remedies, but to the 
 end they may not be cured." 
 
 What is here wanting to make Calvin as complete a Mani- 
 chean as Luther ?§ 
 
 What, therefore, does it avail M. Jurieu to have quoted us 
 
 some passages of Calvin, where he seems to say that man was 
 
 free in Adam, and fell in Adam by his own will ; since it is 
 
 otherwise certain from Calvin himself, that this will of Adam 
 
 was the necessary effect of a special decree of God? And, 
 
 indeed, the truth is, this minister has not pretended absolutely 
 
 * Jur. part. ii. c. viii. p. 24. ] S. 1. xiv. n. 4. Opusc. de praed. pp. 704. 
 705, Inst. iii. xxiii. i. pp. 1, 7, 8, 9. | S. 1. xxiv. n. 13. 
 
 § Jur. part ii. c. adii. ibid. p. 214. 
 
BOOK XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 339 
 
 to excuse Calvin, but contents himself with saying only, " he 
 was sober in comparison to Luther :"* but we have just heard 
 him speak not less extravagantly and impiously than Luther. 
 
 I have also produced Beza's words,| which manifestly refer 
 all sins to the will of God as their first cause. Thus, beyond 
 all dispute, the heads of both parties of the Reformation, Luther 
 and Melancthon on one side, Calvin and Beza on the other, the 
 masters and disciples, equally are convicted of Manicheism and 
 impiety ; and M. Jurieu has had reason to confess candidly of 
 the Reformers in general, that they taught that " God drove on 
 wicked men to enormous crimes. "J 
 
 4. — Jinolher recrimination of the Minister Jurieu. — The Lutherans convicted 
 
 of Pelagianism. 
 
 The Calvinist returns to the charge, and here is another re- 
 crimination not less remarkable. You upbraid us, says he to 
 the Lutherans, with our irresistible grace : but in order to make 
 it resistible you run to the opposite extreme ; and, unlike to 
 your master Luther, who in matter of grace, so far outwent all 
 bounds " as to make himself suspected of Manicheism," you 
 do the like in Free-will, so as to turn Demi-Pelagians, since 
 you attribute to it the beginning of salvation. § Which he makes 
 evident by the same proofs we have made use of in this history, 
 by showing the Lutherans that, according to them, the grace of 
 conversion depends on the care they themselves take to hear 
 the word preached. I have clearly demonstrated this Demi- 
 Pelagianism of the Lutherans from the book of Concord, and 
 from other testimonies ; but the minister strengthens my proofs 
 with the testimony of his adversary, Scultet, who confesses in 
 as many words, II " that God converts men, when men them- 
 selves receive the word preached with respect and attention." 
 Accordinorly, it is in this manner the Lutherans explain the uni- 
 versal will of saving all mankind, and say with Scultet, " that 
 God will infuse contrition and a lively faith into the hearts of all 
 the adult, provided, nevertheless, they do beforehand the neces- 
 sary duty for man's conversion." Thus, what they attribute to 
 the divine power, is that grace which goes hand in hand with 
 preaching ; and what they attribute to Free-will, is rendering 
 itself beforehand, by its own strength, attentive to the word an- 
 nounced ; which is saying, as clearly as ever the Demi-Pela- 
 gians have done, that the beginning of salvation comes purely 
 from Free-will ; and, that there may be no doubt that this is the 
 error of the Lutherans, M. Jurieu produces moreover a passage 
 from Calixtus, where he transcribes word for word the proposi- 
 tions condemned in the Demi-Pelagians ; for he says, in express 
 
 * Jur. part. ii. c. xiii. ibid. p. 214. | S. 1. xiv. n. 2, 3. J Ibid. n. 4. 
 
 § Jur. part ii. c. viii. p. 117. S. 1. viii. n. 83. et seq. xiv. 116. \\ Jur. p. 117. 
 
340 THE HISTORY OF [aPP. TO 
 
 terms,* " that there remains in all men some strength of the 
 understanding, of the will, and of natural knowledge, which, if 
 they make right use of, in laboring what they are able for their 
 salvation, God will afford them the necessary means to arrive 
 at the perfection which revelation leads us to ;" which once 
 more makes grace depend on what man precedently does by 
 his own strength. 
 
 I was right, then, in affirming that the Lutherans are become 
 true Demi-Pelagians, namely. Pelagians in the most dangerous 
 part of this heresy, it being that by which human pride is the 
 most flattered. For the greatest mischief of Pelagianism is 
 placing man's salvation finally in his own hands, independently 
 of grace. Now this is done by those, who, like the Lutherans, 
 make the conversion and justification of a sinner dependent on 
 a beginning introductive of all the rest, and which, nevertheless, 
 the sinner gives to himself merely by his Free-will without 
 grace, as I have proved evidently, and as M. Jurieu has also 
 but just made apparent from the Confession of the Lutherans. 
 
 They ought not, therefore, to flatter themselves, as if they had 
 escaped the Anathema merited by the Pelagians, under pretext 
 that they are only such by halves ; since we see that this part 
 swallowed by them of so mortal a poison, as that of Pelagianism, 
 contains its own malignity : from whence one may perceive the 
 deplorable condition of the whole Protestant party ; since, on 
 one side, the Calvinists know no way of maintaining Christian 
 grace against the Pelagians, but by making it inamissible with 
 all the other aforesaid inconveniences ; and on the other, the 
 Lutherans believe there is no avoiding this detestable particu- 
 larism of Dort and of the Calvinists, but by turning Pelagians, 
 and abandoning man's salvation to his own Free-will. 
 
 5. — Sequel of Recriminations. — The Lutherans convicted of denying the 
 necessity of good xoorks. 
 
 The Calvinist pursues his point : and, says he to the Luther- 
 ans, " it is impossible to dissemble" your doctrine against the 
 necessity of good works. " I will not," proceeds he, " go in 
 quest of the harsh propositions of your Doctors, ancient and 
 modern, on this subject."| As I take it, he glances at the De- 
 cree of Worms, where we have observed that it was decided 
 that good works are not necessary to salvation. But without 
 insisting on this assembly, and other like decrees of the Luther- 
 ans, I shall observe only (says he to Scultet) what you yourself 
 have taught : J " That it is not lawful for us to give any alms to 
 the poor, no, not a farthing, with the design of obtaining forgive- 
 ness of our sins." And, again, " That the habit and exercise 
 
 * Jur. p. 118. Calix. Ep. f lb. part ii. c. ii. p. 243. 
 
 I S. 1. iii. n. 12. viii. n. 32. pp. 243, 244. 
 
BOOK XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 341 
 
 of virtue is not absolutely necessary for the justified in order 
 to be saved : that the exercise of the love of God, neither in 
 the course of lite, nor even at the hour of death, is a necessary 
 condition, without which we cannot be saved." Lastly, " That 
 neither the habit nor exercise of virtue is necessary to a dying 
 person, in order to obtain forgiveness of his sins ;" that is to 
 say, " a man is saved," as this minister concludes, " without 
 having done so much as one good work, either in his life or at 
 his death." 
 
 6. — Another recrimination on the certainty of Salvation. — The Lutherans 
 convicted of contradiction and blindness. 
 
 These are just and terrible recriminations, of which Dr. 
 Scultet will never clear himself: again, here is another no less 
 remarkable. You object to us as a crime (says M. Jurieu* to 
 him), the certainty of salvation defined in the Synod of Dort ; 
 but you, who object it to us, hold the same yourselves. There- 
 upon he produces the Theses, wherein Doctor John Gerard 
 (the third man after Luther and Chemnicius of the Reformation, 
 if we believe their testimony who approved his w^orks) advances 
 this proposition. "f " We maintain against the Papists the cer- 
 tainty of salvation as a certainty of faith." And, again, " The 
 predestinate has in himself God's testimony, and says interiorly 
 to himself, ' he that predestinated me from all eternity, calls me, 
 and justifies me in time by his word.' " It is certain he wrote 
 these things, and others every whit as strong, alleged by M. 
 Jurieu : J they are usual with the Lutherans. But this Minister 
 reproaches them, with reason, that they are not consistent with 
 their doctrine of the amissibility of justice, which they account 
 as a capital point ; accordingly, it is what I have remarked in 
 this history, nor have I forgotten the solution proposed by the 
 Lutherans, and even by Dr. Gerard : but I do not vouch for 
 the contradictions the Minister Jurieu upbraids them with in 
 these words :§ — " It is a thing incredible that wise men, having 
 eyes in their heads, should have fallen into so stupendous a 
 blindness, as to believe one is assured of hiff salvation with a cer- 
 tainty of faith, and, at the same time, that the true behever may 
 lose the faith and eternal salvation." From thence he takes 
 occasion to reproach them, that their doctrine is self-contra- 
 dictory, that their universahsm, introduced contrary to Luther's 
 principles, has brought such a confusion into their theology, 
 " that there is none but is sensible that it has no longer any 
 manner of coherence ; that it cannot be self-consistent ; that 
 they have no excuse left them."|| Thus you see how these 
 
 * Jur, part i. c. \'iii. pp. 128, 129. f Gerard, de elect, et rep. c. xiii. 
 
 The?, pp. 210, 211. J Jur. part i. c. viii. p. 129. Sup. 1. iii. n. 39. viil n. 
 60, 61. § Ibid. 11 Ibid. pp. 213, 129, 131, 135. 
 
 VOL. II. 29 * 
 
342 THE HISTORY OF [aPP. TO 
 
 men treat one another when in peace ; what do not they do 
 when at mortal war 1 
 
 7. — Another recnmination. — The monster of Uhiqnity. 
 
 Besides what regards grace, the Minister also charges the 
 Lutherans very home with their monstrous doctrine of Ubiquity, 
 " worthy," says he,* " of all the eulogiums you bestow on the 
 decisions of Dort, a frightful, huge, and horrid monster, of a 
 prodigious deformity in itself, and still more prodigious in its 
 consequences ; since it brings back the confusion of natures in 
 Jesus Christ, and not only that of the soul with the body, but 
 also that of the divinity with the humanity, and, in a word, 
 Eutychianism, so unanimously detested by the whole Church." 
 
 He shows them they have added to the Confession of Augs- 
 burg this monster of Ubiquity, and to Luther's doctrine their 
 excessive Universalism, which has made them fall back into the 
 error of the Pelagians. All these reproaches are very true, as 
 we have made appear;! and here you behold the Lutherans, 
 the first of those that took up the title of Reformers, convicted 
 by the Calvinists of being all at once Pelagians in formal terms, 
 and Eutychians by consequences indeed,;]; but such as the whole 
 world is sensible of, and which are as clear as the noon-day. 
 
 8. — The compensation of Dogmas proposed to the Ltitlierans by the Minister 
 
 Jurieu. 
 
 After all these vigorous recriminations, one would think that 
 the Minister Jurieu§ must conclude to detest, in the Lutherans, 
 so many abominable excesses, so many visible contradictions, 
 so manifest a blindness : no such thing. He accuses the Lu- 
 therans of so many enormous errors, only to conclude a peace 
 by a mutual toleration on both sides, notwithstanding the gross 
 errors both .stand convicted of by the testimonies of each other. 
 
 Here, then, he proposes that marvellous compensation, that 
 bartering of doctrine, where all terminates in concluding " if 
 our particularism be an error, we offer you a toleration for errors 
 much more strange." Let us make up peace on this founda- 
 tion, and mutually declare one another God's faithful servants, 
 without any obligation on either side of correcting anything in 
 our tenets. We allow you all the prodigies of your doctrine :|| 
 we allow you that monstrous Ubiquity : we allow you your 
 Demi-Pelagianism, which places the beginning of man's salva- 
 tion purely in his own hands : we allow you that horrid dogma,ir 
 which denies that good works and the habit of charity, any more 
 than the exercise thereof, are necessary to salvation, either in 
 life or at death : we tolerate you, we receive you to the holy 
 table, we own you for God's children, notwithstanding all these 
 
 * Jur. part i. c. viii. 242. f S. 1. viii. n. 46. J Jur. ibid. § Jur. part ii. 
 c. iii. et seq» x. xi. p. 240. |j Part i. c. viii. p. 123. II Jur. part i. c. viii. 243. 
 
BOOK XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 343 
 
 eiTors : overlook, then, in our behalf, and in behalf of the Sy- 
 nod of Dort, these absolute decrees with irresistible grace, the 
 certainty of salvation with the inamissibihty of justice, together 
 with all the rest of our particular dogmas, how much soever you 
 abhor them. 
 
 This is the bargain he proposes ; this, what he negotiates in 
 the face of the whole Christian world : a peace between Churches 
 calling themselves not only Christian, but also Reformed : not 
 by agreeing in the doctrine which they believe expressly revealed 
 by God, but by forgiving mutually each other the most unpar- 
 donable errors. 
 
 What shall be the issue of this treaty 1 I am loth to foresee 
 it : but will be bold to say the Calvinists shall gain nothing else 
 by it but an addition to their own errors of those of the Luther- 
 ans, which they make themselves accomplices in by admitting 
 to the holy table those as the true children of God who profess- 
 edly maintain them. As for the Lutherans, if it be true, as it is 
 insinuated by M. Jurieu,* that they begin for the most part to 
 become more tractable in regard to the Real Presence, and offer 
 peace to the Calvinists, provided only they receive their Demi- 
 Pelagian Universalism, the whole universe will be witness that 
 they have made a peace by sacrificing to the Sacramentarians 
 what Luther most defended against them, even to his death, to 
 wit, the reality ; and by making them profess what the same 
 Luther most detested, namely, Pelagianism, to which he pre- 
 ferred the opposite extreme, even the horror of making God 
 the author of sin. 
 
 9. — The means proposed by M. Juneu for advancing this agreement. — Princes 
 
 sovereign Judges of Religion. 
 
 But let us also see the means which M. Jurieu proposes for 
 attaining this wonderful agreement. "f" " In the first place," says 
 he, " this pious work cannot be brought about without the con- 
 currence of the princes of both parties, by reason that," pro- 
 ceeds he, "the whole Reformation was made by their authority." 
 yS herefore, in order to promote it, we must assemble — " not 
 Ecclesiastics, always too much wedded to their own sentiments 
 — but politicians,"]; who, in all appearance, will part with their 
 religion at an easier rate. These, therefore, shall examine 
 " the importance of each tenet, and weigh with equity, whether 
 such and such a proposition, supposing it an error, be capable 
 of being agreed to, or incapable of being tolerated ;"§ that is 
 to say, what is most essential to religion must be debated in this 
 assembly, it being to decide what is fundamental, and what not ; 
 ■what may be, and what may not be tolerated. Here hes the 
 
 * Jur. part ii. c. xii. p. 261. f Ibid. p. 260, n. 1. [ Ibid. n. 4. 
 § Ibid. p. 263, n. 8. 
 
344 THE HISTORY OF [aPP. TO 
 
 grand difficulty : but in this difficulty, so essential to religion, 
 " the divines are to speak as lawyers, the politicians are to 
 hearien and judge under the authority of their princes."* 
 Here, then, manifestly are princes become supreme arbiters of 
 relig'on, and the substance of faith trusted absolutely in their 
 handd. Whether this be religion, or a mere political agreement, 
 I refer to the reader. 
 
 Nevertheless, it must be owned, the reason alleged by M. 
 Juricu for submitting the whole to princes, is convincing, since 
 in reality, as he has just told us, " the whole Reformation was 
 made by their authority. "f It is what we have shown through 
 the whole series of this history : but now, at least, this fact, so 
 igno'ninious to Protestants, can no longer be disputed. M. 
 Jurieu confesses it in plain terms ; nor must we wonder that 
 princes have vested in themselves the supreme authority of 
 judgment, in regard to a Reformation which they themselves 
 have made. 
 
 For which reason, the Minister has laid it down for the ground- 
 work of the agreement, " that previously to all conferences and 
 disputes, the divines on both sides shall make oath to obey the 
 judgment of the delegates of their princes, and to do nothing 
 contrary to the agreement. "J The princes and their delegates 
 are r^ow turned infallible : obedience is sworn to them before- 
 han(5, enjoin what they will : that must be believed essential or 
 indiiierent, tolerable or intolerable, in religion, which shall please 
 them. And the fundamental points of Christianity must be 
 decided by policy. 
 
 10. — The Calvinisls ready to subscribe the Confession of Augsburg. 
 
 Oae no longer knows what country he is in, nor whether they 
 are Christians he hears speak, when he sees the foundation of 
 religion given up to temporal authority, and the sovereign dis- 
 posal of it resigned to princes. But this is not all ; after this, 
 a Confession of Faith must be agreed to, and hence should 
 arise their main perplexity : but the expedient is easy.§ They 
 are to make one in indefinite and general terms, which the whole 
 world shall be satisfied with : each must dissemble what may be 
 displeasing to his companion : silence is a remedy for all evils : 
 every man shall believe in his heart just what he likes, — Pela- 
 gian, Eutychian, or Manichean ; provided he hold his tongue, 
 all will go w^ell, and Jesus Christ will not fail to look on both 
 one and the other for Christians well united. What shall we 
 say? Let us deplore the bhndness of our brethren, and be- 
 seech God that the enormity of their error may at length open 
 their eyes, so as to become sensible thereof. 
 
 ♦ Jur. part ii. c. xii. p. 263, n. 8. f Ibid. X Ibid, 
 
 § Ibid. c. xi. p. 245, et seq. e. :ai. 268. 
 
BOOK XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 345 
 
 But here is the finishing stroke. We have seen what Zuin- 
 gliiis and the Zuinghans, Calvin and the Calvinists, judged of 
 the Confession of Augsburg :* how from its first beginning they 
 refused to subscribe it, and separated themselves from its de- 
 fenders ; how those of France in all succeeding times, in re- 
 ceiving all the rest, have ever excepted the tenth article relating 
 to the Supper. We have seen, among other things, what was 
 said at the conference of Poissy ;"j" nor forgotten what Calvin 
 then wrote, " no less of the suppleness than of the obscure and 
 defective brevity" of this Confession, which was the cause, said 
 he, " that it displeased people of good sense, and even that Me- 
 lancthon, its author, repented he ever made it ;" but during the 
 present great prevalency of that fond desire of uniting with the 
 Lutherans ! they are ready to subscribe this Confession ; for 
 they are very sensible the Lutherans will never depart from it. 
 Well then, says our minister,^ "is no more required of us than 
 to subscribe it 1 The business is done : we are ready for this 
 subscription, provided you will receive us." Thus you see this 
 Confession, which had been so stoutly rejected these hundred 
 and fifty years, all of a sudden, without any alteration in it, will 
 become the common rule of Calvinists as it is of Lutherans, 
 upon condition each one shall have the liberty of interpreting 
 and adapting it to his own notions. I leave the reader to decide 
 which of the two ought most to be lamented, the Calvinists, who 
 turn with every wind, or the Lutherans, whose Confession is 
 subscribed only with a view of discovering in it a doctrine suit- 
 able to their notions, by the means of those equivocal expres- 
 sions, of which it is accused. No man but sees how vain, to 
 say no worse, would be this projected union ; what would en- 
 sue from it of some real consequence is, however, as says M. 
 Jurieu,§ " that one might make thereof a good confederacy, 
 and that the Protestant party would make the Papists tremble." 
 These were the hopes of M. Jurieu, who would be well enough 
 satisfied with the success of his negotiation, if, failing as to a 
 sincere agreement of minds, it could at least unite them so as 
 to set all Europe in a flame ; but, luckily for Christendom, 
 leagues are not made as doctors wish. 
 
 11. — Wondrous motives for an union proposed to the Lutherans. 
 
 In this marvellous negotiation nothing is more surprising than 
 the artfulness M. Jurieu uses to moUify the hard-hearted Lu- 
 theranso What, says he,|| will you always be insensible of the 
 complaisance we have shown, in allowing you your corporal 
 presence 1. " Besides all these philosophical absurdities which 
 we were forced to digest, how perilous are the consequences 
 
 * S. 1. iii. n, 3. ix. n. 88, 89, 1000, et seq. f Ibid. n. 107. 
 
 $ Ibid. c. xiii. p. 171. § p. 262. H p. 240. 
 
346 THE HISTORY OF [aPP. TO 
 
 of this dogma?" Those experience it, proceeds he, who are 
 obhged to endure, in France, this continual reproach : " Why 
 do you reject the Cathohcs after having received the Lutherans ? 
 Our people make answer, The Lutherans take not away the 
 substance of the bread : they do not adore the Eucharist : they 
 offer it not in sacrifice : they deprive not the people of one kind : 
 so much the worse for them, we are told, it is in this they argue 
 ill, nor follow their own principles. For, if the body of Jesus 
 Christ be really and carnally present, we ought to adore him : 
 if he be present, we ought to offer him up to his Father : if he 
 be present, Jesus Christ is whole and entire under each species. 
 Do not say you deny these consequences ; for, after all, they 
 flow better and more naturally from your dogma than those you 
 impute to us. It is certain your doctrine regarding the Supper 
 was the beginning of error : the change of substance was 
 grounded thereupon : thereupon was adoration commanded ; 
 nor is it easy to withstand it : human reason directs us to adore 
 Jesus Christ wheresoever he is. Not that this reason is always 
 good, for God is in a piece of wood and in a stone, yet we may 
 not pdore a stone or wood ; but, after all, the mind is carried to 
 it by its own propensity," and as natural as the elements tend 
 to their centre : a great struggle is required " to hinder our fall- 
 ing into this precipice" — (this precipice is worshipping Jesus 
 Christ where he is present) ; " and I nowise doubt," proceeds 
 our Author, " but that the simple amongst you would fall into 
 it, were they not prevented by the continual contests with the 
 Papists." Open your eyes, ye Lutherans, and suffer the Ca- 
 thohv^s to speak thus to you in their turn. We do not propose 
 that you should worship wood or stone because God is in them : 
 we propose to you to worship Jesus Christ where you acknowl- 
 edge he is, by so special a presence, attested by so particular 
 and divine a testimony : " reason directs you to it of course ; 
 the mind is carried to it by its own propensity." Simple minds, 
 void of contention, would follow so natural a bent, if continual 
 disputes did not restrain them ; nor is it anytliing but the spirit 
 of contention that can hinder the adoration of Jesus Christ 
 wheie he is believed so present. 
 
 12. — Both parties irreconcilable in the main, according to the Minister Jurieu. 
 Such are the conditions of the agreement at this day in treaty 
 between the Lutherans and Calvinists ; such are the means they 
 are to use for attaining it ; and such the reasons employed to 
 persuade and move the Lutherans. And let not these people 
 go away with the notion, that our speaking of it in this manner 
 proceeds from some fear we may be in of their re-union, which, 
 after all, will never be anything better than grimace and cabal ; 
 for in short, for them to convince one another is a thing judged 
 
BOOK XIV.] THE VARIATIONS, ETC. 347 
 
 impossible even by M. Jiirieu. " Never,"* says he, " will 
 either of the parties suffer itself to be led in triumph ; and to 
 propose an agreement between the Lutherans and Calvi^iists, 
 on condition that one party shall renounce its doctrine, is the 
 same as if you should propose to the Spaniards as a means of 
 agreement, to give up all their provinces and fortresses into the 
 hands of the French. That," says he, "is neither just nor 
 possible." Who does not see, on this foundation, that the Lu- 
 therans and Calvinists are in the main two nations as irrecon- 
 cilable and incompatible as any? They may join in confede- 
 racies, but that they ever will be able to arrive at a Christian 
 agreement by the conformity of sentiments, were manifest folly 
 to believe. Nevertheless, they will still continue to say, and 
 one as much as the other, that the Scripture is clear, although 
 conscious in their hearts that this alone can never terminate 
 the least dispute ; and all they can do is to patch up agree- 
 ments, and dissemble what they believe to be the truth clearly 
 revealed by God, or at all events to disguise it, as they have 
 endeavored a thousand times to do, under equivocal expressions. 
 
 Let them, therefore, do what they think fit, and whatsoever 
 God shall suffer them to do in respect to these vain projects of 
 agreements ; they will be eternally the mutual punishment and 
 grievance of each other : they will bear eternal testimony one 
 against another, how unhappily they usurped the title of Reform- 
 ers, and that the method they took for the correction of abuses, 
 could tend to nothing but the subversion of Christianity. 
 13. — Q,uery put to the Lutherans and Calvinists. 
 
 But here is something still worse for them. Supposing they 
 were arrived at this mutual toleration, we should then ask them 
 in what rank they would place Luther and Calvin, who make 
 God, in express terms, the author of sin, and thereby stand con- 
 victed of a dogma which their disciples now abhor? Who 
 does not see that of two things one will happen, either that they 
 must place this blasphemy, this Manicheism, this " impiety 
 which subverts all religion," amongst the tenets that m.ay be 
 tolerated ; or in fine, to the eternal ignominy of the Reforma- 
 tion, Luther must become the horror of the Lutherans, and 
 Calvin of the Calvinists ? 
 
 * Jur. ii. p. cap. i. pp. 138, 141. 
 
349 
 
 INDEX 
 
 TO 
 
 THE SECOND VOLUME. 
 
 REFERRING TO WHATEVER OCCURS UNDER THE SAME TITLES IN 
 THE FIRST VOLUME. 
 
 Jlbhition. What the ablution was 
 wliich the Vaudois condemned in 
 Baptism, 94. 
 
 Jldam. The sin of Adam ordained by- 
 God, according to the Calvinists, 
 192. 
 
 .^c^ftt'afion of Jesus Christ in theEucha- 
 rist, rejected by the Brethren of Bo- 
 hemia, 133 — alterations made by the 
 Calvinists in respect to the Adora- 
 tion of Jesus Christ in the Eucharist, 
 231 — they tolerate in the Lutherans 
 the internal acts of this Adoration, 
 and reject the external, which are but 
 tokens thereof, 2 32— Fide Vol. I. 
 
 Jllhigenses (The) well treated by the 
 Calvinists, and why, 48 — those of 
 Toulouse bore the name of Petro- 
 busians, 63 — Council of Lombez 
 against them. Famous examina- 
 tion of these Heretics, 64 — why 
 they are called Arians, ih. — the Al- 
 bigenses are Manicheans, and, by 
 consequence, different .from the 
 Vaudois, 68, et. seq. — The Albi- 
 genses comprised by Renicr in the 
 list of the Manichean Churches, 72 
 — they came from the Manicheans 
 of Bulgaria, ih. — the Pope of the 
 Albigenses in Bulgaria, ih. — their 
 profound hypocrisy, 73 — the agree- 
 ableness of their propositions with 
 those of Faustus the Manichean, 
 ih. — their hypocrisy confounded by 
 St. Bernard, ih. — their infamy, 74—' 
 they teach that the effect of the Sa- 
 craments depends on the holiness 
 of the Ministers, ih. — they con- 
 
 VOL. II* 
 
 30 
 
 demn all oaths and punishment of 
 crimes, ih. — proof of their being 
 Manicheans, 75 — Protestants reap 
 nothing but shame by challenging 
 the Albigenses for their ancestors, 
 78 — reflections on the liistory of the 
 Albigenses and Vaudois; artifice 
 of the Ministers, 107— the Albi- 
 genses unquestionably Mani- 
 cheans, 108 — the Albigenses of 
 Metz were Manicheans, 109 — six- 
 teen Churches of the Manicheans 
 comprehended the whole Sect, 111 
 — inevitable condemnation of these 
 Heretics from their denying their 
 religion, 115 — how the Vaudois 
 sprung from the Manichean Albi- 
 genses, 142. 
 
 Amboise. Conspiracy of Amfeoise, 
 1 6 — entered upon from a maxim of 
 conscience, according to Beza, ih. 
 — the riot of Amboise was the Vv'ork 
 of Protestants, and had rehgion for 
 its motive, i6. — the Huguenots' dis- 
 covering the conspiracy, does not 
 justify the party, 18 — the protesta- 
 tion of the conspirators does not 
 justify them, ih. — what is said by 
 M. Jurieu concerning the conspir- 
 acy of Amboise, 28. 
 
 Amissibility of justice received by the 
 English under Elizabeth, 14 — doc- 
 trine of the Arminians concerning 
 the amissibility of justice, 202 — 
 Vide Vol. I. 
 
 Antichrist. The Synod of Gap adds 
 an article to the Confession of Faith 
 on purpose to declare the Pope An- 
 
350 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 tichrist, 167 — Daniel and St. Paul 
 quoted in vain to prove the Pope 
 is Antichrist, 168 — the Protestants 
 discredit themselves by this doc- 
 trine, ib. — this doctrine concerning 
 Antichrist was not in any act of 
 the Reformation ; Luther inserts it 
 in the article of Smalcald, 169 — but 
 Melancthon opposes it, ib. — this 
 doctrine relating to Antichrist how 
 despised even in the Reformation, 
 171 — it is refuted by the most learn- 
 ed Protestants,Grotius, Hammond, 
 and Jurieu himself, ib. — examina- 
 tion of Joseph Mede's and the Min- 
 ister Jurieu's doctrine on this point, 
 172, 173 — Jurieu sets a new date 
 for the birth of Antichrist, 1 74 — he 
 varies and is for advancing the 
 downfall of Antichrist, 175. 
 Arminlans, or Remonstrants, upheld 
 by Barneveld, against the Prince of 
 Orange, 198 — they are condemned 
 in the Provincial Synods, 199 — the 
 Synod of Dort is assembled against 
 them, ib. — the dispute reduced to 
 five heads ; declaration of the Ar- 
 minians on these five heads, ib. — 
 the purport of their declaration in 
 respect to Predestination, and their 
 doctrine touching the Baptism of 
 Infants, 200 — their declaration con- 
 cerning the universality of Redemp- 
 tion, 201 — their doctrine concerning 
 Grace, ib. — and concerning the 
 amissibility of Justice, 202 — their 
 whole dispute concerning two es- 
 sential words, 203 — their ground- 
 work, viz., that there is no gratui- 
 tous preference in behalf of the elect, 
 ib. — wherein the Catholics agreed 
 with, and disagreed from, the Ar- 
 minians, ib. — tliey require of the 
 Synod of Dort a distinct decision, 
 204 — requests of the Arminians, 
 who complain they are judged 
 by their adverse parties, 217 — they 
 insist on the same reasons that the 
 whole Protestant party employed 
 against the Church, i6.— their 
 mouths are stopped by the authori- 
 ty of the States, 218 — they protest 
 against the Synod, ib. — the Synod 
 of Delph in order to silence them, 
 is forced to have recourse to the as- 
 sistance of the Holy Ghost promis- 
 ed to Councils, 220 — they are put 
 in hopes of an CEcucnenical Coun- 
 
 cil, 221 — ^the Arminians are depos- 
 ed and excommunicated by the Sy- 
 nod of Dort, 223. 
 
 Arminius. Peter du Moulin places 
 Arminius's opinions amongst things 
 indifferent, 164 — Arminius's dis- 
 pute and excesses, 193 — the dis- 
 putes end not with his death ; Bar- 
 neveld upholds his disciples against 
 the Prince of Orange, 198. 
 
 Jlubertin. This Minister's gross eva- 
 sion with respect to the behef of the 
 Vaudois concerning the Eucharist, 
 89 — his frivolous objection in order 
 to show that these Heretics denied 
 the Reality, 90 — he artfully con- 
 founds the Vaudois with the Albi- 
 genses, 1 08 — Aubertin's illusion on 
 the same subject, 112. 
 
 Jy. The Synod of Ay in 1615 ap- 
 proves the proposal of Peter du 
 Mouhn for a common Confession 
 of Faith, 163 — reflection on tliis 
 approbation of the Synod of Ay, 
 164. 
 
 Baptism believed useless by the Mani- 
 cheans, 45 — ceremonies of baptism 
 despised by the Vaudois, 94 — the 
 brethren of Bohemia re-baptized 
 every body, 128 — Peter du Mouhn, 
 approved by the Synod of Ay, is 
 against condemning the necessity 
 of Baptism, 165 — doctrine of the Re- 
 monstrants, or Arminians, touch- 
 ing infant baptism, and what they 
 would conclude from it, 200 — the 
 Synod of Dort's decision on infant 
 baptism, 205 — Fide Vol. I. 
 
 Barneveld upholds the Arminians 
 against the Prince of Orange, 198. 
 
 Basil. What the Council of Basil 
 allowed to the Cahxtins, 125. 
 
 Berengarius impugns only the Real 
 Presence, 47 — he never separated 
 from Rome, 48 — Berengarius at- 
 tacked the Reality after the Mani- 
 cheans of Orleans, 314 — he is con- 
 demned and recants, ib. — his first 
 Confession of Faith, ib. — he varies 
 as well as his disciples, and makes 
 a second Confession of Faith, 315 
 — they invent Impanation and In- 
 vination, 316 — their Doctrine oppo- 
 site to that of the whole Church, 317 
 — Berengarius owns as much, ib. — 
 no necessity of a General Council 
 in order to condemn him, 318. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 351 
 
 Bernard (St.) consulted about the 
 Manicheans that dwelt near Co- 
 logne, 61 — account of the tenets 
 of these Heretics, whom he had 
 been well acquainted with at Tou- 
 louse, 62 — he confounds their hy- 
 pocrisy, 73 — answer to the objec- 
 tion relating to the credulity of St. 
 Bernard, 77 — he lays nothing to 
 the charge of Peter de Bruis and 
 Henry, the seducers of the Tou- 
 lousians, but what he knows, ib. — 
 what he says of the behaviour of 
 the Toulousian Heretics, 112 — 
 tliis Saint's memorable answer in 
 regard to the talse constancy of 
 Heretics, 115. 
 
 Beza owns that the conspiracy of Am- 
 boise was undertaken through a 
 maxim of conscience, 16 — he is for 
 rising in arms, ib. — what he says 
 concerning the motive of the Cal- 
 vinian wars in France, 26 — how he 
 authorizes the civil wars, ib. — what 
 he says touching the assassination 
 of the Duke of Guise by Poltrot, 
 33 — Beza's ridiculous pretensions 
 in favor of the antiquity of the 
 Vaudois, 48 — what he says of their 
 Doctrine shows they were not 
 Calvinists, 101 — in 1571 Beza pre- 
 sides in the national Synod of Ro- 
 chelle, where those that were for 
 changing the Supper article in the 
 Confession of Faith are condemn- 
 ed, 146 — by the Synod's orders, he 
 answers the Swiss offended at its 
 decision, that it only regarded 
 France, 1 50 — he is of the number 
 of those that were deputed by the 
 Frankfort assembly to draw up one 
 common Confession of Faith, 153 
 — he m.akes God the author of sin, 
 192 — this doctrine of Beza taken 
 from Calvin, 193 — the Dogmas he 
 adds to those of Luther, ib. — what 
 he says of the certainty of particu- 
 lar men's salvation, 194 — he teach- 
 es, after Calvin, that justifying 
 Faith is not lost in a criminal state, 
 196. 
 
 Blandratus. George Blandratus, 
 one of the heads of the Socinians, 
 310. 
 
 Bishops. Constancy of the English 
 Catholic Bishops, who are deposed 
 for refusing to own Queen Eliza- 
 beth's supremacy, 9, 1 3 — decisions 
 
 in matters of Faith reserved to the 
 royal authority by the declaration 
 of the English Protestant Bishops, 
 12. 
 
 Bohemia. The sect of the Bohemian 
 Brethren falsely called Vaudois, 
 1 1 6 — why they disown those who 
 call them Vaudois, 116, 117 — and 
 Picards, 117 — tliey boast their de- 
 scent from John Huss, 118 — they 
 divide from the Calixtins, 124 — the 
 bloody wars of the Calixtins trouble 
 all Bohemia, ib. — they make to 
 themselves an ignorant lay Pastor, 
 137 — weak beginning of tins Sect, 
 ib. — they only took the name of 
 John Huss but did not follow his 
 doctrine ; their extreme ignorance 
 and assurance to re-baptize the 
 whole world, 128 — their tiuitless 
 search throughout the universe af- 
 ter a Church of their belief, 129 — 
 how they sought Ordination in the 
 Catholic Church ; reproaches made 
 them by Luther, 130 — their Doc- 
 trine in respect to the seven Sacra- 
 ments, 131 — they change it in their 
 Reformed Confessions of Faith, ib. 
 — what they thought of the Eucha- 
 rist, 131, 132 — the manner in 
 which they refuse to adore Jesus 
 Christ, a proof that they believed 
 the Reality even out of the actual 
 use of the Sacrament, 133 — their 
 uncertainty and affected ambi- 
 guities, 134 — the Calvinists and 
 Lutherans each strive to bring them 
 to their side ; they inchne to the 
 latter, ib. — Luther gives them his 
 approbation ; their Festivals, their 
 Temples, their Fasts, and the Ce- 
 libacy of their Priests, 135 — they 
 take shelter in Poland, 136 — there 
 they unite with the Lutherans and 
 Zuinglians, lb. — what disposition 
 they were in for this agreement, 
 138 — reflections on this union, ib. 
 
 Breaking. Important article of the 
 Conference of Cassel, concerning 
 the breaking of the Eucharistic 
 Bread, 234. 
 
 Bidl, a learned English Protestant, 
 maintains the Infallibility of the 
 Council of Nice and that of the 
 other general Councils, 299. 
 
 Burnet. His imposition in asserting 
 that the Doctrine established under 
 Edward VI. was not changed, 8 — 
 
352 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 what Mr. Burnet says of the indif- 
 ference of the English as to the 
 Real Presence, ib. — a memorable 
 passage of Mr. Burnet concerning 
 the English Reformation, 14 — his 
 illusion in regard to the wars of the 
 Huguenots, 24 — his gross mis- 
 takes and prodigious ignorance re- 
 lating to the atiairs of France, ib. 
 — sequel of liis fallacies, 25 — Vide 
 Vol. I. 
 
 Calixtins. The Sect of the Calixtins 
 rises up in Bohemia, 124 — why 
 called Cahxtins, 125 — the Com- 
 pactatum, or the four articles al- 
 lowed to the Calixtins by the Coun- 
 cil of Basil, ib.- — the Calixtins dis- 
 posed to acknowledge the Pope, 
 126 — the reason of their so great 
 respect for WickUff's memory : 
 their ambition hinders them from 
 re-uniting with the Church, ib. — 
 the Bohemian Brethren separate 
 from them, 127. 
 
 Calixtus, a famous Lutheran, estab- 
 lishes in Germany the union of 
 Sects, and is followed in France by 
 the Minister d'Husseau, 263. 
 
 Calumny. The decree of the Synod 
 of Charenton in 1631 convicts the 
 Calvinists of calumny, 230. 
 
 Calvin. His connivance at the con- 
 spiracy of Amboise, 20 — his death, 
 38 — in what manner issued from 
 the Vaudois and Albigenses, 143 — 
 his evasions in regard to the vain 
 predictions of Luther concerning 
 the Papacy, 167 — he made God the 
 author of Adam's sin, 193 — the 
 Dogmas by him added to those of 
 Luther, ib. — his Doctrine of the 
 Certainty of Salvation defined by 
 the Synod of Dort, 212— Fide 
 Vol. I. 
 
 Calvinists (The) of France receive 
 the English Doctrine, making the 
 King head of the Church, 13 — 
 change of their Doctrine, 15 — their 
 conspiracy at Amboise, ib. — they 
 take up arms by a maxim of R,eli- 
 gion, ib. — the first civil wars which 
 the v/hole Calvinist Party concurs 
 to, 20 — decisions of their national 
 Synods in approbation of their arm- 
 ing, 21 — what spirit actuated them 
 in these wars, 23 — their false pre- 
 tence that these wars did not con- 
 
 cern Religion, ib. — perplexity of the 
 French Calvinists to justify these 
 wars, 25 — they- are convicted by 
 Beza, 26 — their other wars destitute 
 of all pretext, 28 — whether the spi- 
 rit of their Reformation were a spi- 
 rit of meekness or violence, 29 — 
 fatal consequences of their violent 
 spirit, 30 — their vain excuses, ib. — 
 their cruelties, 31 — why our Cal- 
 vinists examine less into the ques- 
 tion of Free-will than the Zuin- 
 glians, 42 — the reason of their keep- 
 ing such a stir about the Albigenses 
 and Vaudois, 48 — the present Vau- 
 dois are their Disciples, 101 — they 
 have not one contemporary Autlior 
 that favors their pretensions touch- 
 ing the Vaudois, 103 — all are wel- 
 come to the Calvinists, if they but 
 exclaim against the Pope, 124 — 
 in what manner they descended 
 from the Albigenses and Vaudois, 
 143 — they seek in vain the succes- 
 sion of Persons in the precedent 
 Sects, 144 — still less do they find 
 amongst them the succession of 
 Doctrine, 145 — many Calvinists of 
 France are for changing the article 
 of the Supper in die Confession of 
 Faith, but are condemned by a na- 
 tional Synod, 145, 146 — they as- 
 semble at St. Foy, and give the 
 power to four Ministers of chang- 
 ing their Confession of Faith, 154 
 — a letter wherein the Calvinists 
 own Luther and Melancthon for 
 their fathers, 156 — they have con- 
 tinued to our days the project of a 
 common Confession, but always to 
 no purpose, ib. — they receive the 
 Lutherans to their Communion, 
 157, 229 — the unsettled spirit of 
 Calvinism, 158 — the Calvinists de- 
 test Piscator's Doctrine, ib. — the 
 Doctrine of the Calvinists against 
 Piscator solves all the difficulties 
 they object to us on the sacrifice of 
 the Mass, 159 — the impiety of their 
 Doctrine touching imputed justice, 
 as it is proposed by the Synods 
 which condemn Piscator, 161 — re- 
 flection on their procedure against 
 Piscator, 162 — tliey add an article 
 to their Confession of Faith in order 
 to declare the Pope Antichrist, 1 67 
 — intolerable excesses of Calvinism 
 concerning Free-will, 192 — they 
 
INDEX. 
 
 353 
 
 make God the author of sin, ib. — 
 they believe as a fundamental point 
 that every one of the faithful is sure 
 of his perseverance and salvation, 
 194 — they are sensible of these ex- 
 cesses, so contrary to tlie fear and 
 trembling prescribed by St. Paul, 
 ib. — they maintain that justifying 
 Faith is not lost in a criminal state, 
 196 — what texts of Scripture they 
 ground themselves on, ib. — the per- 
 plexity they are under to answer 
 tliis question, "What would be- 
 come of a Believer should he die in 
 his sin?" 197 — these difficulties 
 have reclaimed many Calvinists, ib. 
 — they are contrary to both the Lu- 
 therans and Remonstrants in the 
 point of Grace, 202 — contradiction 
 of their Doctrine, 207 — they pro- 
 mise the Arminians an (Ecumeni- 
 cal Council, 221 — the illusion of 
 this promise, ib. — the Calvinists of 
 France receive the Synod of Dort, 
 222 — their union with the Luther- 
 ans in 1631, 229 — they never before 
 had advanced so far towards it, ib. 
 — this conduct of tlieirs convicts 
 them of calumny, 230 — they tole- 
 rate in the Lutherans the interior 
 acts of Adoration, and reject the 
 exterior, wliich are but tokens of 
 the former, 232 — their perplexity 
 concerning the distinction of funda- 
 mental points, 233 — they are forced 
 to own that the Church of Rome is 
 a true Church, wherein salvation 
 maybe had, 234 — the Calvinists of 
 Marpurg agree with the Lutherans 
 of Rmtel in the Conference of Cas- 
 sel, 234 — what is said by the Cal- 
 vinists of France concerning the 
 visibility of the Church, 252 — they 
 own that the Church of the Creed 
 is visible, ib. — they always suppose 
 the Church's perpetual visibility, 
 253 — they exclude tlie Church of 
 Rome from the title of a true 
 Church, 254 — they own the inter- 
 ruption of the Ministry, and the 
 cessation of the visible Church, ib. 
 — their perplexity, in that the invi- 
 sible Church had been forgotten in 
 their Confession, 255. 
 Camerarius writes the history of the 
 Bohemian Brethren, 1 16 — ^he says, 
 they disown those who called them 
 Vaudois, 117. 
 VOL. II. 30* 
 
 Cameroti's, and his Disciples', Doc- 
 trine concerning universal Grace, 
 236. 
 
 Catholics. The constancy of the Ca- 
 tholic Bishops in England in oppo- 
 sition to Glueen Elizabeth's innova- 
 tions, 8 — demonstration that the 
 Catholics were neither ignorant of 
 nor dissembled the Doctrine of tlie 
 Vaudois, 95 — wherein the Ca,tho- 
 lics were difp3rent from the Remon- 
 strants and Lutherans with regard 
 to justifying Grace, 203. 
 
 Celibacy of Priests retained by the 
 Bohemian Brethren, 1 35. 
 
 Ceremonies retained by Q,ueen Eliza- 
 beth, 4 — the Ceremonies of Bap- 
 tism despised by the Vaudois, 84. 
 
 Certainty of Salvation taught, 40 — 
 this certainty of Salvation the chief 
 foundation of the Calvinian Reli- 
 gion, 194 — certainty of Salvation 
 as sure to Calvinists as if revealed 
 to them by God hims^elf, ib. — this 
 certainty opposite to the fear and 
 trembling prescribed by St. Paul, 
 204 — the Synod of Dort's decision 
 on the certainty of Salvation, ib. — 
 certainty of Salvation a false allure- 
 ment, 211 — whether the certainty 
 of Salvation confirmed by the Sy- 
 nod of Dort be different from trust, 
 ib. — whether this certainty be a 
 certainty of Faith, 213 — the senti- 
 ment of the DiA-ines of Great Bri- 
 tain, ib. — Vide Vol. L 
 
 Chcirenton. The Synod of Charenton 
 in 1631 receives the Lutherans to 
 Communion, 229 — memorable de- 
 cree of this Synod, ib. — conse- 
 quence of this decree, ib. — remarka- 
 ble date of this decree, 230 — great 
 turn in controversies by means of 
 this decree ; it convicts the Calvin- 
 ists of calumny, ib. — it makes void 
 the chief subject of their rupture, 
 231 — novelties following from this 
 decree, i6. — decree of tlie Synod of 
 Charenton in 1620 in approbation 
 of that of Dort, 222. 
 
 Children. The Synod of Dort ac- 
 knowledges the sanctification of all 
 baptized children, 216. 
 
 Church. Elizabeth completes the 
 work of church-plundering, 13 — 
 difference between tlm conduct of 
 the Church and that of Protestants, 
 29 — eminent sanctity in theCatho- 
 
354 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 lie Church, 114 — the Reformation 
 allows private people to take on 
 themselves a greater ability for un- 
 derstanding sound Doctrine than it 
 allows the whole Church besides, 
 225 — the Calvinists forced to own 
 that the Church of Rome is a true 
 Church, and that her Members may 
 be saved, 234 — the cause of the 
 Protestant Churches' Variations 
 proceeded from their not knowing 
 what the Church was, 242 — the 
 Catholic Church always knew her- 
 self, and never varied in her deci- 
 sions, lb. — the Doctrine of Catho- 
 lics on the article concerning the 
 Church, 243 — notions of Protest- 
 ants on the pei-petual visibility oi 
 the Church, ib. — this Doctrine re- 
 lating to the Church confessed by 
 Protestants, is the ruin of their Re- 
 formation and the source of their 
 perplexity, 244 — the perpetual visi- 
 bility of the Church confirmed by 
 the Apology for the Confession of 
 Augsburg, 245 — tliis visibility con- 
 firmed in the Smalcaldic articles by 
 the promises of Jesus Christ, 246 
 — in the Saxonic Confession of 
 Faith, ib. — in the V/irtemberg Con- 
 fession of Faith, 247 — in the Bohe- 
 mian Confession of Faith, ib. — in 
 the Confession of Strasburg, 248 
 — in both the Confessions of Basil, 
 and in that of the Swiss in 15G8, 
 ib. — the beginning of their Varia- 
 tion ; the Invisible Chur'^^-h begins to 
 appear, 249 — the Invisible Church 
 why invented, 250 — what the Eng- 
 lish say of her, 251 — what the pre- 
 tended Refonned of France say of 
 her in their Catechism, 252 — they 
 own at length that the Church of 
 the Creed is visible, ib. — the ex- 
 pressions of their Confessions of 
 Faith suppose a perpetual visibility 
 of the Church, 253 — there they take 
 from the Church of Rome the title 
 of a true Church, 254 — there they 
 acknowledge the interruption of 
 the Ministry, and the cessation of 
 the visible Church, ib. — their per- 
 plexity in the Synods of Gap and 
 Rochelle on accoimt that the Invi- 
 sible Church had been forgotten in 
 their Confession, 255 — how impor- 
 tant is the controversv relating to 
 the Church, 258 — the Ministers no 
 
 longer dispute the Church's visibi- 
 lity, ib. — according to the principles 
 «f the Minister, Claude, all that is 
 necessary for Salvation is in the 
 Church of Rome, 262. 
 
 Claude of Turin, an Arian, breaks 
 Images, and is accounted amongst 
 the predecessors of the Protestants, 
 47. 
 
 Claude (M.), his frivolous evasion 
 wath respect to the Synod of Sainte- 
 Foy, where a design was in hand 
 of making one common Confession 
 for all Protestants, 157 — how much 
 he disapproves the Church of Ge- 
 neva for having added two articles 
 of Faith to her Confession, 237 — 
 this Minister's vain subtlety in order 
 to elude what the Synods of Gap 
 in 1603, and Rochelle in 1607, had 
 decided concerning the Church, 
 256 — what is said by him with re- 
 spect to the vocation of the Re- 
 formers, 257 — he very positively 
 owns the Church's visibility, 258 — 
 this visibility enters into the defini- 
 tion he makes of the Church, 25D 
 — he saves the Elect before the Re- 
 formation under the Ministry of the 
 Church of Rome, 260 — according 
 to his principles, all things neces- 
 sary for Salvation are in the Clmrch 
 of Rome, 262 — he owns, that be- 
 fore the Reformation their Doctrine 
 was unknown, 2C4 — he vanes with 
 respect to the Ciiurch's visibility, 
 266. 
 
 Comnmnion, under one or both kinds, 
 held for indiffereat in the ancient 
 Church, 52 — Communion under 
 one kind impugned by John Huss, 
 123— and by the Calixtins, 125— 
 Communion under both kinds is 
 granted them, ib. — demonstration 
 in favor of Communion under one 
 kind, 235 — Communion under one 
 kind is sufficient, 320. 
 
 Compactatimi, what it means, 125. 
 
 Confession. The Vaudois believed in 
 Confession of sins to a Priest, 92, 
 95 — sacramental Confession owned 
 by John Huss, 124. 
 
 Confession of Faith. New Confes- 
 sion of Faith of the Helvetic or 
 Swiss Churches, 38 — remarkable 
 Confession of the Polonian Zuin- 
 glians, 44 — a spurious Confession 
 of Faith of the Vaudois, 105 — a 
 
INDEX. 
 
 355 
 
 Confession of Faith falsely attri- 
 buted to WicklifT, 121 — Confession 
 of Faith of the Bohemian Brethren 
 in 1504, wherein they acknowledge 
 seven Sacraments, 131 — this is al- 
 tered by them, ib. — endeavors are 
 used at Frankfort to make all the 
 defenders of the figurative sense to 
 agree in one common Confession 
 of Faitli, 152 — the Lutherans were 
 to be comprised in this Confession, 
 ib. — qualities of tliis new Confes- 
 sion of Faith, and deputies named 
 to draw it up, 153 — consent of the 
 Synod of Sainte-Foy to this new 
 Confession, 154 — the project of a 
 common Confession continued to 
 our days and always unsuccess- 
 fully, 156 — the Synod of Dort de- 
 clares their Confessions of Faith 
 may be retouched, yet, at the same 
 time, obliges to subscribe them, 222 
 — the Church of Geneva adds two 
 articles of Faith to her Confession, 
 237. 
 
 Confirmation. What was beUeved 
 by the Vaudois concerning this Sa- 
 crament, 93. 
 
 Conspiracy of Amboise — Vide Am- 
 boise. 
 
 Constance. Wickliff's Doctrine was 
 not calumniated at the Council of 
 Constance, 120 — reasons of the 
 Council of Constance for autlio- 
 rizing the already established cus- 
 tom of Commimion under one kind, 
 320. 
 
 Council. By the Doctrine of the Dort 
 Synod, Protestants are obliged to 
 submit to a Council of the Catholic 
 Church, 220 — to stop the mouths 
 of the Arminians, the Synod of 
 Delph is forced to have recourse to 
 the Holy Ghost's assistance pro- 
 mised to Councils, ib. — the Calvin- 
 ists promise the Arminians an 
 CEcumenical Council, 221 — the fal- 
 lacy of this promise, ib. 
 
 Crosses. The new Manicheans' aver- 
 sion to the Cross, 53. 
 
 Crucifix. Elizabeth, Queen of Eng- 
 land, retains the Crucifix in her 
 Chapel, 4. 
 
 Cnielties of the Calvinists, 3 
 
 Cup, allowed to the Calixtins upon 
 certain conditions, 125. 
 
 Decisions in matters of faith reserved 
 
 to the royal authority by the decla- 
 ration of the English Protestant 
 Bishops, 12. 
 
 Declaration of the English Protestant 
 Clergy in regard to Glueen Eliza- 
 beth's supremacy, 10 — how Pro- 
 testants palliate so great an evil, ib. 
 
 De Dominis. Anthony de Dominis 
 one of the first autliors of indiffer- 
 ency, 268. 
 
 Delph. The Synod of Delph is forced, 
 in order to silence the Arminians, 
 to fly to the Holy Ghost's assistance 
 promised to Councils, 220, 
 
 Dort. Convocation of the Synod of 
 Dort; its opening, 199 — the dis- 
 putes there reduced to five heads, 
 ib. — the Synod's decision on faith 
 in the sole elect, and on the certainty 
 of salvation, 204 — and on infant 
 baptism, 205 — second decision on 
 faith in the sole elect, ib. — on the 
 certainty of the faithful, 206 — what 
 is said by it concerning habits in- 
 fused, ib. — monstrous doctrine of 
 the Synod on the inamissibihty of 
 justice, 207 — it teaches into what 
 crime the faithful do not fall, ib. — 
 what is the certainty of salvation it 
 admits, 208 — it teaches that all un- 
 certainty is a temptation, 209 — in 
 what manner, according to this Sy- 
 nod, man justified is guilty of death, 
 ib. — whether the sense of the Sy- 
 nod concerning inamissibility was 
 taken right, and whether the cer- 
 tainty by it asserted be different 
 from trust, 211 — the Synod ex- 
 pressly defines Calvin's doctrine on 
 this point, 212 — it approves the sen- 
 timent of Peter du Moulin, ib. — 
 whether the certainty it establishes 
 be a certainty of faith, 213 — the 
 sentiment of the Divines of Great 
 Britain, ib. — sentiment of those of 
 Bremen, 216 — whether the Synod 
 can be excused from all these ex- 
 cesses; unanimous consent of all 
 the votes, ib. — the Synod owns the 
 sanctification of all baptized chil- 
 dren ; consequence from this doc- 
 trine, ib. — procedure of the Synod, 
 217 — it silences the Arminians by 
 authority of the States, 218 — the 
 reasons used against them in the 
 Synod condemn the Avhole Protes- 
 tant party, ib. — there it is decided 
 that iJie weaker and newest party 
 
356 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 ought to yield to the greatest and 
 most ancient, 2 J 9 — perplexity of the 
 Synod upon the protest of the Re- 
 monstrants, ib. — according to the 
 Synod of Dort, Protestants were 
 obliged to submit to the Council of 
 the Catholic Church, 220 — resolu- 
 tion of the Synod obliging to sub- 
 scribe the Confession of Faith, 
 which, at the same time, it owned 
 might be mended and reviewed, 
 222 — the Synod of Dort is ap- 
 proved by the Calvinists of France, 
 ib. — it deposes and excommuni- 
 cates the Arminians, 223 — the de- 
 cisions of Dort far from essential, 
 according to M. Jurieu, ib. — the 
 Minister Jurieu makes the Synod 
 of Dort act rather by policy than 
 truth, 224— the Synod of Dort heals 
 none of their evils, and, spite of its 
 decrees, M. Jurieu is a Pelagian, 
 226 — connivance of the Dort Sy- 
 nod not only at the excesses of the 
 Reformers, but at those of the Ar- 
 minians, 228. 
 
 Du Moulin {Peter) proposes expe- 
 dients for making one common 
 Confession for all Protestants, 156 
 — his memorial approved by the 
 Synod of Ay in 1615, 163— this Mi- 
 nister's remarkable words concern- 
 ing the dissimulation he would have 
 used in regard of this common Con- 
 fession, ib. — reflections on these 
 words of Du Moulin approved by 
 the Synod of Ay, ib. — Du Moulin's 
 inconstancy, 164 — he will not have 
 the Real Presence, Ubiquity, and 
 the other Lutheran tenets, be con- 
 demned, 165 — Du Mouhn's senti- 
 ment on Grace approved by the 
 Synod of Dort, 212— Du MouUn 
 strenuously opposes Cameron and 
 his disciples, 236. 
 
 Du Perron (the Cardinal) grants that 
 the Pope's superiority over General 
 Council and Secular Powers is not 
 of faith, 330. 
 
 Du Val (M.) is consulted by the Ul- 
 tramontanes concerning the Pope's 
 infallibility, and Iris sentiments 
 thereon, 330. 
 
 Edward VI., King of England ; his 
 Reformation changed by Elizabeth, 
 3 — the twenty-ninth article of his 
 Confession concerning the Eucha- 
 
 rist is changed, 6 — material altera- 
 tions in his Liturgy, 7 — in Ed- 
 ward's time, neither the word Sub- 
 stance, nor the miracles which Cal- 
 vin admits in the Eucharist, are 
 employed, 9. 
 
 Elect, saved under the ministry and in 
 the communion of the Church of 
 Rome before the Reformation, by 
 the confession of M. Claude, and 
 since by that of M. Jurieu, 269, 270. 
 
 Elizabeth, Glueen of England ; her 
 profound policy ; she orders a ten- 
 der of hei respects to Paul IV. at 
 his accession to the Papal throne, 
 3 — she engages in the new Refor- 
 mation, 4 — her scruples in four 
 points, that of the Ceremonies, that 
 of Images, that of the Real Presence, 
 and that of the regal Supremacy ; 
 her judgment on the two first, ib. — 
 her judgment on the Eucharist, 5 — 
 neither the word Substance, nor 
 the miracles admitted by Calvin in 
 the Eucharist, are used under Eliza- 
 beth, 9 — her Supremacy in Spirit- 
 uals is set up in spite of her scruples, 
 ib. — she completes what had been 
 left undone in the pillaging of 
 Churches, 13 — she secretly favors 
 the inclination towards a revolt in 
 the Calvinists of France, 15. 
 
 England. Variation of the English on 
 the Eucharist, 5 — the English are 
 indifferent as to the Real Presence, 
 8 — the Supremacy in Spirituals is 
 given by the English to Glueen 
 Elizabeth, 9 — the Parliament of 
 England reserves to itself the deci- 
 sions in matters of Faith, 1 1 — the 
 Doctrine of the English, making 
 their King Head of the Church, 
 condemned by the Calvinists, 13 — 
 remarkable passage of Mr. Burnet 
 concerningthe Reformation of Eng- 
 land, 14 — the English reject the in- 
 amissibility of justice, ib. — the sen- 
 timent of the English Divines for 
 the certainty of salvation, defined in 
 the Synod of Dort, 213 — they be- 
 lieved that justice could never be 
 lost ; contradiction of their Doc- 
 trine, 214 — according to them, faith 
 and charity abide in the worst of 
 sinners, ib. — what it is, according 
 to them, that the Holy Ghost does 
 in such as abide in grievous crimes, 
 215 — the Test in England : therein 
 
INDEX. 
 
 357 
 
 the English draw near to our senti- 
 ments, and condemn the Church of 
 Rome only through manifest error, 
 239 — the Enghsh speak ambiguous- 
 ly of the Church's visibihty, 251 — 
 Vide Vol. I. 
 
 Episcopius, Professor of Divinity at 
 Leyden, appears at the head of the 
 Arminians in the Synod of Dort, 199. 
 
 Equivocations of the Manicheans in 
 Germany in matters of faith, 60 
 — equivocations of the Bohenaian 
 brethren, iS4. 
 
 Error. All error contradicts itself, 210. 
 
 Eucharist. What is believed by the 
 Swiss or Zuinglians relating to the 
 Eucharist, 43 — the abominable Eu- 
 charist peculiar to the Manicheans, 
 55 — John Huss believed, as to the 
 Eucharist, all that the Church of 
 Rome believes, 123. 
 
 Faith. Decisions in point of faith re- 
 sen'ed to the Royal authority by a 
 declaration of Bishops, 12 — the 
 Swiss attribute true faith to the elect 
 alone, 40 — the faith of theCalvinists 
 of France put in the hands of four 
 Ministers, 155 — justifying faith not 
 lost in the state of grievous sin, ac- 
 cording to the Calvinists, 196 — de- 
 cision of the Synod of Dort touch- 
 ing the faith of the elect, 204. 
 
 Fasts practised by the Bohemian 
 Brethren, 135. 
 
 Fathers (Holy) ; how they answered 
 the Manicheans in respect to their 
 practices, 51 — all of them under- 
 stood the words of St. Paul, 1 Tim. 
 iv. 1 , as meant of the Manicheans, ib. 
 
 Festivals in honor of the Saints retain- 
 ed by the Bohemian brethren, 135. 
 
 Figure. The Zuinglians the most sin- 
 cere of all the defenders of the figu- 
 rative sense, 44 — it is endeavored at 
 Frankfort to bring all the defenders 
 of the figurative sen se to agree in one 
 common Confession of Faith, 152. 
 
 France, the disturbances of, began by 
 means of Glueen Elizabeth, 15. 
 
 Francis, Duke of Guise, is assassi- 
 nated by Poltrot, and this murder 
 accounted in the Preformation an 
 act of Rehgion, 32. 
 
 Frankfort, Assembly of, in 1577 ; 
 where means are used to bring all 
 the defenders of the figurative sense 
 to agree in one common Confession 
 
 of Faith, 152 — this Assembly writes 
 to the Lutherans in order to mollify 
 them, 153 — it lessens, in their bo- 
 half, the difficulty of the Real Pre- 
 sence, 154 — diflference between 
 what was designed to be done in 
 favor of the Lutherans at Frank- 
 fort, and what was since done at 
 Charenton, 157. 
 Free-ivill. Monstrous Doctrine of the 
 Zuinglians or Swiss, touching free- 
 will, 41 — our Calvinists examine 
 less into this subject, and why, 42 — 
 Free-will destroyed in Calvmism, 
 192 — how it acts according to the 
 Synod of Dort, 200 — Calvin's and 
 the Calvinists' error, endeavoring 
 to make Free-will consist with Ne- 
 cessity, 193, 204 — the Council of 
 Trent's decisions on Free-will con- 
 formably to those of antiquity, 323 — 
 Vide Vol. 1. 
 
 Gap, the national Synod of, detests 
 Piscator's Doctrine, 158 — it adds an 
 article to the Confession of Faith 
 to declare the Pope Antichrist, 167 
 ' — decision of the Synod of Gap on 
 this point ; its false foundation, 170 
 — occasion of this decree, ib. — this 
 Synod's perplexity, because the in- 
 visible Church had been forgotten 
 in the Confession of Faith, 255 — 
 this Synod's memorable decision 
 on extraordinary vocation, 256. 
 
 Geneva, strange answer of those of, 
 to the Arminians' request at the 
 Synod of Dort, 219 — decree passed 
 at Geneva against universal Grace, 
 and the question resolved by the 
 Magistrate, 236 — the Church of 
 Geneva adds two articles to her 
 Confession of Faith, 237. 
 
 Germany, present state of controver- 
 sies in, 235. 
 
 God. WickliflPs Theology concern- 
 ing the liberty, the goodness, and the 
 poMerof God, 118 — God author of 
 sin, according to theCalvinists, 192 
 —Vide Vol. I. 
 
 Gog, and Magog, 142. 
 
 Gomar maintains Calvinism against 
 Arminius ; his disciples take the 
 name of Counter-Remonstrants, 
 and the Prince of Orange upholds 
 them, 198. 
 
 Gomarists, or Counter-Remonstrants, 
 198. 
 
358 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Grace, the inamissibility of, defined 
 at Dort, 202— Doctrine of the Ar- 
 minians on Grace, ib. — Cameron's 
 andhis disciples' sentiments on uni- 
 versal Grace admitted by the Doc- 
 tors of the Dort Synod, 236— Suf- 
 ficient Grace admitted by them, ib. 
 — decree passed at Geneva against 
 universal Grace, ib. 
 
 Grotius demonstrates that the Pope 
 cannot be Antichrist, 171 — he 
 proves from the Protestants, that, 
 by their own confession, souls may 
 depart out of the body without be- 
 ing wholly purified, 328. 
 
 Hebrew. Decision of the Swiss, touch- 
 ing the Hebrew text, ridiculed by 
 the learned of the sect, 237. 
 
 Henry, disciple of Peter de Bruis, in 
 the eleventh century, 47 — secretly 
 diffuses his master's errors in Dau- 
 phiny, Provence, and about Tou- 
 louse, 62 — his doctrine, 75. 
 
 Heretics. Cathohcs and Protestants 
 agreed in the punishing of Heretics, 
 37 — memorable answer of St. Ber- 
 nard on the false constancy of He- 
 retics, 115 — what is the succession 
 of Heretics, 145 — character of He- 
 resy owned in the Reformation, 163. 
 
 Huss (John), a disciple of Wickliff, 
 123 — he imitates Wickliff in his 
 hatred of the Pope, ib. — says Mass, 
 47 — and judges no otherwise con- 
 cerning the Eucharist than those of 
 the Church of Rome, 123 — why 
 John Huss's doctrine was doubted 
 of, ib. — he was a Catholic in all 
 the now controverted points, except 
 Communion under both kinds, and 
 the Pope, ib. — the Bohemian Breth- 
 ren account him a great martyr, 
 although they follow not his doc- 
 trine, 128 — Luther accuses John 
 Huss of his ignorance in the point 
 of Justification, 130. 
 
 Hussites (The) divided among them- 
 selves, 127. 
 
 Images. Clueen Elizabeth, at first, is 
 for retaining images, 4 — she is per- 
 suaded by false reasons to condemn 
 them, nevertheless retains the cru- 
 cifix in her chapel, 5 — images bro- 
 ken by Claude of Turin, an Arian, 
 47 — they are honored by Wick- 
 liff) 121 — and John Huss, 123. 
 
 Inamissibility of justice rejected by 
 the Enghsh under EUzabeth, 14 — 
 taught by the Swiss, 40 — the Dort 
 Synod's prodigious doctrine on 
 inamissibility of justice, 207 — 
 whether it was right understood, 
 211. 
 
 Incarnation. This mystery an impo- 
 sition, according to the Manicheans, 
 50 — and according to the Albigen- 
 ses, 109. 
 
 Infallibility owned in the Church by 
 the Minister Jurieu, 292 — this In- 
 faUibility admits of no restriction in 
 dogmas, 296 — the Church is ever 
 constant ; is ever in possession of 
 the truth when beginning to be at- 
 tacked ; her decisions are plain, her 
 steadiness not to be shaken, 313, 
 318, 336 — Vide Jurieu, vide Vol. I. 
 
 Innocent III. (Pope). The Vaudois 
 come to ask liis approbation, 82 — 
 he approves the Institute of the 
 Minor Brethren, ib. — he holds the 
 Council of Lateran, where he con- 
 demns the Vaudois, 84. 
 
 Invocation of Saints, received by 
 Wickhff, 121— and by John Huss, 
 113. 
 
 Jane, Glueen of Navarre, exercises 
 horrid cruelties on priests and reli- 
 gious persons, 31. 
 
 Jerome, of Prague, disciple of John 
 Huss, follows him entirely, 123. 
 
 Joseph Mede, an English Protestant, 
 renders himself famous by his 
 extravagancies on the Revelations, 
 176 — he accuses St. Leo the Great, 
 St. Basil, and the rest of the Saints, 
 their contemporaries, of idolatry, 
 178 — Joseph Mede and M. Jurieu 
 contradict one another, 186 — his 
 prediction in behalf of the King 
 of Sweden no sooner uttered than 
 proved false, 187 — what was dis- 
 covered by him in the Revelations 
 touching the Reformers, 196. 
 
 Jurieu, (M.) what was said by him 
 concerning the civil wars excited 
 by the Calvinists, 28 — what con- 
 cerning those who teach thedistinc- 
 tion between Bishops and Priests, 
 1 65 — he maintains the Pope to be 
 Antichrist, and an article of Faith 
 for all true Christians, 172 — he va- 
 ries on this point, 176 — exposition 
 of M. Jurieu's doctrine on the 
 
INDEX. 
 
 359 
 
 11th, 12th, and 13th chapters of the 
 Revelations, 172 — he is bent on 
 shortening the time of the pretend- 
 ed propliecies, 173 — he owns his 
 prepossession ; he forsakes his 
 guides ; and why, ib. — the impossi- 
 bihty he is under of setting the 
 epoch for the twelve hundred and 
 sixty years wliich the Reformation 
 is determined to allow for Anti- 
 christ's persecution, 174 — he gives 
 a new date to the birth of Anti- 
 christ, ib. — the time not suiting, be- 
 cause of the holiness of the then 
 Pope, 175 — Jurieu changes his 
 mind, and is for advancing the 
 downfall of Antichrist, 175 — he 
 makes Antichrist to be born in the 
 person of St. Leo the Great, 176 — 
 absurdity of tliis system, ib. — vain 
 shift of this Minister, 177 — he im- 
 putes to St. Leo three evil charac- 
 ters, ib.- — he accuses St. Leo, St. 
 Basil, St. Ambrose, &c. of idolatry, 
 178 — why he does not make St. 
 Basil the beginner of Antichristian- 
 ism as well as St. Leo, 180 — his 
 ridiculous calculation, 181 — he ill 
 explains the seven Kings of the 
 Revelations, 182 — explains as ill 
 the ten Kings of the Revelations, 
 184 — frivolous answer of M. Ju- 
 rieu on this head, 185 — the opposi- 
 tion of Jurieu and Joseph Mede to 
 one another, 186 — his ridiculous 
 notions concerning the Turk, 187 
 — he owns the Prophets of the Pro- 
 testant party to be cheats ; his idea 
 of the Reformation, 188 — his senti- 
 ments on the decisions of Dort,223 
 — Semi-Pelagianism does not damn 
 according to this author, ib. — ^he 
 makes the Synod of Dort act more 
 by policy than truth, 224 — he de- 
 clares that they were ready to bear 
 with Semi-Pelagianism in the Ar- 
 minians, 225 — he is a Pelagian, 
 notwithstanding the decrees of 
 Dort, 226 — befalls back into the 
 excesses the Reformers were guilty 
 of in respect to the cause of sin, 
 227 — according to this Minister 
 the disputes touching Predestina- 
 tion do not longer concern any es- 
 sential point of religion, 233 — what 
 he confesses of the Variation of 
 Protestants in regard to the 
 Church's perpetual visibility, 259, 
 
 266 — in his notion, you may save 
 your soul in all communions, 267 
 — this he took from the Socinians, 
 ib. — he comes into the sentiments 
 of M. Pajon, 268— is blamed for 
 favoring the Socinians, 269 — 
 grants that we may be saved in the 
 Church of Rome, ib. — owns the ex- 
 cesses of liis Confession of Faith, 
 273 — overthrows the ideas of the 
 Reformation ; impugns the doctrine 
 of his Church relating to excom- 
 munication, 275 — amongst his 
 brethren, Confessions of Faith are 
 nothing but arbitrary contracts, 276 
 — he establishes the independent 
 principle, 277 — he makes the au- 
 thority and subordination of 
 Churches to depend on Princes, 
 278 — he confesses that this his 
 system is contrary to the faith of all 
 ages, 279 — he contradicts himself 
 when he pretends the Council of 
 Nice sides with liim, 280 — he un- 
 dermines the authority of the 
 Apostolic Creed, 282 — he accuses 
 the Church contemporary with the 
 Apostles of schism and heresy, 284 
 — according to him one may save 
 himself among the Socinians, ib. — 
 and, by the same principles, among 
 Mahometans and Jews, 285 — and, 
 at the same time, speaks pro and 
 co?i, touching the perpetual visibili- 
 ty of the Church, 287 — and touch- 
 ing the Universal Church's teach- 
 ing and preaching, 291 — he will 
 have the general consent of the 
 Universal Church to be a demon- 
 stration, 292 — he condemns his own 
 Church by the character he gives 
 to the Universal Church, 294 — con- 
 fessing the infallibility of the 
 Church, he must confess that of 
 General Councils, 298 — he takes 
 from pastors the title of judges, 
 contrary to the sense of his own 
 Churches, 300 — he is against all 
 subscribing to Councils, 301 — he 
 is for sacrificing truth to peace, 302. 
 
 Justice, inherent, acknowledged by 
 Protestants, 321 — Vide Justifica- 
 tion. 
 
 Justijication. Luther reproaches John 
 Huss with utter ignorance of Jus- 
 tification, 130 — Piscator's doctrine 
 on this head, 158 — detested by the 
 Calvinists, ib. — decree of the Na- 
 
S60 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 tional Synod of Privas touching 
 Justification, 160 — impiety of the 
 Calvinist's doctrine on Justification, 
 as proposed by their Synods, 161 
 perspicuity and plainness of the 
 Catholic doctrine on the same sub- 
 ject, ib. — the Arminians' doctrine 
 on Justification, 202 — monstrous 
 doctrine of the Dort Synod on the 
 same point, 207 — the ancient 
 Church's doctrine conformable to 
 that of Trent, 321— Vide Vol. I. 
 
 Kelesiski, a shoemaker, puts himself 
 at the head of the Bohemian Breth- 
 ren, and compiles for them a body 
 of doctrine, 127. 
 
 Kings. WicklifF's pernicious doc- 
 trine concerning Kings, 120 — sys- 
 tem of the Ministers, concerning 
 the seven Kings in the Revelations, 
 confounded by the terms of this 
 prophecy, 182 — the ten Kings in 
 the Revelations evidently as ill ex- 
 plicated, 184. 
 
 Leo (St.). Jurieu makes Antichrist 
 be born in the person of St. Leo the 
 Great, 176 — absurdity of tliis sys- 
 tem, ib, — three evil characters at- 
 tributed to St. Leo by this Minister, 
 ib. — pretended idolatry of St. Leo, 
 178. 
 
 Liturgy of Edw^ard VI. changed in 
 essential points, 7. 
 
 Lombez. Council of Lombez against 
 the Albigenses, 64 — history of this 
 Council, ib. 
 
 London. Synod of London in 1562, 
 wherein Glueen Elizabeth's su- 
 premacy is received, 10 — Council 
 of London against Wickliff^ 121. 
 
 Luther reproaches the Boliemian 
 Brethren with their utter ignorance 
 of Justification, 130 — Luther gives 
 them his approbation, and how, 
 135 — the Calvinists acknowledge 
 Luther for their father, 156 — Lu- 
 ther's vain predictions concerning 
 the dov/nfall of the Papacy, 167 — 
 he inserts in the Smalcaldic Arti- 
 cles that the Pope is Antichrist, 169 
 — Vide Vol. I. 
 
 Lutherans, ill treated by the Polish 
 Zuinglians, 44 — 'W'ho afterwards 
 enter into an agreement with them, 
 45 — the Lutherans unite with the 
 Bohemians and Zuinglians in Po- 
 
 land, 136 — departure of the Luther- 
 ans from their principles in this 
 union, and how they may vindicate 
 themselves, 138 — reflections on tliis 
 union, ib. — how the Lutherans are 
 descended from the Albigenses and 
 Vaudois, 143 — they seek in vain 
 the succession of persons in these 
 sects, 144 — they find still less 
 amongst them the succession of 
 doctrine, ib. — the Lutherans are de- 
 tested by the Calvinists, as defend- 
 ers of a monstrous opinion, 150 — 
 Assembly of Frankfort is for com- 
 prehending the Lutherans in the 
 common Confession of Faith it de- 
 signed to make, 153 — letter written 
 to the Lutherans by this Assembly, 
 ib. — difference between what was 
 designed to be done at Frankfort 
 and at Sainte-Foy in favor of the 
 Lutherans, from what was since 
 done at Charenton, 157 — the Lu- 
 therans of Rintel agree with the 
 Calvinists of Marpurg in the Con- 
 ference of Cassel, 234 — the senti- 
 ments of the Lutherans, concern- 
 ing universal grace, give occasion 
 to those of Cameron and his disci- 
 ples, 235 — sentiments of the Lu- 
 tlierans concerning the perpetual 
 visibility of the Church, 243 — Vide 
 Vol. L 
 
 Lucius in. (Pope) condemns the Vau- 
 dois, 80. 
 
 Lyons. The poor men of Lyons. — 
 Vide Vaudois. 
 
 Manicheans. Errors of the Mani- 
 cheans, progenitors of the Albisien- 
 ses, 50 — consequence from the f^lse 
 principle of the Manicheans, ib. — 
 tliey endeavored to justify them- 
 selves by the usages of the Church, 
 51 — their spirit of seduction and 
 hypocrisy, ib. — in order to conceal 
 themselves, they mixed in Catholic 
 assemblies, 52 — history of the 
 Paulicians or Arminian Mani- 
 cheans, 53 — their conformity with 
 the Manicheans refuted by St. 
 Austin, 54 — their design on the 
 Bulgarians, and Peter of Sicily's 
 instructions, in order to prevent the 
 effect thereof, ib. — the Manicheans 
 begin to appear in the West, after 
 the year of our Lord 1000, 55 — 
 Manicheans, tliat came from Italy, 
 
INDEX. 
 
 361 
 
 discov^d at Orleans, under King 
 Robert, ih. — their heresy spreads 
 itself into Gascony and Toulouse, 
 56 — the Manicheans of Italy called 
 Catliari, and why, ib. — origin of 
 the Manicheans of Toulouse and 
 Italy ; a proof that they came from 
 Bulgaria, 57 — Councils of Tours 
 and Toulouse against them, 58 — 
 their conformity with the Mani- 
 cheans known by St. Austin, ib. — 
 the same heresy in Germany, ib. — 
 sentiments of the German Mani- 
 cheans, 59 — it is discovered that 
 they held two first principles, 60 — 
 their variations, and care to conceal 
 themselves, ib. — their equivoca- 
 tions when examined about their 
 faith, ib. — these heretics examined 
 in full audience of all the people ; 
 tlieir tenets related by St. Bernard, 
 who had been thoroughly acquaint- 
 ed with them at Toulouse, 62 — 
 they styled themselves Albigenses 
 and Petrobusians, 63 — why called 
 Arians, 64 — their notion of the 
 Trinity the very same with that oi 
 tlie ancient Manicheans, 65 — Mani- 
 cheans of Soissons, ib. — these here- 
 tics met with in Agenois and Eng- 
 land, 66 — the heretics of Montpe- 
 lier are Manicheans, 68 — in the 
 list of the Manichean Churches, 
 drawn by Renier, the Albigenses 
 are comprehended, 72 — demonstra- 
 tion that the heretics who denied 
 the Real Presence, in the twelfth 
 and tliirteenth centuries, were 
 Manicheans ; notoriously false 
 supposition of the Ministers, 1 08 — 
 Manicheismat Metz, 109 — sixteen 
 Churches of the Manicheans com- 
 prehend the whole sect, 1 1 1 — who 
 were those amongst them called 
 Cathari, ib. — why St. Paul calls 
 the doctrine of two principles ad- 
 mitted by the Manicheans a doc- 
 trine of devils, 140 — why, of all 
 heresies, the Holy Ghost hath es- 
 pecially characterized none but 
 Manicheism ; character of tliis her- 
 esy ; hypocrisy, lying, and a seared 
 conscience, 141. 
 Marriage, rejected by the Manicheans 
 as bad, 50 — Variations of the Mani- 
 cheans of Germany in relation to 
 marriage, 60 — in what respect the 
 Sacrament of Marriage was con- 
 VOL. II. 31 
 
 demned by the Vaudois, 95 — the 
 Albigenses rejected lawful Mar- 
 riage, 108. 
 
 Mass. The Vaudois made no diffi- 
 culty of coming to Mass, 116 — 
 Jolm Huss says Mass, 123 — the 
 Mass offends the Bohemian Breth- 
 ren, 128 — antiquity of the sacrifice 
 of Mass, 241. 
 
 Maurice, Prince of Orange, upholds 
 the Gomarists, 198. 
 
 Mauzzim, of Daniel, how interpreted 
 by the Minister, 178, 179. 
 
 Mede — Vide Joseph Mede. 
 
 Melanctlwn. His bad opinion of 
 Wickliff, 122 — acknowledged by 
 the Calvinists for their Father, 156 
 — he allows that it is an easy mat- 
 ter to come to an agreement about 
 the article of Justification, 326. 
 
 Menon, one of the heads of the Ana- 
 baptists, 311. 
 
 Merit of good works rejected by the 
 Swiss, 39 — the merits of Saints 
 owned by Wickliff, 121 — the merit 
 ofworks owned by John Huss, 124 
 — the Trent Council's Doctrine 
 concerning the merit of good works, 
 323— Vide Vol. I. 
 
 Ministers (The) decide that the CaJ- 
 vinists may take up arms, 18, 21 — 
 the first Huguenot vA^ar resolved on 
 by the advice of al! the Ministers, 
 and peace made r otwithstanding 
 their opposition, 26 — proof against 
 the Ministers that the Albigenses 
 were Manicheans, 75 — artifices of 
 the Ministers in respect to the liis- 
 tory of the Vaudois and Albigenses, 
 107 — notoriously false supposition 
 of the Ministers, in order to con- 
 found the Vaudois with the Albi- 
 genses, 108 — two objections of the 
 Ministers to the same purpose re- 
 futed, 1 1 1 — the Faith of the French 
 Calv'inists trusted iii the hands of 
 four Ministers, 155 — the Ministers 
 cannot believe what the v say, 1 79 
 — vain shifts of the Ministers rela- 
 ting to the business of Sainte-Foy, 
 157 — the System of the Ministers 
 touching the seven Kings of the 
 Revelations evidently confounded 
 by the very teims of this prophecy, 
 182 — their fallacious answer, 183 
 — they account as ill for the ten 
 Kings of the Revelations, 184 — 
 what it is the Ministers have dies- 
 
 is 
 
362 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 covered in the Revelations concern- 
 ing their Reformers, 190 — the Min- 
 isters declare that Semi-Pelagian- 
 ism doth not damn, 223 — and that 
 they were ready to bear with it in 
 the Arminians, 225 — the Ministers 
 themselves very much relaxed in 
 the observance of the Dort decrees, 
 226 — the Ministers elude the de- 
 cree of the Gap Synod, and the 
 thirty-first article of their Confes- 
 sion touching extraordinary voca- 
 tion, 256, 257. 
 
 Ministry. Interruption of die Church's 
 Ministry owned by the Calvinists 
 of France, 254 — before the Re- 
 formation, the Elect saved in the 
 Roman Ministry by M. Claude's 
 confession, 260. 
 
 Miracle. Under Edward VI. and 
 under Elizabeth, none of the Mira- 
 cles admitted by Calvin in the Eu- 
 charist are employed, 9. 
 
 Montpellier, the Heretics of, were 
 Manicheans, 68. 
 
 Mystery. What is that Mystery of 
 Iniquity specified by St. Paul ? 142. 
 
 J^ismes, The national Synod of 
 Nismes in 1572; changes the de- 
 cree of that of Rochelle concerning 
 the Substance of Jesus Christ's 
 body in the Eucharist, 151. 
 
 OrdibarianSf who they were, 109. 
 
 Ordination. Validity of Ordinations, 
 vt hereon grounded in England, 1 1 
 — how the Bohemian Brethren seek 
 their Ordinations in the CathoUc 
 Church,. 130. 
 
 Parliament. The Parliament of Eng- 
 land assumes to itself the decision 
 in points of Faith, 11. 
 
 Parker, Protestant Archbishop of 
 Canterbury, is the first that sub- 
 scribes Elizabeth's supremacy, 10. 
 
 Patarians, who they were, 72 — their 
 infamy, 74. 
 
 Paulicians, or Manicheans of Arme- 
 nia, their history, 53 — their con- 
 formity with the Manicheans re- 
 futed by St. Austin, 54 — their de- 
 sign on the Bulgarians, ib. 
 
 Pelagianism. Spite of the Dort de- 
 crees, M. Jurieu maintains that 
 Pelagianism is not contrary to 
 piety, 226. 
 
 Perrin (Paul) quotes not sO much as 
 one contemporary Historian in his 
 History of the Vaudois, 103 — the 
 books of the Vaudois produced by 
 him, ib. — their Confession of Faith 
 which he produces is posterior to 
 Calvinism, 105. 
 
 Peter de Bruis appears in the eleventh 
 Century, 47 — he clandestinely dis- 
 seminates his errors in Dauphiny, 
 Provence, and in the neighborhood 
 of Toidouse, 62 — he is chief of the 
 Albigenses, 63 — examination of Iris 
 Doctrine, 75 — St. Bernard charges 
 him with nothing but what is 
 true, 77. 
 
 Peter Du Moulin — Vide Du Moulin. 
 
 Peter of Sicily writes the History of 
 the Paulicians and Manicheans of 
 Armenia, 53 — endeavors to prevent 
 the spreading of their Sect in Bul- 
 garia, ib. 
 
 Petrobusians, who they were, 63. 
 
 Picards (The) disowned by the Bo- 
 hemian Brethren, 117. 
 
 Piscator, who he was, and his Doc- 
 trine on imputed Justice, 158 — his 
 Doctrine is detested by the national 
 Synod of Gap, ib. — by that of Ro- 
 chelle in 1607, 159— by that of Pri- 
 vas in 1612, 160 — and by that of 
 . Tonins in 1614, 161 — reflection on 
 the Calvinists' procedure against 
 Piscator, 162 — Peter du Moufin 
 puts Piscator's question amongst 
 those things which are of little im- 
 portance to Salvation, 163 — the 
 Synod of Ay approves what Du 
 Moulin says, ib. 
 
 Poland. The Bohemian Brethren fly 
 thither, 136 — and there unite them- 
 selves with the Lutherans and 
 Zuinglians, ib. 
 
 Poles. Remarkable Confession of 
 Faith of the Polish Zuinglians, 
 wherein the Lutherans are ill han- 
 dled, 44 — Ubiquity taught by the 
 Polish Zuinglians, 45 — their agree- 
 ment with the Lutherans and Vau- 
 dois, ib. 
 
 PoHrot assassinates the Duke of 
 Guise ; this murder looked on, in 
 the Reformation, as an act of Reli- 
 gion, 32. 
 
 Poor Men of Lyons — Vide Vaudois. 
 
 Pope. The Pope of the Albigenses 
 in Bulgaria, 38 — hatred of Wick- 
 lilf and John Huss against the 
 
INDEX. 
 
 363 
 
 Pope, 123 — all goes down with 
 Protestants provided the Pope be 
 exclaimed against, 124 — theCalix- 
 tins disposed to own the Pope, 126 
 — the Bohemian Brethren offended 
 at the power of the Pope, 127 — the 
 Synod of Gap adds an article to 
 the Confession of Faith on purpose 
 to declare the Pope Antichrist, 167 
 
 ^ — Luther's vain predictions of the 
 Pope's downfall, ib. — Daniel and 
 St. Paul extravagantly quoted for 
 proof of the Pope's bein^ Anti- 
 christ, 68 — Protestants disgrace 
 themselves by this doctrine, ib. — 
 the ablest Protestants refute this 
 Doctrine, 171 — the Pope's authority 
 over General Councils and the tem- 
 porals of sovereigns is not of Faith, 
 nor ought to hinder the re-union of 
 Protestants, 330 — Jurieu maintains 
 that it is a fundamental article of 
 Faith to beheve the Pope Anti- 
 christ, 172 — the Pope's infallibility 
 is not of Faith, and the contrary 
 opinion cannot be condemned, 
 either as heretical or erroneous, or 
 even as temerarious, 330 — Vide 
 Vol. I. 
 
 Poplicans, or Publicans, who they 
 v/ere, 67 — the Ministers make the 
 Vaudois Manicheans, by making 
 them Poplicans, ib. 
 
 Prayer for the Dead rejected by the 
 Bohemian Brethren, 127. 
 
 Predestination. Doctrine of the Ar- 
 minians, or Remonstrants touching 
 Predestination, 200 — the disputes 
 about Predestination, according to 
 M. Jurieu, no longer intrench on 
 the essentials of Religion, 233. 
 
 Presence. Glueen Ehzabeth will not 
 suffer her Divines to censure the 
 Real Presence, 5 — the indifference 
 of the English as to the Real Pre- 
 sence, 8 — the Real Presence im- 
 pugned by Berengarius, 47 — by the 
 Albigenses, 74, 76 — beheved by the 
 Vaudois, 81, 87 — manifest proof 
 that the Heretics, who denied tlie 
 Real Presence in the twelfth and 
 tliirteenth centuries, were Mani- 
 cheans, 108 — Pt,eal Presence be- 
 lieved by John Huss and Jerome 
 of Prai^ue, 123 — and by the Bohe- 
 mian Brethren, 131 — the assembly 
 of Frankfort minces the difficulty 
 of the Fceal Presence on purpose 
 
 to gain the Lutherans, 154 — Peter 
 Du Moulin, approved by the Synod 
 of Ay, is against condemning the 
 Pteal Presence, as believed by the 
 Lutherans, 164r — the Ptcal Presence 
 free from venom by the Confession 
 of the Ministers, 229— the Real 
 Presence necessary, 230 — Vide 
 Reality, vide Vol. I. 
 
 Pride of the Vaudois, 85, 113, 115. 
 
 Primacy of Glueen Elizabeth in spi- 
 rituals estabUshed in England, 9 — 
 the Catholic Bishops refuse to own 
 it, i6.— declaration of the Protestant 
 Clerg3Mn favor of this Primacy, 10 
 — this Doctrine condemned by the 
 Calvinists, 13. 
 
 Principle. The Manicheans admit- 
 ted two first Principles, 50 — the 
 Albigenses did the same, 109 — 
 why the Doctrine of two Principles 
 is called by St. Paul a Doctiine of 
 Devils, 140. 
 
 Privas. The Synod of Privas, in 
 1612, condemns Piscator's Doc- 
 trine, 160. 
 
 Prophets. The Prophets of the Pro- 
 testant Party are cheats, 188 — their 
 interpreters no better worth, 189. 
 
 Protestants. Difference between Pro- 
 testants' conduct and that of the 
 Church, 29 — what is the succession 
 of Protestants, 46 — they reap no- 
 thing but shame in making the Al- 
 bigenses their progenitors, 78 — 
 their authority with respect to the 
 original of the Vaudois, 86 — Doc- 
 trines which Protestants reject in 
 the Vaudois no less than Catholics, 
 96 — Protestants propose new Dog- 
 mas to the Vaudois, 97 — all 
 pleases them, provided the Pope be 
 exclaimed against, 124 — they seek 
 in vain for the succession of Per- 
 sons and of Doctrine in the Vau- 
 dois and Albigenses, 144 — they dis- 
 credit themselves by sa}ang tlie 
 Pope is Antichrist, 168 — wliy those 
 absurdities endured in the Protest- 
 ant Party, 188 — the Prophets of the 
 Protestant Party are impostors, ib. 
 — the arguments employed against 
 the Arminians in the Synod of 
 Dort condemn the whole Protest- 
 ant Party, 213 — according to this 
 Synod, tlie Protestants w^ere obliged 
 to own the Council of the Cathohc 
 Church, 220 — the cause of Pro- 
 
364 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 testants' Variations proceeding 
 from their ignorance of what the 
 Church is, 212 — their sentiments 
 relating to the perpetual Visibility 
 of the Church, 243 — this Doctrine 
 the ruin of their Reformation, and 
 the source of their perplexities, 244 
 — what precisely the Protestants 
 are obliged to by this Doctrine, ib. 
 — they vary en this head, 249 — and 
 why, 250.— Vide Vol. I. 
 Purgatory believed by Wickliff, 121 
 — and John liuss, 123 — what pre- 
 cisely is to be believed concerning 
 Purgatory agreeably to the Coun- 
 cil of Trent, 328— Protestants' 
 principles prove the necessity of 
 Purgatory, ib. — the Purification of 
 souls after this life owned by them, 
 ib. — they agree as to the main 
 point, but leave the manner unde- 
 cided, ib. — Vide Vol. I. 
 
 Reality. Gluecn Elizabeth will not 
 suffer her Divines to censure the 
 Reality, 5 — indifference of the Eng- 
 lish, in respect of the Reality, 8 — 
 the Reahty condemned by the 
 Zuinglians of Poland, 45 — the 
 Reality denied by the Albigenses, 
 75 — believed by the Vaudois, 81, 
 87 — manifest proof that the Here- 
 tics, who denied the Reality in the 
 twelfth and thirteenth centuries, 
 were Manicheans, 108 — Reality 
 believed by John Huss, 123 — 
 strong expressions of the Bohemian 
 Brethren for the Reality, 131 — the 
 Reality free from venom, 229 — 
 Vide Vol. I., vide Real Presence. 
 
 Rebaptization of tlie Bohemian Breth- 
 ren, 128. 
 
 Redemption. The Doctrine of the 
 Arminians concerning the univer- 
 sahty of Redemption, 201. 
 
 Reformation. Clueen Elizabeth ap- 
 proves not the Reformation of Ed- 
 ward VI. in all its points, 3 — whe- 
 ther the spirit of the Reformation 
 was a spirit of meekness or vio- 
 lence, 29 — effects of that violent 
 spirit which predominated in the 
 Reformation, 30 — the Reformation 
 allows private men to arrogate to 
 themselves greater abilities for un- 
 derstanding sound Doctrine than 
 all the rest of the Chm-ch, 225 — 
 Sects bom in the Reformation, 309. 
 
 Relics. Vigilantius, in the fourth 
 century, opposes honoring of Re- 
 hcs, 47 — St. Leo, St. Basil, and the 
 rest of the Saints of that time, ac- 
 cused of Idolatry by the Ministers, 
 on account of the veneration they 
 showed to Saints and Relics, 178. 
 
 Remonstrants — Vide Arminians. 
 
 Renaudie (La), chief of the Amboise 
 conspiracy J his character, 18. 
 
 Revelations. Illusions of the Pro- 
 testants relating to the Revelations, 
 169 — exposition of the Minister 
 Jurieu's Doctrine on the eleventh, 
 twelfth, and thirteenth chapters of 
 the Revelations, 172 — the system 
 of the Minister concerning the 
 seven Kings of the Revelations evi- 
 dently confuted by the very terms 
 of tliis prophecy, 182 — the ten 
 Kings of the Revelations as evi- 
 dently ill accounted ibr, 184 — con- 
 trarieties of the new Interpreters 
 of the Revelations, 186 — the Eng- 
 lishman finds England, and the 
 Frenchman, France, in the Reve- 
 lations, ib. — what it is that the Mi- 
 nisters have discovered in the Re- 
 velations toucliing their Reformers, 
 190. 
 
 Revenues of the Church plundered by 
 EHzabeth, Q.ueen of England, 13 
 — Vide Vol. I. 
 
 Revolt. Besinning of the Calvinists' 
 revolt m France, 15 — open revolt 
 of the whole party, 20. 
 
 Rochelle. The national Synod of 
 Rochelle in 1571 condemns those 
 of the party that were for changing 
 the Supper-article in the Confession 
 of Faith, 146 — decision of this Sy- 
 nod full of perplexity, ib. — vain 
 efforts of this Synod to find the 
 substance of the body in the Cal- 
 vinian Doctrine, 147 — error of this 
 Synod endeavoring to explain the 
 mystery of the Eucharist without 
 producing the institution, 148 — 
 reason of the Synod for establish- 
 ing the substance ; there it is con- 
 cluded that the other opinion is 
 contrary to the word of God, ib. — 
 it says more than it designed, 149 
 the Swiss believe themselves con- 
 demned by this decision, but the 
 Synod takes care tliey sliould be 
 answered that this doctrine only 
 concerns France, 149, 150 — the 
 
INDEX. 
 
 S65 
 
 decree of this Synod is changed in 
 that of Nismes, 151 — the Synod of 
 Rochelle in 1607 condemns Pisca- 
 tor's Doctrine, 158 — it gives orders 
 that the decree of the Synod of 
 Gap, declaring the Pope Antichrist, 
 be printed in all the copies of the 
 Confession of Faith, 170 — this Sy- 
 nod declares that nothing ought to 
 be added or taken from the twenty- 
 fifth and twenty-ninth articles of 
 the Confession of Faith, where the 
 Church is treated of, 256. 
 
 Roque (M. de la). His want of sin- 
 cerity touching the Vaudois, 86 — 
 tliis iVIinister artfully confounds the 
 Vaudois with the Albigenses, 108 
 — his false pretence that Wick- 
 liff's Doctrine was slandered at the 
 Council of Constance, 120 — he 
 proves that John Huss and Jerome 
 of Prague died in the belief of the 
 Church of Rome, especially in 
 what regards the Eucharist, 123. 
 
 Roque (M. de la), son of the Minis- 
 ter, produces a Confession of Faith 
 of Wickliff's, where the Reality is 
 clearly established, 121. 
 
 Roquesaae, cliief of the sect of the 
 Calixtins, 124 — he utterly destroys 
 the Taborites, ib. — liis ambition 
 prevents the Calixtins re- uniting 
 with the Church, 126 — he makes 
 himself Pope in Bohemia, ib. — he 
 permits several Greek Priests to 
 celebrate the holy mysteries accord- 
 ing to their Church rites, 129. 
 
 Runcarians, who they were, 72. 
 
 Sacrament. The Albigenses taught 
 that the eff:;ct of the Sacraments 
 depends on the holiness of the Mi- 
 nisters, 74 — the Vaudois taught 
 that the merit of persons acted in 
 the Sacraments more than order 
 and character, 85 — the Vaudois 
 were in no error as to the nature of 
 the Sacraments, ib. — what it is 
 they believed of the seven Sacra- 
 ments, 93 — Wickliff teaches that 
 the effect of the Sacraments de- 
 pends on the merit of persons, 120 
 — the seven Sacraments owned by 
 John Huss, 123 — and by the Bo- 
 hemian Brethren in their Confes- 
 sion, anno 1504, presented to King 
 Ladislaus, 131 — they reduce them 
 to two, as Luther prescribes them. 
 
 VOL. II, 
 
 31* 
 
 ib. — they make the Sacraments de- 
 pend on the merit of the Minister, 
 132. 
 
 Sacrifice. The Calvinists' Doctrine 
 against Piscator solves all the diffi- 
 culties they propose to us relating 
 to the Sacrifice of the Eucharist, 
 159. 
 
 Sainte-Foy. The Synod of Sainte- 
 Foy, in 1578, consents to a new 
 Confession of Faith, in view of 
 uniting all the Protestants, 154 — it 
 trusts its Faith in the hands of four 
 Mmisters and of M. de Turenne, 
 155 — vain evasions of the Minis- 
 ters relating to this affair, 157 — 
 difference between what was de- 
 signed to be done in favor of the 
 Lutherans at Sainte-Foy, and what 
 afterwards was done at Charen- 
 ton, ib. 
 
 Salvation. The Calvinists believe 
 that the faithful are sure of their 
 Salvation, 194 — the Dort Synod's 
 decision on the certainty of Salva- 
 tion, 204, 209 — false allurement of 
 the certainty of Salvation, 211. 
 
 Schoman. George Schoman, one of 
 the chiefs of the Unitarians, 311. 
 
 Scotland^ The Doctrine settled in 
 England in behalf of the authority 
 of Kings and Parliament as to mat- 
 ters of Faith, is also set up in Scot- 
 land, 13. 
 
 Scripture. Abuse made of the Scrip- 
 ture by the Vaudois and Albigen- 
 ses, 113. 
 
 Semi-Pelagianism no damning error, 
 according to M, Jurieu, 223 — this 
 Minister declares they were ready 
 to tolerate Semi-Pelagianism in the 
 Arminians, 225 — the other Minis- 
 ters in the same sentiment with 
 him, ib. 
 
 Sendomir. Assembly of Sendomir, 
 where the Lutherans, the Bohe- 
 mians, and the Zuinglians unite, 
 136 — terms of the Sendomir agree- 
 ment, 137. 
 
 Sin. God the Author of Sin accord- 
 ing to the Calvinists, 192— M. 
 Jurieu relapses into the excesses 
 of the Reformers with respect to 
 the cause of Sin, 227. 
 
 Siscidenses (The), a sect of the Vau- 
 dois that refused not to receive the 
 Eucharist from the hands of a 
 Priest, 95. 
 
366 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Sociiii. Fausto Socini and Lelio 
 heads of the Socinians, 311. 
 
 Socinians, The Socinians and the 
 Anabaptists sprung from Luther 
 and Calvin, 310 — united together, 
 ibid. 
 
 Soissons. Manicheans at Soissons, 
 65 — their history, 66. 
 
 Strasburg. Variation of the Church 
 of Strasburg, 312 — The senate of 
 Strasburg destroys images, and 
 enjoins the communion under both 
 kinds, ib. — suspends the celebra- 
 tion of Mass, ib. — those of Stras- 
 burg turn Zuinglians, afterwards 
 return to the Confession of Augs- 
 burg, ib. — they fall into ubiquity, 
 313. 
 
 Substance. Neither under Edward 
 VI., nor under Elizabeth, is the 
 w^ord Substance employed, which 
 Calvin admits in the Eucharist, 9 — 
 the Zuinghans' Supper void of Sub- 
 stance, 42 — vain endeavors of the 
 national Synod of Rochellein 1571 
 to prove the Substance of the body 
 and blood of Jesus Christ in the 
 Doctrine of the pretended Reform- 
 ed of France, 147 — the Substance 
 reduced to r.othing in the national 
 Synod of Nismes, 151. 
 
 Succession. Protestants seek in vain 
 for the Succession of Persons and 
 Doctrine in the Vaudois and Albi- 
 genses, 143, 144 — what is the Suc^i 
 cession of heretics, 145. 
 
 Supper. The Supper of the Swiss or 
 Zuinglians without substance, and 
 a presence in virtue only, 42 — dif- 
 ference which the Zuinglians of 
 Poland place between their Supper 
 and that of ^ he Socinians, 45 — seve- 
 ral pretended reformed Churches of 
 France are for changing the Sup- 
 per-article in the Confession of 
 Faith, 145. 
 
 Supremacy of the Kings of England is 
 there eptablished, notwithstanding 
 Clueen Elizabeth's qualms of con- 
 science, 9 — the Catholic Bishops 
 refuse tp sign it, ib. — declaration of 
 the Protestant Clergy in England 
 in favor of this Supremacy, 10 — 
 this doftri'ie condemned by the 
 Calvinists, 13. 
 
 Siviss. New Confession of Faith of 
 the Helvetic Churches or Swiss, 
 38 — frivolous reasoning of the Min- 
 
 isters concerning this Confession, 
 ib. — the Swiss begin but then to 
 know any thing of imputed justice, 
 39 — they reject the merit of good 
 works, ib. — they attribute tine 
 Faith to the Elect alone, 40 — they 
 teach the Certainty of Salvation, 
 and the Inamissibility of Grace, 
 and ill explain conversion, ib. — 
 their monstrous Doctrine on Free- 
 ■will, 41 — according to them, the 
 Supper is void of substance, and 
 no presence but in virtue, 42 — they 
 leave nothing peculiar to the Sup- 
 per, 43 — they are the most sincere 
 defenders of the figurative sense, 
 44 — the Swiss believe themselves 
 condemned by the decision of the 
 national Synod of Rochellein 1571, 
 150 — they are not satisfied with 
 Beza's answer, but still hold them- 
 selves condemned, ib. — they are 
 specified by the explication of the 
 Synod of Nismes, 151 — SavIss for- 
 mulary against Universal Grace, 
 236 — another Swiss decision on the 
 Hebrew Text laughed at by the 
 learned of the party, 237 — another 
 decision of the Swiss and Geneva 
 reproved by M. Claude, ib. 
 
 Taborites. The sect of Taborites 
 arises m Bohemia, 124 — their re- 
 belUon and cruelties, ib. — their total 
 destruction, 125. 
 
 Temples erected in honor of the Saints 
 by the Bohemian Brethren, 136. 
 
 Test. Test Act in England, wherein 
 the English draw near to our sen- 
 timents, and condemn us only by 
 manifest mistakes, 239. 
 
 Testament. The Old Testament re- 
 jected by the Manicheans as fabu- 
 lous, 50 — rejected by the Albigen- 
 ses, 64 — received by the Vaudois, 
 108. 
 
 Tonins. The national Synod of 
 Tonins in 1614 condemns Piscator, 
 161. 
 
 Toulouse. The Manicheans of Tou- 
 louse, 62 — are the same with the 
 Albigenses, 63. 
 
 Transubstantiation. Manifest proof 
 that the Vaudois did in no wise err 
 as to that point, 88, 89 — this Doc- 
 trine impugned by Yv^icklifT, 121 — 
 retained by John Huss and Je- 
 rome of Prague, 123 — and by the 
 
INDEX. 
 
 367 
 
 Calixtins, 126 — rejected by the Bo- 
 hemian Brethren, 127 — the hatred 
 of the Calvinist people turned 
 against Transubstantiation ever 
 since the Synod of Charenton in 
 1631, 231— the word Transub- 
 stantiation chosen at the Coun- 
 cil of Lateran, 318 — and why — 
 Vide Vol. I. 
 
 Trent The Council of Trent hath 
 added nothing to the decisions of 
 the Ancients, 319 — it does but re- 
 peat the ancient decisions in respect 
 to justifying Grace, 322 — in respect 
 to its gratuity, ib. — in respect to 
 the preparations to Grace, 323 — to 
 the inseparable union of liberty and 
 Grace, ib. — to the merit of good 
 works, 324 — in respect to the ful- 
 filling of God's commandments, 
 ib. — it has cut away the root of all 
 abuses relating to the honor paid 
 to Images, 327 — its moderation in 
 determining nothing but what is 
 certain, 328 — it speaks not with 
 ambiguity, ib. — it has determined 
 all that regards the true authority 
 of the Pope, 330 — in it, those are 
 opposed who were for making a 
 formulary whence the Pope's su- 
 periority over a general council 
 might be inferred, ib. — this formu- 
 lary suppressed with the Pope's 
 consent, ib. 
 
 Trinity. The ancient Manicheans' 
 sentiment as to the Trinity, 65 — is 
 the same with that of the Toulouse 
 Albigenses, ib. 
 
 Turk. Jurieu's ridiculous conceit re- 
 lating to the Turk, 187. 
 
 Turenne (M.), Synod of Sainte-Foy 
 trusts its Faith in the hands of four 
 ministers and of M. Turenne, 
 155 — why M. Turenne was em- 
 ployed in this deputation concern- 
 ing doctrine, ib. 
 
 Ubiquity taught by the Polish Zuing- 
 lians, 45 — Peter Du Moulin, whose 
 sentiment is approved by the Sy- 
 nod of Ay, is against condemning 
 Ubiquity, 164 — Ubiquity tolerated 
 by the Calvinists, 232. 
 
 Unction. What was believed by the 
 Vaudois concerning extreme Unc- 
 tion, 94. 
 
 Union of the three Protestant Sects 
 of Poland, 136 — reflections on tliis 
 
 Union, 138 — the assembly of Frank- 
 fort is for making an Union between 
 all tlie defenders of the figurative 
 sense by a common Confession of 
 Faith, 152. 
 Unitarians — Vide Socinians. 
 
 Valdo, author of the Vaudois, 48 — 
 who he was, 79 — whether a man 
 of learning, 80 — his first design, 
 ib. — what Paul Penin says of Val- 
 do, 103. 
 
 Variations of the English on the Eu- 
 charist, 5 — their Variation as to the 
 Adoration of Jesus Christ in the 
 Eucharist, 7 — their Variation con- 
 fessed by Mr. Burnet, 14 — Varia- 
 tions of the Manicheans of Germa- 
 ny, 60 — Variations of the Vaudois 
 since Luther and Calvin's time, 97 
 — Variation of the Reformed of 
 France relating to the Eucharist, 
 145, 151 — Variations of the Swiss 
 concerning the Vulgate, 237 — the 
 cause of the Variations of Protes- 
 tant Churches, 242. 
 
 Vaudois (The) agree with the Zuing- 
 lians and Lutherans of Poland, 45 
 — they are well treated by the Cal- 
 vinists, and why, 48 — ridiculous 
 pretensions of the Vaudois as to 
 their antiquity ; false origin which 
 they boast of, 48 — the Ministers 
 make the Vaudois Manicheans in 
 
 * making them Poplicans, 67 — many 
 sorts of Heretics called Vaudois, 
 ib. — the Vaudois are distinguished 
 from the Manicheans, and, by con- 
 sequence, from the Albigenses, 70 
 — the beginning of the Vaudois, or 
 Poor Men of Lyons, 79 — the abridg- 
 ment of their history, ib. — they are 
 condemned by Pope Lucius IIL ; 
 they come to Rome, 80 — they are 
 accused of nothing relating to the 
 Real Presence, 81 — their errors did 
 not regard the Eucharist, ib. — they 
 came to beg the approbation of In- 
 nocent III., 83 — they begin to be 
 treated on the foot of obstinate 
 Heretics, 84 — the Church's pa- 
 tience with respect to the Vaudois, 
 ib. — their boldness increases by 
 little and little, 85 — their doctrine 
 in regard to Church revenues, ib. — 
 they were free from error as to the 
 Sacraments, ib. — want of sincerity 
 in the Protestant Historians with 
 
368 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 respect to the Vaudois' original, 86 
 — t!i3 Vaudois did not change their 
 doctrnie concerning the Eucharist 
 till Luther's time, 87 — list of their 
 errors ; manifest proof that they 
 wei 8 in no error relating to Tran- 
 substantiation, 89 — they believe the 
 necessity of Confession, 92 — in the 
 exterior they performed the duties 
 of Catholics, ib. — what it was they 
 believed of the seven Sacraments, 
 93 — in what respect they condemn 
 the Sacrament of Marriage, 95 — 
 demonstration that the Catholics 
 we e neither ignorant of, nor did 
 dissemble the doctrine of the Vau- 
 dois, ib. — division of the Vaudois' 
 doctrine into three heads, 96 — doc- 
 trine which the Protestants reject 
 in the Vaudois as well as the Ca- 
 tholics, ib. — doctrine which the Ca- 
 tholics approve in the Vaudois, but 
 the Protestants reject, 97 — the Vau- 
 doij change their doctrine since 
 Luther's and Calvin's time, ib. — 
 nevv tenets proposed to the Vaudois 
 by ihe Protestants, ib. — the Vaudois 
 nowise Calvinists ; proof of this 
 from Crespin, 100 — proof from Be- 
 za, 101 — change in the Vaudois oi 
 Calabria, and their entire extinc- 
 tion, ib. — the Vaudois at present 
 are not predecessors, but disciples 
 of the Calvinists, ib. — Vaudois 
 books produced by Perrin, 103 — 
 thc'r confession produced by this 
 autaor is posterior to Calvinism, 
 lOo — manifest proof that the Vau- 
 doi"^ had no Confession of Faith 
 antecedently to the pretended Re- 
 for.iation, ib. — the Vaudois, in 
 making their Calvinist Confession 
 of jL'^aith, retained something of the 
 Dogmas pecuhar to them, 107 — 
 reflections on the history of the 
 Vaudois and Albigenses; artifice 
 of the Ministers, ib. — notoriously 
 false suppositions of the Ministers 
 in order to confound the Vaudois 
 with the Albigenses, 108 — whether 
 the word believers signifies the Vau- 
 dois in the ancient authors ; Au- 
 ber'^in's fallacy, 112 — the Vaudois 
 concur not in sentiment with the 
 Calvinists ; what we sliould believe 
 concerning the lives of the Vaudois, 
 ib. — their pride, 113 — sourness was 
 tlieir character; abuse they made 
 
 of the Scripture, ib. — their pre- 
 sumption, 114 — whether one ought 
 to be surprised at their false con- 
 stancy, 1 1 5 — inevitable condemna- 
 tion of these Heretics in that they 
 denied their rehgion, ib. — the Vau- 
 dois disowned by the Bohemian 
 brethren, and by the Picards, 116 
 — in what manner the Vaudois 
 sprung from the Albigensian Ma- 
 nicheans, 142. 
 
 Vigilantiiis, in the fourth century, op- 
 poses the veneration of relics, and 
 is preferred to St. Jerome by the 
 Protestants, 47. 
 
 Visibility ohheChnrch — FirfeChurch. 
 
 Vocation. Memorable decision of the 
 Synod of Gap concerning extraor- 
 dinary Vocation, 256 — the Minis- 
 ters elude this extraordinary Voca- 
 tion, 257 — they are obliged to give 
 up extraordinary Vocation, ib. 
 
 War. The first civil Wars under 
 Charles IX., which the whole tlu- 
 guenot party concurs in, 20 — these 
 Wars approved in their national 
 Synod, 21 — what spirit actuated 
 the Huguenots in these Wars, 23 
 — their vain pretences that these 
 wars did not concern religion, ib. — 
 perplexity of the French Calvinists 
 with respect to these Wars, 25 — 
 the first War resolved on by the 
 advice of all the Ministers, and 
 peace concluded in spite of them, 
 26 — the other was destitute of all 
 pretext, 28— Vide Vol. I. 
 fVickliff. His impious Doctrine, 47 
 — he never separated from Rome, 
 48 — his Trialogue tumultuates all 
 Bohemia, 1 18 — what was his The- 
 ology, ib. — he imitates the false 
 piety of the Vaudois, by attributing 
 the effect of the Sacraments topci- 
 sonal merit, 120 — his Doctrine no- 
 wise slandered at the Council of 
 Constance, i&. — his pernicious Doc- 
 trine concerning Kings, i6. — he con- 
 sented to the invocation of saints, 
 honored their images, and believed 
 in purgatory, 12 J — Wickliff's Con- 
 fession of Faith produced by M. de 
 la Roque, jun., where the real Pre- 
 sence is clearly laid down and 
 Transubstantiation rejected, ib. — 
 this Confession attributed to the 
 Council of London by M. de la 
 
INDEX. 
 
 369 
 
 Roque, ib. — the contrary proved 
 by Wickliff himself; i6.— Wicklifi 
 publicly renounces his Doctrine, 
 and dies in the exterior communion 
 of the Church, 122— Melancthon's 
 judgment concerning Wickliff, ib. 
 — his memory respected by the 
 Cahxtins, and why, 126. 
 Wissonats. Andrew Wissonats shows 
 how the Unitarians separated from 
 the Reformed, 311. 
 
 Zisca, chief of the Taborites, his 
 bloody feats, 124. 
 
 Zuinglians (The) make a new Con- 
 fession of Faith, 38 — they go over 
 to Calvin's notions concerning 
 Grace, 40 — man's conversion ill 
 
 explained by them, ib. — their mon- 
 strous doctrine concerning Free- 
 will, 41 — according- to them, the 
 Supper is void of Substance, and 
 the Presence but in virtue, 42 — 
 they leave nothing peculiar to the 
 Supper, 43 — they are the most 
 sincere defenders of the figurative 
 sense, 44 — remarkable Confession 
 of Faith of the Polish Zuinglians, 
 ib. — they teach Ubiquity, 45 — their 
 agreement with the Lutherans and 
 Vaudois, ib. — their union with the 
 Bohemians and Lutherans at Sen- 
 domir, 136 — the Zuinglians, most 
 of them, recede from their particu- 
 lar principles in this union, 137— 
 reflection on this union, 138. 
 
 END OF VOLUME THE SECOND. 
 
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