oy : pies Raa Lol 4%... SY SV ene WT stage & Digitized by the Internet Archive In 2022 with funding from Princeton Theological Seminary Library https://archive.org/details/newhistoryofspanOofitz A NEW HISTORY OF SIP AONDRSHEE TIME RG a CAR e. A NEW HIST - OF SPANISH LITERATURE a BY JAMES FITZMAURICE-KELLY, F.B.A. ELUO IVER ET RBs YeeeViGie eG) Ral) OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON EDINBURGH GLASGOW COPENHAGEN NEW YORK TORONTO MELBOURNE CAPE TOWN BOMBAY CALCULA MADRAS SHANGHAI 1926 PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN BY ROBERT MACLEHOSE AND CO. ‘LTD. THE UNIVERSITY PRESS, GLASGOW. LO R. FOULCHE-DELBOSC ENeVMEMORY BOF RAP DHIKTY cY BARKS: UNCEOUDEDEHERIBNDSHEP PREFACE Since the publication in 1898 of 4 History of Spanish Literature by James Fitzmaurice-Kelly, his book has passed through various transformations. It may be of interest to record them. A Spanish translation (which recently reached its eighth edition) by Sefior Don Adolfo Bonilla y San Martin, with a preface by Marcelino Menéndez y Pelayo, was printed in Spain in 1901 ; a French translation by M. Davray appeared in Parisin 1904. In 1913 the author recast his work entirely, and writing it in French, issued it at Paris ; this version formed the basis of the new Historia de la literatura espanola (1914)—which 1s now reprinting for the fourth time—as well as of a German translation (1925) by Fraulein Elisabeth Vischer. It was the author’s custom to have his copy of each new edition interleaved. The book accompanied him everywhere. He worked at it continually—revising, correcting and perfecting : he embodied in it the results, not only of his own research, but of the criticisms and sug- gestions which he noted on the blank pages. And he continued to do this until within three days of his death (November 30, 1923). The present volume, 4 New History of Spanish Literature, is as distinct from its English forerunner published twenty-six years ago, as the Fiistoria de la vil Vill PREFACE literatura espafiola of 1914 is different from the first Spanish translation. But through all its successive changes, the work represents the unwavering effort of the author to approach each time more nearly his ideal of what was true. ‘To the attainment of this end he devoted his whole life. I should like to add that without the encouragement | of M. Foulché-Delbosc and his constant help in reading the manuscripts of my husband, it would not have been possible for me to edit them. The only additions and modifications made in these relate mainly to dates and bibliographical references, or are such as were naturally involved by the passing of time from 1923 to 1924. I should also like to acknowledge the kindness of Mr. Aubrey F. G. Bell and Mr. J. B. Trend in correcting the proofs. I feel that M. Foulché- Delbosc would rather be thanked in my husband’s own words, so I quote them : ‘My warmest thanks are due now, as so often before, to my friend M. Foulché-Delbosc, who has not hesitated to suspend his own learned researches in order to aid me with an unfailing kindness and generosity for which I am profoundly grateful.’ Jutta FirzMaurice-KeE ty. SYDENHAM, November, 1924. CONTENTS PAGE INTRODUCTION - - - - . - - - X11 CHAPTER I. EARLY SPANISH VERSE - : & 2 : I Epics: Poema del Cid, Cantar de gesta de los Infantes de Lava, Cantary de gesta de don Sancho ITI de Castilla, Roncesvalles—Sacred Drama: Auto de los Reyes Magos. Poems of French or Provencal Origin—Gon- zalo de Berceo—Libro de Alexandre—Poema de Fernan Goncalez. Il. SPANISH PROSE BEFORE THE FOURTEENTH CEN- TURN 1 : 2 2 = A * é 19 Didactic Compositions—Treatises of Arabic Origin— Alphonso X—Sancho IV—The Libro de los Castigos e Documentos—Historia del Cauallervo de Dios que auia por nombre Cifar. ll. THe FouRTEENTH CENTURY - - - - 37 Poems in the cuaderna via—Gran Conquista de Ultra- mar. Litevaturvaaljamiada: Poema de José—Don Juan Manuel— Juan Ruiz, Arcipreste de Hita—Didactic Com- positions: Santob—Poema de Alfonso Onceno—Pero Lopez de Ayala. IV. THE ROMANCERO , - - - : - 63 Cantay de Rodrigo-——Origin of the vomances—Different cycles. V. ITALIAN INFLUENCE - - - - - - 81 Didactic Compositions: Libro de los quentos. Cle- mente Sanchez de Vercial. Danza de la Muerte— Cancionero de Baena—Macias 0 Namovado—Rodriguez de la Camara—Imperial—Paez de Ribera—Villena— Santillana—Mena—Don Pedro of Portugal—Travels : 1X 4 CHAPTER CONTENGS Gonzalez de Clavijo. Tafur—Chronicles: Corral. Perez de Guzman. Cronica del serenissimc rey don Juan el segundo deste nombre. Cronica de don Alvaro de Luna. Diaz de Games. Libro del Passo honroso— Martinez de Toledo. Alfonso de la Torre. VI. Tue Latrer Part OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY Spanish Poets at Naples—Las Coplas del Provincial— Coplas de Mingo Revulgo—Montoro—Cota—Alvarez Gato—Guillen de Segovia—Gomez Manrique’s Pioneer Efforts in the Drama—Jorge Manrique—lI.ucena— Historians: Valera. Rodriguez de Almella. Palen- cia. Enriquez del Castillo. Hernando del Pulgar. Bernaldez—Introduction of Printing—Ifiigo de Men- doza-—Montesino—Padilla—Sanchez de Badajoz— Escriva—A madis de Gaula—Diego de San Pedro—La Celestina. Its Continuations—Pedro Manuel de Urrea. VIL. Tue MiIppLE RENAISSANCE : A : . Italian Scholars in Spain—Question de amov—The Drama: Enzina. Torres Naharro. Gil Vicente— Lebrixa—Leon Hebreo—The New School of Poetry : Boscan. Garci Lasso de la Vega. Sa de Miranda. Cetina. Acufia. Mendoza—Castillejo, representative of the Old School. Villegas—Ximenez de Urrea —Silvestre—Prose: Lopez de Villalobos. Perez de Oliva. Guevara—Continuations of Amadis de Gaula—The Palmerin Series—Lazarillo de Tormes— The Literature of Proverbs—Mysticism: Juan de Avila and Juan de Valdés—Historians: Ocampo. Mexia. Avila y Zufliga. Hernandez de Oviede. Las Casas, Lopez de Gémara. Diaz del Castillo. VIL. Tue CATE RENAISSANCE = = : : : The Salamancan School of Poetry : Fray Luis de Leon. Torre and Figueroa—The Sevillan School of Poetry : Herrera—Baltasar del AlcAzar—Barahona de Soto— Zapata—Epics: Rufo Gutierrez. Ercilla. Con- tinuations of La Avaucana—The Pastoral Novel: Jorge de Montemayor. Sequels to La Diana—His- tovia del Abencerraje y la hermosa Xavifa—Mysticism : Santa Teresa. Luis de Granada. San Juan de la Cruz. MalondeChaide. Juan delos Angeles. Estella —Arias Montano—Historians:: Zurita. Morales. Mendoza—Scholars and Philosophers—The Drama : Rueda. Timoneda. Juan de la Cueva. Bermudez. Rey de Artieda. Virués. Lupercio Leonardo de Argensola. Miguel Sanchez. PAGE 209 CHAPTER CONTENTS Pw ties GOLDEN LAGE . * . i i i Cervantes: His Earliest Compositions. His Captivity in Algiers. His Release. La Galatea. His Plays: La Numancia. Don Quixote I. The Novelas Exem- plaves. Viage del Parnaso. Entremeses and plays. Don QuixoteII. Persiles y Sigismunda—Lope de Vega. His Creative Faculty. His Early Life. He Joins the Armada. La Dyragontea. Arcadia. La Hermosvra de Angelica con otras diuersas rimas. El Peregrino en su patria. fevvsalen conqvistada. Los Pastoves de Belen. La Dorotea. His Achievement—La Estrella de Sevilla—Lope’s Followers: Velez de Guevara. Guillen de Castro. Perez de Montalvan. Tirso de Molina. Mira de Amescua. Ruiz de Alarcon—The Picaresque Novel: Aleman. Lopez de Ubeda. Espinel—The Moorish Novel: Perez de Hita.—Gén- gora and his Followers—The Romance artistico—Minor Poets—Religious Poetry—Epic Poetry: Villaviciosa. Hojeda. Azevedo — Balbuena. Mesa — Epistolary genve: Salazar. Antonio Perez—Historians: Mari- ana, Garci Lasso de la Vega, el Inca. Luis Cabrera de Cérdoba—Religion and Polemics : Cipriano de Valera. Rivadeneyra. Marquez. Sigitenza — Scholarship. Aldrete. Cobarruuias. Lopez Pinciano. X. THE AGE oF CALDERON S : a a The Classical School of Poetry : The two Argensolas— Arguijo. Jauregui, Villegas. Rioja—Conceptism : Ouevedo—The Picaresque Novel: Salas Barbadillo, Castillo Solérzano. Maria de Zayas. Lifian y Ver- dugo. Enriquez Gomez—Autobiographical Novels— Didactic Writers: Saavedra Faxardo. Gracian— The Centon Epistolavrio— Historians: Moncada. Mello — Mysticism: Nieremberg. Molinos — The Drama: Calderon. Rojas Zorrilla. Moreto. Coello. Solis, Dramatist and Historian. Diamante. Xo bbe HiGHTEENTH CENTURY . : : 2 The Spanish Academy—Luzan and his Doctrines— Anti-nationalists : Nasarre and Montiano—The Galli- cists: Nicolas Fernandez de Moratin. Cadalso. Samaniego. Iriarte. Feyjoo— The Novel: Isla — The Drama: Ramon de la Cruz. Gonzalez del Cas- tillo. Leandro Fernandez de Moratin.—Jovellanos. Melendez Valdés—Scholarship and History : Mayans. Burriel. Masdeu. Mufioz. 303 400 XU CHAPTER CONTENTS XII. Tue REIGNS OF FERDINAND VII AND oF ISABEL II. (1808-1868) - ; ; : : . : Quintana. Gallego—The Sevillan School. Romantic Drama: Martinez de la Rosa. The Duque de Rivas. Garcia Gutierrez. Hartzenbusch—Romantic Poets : Espronceda. Arolas. Pastor Diaz. Zorrilla. Gar- cia y Tassara—Drama: Breton delos Herreros. Ven- tura de la Vega. Gertrudis Gomez de Avellaneda. Tamayo y Baus. Lopez de Ayala. Eguilaz y Egui- laz — Poets: Campoamor. Bécquer — Historians : Conde. Lafuente — Essayists: Larra. Somoza. Mesonero Romanos.—The Novel: Fernan Caballero. Gil y Carrasco. Navarro Villoslada—Serious Prose : Cortés. Balmes. Quadrado. XII. Spanisu LITERATURE SINCE 1868 - - - Tae Novel: Valera. Alarcon. Pereda. Pérez Galdos. Palacio Valdés. Pardo@bazan: Alas. Ganivet. Blasco JIbafiez. Valle-Inclan. Azorin. Pio Baroja. Trigo. Ricardo Leén. Pérez de Ayala. Miro. Reépide. © Gémez~de Ja Serna:—Dramai: Echegaray. Dicenta. Benavente. Linares Rivas. Marquina. Martinez Sierra — Género chico: Ricardo dela Vega. Joaquin and Serafin Alvarez Quintero— Poets - Nunez ‘de Arce.) Querol™ eBartrina: ss nosalia de Castro. Perés. Medina. Salvador Rueda— Dario. Silva. Delmira Agustini. Juan de Ibar- bourou. Villaespesa. Jiménez — Politicians. Cand- vas del Castillo. Castelar—Scholarship : Gayangos. Mila y Fontanals. Menéndez y Pelayo and his Dis- ciples—Cuervo. Rodd. PAGE 429 466 INTRODUCTION SPAIN is now more or less of a reality with a very genuine independent existence of its own. It was not always so. At an early period it is just a convenient geographical expression. ‘The political unity of Spain, or, at least, a great step towards its achievement, took place in the reign of the Catholic Kings, that is towards the last third of the fifteenth century. The linguistic unity of Spain is not accomplished, any more than is the linguistic unity of Great Britain. But just as there is in Great Britain a generally accepted form of speech—-standard E:nglish—there 1s a standard form of speech generally accepted in Spain. ‘This is Spanish or, as the Spaniards themselves call it, Castilian. Castilian was in the first place the speech current in the province of Castile alone, then it was imposed as the legal form by the edicts of Alphonso X and other Spanish sovereigns in the thirteenth century. To Rome, Spain owes her language and the entire Pe GemoumnCimesOGiAlaliicrom lea ws aaaiis— arcuate: —— religion, all the essentials of a stately and ordered civilization come to Spain from Italy. And Spain was not unworthy of the gifts bestowed on her by Rome. With the Roman Conquest begins the dawn of litera- ture. With their laws, the Romans imposed their speech upon the broken tribes; and these in turn X1ll X1V INTRODUGHios invaded the victorious capital of Latin politics and letters. On the downfall of the Roman Empire, Spain was held under for three centuries by the Goths. The student of literature has small cause to regret the loss of their rule in Spain. ‘They left no trace behind them and Spain imposed upon her conquerors her local form of Latin speech. With the overthrow of Roderick in 711—the annus mirabilis of Islamism —all Spain was laid open to the Musulmans. ‘The more indomitable Spaniards held out in the Pyrenean hills and there we must look for the cradle of the nation. ‘The inhabitants of the south accepted their defeat. “Those who embraced Islamism were despised as muladtes, and the vast majority, undergoing circum- cision and adopting all but the religion of their latest masters, were known as mozdrabes, just as during the Reconquest Moors similarly placed in the Christian provinces were styled mudéjares. So common was a knowledge of Arabic that the mozdrabes read the Bible in that language. The balance altered with time. As the Reconquest spread—Leon was recovered in the ninth century, Toledo in 1085, Cordova in 1236, Granada not until 1492—the Moors found it necessary to speak the language of their conquerors, hence the moros latinados. Beyond some hundreds of words the greater number of which comprise technical terms, their own speech left no impress on the Spanish tongue. Like all other Romance languages Spanish derives from vulgar Latin. ‘The variety of romance which finally prevailed in the Peninsula was not that spoken by the free Christians of the north, but rather that used by the emancipated mozdrabes of the southern and central provinces. What took place in France and Italy took place also in Spain: from political INTRODUCTION XV reasons as much as from superior culture and merit, the language of one centre, a province or it may be a city, crushed out its rivals. As France takes its speech from Paris and the Ile de France, as Italy takes its speech from Florence, so Castile dictates its language to Spain. In Asturias the country folk still talk bable and similar dialects flourish in the mountainous districts of Leon. ‘The dialects of Andalusia derive from the Castilian spoken in New Castile. Galicia has a special dialect of its own and this may be regarded as a variety of Portuguese, whilst in Catalonia the popular speech is Catalan which is related to Provengal. Basque 1s talked 1n the Basque provinces: it has no concern with us as it is not even an Indo-European tongue. Nor need we consider whatever literary matter exists in Basque: such matter is small in amount and not specially valuable—not even very ancient and not Venyedattractiveswe\seto the extentun which Spanish is used, some variety of it 1s spoken in about twenty Nee an Republics. Spanish is also spoken, in an archaic form much diluted with foreign elements, by the descendants of exiled Spanish Jews at Bucharest, Constantinople, Salonika and so forth. Spain’s intellectual debt to the Arabs has been grossly exaggerated. If Spanish thought owes any- thing to Arabic influence, if Spain derives from the Arabs the fables, the apologues, the moralities and the sententious maxims for which she is famous, she is much more indebted at the beginning of her written literature to France. The earliest specimens of Spanish literature which have come down to us are manifestly almost all written under French influence. In Castile and Leon the Northern French srouvéres were xvl INTRODUCTION the accepted models and, with the rest of Western Europe, Spain remained under the literary influence of France until the thirteenth century was well advanced. The appearance of Dante in the world of literature completely changed the situation, as only a man of genius can; the sceptre passed from France to Italy, which shortly attained the literary supremacy of Europe. Spain was not yet to feel this influence. She lay off the high-road of culture; engaged in battles against the Moors, she was ‘lost in the world’s debate.’ It was not until towards the middle of the fifteenth century that Spaniards awoke to the fact that a new and vital literature had come into being in Italy. And this awakening was a prelude to Spain’s Golden Age. Her period of real splendour is relatively short—about one hundred and fifty years. Spanish literature has its weak points. It is derivative; so are Latin, English, French and many other literatures. One cannot be sure in advance that it will appeal to the individual literary palate. It is, as a rule, an acquired taste. For Spanish literature, whilst possess- ing in a marked degree the three great qualities of humour, energy and originality, has a characteristic savour of its own. I DAREN SPANISEUGV ERSE, In Spain as elsewhere, primitive literature tends to be devotional or epical in character, but Spain has been exceptionally unlucky as regards the preservation of her early literary monuments. While there seems reason to think that there was once an abundant epical literature in Spain at a very early date, the oldest epic which survives is the Poema del Cid,! and this cannot be older than the middle of the twelfth century. It was published in 1779 by Tomas Antonio Sanchez (1725-1802) from the only manuscript copy which reaches us. This copy—a fourteenth century one—is defective. The beginning is missing: there are gaps 1Fd. A. M. Huntington, New York, 1897-1903. . 3 vols. [with an English trans.]; popular ed. A. M. Huntington, New York, 1909, 3 vols.; ed. R. Menéndez Pidal [Cantar de M1o Cid, texto, gramdtica, y vocabularto| Madrid, 1908-1911; ed. R. Menéndez Pidal, Madrid, 1913 (Clasicos Castellanos, 24).— See: J. Ormsby, The Poem of the Cid [unfinished trans. with an iriteresting, preface], London, 1879 (2nd ed., 1915); R. Menéndez Pidal, El Poema del Cid y las crénicas generales de Espafia, in Revue Hispanique, v (1898), pp. 435-469; M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Tratado de los romances viejos ( Antologia de poetas liricos, etc. xt), Madrid, 1903, 1, pp. 290-322; J. Cejador, El Cantar de Mio Cid y la Epopeya Castellana, in Revue Hispanique, XL1X (1920), pp. 1-310. S.L. A 2 SPANISH LITERATURE in the body of the poem, in two cases (after lines 2337 and 3507) of some fifty lines each. The assonances are badly handled: the copyist, a certain Per Abbat, evidently had no ear for metre. Yet with all its defects the Poema del Cid is a striking and effective piece of work in itself. It has a double theme—the warlike deeds of the Cid and the marriage of his two daughters to the cowardly Infantes de Carrion. It is in great part historical. Cervantes admirably sums up the question when he says: “No doubt the Cid existed, but whether he did all the deeds ascribed to him is another matter.’ In point of fact we know that the Cid’s name was Ruy Diaz de Bivar (1040 ?-1099) and that he was the son of Diego Lainez. He made himself conspicuous for his valour in his youth and gained the name of Campeador after overthrowing a Navarrese knight in single combat. Later on he was called Sidi [=Lord] by the Arabs and became widely known by the hybrid epithet of E/ Cid Campeador. He supported Sancho II of Castile and when Sancho was murdered at Zamora in 1072, he rather reluc- tantly accepted Alphonso VI as King of Castile, and married his cousin Ximena Diaz. However, the Cid and Alphonso did not agree, and being exiled in 1081, the Cid entered the service of the Emir of Saragossa, fought successfully against the Conde de Barcelona, was reconciled with Alphonso VI, quarrelled with him again, set up on his own account, besieged Valencia in 1092, captured it in 1094, burned his chief enemies alive and occupied the city till his death—hence Valencia del Cid. A first-rate fighting man yet with the faults of his time—treachery and an implacable cruelty—he became in the popular imagination the heroic representative of victory, patriotism and religion. EARLY SPANISH VERSE 3 The author of the Poema del Cidis unknown. He appears to have been a juglar from Medinaceli, perhaps from the Valle de Arbuyuelo. A good deal of colour is lent to this hypothesis by the topographical details. These are most abundant in the neighbourhood of Medinaceli and grow fewer and fewer as the Cid goes away from this point. ‘Though convinced of the Cid’s superiority to ordinary mortals, the poet endeavours to conform to historical fact, or, at least, not to be in open conflict with it. He may not have known, probably did not know, the Cid personally: but he lived too near the Cid’s time to idealize him unreason- ably and he may easily have known soldiers who served under the Cid. He takes the standpoint of a contemporary. He has an admirable sentiment of reality. At the utmost he is silent about the cruelties of the Cid, and this is a trait common to biographers. There are suggestions of French influence in his epic, particularly of La Chanson de Roland. ‘The author has more than one string to his bow. The Cid is indeed in the foreground, either at the head of his legions or paternally thoughtful for the welfare of his wife and daughters—he has no romantic attachment ; but the secondary characters are rendered faithfully with one or two strokes of the brush. He adds little personal touches as when he speaks of the Cid’s horse : ‘ Des dia se precio Bauieca en quant grant fue Espafia ’ or of his swords Colada and Tizon ‘ que mill marcos doro val.’ His enthusiasm is high, and when he is at his best, the poem is full of martial spirit and the breath of battle. In spite of these qualities, the inspiration of the Poema de/ Cid flags at times. There are too many repetitions, too many dreary tracts full of nothing more interesting than proper names and 4 SPANISH LITERATURE topographical details. The irregularities of the assonanced versification are so baffling that it is_ thought no regular scheme was contemplated. ‘The writer is hampered by an incomplete command of his instrument. ‘This was almost inevitable, for the Castilian type had not yet attained its full development, for artistic purposes it was much less assured than Galician. ‘The chronology of the Poema is confused : the particulars about the Cid and his family are often inaccurate. These are blemishes no doubt, but they are, after all, trifling matters. To have drawn a picture of the Cid which has been accepted by all posterity is an immense achievement. In subject and in spirit the Poema del Cid is emphatically Spanish. It has its importance as the earliest extant Spanish epic, but apart from that, its simplicity, its touches of realism, its local verisimilitude and its complete absence of rhetoric entitle it to rank as a highly original work. The Poema del Cid was almost certainly not the first poem written on the exploits of the hero, but it is the oldest that reaches us. From certain assonanced prose passages in the chronicles we can infer the existence of previous compositions such as, for instance, a Cantar del Rey Fernando, with its sequel the Cantar del Cerco de Zamora shewing the Cid as a faithful vassal, just as in the Poema he is the unappreciated exile. A great many other personages, historical or legendary, were also the subject of epic compositions— figures like Bernardo del Carpio (who never existed in the flesh), men who really did exist like Roderick and Kernan Gonzalez. All these compositions have been lost. Possibly they may be reconstituted later by scholars in much the same way as Sr. Menéndez Pidal, acting upon the theory advanced in De Ja Poesta EARLY SPANISH VERSE 5 heréico-popular castellana, by Mila y Fontanals, has disinterred from the three recasts of the Cronica General the fragment of two Cantares de gesta on the Infantes de Lara and Sr. Puyol y Alonso from the Cronica del Cid a Cantar de gesta de don Sancho II de Castilla, dating probably in its original form from the eleventh century. The Cantar de gesta de los Infantes de Lara? has perhaps a more poignant beauty than the Poema del Cid. Its theme is the slaying of the seven sons of Gonzalo Gustioz through the treachery of their uncle Ruy Velazquez. ‘Their father, captive of the famous Almansor, Emir of Cordova, receives their heads in prison and he bids each a final farewell in terms of passionate feeling. He is visited in jail by Almansor’s sister ; she bears him a son called Mudarra Gonzalez —the subject of Lope de Vega’s play E/ Bastardo Mudarra. In the fulness of time this son wreaks a terrible vengeance on the murderer of his brethren. Some three hundred lines of the poem have been reconstituted: they embody verse—and this is especially the case with the utterances of Gonzalo Gustioz—charged with the intense emotion of a far- off barbaric age in comparison with which the time of the Cid is relatively gentle and refined. To the Carlovingian cycle belongs Rozcesvalles,? a fragment of some hundred lines, discovered in a fourteenth century manuscript in the Archivo Pro- 1 Ed. J. Puyol y Alonso, Madrid, 1911. 2See R. Menéndez Pidal, La leyenda de los infantes de Lara. Madrid, 1896. 3 Un nuevo cantar de gesta espanol del siglo x11. Ed. R. Menéndez Pidal, in Revista de Filologia Esp., tv (1917), pp. 105- 204 [reprinted in Poema de Mio Cid y otros monumentos de la primitiva poesia espanola. Madrid, 1919, pp. 173-177]. 6 SPANISH LITERATURE vincial of Pamplona by Father Fernando de Mendoza. It is all that is left of the Spanish version of the legend of Roland as given in La Chanson de Roland, and was written probably very early in the thirteenth century. Like the Poema dei Cid its versification 1s very irregular. It tells how Charlemagne found his dead warriors on the battle-field of Roncesvalles. ‘The lament of the Emperor over Roland with its haunting note of desolate abandon is instinct with emotion in simplicity of appeal : ‘que la vuestra alma bien sé que es en buen logare 5 mas atal viejo mezquino ; agora que farade?... atal viejo mecquino, ; que lo conseyarade ?’ 1 Apparently the oldest dramatic composition in Spanish is the Auto de los Reyes Magos,2 which was found about the end of the eighteenth century by Felipe Fernandez Vallejo, afterwards Archbishop of 1* That your soul is in a happy place I know right well; but I, unhappy and old, what would you have me do? Who will advise me now, an old, unhappy man ?’ 2 Ed. R. Menéndez Pidal, in Revista de Archivos, etc., Iv (1900), pp. 453-462 [reprinted in Poema de Mio Cid, etc., Madrid, 1919, pp. 183-191]; ed. A. M. Espinosa, in The Romanic Review, vi (1915), pp. 378-385.—See: M. Cafiete, in Sobre el drama religioso antes y después de Lope de Vega, in Memorias de la Academia Esp., 1 (1870), pp. 368-412; A. Graf, in Studit drammatici. Torino, 1878, pp. 249-325; C. Lange, in Die lateinischen Oster- ferern. Miinchen, 1887; A. D’Ancona, in Origini del teatro italiano. 2nd ed., Torino, 1891, 2 vols.; H. Anz, in Die latein- ischen Magierspiele, Leipzig, 1905; A. M. Espinosa, Notes on the versification of ‘ El misterio de los reyes magos,’ in The Romanic Review, vi (1915), pp. 378-401 [see H. R. Lang, A Correction, in The Romanic Review, vit (1916), pp. 345-349, and A. M. Espinosa, in The Romanic Review, vii (1917), pp. 88-98]; A. Bonilla y San Martin, in Las Bacantes, o del origen del teatro, Madrid, 1921. : EARLY SPANISH VERSE 7 Santiago de Compostela. He rightly assumed that it came from some Latin office. It appears to derive from the Gallo-Latin service used in Orleans at the Feast of the Epiphany. It is anonymous and its date is uncertain: it is in any case no older than the twelfth century. The uso reaches us in a mutilated state as an unfinished fragment of one hundred and forty-seven lines. its subject is indicated by the title. Led by the guiding star, the Magi appear one by one, then all three together. They discuss the meaning of the miraculous sign in the heavens and Baltasar makes clear the symbolic significance of the gifts which they have brought with them—the royal gold, the funereal myrrh and the divine incense : ‘Si fure rei de terra, el oro quera ; si fure omne mortal, la mira tomara ; si rei celestrial, estos dos dexara, tomara el encenso quel pertenecera.’ 4 The Magi rejoice over the birth of Christ : they meet Herod who asks them : ‘Que decides, o ides ? a quin ides buscar ? de qual terra uenides, o queredes andar ? Decid me uostros nombres, no m’los querades celar,’ 2 In much the same words Pallas asked Aeneas and his companions what brought them to Evander’s realm : ‘ Tuvenes, quae causa subegit ignotas temptare vias? quo tenditis ? inquit. Qui genus? unde domo? pacemne huc fertis an arma?’ 1‘Tf he be an earthly King, he will choose the gold; if he be a mortal man, he will take the myrrh; if he be the King of Heaven, he will leave both gold and myrrh, his choice will be the incense which is his by right.’ 2‘ What say ye, or whither go ye? Whom go ye forth to seek? From what land are ye? Or to what land will ye hence? Tell me your names, nor seek to hide them from me,’ 8 SPANISH LITERATURE Alarmed at the Magi’s story, Herod bids his Rabbis consult their sacred books to see if they can find any confirmation of its truth. ‘The first Rabbi equivocates in reply ; a second Rabbi appeals to the prophecies of Jeremiah and the piece breaks off as the two continue their recriminations. A comparison with its French-Latin model shews that the Auto de los Reyes Magos has assimilated new elements. It has a greater dramatic spirit and a more vivid dialogue. Herod’s perturbation is adroitly sug- gested. ‘The Magi, whose names are given, are more critical than we should expect. Melchior and Gaspar wish to observe for another night the miraculous star. Balthasar wishes to observe it for three nights ‘i mas de uero lo sabre.’ ‘This is a touch of critical realism a little surprising in a play written to be represented in the Cathedral of Toledo. Its author, probably some cleric, had the dramatic spectacular instinct. He had some literary artistic ambitions too, for he varies his metres rather skilfully, using lines of six, eight and twelve syllables. But the main interest of the duto de los Reyes Magos is historical, its literary value is only relative. It survives as a unique specimen of what Shelley afterwards called the ‘starry autos’ in their first phase. We find nothing more like it until we come to Gomez Manrique’s simple dramatic essays in the fifteenth century. Other poems in which French or Provencal influence is either proved or plausibly conjectured to exist are less natural, less forceful and less primitively simple than the poems belonging to the great epic cycles. Some, like the Disputa del Alma y el Cuerpo (published in 1856 by Pedro José Pidal (1809-1865), first Marqués de Pidal, who had previously edited (1841) EARLY SPANISH VERSE 9 the Vida de Santa Maria Egipciagua, the Libro dels tres Reyes dorient and the Libro de Apolonio), Elena y Maria and the Vida de Maria Egipciaqgua are interesting only as illustrating the literary relations between Spain and France or from the point of view of versification. The Disputa del Alma y el Cuerpo is a fragment of thirty-seven lines discovered by Tomas Mufioz y Romero (d. 1867) and belonging to the twelfth or early thirteenth century. Its origin is no doubt the Latin verses Rixa animi et corporis which were more or less generally treated in the Middle Ages, and appeared in France as the Débat du corps et de Tl’ dme whose opening lines ‘Un samedi par nuit Endormi dans mon lit ’ are not inexactly reproduced in the Spanish version : ‘un sabado esient, domingo amanezient, vi una grant vision en mio leio dormient.’ 2 Elena y Maria® is derived from a Latin poem—PAilis et Flora—of the twelfth century through its Picard adaptation Le jugement d’ Amour. It is written in Leonese dialect, probably at the end of the thirteenth century. There are picaresque elements in it, and it 1 Ed. R. Menéndez Pidal, in Revista de Archivos, etc., tv (1900), pp. 449-453 [reprinted in Poema de Mio Cid, etc. Madrid, 1919, pp. 209-210].—See: G. Kleinert, Ueber den Streit zwischen Leib und Seele. Halle a. S., 1880; M. Batchioukof, Débat de l'dme et du corps, in Romania, xx (1891), pp. 1-55, 513-576. 2‘It was on a Saturday as the Sabbath was dawning, I saw a great vision as I lay sleeping in bed.’ 3 Ed. R. Menéndez Pidal, in Revista de Filologia Esp., 1 (1914), pp. 52-96 [reprinted in Poema de Mio Cid, etc. Madrid, 19109, pp. 229-241]. IO SPANISH LITERATURE differs considerably from the Latin original in the temper shewn by the two ladies as they discuss the relative merits of their lovers, the caba/lero and the abad who represent Jas armas y las letras of Don Quixote’s discourse. The author has made an attempt at rhymed pairs of octosyllabic lines in imitation of his model, but the versification remains indefinite and irregular. This is the case again in the Vida de Santa Maria Egipciaqua, a poem of fourteen hundred and fifty-one lines preserved in an Escorial manuscript and belonging to the same century. It is taken from La Vie de Sainte Marie l Egyptienne, which 1s attributed to Robert Grosseteste (1175 ?-1253) and figures in his Carmina Anglo-Normannica. Of greater interest as regards its subject is perhaps the Libre dels tres Reyes dorient,? another thirteenth century composition. Only fifty of its some two hun- dred and fifty lines deal with the Magi and the Star. The remaining two hundred tell of the flight of Mary— La Gloriosa—and of Joseph with their child. They fall in with thieves, one of whom has a small son ill with leprosy. ‘This child is miraculously cured by being bathed in the same water as the holy Infant and grows up to be the repentant thief on the Cross. Probably of Provengal origin—as the presence of nine- syllabled couplets would seem to indicate—the fragment is handled with a simplicity which is missing. in 1 Ed. R. Foulché-Delbosc, Barcelona, 1907 (Textos cast. antiguos, I).—See: A. Mussafia, Ueber die Quelle der altspanischen Vida de S. Maria Egipciaca, in Sitzungsberichte der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, xi111 (1863), pp. 153-176. * Facsimile of the Escorial MS. by A. M. Huntington, New York, 1904; ed. R. Menéndez Pidal, in Poema de Mio Cid, etc. Madrid, 1919, pp. 197-204. EARLY SPANISH VERSE II compositions such as Elena y Maria, where the note of artificiality is immediately apparent. ‘There is something arrestingly human in the figure of the sick child’s mother bathing the infant Christ : *‘ Mientre lo banya al non faz sino caer lagrimas por su faz.’ } The Libro de Apolonio® is a much longer composition. It is probably by an Aragonese of some learning : the subject-matter, treated in Gower’s (1325 ?-1408) Confessio Amantis and Pericles, Prince of Tyre (for some acts of which Shakespeare (1564-1616) is re- sponsible), relates in six hundred and fifty-six stanzas the adventures of the Prince of Tyre. The Libro de Apolonio contains at least one clever piece of mediaeval portraiture in the character of Tarsiana, the princess turned gipsy, who 1s obviously the ancestress of Shake- speare’s Marina, Cervantes’s Preciosa, and Victor Hugo’s Esmeralda. ‘The moral reflexions inseparable from the time are a disqualification, but the use of monorhymed quatrains of fourteen syllables lends an interest to the poem. We are not justified, however, in assuming that this 1s an innovation of the author’s merely because he invokes divine aid in composing his ‘romance de nueua maestria. The name of cuaderna via or mester de clerecia—the measure used by clerks as opposed to that of the unlettered strollers or 1‘ As she bathes him, the tears flow unceasingly down her face.’ 2 Ed. C. Carroll Marden, Baltimore—Princeton, N.J.— Paris, 1917-1922. 2 vols. (Elliott Monographs in the Romance Languages and Literatures)—See: Comte de Puymaigre, in Les vieux auteurs castillans. Metz-Paris, 1861-1862; new ed. Paris, 1888. 1, pp. 229-250; S. Singer, Apollonius aus Tyrus. Halle a. S., 1895; F. Hanssen, Sobre la conjugacion del Libro de Apolonio | Anales de la Universidad de Chile] 1896. 12 SPANISH LITERATURE juglares, the mester de jongleria—was given to this monotonous form of versification (where every syllable is counted) destined to live for some time. The Libro de Apolonio derives originally from a Greek novel recast in the Gesta Romanorum and is not un- affected by Provencal influence. It is probably a thirteenth century work. ‘To about the same period belongs the Razon de Amor, con los Denuestos del Agua y el Vino,t discovered by Hauréau (1813-1896) and published by A. Morel-Fatio (1850-1924) in 1887. These are really two separate poems, whether by two authors or one is as yet unknown. The Lope de Moros mentioned in the last line— Lupus, me-fecit, de Moros ’—1is, no doubt, only an Aragonese copyist. The Denuestos del Agua y el Vino comes apparently from some unidentified French original like the Disputoison du vin et de Piaue; and the Razon de Amor may possibly also be of French provenance, though in this case the theory of a Galician or Franco-Portuguese origin seems tenable. In the Razon de Amor there is something quite new: the note of personal appeal ‘ Qui triste tiene su coragon benga oyr esta razon ’? is at once struck and is never entirely lost. The simple lyrical treatment of the subject—the meeting and parting of two lovers—makes the poem stand out as a premature effort. The Castilian speech was too rigid, too inflexible still to lend itself to lyrical impulses : 1 Ed. A. Morel-Fatio, in Textes castillans inédits du xiii stécle, pp. 368-373 [Romania, xv1 (1887)]; ed. R. Menéndez Pidal, in Revue Hispanique, x11 (1905), pp. 602-618 [reprinted in Poema de Mio Cid, etc. Madrid, 1919, pp. 215-223]. 2“Let him that is sad at heart come and hearken unto this argument.’ BHARLY SPANISH VERSE 1 for some time Spanish taste and thought found readier expression in tediously pious compositions written in the cuaderna via. Butthe charm of the Razon de Amor is undeniable, and its historical interest is not less great, for it is the oldest Castilian lyric as yet discovered. Hitherto we have been concerned with anonymous compositions. The earliest Spanish poet whose name reaches us 1s GONZALO DE Berczo,! from his birth- place, Berceo. He was a secular priest attached to the Benedictine Monastery of San Millan de la Cogolla in the diocese of Calahorra. We know little of his life beyond the fact that he was a deacon in 1221, and that he figures in a legal document as being still alive in 1246. But in his compositions, which are mostly devotional and written in the cuaderna via, Berceo reveals himself: a credulous, simple-hearted peasant, he scolds himself for a ‘ miserable sinner ’ me OetasectUm ar janetalo04 aillabibede AULOLES: Sp., LVIt- La Vida de Santo Domingo de Silos, ed. J. D. Fitz-Gerald, Paris, 1904 (Bib. de I’Ecole des Hautes Etudes, 149); El Sacrificio de la Misa, ed. A. G. Solalinde, Madrid, 1913; Mulagros de Nuestra Senora, ed. A. G. Solalinde, Madrid, 1922 (Clasicos Cast., 44).—See : Comte de Puymaigre, in Les vieux auteurs castillans. Metz-Paris, 1861-1862; new ed. Paris, 1888, 1, pp. 267-300; R. Lanchetas, Gramdtica y vocabulario de las obras de Gonzalo de Berceo, Madrid, 1900; J. D. Fitz-Gerald, Versification of the Cuaderna via as found in Berceo’s Vida de Santo Domingo de Silos, New York, 1905; F. Hanssen, Notas a la vida de Santo Domingo de Silos, etc., in Anales de la Universidad de Chile, cxx (1907), pp. 715-763 [see also Anales, etc. 1894, 1895] ; R. Becker, Gonzalo de Berceos Milagros und thre Grundlagen... Strassburg, 1910; J. D. Fitz-Gerald, Gonzalo de Berceo in Spanish Literary Criticism before 1780, in The Romantic Review, 1 (1910), pp. 290-301; H. Kling, A propos de Berceo, in Revue Hispanique, XXXV (I9I5), pp. 77-90; G. Cirot, L’expression dans Gonzalo de Berceo, in Revista de Filologia Esp., 1X (1922), pp. 154-170. 14 SPANISH LITERATURE (pecador mezquino) because he ‘ eats well, drinks well, dresses well and sleeps well.’ He frankly says that he writes in the vernacular because he is not learned enough to write in Latin. He is proud to call himself the juglar of Santo Domingo de Silos—the Saint who founded the famous Benedictine Monastery of San Sebastian de Silos near Burgos—but he would resent being thought of as a mere juglar; his poems are dictados not cantares. Not even within his limitations can: Berceo be icalled a preat _ poet: He wismavems unequal, and his copiousness makes his inequality hard to bear at times. This is easily understood if we reflect that his subject-matter is never original— that its charm lies in its simplicity of treatment and its popular savour. All Berceo’s works have a more or less definite origin. On Grimaldus’s Vita Bean Dominici Confessoris Christi et Abbatis Berceo bases his Vida del glorioso confessor Sancto Domingo de Silos; St. Braulio’s Vita Aemiliani furnishes him with the model of La Estoria de Sennor Sant Millan tornada de latin en romance, while St. Bernard’s Tractatus de planctu beatae Mariae probably suggested E/ Duelo que fizo la Virgen Maria el dia dela Passion de su fiyo Fesu Christo. Similarly from Prudentius and St. Jerome he borrows his Martyrio de Sant Laurengo and Delos signos que aparesceran ante del guicio. His very credulity is a source of artistic strength to him. He relates his pious legends and miraculous tales with an absolute good faith which is engaging. The Vida de Sancta Oria, Virgen, written in his old age, was perhaps the work that he valued most. Yet in his Milagros de Nuestra Sennora his simplicity is singularly attractive. He shews himself essentially of the people: he repre- sents the Virgin belabouring the Evil One with blows EARLY SPANISH VERSE ie and menacing him in the rough speech of an angry peasant : €Don falso alevoso : non vos escarmentades Mas 1 d i | d dades.’ 1 as 1o vos dare ol lo que vos demandades. She is without dignity; her speech and at times her acts are those of the coarse and homely rustics among whom Berceo moves. Such is his simple faith, how- ever, that his conception of La Gloriosa, the Wonder- Worker, is unaffected by the image that he evokes. Of the twenty-five Milagros told by Berceo, eighteen are recounted by Berceo’s contemporary, Gautier de Coincy, Prior of Vic-sur-Aisne (1177-1236). Both clerics drew on Latin sources. The particular text used by Berceo is to be found in a manuscript in the Royal Library of Copenhagen. ‘Though Berceo had not inherited the great literary traditions of Gautier de Coincy, he survives comparison with his French rival. His power of selection is greater and he has the eminently Spanish gift of realistic vision. He has not always, perhaps, the finest tact and taste, one could hardly expect either from one placed as he was. But the quality of the appeal made by him is strong, and if there is lyrism perceptible in the Introduccion of the Milagros de Nuestra Sennora: ‘Yo maestro Gongalvo de Vergeo nomnado Iendo en romeria caec¢i en un prado Verde e bien sencido, de flores bien poblado, Logar cobdigiaduero pora omne cansado’ 2 _ 1° False and treacherous rascal: you do not amend your ways ? but I will give you to-day what you are asking for...” 2*T Master Gonzalo de Berceo by name, when on a pilgrim- age, did chance upon a meadow, green and sweet-smelling, full of flowers, a place to be desired by a weary man,’ 16 SPANISH LITERATURE it is even more marked in E/ Duelo que fizo la Virgen Maria... which contains the song of the Jews who guard the Holy Sepulchre. This song is written in rhymed octosyllabic couplets: its heading cantica as well as the refrain Eya velar appear to imply that it was meant to be sung. Berceo’s interest in popular songs and his desire to experiment in metres are alike refreshing. It is perhaps too wide a gap to bridge to suggest that Verlaine’s beautiful lines: ‘Voici mes pieds, frivoles voyageurs’ may be dimly foreshadowed by Berceo’s final invocation : ‘ Madre, a ti comendo mi vida, mis andadas,! Mi alma e mi cuerpo, las ordenes tomadas, Mis piedes, e mis manos, peroque consagradas, Mis oios que non vean cosas desordenadas.’ Yet it is not altogether astonishing that after an apparent neglect of some centuries, a strong reaction has set in, and Berceo in later years has found favour, not only with critics but, with poets. Berceo is not greatly given to allegory ; he is more concerned with the stirring legend and the picturesque detail. ‘This fact, together with alleged traces of the Leonese dialect, might seem to tell against the ascrip- — tion to him of the Libro de Alexandre,? a heterogeneous 1* Virgin Mother, to Thee I commend my life, my ways, my soul and my body, now held in Holy Orders, my feet and my hands henceforward consecrated, my eyes that they may not see things wrongful.’ 2 (Madrid MS.], ed. F. Janer, 1864, in Bib. de Autores Esp., tvir; [MS. esp. 488 de la Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris], ed. A. Morel-Fatio, Dresden, 1906 [Gesellschaft fiir romanische Literatur, 10]—-See: Comte de Puymaigre, in Les vieux auteurs castillans, Metz-Paris, 1861-1862; new ed. Paris, 1888, 1, pp. 301- 346; A. Morel-Fatio, Recherches sur le texte et les sources du EARLY SPANISH VERSE 17 learned compilation of the early thirteenth century which deals with the exploits of the Macedonian conquerors, The poem exists in two manuscripts— one in Madrid and one, of more recent discovery, in Paris—whose final strophes differ. The Madrid manuscript speaks of a certain Juan Lorenzo Segura of Astorga as “ quien escrevio este ditado’; the Paris manuscript gives Berceo as the author. It is generally held that Juan Lorenzo, like Per Abbat, was a mere copyist: as regards Berceo, the authenticity of the last strophe in the Paris manuscript has been questioned. Since the evidence so far is not conclusive, the poem remains anonymous. It is the work of a writer well acquainted with the /exandreis, the Latin epic of Gautier de Chatillon (Galter e/ Bueno, who is quoted textually), with the Roman d’ Alexandre by Lambert le Tors and Alexandre de Bernai, the Latin J/as, the Roman de Troie by Benoit de Sainte-More, the Historia troiana by Guido delle Colonne and other compositions ofasimilar kind. It has good passages—reminiscences of epics, picturesque descriptions and ingenious digressions. ‘The writer, who was probably a cleric, shews dexterity in his use of the allegory and had cause to pride himself on his mastery of the si//auas cuntadas which go to make up the mester de clerecta. The Poema de Fernan Gongalez,' written between Libro de Alexandre, in Romania, tv (1875), pp. 7-90; G. Baist, Eine neue Handschrift des spanischen Alexandre, in Romantsche Forschungen, vi (1891), p. 272; M. Macias, Fuan Lorenzo Segura y el Poema de Alexandre. Orense, 1913; R. Cillero, Sobre el Libro de Alexandre, in Boletin de la R. Academia: Esp., lr (1916), pp. 308-314. 1 Ed. C. Carroll Marden, Baltimore, 1904.—See: R. Menéndez Pidal, Notas para el Romancero del Conde Fernaén Gonzdlez, in S.L. B 18 SPANISH LITERATURE 1250 and 1271, shews the influence of the Libro de Alexandre. It is epic in character, but it is epic in its decline. The poem is not based on popular enthusiasm or spontaneous inspiration. The writer, probably a native of Santander and undoubtedly a cleric in the Monastery of S. Pedro de Arlanza (supposed to have been founded by Fernan Gonzalez (895 ?-970) who in point of popularity ran the Cid close), knew too much : he is careful to tell of the sources he collected and so forth. He borrows from Berceo, and from the Libro de Alexandre, consults the anonymous chronicle Epitoma Imperatorum, the chronicles of Lucas, bishop of ‘Tuy, and of Turpin, possibly even the treatise De laude Hispaniae. ‘hese are more like the methods of the scholar than of the popular poet. But there aré flashes of martial spirit now and then which redeem the dreariness of mere learning, and the Poema de Fernan Gongalez would be worth mentioning, if only because one episode in it is said to have been worked up again in Hlernault de Beaulande. ‘There are so many instances of French influencing Spanish that one rejoices at the opportunity of quoting a case on the other side. Homenaje 4 Menéndez y Pelayo. Madrid, 1899, 1, pp. 429-507; C. Carroll Marden, An Episode in the ‘ Poema de Fernan Gongalez,’ in Revue Hispanique, v11 (1900), pp. 22-27; F. Hanssen, Sobre el metro del Poema de Fernan Gonzdlez | Anales de la Uni- versidad de Chile, cxv] 1904. II SO AINiS ie PROSE CBE BORER TELE FOURTEENTH CENTURY Iw all literatures verse seems to precede prose just as a child feels long before it can talk clearly. Prose comes into existence at a later stage and early prose is not apt to be very good. It is prone to be as dry as Bradshaw’s railway-guide without Bradshaw’s cold lucidity. And Spain is no exception to the general rule. Its first prose monuments date no earlier than the thirteenth century. The language lacks supple- ness, the writers have an uncertain command of their instrument, the subjects treated are rarely original and not very interesting. They may be curious from a modern point of view as survivals of ancient literature or as forerunners of new developments, but that is all. They are mostly didactic works—the didactic element is the most marked characteristic of the thirteenth century—translations from the Arabic, treatises on jurisprudence, on the political education of princes or on the principles of government. ‘The chronicles deal largely with events dating from the creation of the world: they are entirely uncritical and frequently apocryphal, and are therefore only partially valuable as historical monuments. But they faintly foreshadow 19 20 SPANISH LITERATURE the beginnings of historical research and in this respect they have importance as literary records. A great part of early prose is anonymous. It is almost in- evitable that a period where the personal element is lacking should arouse less interest than an age where it is present. And the only literary figure in the thirteenth century is that of Alphonso X, who holds in the history of the development of Castilian prose and thought a considerably higher place than Berceo holds in that of its verse. Berceo only points the way, Alphonso X sets an approximate standard. He brings to bear in Las Siete Partidas a measure of comprehension in his considerations on matters of state that indicates a certain originality of mind, while his intellectual grasp of things and his wide- spread interests set him poles apart from Berceo. Their differences are all those that lie between an artless child and a man of the world. Their point of contact is the pioneer work that each did in the separate domains of prose and verse. But before dealing in detail with the one important personage in this chapter, we must pass in review the earliest prose attempts of which we have any record. Nothing could be balder than the Diez Mandamientos,} a treatise of the early thirteenth century meant for the guidance of confessors ; or than the two first parts of the Anales Toledanos® which are little more than a collection of historical facts and dates written between 1219 and 1250: the second part has perhaps the merit of being by a moro Jatinado who keeps the pre- 1 Ed. A. Morel-Fatio, in Textes castillans inédits du xiii siécle, pp. 379-382 [Romania, xv1 (1887)]. * Ed. E. Florez, in Espatia Sagrada. Madrid, 1799. xxu1u1, Pp. 381-424. PROsSEy bBEBORE “TH Ee xvi GE NP UR i427 judices of his race and registers the defects of the period with ill-concealed glee. There is progress in the prose of the Fuero Fuzgo1 (1241), a legal code translated from the forum ‘udicum for the saintly King Ferdinand (1200-1252) who imposed it after the Reconquest on the Spaniards settled in Cordova, Seville and Murcia. But a code, however thrilling from a philological point of view, is not necessarily literature. ‘The didactic tendency is manifest in the Libro de los doze Sabios or El Libro de la Nobleza o Lealtat,2 one of the oldest treatises on the education of princes and the art of governing; in the Flores de Filosofia® whose thirty-eight chapters embody the wisdom of as many wise men, including Seneca; and in E/ Libro de los buenos Proverbios,t a combination of Greek philosophy and oriental wisdom translated from the Arabic of Hunain ibn Ishaq al-‘Ibadi (809-873). Perhaps the best specimens of Castilian prose at this stage are the two apocryphal letters added at the end of one of the manuscripts of the Libro de Alexandre by the copyist Juan Lorenzo de Astorga and ascribed to the Macedonian Conqueror. They are both of Arabic origin from compilations which have been 1Fd. R. Academia Espafiola, Madrid, 1815.—See: M. Rodriguez y Rodriguez, Fuero Fuzgo, su lenguaje, gramdtica y vocabulario. Santiago, 1905; R. de Urefia y Smenjaud, La legislacién gotico-hispana. Madrid, 1905; R. de Urefia y Smenjaud, Historia de la literatura juridica espanola. 2nd ed., Madrid. 1906 (2 vols. in one). 2Ed. A. M. Burriel, in Memortas para la vida del santo Rey Fernando III. Madrid, 1800. pp. 188-206. : 3 Ed. G. Knust, in Dos obras diddcticas y dos leyendas. Madrid, 1878 (Soc. de Bibliéfilos Esp., 17). 4Ed.H. Knust, in Mzttheilungen aus dem Eskurial. Tiibingen, 1879. pp. 1-65, 519-537 (Bib. des litt. Vereins in Stuttgart, CxL1), oy! SPANISH LITERATURE done into Spanish under the titles of Bocados de Oro or Bonium? (the name of an imaginary King of Persia supposed to be the author) and Poridat de las Poridades (secreta secretorum). "The Bocados de Oro is a pallid translation from the Arabic of Aba’l Wafaé Mubashshir ibn Fatik. Speaking generally, where two versions of the same Arabic source are current in Europe, Spain, owing to its history, will be found to represent the oriental form, the western form spreads from France through a Latin translation of the original. This is a case in point. The first dated book ever printed in England was Caxton’s Dictes and Sayings of the Philo- sophers (1477), the European version of the Bocados de Oro. Lord Rivers (1442 ?-1483), to whom it 1s due, had apparently never seen the Spanish book. He translated Guillaume de Tignonville’s Les ditz moraux des philosophes, which was based in its turn on a Latin recast of the Arabic. To the inspiration of Ferdinand III of Castile we owe, as well as the Fuero Fuzgo, the Historia Gothica or De rebus Hispaniae of Rodrigo Ximenez de Rada? (1170 ?-1247), Arch- bishop of Toledo. ‘This deals with the period of the Gothic invasion down to 1243. By express command of the king it was at once translated into Spanish under the title of Estoria de los Godos.2 Other Castilian versions followed and in 1266 a Catalan rendering appeared. The book in the vernacular attained a ‘Ed. H. Knust, in Muitthetlungen aus dem Eskurial. Tibingen, Naas pp. 66-498, 538-601 (Bib. des litt. Vereins in Stuttgart, CXLI): *See: R. Ballester y Castell, in Las fuentes narrativas de la historia de Espana durante la edad media. Palma de Mallorca, LOUC Bmp Die7 Sits ° Ed. A. Paz y Mélia, in Coleccion de documentos inéditos para la historia de Espana, 1887, LXXXvIt. PROSE BEFORE THE XIV CENTURY 23 considerable popularity outside the learned class and was the first step towards founding a national school of historians. In this sense Kimenez de Rada pre- pared the way for the real founder of the Spanish historical school, ALpHoNso X of Castile! (12 52-1284), whom all Spaniards know as E/ Sadio, the Learned. If there be any truth in the saying that ‘a historian is seen at his best when he does not appear,’ then Alphonso X shews to extraordinary advantage. The Cronica General or the Estoria d’Espanna and the Grande et general Estoria, compiled under his directions 1 Tas Siete Partidas, ed. R. Academia de la Historia. Madrid, 1807. 3 vols.; Opusculos legales, ed. R. Academia de la Historia. Madrid, 1836. 2 vols.; Lzbros del Saber de Astronomia, ed. M. Rico y Sinobas. Madrid, 1863-1867. 5 vols.; Lapidario, ed, J. Fernandez Montana. Madrid, 1881; Das Spantische Schach- zabelbuch des Kénigs Alfons des Weisen vom F. 1283 allustrierte Handschrift im Besitze der Kontigl. Bibliothek des Eskorial. Leipzig, 1913; Cantigas de Sania Maria, 1, u, ed. Marqués de Valmar (L. A. de Cueto). Madrid, 1889; La Musica de las Cantigas, estudio sobre su origen y naturaleza, con reproducciones fotograficas del texto y transcripci6n moderna, u1, ed. J. Ribera y Tarragd. Madrid, 1922. (R. Academia Esp.).—-See: F. Martinez Marina, Ensayo historico-critico sobre la legislacién y principales cuerpos legales de los reinos de Leon y Castilla, especialmente sobre el codigo de Las Siete Partidas, etc. Madrid, 1834; Comte de Puymaigre, in Les vieux auteurs castillans. Metz-Paris, 1861- 1862, new ed. Paris, 1890. 11, pp. 12-92; C. de Lollis, Cantigas de amor e de maldizer di Alfonso el Sabio, etc., in Studj di filologia romanza, 11 (1887), pp. 31-66; E. Cotarelo y Mori, in Estudios de historia literaria de Espana. Madrid, 1901. pp. 1-31; F. Hanssen, Los versos de las Cantigas de Santa Maria, etc., in Anales de la Universidad de Chile, cvitt (1901), pp. 337-373, 501-546; A. F. G. Bell, The ‘ Cantigas de Sanita Maria’ of Alfonso X [The Modern Language Review, x], Cambridge, 1915 ; R. Menéndez Pidal, La Cronica General de Alfonso X, 1916 (Discurso. R. Academia de la Historia]; J. B. Trend, in The Music of Spanish History. Oxford 1925. pp. 52-65 (Hispanic Notes and Monographs, x). 24 SPANISH LITERATURE and personal supervision, are the work of a group of researchers such as Juan Gil de Zamora (who later wrote De praeconiis Hispaniae (1278-1282), Jofré de Loaysa, Martin de Cérdoba, Bernardo de Brihuega, Garc1 Fernandez de Toledo and Suero Perez. The Grande et general Estoria—which is not yet in print—was begun while the Cronica general was still in preparation : it was finished probably in 1280 and contains details relating to Spanish history that are absent from the first work. But it is with the Cronica general that we are more immediately concerned. ‘This chronicle gives a record of history from the creation of the world to the reign of Ferdinand III. It was begun perhaps in 1270: the third and fourth parts, written during the reign of Sancho IV (who is mentioned as the ruling king on p. 633), date from 1289 at the earliest. We do not know when it was finished. Its style is uneven, as we should expect it to be, since it is the work not only of several hands, but of men of different epochs. Internal evidence points conclusively to its joint authorship. Side by side with a mastery of the Arabic language and a knowledge of Arabic history exists such ignorance as 1s indicated by references to a purely imaginary crusade of Mahomet against Cordova. The first two parts of the Cronica general, which end with Roderick’s overthrow, are based largely on Ximenez de Rada’s preface in the Historia Gothica and on the chronicle of Bishop Lucas de ‘Tuy, e/ Tudense, a less critical, more credulous writer than the Arch- bishop. For the rest every kind of source has been utilized: there are passages from the Bible and from Arabic historians—in ch. 90g the original Arabic is quoted at some length and in ch. 911 an Arab chronicler is mentioned by name: ‘Et diz Abenalfarax en su BRO Pepe POR TS LHR XIVRGHING UR Yoo. .2:5 arauigo, onde esta estoria fue sacada ’—classical authors and popular legends have alike been put to contribution. [o Alphonso X’s artistic inspiration 1s perhaps due the insertion of whole prose portions of the Cantares de gesta. If this were so, our debt to him: would be incalculably greater than it is, since indirectly he would have preserved not only the Cantar de gesta de los Infantes de Lara, but whatever cantares de gesta may in the fulness of time be disinterred from the Cronica general. The story of the publication of Alphonso X’s chronicle is not without interest. In 1541 Florian de Ocampo (1499 ?-1555) published in Zamora a Cronica general which was thought until 1896 to be the original Cronica general of Alphonso X._ Critical interest is a late development in Spain. Otherwise certain facts which presently came to light might have aroused it. One was the discovery made by Geronimo Zurita (1512-1580) that discrepancies—in some cases as vital as the omission of a whole reign—were to be noted in the various manuscripts of the chronicle. At much the same time Gonzalo Hernandez de Oviedo y Valdés (1478-1557), while collating the manuscripts, sent up his pitiful lament ‘not one of them (at least of those which I have examined) is identical with any other, and in many respects they differ entirely.’ Attempts were made in the reigns of Philip IV (1621- 1665) and of Charles II (1665-1700) to procure a pure text, but the efforts of the official chroniclers, Tamayo de Vargas and Juan Lucas Cortés (d. 1701), came to nothing, unless indeed they stirred the Marqués de Mondéjar (1626-1708) to write his Corrupcion de las cronicas impresas de nuestros reyes with its indictment of Ocampo’s bad faith in the first chapter. In 1794, 26 SPANISH LITERATURE fifty-six years after its foundation, the Academy of History suggested that the complete works of Alphonso X should be published. A beginning was made with his legal works in 1807, but owing to the disturbed state of the country a delay of twenty-nine years ensued. In 1836 the Academy was free to deal with the Cronica general. It acted with no undue haste, and it was left to foreign scholars to take the first step. ‘This was done in 1860 by Wilhelm Holland who produced from the Cronica general a critical edition of the episode of the Infantes de Lara. In Spain itself the three members commissioned by the Academy in 1863 to prepare an edition of the Cronica general seem to have subsided into a fatalistic acquies- cence and Florian de Ocampo’s publication, though known to be imperfect, was accepted as the authentic text of Alphonso X. This was the position of things when Sr. Menéndez Pidal published in 1896 the Cantar de gesta de los Infantes de Lara and two years later the volume of the Catdlogo de la Real Biblioteca entitled Crénicas generales de Espafa (of which a third and much improved edition was issued in 1918). According to him, the Cronica general of Alphonso X and the Cronica general published in 1541 are two different works. In 1906 he issued what he holds to be the authentic text of Alphonso X’s chronicle! Its subsequent developments, Sr. Menéndez Pidal explains as follows: On Alphonso X’s chronicle are based three other chronicles: the Cronica abreviada of Juan Manuel: a chronicle compiled in 1344 which embodies a recast of the chronicle of Abd Bakr Ahmad ibn Muhammad al R4zi of Cordova (d. 937), 1 Primera Cronica General. Ed. R. Menéndez Pidal, 1906. 1 (Nueva Bib. de Autores Esp., 5). PROSE bDETOREMe EME XI VeCRENTURY , 27 and is called the Cronica de 1344 or the Segunda Cronica general; a lost chronicle only known by its derivatives. From this last recast which embodied elements from the Cronica de 1344 are derived four more chronicles : the chronicle of Florian de Ocampo now called the Tercera Cronica general: the Cronica de veinte Reyes; and the Cronica de Castilla on which is based the Cronica particular del Cid. ‘Yo these three we shall recur later, only adding that in the matter of chronicles it behoves us to move delicately. It is not improbable that further discoveries may result from the various readings of the manuscripts. In 1251, the year before his accession to the throne, Alphonso X had Kalla et Digna‘ translated from the Arabic version of ‘Abdallah ibn al-Mugqaffa‘ (d. 757). The Sanscrit original of this work is lost: it is repro- duced in great part in Panchatantra, published in 1848, but it is Barztya’s Pehlevi (Old Persian) rendering, now lost, that was used in the Arabic translation from which all versions of the work derive. Kalila et Digna is directly responsible for the beginning of Ramon de Béziers’s Latin translation (1313), which did not, however, influence other European versions : these were based on a Latin recast of an Hebraic 1Ed. C. G. Allen, Macon, 1906; ed. J. Alemany Bolufer, Madrid, 1915 (Bib. selecta de Autores clasicos esp., 17).—See ; I. G. N. Keith-Falconer, Kalilah and Dimnah {English trans. with preface and notes]. Cambridge, 1885; The earliest English version of the Fables of Bidpat, ‘ Morall Philosophie of Dont,’ translated by Sir Th. North [ed. J. Jacobs], London, 1888 ; H. L. D. Ward, in Catalogue of Romances in the Department of Manuscripts in the British Museum, London, 1893, 11, pp. 149- 181; L. Hervieux, Les fabulistes latins depurs le siecle d Auguste. Paris, 1899, v; G. Paris, in Histoire littéraire de la France, XXXVIII (1906), pp. 191-253. 28 SPANISH LITERATURE rendering made by John of Capua (1263-1278). In Spain itself the book—a collection of tales very like The Thousand and One Nights—became the proto- type of all works that sought to instruct ‘ por enxemplos de homes o de aves et de animalias.’ ‘To Alphonso’s brother, Fadrique, whom he caused to be strangled in 1277, is due another translation from the Arabic text of Sindibdd. ‘This is the Libro de los engaiios e los asayamientos de las mugeres' (1253). The Castilian rendering preserves the oriental form of the book, unlike other western translations that are derived indirectly through a Greek medium. The story became known in Europe in the twelfth century under the alternative title of The Book of Seven Sages through the Latin translation of a native of Lorraine, Jean de la Haute-Seille, and through the Do/opathos, a French verse treatment of the same subject by Herbert, poet at the court of Philip-August (1180-1223). It is a collection of twenty-six stories told on seven separate nights to avert from the king’s son the death with which he is threatened by a woman’s wiles. Its scope 1s sufficiently indicated by the concluding words of the wise man: ‘avnque se tornase la tierra papel, @ la mar tinta, z los peges della pendolas, que non podrian escreuir las maldades de las mugeres.’2 A less drastic view of women is taken in a didactic frag- ment of much the same type—E/ Capitulo que fabla de 1 Ed. D. Comparetti, in Researches respecting the Book of Sindibéd. London, 1882 (Publications of the Folk-Lore Society, 1x); ed. A. Bonilla y San Martin, 1904 (Bibliotheca hispanica, KV 2‘ Though the earth became paper, and the sea ink, and the fish thereof pens: it would not suffice to write down the evil that women do.’ PROSE BEFORE THE XIV CENTURY 29 los ejemplos e castigos de Teodor la dongella,‘ which is found attached to an Escorial manuscript of the Bocados de Oro. Its subject—the wisdom of a girl- slave at the Court of an Arab prince—evidently suited public taste, since it was dramatized, embellished with a love episode, four centuries later by Lope de Vega. The Infante Don Juan Manuel tells us that his uncle had renderings made of the sacred and pseudo- sacred books of the Jews and Arabs.2 Alphonso X’s indefatigable interest in matters of literature may account for the ascription to him of works which he can never have written, such as the Libro de las Querellas,? whose very existence is mythical. It was inferred by two poems of which one—the romance beginning ‘ Yo sali de la mi tierra ’—dates no further back than the fourteenth century as its rhythm and accentuation conclusively prove; the other, dedicated to Diego de Sarmiento and first published in 1663 was probably written by José Pellicer de Salas y Tovar (1602-1679). Hereagain the metre, a twelve-syllabled octave, called the arte mayor, did not come into use until some fifty years after Alphonso X’s death. It remains to be seen whether in the process of further pruning Las Cantigas de Santa Maria, the work on which Alphonso X’s reputation as a poet rests, may not be wrested from him. Doubts have been raised 1 Ed. H. Knust, in Mittheilungen aus dem Eskurial. Tiibingen, 1879. pp. 507-517, 613-630.—See M. Menéndez y Pelayo, La Doncella Teodor, in Homenaje 4 D. Francisco Codera. Zara- goza, 1904. pp. 483-511. 2 A large part of the Bible is embodied in the Grande et general Estoria. 8 See: E. Cotarelo y Mori, El supuesto libro de las querellas del rey don Alfonso el Sabio. Madrid, 1898. 30 SPANISH LITERATURE on the point, notably by M. Groussac, but until defi- nite proof is forthcoming against their attribution to Alphonso X, he may be considered the writer of some, at least, of these verses whose distinction lies 1n their singular charm and beauty. The manuscript, which is in Galician, includes some four hundred and twenty poems, devotional songs with the music to which they were meant to be sung, and canticles about the Virgin somewhat after the style of Berceo. Alphonso X had little more originality than Berceo, but he had much greater technical skill and was not infrequently inspired in his choice and treatment of a theme. He handles in no less than six variants with admirable skill the subject treated by Adelaide Procter (1825- 1864) in 4 Story of Provence and by John Davidson (1856-1909) in The Ballad of a Nun. His version of the legend of the statue and the ring gives an im- pression of terror and poignant beauty as vivid as either Heinrich Heine (1797-1856) in Die Gétter im Exil or Prosper Mérimée (1803-1870) in La Vénus d'Ille. Alphonso X’s metrical dexterity is amazing. He varies his lines from four, five, eight, eleven, fifteen and even seventeen syllables; he introduces popular songs not unlike the simple seguidillas of to-day ; he forms with the name Marta miraculous acrostical combinations in the taste of the age; at times by an insistent repetition of some slow refrain he produces the effect of a chanted litany. Withal the question arises: Why did Alphonso X write the Cantigas in Galician? Alphonso X had concentrated every energy on bringing Castilian into more general use: he had commanded that Castilian and not Latin should be the official language ; he had drawn up rules for his secretaries and had been unwearying in his PROS DE BORE TEE. XiVi CENTURY 21 efforts to obtain a greater uniformity in vocabulary and inorthography. We know that he wrote Castilian verse: One specimen ° Senhora por amor Dios’ is preserved in the Canzoniere portoghese Colocct-Brancuti' (n. 471). Whether he ever wrote in Provencal is unknown, for the lines in that language once thought to be by his hand are now shewn to be by At de Mons and by Giraldo Riquier. That Alphonso X knew something about Provencal versification is evident from the complicated system of rhymes in some of his songs to the Virgin. He knew quite enough to see that Castilian was still inapt as a vehicle of emotion, that it was inadequate to reveal shades of expression and that as yet only Galician had the delicate grace and flexi- bility of Provencal. If Alphonso X had not had the artistic perception to realize this, we might have to think of him as an author with the possibilities of poetic endowment rather than as a poet of rare accomplishment. Alphonso X was a greater scholar than James I. of England. He was placed in a more critical and dangerous position. If his deficiencies as a ruler were glaring, he paid dearly for them in his lifetime. In death, he was no more fortunate. The Jesuit Mariana, the greatest of all Spanish historians, sums him up in a famous passage: ‘Dumque ccelum considerat observatque astra, terram amisit.’ Yet from a literary standpoint, his achievement in the domain of history was great. His strength lay in the organization of learning, not in the issues of politics. His interests in this respect were as encyclopaedic as his aim was practical. We can pass over his purely technical works such as the Libro de la Esfera (1259), the Libro 1 Fd. E. Molteni, Halle a. S. 1880. Gye: SPANISH LITERATURE de las Tablas Alphonsies, the Libros del Saber de Astronomia and the Lapidario (1278), as well as his works on chess and other compilations full of learning but of no literary merit. Alphonso X’s claims to distinction are based, first and chiefly, on his histories, next on Las Siete Partidas and on the Cantigas de Santa Maria. Las Siete Partidas is a codex of laws drawn up by Alphonso X and his collaborators, of whom two were perhaps Fernan Martinez and Maestro Jacome e/ de Jas leyes. ‘There is little doubt that Alphonso X personally revised, or attempted to revise, the language at least of most of the work that he initiated and to Las Stete Partidas as well as to the Libro de la Esfera we may hold that the words refer ‘quant en el lenguage, enderezdlo él por si.’ The idea of the book is adumbrated in the Sepsexario, an unfinished treatise (once thought to be identical with the Especu/o) dealing with the seven subjects of learning : the #7vio—grammar, logic and rhetoric—and the guadrivio—music, astrology, physics and meta- physics. Its title, given about a century after it was written (1256-1263) reflects the childishness of the age. Each division of the codex begins with one of the seven letters of Alphonso X’s name, in the manner of an acrostic. ‘This is the only weak point in a work remarkable of its kind. Las Siete Partidas had for object the unification of the Castilian legal system. This was not accomplished until 1348. But the fact that Spanish legislation derives wholly from Alphonso X’s codex, and that until recently Florida and Louisiana were governed by laws drawn from it, gives some measure of its value as a monument of jurisprudence. Las Siete Partidas is important from other points of view. It contains not only passages of sober eloquence, PROSE BEFORE THE XIV CENTURY 33 but passages which throw light on contemporary manners: ‘De como el rey deue guardar, que non diga palabras desconuenientes ’; ‘Como el rey ha de ser mesurado en comer o en beuer’; ‘ Que cosas deuen acostumbrar a los fijos de los reyes, para ser apuestos e limpios.’! It attains a high dignity of thought when it treats of the relations between king and people, Church and State and of the common welfare. Without it, many of the works of the period, including some by Juan Manuel, would be incompre- hensible. It was believed till recently that Alphonso X’s literary mantle had descended on his son Sancho IV (1284-1295). To Sancho IV was ascribed the Libro de los Castigos e Documentos? written, so it was supposed, for his son the future Ferdinand IV (1295-1312). It has been irrefragably proved by M. Foulché-Delbosc and by M. Groussac that the Libro de los Castigos e Documentos is by a cleric who used extensively Juan Garcia de Castrogeriz’s Castilian version of Aegidius Colonna’s De regimine principum written about 1284 for Philip the Fair of France. Castrogeriz’s version was made about 1345, some fifty years after Sancho’s death. ‘The ascription to Sancho IV of a share in the Especu/o is entirely proble- matic. Still, if Sancho did not cast himself into litera- ture, it may perhaps be assumed that he was friendly 1‘ Why the king should abstain from unseemly language.’ ‘Why the king should eat and drink moderately.’ ‘ Why the king’s children should be taught to be cleanly.’ 2 Ed. P. de Gayangos, 1857, in Bib. de Autores Esp., L1.—See : P. Groussac, Le livre des ‘ Castigos e Documentos’ attribué au roi D. Sanche IV, in Revue Hispanique, xv (1906), pp. 212-339; R. Foulché-Delbosc, Les ‘ Castigos e Documentos’ de Sanche IV, in Revue Hispanique, xv (1906), pp. 340-371. C S.L. 34. SPANISH LITERATURE to it, for a certain number of compositions were put together in his reign and perhaps under his auspices. Among these must be mentioned the third and fourth parts of the Cronica general, the Tesoro, a translation of Li Livres dou Tresor by Brunetto Latini (1220-1295), made by the court physician Alonso de Paredes and Pero (or Pascual) Gomez, Sancho IV’s secretary; and the Lucidario, a hetero- geneous, encyclopaedic work based on the Speculum Naturale which has been wrongly attributed to Vincent, de Beauvais (d. 1264). Sufficiently illustrative of its nature are the headings of its chapters: “ Donde estava Dios ante que fiziesse el cielo e la tierra’; ‘Qual luz alumbra todo el mundo’; ‘ Porque non semeja ln ome-a* otro’; .~ Porque tragonitraeme: cuervo la boca abierta quando non es cansado, et quando es cansado traela cerrada.’! A more purely literary and more original work may be mentioned as belonging to the last part of Sancho’s reign. This is the Historia del Cauallero de Dios que auia por nombre Cifar2 It relates the adventures of the knight Cifar, his wife Grima and of their two sons Garfin and Roboan. The knight goes forth from his land to seek fortune elsewhere. He is separated from his wife and sons and falls in with a Ribaldo, a squire in whom are perhaps adumbrations of Sancho Panza. But the Ribaldo’s independence 1“ Where God was before he made heaven and earth.’ ‘ What light gives light to all the world.’ ‘ Why all men are not alike.’ ‘Why the crow opens his beak when he is not weary, and closes it when he 1s.’ _* Ed. H. Michelant, Tiibingen, 1872 (Bib. des litt. Vereins in Stuttgart, cx11)—See: C. P. Wagner, The Sources of El Cavallero Cifar, in Revue Hispanique, x (1903), pp. 5-104. Pi Oo Oe ORD aE POV Gh Nsr UR Yor «. and sound practical sense are more suggestive of Cervantes’s later conception of Sancho Panza, the Governor, than of the Sancho Panza in the earlier chapters of Don Quijote. When the knight finds the Ribaldo with a halter round his neck on the point of being hanged for theft and suggests consulting the justices, the squire shrewdly advises action first and deliberation next, since, as he says ‘non vedes, que toda mi vida esta so el pie deste asno, e a un solo harre, sy lo mueven, e desides me que yredes a estar con los allcades a les demandar consejo. Cierto los omes buenos e de buen coracon que tienen rason e derechon por sy, non deven dudar ni tardar el bien que han de faser; ca suelen desir que la tardangca muchas veses enpece.’1 He is a mine of proverbial sayings, a homely wit racy of the soil; and in one aspect of his character he foreshadows the picaroon. After many adventures the knight, who has married a princess and is now ruler over Menton, meets his wife Grima in a scene which is characteristically Spanish for its want of sentiment. The introduction of an enchanted lake whose mysteries are discovered by the Caballero Atrevido, and the adoption by the Ribaldo of the name Caballero Amigo, are among the elements which later figure so plentifully in the romances of chivalry. The book was printed in Seville in 1512, but its date of composition and its author are alike unknown. A Toledan cleric probably, he seems to have been well 1* And do you not see that my life is wholly at the mercy of this ass’s legs and of one shout if the ass is made to move, and you tell me that you will go and consult with the justices. Certes, good men and of good courage, who have right on their side, should not hesitate nor delay in doing good as it behoves them ; for there is a saying that delay is often dangerous.’ 36 SPANISH LITERATURE acquainted with the works of Chrétien de Troyes and the /ais of Marie de France. ‘The Caballero Cifar is of great historical importance, for 1t not only presents a rough sketch of the romances of chivalry, but con- tains elements of the picaresque story. It is the first novel written in Spanish and it points in a rudi- mentary way to the creation of Dox Quijote. II] THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY Tue fourteenth century may be termed a period of distinct evolution in so far as the Castilian language is concerned. And coincident with its development as a medium for thought and for personal expression is the growth of individual talent. As the language assumes a greater independence, it tends to lose its primitive rigidity and becomes more ductile, more flowing, more clear, and more straightforward. In verse, though the monotonous cuaderna via still holds sway, we catch glimpses here and there of the lighter arte mayor, and the form of a new genre—the romance— is dimly outlined in the Poema de Alfonso Onceno. The note of individuality becomes increasingly apparent: in the Archpriest of Hita, Juan Ruiz, most markedly; in Juan Manuel, whose E/ Conde Lucanor, one of the earliest masterpieces of imaginative prose written in the Castilian language, broadcasts through Europe a rich fund of Arabic apologues and oriental tales; and in Pero Lopez de Ayala, the initiator of the picturesque in history and the remote precursor of the Italian School. Italy 1s first revealed to Spain through Boccaccio, not in his gay, licentious manner as narrator of // Decamerone, but as the solemn a7, 38 SPANISH (LID ERE Guise and moralizing author of De casibus virorum et feminarum illustrium. This is not a. Spanish freak of preference : the De casibus suggested The Monk’s Tale to Chaucer, whose Legend of Good Women was likewise suggested by Boccaccio’s De claris mulieribus. We cannot easily get into the frame of mind of those who honestly enjoyed the De casibus : ‘ Nature brings not back the mastodon, Nor we those times.’ But it was in the nature of things that the De castbus should be translated into Spanish by a contemporary of Chaucer, the famous Chancellor Pero Lopez de Ayala. ! Early in the fourteenth century we find strayed vestiges of a remoter period in form and thought. Such is the anonymous Vida de San Ildefonso, a poem in the manner of Berceo without Berceo’s flashes of inspiration. Composed soon after the meeting held at Pefiafiel in May 1302 to inaugurate the Feast of the Saint, it was probably the work of a beneficiary of Ubeda who had previously written a life of Mary Magdalene. * E el de la Magdalena hobo en ante rimado Al tiempo que de Ubeda era beneficiado.’ Another composition 1n the cuaderna via, the Proverbios en rimo del sabio Salamon, rey de Isrrael,? has been 1 Kd. F. Janer, 1864, in Bib. de Autores Esp., Lvi1.—sSee : A. Restori, Alcunt appunti su la Chiesa di Toledo nel secolo xitt, in Afti della R. Accademia delle Scienze di Torino, xxvut (1893), pp. 54-68. 2 Ed. A. Paz y Mélia, in Opusculos literarios de los siglos xiv a xvi, 1892. pp. 363-364 (Soc. de Biblidfilos Esp., 29); ed. P. Mazzei, in Revue Hispanique, Lvit (1923), pp. 25-35. THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY 39 ascribed to Pedro Gomez, son of Juan Ferrandes. There is little ground for the identification of this Gomez with Pero (or Pascual) Gomez, Alonso de Paredes’s collaborator. The attribution to Pero Lopez de Ayala is equally baseless. The author, whoever he was, had a practical experience of men and affairs and his pessimistic view of both finds adequate expression in the metre of his choice. Of unknown authorship also is the Gran Conquista de Ultramar} once believed to have been written by Sancho IV. It deals with the Crusades and was probably produced after 1312. The nucleus of the work seems to have been taken from the Roman d’Eracle, the French recast of the Historia rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum by Guillaume de Tyr (d. 1184). Around this are gathered various popular traditions, elements from Berte and Maine, the Chevalier au Cygne and passages from the Chanson de Férusalem and from a recast of Gregorio Bechada’s lost Cansé d’ Antiocha. As a medium for the spread of French influence in Spain, the Gran Conquista de Ultramar has its importance, while it also connotes the first instance of a point of contact between Spanish and Provengal prose. To about the same period belongs a well-known specimen of the “iteratura aljamiada, a curious form 1 Ed. P. de Gayangos, 1858 (Bib. de Autores Esp., xiv); La leyenda del cauallero del gisne, ed. E. Mazorriaga, Madrid, 1914. See: G. Paris, La Chanson ad’ Antioche provengale et la Gran Conquista de Ultramar, in Romania, xvit (1888), pp. 513-541 ; x1x (1890), pp. 562-591 ; xx11 (1893), pp. 345-363 ; Comte de Puymaigre, in Les vieux auteurs castillans, Metz-Paris, 1861- Te O2e encweed et alisw 1O00. 11) Dp.eily-l52 4 see ol Diotes Mainz in der Sage vom Schwanritter, in Zeitschrift fir romanische Philologie, xxvi1 (1903), pp. 1-24; P. Groussac, in Revue Hispanique, xv (1906), pp. 265-289. 40 SPANISH LITERATURE of literature where Spanish is written in the characters of the Arabic alphabet—that ‘véritable agent de destruction’ according to Renan. The term aljamta (aljami=stranger) was originally applied to the parti- cular form of corrupt Latin spoken by the mozdrabes, in which sense the word occurs in the Poema de Alfonso Onceno : . ¢ Dixieron los escuderos ; Sabedes bien la arauia, Sodes bien uerdaderos De tornarla en aljamia ?’ } Its specialized meaning—as applied to a certain genre —uis a later development. The specimen (which has been preserved in two very defective manuscripts) is the anonymous Fiistoria de Yucuf or Poema de Fosé.2 It is better known perhaps than it deserves to be on its intrinsic merits. It is written in the cuaderna via; the internal evidence points to the author’s being an Aragonese morisco. As it was intended to be read by Arabs—or, at any rate, by mudéjares or mozdrabes impregnated with Arabic culture—the poem relates the story of Joseph in Egypt from an oriental point of view, being based in fact on the Koran’s version of Joseph’ s experiences. Now one is often, or used to be often, told of the influence 1* The squires said: Do you know Arabic well, are you really able to put it into aljamia ?’ 2 Kd. Fy Janer, -1864,;-in Bib. dex Autores hsp seer vie H. Mort, Leipzig, 1883; ed. M. Schmitz, in Romanische For- schungen, XI (1901), pp. 315-411, 623-627 [all three ed. from the MS. of the Bib. Nacional at Madrid]; ed. R. Menéndez Pidal, in Revista de Archivos, etc., vil (1902), pp. 91-129 [from the MS. of the Academia de la Historia at Madrid].—See : R. Menéndez Pidal, Poema de Yucuf . . . in Revista de Archivos, etc., VII (1902), pp. 276-300, 347-362. Lo PeLOURT EEN TH CEN LURY 41 of Arabic literature on the form of Castilian literature. If there were any truth in that theory, one would expect to find some traces confirming it in the Poema de ‘fosé. But nothing of the kind is discoverable. The author, whoever he was, 1s content to copy the Spanish models, and he works as well as he can in the cuaderna via. He is not very original and is not really very Arabic in his effects : now and then when he is off his guard, he indulges in an Arabic turn of the sentence. But he is not entitled to any higher praise than a recog- nition of his merits as an imitator of Castilian models. A very considerable prose-writer is the Infante Don Juan Manuet! (1282-1348), the nephew of Alphonso X. Untroubled, apparently, by any modest doubts about the value of his work, he took measures to safeguard it. He was joint-regent of Spain during the minority of Alphonso XI, and was therefore well situated to look after his own interests. He had founded a monastery of Dominican monks at Pefiafiel in 1318 and there about 1335 he deposited his manu- Pivraseed.. 1 deaGayancos, -1657.ins bibs deAutores Bsp:. L1; El Libro de las tres razones and El Libro de los estados, o del Infante, ed. A. Benavides, in Memorias de Don Fernando IV de Castilla. Madrid, 1860. 1, pp. 352-362 and pp. 444-599 ; Helse ondémeucanor, ed) Ue Krapt revised) ede) V1g0;.,1902;;) ed) H. Knust [edited by A. Birch-Hirschfeld], Leipzig, 1900; £/ libro de la caza, ed. J. Gutierrez de la Vega, Madrid, 1879 (Bib. venatoria, 3); ed. G. Baist, Halle, 1880; &l libro del Cauallero y del Escudero, ed. S. Grafenberg, in Romanische Forschungen, vil (1893), pp. 427-550; La Cronica complida, ed. G. Baist, in Romanische Forschungen, vii (1893), pp. 551-550.—See : G. Baist, Alter und Textueberlieferung der Schriften don Fuan Manuels. Halle, 1880; J. B. Trend, Introduction to Count Lucanor, or The Fifty Pleasant Tales of Patronio |Trans. by James York], London, 1924; A. Giménez Soler, Don Fuan Manuel (in course of publication). 42 SPANISH LITERATURE scripts, ‘recelando yo, don Johan ’—he says ‘ que los libros que yo he fechos non se ayan de trasladar muchas uezes y porque yo he visto que enel trasladar... acaece muchas vezes ... que muda toda la entengion ... por guardar esto quanto yo pudiere, fizi fazer este uolumen en que estan escriptos todos los libros que yo fasta aqui heifechos .. et son dozes saamuims sounds almost excessively cautious, but Juan Manuel’s precautions really proved: inadequate, for the manu- script has disappeared from Pefiafiel and a certain number of Juan Manuel’s writings are lost. It 1s not a little tiresome that among those missing should be the Libro de los cantares or Libro de las cantigas, a book of verses which was certainly in existence in 1575, since Gonzalo Argote de Molina (1549 ?-1 597°) intended to print it after he had finished his edition (1575) of El Conde Lucanor. In the prologue of this book and of E/ Libro del Caballero et del Escudero, Juan Manuel gives us two separate—and different—lists of his works. From these lists it is evident that besides the Libro de los cantares, five, and perhaps six, other texts are now missing: the Libro de la Caballeria modelled probably between 1320 and 1322 on the Libre del orde de Cauayleria of Raymond Lull (123 5- 1315); a technical work, the Libro de engetios; a poetical treatise, Reglas de como se debe trobar and a Libro de los Sabios, all written before 1320; to these we may add the Cronica complida, unless 1° And I, don John, fearing lest the books that I have made shall be transcribed many times and inasmuch as I have seen that in the transcription... it often happens... that the sense is entirely changed ,..to guard against this as much as possible, I had this volume made in which are written all the books that | have composed up till now .. . and they are twelve.’ THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY 43 indeed this exists in the Chronicon domini Fohannis Emmanuehs. Juan Manuel had a most varied career. He was a favourite of Sancho IV, who made him adelantado mayor of Murcia at the age of twelve. He was after- wards majordomo of Ferdinand IV E/ Emplazado, and later on he was one of the regents during the minority of Alphonso XI. Juan Manuel was by no means willing to surrender the regency and it is impossible to deny that he was a self-seeking intriguer. But he was far from being the atrocious rascal that Lope de Vega depicts him as being in La Fortuna merecida (1618). He loved power and was loth to abandon it. During his regency, and afterwards, he was constantly engaged in rebellions and civil wars. Finally he and Alphonso XI became reconciled, and he took part in the victory of Salado (1340), and in the crowning mercy of Algeciras (1344). It might be thought that this long bout of fighting would leave Juan Manuel little time for literary composition. As a matter of fact, he wrote a great deal, and on very different subjects—chronicles, a treatise on falconry, encyclopaedic and allegorical imi- tations of Lull and verse. Finding that ‘ el cuydado ... mas faze al omne perder el dormir,’? he hit upon the plan of being read to at night, and during one vexed period in Seville he began to write a book in order to put from his mind agitating thoughts. This book was the Libro del Caballero et del Escudero: it is modelled upon Lull’s Libre del orde de Cauayleria and may indeed be a recast of the lost Libro de Ja Caballeria. It treats of the perfect knight and 1s an encyclopaedia of all sciences, human and divine. A 1‘ care is most active in banishing sleep.’ 44 SPANISH LITERATURE young knight on his way to court falls in with a holy hermit who teaches him the qualifications of a true knight—e/ buen seso and Ja verguenza as who should say practical commonsense and Je sentiment des choses. Evidently Juan Manuel does not suffer fools gladly. The knight returns home from court full of honour, but wearying of his ignorance, he goes forth once more to seek the hermit that he may learn from him the nature of all things in heaven and on earth. It must be admitted that his desire for knowledge is at times embarrassing and that the hermit parries with some skill his questions touching the characteristics of angels. Juan Manuel is cautious in emitting opinions; he hedges and, except when he treads sure ground—as in the case of falconry, for instance—prefaces every answer with an apologetic remark. Here and there, however, a personal touch shews, and the man of action, forced to swift decisions in battle, is suddenly revealed in such words as ‘ enlas cosas que non an tiempo non puede omne tomar otro consejo, si non fazer lo mejor que entendiere, segund la priessa en que esta.’ The Libro de la Caza (1325-1326) is interesting for its technical vocabulary and for the fact that the names of two falcons are given as ‘ Lancarote’ and ‘ Galuan’ : this indicates that stories from the Breton cycle were known in Spain at an earlier date than was imagined. There is, too, something almost infectious in the evident delight with which Juan Manuel recalls old hunting scenes: he betrays all a schoolboy’s humour. As perhaps in early paintings the eye is caught by the exquisite little landscape in the background, rather than by the subject itself, so in the Libro de la Caza 1‘ in a crisis, a man can take no other counsel but act as he thinks best according to the urgency of the case.’ Tiber OwR EEE NTE CHNEURY 4.5 the interest is arrested by the sudden quaint touches, the primitive simplicity of thought and the rich imagery of words. The Libro de los Estados or Libro del Infante 1s in two parts: the first division of one hundred chapters, finished on May 22nd, 1330, is a treatise on the education of the laity, the second, of fifty chapters, deals with the clergy. By the old device of a story, whose actors are the Pagan King Moravan, his son Johas and Johas’s two mentors, the holy man Julio and the knight Turin, Juan Manuel expounds his views on every conceivable subject. From references made to it in his later works, it is easy to judge that the Libro de los Estados had a high place in his estimation. Based on Lull’s Blanquerna, 1t embodies much wisdom from Las Siete Partidas and a great part of the story of Barlaam and Josaphat as told in the Hebrew work of Abraham Aben-Chasdai. This is the first appearance of the Buddhistic legend in Castilian literature; it was introduced again by Lope de Vega in his Barlam y Fosafd (1618), and by Calderon in La Vida es Suefio. According to Gayangos, the personages in the Lzédro de los Estados are identifiable.—Johas and Moravan with Juan Manuel and his father, the knight with Lopez de Ayala, grandfather of the Chancellor, and Julio with St. Domingo. But as the saint died before Juan Manuel’s father, the Infante Don Manuel, was born, the theory falls to the ground. The Liéro de los Castigos, written for Ferrando, Juan Manuel’s grandson, is a manual of sound advice containing frequent allusions to the Libro de los Estados. It 1s also called Libro infenido, because its author broke off at ch. xxvi, in order to write for Ferrando’s friend, the monk Juan Alfonso, Las maneras de amor. ‘This 46 SPANISH LITERATURE is the book of friendship, in which fifteen kinds of love are described: the eighth is the ‘ verdadero amor ’ —of friendship between manandman. Juan Manuel knows its value ; he had one true friend ‘ non lo quiero nombrar por non me perder con los otros.’1 Here speaks his habitual caution. The Cronica abreviada is simply a summary with dates of the facts given in the Cronica general of Alphonso X, for whom Juan Manuel had a deep veneration ; while the Libro de las Armas, apart from the episode of Sancho IV’s death, is an heraldic account of the writer’s family. These works have little more importance than has the Tratado en que se prueba por razon que Sancta Maria esta en cuerpo et alma en parayso. Juan Manuel’s most famous work is the Libro de los enxiemplos del conde Lucanor et de Patronio, a book in four parts finished in 1335, whose best chapters are the first fifty-one. It transplants to Spain the oriental apologue, and in form is not unlike The Thousand and One Nights, Patronio taking the part of Scheherazade and the Conde Lucanor (that is to say Juan Manuel), the part of the Caliph. It has often been remarked, and cannot be denied, that there are resemblances between J/ Decamerone and El Conde Lucanor, but this does not imply that the Castilian prince followed the Italian: J/ Decamerone was written between 1348 and 1353, E/ Conde Lucanor between 1328 and 1335. ‘The explanation of the similarities in the two books is to be found, no doubt, in the fact that both writers draw from common sources. It is certain that Juan Manuel had not the reckless genius, nor perhaps the exuberant temperament of his contemporary Juan Ruiz. Ruiz is a rowdy cleric, 1“ ] prefer not to name him lest I lose the affection of the others.’ (i be OW RTE ENTE GENE RY: 47 with no care for appearances, and an inimitable gusto for life and its enjoyments. Juan Manuel is more constantly on his dignity as becomes his high position. Burdened with responsibilities and sobered by harsh experiences, he is of more melancholy temper than the Archpriest. But though he has not Juan Ruiz’s creative power, unrestrained humour and bubbling fancy, he does almost as much for Castilian prose as Ruiz does for Castilian verse. He had all Alphonso X’s interest in things of the spirit; he had inherited as well his turn of the sentence,—a sentence which aimed at clearness and attained it, but which remained too long, too stiff, too heavy in texture. Juan Manuel does much to add to his inherited phrase the qualities of suppleness and ductility. In the case of Alphonso X, the nature of his subjects weighs him down. Not so with Juan Manuel. He too has his store of learning. He has read the Discipiina clericahs of Pedro Alfonso! (a Jew who became a Christian in 1106, and wrote the Disciplina after his conversion), and has Kalila et Digna at his finger tips, but he carries his knowledge lightly. He tells his story with point and taste, and his firm patrician simplicity sets off his sententious wisdom. Hence it is not surprising to meet with echoes of E/ Conde Lucanor in later literature both in and out of Spain: the tale of the Dean of Santiago and the Toledan wizard [Ex. x1], a little masterpiece in its kind, duly impressed Ruiz de Alarcon, who gave it a new spell of life in La Prueba de las Promesas. It would seem that Calderon came 1 Die Disciplina Clericalis des Petrus Alfonst ...ed. A. Hilka and W. Séderhjelm, Heidelberg, 1911 (Sammlung mittellatein- ischer Texte, 1)—See: V. Chauvin, in Bibliographie des ouvrages arabes, Liege-Leipzig. 1905, Iv, pp. 1-44. 48 SPANISH LITERATURE within the sphere of Juan Manuel’s influence, since Calderon wrote a play called E/ Conde Lucanor, and the celebrated apologue in La Vida es sueno 1s a dramatic adaptation of Exemplo x. Though it 1s_tolerably certain that Shakespeare took the idea of The Taming of the Shrew from another source, its original germ is in Juan Manuel [Ex. xxxv]. Exemplo xxi crops up again in Gil Blas and Exemplo xxxii is at the root of The Emperor’s New Clothes by Hans Andersen (1805- 1875). ‘This is enough to shew how widely E/ Conde Lucanor has reacted on universal literature. As regards Juan Manuel’s verse, all that remains of it are the quatrains which point the moral at the end of each chapter in E/ Conde Lucanor. ‘These would seem to shew that the Infante was a master of the poetical form current in Galicia. But there is not enough material to judge by. It can only be con- jectured that he wrote satires and must almost certainly have influenced the poets at court. Hitherto in verse no work of undoubted genius has appeared. Berceo is not a writer of the highest rank, though he has merits of his own. ‘There now comes in sight an author who can without hesitation be called a man of genius. This is Juan Ruiz} (1283 ?-1350°), who was apparently for some con- siderable time Archpriest of Hita. Very little is definitely known about him. ‘There is some reason 1 Ed. paleografica J. Ducamin, Toulouse, 1901 (Bib. méri- dionale, 7).—See: M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Antologia de poetas liricos, etc. Madrid, 1892. 111, pp. Lim1-cxiv; F. Hanssen, Los metros de los cantares de Fuan Rutz | Anales de la Universidad de Chile, cx] 1902; J. Puyol y Alonso, El arcipreste de Hita. Madrid, 1906; O. J. Tacke, Die Fabeln des Erzpriesters von Hita im Rahmen der mittelalterlichen Fabelliteratur, etc. Breslau, IQTI. THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY 49 to think that he was a native of Alcala de Henares, and one would like to believe it, for that would make him a fellow-townsman of Cervantes. The date of his birth and of his death are equally unknown. It seems fairly certain that he had ceased to be Archpriest of Hita at the beginning of 13451, but it is not sure that he was dead before that date: it is always possible that he was deprived of his post, for E? Libro de buen amor shews him as a signal sinner, the very reverse of an edifying ecclesiastic. He himself records that he was put in prison by order of the Archbishop of Toledo, Gil Alvarez Carrillo de Albornoz (1295 ?- 1367), who was appointed to his see in 1339. Juan Ruiz may even have written his book while he lay in prison, since in its first three stanzas, he calls upon God to deliver him : ‘libra Amj, dios mio, desta presion do yo yago.’ On the other hand, the testimony of the two existing manuscripts is conflicting. The Salamancan manu- script gives 1343 as the date of E/ Libro de buen amor, while the manuscript at Toledo fixes the year of its completion at 1330, nine years before Albornoz’s preferment. But though there is a lack of biographi- cal particulars concerning Juan Ruiz, he reveals his character clearly enough in his book which he calls El Libro de buen amor, a title not always kept by his editors. It is plain that the Archpriest led a very unedifying life and he scarcely attempts to veil his misdeeds. Every now and then he lets drop a text which he utters with a professional unction, but this is not at all mis- leading: it does not cover the true scent, for such incidental flourishes are amply counteracted by the S.L. D 50 SPANISH LITERATURE extreme frankness of the avowals in the body of the text. E/ Libro de buen amor may be regarded as an early example of a picaresque novel in rhyme. Its variety is extraordinary, and the author, besides pos- sessing the gift of artistic candour, puts his miscel- laneous learning to good purposes. He 1s always ready to parody a cantar de gesta, and, despite his cloth, to burlesque a hymn. His desultory reading 1s turned to profit; he borrows freely from Phaedrus, from Pedro Alfonso ; he exploits the Libro de Alexandre and El Libro de los engaiios e los asayamientos de las mugeres; he develops hints that he finds in the Latin Pamphilus and draws largely upon La Bataille de Karesme et de Charnage and other French dts or fabliaux. From all this it may be inferred that Juan Ruiz was not above imitation, and this is true; but his imitations have on them always the impress of original genius. He improves on what he takes from others and makes a living character of a wooden lay- figure. His personages survive: the personages that suggested them to him are long since dead. His touch imparts life to a mass of dry bones, and so his characters endure and pass on to succeeding generations. The two lovers, Melon de la Uerta and Endrina de Calatayud, annexed from Pamphilus, reappear as Calisto and Melibea in La Celestina, and perhaps take on a new incarnation as Romeo and Juliet. Don Furon steals into French literature as the famous ‘valet de Gascogne’ of Marot (1497-1544) and is the prototype of the rogue in all Spanish picaresque tales. Similarly Ruiz develops ‘Trota-conventos from Ovid, stamps her with the seal of his genius and hands her on to Regnier (1573-1613) who re-baptizes her as Macette: but already she had become immortal GEE OW REE NEE GEN TORY 1 as Gelestina in‘ Castilian - literature. And -all this medley of material is enriched by a perpetual play of humorous irony and cynical, penetrating observation. Thanks to his indefatigable curiosity, posterity is endowed by Juan Ruiz with a panorama of the strange society of his tumultuous period. And he paints people as he saw them, in the true spirit of exact Spanish realism. He shrinks from no transcription —whether it be of Moorish dancers, of depraved priests or libidinous nuns, painted Jewesses, great ladies or the sunburnt daughters of the plough. Ruiz has no penchant for moral excellence in his characters, but he has a morality of his own, and this consists in rendering his vision of existence with convincing fidelity. Ruiz is the first pre-eminent literary individuality in astiliangmterature..) iwcared in Berceo s) artistic traditions, he takes over the cuaderna via as he received it from his predecessors, but in his hands the metre becomes a new thing. He renders it more supple, more various, more speedy. And in this technical part of his art he was deeply absorbed. At the beginning of E/ Libro de buen amor there is a prose preface in which Ruiz avows with more or less truth that his main object was to supply models of rhyth- mical composition. He did this much—as he did more in other directions. He recast, as has been shewn, the cuaderna via: he went further afield, and trans- planted from Galicia the serranillas, imparting to them a bitter-sweetness of his own; he was not above reproducing popular measures—cantares cazurros— which he picked up from wandering students, and in some of his metrical experiments (as in De Za Passion de Nuestro Senor ‘fhesu Christo), he anticipates the 52 SPANISH SEITE RAINS i versos de arte mayor which were to become, and to remain, the fashion for another two hundred years or so. As a metrist, as a dramatic creator, as a realistic force, as a guide and influence, Juan Ruiz has an unassailable claim to be the greatest figure in early Spanish literature. His countrymen have called him the Spanish Petronius. This will not do. He has not the polished perversity of the arbiter elegantiarum. Neither perhaps is Ticknor altogether right in calling Ruiz the Spanish Chaucer. Ruiz has not Chaucer’s amiability and tenderness. His note is rather one of rasping irony. Possibly the nearest parallel to him would be found in La Fontaine (1621-1695): Ruiz is a harsher type of La Fontaine, more plebeian, more violent, more insolent, more daring. If the fourteenth century is wanting in morality, it is for no lack of preachers, critics and admonishers. The counsels of the Archpriest may be suspect, but those of Lopez de Ayala have a note of deep gravity. Equally sincere are the Proverbios morales of the Rabbi Santob! or Semtob (=good name) or Santo. This writer, who introduced gnomic poetry into Spain, was a native, possibly, of Carrion de los Condes in Old Castile; at any rate, he lived there and dedicated his work to Peter the Cruel. The Proverbios morales, consisting of six hundred and eighty-six quatrains in lines of seven syllables, are redolent of Jewish and Arabic influence. And it is precisely this exotic note 1 Proverbios morales, ed. F. Janer, 1864, sin, )Bibeede Autores Esp., tvir.—See M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Antologia de poetas liricos, etc. Madrid, 1892. 111, pp. cxxiv-cxxxvi; L. Stein, Untersuchungen iiber die Proverbios morales von Santob de Carrion. Berlin, 1900. THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY 53 that makes Santob interesting. It is very easy to point out his defects: he is not a great poet, his notion of form is imperfect, his tendency to improve every occasion for sermonizing his readers is apt to be very wearisome, the burden is monotonous and the author’s desire to be concise often makes him obscure. But he has compensating good qualities : he has the courage of his opinion, has a certain boldness of imagination and a gift of verbal invention which entitle this melancholy veteran to rank in the history of Spanish literature as the introducer of a new genre. Santob tells us that he was old when he wrote the dedication of the Proverbios morales in 1350 or thereabouts. He cannot, therefore, reasonably be credited with works written about half a century later—such as the Revelacion de vn hermitanno (1382), a remodelling of the old theme already treated in La Disputa del Alma y el Cuerpo from the Latin Rixa Animi et Corporis. This is written in versos de arte mayor and shews signs of Italian influence. The Doctrina de la Discrigion? by Pedro de Veragiie was similarly ascribed to Santob. An anonymous poem of much the same date 1s the Libro de miseria del homne,? which is made up of five hundred and two stanzas written 1n the cuaderna via. It isa full paraphrasis of De contemptu mundi attributed to Pope Innocent II]. (1198-1216), and has a distinctly didactic aim. Of Juan Manuel’s nephew, Alphonso XI (1311-1350) i Ed: E. Janer, 1864, in Bibs de Autores Esp. Lwai. Fd. R. Foulché-Delbosc, in Revue Hispanique, xiv (1906), PP. 565-597. 8Ed. M. Artigas [Bol. de la Bib. Menéndez.y Pelayo] Santander, 1920. 54 SPANISH LITERATURE there exists only one poem preserved in the Canzontere portoghese della Biblioteca Vaticana: ‘En un tiempo cogi flores del muy nobre paraiso.’ It is a rather lackadaisical composition and not at all what one would expect from the hectoring conqueror of Salado, to whom with some superficial plausibility was long ascribed the Poema de Alfonso Onceno.* This poem is now known to have been written by Rodrigo Yanez or Yannes, perhaps a Galician or a Portuguese who adopted the Castilian form of his name Eannes. ‘Yo Rodrigo Yannes la note en lenguaje castellano,’ he says in stanza 1841. [he manuscript was dis- covered by Diego Hurtado de Mendoza in Granada in 1573 and an extract from it was printed in Argote de Molina’s Nodleza del Andalvzia (1588). It was perhaps translated from a Portuguese or Galician original, and is more in the nature of a chronicle than a poem. ‘The author’s chief concern is to give a faithful representation of the facts: he has more patriotic feeling than poetic inspiration and produces a sharper impression of the feeling against the morisma than is given by almost any other medieval work. The Poema de Alfonso Onceno denotes the approaching end of the epic; it is written by an authentic juglar who was an eye-witness of the deeds celebrated. It is a work of transition, and Yanez, when he substituted for the weightier Alexandrine two lines of eight syllables, unconsciously opened up the road for the introduction of the romance. | 1 Fd. F. Janer, 1864, in Bib, de Autores Esp., Lyi. PHESEOURTEHNTHAGEN FURY) 55 Every literature has its points of weakness, and Spain is undeniably weak in history and in what is called the epistolary gexre. So far as history is concerned, the result is not a little unexpected. One would have imagined that Spain would be at least as rich in historians as England : judging from the comparatively early date of Spain’s primitive historical records, one might suppose that the Spanish endowment included a marked innate gift for historical studies. Under Alphonso X, the Cronica general was compiled and the same king gathered round him a group of re- searchers who worked under his directions. He had a high standard of what history should be, and perhaps he handed on this high tradition to his family. At any rate, Alphonso X’s nephew, Don Juan Manuel, tried his hand at history and produced an abbreviation of his uncle’s chronicle. History could not, however, be kept as a monopoly belonging to the royal family. It was taken up by the nobles who had an active part in the government and were generally acquainted with the main facts. -One has a specimen of this in the chronicles of Pero Lopzz pe Ayata! (1332-1407). Lopez de Ayala came of an influential stock, and Dr nacomacee Alaciom ed. vA.) Hewkiuetstciner, = Newry ork, 1920 (Bib. hispanica, Xx1, xx11) ; Cronicas de los reyes de Castilla Don Pedro, Don Enrique II, Don Fuan I, Don Enrique III, ed. E. de Llaguno Amirola, Madrid, 1779-1780. 2 vols.; El libro de las aves de caca, ed. P. de Gayangos, 1869 (Soc. de Biblidfilos Esp., 5).—See: R. de Floranes [y Encinas], Vida de D. Pedro Lopez de Ayala, in Coleccion de documentos inéditos, etc. 1851- 1852, x1x and xx, pp. 5-49; M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Antologia de poetas liricos, etc. Madrid, 1893. Iv, pp. 1x-xxvil; E. Fueter, Ayala und die Chronik Peters des Grausamen, in Mittheitlungen des Instituts fiir Osterretchische Geschichtsforschung, Xxvi (1905), pp. 225-246. 56 SPANISH LITERATURE is one of the few Basques who have won a prominent place in Spanish literature. Beginning life as a page to Peter the Cruel in 1353, he remained in that King’s service—except for a temporary defection to the Infante don Fernando de Aragon—until 1366, when he went over to the Pretender, Henry of ‘Trastamara. In 1367 he was taken prisoner at Najera by the Black Prince, but was speedily ransomed. Between 1379 and 1380, he seems to have been in Paris as Spanish Ambassador. Captured at Aljubarrota (August 14, 1385) by the Portuguese, he was prisoner at Oviedes for some eighteen months. During the minority of Henry III, Lopez de Ayala was one of the Regents. He was the bearer of a letter from Henry HI to Charles VI of France in 1395 and seems to have been in Paris again the following year. Hus chancellorship dates from 1398. During his long life of seventy-five years, this most interesting person contrived always to be on the winning side and chronicled the chief events which occurred during the reigns of the kings whom he served, Peter.the Cruel, Henry IJ, John II and Henry III. His account of Henry II is unfinished, for Lopez de Ayala died before Henry III, who survived till Christmas day of the same year (1407): it was continued later by Alvar Garcia de Santa Maria (1390-1460). Others had worked on the same lines as Lopez de Ayala. ‘The chronicles of the reigns of Alphonso X, Sancho IV, Ferdinand IV and Alphonso XI were written by an author who has been plausibly identified with Fernand Sanchez de Tovar, Lopez de Ayala’s predecessor in the chancellorship. ‘The difference between Sanchez de Tovar and Lopez de Ayala as writers was not one of method, but of temperament. THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY Cy. Lopez de Ayala was somewhat old-fashioned in his ideas. The notion of writing history came to him when he was re-translating Livy through the French version of Pierre Bercuire (d. 1362). Lopez de Ayala follows Livy by ascribing to his personages speeches which they never made: so far he deviates from fact. But this is a mere mannerism, a simple artifice of style. These speeches take the place of expository narratives and explain the motives by which the speakers were actuated. Of course, Lopez de Ayala may be mistaken in his explanations: so say the most modern of =scientitic’ historians. As ‘to the facts; Lopez de Ayala is usually of meticulous accuracy. He had had a personal share in most of the events recorded by him, and was therefore well informed concerning them and, as a general rule, he is almost uncannily impartial. He seems to depart from his usual neutrality when he speaks of Peter the Cruel. It is not very easy, however, to paint a flattering portrait of Peter the Cruel, if one has any sort of regard for truth, and Lopez de Ayala had opportunities of study- ing his subject at close quarters since he was in Peter’s service for about a dozen years. In 1366, Henry of Trastamara was proclaimed king at Calahorra; and Lopez de Ayala thought that the moment had now come to go over to the other side. He records his own perfidy without attempting to disguise it. What he says is: ‘ Things now took such a turn, that those who had set out with Don Pedro left him, being agreed that they would not again go back to him.’ There is something amazingly cool in this. Lopez de Ayala contrives by sheer indifference to mask the fact that he has committed treason. His unfairness to Peter the Cruel—if he was unfair to him—may consist 58 SPANISH LITERATURE in his acceptance of rumours hostile to the king and in his silence concerning the manceuvres of the oppo- sition towards the king. But this may have been unconscious influence: Lopez de Ayala is never deliberately unfair. He does not travesty the facts. He had lived too long and too close to kings to be dazzled by them. Some of them had showered benefits on him, but one would never know who they were from Ayala’s tone. He judges them all with a cool impartiality which is surprising. He 1s. too haughty to have personal prejudices, or to shew them, at any rate. He talks of his benefactors as though they were enemies, of his enemies as though they. had done him no harm. His allusions to his royal masters are usually couched in respectful terms ; but he preserves his independence of judgement and passes sentence on them without hesitation. Re- spectful but never servile, Lopez de Ayala’s neutrality tends to become caustic irony; he sees the essential trait of a situation, the main characteristic of a person- age, and besides the gift of picturesque phrase he has the histrionic instinct, the knack of leading up to a dramatic scene. Lopez de Ayala at his best can easily be read in Prosper Mérimée’s Histoire de Don Pédre I’, roi de Castille (1847-1848), which displays one master basing his work upon the notes of another who lived five hundred years before him. Both are kindred spirits, and both have the same disillusioned outlook upon the human comedy. Both were courtiers, but they are singularly free from the faults which are usually associated with the denizens of courts ; perhaps the Spaniard is the freer of the two from such defects. Lopez de Ayala meant to write chronicles—plain chronicles—like those who went ire nO UR TENT Ee GE Nau RY 59 before him. Incidentally he transfigured dry records by adding picturesque detail. He made _ history live and set an example to those who followed him. Lopez de Ayala’s main interest lies undoubtedly in his chronicles, but there are some who consider the Rimado de Palacio his best work. The poem is a satire on all classes of men except the poor (/s pobres cuytados). ‘The manuscript of the Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid bears the words * Este libro fizo el onrrado cauallero Pero Lopez de Ayala estando preso en Yngla terra e llama se el libro del Palacio.’! This explanation was probably inserted by the copyist. It is not known that Lopez de Ayala ever was in England. His imprisonment by the Black Prince took place in the year 1367 and lasted but a short time. Internal evidence is against the ascription of the poem to that year. In stanza 215? there is mention of the schism under Pope Urbanus VI, in stanza 820 the schism is spoken of as having lasted twenty-five years : evidently stanza 215 cannot have been written before 1378 nor stanza 820 before 1403; in stanza 868 there is a reference to a convent of nuns built by Lopez de Ayala’s father in 1372. This is not perhaps definite proof, but taken in conjunction with the absence of evidence that Lopez de Ayala ever went to England, it is cumulative and weighs against themestatementuin« the @manuscript.« w Lhe #current theory is that Lopez de Ayala wrote much of the 1‘This book was written by the noble knight Pero Lopez de Ayala when he was a prisoner in England and it is called the book of the Court.’ 2Ed. A. F. Kuersteiner, 1 (Bib. hispanica, xx1). 60 SPANISH LITERATURE Rimado de Palacio when he was in captivity at Oviedes : ‘Yo estaua encerrado en vna casa escura Trauado de vna cadena asaz grande z dura,’ ! The latter part which reveals the tolerance of age was probably written at the end of the Chancellor’s career. The want of method in the book inevitably recalls Juan Ruiz. Like Ruiz, Lopez de Ayala witnesses audibly against his generation. He exposes the loose morals of the day, the universal corruption, the love of luxury: all classes of society from pope to soldier who feed on the ‘sangre de los pobres cuytados ’ pass under the lash of his merciless satire. But where Juan Ruiz, the gay picaroon, only laughs at the human race, Lopez de Ayala illustrates with relentless inex- orability its cruelty and evil. He is less vehement, perhaps, than his French successor Agrippa d’Aubigné (1552-1630), but if he does not inveigh, he never strikes the softer note. D’Aubigné may say: © Cachez-vous sous ma robe en mes noires foréts.. .’ for Lopez de Ayala, the world has no refuge, no pity for the downtrodden: ‘Sy el cuytado es muy pobre z non tiene cabal, Non le valdran parientes nin avn el decretal : ‘“¢ Muera, muera,” dizen todos por este cuytado tal Ca es ladron manifiesto e meresce mucho mal.’ ? 1‘J was shut up in a dark house fastened to a long and hard chain.’ 2‘Tf a man be very poor, weighed down with cares and without means, neither laws nor papal decrees will avail him: ‘““Crucify him, crucify him,” is the universal cry, ‘‘ for he is a thief most manifest and deserves much ill.’”’’ THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY 61 He states with the cold impartiality of the historian ; the grim relentlessness of his outlook on life is summed up in the verse : ‘ Asy pasa, mal pecado, pasé z pasara.’ He possesses besides a gift of brilliant characterization, of which his description of the merchants is a case in point : ‘ Fazen escuras sus tiendas e poca lunbre les dan ; Por Broselas muestran Ypre e por Melinas Rroan. Los pafios violetes bermejos les parescerafn] ; Al contar de los dineros las finiestras alcaran,’ 4 Stanza 706 brings to an end Lopez de Ayala’s sermon or satire, which is written in the cuaderna via, the metre which he uses for his personal confessions where he laments having wasted his time reading about ‘Amadis’ and ‘ Lancarote’; elsewhere he makes metrical ex- periments, uses versos de arte mayor in the stanzas which deal with the schism but returns again to the cuaderna via in the epilogue to the poem—a paraphrase of St. Gregory’s Fob. The Libro de la caza de las aves, et de sus plumages et dolencias et melecinamientos known also as the Libro de la cetreria, a treatise on falconry, was probably written while the author was still a prisoner at Oviedes ; it is dedicated to Gonzalo de Mena (d. 1401), bishop of Burgos and an ardent huntsman. The great chancellor was not unlike Alphonso X as regards intellectual curiosity. Nothing came amiss to him. He tried his hand at the new metrics and was not 1‘They darken their shops and give them little light; for lace from Bruges and Mechlin they shew lace from Rouen. Purple cloth and scarlet look alike to them; when they count their money, they open the windows.’ 62 SRA TST eis RaAS ek unsuccessful with the versos de arte mayor; to his numerous translations Spain owes her first interest in things Italian. His versions of Livy, of St. Isidore’s De summo bono sive De sententiis, of St. Gregory’s com- mentary on 70d, of Boethius’s De Consolatione philosophiae reveal his humanistic tendencies, while his translation of Boccaccio’s De casibus virorum et feminarum illustrium (which was finished in 1422 by Alonso de Cartagena and Juan Alfonso de Zamora) marks an epoch by fixing the dawn of Italian influence between the years 1356 and 1364. Lopez de Ayala’s rendering of Le Roman de Troie, of which a recast had been made by a cleric in Alphonso XI’s reign, was based not on Benoit de Sainte-More’s original text, but on the Latin version by Guido delle Colonne. This is significative of Lopez de Ayala’s inclinations. The instinct which served him so profitably in politics accompanied him into literature. Once again he was on the winning side. He died before he could finish his translation of Boccaccio: death claimed him when he had translated eight books out of ten. But he lived long enough to see the Italian influence carrying all before it. IV THE ROMANCERO Tue Romancero! is the general collection of the eminently Spanish verse compositions known as romances (ballads). In its present restricted meaning the romance is a popular epical-lyric poem of sixteen- syllabled lines with a uniform assonance from beginning to end. ‘This definition applies to old romances only, and by old is meant a romance not later than the fifteenth century. _ The oldest ballads are in a sense fragments of long popular epics. The earliest Spanish epic which survives 1s the Poema del Cid, and in point of time this stands about half-way between La Chanson de 1 Cancionero de Romances. Facsimile of the Antwerp ed. n.d. by R. Menéndez Pidal, Madrid, 1914; Romancero general. Facsimile of the 1600 ed. by A. M. Huntington, New York, 1903. 2 vols.; Romancero general ...ed.A. Duran, 1849-1851. 2 vols. (Bib. de Autores Esp., x, xvi); Primavera y Flor de Romances ...ed. F. J. Wolf and C. Hofmann, Berlin, 1856. 2 vols. [reprinted with additions by M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Antologia de poetas liricos, etc. Madrid, 1898-1900. — viI-x]; Romancero de Barcelona, ed. R. Foulché-Delbosc, in Revue Hispanique, XXIX (1913), pp. 121-194; Les romancerillos de la Bibliotheque Ambrosienne, ed. R. Foulché-Delbosc, in Revue Hispanique, XLV (1919), pp. 510-624; Spanish Ballads, ed. G. le Strange, Cambridge, 1920; Romancero judeo- 63 64 SPANISH LITERATURE Roland and Das Nibelungenlied—about the middle of the twelfth century. There are epical touches in the Poema de Fernan Gongalez composed in the latter half of the thirteenth century. Then there is a break until the Poema de Alfonso Onceno. Here the long Alexandrine divides into two lines of eight syllables each and the versification of the romance is well in sight. ‘This revolutionary change was not made at a single stride. It had been gradually coming on. The most popular hero of the Middle Ages, the man most frequently celebrated 1n song, was the Cid, and it is not surprising to find some premonitions of the approaching revolution in compositions where he figures as the protagonist. He had been sung in the Poema del Cid as the misunderstood patriot ill-used by a king who was really a Leonese, though he ruled over Castile. This was obviously a great success with the multitude, and it then became necessary to exhibit the Cid at all stages of his career, as a precociously gallant youth, as a rebellious feudal baron and so forth. espanol, ed. R. Gil, Madrid, 1911; Romancero nuevomejicano, ed. A. M. Espinosa, in Revue Hispanique, Xxx (1915), pp. 446- 560.—See: M. Mila y Fontanals, in De la poesia heréico-popular castellana, Barcelona, 1874; C. Michaélis de Vasconcellos, Romanzenstudien, in Zeitschrift fiir romanische Philologie, XVI (1902), pp. 40-89; M. Menéndez y Pelayo, Tratado de los romances viejos (Antologia de poetas liricos, etc. x1, xu). Madrid, 1903-1906; R. Menéndez Pidal, in L’Epopée castillane a& travers la littérature espagnole [French trans. by H. Mérimée]. Paris, 1910; R. Foulché-Delbosc, Essai sur les origines du Romancere. Prélude. Paris, 1912; P. Rajna, Osservazioni e dubbi concernentt la storia delle romanze spagnuole, in The Romanic Review, v1 (1915), pp. I-41; S. G. Morley, Are the Spanish ‘ Romances’ written in quatrains ? in The Romantic Review, vit (1916), pp. 42- 82; G. Cirot, Le mouvement quaternaire dans les romances in Bulletin hispanique, XxX1 (1919), pp. 103-142. THE ROMANCERO 6s The Cronica general de 1344 contains many of the most popular stories about the Cid, incorporated from epic poems which now appear to have passed out of existence. There is, however, a recast of the chief of these poems in a fifteenth century manuscript : its real title is long and clumsy: Cronica rimada de las cosas de Espaiia desde la muerte del rey don Pelayo hasta don Fernando el Magno, y mas particularmente de las aventuras del Cid1 It is not convenient to use a title of nearly thirty words, and it is easier to speak of this strange composition by some shorter name: Cantar de Rodrigo or Las mocedades de Rodrigo. It is twelve hundred and twenty-five lines in length and begins with a piece of prose slightly assonanced. The Cid only appears on the scene at 1. 280—as a boy of twelve. He challenges and kills the Conde de Gormaz, who has ill-treated and wounded some shepherds of Dien omeleaine7 setiicm Cidiss father. ato 7se 2 Ed. C. Michaélis de Vasconcellos, Halle, 1904, 2 vols. 3 Cancionero de Baena, ed. FE. de Ochoa, Madrid, 1851.—See : M. ace y Pelayo, in Antologia de poetas livicos, etc. Madrid, 1893. , Pp. XXXVIN-XCVI1. ITALIAN INFLUENCE 8 5 and whose verses are as redolent of the joy of living as any by the Archpriest of Hita; Juan Rodriguez de la Camara and Macias 0 Namorado. ‘To these two, always closely linked in association, a legend attaches. Nothing definite is known about Macias,! the eternal lover, though he is wrongly supposed to have been a page to Henry III or to Villena. Of his merits as a poet it 1s difficult to judge, since there are only five compositions of his in the Cancionero de Baena: other poems, said to be by him, are fragmentary and more or less authentic. Macias survives by virtue of his legend. As the grande e virtuoso martir de Cupido he has passed into history and is celebrated by Santillana in E/ Inferno de los Enamorados ; by Lope de Vega in Porfiar hasta morir; by Larra in E7? doncel de don Enrique el Dohente (1834) and in Macias (1834): he reappears in La Celestina and in E/ Espaftol mas amante y desgraciado Macias (1704). According to Don Pedro, the Constable of Portugal, Macias, summoned by a jealous husband to stand aside, cried out that until death ended his troubles and his life, he would not stir from the place where his lady had once stood, whereupon he was instantly slain. This is one version of the story: another runs that as he lay in the dungeon of Arjonilla, he was overheard singing his platonic love and was shot by an arrow flung from the husband’s bow. It 1s worth noting that his myth seems to be based on his own song, Ai sennora, en quen fianga, Miacias’s friend and admirer 1 Poestas, ed. H. A. Rennert, in Macias, 0 Namorado, a Galician trobador, Philadelphia, 1900; ed. H. R. Lang, in Cancionetro gallego-castelhano. New York, 1902.—See: M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Antologia de poetas liricos, etc. Madrid, 1893. Iv, pp. lvii-bxit. 86 SPANISH “UU ERA TURE Juan Rodriguez de la Camara!—also called from his birthplace del Padron—was probably born about the end of the fourteenth century and died towards the middle of the fifteenth century. An unfortunate love- passage with some court-lady, through which he seems temporarily to have lost his reason, gave rise to the wildest tales about him. Rumour said that he was loved by a queen, and tradition would make him the lover of Isabel, the Portuguese wife of John II whose marriage with the Castilian king took place in 1447 ; of Juana, who married Henry IV in 1455; of an unnamed Queen of France. The little that is known about Rodriguez de la Camara tells against these conjectures. His exile followed probably on the affair at Court; he went on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem ; he entered the service of Cardinal Juan de Cervantes (d. 1453), who was Bishop of Tuy from 1430 to 1438 and later Archbishop of Seville; in 1445 he became a Franciscan friar. It would be surprising if Rodriguez de la Camara were really the author of the three famous romances—El Conde Arnaldos, Rosa Florida, the Infantina —which bear his name: his only contribution to the Cancionero de Baena shews little poetical accom- plishment. Apart from his admiration for Macias and his own legend, he is remembered as the writer of E/ steruo libre de Amor (1439-1440), which he composed while he was 1n the train of Juan de Cervantes. The book—a novel of sentiment purporting to relate 1 Obras, ed. A. Paz y Mélia, 1884 (Soc. de Biblidéfilos Esp., 22). —See: P. J. Pidal, Vida del trovador fuan Rodriguez del Padrén, in Estudios literarios, 1890. 11, pp.-7-37 (Col. de Escritores Cast., 83); P. Atanasio Lopez, La literatura critico-histérica y el trovador Fuan Rodriguez de la Camara o del Padr6n. Santiago, 1918. ITALIAN INFLUENCE 87 his amorous adventures—is based on Boccaccio’s Fiammetta, and contains the allegorical Estoria de dos amadores, Ardanher e Liesa. The translation into French of his Triunfo de las donas argues a certain vogue, but nothing more. Rodriguez de ia Camara’s interest lies elsewhere ; in his preference for Castilian he announces the approaching supremacy of that language. With the exception of the Chancellor Lopez de Ayala, who figures once in the Cancionero de Baena, Pero Ferrus (or Ferrandes) is the oldest representative of the Castilian school. He forms a link between the two schools and is interesting chiefly for his passing reference (found in the Dezyr, Los gue tanto profasades, addressed to Lopez de Ayala) to Amadis de Gaula— Amadys el muy fermoso. A truer poet is Ferrant Sanchez Talavera, Knight of the Order of Calatrava, who died probably-a little before 1443. His dezir, Por Dios, seftores, quitemos el velo, on the death of the Admiral Ruy Diaz de Mendoza, antictpates in some measure the Coplas of Jorge Manrique and entitles the writer to a place considerably above other contri- butors to the Cancionero de Baena. On the Italian side the most potent force was undoubtedly Francisco Imperial,t a Genoese by descent, son of an Italian father who settled as a jeweller at Seville. It would be futile to pretend that Imperial was a great poet, but he had all the gifts that were needed for his object—a thorough knowledge of Italian, a happy faculty of versifying in Spanish and a boundless admiration for Dante. In his Dezir a Jas syete virtudes he records the vision splendid which he perceived as 1See: M. Chaves, Micer Francisco Imperial: apuntes bio- bibliograficos. Sevilla, 1899. 88 SPANISH LITERATURE he lay asleep in an enchanted garden enclosed by battlements of emerald. A venerable sage approaches holding a book written all in characters of gold and beginning Ex medio del camino. Imperial follows his guide to where the seven cardinal virtues stand, with their attendant virtues, all symbolized by female figures of extraordinary beauty. It is not till the close of the poem that Imperial recognizes his illustrious companion, and perhaps this is not surprising, for the guide is presented as a man of sweet and gentle aspect, wearing an immensely long beard. In the last verse Imperial wakens with a bound and, the vision being ended, finds in his hand a copy of Dante * open at the chapter which salutes the Virgin,’ the last canto of I] Paradiso. But the intelligent reader has long before anticipated the revelation. ‘Ihe atmosphere is Dante’s; the ideas are Dante’s; and, as though to dissipate every shadow of doubt, several passages reproduce the very words of Dante. This is not plagiarism or anything approaching it; it is frank and undisguised transplantation of Dante from Italy to Spain. This is the work that Imperial was born to do, and he did it with complete success. He stimulated curiosity con- cerning the great Florentine poet and communicated his enthusiasm to others more influential than himself. Among his disciples were Ferrant Manuel de Lando (d. 1417 ?), who was continually engaged in polemics with the coarse-fibred Villasandino; and Gonzalo Martinez de Medina (d. 1403?), in whose harsh yet fine stanzas there is mention of Guelphs and Ghibellines. Another contemporary, Ruy Paez de Ribera, whose period of literary activity extends from 1397 to 1424, escapes the direct influence of Dante and gives evidence of a distinct and original talent. ITALIAN INFLUENCE 89 Descended from a noble family, he seems to have fallen upon evil times and in his dezires he illustrates poignantly the sadness of poverty and age: certain passages have a finality which recalls Lopez de Ayala’s stanzas on the podres cuytados ‘ F] pobre non tiene parientes ni amigo Donayre nin seso, esfuergo e sentido.’ } One of the oddest and most enigmatic figures in the history of Spanish literature is Enrique de Villena? (1384-1434), upon whom posterity has insisted on conferring a marquisate. Villena was the grandson of a king, but though he humiliated himself in the most shameful way, allowing his wife, Maria de Castilla, to be the mistress of Henry III, he failed to obtain a marquisate in his life-time. He appears, however, in all the usual books of reference as the. ~ Marqués de Villena, and posterity, which has raised him to this rank, has also chosen to regard him as a wizard or necromancer. Huis library was burnt by the public executioner after his death, because it was supposed to contain books on magic. Villena lent a certain colour to the fable by writing a treatise on the 1‘ The poor man has no relations nor friend: he is without charm, without brains, without courage, without feeling.’ 2 Arte de trobar, ed. M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Antologia de poetas liricos, etc. Madrid, 1894. v, pp. 3-17; Arte cisoria, ed. F.-B. Navarro, Madrid-Barcelona [1879]; Lzbro del Aoja- miento o Fascinologia, in Revista contempordnea, tv (1876), pp. 405-422; El Libro de la Guerra, ed. L. de Torre, in Revue Hispanique, XXXVIII (1916), pp. 497-531; Tres Tratados, ed. J. Soler, in Revue Hispanique, Xi (1917), pp. 110-214.—See: E. Cotarelo y Mori, Don Enrique de Villena; su vida y obras. Madrid, 1896; M. Schiff, La premiére traduction espagnole de la Divine Comédie, in Homenaje & Menendez y Pelayo. Madrid, 1899. 1, pp. 269-307. gO SPANISH LITERATURE evil eye, Libro del Aojamiento o Fascinologia, which 1s remarkable only as a monument of credulity. His first work, the allegorical Libro de los Trabajos de Hercules, written in Catalan in 1417, was shortly afterwards translated into Castilian and was first printed in 1482; it is as likely to interest modern readers as his treatises on leprosy and consolation. The Arte cisoria or Tractado del arte del cortar del cuchillo (1423), a prose epic on the pleasures of eating, reveals Villena as the glutton that his contemporary, Perez de Guzman, believed him to be; *“comia mucho,’ he says of him. He adds that Villena was “ muy sotil en la Poesia, gran historiador, e muy copioso y mezclado en diversas sciencias. Sabia hablar muchos lenguages.. .’4 Villena’s verse has disappeared ; his prose is about as bad as it can be. But he has picturesqueness and his fame as a necromancer finds echoes in Quevedo’s Visita de los chistes; in Ruiz de Alarcon’s La Cueva de Salamanca; in Rojas Zorrilla’s Lo gue queria ver el marques de Villena and in Hartzenbusch’s La redoma encantada. Yhough not an author of distinction, Villena was a patron of literature, a man of versatile talent and of great intellectual curiosity. Contemptible as his character was, he must be regarded as one of the pioneers of the Renaissance in Spain. Though the value of his translation is not great intrinsically, the fact remains that he was the first man to translate the whole of La Divina Commedia into Spanish ; Dante translated into prose necessarily loses in the process, but perhaps he loses less than any other poet of his rank. Villena’s translation brought Dante into 1* Very skilful in poetry, a great historian, a copious writer versed in various sciences. He could speak many languages.’ ITALIAN INFLUENCE QI vogue, made him the fashion and thus imparted a fresh impulse to the Italian movement in Spain. The result was speedily seen in the work of Villena’s friend, Ifiigo Lopez de Mendoza? (1398-1458), who, after the battle of Olmedo (May 19, 1445), became Marqués de Santillana and Conde del Real de Manzan- ares. According to his own account of the matter, Santillana was no great scholar, and one would scarcely expect him to be anything of the sort, considering the prominent part that he played in politics and on many a field of battle. But he was what Villena could never have been—an authentic lyric poet. His father, Diego Hurtado de Mendoza (d. 1404), wrote the charming cossante, A aquel arbol, que mueve la foxa ; and the son inherited the father’s gift. Santillana’s friendship with Villena had an intellectual basis ;_ they first met at the jochs florals presided over by Villena in 1414 at Saragossa. To Villena Santillana dedicated his Pregunta de Nobles while, at Santillana’s prayer, 1 Obras, ed. J. Amador de los Rios, Madrid, 1852 ; Cancionero, ed. R. Foulché-Delbosc, in Cancionero castellano del siglo xv. IQ12. 1, pp. 449-575 (Nueva Bib. de Autores Esp., 19); Bias contra fortuna. Facsimile of the Seville ed. [1502] by A. M. Huntington, New York, 1902; Jl proemio del marchese di Santillana, ed. L. Sorrento, in Revue Hispanique, Lv (1922), pp. 1-49.—See: M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Antologia de poetas liricos, etc., Madrid, 1894. v, pp. Ixxvi-cxliv; B. Sanvisenti, in I primi influssit di Dante, del Petrarca e del Boccaccio sulla letteratura spagnuola. Milano, 1902. pp. 127-186; M. Schiff, La bibliothéque du marquis de Santillane. 1905 (Bib. de I’Ecole des Hautes Etudes, 153); A. Vegue y Goldoni, Los sonetos ‘ al itdlico modo’ de don Inigo Lopez de Mendoza, marqués de Santillana. Madrid, 1911; C. R. Post, in Mediaeval Spanish Allegory. Cambridge, Mass., 1915. pp. 202-233; J. Seronde, Dante and the French influence on the Marqués de Santillana, in The Romanic Review, vii (1916), pp. 194-210. 92 SPANISH LITERATURE Villena wrote his Arte de trobar (141§-1417) and translated Virgil and Dante, and on Villena’s death Santillana wrote the Defunssion de don Enrique de Villena, senor dotto e de exgellente ingenio, avery indifferent piece of work. Like Lopez de Ayala before him, Santillana was not troubled by any unnecessary scruples of loyalty, and though John II conferred on him a marquisate, when the time seemed opportune he abandoned his royal master. Huis adaptable tempera- ment served him well in literature: neither verse nor prose came amiss to him. His conspectus of poetry, the famous Carta to Don Pedro, Constable of Portugal, is written in a pleasant, ductile prose-style. But it 1s as a poet that Santillana excels. In him are combined the graces of both France and Italy. He is seen to most advantage when he reproduces the aubades—the morning songs—of the Provencal troubadours—ain his mountain lays or serranillas, in his dezires and vaquetras. These are replenished with an exquisite and abiding charm, a natural simplicity and elegance which defy the attacks of Time. Highly as Santillana thought of the Provencal singers and of Northern srouvéres like Alain Chartier (1394?-1440?°), he never made the mistake of placing them on the same level as Dante. Dante is for him the greatest of modern poets. He gives a high place, however, to Petrarch. On the immortal episode of Francesca da Rimini is based El Inferno de los enamorados, in which Santillana tells of Macias and his unhappy love; La Comedieta de Ponga (1444), a poem in dialogue dealing with the victory of the Genoese in 1435 over the fleets of Castile and Aragon, is penetrated with reminiscences from Petrarch, the Petrarch of J/ Trionfo della Morte, who, together with Dante and Boccaccio, is invoked ITALIAN INFLUENCE 93 in the opening lines. Petrarch again is responsible for the form of E/ Triumphete de Amor. Nor must it be supposed that Santillana’s knowledge of Dante was limited to La Divina Commedia. ‘There exists a fairly complete catalogue of Santillana’s library which shews that it contained manuscripts of La Vita Nuova, Il Canzontere and I/ Convivio, as well as the available literature on the Florentine poet and his work: Villena’s translation, a Spanish version of Benvenuto da Imola’s commentary on L’/uferno and J/ Purgatorio, a Spanish translation of a Latin commentary on the entire Divina Commedia and Boccaccio’s life of Dante. Yet Italianism was not Santillana’s only inspiration nor, perhaps, was it always his best. Inthe Bias contra Fortuna (1448), he seeks to console his cousin, the Conde de Alba, for his imprisonment by Don Alvaro de Luna (1385 ?-1453), against whom he wrote the _ bitter diatribe Dotrinal de Privados (1454). Every line of this poem is charged with an intense hatred : the depth of feeling which characterizes it endows it with enduring qualities. Santillana himself most esteemed a group of forty-two sonnets which, as he proudly says, are fechos al italico modo. .He might well pique himself on his achievement, for he was the first Spaniard who ever attempted the sonnet form. He deserves all praise for his courage, but the experi- ment was premature. It was repeated no more successfully some few years later by Johan de Villal- pando, an Aragonese whose four hybrid sonnets written In versos de arte mayor may be found in the Cancionero} of Herberay. Santillana’s sonnets betoken the most iSee + B, J..Gallardo, in Ensayo, etc. Madrid, 1863. 1, col. 451-567. 94 SPANISH LITERATURE assiduous study of Petrarch, but industry 1s not the one thing needful for a poet. Santillana is hampered on the sonnet’s narrow plot of ground. His real charm lies elsewhere : he survives through the youthful freshness and delicacy of his graceful songs, which have been surpassed by none, not even Lope de Vega. The leading poet of the period and an inspired master of the versos de arte mayor was JUAN-DE Mena! (1411-1456). A Cordovan, he had all the brilliancy as well as the defects of his fellow-countrymen, Seneca, Lucan, Herrera and Gongora. But deeper than the influence of his native soil on Mena was that of Italy. When he was still at an impressionable age, he studied the Italian writers in their own land. He returned to Spain full of ambition to latinize his own language and to imitate Dante, a wish always fraught with unhappy results. Mena’s productions are not numerous and all shew an exceptional regard in respect to form. The best known is E/ Laberinto de Fortuna (1444 °), which was -once baptized Las Trezientas. The poem originally consisted of two hundred and ninety-seven stanzas, three were added, in order to conform, so it was ‘thought, with the popular title. Tradition adds that Mena, at the request of John II, 1 Cancionero, ed. R. Foulché-Delbosc, in Cancionero Castellano delsigloxv. 1912. I, pp. 120-221 (Nueva Bib. de Autores Esp., 19); El Laberinto de Fortuna [ed. R. Foulché-Delbosc], Macon, 1904. See: M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Antologia de poetas Ikricos, etc. Madrid, 1894. v, pp. exlviii-ccvi; R. Foulché-Delbosc, Etude sur le ‘ Laberinto’ de Fuan de Mena, in Revue Hispanique x (1902), pp. 75-138 [Spanish trans. by A. Bonilla y San Martin Madrid, 1903]; B. Sanvisenti, in I primi influssi di Dante del Petrarca e del Boccaccio sulla letteratura spagnuola. Milano 1902. pp. 81-125; C. R. Post, The Sources of fuan de Mena in The Romantic Review, 111 (1912), pp. 223-270. ) ) ) ) ) ITALIAN INFLUENCE 95 sought to add sixty-five more stanzas to his poem to make one for each day of the year. But death cut him off before he had reached the twenty-fifth. Tradition is nearly always wrong, and never more so than inthis case. The additional stanzas are not at all in the manner of Mena: moreover they contain severe criticism on John II, which would tend to make their ascription to Mena impossible. ‘These twenty-four stanzas with the first three which were added are evidently by the hand of an independent poet and, as M. Foulché-Delbosc has shewn, Mena’s share in the work is limited to the original two hundred and ninety-seven stanzas. E/ Laberinto de Fortuna is an allegorical vision after Dante: it unfolds the drama of history as seen by the seer in his miraculous journey through the past, the present and the future. In spite of the frequent obscurities, the cumbersome erudition and the fatiguing lack of simplicity, some of the episodes—those on the death of Davalos and the sacrificio del conde de Niebla—are very beautiful. The quiet courage of the count and his unswerving patriot- ism are admirably revealed in the sombre dignity of the last stanzas. The merit of E/ Laberinto de Fortuna consists partly, perhaps, in its having reached a higher plane than had hitherto been attained in Castilian art. Its lofty ideals, its fire, the heroic actions so eloquently described in it, stirred the multitude to emulation. Mena’s skill in his chosen metrical form, his stately stanzas, achieving at times a genuine beauty, and his imaginative vision gained for him a prestige which his misplaced erudition and intentional obscurity should not completely dim for us. Now impressive, now merely pompous, his verse is unequal, but it is nearly always excellent as 96 SPANISH LITERATURE regards technique. The same cannot be said of Mena’s prose. His Coronacion (1438) or Calamicleos (as he wished it to be called), a poem on the crowning of Santillana at Parnassus with reminiscences from Dante and Jean de Meung, contains a prose com- mentary. ‘This is a truly appalling performance, as bad as anything by Villena, and it is not the only incriminating evidence against Mena as a prose-writer. Tohim have beenassigned the Cop/as de ; dy, Panadera! (1445), but their sprightliness of tone renders the ascription improbable. Mena’s influence may be seen in some of the Neapolitan Spaniards: Carvajal, for instance, who handled with dexterity the versos de arte mayor, and in Don Pedro? (1429-1466), Constable of Portugal, and from 1464 to 1466 King of Aragon. Driven to Spain in 1449 by political events, Don Pedro spent seven years in Castile and wrote in Castilian. He was, perhaps, the first Portuguese to use that language as a literary medium ; we must not lose sight of the theory according to which the author of the Poema de Alfonso Onceno was a Portuguese. In all Don Pedro’s works a distinctly personal note is visible: though one may be called a satire and another 1d. B. J. Gallardo, in Ensayo, etc., Madrid, 18633. weom 613-617. 2 Coplas, in Cancionetro de Reesende, facsimile of the 1516 ed. by A. M. Huntington, New York, 1904, ed. E. H. von Kaustler [Canctoneiro Geral de Garcia de Resende], 1846-1852. 3 vols. (Bib. des lit. Vereins in Stuttgart, 15, 17, 26); Sdtira de felice é infelice vida, ed. A. Paz y Mélia, in Opusculos literarios de los siglos xiv. d xvi. 1892. pp. 47-101 (Soc. de Biblidfilos Esp., 29) ; Tragedia de la insigne Reyna Dona Ysabel, ed. C. Michaélis de Vasconcellos, in Homenaje 4 Menéndez y Pelayo, Madrid, 1899. I, pp. 637-732.—See: M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Antologia de poetas liricos, etc. Madrid, 1898. vil, pp. cx-cxxxii. ITALIAN INFLUENCE 97 a tragedy, they are nothing of the kind. ‘They are lyrical compositions in which the exile’s feelings find relief. In the Coplas de! contempto del mundo he sings with chastened melancholy life’s disillusions: he recurs to the same theme in the Tragedia de la insigne Reyna Dota Isabel, a dialogue of alternating prose and verse shewing influences of Te Book of ‘fob, of Boethius and of Boccaccio. The Satyra de felice e infelice vida is an imitation of Rodriguez de la Camara’s Sieruo libre de Amor. Don Pedro’s prose has all the defects of Mena’s: his verse is relatively pure and has many of Mena’s qualities. To the region of travels belongs the Historia del gran Tamorlan, e Itinerario y enarracion del viaje, y relacion de la embaxada by Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo! (d. 1412). It is the account of a journey from Puerto de Santa Maria to Samarcand, undertaken on March 22, 1403, by the author, the friar Alfonso Paez de Santa Maria and Gomez de Salazar as envoys from Henry III to Timfr. Salazar died on the way in July 1404, but his companions reached the Mongolian capital in September of the same year, and left it most unwillingly in the middle of November. Gonzalez de Claviio draws a striking picture of the terrible con- queror in his old age and of the state of things in Central Asia: the appalling punishments inflicted on profiteers in boots or in meat: the joviality of Timtr’s wife who felt it a stain on her hospitality if any guests were sober enough to stand up on their feet : tales of 1 Historia del gran Tamorlan. Madrid, 1782; Narrative of the Embassy of Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo to the Court of Timur at Samarcand, A.D. 1403-6. Translated... by Sir Clements R. Markham. London, 1860 (Hakluyt Society). G S.L. 98 SPANISH LITERATURE strange animals seen for the first time—ostriches, elephants and giraffes. All these experiences are related with agreeable frankness by Gonzalez, who set a fashion. Mariana writes that the Historia del gran _ Tamorlan contains, besides a relation of the embassy, ‘ muchas otras cosas asaz maravillosas, si verdaderas ’ : many will agree with him, but this need not interfere with the enjoyment of the book whose clear style makes its reading comparatively easy. About thirty years after his death, Gonzalez de Clavijo had a successor in Pero Tafur1 (1410?-1484 ?), later regidor of Cordova, who describes his travels in Andangas e viajes, por diuersas partes del mundo auidos. ‘These were published in 1874 from a manuscript of the eighteenth century. Tafur seems to have left Spain in the autumn of 1435 and was away some three and a half years. He had not the violent shocks of Gonzalez de Clavijo in the way of barbaric sights; he has neither such marvels to record nor such a capacity for astonishment: he pushed as far as the Valley of Hebron where, as he engagingly relates, are the tombs of Adam and Eve. Tafur is more interested in persons than in things, and he is perhaps too obviously anxious to speak of the great people—Niccold Conti (1419-1444), for instance—whom he met. But it would be unfair to say that he was a snob writing for snobs. He wrote from the exuberance of his spirit, putting down what he thought would best amuse and interest his readers ; and nobody can deny that he tells his story with humour, with good humour and with a disarming 1 Andangas é viajes, ed. M. Jimenez de la Espada, 1874 (Col. de libros esp. raros 6 curiosos, 8).—See : R. Ramirez de Arellano, in Boletin de la R. Academia de la Historia, x1 (1902), pp. 273- 292. | ITALIAN INFLUENCE 99 simplicity. He was not, however, like Gutierre Diaz de Games, a born writer. Perhaps some ambition to vie with the interest of Lopez de Ayala’s work was responsible for the Coronica Sarrazyna of Pedro de Corral. who was afterwards described by Perez de Guzman as a lewd and presumptuous fellow, the author of a book which he qualifies as a ‘mentira y trufa paladina.’ Corral appears to have begun in perfect good faith by following the Cronica general, the Cronica Troyana and the chronicle of the Moor al-Razi, recast in the Cronica de 1344. This involved much checking and comparing, work not congenial to Corral’s temperament. The alternative title of his Coronica Sarrazyna was the Cronica del rey don Rodrigo con la destruycion de Espafia, and as there were few extant chronicles concerning the last Gothic king, Corral proceeded to invent his authorities: a certain Eleastras, a certain Alanzuri and a certain Carestas. These persons had no existence out of Corral’s ingenious fantasy: they therefore cannot have written the chronicles on which the Coronica Sarrazyna professed to be based. Perez de Guzman was undoubtedly right: the Coronica Sarrazyna was almost wholly an invention. But nothing could correct its vogue. The great Catalan poet, Ausias March, refers solemnly to it as though it were genuine history. Asa matter of fact it was much more in the nature of a chivalresque novel. _ Its interest lies in the fact that the oldest romances concerning King Roderick are derived from it, and as the Coronica Sarrazyna was compiled about the year 1443, it 1See: J. Menéndez Pidal, in Leyendas del ultimo rey godo. Madrid, 1906. 100 SPANISH LITERATURE follows that the oldest Roderick ballads must be of later date than 1443. This is a purely incidental interest. As history, Corral’s work is worth nothing. Nobody acquainted with the circumstances of its production would ever dream of making a definite statement on its authority. But it was not so in the fifteenth century. ‘Textual criticism was then in its infancy and Corral’s statements were then and for long afterwards accepted as Gospel. Sounder historical and critical sense than Corral’s was possessed by Lopez de Ayala’s nephew Frernan PEREZ DE GuZzMAN?! (1376 ?-1460 °), who has already been quoted as a severe judge of Corral’s performance. He was supposed, on insufhcient grounds, to have had a hand in preparing the Cronica del serentssimo rey don juan el segundo deste nombre and, if he really had taken part in this compilation, he aril deserve to be credited with an excellent piece of unadorned prose-composition. He began as a poet and is thus represented in the Cancionero de Baena. We was an indefatigable versi- fier; thirteen thousand verses—among which may be mentioned the Cop/as de vicios e virtudes, the lament on the death of Alonso de Cartagena (d. 1456), and the Loores de los claros varones de Espata—remain to = 1 Las Generaciones, Semblancas y Obras, etc., ed. R. Foulché- Delbosc, Macon, 1907; Mar de. tstorias, reprint of the 1512 ed. by R. Foulché- Delbosc, in Revue Hispanique, XXVIII (1913), pp. 442-622 ; Cancionero, ed. R. Foulché- Delbosc, in Cancionero — castellano del sigloxv, 1912. 1, pp.575- 739 (Nueva Bib. de Aut. Esp., 19) ; Some unpublished poems of Fernan Perez de Gugman, ed. H. A. Rennert, Baltimore, 1897.—See: M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Antologta de poetas lricos, etc. Madrid, 1894. v, pp. I-Ixxviii; R. Foulché-Delbosc, Etude bibliographique Sur Fernan Perez de Guzman, in Revue Hispanique, xvi (1907), pp. 26-55. ITALIAN INFLUENCE IOI testify to his zeal. His Cop/as went into seven or eight editions when the age of printing came; but it is not as a poet that Perez de Guzman survives. His reputation is based on the last part of a book whose title, Mar de istorias, may have been drawn from the Mare historiarum of the Dominican Giovanni Colonna (b. 1298). ‘The work falls into three parts, of which the first deals with kings and emperors like Alexander and Charlemagne; the second part refers to saints and sages and one is a little surprised to find Merlin and Godefroi de Bouillon in such choice company. To these sections Perez de Guzman contributes very little, except, of course, the style and an occasional dry remark of his own, as when he mentions the legend of the Holy Grail and observes that it is a strange story full of wonderful details, which make agreeable reading, but are not to be accepted wholesale because of their strangeness. It is different with the third part which has the long title: Las Generaciones, Semblangas y Obras de los ecelentes reyes de Espaiia don Enrique el tercero y don ‘fuan el segundo, y de los venerables perlados y notables caualleros que en los tiempos destos reyes fueron. Perez de Guzman alleges that this work was originally suggested by the Historia Troiana of Guido delle Colonne. Something like what Perez de Guzman did had been done before in Spain by Juan Gil de Zamora: but it had been done in Latin, not in Castilian. Las Generaciones, Semblangas y Obras 1s not exactly history. The book, however, is rich in historical portraits and this has caused Perez de Guzman to be compared with Tacitus and with Saint-Simon : he has neither the laconic concentration of the one nor the malignant curiosity of the other. He 1s more like Plutarch, though perhaps he lacks Plutarch’s 102 SPANISH LITERATURE gossiping geniality. He describes all, or nearly all, the principal persons who were prominent in ie reigns of Henry III and John II, and he acquits himself admirably of his task. rie judgements are personal and do not err on the side of indulgence. Nothing i is more striking than his impartiality. This is all the more remarkable, because he was partly mixed up in the politics ss his time and must have had very pronounced personal dislikes and preferences. But he rarely allows them to interfere with his verdicts. He is always ready to blame a friend or a relative: he is equally ready to do justice toan enemy. He has no touch of sentimentality, he is naturally rather hard, he is an austere magistrate who shews very little consideration for those who come before him. Most of those on whom he passes sentence are men. There is one woman whose portrait is in his gallery. This happens to be Catherine of Aragon, John of Gaunt’s daughter. He dismisses her curtly as: “mucho gruesa,...y en el talle y meneo del cuerpo, tanto parecia hombre como muger ... honesta..no bien regida en su persona’;! Henry III he describes as being “ muy grave de ver e de muy aspera conversacion, ansl que la mayor parte del tiempo estaba solo e malen- conioso’* ; the Constable Ruy Lopez de Avalos appears ‘hyo de un hombre de baxo estado . . hombre de Bee cuerpo y de buen gesto.. . muy alegre e gracioso . muy sofrido e sin sospecha ; pero como en el mundo no hay hombre sin tacha, no fue franco, y i‘ Very. stout”. . Jin staturesand gait as like aumaneacme woman—honest—not careful of her person.’ 2 (ara Vecin face and harsh in speech, lonely and melancholy for the most Part.’ ITALIAN INFLUENCE 103 aplaciale mucho oir astrologos.’! Perez de Guzman has nobody quite so flamboyant or criminally interesting among his sitters as Peter the Cruel and he works on a smaller scale than Lopez de Ayala; but he has the same clear vision, equal penetration in analyzing motives and a greater surety of verbal art. It may be said that he is a trifle censorious, but then his portraits of Fernando de Aragon and of Pablo de Santa Maria shew that he could appreciate virtue when he saw it. He has the prejudices of his class: that is all that can be alleged against him except, perhaps, that his standard of virtue 1s impossibly high in the world of politics. His severity is unfailing ; he is a just judge, but a hanging judge, and his summings-up are little masterpieces of picturesque and concise expression. It is possible that the ascription to Mena of the Cronica del serenissimo rey don ‘fuan el segundo deste nombre.” was due to the fact that he held the office of chronicler to John IJ. It is not very unnatural that the official chronicle of John II’s reign should be assumed to be written by that king’s official chronicler. But the thing is not acceptable in the present case. The prose-style—not distinguished but natural and clear—is much too good for Mena. If the’ chronicle is a composite work written in collaboration by some such authors as Pedro Carrillo de Albornoz, Diego de Valera or Lope de Barrientos, it is conceivable that 1 ‘Son of a man of lowly estate .. . well built with a handsome bearing ... merry and amiable ... patient and unsuspicious ; but as no man is faultless, not straightforward and overfond of hearing astrologers.’ 2 Ed. Marqués de la Fuensanta del Valle, J. Sancho Rayon and F. de Zabalburu in Coleccion de documentos inéditos, etc. Madrid, 1891. xciIx, pp. 81-464, and c, pp. 3-411. 104 SPANISH LITERATURE Mena was one of them, so far as supplying materials went. So far as the style went, he must have been kept carefully in the background. According to Lorenzo Galindez de Carvajal (1472-1527?) the original sketch of the chronicle is due to the brother of Pablo de Santa Maria (1 3 50-1432)—the Jew convert Alvar Garcia de Santa Maria who finished Lopez de Ayala’s chronicle. With much less reason Alvar Garcia de Santa Maria is regarded as being the author of the Coronica de don Alvaro de Luna, condestable de los reynos de Castilla y Leon This remarkable chronicle was not printed till 1546, about a century after Alvaro de Luna was put to death. It was then brought out at Milan by another Alvaro de Luna, great-grandson of the statesman. Nobody supposes, however, that the younger Alvaro wrote this chronicle. Don Alvaro de Luna ‘lived in his enemies’ day’; he was in advance of his time. But he had his faults. For the author of the chronicle these faults are invisible : to him don Alvaro is the ‘mejor caballero que en todas las Espafias ovo en su tiempo.’ It rarely happens that anybody appears impeccable to those of his own household. The halo is placed round one’s head later, and if this holds good in the case of don Alvaro de Luna, it may, perhaps, be assumed that his Cronica was compiled about half a century after his ignominious death. There was much activity shewn in the compilation of private chronicles about this date, and to this time may be provisionally assigned the Cronica particular del Cid,? which was published in 1512 by Juan Lopez de Velorado, abbot of San 1 Madrid, 1784. * Facsimile of the 1512 ed. by A. M. Huntington, New York, 1903; ed. V. A. Huber, Stuttgart, 1853. ITALIAN INFLUENCE 10s Pedro de Cardefia. It derives from Alphonso X’s Cronica general, through a lost recast made after 1344. This recast yielded three chronicles, one of which, the Cronica de Castilla, gave the Cronica particular del Cid, on which were based many of the Cid romances. The chronicle E/ Victorial, which was probably begun in 1431, was published by E. de Llaguno Amirola in 1782 with the title of Cronica de don Pero Nifio, conde de Buelna :+ it was done into French in 1867 by the Comte de Circourt and the Comte de Puymaigre, who included in their translation passages omitted in the Spanish edition. Pero Nifio was by his own account a remarkable man: but nothing about him was more remarkable than his happiness in choosing a proxy and his precautions against oblivion. When he was a young man and wanted love-songs for his mistress, he employed Alvarez de Villasandino to write them (Cancionero de Baena 10, 32, 33, 42)3 he himself composed his epitaph in which he modestly records that he was ‘ever the victor, never the van- quished by sea and land.’ It is in this key that his chronicle is written by his squire, GuTizrrE Diaz DE GaMES (1379 ?-1450), who discharged his task with astonishing skill. He always exhibits his master as first in battle, first in peace, first in love-affairs. There was never a more dreadful wild-fowl among the ladies. He led every charge to victory. The whole thing would be intolerable if Diaz de Games were a trifle less skilful. But, as it happens, he knew how to diversify the interest of his story: he sprinkles his 1 Fd. E. de Llaguno Amirola, Madrid, 1782; ed. L. Lemcke, Bruchstiicke aus den noch ungedruckten Theilen des Vitortal, Marburg, 1865; French trans. by Comte A. de Circourt and Comte de Puymaigre, Paris, 1867. 106 SPANISH LITERATURE pages with apt literary quotations (some from the Libro de Alexandre), places his scene as often as he can abroad and diverts the reader with his enthusiasm for the ballads_and roundelays that he heard at the Castle of Renaud de ‘Troie, near Rouen. He is thoroughly aware of the fact that one may easily grow weary of continual. recitals of extravagances; he counterbalances these by an occasional serious reflexion and by a flight of genuine eloquence. He has an eye for the striking detail, is always vigilant and at times rises to a high level, as in ch. 22, which may well bear comparison with Cervantes’s famous discourse on arms and letters. | Many of Diaz de Games’s pages are concerned with accounts of tournaments, notably in the Place de la Petite-Bretagne, or in the Cousture Sainte-Catherine near Paris, in which naturally Pero Nifio distinguished himself supremely. Apart from historical evidence, there are other signs that the craze for tourneys spread oreatly in John Ils reton. + The) izbro de) eo honroso defendido por el excelente cauallero Suero de Quifiones+ (written by Pero Rodriguez de Lena and abridged in 1588 by Juan de Pineda) gives a record of how Suero de Quifiones, a young knight of twenty- five, held the bridge of San Marcos at Orbigo near Leon against all challengers for a month in the summer of 1434. It was not a very formidable affair : one of the engaged was killed and eight or nine others were wounded. ‘This is typical of what was rampant everywhere in Spain, and this extravagance was bound to be reflected in literature. It is mirrored in the Coronica Sarrazyna, an unavowed book of chivalry 1 Facsimile of the 1588 Salamanca ed. by A. M. Huntington, New York, 1902; ed. R. Academia de la Historia, 1783. ITALIAN INFLUENCE 107 whose success might have enabled any shrewd person to prophesy that when a confessed novel of chivalry was laid before the public, it would carry all before it. It is more likely than not that a large part of the greatest of chivalresque novels, Amadis de Gaula, was already in existence. But printing was not yet introduced into Spain, and the manuscript of Amadis de Gaula was only read in courts and palaces. There are points of resemblance between Corral’s Coronica Sarrazyna and the Chronica intitulada Atalaya de las Coronicas (1443) of Alfonso Martinez de Toledo! (1398 ?-1470 °), afterwards Archpriest of Talavera. He 1s said to have been born in Toledo, but little 1s known of his life beyond the bare facts that in 1438 he was chaplain to John II and that ten years later he occupied a high post at the Cathedral of Toledo as well as an exceedingly remunerative chaplaincy. It is not by his Atalaya de las Coronicas that this clever cleric is remembered, but by a previous work generally known as El Corbacho (1438), which the writer had expressly desired should be entitled Arcipreste de Talauera, as though he wished to commemorate his sacred office. Six or seven editions of this work were printed between 1495 and 1547; some of these are entitled E/ Corbacho, others Tratado contra las mugeres or Reprobacion de loco amor. It was not until rg01 that the book received its correct name, E/ Arcipreste de Talauera. ‘The title El Corbacho, which prevailed for so long, gave rise to the theory that Martinez de Toledo had undergone the influence of Boccaccio, but the similarities between I1 Corbaccio and the Spanish book are purely superficial. 1 Arcipreste de Talavera, ed. C. Pérez Pastor, 1901 (Soc. de Biblidfilos Esp., 35).— See M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Origenes dela Novela. 1905. 1, pp. xc-cxx (Nueva Bib. de Autores Esp., 1). 108 SPANISH LITERATURE Martinez de Toledo was evidently acquainted with the Libre de les Dones of Francesch Eximeni¢ (d. 1409) which had a great vogue in the Archpriest of Talavera’s young days at Barcelona : his copy of it is still preserved. But though the subject matter of both writers is alike, their method of treatment differs. E/ oS edwiAy de: Castroj 71855 mine eee Autores Esp., xxxvi.—See: J. P. W. Crawford, The Seven Liberal ITALIAN INFLUENCE 109 who about 1440 wrote the Vision deletable de la philo- sophia e de las otras sgiengias at the request of Juan de Beamonte, prior of the order of St. Jerusalem and tutor to the hapless Carlos de Viana (1421-1461), the prince whom Lope de Vega pillories in E/ piadoso aragonés. ‘Yhe vision is an unoriginal encyclopaedia which owes a great deal to St. Isidore of Seville’s Etymologiae, the Anticlaudianus and a treatise on logic by Al-Ghazali (1058-1111). Torre’s intrinsic merits are therefore not remarkable. But he writes with dignified serenity and is a master of rather old-fashioned prose. Perhaps this archaism of manner told against him. At any rate he does not seem to have been widely read. His book was done into Italian in 1556 by Domenico Delphini, who, either through his own fault or owing to a misunderstanding, came to be regarded as its real author. In 1663, the son of the Spanish Jew publisher settled at Amsterdam, Francisco de Caceres, chanced upon Delphini’s book and resolved to translate it into Spanish. He was under the impression that he was introducing a foreign novelty into Spain, whereas he was only re-translating a work which had been compiled in Spain more than two hundred years before his time. Arts in the ‘Vision delectable’ of Alfonso de la Torre, in The Romanic Review, tv (1913), pp. 58-75; J. P. W. Crawford, The ‘Vision delectable’ of Alfonso de la Torre and Maimonides’ ‘Guide of the Perplexed,’ in Publications of the Modern Language Association of America, XX1 (1913), n.s., pp. 188-212, VI THE LATTER PART? OF FHE BIR EER NeREE CENTURY Tue early half of the century saw the definite establish- ment in Spain of Italian influence: after 1474 a vast field was opened to intellectual curiosity by the intro- duction of the art of printing. Not everybody, it is true, welcomed the discovery. One aristocratic ‘poet, Manuel de Urrea, lamented the hard fate which condemned him to be read in kitchens by scullions and wenches, whereas, had he lived one hundred years sooner, his poems would have been inscribed on illuminated parchments over which the fairest ladies in the land might have pored. He was no doubt an exception and felt too deeply the degradation of being born in a late unromantic age. A fresh impetus was lent to the development of both the hieratic and the secular drama by the knightly troubadour, Gomez Manrique, an admirable example of the great feudal baron. He combines the sacred and the profane and thus has a double title to a conspicuous place in the annals of the Spanish stage. By one of the whimsies of fortune, he is not nearly so well known as his nephew, Jorge Manrique, the author of Cop/as which Lope de Vega maintained should be printed in IIo Pei he bank DORSET HOxXV CRN WIRY 111 letters of gold. Besides the Cop/as the fifteenth century produced one other masterpiece, La Celestina ; and in Amadis de Gaula it opened the way to the long series of chivalresque novels whose extravagances were to suggest to Cervantes the idea of Don Quijote. To La Celestina and Amadis de Gaula belongs the honour of being the two earliest Spanish works to go the round of the world. While the versos de arte mayor were being written by Mena at the court of John II, a corresponding poetical activity was afoot among the Spanish poets in the suite of Alphonso V of Aragon (1416-1458) at Naples. A good many of these were Catalans, but when they found themselves in an Italian atmo- sphere, some of them left off writing in Catalan and took to Castilian instead. They are represented principally in the Cancionero de Stufiga, whose two first poems— A cabo de mis dolores and Oh triste partida mia—are by Lope de Stufiiga, one of the knights who with his cousin, Suero de Quifiones, shared the honours of the chivalrous deeds celebrated in the Passo honroso. These writers were naturally not untouched by Italian influence. Johan de Andwyjar,? for instance, had 1 Ed. Marqués de la Fuensanta del Valle and J. Sancho Rayon. Madrid, 1872 (Col. de libros esp. raros 6 curiosos, 4).—See : B. Croce, in Primi contatti fra Spagna e Italia [ Atti dell?’ Accademia Pontaniana, xxi) Napoli, 1893; B. Croce, in La lingua spa- gnuola in Italia, Roma, 1895; G. Mazzatinti, in La biblioteca dei re d’Aragona in Napoli. Rocca S. Casciano, 1897; A. Farinelli, in Rassegna bibliografica della letteratura italiana, vir (1899), pp. 261-292; B. Croce, in La Spagna nella vita italiana durante la Rinascenza, Bari, 1917; A. Farinelli, in Giornale stor. della lett. ital., Lxx1 (1918), pp. 243-302. 2 Loores, etc., ed. R. Foulché-Delbosc in Cancionero castellano del sigloxv. 1915. 11, pp. 210-215 (Nueva Bib. de Autores Esp., 22). Lo SPANISH SUEEE RAT URIS evidently read Dante before he wrote his Loores al senor Rey don Alfonso, which was first printed in the Rimas inéditas del siglo xv of Eugenio de Ochoa (181 5- 1872). A more outstanding figure was Carvajal} (or Carvajales), who has already been mentioned in connexion with the romances. He reproduces with happy effect the martial note of Mena’s music, which is heard also in the allegorical Nao de Amor of Johan de Duefias.2 But the stream of inspiration of these poets soon ran dry. We pay them a passing tribute and return to Spain where the deplorable Henry IV was on the throne. His turbulent reign was marked by the production of political satires, some of them of a very virulent kind, marked by the grossest personalities. A satire of this bad type is found in Las Coplas del Provincial. It is too coarse for quotation and would be negligible if it had not caused so much pain to private persons that frequent attempts were made to suppress it. It has some ability: but it is the ability of a malignant criminal who has not been identified as yet. Las Coplas del Provincial® were written between 1465 and 1473. They have been ascribed variously to Rodrigo Cota, to Anton de Montoro, to Hernando del Pulgar and 1 Canciones, etc., ed. R. Foulché-Delbosc, in Cancionero castellano del siglo xv. 1915. WU, pp. 601-619 (Nueva Bib. de Autores Esp., 22). 2 La Nao de Amor {and other poems], ed. R. Foulché-Delbosc, in Cancionero castellano del siglo xv. 1915. 1, pp. 195-204 (Nueva Bib. de Autores Esp., 22). Ed. R. Foulché-Delbosc, in Revue Hispanique, v (1898), pp. 255-266.—See M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Antologia de poetas liricos, etc. Madrid, 1896. vi, pp. iv-xili; R. Foulché-Delbosc, Notes sur ‘Las coplas del Provincial,’ in Revue Hispanique, vi (1899), pp. 417-446. PADUE RSP ART OF THE XV CENTURY 113 to Diego de Acufia, but they are more likely to be the work of a group of obscene libellers. More readable are the anonymous Cop/as de Mingo Revulgo (1456), a satire in thirty-two octosyllabic stanzas in which the shepherds, Mingo Revulgo and Gil Arribato, speak respectively on behalf ‘of the lower and the upper classes. They both recognize that Esperilla (Spain) is going to ruin; Mingo Revulgo puts all the blame for this on the wretched king Candaulo (Henry IV), on the Portuguese shepherdess (Guiomar de Castro, the King’s mistress) and on the wolf who ravens in the fold (Beltran de la Cueva, the king’s favourite). Gil Arribato argues that the Spanish people have brought their evil fate on themselves and that things must be worse before they can be better. It 1s doubtful whether the Coplas de Mingo, Revulgo are really a popular composition ; they seem to be so in certain passages, but those lines may be merely an imitation of popular forms of speech by a clever literary person who used this trick to lend dramatic colour to an undramatic work. The Coplas de Mingo Revulgo are much less violent, and are therefore more telling, than Las Coplas del Provincial. Violence is the characteristic of many compositions of this period. It is a trait found in abundance in the verse of e/ Ropero de Cérdoba, Anton de Montoro? (1404 ?-1480 °), who, when he was not in his shop—he was a second-hand clothes-dealer— 1Ed. B. J. Gallardo, in Ensayo, etc. Madrid, 1863. 1, col. 823-854. 2 Cancionero, ed. E, Cotarelo y Mori, Madrid, 1900.—See : M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Antologia de poetas liricos, etc. Madrid, 1896. Vi, pp. XX-xxxviii; R. Ramirez de Arellano, Ilustraciones d la biografia de Antén- de Montoro, in Revista de Archivos, etc. S.L. H 114 SPANISH Bi aera DW Rely enjoyed himself hurling insults at all and sundry. Allowances should, perhaps, be made for Montoro. Fate was not kind to him. His position was humble, his means were small, he was a convert Jew not welcomed by Christians and detested as an apostate by his former brethren: he had a thick skin, was steeped in a bad social condition, and did not realize how wounding his vituperation was to others, even though those others, in self-defence, retorted on him in his own vein. He had no delicacy of taste, no gift of lofty inspiration: on the massacres instigated by Fernando Alonso de Cérdoba, an episode which Lope de Vega has immortalized in Los Comendadores de Cérdoba (1587), he only succeeded in producing a dull, prosaic poem. The ascription to him of two most scandalous pieces in the Cancionero de obras de burlas provocantes a risa (1519)—the Pleyto del Manto and an obscene parody of Las Trezientas—as well as of Las Coplas del Provincial is suggestive of the repu- tation that he made for himself. But Montoro, though a low and paltry creature, had wit, as he shews in his onslaughts against that wretched rhymester, Juan Poeta (or Juan de Valladolid), son of the public town-crier. And besides wit, Montoro had character of a kind. ‘Though he had abandoned the Jewish religion, he made no attempt to sever himself from his race, and he rises to real dignity of expression in his protests against the persecutions and massacres to which the Jews of his time were beginning to be subjected some twenty or thirty years before they were expelled ex masse from Spain. IV (1900), pp. 723-735; E. Buceta, Antén de Montoro y el ‘Cancionero de obras de burlas,’ etc., in Modern Philology, XVII (I191Q), pp. 651-658. LATTER PART OF THE XV CENTURY 11s Montoro spent a good deal of his very real talent in futile controversies and insolent attacks. He was perhaps justified as regards the Toledan Roprico Cora? (d. before 1495), a baptized jew like Montoro himself, but ashamed of his descent. This brought down upon him the wrath of Montoro, who brands him unmercifully in Gentilhombre de quien so for exciting the populace against his brethren. On very slender grounds Cota has had ascribed to him all manner of compositions from the Coplas de ; Ay Panadera! to the opening scenes of the Celestina. More authentic and of significant interest is the burlesque Epithala- mium, discovered by M. Foulché-Delbosc, and written by Cota about 1472 to revenge himself on the King’s Treasurer who had omitted to invite him to his wedding. But this antisemite Hebrew’s title to fame rests on the Dialogo entre el amor y un viejo. ‘Yhough there is no ground for thinking that this piece was ever intended for the stage, it is full of dramatic vivacity and its action is clear, arresting and swift. It was imitated by Juan del Enzina in De/ amor and in Cristino y Febea and more textually reproduced in a recast made apparently in Naples. The versification is admirable, 1 Obras, ed. R. Foulché-Delbosc, in Cancionero Castellano del sigloxv. 1915. I, pp. 580-591 (Nueva Bib. de Autores Esp., 22) ; Didlogo entrel Amor y vn Viejo [and an esparsa], ed. J. A. de Balenchana, in Cancionero general de Hernando del Castillo. Madrid, 1882. 1, pp. 297-308 (Soc. de Biblidfilos Esp., 21) ; (ed. R. Foulché-Delbosc and A. Bonilla y San Martin} Madrid, 1907 (Bib. Oropesa, iv); Une poésie inédite de Rodrigo Cota, ed. R. Foulché-Delbosc, in Revue Hispanique, 1 (1894), pp. 69- 72.—See: A. Miola, Un testo drammatico spagnuolo del xv secolo, etc., in In memoria di Napoleone Caix e Ugo Angelo Canello. Miscellanea di filologia e linguistica. Firenze, 1886. pp. 175-189; M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Antologia de poetas liricos, etc. Madrid, 1896. v1, pp. ccclxxvi-ccclxxxiil. 116 SPANISH LITERATURE the tone of the dialogue in harmony with the subject. Love essays his wiles against an old man who, pleading - age and reason, bids the god leave ‘. . . el pobre coracgon —retraydo en su rincon’: he is persuaded to listen, submits and is mischievously derided for his submission. The delicate restraint of the satire, its humour and its dainty execution make of the Dialogo entre el amor y un viejo a veritable little masterpiece. Apart from his loyal constancy to racial traditions, Montoro had little to recommend him but his scur- rilous wit, and it is rather astonishing to find that he was esteemed by Juan Alvarez Gato! (1430 ?-1496 P), a knightly poet on whom great praise 1s showered by a strong opponent of Montoro, Gomez Manrique. Alvarez Gato’s poems and villancicos, delicate in sentiment and dainty in form, make him no unworthy predecessor of Juan del Enzina. His name instinc- tively recalls that of his Muy grande amigo, Hernan Mexia,? one of the veinticuatro of Jaen, known for the satire Los defectos de las condiciones de las mugeres. This was based on Pedro Torrellas’s Coplas de las calidades de las donas, a feeble work which gave rise, however, to innumerable replies and counter-replies. In untrammelled fancy, vigour and mischievous grace Mexia leaves his model far behind. 1 Cancionero, ed. R. Foulché-Delbosc, in Cancionero castellano del siglo xv. 1912. 1, pp. 222-269 (Nueva Bib. de Autores Esp., 19).—-See: M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Antologia de poetas liricos, etc. Madrid, 1896. vi, pp. xxxix-liv; C. Michaélis de Vascon- cellos, in Revista Lusitana, vit (1902), pp. 241-244. * Cancionero, ed. R. Foulché-Delbosc, in Cancionero castellano del siglo xv, 1912. 1, pp. 269-287 (Nueva Bib. de Autores Esp., 19); ed. H. A. Rennert, in Der spanische Cancionero des Brit. Mus. Erlangen, 1895. PE VIERSE ARI OREN ER XVIGENTURY £17 Pero Guillen de Segovia (1413-1474 ?),! a native of Seville, deserves mention for his verse-translation of the Seven Penitential Psalms, Los salmos penitenciales, which are to be found in the Cancionero general de Hernando del Castillo (1511), an anthology in which are represented most of the fifteenth century poets. The Salmos have a dignity of expression and a note of personal inspiration that is lacking in the earlier prose version of the Scriptures by the Rabbi Mosé Arragel de Guadalajara. Guillen de Segovia’s few poems, as well as his rhymed dictionary, La Gaya de Segovia o Silva copiosissima de consonantes para alivio de trobadores modelled on Jaime March’s Libre de concordances (1371), are still unpublished. Guillen de Segovia was unfortunate in his life. A follower of Alvaro de Luna, he fell into poverty after his patron’s death on the scaffold and was only saved from despair by the offices of a kindly friar who introduced him into the household of the Archbishop Carrillo. With Gomez Manrique? (1415 ?-1490 ?) the drama seems to come into new life again. Spanish litera- ture practically begins with a play, the Auto de los Reyes Magos. ‘There is nothing else to compare with 10s siete salmos penitenciales, ed. J. A. de Balenchana, in Cancionero general de Hernando del Castillo, Madrid, 1882 (Soc. de Biblidfilos Esp., 21).—See: O. J. Tallgren, Estudios sobre la Gaya de Segovia. Capitulos de tintroduccién ad una edicion critica. Helsinki, 1907; H. R. Lang, The so-called ‘Cancionero de Pero Guillen de Segovia,’ in Revue Hispanique, XIX (1908), pp. 51-81. 2 Cancionero, ed. R. Foulché-Delbosc, in Cancionero castellano del siglo xv. 1915. 31, pp. 1-154 (Nueva Bib. de Autores Esp., 22), —See: M.Menéndez y Pelayo, in Antologia de poetas liricos, etc. Madrid, 1896. pp. lv-cill. 118 SPANISH -PILERA CORE it for over two centuries. Innocent III issued in 1210 an edict prohibiting religious plays on account of the secular elements which disfigured them, causing more amusement than edification. These half-sacred and half-lay plays were then given outside in some public square capable of holding large crowds. The restraints of the sanctuary being removed, further licence was indulged in. Short sketches, personal caricatures of local men, were written. ‘These were the juegos de escarnio which were finally forbidden by statute. The suppression of such plays would appear to have been complete: at any rate none of them survive. But the passion for scenic presentation is irrepressible. We have evidence that plays con- tinued to be given in the Eastern provinces of Spain. At Elche to this day there is performed on the four- teenth and fifteenth of August each year a play on the Assumption of Our Lady—the Misterio de Elche 1— based on the fourteenth century Representacié de la Asumpcié de madona Santa Maria. All through the reigns of John II and Henry IV we read of momos, spectacular plays at court. Evidently the drama was beginning to raise its head again, and if somebody of position would only support it, it was likely to have a chance of success. Gomez Manrique was the man destined to do this. A great noble, who took an active 1 Auto lirico-religioso en dos actos, representados todos los anos en la iglesia parroquial de Sanita Maria de Elche los dias 14 y 15 agosto. Madrid, 1896. (Boletin de la Sociedad esp. de excursiones.) See: M. Mila y Fontanals, in Obras completas. Barcelona, 1895. VI, pp. 221 and 324-347; F. Pedrell, La Festa d’Elche ou le drame lyrique liturgique espagnol, Paris, 1906; H. Mérimée, in L’ Art dramatique a Valencia, Toulouse, 1913. pp. 45 ff; J. B. Trend, in A Picture of Modern Spain. London, TO2T se ppe2is-23i- LATTER PART OF THE XV CENTURY 119 part in the rebellions against John II and Henry IV, he had no literary ambitions. In a dedicatory letter to the copy of his Cancionero which was coaxed out of him by the Conde de Benavente, he asks that ‘ Muy magnifico e virtuoso sefior’ to keep the work hidden under lock and key, so that—he adds with a flash of attractive humour—he may continue to enjoy the good opinion of those to whom his works are un- known. Frankly, it is not as a poet that Gomez Manrique appeals to us chiefly,—though he has some good pieces. His reply to Torrellas: Coplas que fizo Mosen Pero Torrellas contra las damas, contradichas por Gomez Manrique is characteristically chivalrous, and there is genuine emotion in the Defunzion del noble caballero Garct-Lasso de la Vegaas well as in the stanzas to his wife on the death of his two sons. He is historically interesting also because he writes occasion- ally in Galician and is the last of the Castilian poets to use the Galician tongue. Gomez Manrique played his réle in the develop- ment of the drama, not by means of patronage, but by direct and personal intervention. Among his works is a play on the Nativity: La representacion del Nacimiento de Nuestro Sefior, the oldest auto del nacimiento in Spanish. St. Joseph, the Virgin, an angel, three shepherds, a choir of angels and the angels Gabriel, Michael and Raphael appear in the piece, which is one hundred and eighty lineslong. Naturally the dramatic action is slight; yet the scene is set and illustrated with a fitting simplicity, and the play ends with a touching cradle-song to the Divine Infant who has grown rather restless when the instruments of His future Passion—the lance and the nails and so forth—are shewn to Him one by one. Reminiscences of this 120 SPANISH LITERATURE song have, perhaps, found their way into Lope de Vega’s Pastores de Belen. Vhe Representacion was performed in the convent at Calabazanos where the author’s sister, Da. Maria Manrique, was Mother- Vicar at the time, A simpler piece still is the [ Lamentaciones| fechas para Semana Santa with the refrain ;4y dolor! which would imply that it was chanted in the open air. Gomez Manrique’s Can- cionero contains one or two things of similar character, but these do not seem to have been acted. He was luckier with two little allegorical pieces. One is a momo to commemorate the birth of a nephew: it is a trifle in which Justice, Prudence, ‘Temperance, Fortt- tude, Faith, Hope, and Charity, each recited a stanza. The other is a trifle too but is not without interest, for it was written at the command of the Infanta Isabel to celebrate the birthday of her brother Alfonso, and was produced at Arévalo on Nov. 14, 1467. Gomez Manrique’s brothers had been prominent in the notorious scene at Avila nearly two and a half years earlier, when Henry IV was dethroned in effigy and the child Alfonso was proclaimed king; the writer himself was a strong partisan on the same side. He acquitted himself not ungracefully in the difficult business of writing words to be recited by courtly amateurs with no experience of the stage. He intro- duces the nine Muses, one of whom appears in dumb show, while each of the others declaims a stanza. The names of the seven court-ladies who had speaking parts are given; the climax is reached when the Infanta recites her congratulatory décima. ‘This piece does not call for criticism, but many would remember it simply because the Infanta acted it and spoke her stanza with the rest. We do not usually associate PACE RAPAR TOR THEReXV CENTURY 121 Isabel the Catholic with frivolities : perhaps her first and last appearance on any stage was at Arévalo in Gomez Manrique’s dramatic allegory. It is only a graceful trifle, but this and his Calabazanos piece have won him a place in the history of the Spanish stage. In both departments of the drama—sacred and lay—Gomez Manrique has the enviable title of a precursor. Nothing of his is popular, but the glory of being a pioneer is his. His nephew Jorce Manriguge (1440 ?-1479), on the other hand, is known wherever Spanish 1s spoken. A partisan of Queen Isabel’s, he was killed in an encounter at the castle of Gace Manos, He has written about fifty poems altogether, ingenious and clever enough, but little more than respectable in their various kinds. Anything else he wrote is completely overshadowed by the Cop/as por la muerte de su padre (c. 1476). ‘These have been excellently translated by Longfellow ; imitated by Camoes in the Carta terceira (published by Juromenha); glossed by Silvestre once and by Montemayor twice. Towards the middle of the sixteenth century they were translated into Latin and also set to music by Alonso de Mudarra (1546) and by Venegas de Henestrosa (1557). There is no originality in the substance of the Cop/as. Death is one of the great commonplaces of the world, and 1 Cancionero, ed. R. Foulché-Delbosc, in Cancionero castellano del siglo xv. 1915. 1, pp. 228-256 (Nueva Bib, de Autores Esp., 22); Coplas por la muerte de su padre, newcritical ed. by R. Foulché- Delbosc, Madrid, 1912.—See: L. de Salazar y Castro, in Historia de la casa de Lara. Madrid, 1697. 11, pp. 407-411 ; M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Antologia de poetas liricos, etc. Madrid, 1896. v1, pp. civ-cli; J. Nieto, Estudio biogrdfico de Forge Manrique é influencia de sus obras en la literatura espanola. Madrid, 1902 ; La traduction latine des ‘Coplas’ de Forge Manrique, ed. R. Foulché-Delbosc, in Revue Hispanique, x1v (1906), pp. 9-21. L22 SPANISH LITERATURE there is nothing new to be said about it. It 1s Jorge Manrique’s manner which gains him immortal fame: he intones the great commonplaces with a noble solemnity and sets his dirge to unforgettable music. ‘y aunque la vida murio, nos dexé harto consuelo su memoria.’ His magnificent melody expresses what the humblest of us feels. Nothing in Spanish has come home more closely to the universal heart. By some miracle of genius, the otherwise frivolous Jorge Manrique is for one splendid instant the spokesman of the human race, and this gay trifler takes rank amongst the great immortals. Prose is represented by Juan de Lucena? (d. 1506), author of the Vida beata (1483), written probably in 1463 and notable for its excellent style. Its originality is practically null, for Lucena follows, as close as may be, the Dialogus de felicitate vitae (1445) by Bartolom- meo Fazio who, with Enea Silvio Piccolémini, later Pius II (1458-1464) and author of the Historia de duobus amantibus (1444)—a work excellently translated into Spanish and printed in 1496—was among the numerous Italian scholars whom Alphonso V gathered round him at Naples. Lucena calls his work a ‘ moral dialogue.’ In the high Ciceronian manner, he intro- duces the Marqués de Santillana, Mena and Alfonso de Cartagena (1384-1456), decus praelatorum, Bishop of Burgos. In the second and third parts, he appears himself as an embarrassed phantom flitting uneasily 1 Libro de vida beata and Carta... exhortatoria a las letras, ed. A. Paz y Mélia, in Opusculos literartos de los siglos xiv & xvi. 1892. pp. 105-217 (Soc. de Biblidfilos Esp., 29). Pee steel O Bal EH xv CHN PU) RY 2123 about and only speaking when he is distinctly addressed. The subject of the discussion is the eternal question of what is happiness: it is resolved by the doubtful conclusion that happiness is not attainable in this world, which is but a preparation for the boundless felicity of the next. Lucena handles this commonplace with a certain ease of style which carries off its tedious familiarity. ‘That is his single merit, for he really contributes nothing to the argumentative side of the case. ‘To invest well-worn ideas with an air of novelty by sheer force of pleasing manner is to do a good deal and that is the sum of Lucena’s accomplishment. His Epistola exhortatoria a las letras, an extravagant panegyric of Queen Isabel, survives by its form alone. The more ambitious work of Diego de Valera} (1412-1487 ?), though it purports to be history, 1s in great part fiction. He wrote—at the request, he says, of Queen Isabel—a Coronica de Espaiia (1482), best known as the Valeriana. If Queen Isabel did ask him to write a history, she shewed a good deal less than her usual sound judgement and shrewd insight. Valera had no gift of criticism. He would have made an excellent third with Amadis and Don Quixote. He was a knight-errant doublé with a political mis- sionary. At first he is content to follow with docility the record of events given in the Cronica general: as he draws on, he comes to his own time and allots 1 Memorial de diversas hazanas, ed. C. Rosell, 1878, in Bib. de Autores Esp., Lxx; Epistolas...con otros cinco tratados del mismo autor, ed. J. A. de Balenchana, 1878 (Soc. de Biblio- filos Esp., 16).—See: M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Antologia de poetas liricos, etc. 1894. Vv, pp. ccxxxvi-cclvi; G. Cirot, in Bulletin hispanique, x1 (1909), pp. 425-442; L. de Torre y Franco-Romero, Mosén Diego de Valera [Bol. de la R. Academia de la Historia, ux1v|. Madrid, 1914. 124 SPANISH LITERATURE himself an important réle in contemporary develop- ments. His anxiety to be in the limelight 1s so patent, his vanity is so obvious, his parti-pris is so conspicuous and so undissimulated that nobody could be misled. It is difficult to believe that he was taken quite seriously by his contemporaries. It may be that he benefited by the absence of other good chronicles. It may be that people were delighted with his unintentional and unedifying self-revelations. There is no denying, too, that Valera has a pretty pen. This is very evident in his Epistolas enviadas en diversos tiempos a diversas personas. A better historian than Valera is Diego Rodriguez de Almella! (1426 ?-1492 ?), Archpriest of Santibafiez, chaplain to Queen Isabel and afterwards canon of Carthagena, who wrote the Tractado que se llama Valerio de las estorias escolasticas de Espatta (1487). He took for his model the De dicts factisque venerabilibus of Valerius Maximus. Rodriguez de Almella’s defect is that he will be always pointing a moral to adorn the tale. His medley of moralizing and chronicling was greatly to the taste of his age, went into several editions and attained a popularity which tempted the author to compose another historical work entitled Batallas campales (1487). But this fell rather flat at the time and has not been much appreciated since. The work of the Latin scholar and historian Alfonso de Palencia? (1423-1492) offers an appalling picture 1See: G. Cirot, in. Les histotres générales ad’ Espagne entre Alphonse X et Philippe II (1284-1556). Bordeaux, 1905. pp. 16- 18, 53-54. 2 Dos tratados, ed. A. M. Fabié, Madrid, 1873 (Libros de antafio, 5); Cronica de Enrique IV, Spanish trans. by A. Paz y Mélia, 1904-1908. 4 vols. (Col. de Escritores Cast., 126, 127, 130, 134) ; Guerra de Granada, Spanish trans. by A. Paz y Mélia, 1909 (Col. de Escritores Cast., 138).—See: G. Cirot, Les Décades Powe Row Prone DEIR eV CENTURY 125 of Henry IV’s reign. Brought up in the household of Alfonso de Cartagena, Palencia removed to Italy and spent several years in the service of the Cardinal Bessarion (1403-1472), where he came to know Jorge de Trebisonda (1396-1484). In 1456, he succeeded Juan de Mena as official chronicler to Henry IV. In the same year and before his appointment to that post he wrote, first in Latin and then in Castilian, La guerra y batalla campal de los perros contra los Lobos, whose date he gives as 1457, no doubt in error, as he records in the last chapter his desire to be named chronicler. It is an allegorical description of a pitched battle between wolves and dogs symbolizing political strife and written in a terse and forcible style. The same quality attracts in the Tratado de la perfegion del Triunfo militar (1459), another allegorical work inter- spersed with tales of travel. Palencia’s estimate of the Spaniard as a fighting-man shews critical sense as well as strong patriotic feeling. The tendency to latinize his prose is a considerable blemish, though not an unnatural one in a writer to whom Latin probably came more easily than Castilian. His dictionary, Vuiuersal vocabulario en latin y en romance (1490), was eclipsed by Lebrixa’s work which appeared two years later. Only part of the Gesta hispaniensia ex annalibus suorum dierum has been published: the description of the state of things between 1440 and 1474 recalls in its vigorous denunciation of all classes the Coplas del Provincial. At the date when he wrote d’ Alfonso de Palencia, la Chronique castillane de Henri IV aitribuée a Palencia, etc., in Bulletin hispanique, x1 (1909), pp. 425-442 ; A. Paz y Mélia, El cronista Alonso de Palencia. Su vida y sus obras; sus ‘ Décadas’ y las ‘ Crénicas’ contempordneas ; tlustraciones de las ‘ Décadas’ y Notas varias, Madrid, 1914. 126 SRANTSH SEDER RA UIE it, Palencia had left the service of Henry IV and he applies the branding-iron so untiringly that his work loses its historical character and becomes a tale of wrongs borne by an angry witness. Apart from this, his relation is interesting. It reveals Palencia as a prolific narrator who unites a gift of mordant irony with powers of penetration. A chronicle of this period, once believed to be by him, deals with much the same events viewed from a Sue: standpoint, but the ignorance of Latin shewn in it precludes the ‘ascription, and it has now been proved by Sr. Paz y Meélia to be a poor translation of Palencia’s chronicle. To the same scholar are due an abridged translation of the Gesta and the discovery of a work on the war which led to the conquest of Granada: this treats of the occurrences between 1480 and 1489, but it was interrupted in 1492 by Palencia’s death. A less unfavourable picture of Henry IV is given by his chaplain and counsellor Diego Enriquez del Castillo! (1433-1504?) in the Cronica del rey don Enrique IV. Yo \ this ‘a strange | story attaches Enriquez del Castillo was by way of compiling his chronicle from day to day. Some forty days after the battle of Olmedo (Aug. 20, 1467), in which Henry IV’s troops were victorious, Enriquez fell into the hands of the enemy at Segovia. His account of the battle was found on him. It was so unflattering that the chronicler was threatened with death. A full: version of the story is found in the Gesza of Palencia, to whom the manuscript was entrusted for the purpose 1 Cronica del rey don Enrique el quarto, ed. C. Rosell, 1878, in Bib. de Autores Esp., txx.—See: J. B. Sitges, Enrique IV y la excelente senora llamada vulgarmente Dona Sn la Beltraneja. 1425-1530. Madrid, 1912. Pr vitkRebaRiv Obey THKhexXVeGENTLURY 127 of remoulding it. Palencia asserts that he sent it to the Archbishop Carrillo (1422-1482), one of the characters most roughly handled in it. At any rate Enriquez del Castillo lost the sketch of his chronicle as well as his notes and had to rely upon his memory for a relation of the first thirteen years of Henry IV’s reign, whence, perhaps, the paucity of dates and a certain incoherence in the second redaction. This was written in the time of the Catholic Kings; the author’s anxiety to please both sides, his disconcerting neutrality where Henry IV is concerned and his pompous, declamatory style make the work less interesting than it may have been in its original form. Enriquez del Castillo’s strong point is personal description. He has a picturesque vision of indivi- duals; but that is not enough to make an historian, even when the author has a sounder judgement, a finer sense of values and a better style than Enriquez del Castillo. A personal chronicle of this period, Re/a- cion de fechos del condestable Miguel Lucas de Iranzo, attributed to Juan de Olid, gives an interesting picture of Spanish life at the time and contains some striking passages. Enriquez del Castillo shewed some skill as a portrait painter, his description, for instance, of Henry IV in the Cronica— that royal colossus with a crushed nose, a head and mane like a lion’s, a cowardly debauchee who found his sole innocent pleasure in listening to melancholy music.’ The same gift is possessed in a much higher degree by Hernando del Pulgar! (1436-1493 ?), author of the Libro de los 1 Hernando del Pulgar has occasionally been confused with another celebrated person of a rather similar name, Hernando Perez del Pulgar (1451-1531?) who performed great feats ot 128 SPANISH LITERATURE claros varones de Castilla! (1486). It may be that Pulgar is not above borrowing at times, and he has not the sententious weight of his predecessor, Perez de Guzman. But he is a worthy second to that very great master. The Libro de los claros varones 1s excellent in fidelity and style and far superior to Pulgar’s Chronica de los muy altos y esclarecidos reyes catholicos don Fernando y dotia Isabel de gloriosa memoria. This was brought out in 1565 by the grandson of the great humanist Lebrixa and the grandson then ascribed the book to Lebrixa himself. The mistake, a very natural one, was corrected in 1567. It seems that Pulgar had lent his manuscript to Lebrixa to translate it into Latin and that Lebrixa had forgotten to return the manuscript to Pulgar’s heirs. ‘The Chronica 1s nothing more than a fulsome and insipid panegyric. Pulgar’s reputation rests on his Libro de claros varones and on his Cartas (1485 °). Within this period falls the discovery of the New World, and this was accomplished, or perhaps re- accomplished, by Christopher Columbus, who is known in Spain as Cristobal Colon. Much interesting and illuminating information concerning him is given in the Historia de los reyes catolicos don Fernando y dofta arms at the siege of Granada and won for himself the sobriquet of El de las hazanas. He also wrote a history—Breve parte de las hazanas del excelente nombrado Gran Capitan (1527)—but did not wield the pen as skilfully as the sword. 1 Claros Varones de Castilla, ed. E. de Llaguno y Amirola, Madrid, 1775; ed. J. Dominguez Bordona, 1923 (Clasicos cast., 49); Crénica de los setores Reyes Catélicos, ed. C. Rosell, 1878, in Bib. de Autores-Esp., txx; Cartas, ed. E. de Ochoa, 1850, in Bib. de Autores Esp., x111.—See: P. Mazzei, Un manoserttto della ‘Cronica de los reyes catolicos di Hernando del Pulgar,’ in Revue Hispanique, Lvi (1922), pp. 345-349. LATTER PART OF THE XV CENTURY 129 fsabel written by Andrés Bernaldez! (d. 1513). Bernaldez was chaplain to Diego Deza (1444-1523), Archbishop of Seville, and cura of Los Palacios from 1488 to 1513. He is always reverential, almost idolatrous, in his attitude to Columbus, to whom he assigns fourteen of his chapters. It is not great writing, but the man is simple and sincere and that is not so common an experience as it might be. With the introduction of printing coincident with the accession to the throne of the Catholic kings in 1474, the sphere of literature was widened. The first book to be printed in the Peninsula was apparently Les Obres o trobes dauall scrites les quals tracten de lahors dela sacratissima verge Maria (1474), a book of sacred verse, from the Press of Lamberto Palmart in Valencia. Most of its forty-four contributors were Catalan; however, Francisco de Castellvi, Francisco Barceldé, Pedro de Civillar and an anonymous versifier —Hum Castelld sens nom—wrote in Castilian. Printing, probably, has preserved for Spain her romancero. ‘The Marqueés de Santillana, it will be remembered, makes a contemptuous reference to the romances as compositions which formed the delight of lewd fellows of the baser sort. That no doubt was true at the time when the remark was made. But as the epics had come down in the world, so the romances went up. While the Marqueés de Santillana was still alive, one or two poets of higher social condition than those whom he had dismissed with so patronizing an air, had put their names to romances, though their effrontery was, 1 Historia de los Reyes Catélicos, etc., ed. F. de Gabriel Ruiz de Apodaca, 1869-1870. 2 vols. (Soc. de Biblidfilos Andaluces) ; ed. C. Rosell, 1878, in Bib. de Autores Esp., Lxx. S.L. I I 30 SPANISH LITERATURE perhaps, not made known to the literary marquis. Nor was this all. It is conceivable that he would have looked down on Rodriguez de la Camara and Carvajal, and it is only too likely that these poets would have endured his airs of superiority without any deep resentment.. But even the Marqués de. Santillana would have professed, if he did not feel, a deep respect for the clergy and he would have been aghast to know that men in that sacred profession were yielding to the vulgar literary taste. Yet so it was. Fray Ifiigo de Mendoza? found room in his Cancionero for romances of an edifying type. His Vita Christ por coplas (1482), a poem in double guintillas in a mordant satirical vein, embodies dramatic elements which foreshadowed Enzina’s nativity plays. But the main interest of the Vita Christi lies in the fact that its author introduced into it romances. And the development continued. Scandal invented disagree- able stories about Mendoza, but even slander left untouched. the name of the Franciscan Ambrosio Montesino,? who was under the patronage of Queen Isabel and is reported to have been Bishop of Sardinia. Montesino was a venerable person. His Vita Christi cartuxano (1 §02-1 503) found favour with Santa Teresa, who recommends it to her nuns in the Libro de las Con- stituctones. In the Cancionero de diuersas obras de nuevo trobadas (1508), a work mostly pietistic in character, he attacks with a certain verve the predominant social views of the day. It conveys to Spain a touch of Italian realism from Jacopone da Todi (1230 ?=1306) : 1 Cancionero, ed. R. Foulché-Delbosc, in Cancionero castellano del siglo xv. 1912. pp. 1-120 (Nueva Bib. de Autores Esp., 19.) _*? Cancionero de diversas obras de nuevo trovadas, ed. J. de Sancha, 1855,.in Bib. de Autores Esp., xxxv. LATTER PART OF THE XV CENTURY 131 it also contains romances. Many of these, like Men- doza’s, are devout in savour, ballads on St. Francis of Assisi, St. John the Baptist and so forth. But there is among the works ascribed to Montesino a romance on the death (1491) of Isabel’s son-in-law, Alphonso of Portugal—Hadlando estaua la reyna, a fragmentary anonymous copy of which Gaston Paris found in a contemporary French manuscript. This romance 1s not in the nature of a masterpiece. In fact, it is, perhaps, a little doubtful whether Montesino wrote it. As may be seen from Asenjo Barbieri’s Canctonero musical de los siglos xv y xvi, Montesino was too much given to adaptations of popular songs, too good-natured in acceding to the requests which were made to him. For instance, he wrote three separate recasts of Por las sterras de Madrid, a villancico set to music for six voices by Francisco Pefialosa (1470 ?- 1638), and the earliest example of an exsalada. In the case of the romance on Alphonso of Portugal, Montesino may very well have adapted an already existing poem. But that he wrote other ballads is beyond cavil. And when respectable bishops took to writing romances, the fortune of the genre was assured. Everybody was not, of course, converted at once. The influence of Mena was strong and continued to be strong for a considerable time. Under that influence came the Carthusian Juan de Padilla? (1468-1522 ?), whose first work seems to have been El Laberinto del duque de Cadiz con Rodrigo Ponce 1 Los doze Triumphos de los doze Apostoles and Retablo de la vida de Cristo, ed. R. Foulché-Delbosc, in Cancionero castellano del siglo xv. 1912. 1, pp. 288-449 (Nueva Bib. de Autores Esp., 19).—See: M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Antologia de poetas lirvicos, etc. Madrid, 1896. v1, pp. cexxxix-celxiil, 132 SPANISH LITERATURE de Leon (1493). In the Retablo del cartuxo sobre la vida de nuestro redenptor Fesu Christo (1516), a copy of which figured in Santa Teresa’s library, Padilla some- what drily versifies the life of the Saviour. There 1s no great attraction in the heavy allegory of his Doze triunphos de los doze cannot have been written before December 1576, when Luis de Leon was nearly fifty years of age. The third ode, dedicated to Portocarrero, refers to Don John of Austria’s campaign in 1569, while De/ mundo y su vanidad deals with the defeat of King Sebastian of Portugal in 1578. ‘The whole collection of poems consists of three books, of which only the first contains Luis de Leon’s original compositions; the second includes translations from Greek, Latin and Italian authors and the third renderings from the Bible. It is sometimes alleged against Luis de Leon that he is monotonous in tone and, no doubt, his sacred profession was something of a limitation to him in his choice of subjects. Still he could burst his chains asunder THE LATE RENAISSANCE Balas when the mood was on him, and few would guess that the Profecia del Tajo was the handiwork of an Augus- tinian monk, remote from human temptations and breathing most readily on the chill heights of mysticism. In the sphere of pure devotion he nowhere rises to a purer height than in the lines 2 dexas, Pastor santo and in his Noche serena. Luis de Leon is always com- petent and adequate, but artistry is not his supreme virtue asa poet. He is ever prone to bea little rugged, to outstrip all rivalry by simple excellence and intel- lectual force rather than by any refinement of technique. He strikes an absolutely new note in Spanish literature —a note rarely repeated till we catch its heavenly strain once more in the Jutimations of Immortality ot Wordsworth (1770-1850). There is the same as- piring intuition, the same splendid simplicity, the same lofty expression of sublime reflexion in both poets. Luis de Leon is often indifferent to beauty of form and is sometimes, if rarely, culpably careless of it. But what. he has to say, he says with a pregnant simplicity more telling than all the verbal ingenuity of the world. In the same year (1631) that he published Luis de Leon’s poems, Quevedo, still with the aim of arresting the gongoristic movement, issued a small book of verse by Francisco de la Torre,! the real or fictitious name of a poet belonging to the Salamancan group. The manuscript bore the official licence of Alonso de Ercilla (d. 1594). By the time that Quevedo chanced upon it, Torre’s identity was forgotten. Quevedo 1 Obras. Facsimile of the 1631 Madrid ed. by A. M. Huntington, New York, 1903.—See: , J. P. W. Crawford, The Source of an Eclogue of Francisco de la Torre, in Modern Language Notes, XXX (1915), pp. 214-215. 216 SPANISH 2 bE RAG Gey ascribed the book to the Bachiller Francisco de la Torre, whom he identified with the Bachiller de la Torre praised by Boscan in his Octava Rima. Manoel de Faria e Sousa in his commentary (1639) to Os Lusiadas rectified this mistake, pointing out that Lope ~ de Vega had been on friendly terms with the writer of the verses, who lived considerably after his homonym. The idea that the poems might be apocryphal was not broached until 1753 when they were reprinted by Luis Josef Velazquez who attributed them to Quevedo: he was supported by Luzan and Montiano. But this theory is untenable. The melancholy simplicity of this elusive poet is poles apart from the harsh brilliancy of Quevedo. Many of Torre’s poems are translations from the Italian. Book 1, Sonnet 23, for instance, is taken from Torquato Tasso (1 §44-1 597), from whom Spenser (1553 ?-1599) borrowed for the eighty-first sonnet of his Amoretti ; sonnets four to twelve and sonnet fourteen in Book 11 are versions from Benedetto Varchi (1 502- 1565); and the fifteenth and twenty-third sonnets of the same book are from Giambattista Amalteo (1 505- 1573). Where Varchi writes Fil, deh non fuggir, deh Filli, aspetta, Torre has Ay, no te alexes, Pili, ay lili, espera; for Tasso’s Bella é la Donna mia, se del bel crine, Yorre gives Bella es mi Ninfa, si los lagos de oro; Amalteo’s Notte che nel tuo dolce e alto oblio is echoed by the Spaniard as Noche, gue en tu amoroso y dulce olvido. Examples of this kind could be multi- plied. In his more original poems, Torre recalls Garci Lasso de la Vega. He is less charming, less seductive, less inspired, but his graceful, amorous verses, particularly La Cizerva, have a personal note. The work of Torre bears a striking resemblance to THE LATE RENAISSANCE Ty that of another Salamancan, Francisco de Figueroa ! (1536-1617 °). Fernandez-Guerra y Orbe held that it was practically impossible to distinguish between the compositions of the two poets. ‘‘ Barajad las poesias del... bachiller [de la Torre] con las de su camarada Figueroa y os costara improbo trabajo distinguirlas y conocer su duefio.’”’* Figueroa has a title to distinction as the first poet who succeeded in acclimatizing the versos sueltos in Spain: this he does in the Egloga pastoral (Thirst, pastor del mas famoso rio). He seems to have served in the Italian campaigns, where he became known as a graceful versifier ; he was married in 1575 at Alcala de Henares; travelled in the Netherlands in 1597 and on returning to Alcala, abandoned his art to dedicate himself, he says, to 1 Obras. Facsimile of the 1626 ed. by A. M. Huntington, New York, 1903 ; Poestas, ed. A. de Castro, 1857, in Bib. de Autores Esp., x11; Poésies inédites de Francisco de Figueroa, ed. R. Foulché-Delbosc, in Revue Hispanique, xxv (1911), pp. 317-344; Sonetos de Francisco de Figueroa, ‘el Divino,’ ed. A. U., in Revista critica hispano-americana, 1 (1915), pp. 169-171; Varias composiciones inéditas...ed. A. Lacalle Fernandez, in Revista critica hispano-americana, v_ (1919), pp. 148-168.—See: J. P. W. Crawford, Notes on three sonnets attributed to Francisco de Figueroa, in The Modern Language Review, 11 (1907), pp. 223-227; R. Menéndez Pidal, Observa- ciones sobre las poestas de Francisco de Figueroa (con varias composiciones inéditas), in Boletin de la R. Academia Esp., u (1915), pp. 302-340, 458-496; U. A., A propos de quatre sonnets atiribués a@ Francisco de Figueroa, 1, 1, in Revue Hispanique, XL (1917), pp. 260-263 ; XLII (1918), pp. 563-565; A. Lacalle Fernandez, Varias composiciones ... precedidas de un estudio bio-bibliografico, in Revista critica hispano-americana, v (1919), Poi e2-147. 2* Confuse the poems of ... the bachiller [de la Torre] with those of his comrade Figueroa and you will find it extremely hard to distinguish them and recognize their respective authors.’ 218 SPANISH ALI VER ALU RE matters more suited to his ripe years. His poems were not published until 1625, when the historian Luis Tribaldos de Toledo (d. 1634) issued over sixty in Lisbon. ‘They were probably written before 1573, and must have been known before their publication, since Cervantes quotes one in La Galatea, where he presents Figueroa as ‘Tirsi. Figueroa, mindful perhaps of Virgil’s example, had given instructions on his death- bed that all his works should be burnt. His wishes were apparently disregarded, for besides the verses published 1n 1625 some fifteen poems have been discovered by M. Foulché-Delbosc and another fifty by Sr. Menéndez Pidal. According to Juan Verzosa (1523-1574) who knew him in Italy, Figueroa versified with equal facility in Italian and in Spanish: in some of his elegies (1, 111, v) he introduces a medley of Spanish and Italian lines, He inclines to the pastoral tradition and shews himself an excellent imitator of Garci Lasso de la Vega in Entre doradas flores, for which he adapts the ra form. In blank verse, which after him becomes an accomplished fact in Spanish metrics, he avoids the peril of the assonant and skilfully alter- nates the caesura. The Sevillan school of poetry included such pro- minent men as Juan de Mal Lara, Francisco Pacheco (1535-1599), Diego Giron (d. 1590), an Italianate who succeeded Mal Lara as professor, and Francisco de Medina (1544 ?-1615). Its recognized leader was FERNANDO DE HERRERA! (1534 ?-1597), an authentic 1 Algunas obras, critical ed. by A. Coster, Paris, 1908 ; Poesias, ed. V. Garcia de Diego, 1914 (Clasicos Castellanos, 26); Versos, ed. A. Coster, 1919 (Bib. romanica); L’hymne sur Lépante, ed. A. Morel-Fatio, Paris, 1893 ; Fernando de Herrera. Contro- versia sobre sus Anotaciones a las obras de Garcilaso de la Vega. Deal De S San © 219 poet whose modest stipend as a cleric in minor orders at Seville left him free to pursue his bent unhindered. Much of his verse is addressed to Eliodora who figures in it as the so/, estrella and Juz of Herrera. This lady was Leonor de Mila (1 537?-1 581°), wife of Columbus’s grandson, Alvaro Colon de Portugal, second Conde de Gelves (d. 1581). In these petrarchist compositions (Algunas obras, 1582; Versos 1619) it is difficult to judge whether Herrera’s ecstatic admiration for the Countess was only platonic: but he can at times strike a note of real emotion as in the line ‘Ya pasd mi dolor, ya sé qué es vida.’ Antoine de Latour defined the nature of Herrera’s attachment as the poet’s ‘ innocent immorality,’ perhaps that is as near the true state of things as any discussion of the problem will bring us. Many of Herrera’s works are lost; for instance, the Gigantomachia, an epic on Amadis, several lyrical pieces, the Jstoria general del mundo hasta la edad de Carlos Quinto and some translations. But, besides his poetical works, we have his Relacion de la guerra de Cipre, y sucesso de la batalla naual de Lepanto (1572); the Obras de Garci Lasso de la Vega con anotaciones (1580), and Tomas Moro (1592), a biographical sketch of Sir Thomas More. Poesias inéditas, ed. J. M. Asensio, 1870 (Soc. de Bibliofilos Andaluces) ; Poésies inédites, ed. A. Coster, in Revue Hispanique, XLuU (1918), pp. 557-563; elacion de la Guerra de Cipre y suceso de la batalla naval de Lepanto, ed. M. Salva y P. Sainz de Baranda, in Coleccion de documentos tnéditos, etc. Madrid, 1852. XXI, pp. 242-382.—See: R. M. Beach, Was Fernando de Herrera a Greek scholar? Philadelphia, 1908; A. Coster, Fernando de Herrera (El Divino) 1534-1597. Paris, 1908; F. Rodriguez Marin, El “ divino” Herrera y la Condesa de Gelves. Madrid, (911. 220 SPANISH LITERATURE Herrera’s glory as a poet rests on his patriotic compositions: in these he is original and stirring. His ode (1571) to Don John of Austria on the occasion of the Moorish rising in the Alpujarras; the song (1572) celebrating the victory of Lepanto and the elegy on the death and defeat (August 8, 1578) of King Sebastian of Portugal at Alcazar-Kebir have an inspired passion and ‘fire, a dignity of style, and a biblical phrasing which invest them with a veritable grandeur. Herrera makes a bold use of neologisms and is prodigal of metaphors. His interest in stylistic problems may account for a certain chilliness, a savour of artificiality in some of his poems. But he enriched the themes of Garci Lasso de la Vega’s verse tradition and perfected its form. His principles are embodied in the commentary (1580) to Garci Lasso de la Vega which gave rise to an angry controversy. Six years previously, in 1574, the humanist and the friend of Luis de Leon, Francisco Sanchez! (1523-1600) e/ Brocense (so-called from his birthplace, Las Brozas, in Extremadura) had issued the Obras del excelente poeta Garci Lasso de la Vega; this edition roused some feeling among the Castilians who accused Sanchez of over-emphasizing the poet’s lack of originality. When Herrera’s edition appeared, they were no better pleased that an Andalusian should commentate a Castilian poet : Sanchez’s partisans took offence because Herrera omitted to mention his edition and an undignified polemic ensued. The first shots were fired by a certain ‘Damasio’; Juan Fernandez de Velasco, Conde de Haro (d. 1613), came in a good second with his Odservaciones published under the pseudonym of 1See: A. F. G. Bell, Francisco Sanchez el Brocense. Oxford, 1924 (Hispanic Notes and Monographs, Spanish Series, vi11). THE LATE RENAISSANCE Pony the®-Licenciado’ Prete Jacopin, vecino de Burgos.’ Herrera, called ‘an ass in a lion’s skin,’ showed little of the quality which had gained him he title of E/ divino, and retaliated in the same urbane tone as his critic. [he pamphlets of both were issued in 1870: Herrera’s commentary, which provoked the warfare, remains unpublished. There are good things in it beside much that is bad, and on the whole Herrera shews himself a critic somewhat in advance of his time. We have fragments of his prose in the dedica- tion of Part | of Dox Quijote to the seventh Duque de Béjar (1577 ?-1619), where Cervantes gives us a mosaic of phrases taken from Medina’s preface and from Herrera’s epistle to the Marqués de Ayamonte, so that Herrera survives in a circuitous fashion as a prose-writer. As a lyric he deserves to be more read than he 1s. A Sevillan unafhliated to any school was the poet Baltasar del Alcazar! (1530-1606), whose ingenious sonnet on a sonnet found numerous imitators. He served under the Marqués de Santa Cruz and after- wards entered the households of the Duque de Alcala, andueot, the Conde: de. Gelves. -Alc4zar’s «merry humour is well illustrated in La Cena jocosa. He displays in his epigrams a mordant wit which has earned him the sobriquet of the Andalusian Martial. He has the grace and something of the cynicism of Martial, but he lacks Martial’s vigour. Luis Barahona de Soto 2 (1548-1595), whose Primera parte de la Angelica (1586) was inspired by Ariosto, 1 Poesias, ed. F. Rodriguez Marin, Madrid, 1910 (Bib. selecta de Autores clasicos esp., 12). 2 Primera parte de la Angelica, facsimile of the princeps (Granada, 1586) by A. M. Huntington, New York, 1904; 222 SPANISH LITERATURE was born at Lucena in the province of Cordova. The Angélica professes to be a sequel to the Orlando furioso. Cervantes, often weak and over-indulgent in criticism, thought highly of it; the priest in Don Quijote calls it by its popular title, Las Ldgrimas de Angélica, and adds: ‘I should shed tears myself were such a book burned, for its author is one of the best poets, not merely in Spain, but in all the world.’ Lope de Vega and Mendoza were of much the same mind, while in the eighteenth century Luzan maintained that Barahona de Soto’s work would be more esteemed than Ariosto’s, had it chanced to appear first. However that may be, the Angélica has not stood the test of time: beside its model it is a wan and pallid adaptation. Its second part survives in fragments incorporated in the Did/ogos de la Monterta, a work written some time after 1586 and ascribed to Soto by Sr. Rodriguez Marin. A failure in epic poetry, Soto shews in his versions of Ovid as well as in some of his minor poems that he can be both graceful and melodious as a lyrist. Luis Zapata! (1526-1595), who also tried the epic, has little to recommend him except his industry and Cervantes’s praise. He spent thirteen years over the fifty cantos of Carlo famoso (1566) and, undaunted by its failure, lived to maltreat (1592) Horace. Asa _ Poesias [villancico|, ed. J. de Sancha, 1855, in Bib. de Autores Esp., Xxxv; [soneto, tercetos|, ed. A. de Castro, 1857, in Bib. de Autores: Esp., xUu'y ed:=B> J-.Gallarde sin) iiisayomeeces Madrid, 1866. 11, col. 25-33; Didlogos de la Monteria, ed. F. R. Uhagon, 1890 (Soc. de Biblidfilos Esp., 27).—See: F’. Rodriguez Marin, Luts Barahona de Soto: estudio bibliografico y critico. Madrid, 1903. 1 Miscelanea, ed. P. de Gayangos, in Memorial hist6rico espanol, x1 (1859).—See: J. Menéndez Pidal, Vida y obras de Don Luis de Zapata, 1915 [Discurso. R. Academia Esp.]. THE LATE RENAISSANCE DOR prose-writer, Zapata has good points—his Misceldnea is an interesting and agreeable collection; as an epic poet he has none. And in justice to Cervantes it must be added that the Carlo famoso (which, by the way, Cervantes assigns to Luis de Avila) was consigned unread to the flames. A similar fate, with perhaps less justice, befell the Primera y segunda parte de el Leon de Espata (1586) by Pedro de la Vezilla Cas- tellanos: this contains some pleasant verses and was utilized by Lope de Vega in La amistad pagada and Las famosas asturianas. Three epic poems of this period are praised by Wenvantesmas, the abest that) havesbeen written: in Castilian in heroic verse,’ able to compare with ‘ the most famous of Italy.’ One is La Austriada (1584) whose hero is Don John of Austria. Here, as with Zapata, we have a case of mistaken vocation. Juan Rufo Gutierrez! (1547 ?-d. after 1620), the author, shews in his Seyscientas apotegmas ... otras obras en verso (1 596) a witty perception and a natural gift of narration. In La Austriada, however, he merely produces a tedious composition in twenty-four cantos. The first eighteen of these are, as M. Foulché-Delbosc has pointed out, only a rhymed version of Mendoza’s Guerra de Granada, which Rufo must have seen in manuscript. He reveals, it is true, some power in DiawaAusiiada-eda Ce Rosellyids54ein bib. dew Autoreselsp., POE DASE POLEP IAS, eCan \ mCT Ie AineZUas sy invla yO, HO23aN coc aaces DibliOhiosm Esp. Nucvay mericns 1) = cera nt Foulché-Delbosc, Etude sur la ‘* Guerra .de Granada’ de Don Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, in Revue Hispanique, 1 (1894), pp. 101-165 and 338; R. Ramirez de Arellano, Fuan Rufo, jurado de Cordoba. Madrid, 1912; R. Foulché-Delbosc, Lauthenticité de la ‘ Guerra de Granada,’ in Revue Hispanique, XXXvV (1915), pp. 476-538. 224 SPANISH LITERATURE his descriptive passages, but he has spoilt by versifica- tion what might have proved a useful chronicle, and his epic is far from being one of “ the richest treasures of poetry that Spain possesses.’ A more artistic effort was La Araucana by Alonso de Ercilla y Zufiiga! (1533-1594), who fought against the Araucanos in 1555. He had before him a distin- guished career as a.soldier when a quarrel with a brother-ofhcer, Juan de Pineda, cut it short. Both young men were condemned to death, but the sentence was commuted at the eleventh hour. Pineda became an Augustinian monk: Ercilla was sent to prison as having given greater provocation. He was released before 1558, when he took part in the battle of Quiapo (Dec. 14), and in 1562, he returned to Europe with the first fifteen cantos of his song which he had com- posed by camp-fires on stray bits of leather or skin or on scraps of paper that he had managed to collect. Ercilla did not forgive his commanding officer, Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza, for the part that he had played in his disgrace, and assigns him an insignificant part in La Araucana. Ercilla was made a knight of Santiago in 1671 and appointed literary censor, but he failed to obtain the post of Secretary to the State which he greatly coveted. It would seem that the first book to be printed 1 La Aravcana, facsimile of Part I (princeps Madrid, 1569) and Part I] (Caragoga, 1578) by A. M. Huntington, New York, 1902-1903:>/ 2: vols ;" ed: Ja I.) Medina. (Centenarymedtawiea documents, notes, biography, etc.] Santiago de Chile, 1910-1918. 5 vols.—See: A. Bello, in Obras completas. Santiago de Chile, 1883. vi; A. Royer, Etude littéraire sur l Araucana. Dijon 1879; J. L. Perrier, Don Garcia de Mendoza in Ercilla’s * Araucana,’ in The Romanic Review, 1x (1918), pp. 430-440. THE LATE RENAISSANCE 208 in America was Juan de la Magdalena’s1 (d. 1579) translation (1535 ?) of the Escala espiritual (1505) by San Juan Climaco. The first Spanish poem written in America was the Conguista de la Nueva Castilla, an anonymous work of no literary merit which was not published till 1848. Enrcilla’s poem is the first work of literary merit produced on the American continent. La Araucana was published in 1 569: its continuations, which brought up the number of cantos to thirty-five, were printed in 1578, 1589-1590, and in 1597 the three parts were issued at Madrid in a revised edition of thirty-seven cantos, the thirty-fifth original canto becoming the thirty-seventh. Whether the two additional cantos are authentic is not known. The subject-matter is the rebellion of the Araucanos. Voltaire praised the speech of the old chief, Colocolo ; the speeches of Lautaro and Caupolican are even more remarkable in their high oratorical effect. And this is precisely where the poem as an epic fails.: It is epic neither in form nor effect. Ercilla had great powers of declamatory eloquence, a gift of vivid description and skill as a narrator: he had not the poet’s temperament. Though lines of isolated beauty may stand out in the memory, the work as a whole leaves no general impression ; passages of distinction are suddenly marred by some trivial detail. At his best Ercilla is a most eloquent orator: as a poet he is not completely successful. Perhaps he had an intui- tion of something lacking when he introduced such mechanical devices as visions of Bellona, supernatural prophecies and so forth. Withal La draucana remains the best artistic epic yet written in Spanish: its early 1See: J. T. Medina, in La Imprenta en Mexico. Santiago DeaeilesLOOQ. 71, p:.374: S.L. P 226 SPANISH LITERATURE part is full of martial fire and has a refreshing spon- taneity which reveals something of Ercilla’s engaging personality. peli Ill-pleased with the part allotted to him in La Araucana, Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza hired a staff of salaried flatterers to redress the balance in his favour. One of these was a young Chilean poet, Pedro de Ofia! (1570-after 1643 ?), who did his best in the Primera parte de Arauco domado (1596) without success, apparently, since this part was put on the Index by the Lima Inquisition and no second part appeared. A second poem of Ofia’s, E/ Ignacio de Cantabria (1639), is even more tedious than the 4rauco domado. Meanwhile La Araucana led to a series of imitations and continuations. In 1597 Diego de Santistevan Osorio,? who had a boy’s hero-worship for Ercilla, attributed to him all kinds of imaginary adven- tures in the Quarta y Quinta Parte de la Araucana. Another sequel appears to have been written by the Andalusian Fernando Alvarez de Toledo,*? but its loss will be regretted by no one who has read the same author’s Puren indomito, a wretched imitation of the Arauco domado, unpublished for some two and a half centuries. An avowed disciple of Ercilla was Juan de ' Arauco domado, critical ed. by J. T. Medina, Santiago de Chile, 1917.—See: M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Antologia de poetas hispano-americanos. Madrid, 1895. Iv, pp. Xvii-xxix ; J. T. Medina, in Biblioteca hispano-chilena. Santiago de Chile, 1897. 1, pp. 42-79; J. A. Ray, in Drake dans la poésie espagnole (7530-1572). Paris, 1000. — pp. 153-157. * Quarta y quinta parte en que se prosigue y acaba la historia de D, Alonso de Ercilla. Madrid, 1735.—See: C..Pérez Pastor, in Bibliografia madrilena. Madrid, 1907. 111, pp. 478-479. ® Puren indomito, ed. D,. Barros Arana, Paris, 1862 (Bib. americana, I). THE LATE RENAISSANCE DOF Castellanos ! (1522-1607 ?), a native of Alanis in the province of Seville. As a young soldier he served in America, took orders and obtained a benefice at Tunja in 1656 or thereabouts. His Elegias de varones ilustres de Indias was composed between 1570 and 1590: it was issued in four parts, the first in 1589, the second and third in 1847 and the last in 1886. Castellanos shews a praiseworthy attention to historical fact, but he has no poetical inspiration. The introduction of the pastoral novel is another of Spain’s debts to Italy. Jacopo Sannazaro (14 58-1 530) was an Italian of Spanish descent and one is tempted to think that there must have been something subtly Spanish in his talent. At least, it appealed with peculiar force to the Spanish temperament, and his drcadia (1502) was indirectly responsible for the Spanish pastoral novel, whose influence through the Diana of Montemayor was felt on European literature for half a century. This convention appealed strongly to Cervantes: it appealed also to Shakespeare, who borrows from the Diana in Two Gentlemen of Verona, and to John Keats (1795-1821) as may be seen in Endymion. Sannazaro’s first imitator in the Penin- sula was the Portuguese Bernardim Ribeiro (1482 ?- 1552) whose Menina e moga takes its name from the 1 Flegias de varones tlustres de Indias, Parts 1-111, ed. B. C. Aribau, 1847 (Bib. de Autores Esp., tv); Pt. 1v [Historia del nuevo reino- de Granada], ed. A. Paz y Mélia, 1887. 2 vols. (Col. de Escritores Cast., 44, 49).—See: M. A. Caro, Foan de Castellanos. 1. Noticias sobre su vida y escritos. 1. Castellanos como cronista: paralelo con Oviedo, in Repertorio Colombiano (Bogota), 11 (1879), pp. 356-368, 435-450; M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Amtologia de poetas hispano-americanos. Madrid, 1894. Il, pp. viil-xXvull. 2.2.8 SPANISH LITERATURE first three words of the novel. Menina e moga was not printed until 1554, but it certainly served as a model to Jorct pE Montemor! (1520 ?-1561), who was born in Montemor-o Velho and whose castilianized name is Montemayor. A musician by profession, he was attached to the household of the Infanta Maria, elder sister of the future King Philip II., and during this period he published the Expostcion moral sobre el Psalmo Ixxxvi del real propheta David (1548). In 1551 he entered the service of the Infanta Juana, and upon her marriage with Juan III of Portugal’s eldest son, the Infante Juan, accompanied the royal pair to Lisbon as apousentador (courier). According to Professor Rennert, there are good reasons to think that Montemayor was in the suite of the future Philip II when he came to England. It has also been said that Montemayor was a soldier and that he fought at the Battle of St. Quentin (1557). He lived for some time in Valencia, where he appears to have written, at any rate in part, the Diaza. He was killed in Piedmont as a result of some affair of gallantry. Montemayor began by writing véil/ancicos and a beautiful gloss on Jorge Manrique’s Cop/as, but he trimmed his sails to the breeze and composed in the new style an epistle, two eclogues, and thirty-two 1 Los siete libros de la Diana, ed. M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Origenes de la Novela. 1907. WU, pp. 251-336 (Nueva Bib. de Autores Esp., 7).—See: G. Schénherr, Forge de Montemayor : sein Leben und sein Schaferroman, etc. Halle, 1886; James Fitzmaurice-Kelly, The Bibliography of the ‘“‘ Diana enamorada,”’ in Revue Hispanique, 11 (1895), pp. 304-311; M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Origenes dela Novela, 1905. 1. pp. cdxlviii-cdlxxviii (Nueva, Bib. de Autores»Esp.; +1); Hi A> ’Rennert Sineiee Spanish Pastoral Romances, 2nd ed. Philadelphia, 1912. pp. 18-58 (Publications of the University of Pennsylvania). THE LATE RENAISSANCE 229 sonnets. ‘These appeared in his OJdras, dedicated to the Infante Juan of Portugal and his wife and published at Antwerp in 1554. Placed on the Index, the Odras were not reissued again until 1558 ina revised edition whose first volume was called Segundo Cancionero and the second Segundo Cancionero spiritual, Montemayor also translated (1560) the Catalan poems of Ausias March, and though Lope thought ill of the effort, there 1s no good reason why one should agree with him, unless, of course, one believes that literal exacti- tude is the supreme merit of a translation. A fuller idea of Montemayor’s position as a lyrical poet may be gleaned from the miscellaneous verses scattered up and down in the Diana. Some of these, mostly in the old style, are models of grace and eloquence. But his reputation depends really on Los siete bros de la Diana (1559 °), the forerunner of Sir Philip Sidney’s Arcadia (1590) and of the Astrée (1607-1627) by Honoré d’Urfé (1568-1625). The donnée is simple enough—the love-aftairs of a young shepherdess Diana with the shepherd Sireno who seems intended to represent Montemayor himself. Lope de Vega sought to see in Diana a lady from Valencia de Don Juan near Leon; according to Faria e Sousa the lady’s name was Ana and she was still something of a beauty when Philip III] met her in 1603. The love-affairs of Diana and Sireno are not very happy from the romantic reader’s point of view, for Diana ends by wedding the shepherd Delio. ‘There are subsidiary episodes, such as that of Felix and Felismena borrowed from Bandello’s (1480?-1560?) Novelle (36. Pt. 2a). The Diana had a very great vogue in its own time, and it no doubt deserved it. But itis difficult to get up any genuine enthusiasm about the book now. ‘The truth 230 SPANISH EIDE RAGING Rae of the matter is that the form pastoral is essentially artificial ; the falsity of the gexre was to the taste of the time and lent itself easily enough to Montemayor’s alembicated talent which was alien from realism. It is often said that Garci Lasso de la Vega is artificial, and so he is, but his artificiality has a charm that 1s all its own and accords well with his elfin, melancholy Virgilian music. THe effect is different when the vehicle is pedestrian prose. The contact with reality is missed: in its place there is a pleasing sweetness, a gracious gallantry, a delicate fancy, a fineness the only defect of which is that it 1s superfine. Still, Montemayor won the admiration of Sir Philip Sidney and of Shakespeare. His verses, despised by Cer- vantes, have been admirably translated by Frere, and his numerous imitators include Desportes (1 546-1606) and Sarrazin (1605-1654). Among Montemayor’s Spanish imitators was a Salamancan doctor, Alonso Perez, who wrote La segunda parte de la Diana (1564). He boasts that he is Montemayor’s friend and that his books contain little that is ‘not stolen or imitated from the best Latins and Italians.’ Neither of these qualifications overwhelms one with awe, and one is inclined to feel rather grateful that Alonso Perez was snatched up to Heaven before he had time to issue the third part with which he threatened mankind. A continuation of much greater merit is La primera parte de Diana enamorada (1564) by Gaspar Gil Polo? (d. 1591 ?). Cervantes, prone to like many things and particularly 1 La Diana Enamorada, ed. M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Origenes de la Novela. 1907. 11, pp. 337-398 (Nueva Bib. de Autores Esp.,.7):—see:, .H. Ay (Rennert, in 2 hes Spanish senso ar Romances. 2nd ed. Philadelphia, 1912. pp. 72-85. THE LATE RENAISSANCE Sor apt to overpraise them, had the highest opinion of the Diana enamorada, which he said should be preserved ‘as if it came from Apollo himself.’ Perhaps the cause of this enthusiasm is no more recondite than that it gave Cervantes an opportunity of making a pun. Gil Polo, more merciful than Montemayor, brings Diana and Sireno together again. He has a clear prose-style, and his verse, written in all kinds of metres known at that period, has distinct literary quality, particularly in the Cancion de Nerea in the third book of the Diana Enamorada. Gail Polo was shamelessly imitated, as Professor Rennert has pointed out, by Hieronymo de Texeda, a Spanish professor in Paris, whose Diana de Montemayor nuevamente compuesta (1627) contains also reminiscences from Alonso Perez’s Diana. Los diez Libros de Fortuna d’ Amor (1573) by the soldier Antonio de lo Frasso and Los nueue Libros de las Hauidas (1566) by Hierdnimo Arbolanche stirred even Cervantes to exasperation. His irony was lost upon Pedro Pineda, a Spanish Jew refugee in London, who reprinted Lo Frasso’s absurd book. Artificiality reached its culminating point in E? Pastor de Filida (1582) of Luis Galvez de Montalvo ! (7449-1591 °). “No Pastor that, but a highly polished courtier,’ as Cervantes ingenuously says. His own Galatea (1585), itself anything but a master- piece, was followed by the Desengafio de Celos (1 §86) of Bartolomé Lopez de Enciso who is possibly the author of La Montafiesa, a play acted in Seville in 1618; the Primera Parte de las Nimphas y Pastores de Henares (1587), an immature work by a Salamancan student called Bernardo Gonzalez de Bovadilla; and 1 Fl Pastor de Filida, ed. M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Origenes de la Novela. 1907. 11, pp. 399-484 (Nueva Bib. de Autores Esp., 7). oy) S PAINTS Ele Te Tere ie El Pastor de Iberia (1591) by the Andalusian Bernardo de la Vega who went to South America, obtained a canonry in Tucumdan and was apparently still alive in 1623. The passion for pastoralism continued for over a quarter of a century after Don Quijote and Guzman de Alfarache had given a new direction to the novel, as one may see from La Cintia de Aranivez (1629) by Gabriel de Corral! (1588-1640), and Las Pastores del Betis(1633) by Gonzalo de Saavedra (1 568?- 1632); but these are authors outside the literary movement and their works are without importance. Meanwhile in much the same way as Sebastian de Cordova Sacedo had tried to check the influence of Boscan and Garci Lasso de la Vega, so Bartolomé Ponce in his religious parody, Primera Parie de la Clara Diana a lo diuino (1582 '), attempted to stem the flood of pastoralism. He did not lack precedents in his own country, quite apart from the Italian spiritualizzamenti such as J? Petrarca spirituale (1 536), where Girolamo Malipiero presents Laura as the Christ-and Love as the* Eternal “Pather “Buteenis sort of parody, though it apparently shocked none, was powerless to arrest the fashion. Montemayor’s unexpected death in 1561 had put an end to all hopes of his promised sequel to Diana. In the posthumous editions, the publishers increased the bulk of the book by inserting a tale called the Historia del Abencerraje y la hermosa Xarifa2 It did 1See: N. Alonso Cortés, in Miscelanea vallisoletana. Valla- dolid, 1912.1, pp. 147-180; 7A. Rennert, in Phe Spanick Pastoral Romances. 2nded. Philadelphia, 1912. pp. 192-198. 2 Ed. G. le Strange, Cambridge, 1924.—See: M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Origenes de la Novela, 1, pp. ccclxxv-ceclxxx (Nueva Bib. de Autores Esp., 1); H. Mérimée, in Bulletin hispanique, XXI (1919), pp. 143-166. THE LATE RENAISSANCE 222 not happen to be by Montemayor, but that did not trouble the thrifty publishers. They gota few excellent pages for nothing and that for them was the main point. ‘This very short story is found first of all in Antonio de Villegas’s Jnventario, which was licensed for printing in 1551 but was not published until 1565. It is extremely unlikely that Villegas was the author : he may have touched it up a little but that is all. It is a Charming anonymous sketch in what was afterwards to become a separate genre—the Mauresque novel. In the domain of mysticism where Nicolas Antonio records some three thousand works, the chief name is that of Sanra TERESA DE Jesus! (1515-1582), in the world Teresa de Cepeda y Ahumada. ‘To her has been ascribed the beautiful anonymous sonnet: No me mueve, mi Dios, para quererte, but equally with that of St. Ignatius of Loyola, of St. Francis Xavier, of Pedro de los Reyes and of Miguel de Guevara, to all of whom it has been attributed, her claim must be rejected. Santa Teresa was a poet, but she was a poet in prose—in the Castillo Interior, for example. 1 Obras, ed. V. de la Fuente, Madrid, 1881, 6 vols; Escritos, edverde la Puente, 1001-1602, 2 vols. (Bib: de Autores Esp. Pui lass oradas eds in Navarro, Lomas, 1010 ;.-2ndred: 1916 (Clasicos cast., 1).—See: G. Cunninghame Graham, Santa Teresa: her life and times. London, 1894. 2 vols. ; H. de Curzon, Bibliographie téréstenne. Paris, 1902; A. Morel- Fatio, Les lectures de Sainte Thérése, in Bulletin hispanique, x (1908), pp. 17-67; M. Mir, Santa Teresa de Fests: su vida, su esptritu y sus fundaciones. Madrid, 1912; La vida de la madre Teresa de Fests escrita de su misma mano, etc. [with an intro- duction by G. Cirot] (Bib. romanica); E. Julid Martinez, La cultura de Santa Teresa y su obra literaria. Castellén, 1922; The Letters of Santa Teresa |trans. and notes by the Benedictines of Stanbrook], London, 1922. 4 vols. 234 SRBANISH Et BRA tects Her songs have the charm of simplicity, have a kind of infantile grace which lacks art. And unfortunately art is an indispensable factor in verse. Her taste lay in the popular forms as in her carol: Hoy nos viene a redimir. She delighted in Escriva’s Ven, muerte, tan escondida, some echo of which has strayed into her poem beginning : Vivo sin vivir en mt, generally known as Santa Teresa’s gloss. It is as a practical reformer and a mystic that Santa Teresa is pre-eminent. With St. Ignatius of Loyola she heads the Catholic reaction, but where St. Ignatius is only a great party leader, Santa Teresa makes her appeal to all denominations, not least to Protestant England, where she is quoted by Jeremy Taylor (1613-1667), praised by Richard Crashaw (1613 ?-1649), and William Law (1686-1761), and where in more recent days the agnostic Anthony Froude (1818-1894) ranks her literary gifts with those of Cervantes, while in Catholic Spain her manuscript of the Libro de las Misericordias de Dios rests in the Escorial not far from a page of St. Augustine. Santa Teresa reveals herself to us in her letters, in the Libro de su vida and in the Libro de las Fundaciones : a whole literature has gathered around her name, and 1n modern days her biography envisaged from quite another point of view has been re-written by Gabriela Cunning- hame Graham (d. 1906). Here only the salient points of the saint’s life can be indicated. Born at Avila, at the age of seven she set out to seek martyrdom; her first literary venture was a chivalresque novel written in 1529 in collaboration with her brother Rodrigo de Cepeda. ‘Two years later she ran away from home to become a nun, and in 1534 (Nov. 3) she professed in the Carmelite Convent of Avila. Her feverish energy, her spiritual ecstasy and ill-health all THE LATE RENAISSANCE 28% combined to age her prematurely but, undaunted by poverty and persecution, she continued indomitable to the end, a marvel of devotion and self-sacrifice, and in spite of her saintliness a singularly human figure whose mystical sense was never incompatible with a great gift of organization and a striking directness of vision. Santa Teresa’s natural pride of race—she was de sangre limpia in character and in descent—remained with her all her life. She stated itas an unalterable fact. Indifferent to the applause of the multitude, she was not interested in literature as literature and wrote only when-outside pressure compelled her. Yet her style has a noble simplicity, a sober clarity, and an archaic savour that give a peculiar distinction to her prose. She may be diffuse: she is never obscure. Her manuscripts, which were entrusted by Sor Ana de Jesus to Fray Luis de Leon, were edited by him in 1588 with the most scrupulous care; he tells us that he followed the originals closely ‘sin mudarlos, ni en palabras, ni en cosas de que se habian apartado mucho los traslados que andaban.’! Santa Teresa discloses in her works every aspect of her varied temperament: she rises to an ecstatic sublimity in the Camino de perfeccton ; in the Libro de las Fundaciones she is intellectual and austere; confidential in the Libro de su vida; maternal, admonishing, encouraging and personal, shrewd and even a little hard in her letters. She was born to command and to organize; she 1s clearly contemptuous of feminine weakness : ‘ Es muy de mugeres, y no querria yo, hyas mias, lo fuéssedes en 1‘ without changing them, either as regards the words or the meaning where there were wide differences among the current copies. 236 SPANISH LITERATURE nada, ni lo pareciéssedes, sino varones fuertes,’! she writes in the Camino de perfeccion. A practical reformer, she has little patience with visionaries, nor is she blind to the evils of relaxed monastic discipline, ‘monasterio de mugeres con libertad...mas me parece es passo para caminar al infierno las que quisieren ser ruines, que remedio para sus flaquezas.’ * Santa Teresa belonged to the race of those ‘Whose sinewy wings by choice do fly In the fine mountain-air of public obloquy.’ And while she dealt in a spirit of sound commonsense with the details of every-day life, she embraced—in the words of Luis de Leon—‘ the highest and most generous philosophy that was ever dreamed.’ More akin to’Santa Teresa than her friendjoan Juan de la Cruz as regards practical austerity, the Dominican Luts p—E Granapa 3 (1504 ?-1 588), whose family name was Sarria, was the son of a laundress at a convent in Granada, his native city. He owed his education to the patronage of the second Conde de 1‘ That is very like a woman, and I would not have my daughters be, or seem to be, women in anything, but brave men.’ 2“a women’s convent without discipline ...seems to me to be rather a short-cut to Hell for those who are inclined to go wrong, than a remedy for their weakness.’ 3 Obras, ed, 4J.. Ji de Mora, 1845-18405 93) vols 3 ei ipeee Autores Esp., vi, vill, x1); ed. Fr. J. Cuervo, Madrid, 1906- 1908. 14 vols.—See: Fr. J. Cuervo, Brografia de Fray Luis de Granada. Madrid, 1895; Fr. J. Cuervo, Fr. Luts de Granada y la Inqutsicion, in Homenaje a4 Menéndez y Pelayo. Madrid, 1800: 1, Pp.2733-7434, Je). Cuervo... yay in sede rane verdadero y unico autor del libro de la Oracion. Madrid, 1919; ‘Azorin,’ in Los dos Luises y otros ensayos. Madrid, 1921. pp. 19-97; * Azorin,’ in De Granada a Castelar. Madrid, 1922. pp. 23-50. THB CATE RENAISSANCE 27 Tendilla (1436-1516); he professed in 1525 and almost immediately became famous as a preacher and confessor. Towards the year 1555 Luis de Granada went to Portugal, where he was made Provincial of his Order and confessor to Queen Catalina (d. 1578). His version (1538) of the Imitation of Christ was his first published work: it was followed in 1554 by the Libro de la oracion y medttacion. In 1556-1557 appeared the first redaction of the Guia de Pecadores, which was issued in 1567, and is a distinct and inde- pendent composition. The first redaction of the Guia and the Libro de la oracion y meditacion were put on the Index (1559), where they figured beside works by Juan de Avila and Francisco de Borja. Luis de Granada came to Spain prepared to defend his cause, but on finding that the friend upon whom he had relied, the Archbishop of Toledo, Bartolomé Carranza (1 503- 1576), was in prison, he hastened to alter the offending passages of his book and returned to Portugal. He was not, however, to escape further suspicion ; charges of i/uminismo were unjustly brought up against him for his credulity in testifying to the false stigmata of the Portuguese nun, Sor Maria de la Visitacion (who was condemned on Dec. 7, 1588). ‘This was shortly after the publication of the Introduccion del simbolo de la Fe (1582-1585). His books had a vast success, particularly the Guia de Pecadores. Regnier quotes it as Macette’s favourite work, Gorgibus in Sganarelle recommends it to Célie ; it was praised by St. Francois de Sales (1568-1622) and by Fénelon (1651-1715), and read by José Marchena as he lay under sentence of death by Robespierre. Luis de Granada’s forty years in the confessional gave him a deep insight into the frailties of human nature: his absolute sincerity, 238 SPANISH LITERATURE his learning and his fervour are admirable. His defects are those of the public speaker: antithesis, an abuse of rhetoric, a certain mechanical turn of the phrase. But at his best, he is moving, eloquent, persuasive, and the suavity of his style, indicative of his gentle nature, has won him a reputation which seems likely to increase. More mystic than ascetic is San JUAN DE LA Cruz} (1 42-1591), whose work for the monasteries of the Carmelite Order followed the same lines as Santa - Teresa’s for the convents. A studentat the University of Salamanca, his family name was Juan de Yepes y Alvarez; on entering the Carmelite order in 1564 he took the name of Fray Juan de San Matias. He became a discalced monk in 1567, the year that he first knew Santa Teresa, and in 1568 he adopted the name by which he is generally known. Like Santa Teresa, but in a greater degree, he suffered hardships and persecutions and died in sad circumstances before he was fifty years of age. San Juan de la Cruz lacks Santa Teresa’s practical gifts, but in the domain of mystic verse he has no rival in Spanish literature : his influence outside Spain is visible in Coventry Patmore’s (1823-1896) The Unknown Eros. In the Obras espirituales (1618) Spanish mysticism finds its highest expression. San Juan de la Cruz moves on a plane inaccessible to most mortals ; he abides * on the L- Obras, criticahed) by Gide an SJuan dé lavCruz = loleaa IQI2-1914. 3 vols —See: M Menéndez y Pelayo, De la poesia mistica, in Estudios de critica literariay, 2nd ed. ¥ 18034 ast series. pp. 1-27 (Col. de Escritores Cast., 15) ; M. Dominguez Berrueta, El misticismo de San Fuan de la Cruz en Sus poestas. Madrid, 1894; Rk. Encinas y Lopez de Espinosa, La pcesia de San Fuan dela Cruz. Valencia, 1905. Pie ea Re NATSSANCE 239 phantom verge of things.’ But his ecstatic raptures are full of movement and colour ; his mystical abstrac- tions are expressed in concrete sve of great beauty and their emotional appeal cannot be gainsaid. His prose-style can be clear and forcible ; where it seems extremely obscure, as in the commentary to his poems, the difficulty ii bemfound@ine thes subject Phe obscurity is in the thought, not in the expression which, once the thought 1 is familiar, is often wonderfully happy. Still, it is not as a prose-writer that San Juan de la Cruz concerns us: he makes his appeal through the music of his verse, in the Noche obscura del Alma, in the Canciones entre el Alma y el Esposo, in the Llama de amor viva. Pedro Malon de Chaide! (1 530?-1596), an Augus- tinian monk who composed for Beatriz Cerdan the Libro de la conversion de la Magdalena (1588), is a much less attractive character than Juan de Avila or Luis de Granada. His book betrays the influence of the very models that he condemns most harshly— Boscan, Garci Lasso de la Vega, chivalresque romances and ‘frivolous love-books.’ While his intolerance must alienate sympathy, his austere doctrine and gorgeous colouring explain his popularity. A purer mystic is the Franciscan Juan de los Angeles? (1536 ?- 1609), a native of Avila, whose Tviumphos del amor de Dios (1590), a compendium of which was issued in 1600 under the title of Lucha espiritual y amorosa entre Dios y el alma, is a psychological work influenced by 1 La conversion de la Madalena, ed. B. C. Aribau, 1853, in BibwedosAutores Tsp. xxvil. See 2 Pa). Pidal’ in Estudios literarios. 1890. 11, pp. 143-175 (Col. de Escritores Cast., 83). eUuras=iVisticas,. ed. Fr}. Salagiorzs» Pte ©-(Nueva Bib. * de Autores Esp., 20). 240 SPANISH (Ea EARS Wikxele Ruysbroeck (1293-1381). It is distinguished by a singular beauty of expression and depth of intuition, qualities which mark the two parts of the Dia/ogos de la conquista del espiritual y secreto Reyno de Dios (159 5- 1608). Juan de los Angeles is superior to Diego de Estella! (1524-1578), a friar in his own order, whose Meditaciones devotissimas del amor de Dios (1578) are nevertheless remarkable for fervour and eloquence, as St. Francois de Sales discovered for himself and proclaimed to the world. A touch of mysticism 1s perceptible in the few extant verses of the famous theologian and scholar, Benrro Artas Montano? (1526 ?-1598). A friend of Luis de Leon, he may possibly be responsible for the lines 4 la hermosura exterior de Nuestra Sefora ascribed to the latter. Arias Montano had a shrewd and kindly nature and a veritable passion for books. It was largely owing to his acquisitions in Flanders that Philip II’s library at the Escorial became a marvel of its kind. He loved beauty intrinsically and shewed this in the scholarly form and clear type of his Polyglot Bible. Recalled from Italy owing to the machinations of Leon de Castro, he was cleared through Mariana’s intrepid verdict of the charges levelled at him by the Inquisition, but the experience disillusioned him and he retired into private life. 1 De la vanidad del mundo, in Tesoro de escritores misticos espanoles, 111, 1847 (Col de los mejores Autores Esp., 44). 2 Parafrasis sobre el Cantar de Cantares de Salomon, ed. J. N. Bohl de Faber, in Floresta de rimas antiguas castellanas. Hamburgo, 1825. 111, pp. 41-64; Correspondenctia, ed. Marqueses de Pidal y de Miraflores and M. Salva, 1862, in Coleccion de documentos inéditos, etc. “XL; pp. 1277418.—oee 2. Ave iG Bell, Benito Arias Montano, Oxford, 1922 (Hispanic Notes and Monographs. Spanish Series, v). THE LATE RENAISSANCE 241 The prose-writers of distinction in this period are to be found among the philosophers or historians. GERONIMO ZuRitTA! (1512-1580), a disciple of Hernan Nufiez de Toledo, is an excellent example of an exact writer. His literary merit may be open to question, but in the Auales de la Corona de Aragon (1562-1579) he gives a careful and well-planned outline of history based on scientific research. Zurita was the first Spanish historian to obtain his materials direct from original documents, to collate these with documents from foreign archives and to realize that travelling is a necessary adjunct to the historian’s resources. In power of selection he excels his predecessors and avoids the pitfall of beginning with Noah. He lacks, it is true, the gift of picturesque narration, of sym- pathetic intuition, but his solid qualities of accuracy and method give him a unique position in the develop- ment of Spanish scientific history. His friend, Amprosio DE Morares? (1513-1591) followed Zurita’s accurate methods 1n La Coronica general de Espafia (1574-1586), a continuation of Ocampo’s work. It is a trifle disappointing to find Morales so arid in style, one is inclined to expect more literary feeling from a relation of Perez de Oliva (whose works Morales published in 1586), yet his exactness in the Coronica and in Las antiguvedades de las civdades de Espafia (1575) is a definite asset. 1See: D. J. Dormer, Progressos de la historia en el reyno de Aragon, y elogios de Gerénimo Zurita, sv primer corontsta. Zaragoza, 1680; C. Pérez Pastor, in Bibliografia madrilena. MadtiCm lOO (eee te tll Ds 523. 2 Corénica general de Espana que continuaba Ambrosio de Morales. Madrid, 1791-1792. 6 vols.—See: C. Pérez Pastor, in Buibliografia madrilena. Madrid, 1907. Pt. 11, p. 432; E. Redel, Ambrosio de Morales. Cordoba, 1909. Sik; Q 242 SPANISH LITERATURE One of the greatest names on the bede-roll of Spanish literature, Disco Hurrapo pz Menpoza,* is another of Spain’s really good historians. A oman versed in public affairs and an excellent writer of sound critical instinct, he proved worthy of the confidence which Charles V reposed in him. Philip II was more difficult to please and—ostensibly because of riots at Siena where Mendoza was Governor—trecalled him to Spain. This gave Mendoza his opportunity. We have already referred to him as a partisan of Garci Lasso de la Vega and Boscan. In Italy, he had distinguished himself by his ardour for scholarship, especially for Greek. Altogether he was a typical son of the Renaissance : not a great poet, his true vehicle was prose. Philip II helped him to find it. One 1 Guerra de Granada, ed. C. Rosell, 1852, in Bib. de Autores Esp., xx1; ed. R. Foulché-Delbosc [in course of publication] ; Cartas, ed. R. Foulché-Delbosc, in Archivo de investigaciones historicas, 11 (1911), pp. 155-195, 270-275, 463-475, 537-600. — See: Calendar of Letters, Despatches and State Papers, relating to the negotiations between England and Spain |ed. P. de Gayangos}, v, Pt. 1 (1888); vi, Pt. 1. (1890); Letters and Papers, foreign and domestic, of the reign of Henry VIII [ed. J. Gairdner], x11, Pts. 1, 11 (1890-1891) ; x11, Pts. 1, 11 (1892-1893) ; R. Foulche- Delbosc, Etude sur la *‘ Guerra de Granada,” in Revue Hispanique, 1 (1894), pp. 101-165, 338; R. Foulché-Delbosc, Notes sur la bibliographie de la ‘‘ Guerra de Granada,” in Revue Hispanique, vil (1900), pp. 247-248; R. Foulché-Delbosc, Le portrait de Mendoza, in Revue Hispanique, XxX111 (1910), pp. 310-313; Documents relatifs a la Guerre de Grenade, ed. R. Foulché- Delbosc, in Revue Hispanique, xxx1 (1914), pp. 486-523; R. Foulché-Delbosc, Les wuvres atiribuées &@ Mendoza, in Revue Hispanique, XXxit (1914), pp. 1-86; A. Morel-Fatio, Quelques remarques sur la Guerre de Grenade de Don Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, in Annuaire, Paris, 1914. pp. 5-50 (Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes); R. Foulché-Delbosc, L’ Authenticité de la “Guerra de Granada,” in Revue Hispanique, Xxxv (1915), pp. 470-538. THE LATE RENAISSANCE 243 day in June 1568, an altercation arose between Mendoza and a young courtier called Diego de Leiva. This took place in the Royal Palace. The pair came to blows. Leiva drew a dagger, which Mendoza seized and hurled out of the window. Both men had committed /ése-majesté by brawling in the precincts of the Court. What happened to Leiva is not known. He may have been a paltry courtier whose fate inter- ested nobody but his friends. Mendoza was a very different personage. He purged his fault by going into exile at Granada, and became the historian of the rising of the Moors in the Alpujarras. The moment was favourable. Mendoza’s offence took place in 1568. he rising lasted from 1568 to 1571, when it was put down by Don John of Austria. Mendoza was well placed, therefore, for writing his Guerra de Granada, which was not published until 1627 by Luis Tribaldos de Toledo in Lisbon. Mendoza speaks so frankly of what occurred that the late pub- lication of the manuscript 1s very comprehensible. Truth and exactness are but two qualities of a great historian. -Sucha man must also have dramatic vision, a power of analysis and a knack of adequate narration. Mendoza has these gifts in an extraordinary degree, and as he has knowledge also, his equipment is fairly complete. He knows instinctively what is of im- portance and his artistic sense enabled him to place an event of that order in its appropriate setting. In this section of his work he was aided by his study of classical writers. Just as Lopez de Ayala had followed the lead of Livy, so Mendoza takes Sallust and Tacitus for his models. One can see the influence of Sallust in the general rhetorical phrase of Mendoza; _ his appreciation of Tacitus appears rather in determinate 244 SPANISH LITERATURE episodes. [he famous description of the Duque de Arcos pent up with his command in Calaluy iS obviously based upon the celebrated passage in which Tacitus records the discovery by Germanicus of Varus’s dead legions. Mendoza tries to reproduce 1 in Spanish Sallust’s majestic rhetoric and Tacitus’s intense vivid- ness and concentration of phrase. It may be that he was not equal to either of his high exemplars : it must, however, be admitted that he comes near the splendid fluency of the one and the tense sombreness of the other. -He had not much time to revise his) work for he died only four years after the war. ‘This may account for traces of Latin constructions which have been noted in the Guerra de Granada; but these criticisms on Mendoza’s supposed defects are mostly from Capmany, a carping Catalan who distinguished himself by his malignity towards Quintana. Men- doza’s manner was not impeccable, but on the whole it is above criticism. Its blemishes, such as they may be, are outbalanced by its positive ‘qualities of lucidity and force. The Erasmian CristéspaL DE VILLALON! (1501 ?- 1560 ?), 1s the author of the Tragedia de Mirrha (15 36) imitated from Ovid, and of E/ Crota/on, a stinging satire in the manner of Lucian, written about 1557, but not 1 El Crotalon de Christophoro Gnosopho, ed. Marqués de la Fuensanta del Valle, 1871 (Soc. de Biblidfilos Esp., 9); ed. M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Origenes de la Novela. 1907. U, pp. I19-250 (Nueva Bib. de Autores Esp., 7); Ingeniosa comparacion entre lo antiguo y lo presente, ed. M. Serrano y Sanz, 1898 (Soc. de Biblidfilos Esp., 33),; Dialogo que trata de las trasformacyones de Pitdgoras, ed. M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Origenes de la Novela. 1907. u, pp. 98-118 (Nueva Bib. de Autores Esp., 7); Viaje de Turquia, ed. M. Serrano y Sanz in Autobiografias y memorias. 1905. pp. 1-149 (Nueva Bib. de TEEPE EA GHB RGN oN © Ly 245 published until 1871. Villalon has a suave and flowing style: in this he differs from most philosophers, who, from Plato to Schopenhauer, are, with a few signal exceptions, more concerned with matter than form. He stands apart also in that he uses Castilian as a vehicle in contrast to thinkers like Juan Luis Vives1 (1492-1540), Gomez Pereira? (1500-1569 ?), Sebastian Fox Morcillo® (1526 ?-1559 ?), and Fran- cisco Sanchez (1550-1623) who wrote in Latin. Another Spanish humanist and doctor who followed Villalon’s example in this respect was Juan Huarte de Sant Juan4 (1530 ?-1591 ?), whose Examen de ingenios Autores Esp., 2); El Scholastico [1 only], ed. M. Menéndez y Pelayo, 1911 (Soc. de Biblidfilos Madrilefios, 5); Tvragedia de Murrha, ed. R. Foulché-Delbosc, in Revue Hispanique, xtx (1908), pp. 159-183.—See: F. A. de Icaza, Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra y los Origenes de ‘‘ El Crotalon,” in Boletin de la R. Academia Esp., iv (1917), pp. 32-46. 1See: A. Bonilla y San Martin, Luts Vives y la filosofia del Renacimiento. Madrid, 1903; G. Desdevises du Dezert, Luis Vives, etc., in Revue Hispanique, X11 (1905), pp. 373-412; The Dialogues, trans. by F. Watson, London, 1908 ; On education, trans. of De tradendis disciplinis by F. Watson, Cambridge, 1915; F. Watson, Luts Vives. El gran Valenciano (1492-1540.) Oxford, 1922 (Hispanic Notes and Monographs. Spanish Series, Iv). 2See: M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in La Ciencia Espatiola, 1887. II, pp. 165-282 (Col. de Escritores Cast., 57); N. Alonso Cortés, in Revue Hispanique, XXxX1 (1914), pp. I-29. 3See: U. Gonzalez de la Calle, Sebastian Fox Morectllo. Madrid, 1903. AHxamen ae Ingentos, ed. A, ‘dé .Castro,, 1873, inv Bib: de Autores Esp., uxv.—See: J.-M. Guardia, Essat sur louvrage de $. Huarte: Examen des aptitudes diverses pour les sciences, Paris, 1855; J.-M. Guardia, Philosophes espagnols: F. Huarte, in Revue philosophique, xxx (1890), pp. 248-294; R. Salillas, Un gran inspirador de Cervantes. El doctor Fuan Huarte y su Examen de ingentos. Madrid, 1905. 246 SPANISH LITERATURE para las sciencias (1575) illustrates the theory, then new, of the interdependence of the mind and the body, and shews that the author anticipated Bacon by taking observation and experience as the basis of philosophy : in another direction, perhaps less to his credit, he anticipated Lavater. José de Acosta’ (1539-1600), who had spent sixteen years in the New World, transcribed his experiences in the Historia natural y moral de las Indias .. . (1590), a storehouse of inform- ing facts marked with independence of spirit and abounding in philosophic generalizations which drew warm praise from so competent a judge as Hum- boldt. Pedro Simon Abril? (1 §30?-1595 °), professor of humanities at Saragossa, shews himself a master of direct, expository prose in his Apuntamientos de como se deuen reformar las dotrinas (1589), which are re- plenished with sound doctrine and intellectual subtlety. Miguel Sabuco y Alvarez is now thought to be the author of the Nueva filosofia de la naturaleza del hombre ..(1587) once attributed to his daughter Oliva Sabuco? (1562-1622), whose name figures on the title-page. It reveals a delicate penetration and a 1 Historia natural y moral de las Indias. Madrid, 1894. 2 vols. —See: J. R. Carracido, El P. Fosé de Acosta y su importancia en la literatura cientifica espanola. Madrid, 1899. See: J. Mario e Hidalgo, Cultura intelectual y artistica (Estudios para la historia de la ciudad de Alcaraz) in Revista de Archivos, ete., xviil (1908), pp. 384-415; M. Marfil, Pedro Simon Abril: sus ideas politicas y sociales, in Nuestro tiempo, Vill (1908), pp. 195-205. ® Obras, ed. O. Cuartero, Madrid, 1888; Coloquios (2), ed. A. de Castro, 1873, in Bib. de Autores Esp., txv.—See; - J.-M. Guardia, in Revue philosophique, x11 (1886), pp. 42-60, 272-292 ; J. M. Hidalgo, Dona Oliva de Sabuco no fué escritora, in Revista de Archivos, etc., VII (1903), pp. I-13. THE LATE RENAISSANCE 24.7 certain oft of irony and would be a remarkable instance of philosophical promise if it were indeed the work of so young a woman. With the acceptance of the Italian measures in Spain, the old school of Spanish verse had withered and died ; and from that day to this most Spanish poets of distinction have written in Italian metres. But in the drama no decisive stage had yet been reached. The Spanish public was slowly becoming acquainted with the masterpieces of antiquity; in 1517 had appeared Lopez de Villalobos’s translation of Plautus’s Amphytrion, some eight years later Perez de Oliva brought out an adaptation of the same play, followed this up in 1528 with La Venganga de Agamenon (perhaps the first rendering of Sophocles into any modern language), and with an adaptation of Euripides, Hecuba Triste, which he finished shortly before his death in 1533. No doubt these versions were care- fully read by rival scholars—Hernan Nufiez de Toledo’s denunciation of Villalobos’s fragmentary commentary on Pliny points this way—but the renderings and criticisms left the general public cool. ‘They may have encouraged men like Juan Maldonado and Juan Perez to write their Latin plays in the third or fourth decade of the sixteenth century, and they may have been responsible for such productions as Ae relegata et Minerva restituta at Alcala and other universities. But it is safe to say that they had next to no influence on the more popular dramatists of the day till much later in the century. Yet a drama of some kind lived on in Spain; Cafiete furnishes a list of thirty-eight playwrights whose works were actually printed before 1540. Few or none of these survive to-day. The 248 SBANISHPELT ERA TWiki caustic, witty Tory, Cristobal de Castillejo, wrote one play, the Comedia de la Costanza: we can only judge of this by the mutilated fragments reproduced in Cafiete’s Teatro Espafiol del siglo xvi, and these testify convincingly to Castillejo’s licentious wit and command of dialogue. Castillejo, we feel sure, did better work than Agustin Ortiz, the author of a poorly versified play in five acts, the Comedia Radiana (1534 ?), in which is audible an early echo of Gil Vicente ; or than Jaime de Giiete,? author of a Comedia llamada Vidriana, commonplace and vulgar enough, but unobjectionable in comparison with the same writer’s Comedia intitulada Tesorina which fully deserved to be placed upon the Index, as it finally was, after everybody had been reading it for thirty years. Bartolomé Palau? (b. 15257), a native of Burbaguena, owes something to Torres as well as to Giiete in his Farsa Hamada Salamantina (1552), but then Palau owes something to Gil Vicente whose Breve Summario da Historia de Deos (1527) he 1 id. R. E. House [Modern Philology, vit], Chicago, 1910. 2 Comedia intitulada Tesorina and Comedia llamada Vidriana, ed. U. Cronan, in Teatro espanol del siglo xvi. 1913. 1, pp. 81- 265 (Soc. de Bibliofilos Madrilefios, 10). 3 Historia de la gloriosa Santa Orosia, ed. A. Fernandez-Guerra y Orbe, Madrid, 1883; Victoria de Christo, ed. L. Rouanet, in Coleccion de Autos, Farsas y Coloquios del siglo xvi. 1901. IV, pp. 375-394 (Bib. hispanica, vit1); Farsa llamada Salamantina, ed. A. Morel-Fatio, in Bulletin hispanique, 11 (1900), pp. 237- 304; Farsa llamada Custodia del hombre, ed. L. Rouanet, in Archivo de investigaciones historicas, 1 (1911), pp. 356-390, 536- 564; 11 (1911), pp. 93-154.—See: L. Rouanet, Bartolomé Palau y sus obras, in Archivo de investigaciones historicas, 1 (1911), pp. 267-274; R. E. House, The Sources of Bartolomé Palau’s “ Farsa Salamantina,’ in The Romanic Review, 1v (1913), pp. 311-322; M.S. y S., Bartolomé Palau y su historia de Santa Librada, in Boletin dela R. Academia Esp., tX (1922), pp. 301-310. TEE CATE RENAISSANCE 249 has disfigured with many additions in a huge mystery play entitled Victoria de Cristo. If Palau deserves to be remembered at all, it is because he was the first writer to attempt the historical drama in his Historia de la Gloriosa Santa Orosia (between 1550 and 1570). His contemporary Micael de Carvajal,! in his Tragedia Hamada Fosephina (1535 °) displays a command of verse and of dialogue. His unfinished Auto de Jas Cortes de la Muerte (1557) was completed by Luis Hurtado, the daw in peacock’s feathers, who was long passed off on us as the author of the original Palmeirim de Inglaterra and who provided the two hundred and fifty lines needful to finish Peralvarez de Ayllon’s Comedia Tibalda® (1553), a dreary exercise in pastoral- ism. Francisco de Avendafio has secured a place in history from the fact that in the Comedia Florisea® (1551), he reduces the number of acts from five to three. This little piece of mechanics might seem hardly worth mentioning. But great importance was attached to it in Spain: so much so that Cervantes, Rey de Artieda and Virués each thought that he individually had invented it, each claimed credit in the most perfect good faith for a change which had apparently originated long before in the uso de Clarindo (1535). A word of mention is due to 1 Tas Cortes de la Muerte, ed. J. de Sancha, 1855, in Bib. de Autores Esp., xxxv; Jvagedia llamada Fosefina, ed. M. Caiiete, 1870 (Soc. de Biblidfilos Esp., 6). 2 Ed. A Bonilla y San Martin, 1903 (Bib. hispanica, xu). 3 Facsimile of the 1553 ed. [with a preface by A. Bonilla y San Martin] Madrid, 1914 (Obras dramdaticas del siglo xvi. Ist series); ed. A. Bonilla y San Martin, in Revue Hispanique, Roya tO12: pps 390-409.— pee: se iandi aD i2 Comedia Florisea von 1551, in Zeitschrift fiir rom. Philologie, xxx1x (1919), pp. 182-199. 250 SPANISH EERE R Atay hile Hernan Lopez de Yanguas,! the first writer, perhaps, to produce in his Farsa sacramental en coplas (1520) a genuine auto sacramental; to Diego Sanchez de Badajoz;? a most copious playwright who had clearly read Gil Vicente, as well as Enzina and who, though a priest, included one of the most objectionable pieces ever printed in Spain in his Recopilacion en metro (1554 °) ; to Juan de Pedraza, the Segovian sheep-shearer who skilfully adapted a worn theme in the farsa Mamada Danga de la Muerte*® (1551) and to Francisco de las Natas, author of the Comedia Mamada Tidea* which was published by Mr. Urban Cronan in 1913. Though there may be some individual merit in all these works, we need delay with no single author but pass to the man who indubitably made the Spanish theatre a genuinely popular institution. 1 Farsa del mundo y moral, ed. L. Rouanet, in Coleccién de Autos, Farsas, etc. 1901. Vv, pp. 397-433. (Bibwhispantea, vi); Egloga...en loor de la Natividad de nuestro Senor, ed. E. Kohler, in Szeben spantsche dramatische Eklogen. Dresden, IQII. pp. 192-209 (Gesellschaft fiir romanische Literatur, 27). See: E. Cotarelo, El primer auto sacramental del teatro espanol y noticia de su autor el bachiller Hernan Lopez de Yanguas, in Revista de Archivos, etc., vil (1902), pp. 251-272; A. Bonilla y San Martin, Fernan Lopez de Yanguas y el Bachiller de la Pradilla, in Revista critica hispano-americana, 1 (1915), pp. 44-51. 2 Recopilacion en metro, ed. V. Barrantes, 1882-1886. 2 vols. (Libros de antafio, 11, 12).—See: J. Lopez Prudencio, Diego Sanchez de Badajoz. Madrid, 1915. 3 Ed. F. Wolf, in Sitgungsberichte der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, vii1 (1852), pp. 114-150 [Spanish trans. by J. Sanz del Rio in Coleccion de documentos inéditos, etc., 1853. XXII, pp. 509-562|—See: J. Mariscal de Gante, in Los autos sacramentales, etc. Madrid, 1911. pp. 60-63. 4 Ed. U. Cronan, in Teatro espanol del siglo xvt. 1913. Pp.1-80 (Soc. de Biblidfilos Madrilefios, 10). rib eA RENAISSANCE Del This was Lore pe Ruepa! (1510 ?-1565), a gold- beater of Seville, who wearied of his humdrum business and joined a strolling company of actors. In course of time he rose to be what was called an autor de comedias, that is a managing director or impresario who wrote plays and acted in them. When and how did Rueda begin his connexion with the stage ? It is conjectured that he found an opening in the company of Muzio, an Italian who was performing in Seville in 1538. One cannot be sure if this is so, but if it was so, it would help to explain Rueda’s uncommon familiarity with the Italian drama. He is first heard of in 1551, when his company acted before the future Philip II] in Valladolid with some success, apparently, since the Town Council of that city allotted him in 1552 a yearly income. In 1554 he again acted before the prince, this time in Benavente; he and his strolling players were at Segovia in 1658, at Seville in 1559, in 1561 at 1 Obras, ed. Marqués de la Fuensanta del Valle, Madrid, 1895-1896. 2 vols. (Col. de libros esp. raros 6 curiosos, 23, 24) ; ed. E. Cotarelo y Mori, Madrid, 1908, 2 vols. (Bib. selecta de Autores clasicos Esp., 10, 11) [See Alonso de San Martin [A. Bonilla y San Martin and J. Puyol y Alonso], Silba de varia leccion, etc. Madrid, 1909; E. Cotarelo y Mori, Satisfacci6n ala R. Academia Esp., etc. Madrid, 1909 ; Alonso de San Martin, Sepan cuantos ... Coroza critica, etc. Madrid, 1910]; Entremes del mundo y no nadie, ed. R. Foulché-Delbosc, in Revue His- panique, VII (1900), pp. 251-255 ; Comedia llamada Discordia y question de amor, ed. F. R. de Uhagon, in Revista de Archivos, etc., vI (1902), pp. 341-354; Kegistro de representantes, ed. A. Bonilla y San Martin, Madrid, 1917 (Clasicos de la Literatura esp., 9). See: A. L. Stiefel, Lope de Rueda und das italienische Lustspiel, in Zeitschrift fiir romantsche Philologie, xv (1891), pp. 183-216, 318-343; L. Rouanet, in Intermédes espagnols du xu? siecle... Paris, 1897; N. Alonso Cortés, Un pleito de Lope de Rueda; nuevas noticias para su biografia. Madrid-Valladolid, 1903; S. Salazar, Lope de Rueda y su teatro. Habana, IgII. 252 SPANISH LITERATURE Toledo and Madrid whence they moved on to Valencia. We find him at Seville in 1564 and in 1565 at Cordova where he made his will on March 21 of that year ; he died shortly afterwards, and, according to Cervantes, was buried in the Cathedral. In 1552 or thereabouts, Rueda married a certain Mariana, a dancer and singer attached from 1545 to 1551 to the household of the third Duque de Medinaceli, who died without paying Mariana her salary. Rueda was consequently involved in a lawsuit which he would seem ultimately to have won. Upon the death of Mariana, Rueda married in 1561 a widow, Rafaela Angela (or Angela Rafaela) Trilles, a native of Valencia. And in this city the bookseller Juan Timoneda published Las quatro comedias y dos colloguios pastorales del excellente poeta y gracioso representante Lope de Rueda (1567); a second edition was issued in 1576. Rueda was a better educated man than strolling actors are now apt to be. He has left us formal plays in which the different strata of his inspiration are visible. It is evident that he has read Plautus, for his captains—his matamoros—are so many variants on the Plautine miles gloriosus. ‘The Italian influence is every- where visible: the Comedia de los Engatiados, for instance, is adapted from G/’ /ngannati, a play based on one of Bandello’s novels and composed in 1531 by a literary society —the [ntronati—at Siena. It was repro- duced in the collection of Barnabe Rich (1 540 ?-1620 ?) where Shakespeare probably read it before writing Twelfth Night. The Comedia llamada Armelina ap- pears to be an amalgam of Anton Francesco Raineri’s Altilia (1550) and Giovan Maria Cecchi’s Servigiale (1561); the Comedia Eufemia, like Cymbeline, deals with an episode taken from J/ Decamerone (Il, 9), THE LATE RENAISSANCE OF but was probably adapted from some intermediary Italian play, and the Comedia Mamada Medora is in many scenes nothing but a literal translation of Gigio Artemio Giancarli’s Zingana (1545). However, it is not in these elaborate and preten- tious pieces that one gets to know the more authentic and characteristic Rueda. The popularisation of the theatre is to be discovered in his pasos or short inter- ludes in which he caricatures some well-known person- age, as perhaps the now forgotten playwright, Palau, who is deplorably ill-treated under the name of Xaquima. The ebullient humour of these farcical little pieces is not always to modern taste: it verges on horse-play, but it hit the popular fancy of the day, and even now the immitigable merriment and joyous vivacity of these dramatic trifles will draw a discreet smile from more fastidious and sophisticated readers. Rueda survives the test of reading. He is 1n no wise dependent on the stage-carpenter or on the executant skill of the trained declaimer. His dialogue bubbles with energy and movement; his characters impress themselves on the mind and he is the master of a vigorous prose-style, varied, flexible, and strong. There is nothing pompous or mincing in his manner ; he writes the language of the multitude (as he was bound to do, since most of the personages in his pasos are of a comparatively humble position in life), but he raises this language to a high power which enchanted con- temporaries and had its effect on those who came after him. It is more than likely that Cervantes himself is Rueda’s debtor: that he learned from Rueda something of the value of simplicity and verisimilitude. And that he admired Rueda as an actor and dramatist (and even poet) we know from 254 SPANISH LITERATURE a very celebrated passage which would sufhce to immortalize Rueda’s name, even if Rueda’s works had completely perished. But when all is said and done, we may come back to our original point: that Rueda’s great achievement consisted in popularizing the theatre. His appeal did not fall on deaf ears. Within a short time after Rueda’s death, the country was overrun with strolling companies, beginning with the bululu of only one actor, the #ague where we have two actors who present extremeses, the gangarilla of three or four men with a boy to act a woman’s part—though actresses existed already in 1534 or even before, they were not generally recognized until 1 587—the cambaleo consisted of five men and a singer; the garnacha of five to six men, a woman and a boy; the Joxiganga of two women, six or seven men and a boy; and finally the full-blown fardndula and the still more prosperous companita made up of sixteen experienced actors, fourteen minor actors and a repertory of fifty plays, any of which could be represented at half an hour’s notice. ‘The feverish desire for dramatic entertain- ments spread all over the land, and native talent did not sufhce to becalm that fever. Celebrated actors from abroad were warmly welcomed at Madrid ; there, for instance, in 1574, Alberto Nazeri de Ganassa and his troup carried all before them. Soon after his visit, permanent theatres were opened in Madrid ~ —the Teatro de la Cruz in 1579 and the Teatro del Principe in 1582. ‘The court and the populace showed the same irrepressible enthusiasm; but the verdict of the populace decided the future of a piece. Kings and courtiers might strive to set a fashion in these matters : they succeeded later on, unfortunately. THE LATE RENAISSANCE 265 But at this stage of dramatic development they were powerless for good or evil. If this were so at the official centre, much more was it the case in the remote flourishing cities—places like Valencia and Seville. To supply the immense demand for theatrical novelties a vast crowd of dramatists came into being. Most of them are negligible, and among many the Italian influence is clearly visible. ‘The plays of Rueda’s brother manager, Alonso de la Vega! (d. 1565 °), are derived from Italian models, either indirectly, as in the Comedia llamada Tholomea and the Tragedia Hamada Seraphina which are influenced by Rueda’s 4rmelina, or directly, as in the Comedia de la Duquesa de la Rosa which is from Bandello’s Novelle (II, 44). Other imitators of Rueda were Diego de Negueruela in the Farsa llamada Ardamisa*® and Andrés de Prado in the Farsa llamada Cornelia? Sebastian de Horozco 4 (1510 '-1580?), whose Cancionero contains, besides three dramas on religious subjects—such as dramatized episodes from St. Matthew—two extremely outspoken entremeses, one of which has been described as the twin-brother of Enzina’s uto del Repelon. Huis 1 Tres comedias, ed. M. Menéndez y Pelayo, 1905 (Gesellschaft fiir romanische Literatur, 6); Amor vengado (paso) ed. E. de Ochoa, in Tesoro del teatro espanol. 1838. 1, pp. 200-201 (Col. de los mejores Autores esp., 10).—See: J. Sanchez-Arjona, in Noticias referentes d los anales del teatro en Sevilla desde Lope de Rueda hasta fines del siglo xvit. Sevilla, 1898, p. 18. 2 Ed. L. Rouanet, 1900 (Bib. hispanica, Iv.) 3 Ed. C. Pérez Pastor, in La Imprenta en Medina del Campo. Madrid, 1895. pp. 330-337. 4 Noticias y obras inéditas de este autor dramdatico desconocido, ed. J. M. Asensio y Toledo, Sevilla, 1867 (Soc. de Biblidfilos Andaluces); Cancionero, ed. A. M. Gamero, Sevilla, 1874 (Soc. de Biblidfilos Andaluces). . 256 SPANISH LITERATURE Representacion de la historia evangélica del capitulo nono de Sanct Foan, whose date is unknown, includes among its characters a boy Lazarillo, an interesting parallel with the protagonist of Lazarillo de Tormes. The attribution to Lorenzo de Septlveda the romancista of the anonymous Comedia Mamada de Sepulveda, based on Ariosto’s [/ Negromante and on Niccolo Secchi’s G? Inganni (154.7), rests only on the similarity of names. Luis de Miranda is the author of the Comedia Prodiga } (1554), which bears a fortuitous resemblance with Cecchi’s Z/ figliuol prodigo (c. 1570), but the chronology precludes imitation on the Spaniard’s part. Of Pedro Navarro (or Naharro) there is extant one only of the six plays familiar to Lope de Vega: this 1s La Margquesa de Saluzia, llamada Griselda,? a verse-comedy in four acts, preserved in a late edition (1603). Juan de Mal Lara,the humanist, is responsible according to Cueva for some thousand tragedies, but of these only the titles of two have come down to us, the Tvagedia de Absalon and the Comedia Locusta which was acted by the Salamancan undergraduates in 1548. Under these circumstances, Mal Lara has less importance than the scholar Jaime Ferruz (1517-1594), canon of Valencia and author of the duzo de Cain y Abel? Rueda’s friend and publisher, Juan Timoneda 4 1 Ed. J. M. de Alava, 1868 (Soc. de Biblidfilos Andaluces). 2 Ed. C. B. Bourland, in Revue Hispanique, 1x (1902), pp. 331- 354. 3 Ed. L. Rouanet, in Colecci6n de Autos, Farsas, etc. 11, pp. 150- 166 (Bib. hispanica, v1).—See: M. Cafiete, in Teatro espanol del siglo xv1. Madrid, 1885. pp. 251-294 (Col. de Escritores Casi eco): 4 Obras completas, ed. M> Menendez y “Pelayo, 1011 tuayor published [Teatro profano] (Soc. de Biblidfilos Valencianos, 1) ; THE LATE RENAISSANCE Pa (d. 1583), was a versatile man: a tanner, a bookseller, and a playwright. He states, indeed, that he was the first to write pasos in prose. One cannot accept his statement as decisive. At any rate he shows no origin- ality in any other respect. His surviving works are mostly re-arrangements of material pillaged from everybody; from Boccaccio, whose Fi/oco/o inspires the prologue of two comedies (La Comedia de Amphitrion and Los Menemnos); from Plautus (through Lopez de Villalobos’s translation) in La Comedia de Amphitrion and in Los Menemnos, which is also influenced by Ariosto’s Nigromante, source of the Comedia lMamada Cornelia ; from Torres Naharro in the Comedia Hamada Aurelia, printed in the collection entitled Turiana (1 565). The success of his 4uto de la Oveja perdida, a morality play on the parable of the lost sheep, was not due to any originality on Timoneda’s part, but to the subject- matter itself. E/sobremesa y ahvio de caminantes (1 563) is but a wan and pallid collection of traditional anec- dotes and legends, more agreeably read in Melchior Comedia de los Menemnos and Los Ctegos y el Mozo, [ed. N. y L. Fernandez de Moratin], 1846, in Bib. de Autores Esp., 11; Autos { Aucto de la Fuente de los Siete Sacramentos, Aucto de la Fée ; Aucto de la oveja perdida|, ed. E. Gonzalez Pedroso, 1865, in Bib. de Autores Esp., tvu1; El Sobremesa y Aliuio de caminantes, facsimile of the 1569 ed. by M. Garcia [Moreno], Madrid, n.d.; El buen aviso y portacuentos, ed. R. Schevill, in Revue Hispanique, Xx1v (1911), pp. 171-254.—See: M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Origenes de la Novela. 1907. 4, pp. xli-lvii (Nueva Bib. de Autores Esp., 7); J. Mariscal de Gante, in Los autos sacramentales, etc. Madrid. I911. pp. 63-77; R. Schevill, in Some forms of the Riddle Question, etc. [University of California Publications, 2). Berkeley, 1911; J. P. W. Crawford, Notes on the ‘ Amphitrion’ and ‘Los Menemnos’ of Juan de Timoneda, in The Modern Language Review, 1x (1914), pp. 248- Ge. S.L. R 258 SPANISH MELT ERA Uta de Santa Cruz de Duefias’s Poresta Espafiola (1574) ; El buen Aviso y Portacuentos (1564) is little more than a medley of jesting stories, good, bad, and indifferent, while E/ Patrafuelo (1576), which contains twenty-two tales unrelieved by any personal touch, is considerably below Johannes Pauli’s Schimpf und Ernst (1522) in narrative power. It is too much the custom to take Timoneda seriously. ~ He was intelligent and alert, no doubt, but he had the very useful talent of the successful business man rather than the keen vision and the expressive neutrality of the literary dramatist. To find a dramatist of real importance we must visit Seville instead of Valencia. ‘This was Juan DE LA CuEvA! (1550 ?-1610?), of whose personal history next to nothing is known. He appears to have studied under Mal Lara: from 1574 to 1577 he was in New Spain, whither he was accompanied by his younger and only brother Claudio, who was an official of the Inquisition. In 1607 he seems to have left Seville and to have removed to Cuenca. He was still alive in 1609 as his signature in a copy of the Exemplar poetico testifies. It is generally admitted that he re- mained poor always. Cueva is said to have had a deep attachment to Felipa de la Paz, whom he celebrated 1 Comedtas y Tragedias, ed. F. de Icaza, Madrid, 1917. 2 vols. (Soc. de Biblidfilos Esp., 40); ‘ Egemplar poético,’ ed. J. J. Lopez de Sedano, in Parnaso espawol. Madrid, 1774. vit, pp. 1-68.—See: B. J. Gallardo, in Ensayo, etc. Madrid, 1866. i, col. 637-736; F. Wulff, De las rimas de Fuan de la Cueva: primera parte, in Homenaje a4 Menéndez y Pelayo. Madrid, 1899. II, pp. 143-148; E. Walberg, Fuan de la Cueva et son ‘‘ Exemplar poéiico,” in Acta Universitatis Lundensis, XXXIX (1904) ; Adalbert Hamel, Fuan de la Cueva und die Erstausgabe seiner Comedias y Tragedias, in Zeitschrift fiir romanische Philologie, XLII (1923), pp. 134-153. Elem Ee RENAISSANCE 259 under the name of Felicia; allusions have also been made to some affair of gallantry between him and Brigida Lucia de Belmonte, whom he met at the house of Argote de Molina. But this is probably an entirely gratuitous invention. Cueva tempted fortune in many fields of literature and was a man of wide ambitions. He has good moments as a poet, for instance in E/ Llanto de Venus en la muerte de Adonis (1582), but these moments are extremely rare. We need not linger over the Viaje de Sannio and the Coro Febeo de romances historiales (1588), a most devitalized work. The multiplication-table 1s more full of surprises, Bradshaw is richer in romantic excitement than the Coro Febeo. In the drama Cueva is another man altogether. The Primera parte de las comedias y tragedias de ‘fuan de la Cueva was published in 1583 ; no second part followed though the first had sufficient readers to warrant its being reprinted in 1588. Cueva has explained his dramaturgical theories in a rhymed treatise entitled the Exemplar poetico, written some twenty-three years after the publication of his plays. He begins by saying that he found all plays of older date very tiresome, whether they dealt with native or with classical themes; he declares himself decidedly against the famous dramatic unities which had been made almost into an article of faith by the pseudo- Aristotelian theorists of the Renaissance; and he advocates the dramatization of picturesque episodes in the popular history of Spain. This last involved a striking innovation. It is possible, no doubt, that unknown to Cueva, he may have been anticipated in this respect. But even so, if we have a genuine national theme of earlier date in Bartolomé Palau’s Historia de la gloriosa Santa Orosia, \t must be regarded 260 SPANISH LITERATURE as an isolated effort in which chance counted for a good deal. With Cueva the introduction of auto- chthonous episodes is all part of a deliberate theory just as is his insistence on the introduction of a variety, even of a wealth of metrical forms ; he meant to put the Spanish drama on a new basis, to strengthen it, to vitalize it anew and to beautify a more solid structure than had heretofore existed. And it must be admitted that this adventurer succeeded ina measure. He gave the Spanish theatre a new impulse and direction. Lope de Vega and Calderon surpass him later: the one in luxuriant invention, the other in artistic technique ; but they work along the line of advance traced by Cueva and they share his liking for modernity. In La Comedia del saco de Roma, y mverte de Borbon ... which deals with the pillaging of the Eternal City by the armies of Charles V, Cueva set an example which Lope de Vega often followed ; 1n La Comedia de la muerte del Rey don Sancho, La Tragedia de los siete Infantes de Lara and La Comedia de la Libertad de E'spatta, por Bernardo del Carpio he treats episodes of legendary or national history; in La Comedia del Infamador, where the voluptuary Leucino is a pro- minent personage, Cueva gives us an anticipation of the cloak and sword play and it must be said that in creating the character of Leucino he may well have suggested to Tirso de Molina the character of the famous Don Juan. In his declining years he found — himself outshone by Lope de Vega’s inspired improvisa- tions and—especially as regards Lope de Vega— Cueva would seem to have taken his defeat badly, to have sulked over his rival’s triumph and to have abandoned working for the stage. He produced in 1603 a tiresome epic poem—Conguista de la Betica— THE LATE RENAISSANCE 261 which is, perhaps, better forgotten. The fact remains that Cueva was the first to adumbrate the methods which were to be developed more perfectly by Lope de Vega and others. ‘There were some of the Old Guard who refused to surrender, among them the great Cervantes. But Cervantes’s plays did not affect the evolution of the Spanish stage. The Galician Gerdnimo Bermudez ! (1530 ?-1599 ?) published, under the pseudonym of Antonio de Sylva, the Primeras tragedias espanolas, Nise lastimosa y Nise laureada, dota Inés de Castro y Valladares, princesa de Portugal (1577). ‘The Nise Jastimosa is practically a translation of the Portuguese Antonio Ferreira’s Jnés de Castro (written between 1553 and 1567); this contains fine passages by the side of which Bermudez’s original contribution falls very flat. Andrés Rey de Artieda? (1549-1613), a Valencian known as ‘ Cen- tinela’ in the Academia de los Nocturnos, was first a poet, then a soldier who fought and was wounded at Lepanto, and later a playwright. He has been credited with the authorship of pieces entitled Amadis de Gaula, Los Encantos de Merlin and E/ Principe vicioso, but his only extant play is Los Amantes (1581), the first scenic adaptation of a theme which was 1 Nise lastimosa and Nise laureada, ed. J. J. Lopez de Sedano, ineharnasowespanol.- Madrid) 1772171 v1, ed, EE) de* Ochoa, in Tesoro del teatro espanol. Paris, 1840. 1, pp. 309-348 (Col. de los mejores autores esp., 10).—See: J. P. W. Crawford, The influence of Seneca’s tragedies upon Ferreira’s Castro and Gerénimo Bermudez’s Nise lastimosa and Nise laureada, in Modern Philology, x11 (1914), pp. 171-186. 2 Los Amantes, ed. F. Carreres y Vallo [with a biographical and bibliographical notice by F. Marti Grajales], Valencia, 1908.—See: E. Cotarelo y Mori, in Sobre el origen y desarrollo de la leyenda de los Amantes de Teruel. 2nd ed., Madrid, 1907. 262 SPANISH LITERATURE utilized later by ‘Tirso de Molina, Perez de Montalvan and Hartzenbusch. Rey de Artieda has dramatic instinct, but his technique is uncertain and he was completely eclipsed by the advent of Lope de Vega, whom he covertly criticizes in his Discursos, Epistolas y Epigramas (1605), published under the name of Artemidoro. Cristobal de Virués,! a Valencian captain like his friend Rey de Artieda, was wounded at Lepanto and served in the Italian campaigns. He earned a measure of fame by his poem E/ Monserrate (1588) which he recast in 1602, but the five plays included in his Obras tragicas y liricas (1609) are perhaps less alien to modern taste as regards subject-matter. La infelice Marcela reveals one of those mechanical contrivances on which authors of the period prided themselves—a division into three parts; La gran Semiramis is an amalgam of horrors and pedantry : ; the dzila Furioso is remarkable for its deaths and scenes of slaughter. With all their defects these plays have at least the merit of being innovations. In Evisa Dido Virués returns to the old manner, which was also cultivated by that mediocre versifier, Joaquin Romero de Cepeda,? a native of Extremadura, whose Odras (1582) include a Comedia Salvaje, imitated from La Celestina, and a Comedia llamada Metamorfosea, a pastoral play. 1 La gran Semiramis. London, 1858; Historia del Monserrate, ed. C. Rosell, 1851, in Bib. de Autores Esp., xvi1.—See: E. von Miinch-Bellinghausen, Virues’ Leben und Werke, in Fahrbuch fiir romantsche und englische Literatur, 11 (1860), pp. 139-163. 2 Comedia Salvaje and Comedia llamada Metamorfosea, ed. E. de Ochoa, in Tesoro del teatro espanol. 1, pp. 286-308 (Col. de los mejores Autores Esp., 10).—See: B. J. Gallardo, in Ensayo, etc. Madrid, 1889. tv, col. 254-2509. THE LATE RENAISSANCE 2.63 Lupercio Leonardo de Argensola ! (1559-1613) has a much finer talent than any of these writers. His poems are distinguished for their studied elegance and perfect polish, but he mistook his vocation when he became a dramatist. Cervantes says of his three plays that all who heard them were charmed, astounded, and interested. It was a rare stroke of luck for Argensola to be praised and accepted in this fashion ; it was much too good to last. Fi/is has disappeared ; but the other two tragedies were discovered and duly printed (1772) in the Parnaso espaol by Lopez de Sedano (1730-1801 ?). Never was there a greater disappointment. Perhaps Cervantes wrote with a twinkle in his eye; most likely all that he remembered about Argensola’s three plays was that (as he frankly says) they made a great deal of money. If Cervantes and his friends were indeed charmed with Argensola’s tragedies, they were easily pleased: that they were astounded, one can readily believe. In the Mejandra, imitated from the Marianna (1565) of Ludovico Dolce (1508-1568), we hear of two murders committed before the play opens, seven more murders and one suicide follow. ‘The /sabe/a shows more consideration forsour nerves: therevaresonly six) murders* inthe play, but then there are two suicides. You feel as though you are being dragged through a shambles by a demented butcher. Perhaps the most interesting passage in Argensola’s tragedies occurs in the prologue. iPoesias) ed A. de Castrom1057—un a bib.de AltoressEsp., xt; ed. R. Foulché-Delbosc, in Revue Hispanique, XLvi11 (1920), pp. 372-391; Obras sueltas, ed. Conde de la Vinaza, Madrid, 1889, 1 (Col. de Escritores Cast., 69) [contains Isabela and Alejandra|.—See: J. P. W. Crawford, Notes on the Tragedies of Lupercio Leonardo de Argensola, in The Romanic Review, Vv (1914), pp. 31-44. 264. SPANISH LITERATURE Speaking by the mouth of Fame, Argensola virtuously announces that he intends to have no dealings with comedias amorosas, Nocturnas asechanzas de mancebos, Y libres liviandades de mozuelas Cosas que son acetas en el vulgo. Evidently this refers to some recent intruder who had committed the unpardonable crime of pleasing the public and ousting the old-fashioned playwrights off the boards. ‘There can be no doubt as to the culprit’s name. In 1598, Argensola went further, he begged for the suppression of the comedia nueva as represented by Lope de Vega. With Cueva one other dramatist of this period may be regarded as having anticipated Lope de Vega’s methods. This is Miguel Sanchez,! secretary to the bishop of Cuenca, and celebrated as the author of the Cancion a Christo crucificado, whose mystical beauty led to its attribution to Luis de Leon ; and of the romance : Oyd, sefior don Gayferos | lo que como amigo os hablo. Only two of his plays have reached us: La Guarda cuidadosa and La Isla barbara, both published by Professor Rennert. These are neatly planned and neatly worked out, but that is the most that can be said of them, and Sanchez does not appear to have exercised any powerful influence on dramatic develop- ment. 1 La Isla barbara and La Guarda cuidadosa, ed. H. A. Rennert, Boston, 1896; Poestas, ed. A. Duran, 1849, in Bib. de Autores Esp., x; ed... J--de Sancha;-1855,)in> Bib. ede sAutoresmberes xxxv 5 ed. AU de Castro; 1857, in) Bib.desAutores! Kspeexnitee See: A. L. Stiefel, in Literaturblatt fiir germanische und romanische Philologie, 1897, pp. 95-98 ; J. D. Fitzgerald, in Modern Language Notes, x111 (1898), pp. 100-108. IX | THE GOLDEN AGE Ir has often been remarked that the year 1564 is a turning-point in the intellectual history of mankind. In 1564 Michael Angelo died; in 1564 Shakespeare was born ; and henceforward in the intellectual sphere the northern countries steadily gain at the expense of the south and more particularly at the expense of Italy. She lost most, because she had most to lose. In 1564 the Council of Trent issued its decrees, and while the Church enlisted the services of many men of rare ability, there was a lack of towering literary genius in Italy after the death of Tasso in 1595 till comparatively recent times. Spain, also, was declining in importance, though the fact was not yet visible to ordinary observers. Francis Bacon, indeed, noted it, but he stood alone. Seven years before Tasso’s death, the defeat of the Armada (1588) had shaken Spain; but the period immediately ensuing this disaster is the most glorious in Spain’s literary history. She produced men of genius like Cervantes and Quevedo whose romances and satirical tales were read all over Europe; and as she produced other men of genius like Lope de Vega and Calderon, whose plays supplied the dramatists of Italy, France, England, Holland, and Germany with 265 266 SPANISH LITERATURE the material for an endless succession of comedies, Spain may be said to have had for a long while a monopoly of the literature of entertainment. Her great writers were undoubtedly men of singular independence and originality ; their work adds point to the saying that Spain is not quite in the European current of thought. MiGuEL DE CERVANTES SAAVEDRA! (1547-1616) is 1 Obras completas, ed. R. Academia Esp. [Facsimile of the first editions 1-vi. Madrid, 1917; vu, Obras sueltas (ed. F. Rodriguez Marin), Madrid, 1923]; ed. R. Schevill and A. Bon- illa y San Martin, Madrid, 1914-1923. 12 vols. published.— Primera Parte de la Galatea. Facsimile of the 1585 ed. by A. M. Huntington. New York, n.d. 2 vols.—Don Quixote. Facsimile of the two 1605 Madrid editions and of the 1615 Madrid ed. by The Hispanic Society. New York. n.d. 3 vols. ; ed. James Fitzmaurice-Kelly and J. Ormsby, London, 1898- 1899. 2 vols.; ed. F. Rodriguez Marin, Madrid, 1911-1913. 8 vols. (Clasicos Castellanos); critical ed. by F. Rodriguez Marin, Madrid, 1916-1917. 6 vols.—Novelas eyemplares |La Gitanilla, Rinconete y Cortadillo, La Ilustre Fregona, El Licenciado Vidriera, El Celoso extremeno, El Casamiento engatioso and Novela y Coloquio que pas entre Cipion y Berganza|, ed. F. Rodriguez Marin, Madrid, 1914-1917. 2 vols. (Clasicos Cast..)27) 30) Cinco Novelas ejemplares [La Gitanilla, Rinconete y Cortadillo, El Celoso Estremeno, El Casamiento engaioso and Novela y Coloquio que pas6 entre Cipion y Berganza| [ed. R. J. Cuervo], 1908. (Bib. romanica); Rinconete y Cortadillo, critical ed. by F. Rodriguez Marin, Sevilla, 1905, 2nd ed. Madrid, 1920; El casamiento engatioso and Coloquio de los perros, critical ed. by A. G.vde Amezua yoMayo, Madrid™ 10128) anmotatcamecs by F. Rodriguez Marin, Madrid, 1918; El licenctado Vidriera, ed. N. Alonso Cortés, Valladolid, 1916; La ilustre fregona, critical ed. by F. Rodriguez Marin, Madrid, 1917—La tia fingida, ed. A. Bonilla y San Martin, Madrid, 1911 ;' ed. J17) Medias Santiago de Chile, 1919 —Entremeses (9) {including the anony- mous Entremés de los Habladores| ed. E. Cotarelo y Mori, in Coleccion de Entremeses, etc. Madrid, 1911. 1, pp. 1-51 (Nueva Bib. de Autores Esp., 17); ed. A. Bonilla y San Martin, Madrid, 1916; Los rufianes de Cervantes: El rufidn dichoso and El THE GOLDEN AGE 267 famous through a single book whose first part was published when he was fifty-eight years of age, and the second part ten years later. It is therefore not sur- prising that he was obscure while he lived. Early biographers have supplied him with a handsome genealogical tree dating back to the tenth century. This is pure fantasy. The remotest ancestor of Cervantes who can be traced is his great-grandfather, rufian viudo, ed. J. Hazafiias y La Rua, Sevilla, 1906—Varias obras inéditas, etc., ed. A. de Castro, Madrid, 1874; Epistola a Mateo Vdzquez {ed. E. Cotarelo y Mori], Madrid, 1905; Una joyita de Cervantes {‘‘ Voto a Dios que me espanta esta braveza’’|, ed. F. Rodriguez Marin, Madrid, 1914.—See: M. Fernandez de Navarrete, Vida de Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra. Madrid, 1819; Le voyage au Parnasse, French trans. by J. M. Guardia, Paris, 1864; A. Morel-Fatio, Le ‘‘ Don Quichotte’’ envisagé comme peinture et critique de la société espagnole du xvi° et du xu’ siécle, in Etudes sur Espagne. Paris, 1895. Ist series, pp. 297-382; L. Rius, Bibliografia critica de las obras de Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra. Madrid, 1895-1905. 3 vols.; James Fitzmaurice-Kelly, Introductions to The History of Don Quixote of the Mancha |Shelton’s trans. 1612, 1620], London, 1896. 4 vols. (The Tudor Translations, x111-xvi) ; C. Pérez Pastor, Documentos cervantinos hasta ahora inéditos. Madrid, 1897-1902. 2 vols. ; R. Foulché-Delbosc, Etude sur ‘La Tia Fingida,’ in Revue Hispanique, vi (1899), pp. 256-306; R. Foulché-Delbosc, Puesto ya el pie en el estribo, in Revue Hispanique, vi (1899), pp. 319-321; R. Foulché-Delbosc, La plus amcienne auvre connue de Cervantes, in Revue Hispanique, vi (1899), pp. 508- 509; J. Apraiz, Estudio histérico-critico sobre las Novelas ejemplares de Cervantes. Vitoria, 1901; James Fitzmaurice- Kelly, Introductions to The Complete Works of Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra |Trans. by J. Ormsby, H. Oelsner, A. B. Welford and N. MacColl], Glasgow, 1901-1903. 7 vols.; F. A. de Icaza, Las ‘ Novelas ejemplares’ de Cervantes. Madrid, 1901, 2nd ed. 1915 ;~F. Rodriguez Marin, El Loaysa de El celoso extremeno.’ Sevilla, 1901; J. Cejador y Frauca, La lengua de Cervantes. Madrid, 1905-1906. 2vols.; James Fitzmaurice- Kelly, Cervantes in England. London, 1905; J. Brimeur, 268 SPANISH (ETRE RAsBURT Rodrigo de Cervantes, husband of Catalina de la Vera, sometimes called Catalina de Cabrera. Their son, Juan, an obscure country lawyer, had three children, of whom one, Rodrigo, became the father of the great Supplément francais a la Bibliographie de Rius, in Revue His- panique, Xv (1906), pp. 819-842; R. Schevill, Studies in Cervantes: Persiles y Sigismunda, in Modern Philology, 1v (1906), pp. 1-24, 677-704, and in Publications of Yale University, x111 (1908), pp. 475-548; M. A. Buchanan, Cervantes as a Dramatist. 1. The Interludes {Modern Language Notes, xx111], Baltimore, 1908 ; James Fitzmaurice-Kelly, in Chapters on Spanish Literature. London, 1908. pp. 120-162; B. Croce, in Saggt nella letteratura del Seicento. Bari, 1911. pp. 125-159; R. Foulché-Delbosc, Cervantica, u, in Revue Hispanique, xxv (1911), pp. 481-483 ; James Fitzmaurice-Kelly, Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra : Memoir. Oxford, 1913 [Spanish trans. by B. Sanin Cano, revised and augmented, Oxford, 1917]; F. Rodriguez Marin, Nuevos documentos cervantinos hasta ahora inédivos. Madrid, 1914; F. Rodriguez Marin, El andaluctsmo y el cordobesismo de Miguel de Cervantes, Madrid, 1915; A. Bonilla y San Martin, Cervantes y su obra. Madrid [1916]; James Fitzmaurice-Kelly, Cervantes and Shakespeare |Proceedings of the British Academy, vit], 1916; F. A. de Icaza, De como y por qué‘ La Tia Fingida’ no es de Cervantes y otros nuevos estudios cervantinos [reprinted from Boletin de la R. Academia Esp. 1, 1], Madrid, 1916; F. Rodriguez Marin, El doctor Fuan Blanco de Paz. Madrid, 1916; A. Bonilla y San Martin, De critica cervantina. Madrid [1917]; cR. -Schevill,. Cervantes: -“New “York, (1010) san) aee Fitzmaurice-Kelly, Cervantes, in The Year Book of Modern Languages. Cambridge, 1920. pp. 139-150.—N. Sentenach, Le portrait de Cervantes, in Revue Hispanique, Xxv (1911), pp. 13-18 ; R. Foulché-Delbosce, Le ‘ lauregui’ de l Académie Espagnole, in Revue Hispanique, xxv (1911), pp. 476-482; J. Puyol, El supuesto retrato de Cervantes. Madrid, 1915; J. Puyol, El supuesto retrato de Cervantes. Réplica a una contestaci6n invero- simil. Madrid, 1915; A. Baig Bafios, Historia del retrato auténtico de Cervantes. Madrid, 1916; J. Puyol, El supuesto retrato de Cervantes. Resumen y conclusiones. Madrid, 1917; F. Rodriguez Marin, El retrato de Miguel de Cervantes. Estudio sobre la autenticidad de la tabla de Fauregui ... Madrid, 1917. THE GOLDEN AGE 269 writer. Rodrigo de Cervantes was a mediocre prac- titioner of a lowly type, who wandered from town to town cupping and blistering the few patients unfor- tunate enough to consult him. In or after March 1543 he married Leonor de Cortinas. The future author of Don Quijote was the fourth of their seven children ; he was born at Alcalad dé Henares and was baptized in Santa Maria la Mayor on Sunday, October 9, 1547. Little is known about Cervantes’s youth. It is plain that he can never have had much formal schooling, that he picked up his smattering of education at hazard, and that he studied only in the university of practical experience. But it is also plain that he was an omnivorous desultory reader. He must have read innumerable romances of chivalry, the fashion- able pastorals, picaresque stories, the chief poets of the day and the countless popular ballads which he quotes or burlesques at every turn. All that he learned from books he learned in his boyhood, accom- panying his father on his dreary pilgrimages, staying in wayside taverns, rubbing shoulders in the market- places with men of all conditions, watching strolling actors like Lope de Rueda, of whom he speaks so eulogistically fifty years later. No doubt, there was then born in him the ambition, which he never aban- doned, to make a reputation as a dramatist. This was not to be: he was destined to win immortality in another province of literature and, in the meanwhile, he had to earn his daily bread. The earliest known literary attempt of Carentics: is a sonnet—discovered by M. Foulché-Delbosc: it is dedi- cated to Isabel de Valois, the third wife of Philip II,- and was probably composed between 1560 and 1568. A copla, four redondillas, an elegy, perhaps also a sonnet, 270 DRAINS Hi wie PE Rae ears figure in the Hystoria y relacion verdadera de la enfer- medad, felicissimo transito, y sumptuosas exequias funebres de la Serenissima Reyna de Espatia dota Isabel de Valoys nuestra Sefhora (1569), published on the occasion of Isabel de = Valois'ssdeéath (October 32551 403)aem tus volume was edited by a Madrid schoolmaster named Juan Lopez de Hoyos who twice calls Cervantes his ‘amado discipulo.’ The elegy, dedicated to Cardinal Diego de Espinosa, professes to be written ‘en nombre de todo el estudio.’ Some have inferred from these phrases that Cervantes was an usher at Madrid under Lopez de Hoyos. It may have been so. In Decem- ber 1569, Cervantes was in Rome, and it was no doubt at this time that he became chamberlain to Giulio Acquaviva (d. 1574), who had been sent to Madrid as pontifical legate in 1568. He probably joined the army in the autumn of 1570, and was placed in Diego de Urbina’s company of Miguel de Moncada’s infantry then serving under Marco Antonio Colonna, to whose son Ascanio Cervantes dedicated La Galatea. On October 7, 1571, Cervantes took part in the historic battle of Lepanto and received three gunshot wounds, one of which crippled his left hand. He was evidently as proud of having fought at Lepanto as of writing Don Quijote, perhaps prouder. He _ took part in the operations before Navarino (1572) and at Tunis (1573); in 1574 he was garrisoned at Palermo as a Soldado aventajado. As such, he must give ten years of service before he could hope for promotion. He made up his mind to seek it in Spain, procured letters of recommendation from Don John of Austria -and from the Duke of Sessa, Viceroy of Naples ; and in September 1575 set sail with his brother Rodrigo on the So/. THE GOLDEN AGE 271 He had no suspicion that his military career was over; but so it was. The So/ was attacked off Les Saintes Maries by Moorish corsairs, and after a fierce engagement many of those on board, including Cervantes, were carried off as slaves to Algiers. The letters from Don John of Austria and the Viceroy led the Moors to assume that Cervantes was a prisoner of exceptional importance; it was determined to ask a huge ransom for him. He made five desperate attempts to escape, and, on two occasions, would have got safe away, had it not been for the treachery of a comrade. With great effort and by means of dubious expedients, his family had scraped together a small sum of money which was entrusted to two Trinitarian monks, Fray Juan Gil and Fray Anton de la Bella, who regularly negotiated for the ransom of Christian slaves in Algiers. But the amount was wholly insufh- cient, and the monks were more anxious to secure the release of an Aragonese prisoner, named Jerénimo alatoxee than to secures the, release» of: Cervantes: Fortunately for the world, Hassan the Dey fixed Palafox’s ransom at an impossible price, and, as this amount could not be raised, the available money was devoted to rescuing Cervantes. He had a very narrow escape. It was Hassan’s last day of office; his slaves were already shipped on galleys, bound for Constanti- nople; and the news of his release was brought to Cervantes as he sat in chains on board. After five years of slavery he returned to Spain in December 1580. His outlook was not a bright one ; Don John was dead; and at the age of thirty-three Cervantes had to begin life again.. From an Jnfor- macion which Cervantes signed in 1590, it has been thought that he served at the Azores and in Portugal , Agi: SPANISH LITERATURE but the wording is loosely expressed and the services of Rodrigo are mentioned in a confused and confusing way with those of Miguel. Cervantes was a captive until after the campaign in Portugal was over, and it is at least doubtful if he can have served at the Azores. He seems to have been in Portugal after his return from Algiers and to have carried despatches from Thomar to Orab and Mostaganem. This mission soon came to an end; Cervantes failed to obtain permanent employment, and, in default of anything better, took to literature. The plays which he wrote to amuse his fellow-prisoners have disappeared and all that remains of his work during captivity are two laudatory sonnets (1577) addressed to Bartolomeo Ruffino, his fellow captive at Argel, who was engaged on writing an account of the taking of Tunis; twelve octaves (1579) to Antonio Veneziano (1 543- 1593); and a verse epistle to Mateo Vazquez, Philip II’s Secretary of State, some seventy lines of which Cervantes later incorporated in El trato de Argel. Meanwhile he seems to have made his way among the rather mediocre literary men at the capital. He wrote a eulogistic sonnet for the Romancero (1583) of Pedro de Padilla (b. 1550), and another similar sonnet in. 1584 for Rufo Gutierrez’s La Avstriada. Luis Galvez de Montalvo wrote a like sonnet for the Primera Parte de la Galatea dividida en seys libros (1585), a pastoral romance which Cervantes had probably finished by the end of 1583. La Galatea really has as little to do with pastoral life as the Notes on the construction of Sheepfolds by Ruskin. It has all the faults that Hazlitt (1778-1830) condemns in Sir Philip Sidney’s Arcadia: ‘the original sin of alliteration, antithesis and metaphysical conceit . . . the THE GOLDEN AGE 273 systematic interpolation of the wit, learning, ingenuity, wisdom, and everlasting impertinence of the writer.’ Cervantes borrows from Sannazaro the original idea and arrangement; from Leon Hebreo he takes a digression on beauty; the Canto de Caliope with its strings of praises on contemporary poets is based on the Canto de Turia in Gil Polo’s Diana enamorada. In spite of these imitations there is a measure of originality in La Galatea and a certain distinction in its prose. But academic correctness alone never saved any book from oblivion. La Galatea is based on an unreal convention and it is significant that though Cervantes continued to promise a second part for over thirty years, this sequel never appeared. He sold this first effort outright to his townsman, Blas de Robles, for 1336 reales. On December 12, 1584, Cervantes married Catalina de Palacios Salazar y Vozmediano (d. 1626), a fatherless girl of Esquivias, who was eighteen years younger than himself, and set up house- keeping at Madrid. Owing to Cervantes’s roving existence, the pair saw little of one another till the last ten years of their married life. It may have been at about this period that Isabel de Saavedra, Cervantes’s natural daughter was born; her mother was Ana Franca de Rojas. Meanwhile Cervantes was becoming known as a copious and fluent versifier. Whenever one of his friends brought out a book, Cervantes was always ready with a sonnet to introduce it. Any occasion served as an excuse, and some of these occasions were extremely odd. An acquaintance of his, Francisco Diaz, published in 1588 a medical treatise on kidney diseases and Cervantes burst into song on this unin- spiring theme. There are verses by his hand in S.L. Ss 274 SPANISH LITERATURE Padilla’s Yardin espiritval (1585) and Grandezas y Excelencias de la Virgen Setora nuestra (1587); in Gabriel Lopez Maldonado’s Cancionero (1586), and in the Philosophia cortesana moralizada (1587) of Alonso de Barros (1522 ?-1604?). But the question of ways and means began to press heavily on Cervantes. La Galatea was not an inexhaustible gold mine, and it was probably at about this period that Cervantes wrote the twenty or thirty plays—his. arithmetic is always delightfully vague—which he produced, so he says, in about five years. We have the titles of some of these plays: E/trato de Constantnopla y muerte de Selin, La Gran Turquesca, La Ferusalen, La Batalla Naval, La Amaranta, El Bosque amoroso, Arsinda and La Confusa; obviously this last was a special favourite with the author, who describes it as buena entre los mejores, but he may have exaggerated its merits in the retrospect. The Conde-Duque de Olivares (1 587-1645) appears to have possessed a copy of La Batalla Naval, and the Arsinda was still extant in 1673 when Matos Fragoso mentions it in La Corsaria catalana, But only two of the plays written at this period have reached us: these are E/ trato de Argel and La Numancia, both published in 1784. / trato de Argel depicts the life led by the Christian slaves at Argel and the passion of the Moorish girl Zara for the Spaniard Aurelio, the lover of Sylvia, a subject which Cervantes treated some thirty years later in E/7 Amante liberal. Among the captives is a certain Saavedra, evidently Cervantes, and the account of the toils endured by him and his fellow-prisoners offers interest, but the introduction of the allegorical figures, Opportunity and Necessity, the appearance of a lion and of the Devil are futile expedients; the situations are improbable, THE GOLDEN AGE 276 the versification poor and the play completely lacks dramatic merit. ‘The same defects—the introduction of abstractions and the want of dramatic unity—are evident in La Numancia which remains, however, Cervantes’s finest play. He had a noble canvas: the fourteen years’ siege and final conquest of Numantia by the eighty thousand Romans under Scipio Africanus and their entry into what was a city of the dead. Cervantes, like Milton, saw his race as ‘an old and haughty nation, proud in arms.’ Scipio’s speech when Viriato, the last survivor, flings himself from the tower 1s stirring and impressive; there are the same high qualities of impassioned eloquence in the scene be- tween Marquino and the corpse. These episodes are dramatic in their appeal, but they gain nothing from the context. ‘There are isolated passages of beauty in La Numancia; the love of Morandro for Lyra is charmingly neeiadl and the versification has merit, if not so much as Shelley’s generous praise would imply’: ‘ There is little, I allow, to be called poezry in this play ; but the command of language and the harmony of versification is so great as to deceive one into an idea that it is poetry.” The play found great favour with the German romantics; at one period it charmed Goethe (1747-1832). Asa dramatic piece it fails ; it survives only as a manifestation of deep patriotic feeling. And one would fain put faith in the legend Olmits =revivalat the siexe of Saragossa’ (1809) + Cervantes would have wished for no higher tribute. The year after Cervantes’s marriage, his father died. His mother and sisters were now dependent on him, and, while his responsibilities increased, his income diminished. He found formidable competitors among 276 SPANISH LITERATURE the playwrights; he was beginning to be voted old- fashioned, and it became necessary for him to seek employment outside of literature. The Invincible Armada was being equipped at this time, and Cervantes was appointed to the post of commissary through the influence of Diego de Valdivia in August 1587. This appointment was officially confirmed in January 1588. The task of requisitioning wheat and oil was not congenial to Cervantes, but the work enabled him to live without the fear of starvation before his eyes. The new post had its drawbacks, as he soon found ; he was excommunicated for requisitioning wheat belonging to the clergy at Eciya and had to offer a humble apology for his inopportune zeal. The year was not very favourable to Spain or to Cervantes personally. Spain’s Invincible Armada came _ to grief. Cervantes wrote two odes on the Armada, one prophetic of victory, the other condolatory of disaster. After the defeat he went to Seville where he lived with Tomas Gutierrez, an actor who shewed him constant kindness. But Cervantes found his occupation of commissary to the galleys sordid and repugnant, and in 1 $90 he tried to get an appointment in Central America, failed and went back to his tax- collecting. ‘The Flor de varios y nuevos romances (1 591) of Andrés de Villalta includes a ballad by Cervantes, and in 1592 he undertook to write for Rodrigo Osorio six plays for fifty ducats each; no payment was to be made for any one play unless it was considered one of the best ever put on the Spanish stage. This ambitious plan came to nothing. In 1595 he wrote a sonnet to the Marqués de Santa Cruz (1526-1588), which was published in the Comentario en breve compendio de disciplina militar (1596) of Cristdbal Mosquera de THE GOLDEN AGE 77 Figueroa (1544 ?-1610), and a satirical sonnet on the Duque de Medina Sidonia (1550-1615); he also won a prize of three silver spoons at a poetical joust in Saragossa. [he same year the Sevillan banker, Simon Freire de Lima, with whom Cervantes had deposited public moneys, absconded. Cervantes, unable to refund the amount, had to appeal to the Treasury to make a first claim on the bankrupt’s estate. For some time now he had been in trouble with his superiors. A blunder had led to his being imprisoned for a fortnight in 1592. His bookkeeping scandalized the official mind. The irregularities in his accounts threw no reflexion on Cervantes’s personal honour, but they undoubtedly went to prove that he was unfitted for routine work and as a result of this last episode he was cashiered. From 1595 to 1603 Cervantes lived in great misery at Seville, in and out of jail, apparently on the ground that he had failed to appear before the Exchequer Court with his vouchers and accounts. ‘The plain truth is that he did not respond to the Treasury summonses, because he had not the money to pay for the journey from Seville. Imprisoned in 1597, he was released at the end of that year, during which he would seem to have written nothing except perhaps a sonnet—of dubious authenticity—on the death of Herrera. Towards the end of 1598 he composed two sonnets and some guintillas on the death of Philip I, and in 1602 a laudatory sonnet for the second edition of Lope de Vega’s La Dragontea. In 1603-1604 he was at Valladolid, the new temporary capital, whither he had been summoned to discharge his debts. On September 26, 1604, the privilege of E/ Ingentoso Hidalgo Don Quixote de la Mancha was granted, and in 278 SPANISH VE] EERALURE January 1605 the book was published at Madrid by Francisco de Robles, bookseller to the king. ‘The date and place of its composition are alike unknown ; it was begun after 1591, as early in the work there is an allusion to Bernardo de la Vega’s E/ Pastor de Iberia (1591). It used to be said that Don Quijote was written partly in the prison-cells of Argamasilla de Alba: it is probable that Cervantes lived at Argamasilla, but if he ever began the book in prison, then Seville has the likelier claim. Dou Quijote was evidently known and discussed in literary circles before its publication; Lopez de Ubeda mentions it in La Picara Fustina (1605; privilege of 1604), and Lope de Vega in a letter dated August 14, 1604, says that there is no new poet ‘tan malo como Cervantes, ni tan necio que alabe a don Quyote.’! In spite of Lope de Vega and his clique Doz Quijote carried all before it. In Spain it had four editions in 16065, it was twice pirated in Portugal the same year and in 1607 was published at Brussels. In Paris the episode of El Curioso impertinente was incorporated by César Oudin (d. 1625) in the second edition (1608) of Julian de Medrano’s Si/va curiosa ; Nicolas Baudouin published the text of the same story with a French translation 1n 1608, and the following year an anony- mous French recast of Marcela’s story with the dis- course on arms and letters appeared under the title: Hlomicidio de la fidelidad, y la defensa del honor. But nowhere, perhaps, has Don Quijote been more welcome than in England. It was first translated here by Thomas Shelton in 1612; here, also, the first critical edition of the text was published. Here another great 1*as bad as Cervantes, or foolish enough to praise Don Quijote.’ THE GOLDEN AGE 279 novelist arose who put forth a new conception of the book’s manifold significance: its intellectual variety, its artistic vigour, its pregnant philosophy of life. This was Fielding (1707-1754) who proudly says that his Joseph Andrews was ‘written in the manner of Cervantes, author of Dox Quixote.’ Sterne (1713- 1768), and Smollett (1721-1771), Dickens(1812-1870) and ‘Thackeray (1811-1863), all followed the same great model. And among dramatists, George Wilkins, Middleton (1570-1627), Ben Jonson (1573-1637), Cyril Tourneur (1575-1625), Nathaniel Field (1587- 1633), and Fletcher shew reminiscences of Don Quijote. Cervantes himself says that the principal object of his work was to destroy the romances of chivalry, and no deubt that was his original intention. But the day of these was already passing, and Don Quijote only hastened their end. Unconsciously he began to modify that intention ; the possibilities of the subject slowly revealed themselves. Before he was aware of it, he found himself committed to a far larger enterprise than he had thought of—the prose-epic of Spain. Not content with the elaborate portraiture of the two imposing central figures, he furnishes his rich gallery with likenesses of secondary figures, all revealing the dexterous touch of the consummate craftsman. The fussy, friendly priest and the pleasant, officious barber ; the book-hating niece, and the book-burning house- keeper; the spluttering Biscayan and the brusque goat- herd Pedro; the left-handed landlord, and the kindly, one-eyed wench Maritornes ; the charming, mercurial Dorothea, and the provident, conjugal T’eresa—each | figure in this gallant procession has become part of the visible world. ‘To those of more fastidious literary 280 SPANISHULTIIBRATURE taste, Cervantes offers the sedulous imitation of stately rhetoric in the sonorous passage on the Golden Age, the concise summary of a typical romance of chivalry, and, best of all, the incomparable burlesque description of the mighty hosts advancing in order of battle to the blare of trumpet and the tuck of drum under the command of the Lord of the Silver Bridge, the dread Duke Micocolembo and the undaunted giant who ruled the three Arabias. And to vary the interest of these resounding mock-heroics, we have the episodes of Marcela, of Luscinda, of Fernando; the tale of those most tragic comedians, Lothario and Anselmo, developed from the Orlando Furioso; the narrative of the Captive’s breathless escapes in Algiers; essays in the pastoral and sentimental kinds, digressions in psychological analysis and in poignant autobiography. All the national life of Spain is poured into Don Quijote ; apart from its merit as a romance, it is a document of the first importance as a contribution to the history of the Later Renaissance in the Peninsula. It stands, like Moses, between the living and the dead: it marks the end of mediaevalism and signalizes the victory of modernity with its spirit of scientific observation. We need pay no attention to those who would persuade us to regard it as a well of esoteric symbolism. First and last, Don Quijote 1s a masterpiece of entertain- ment. Its humour remains undimmed; something of its magic 1s conveyed even in the least faithful of translations ; its mature and benignant wisdom has captivated thinkers so far apart in time, tempera- ment, doctrine, and race as Locke, Kant and Schopenhauer. But luck continued to run against its author. In June 1605 he was arrested on a charge of being THE GOLDEN AGE 281 concerned in the murder of a certain Gaspar de Ezpeleta who was wounded in the street of Valladolid where Cervantes lodged. This was a most unplea- sant experience for Cervantes. It has prejudiced him unspeakably. Biographers thought that they were doing him a service in concealing the charges brought up by a witness against Isabel de Saavedra. This conspiracy of silence proved unfortunate, for Cervantes was suspected of conniving at his daughter’s irregu- larity with the Portuguese Simon Mendez. The years 1605-1608 are more or less of a blank. In 1609 Cervantes joined the pious confraternity of the Esclavos del Santisimo Sacramento, and in the following year published a sonnet to the memory of Diego Hurtado de Mendoza. He also made the acquaintance of the Conde de Lemos (1576-1622), who proved a kindly patron. But his disappointments were not at an end. Lemos became Viceroy of Naples in 1610, and took several literary men with him in his suite. Cervantes » was not chosen as he expected to be, and smarted under what he took for a slight. His mortification drove him back to literature. He joined the Academia Selvaje founded by Francisco de Silva (d. 1618 ?), and is heard of as being present at a disorderly meeting of it in 1612, the date of the privilege for the Novelas exem- plares (1613). The Novelas ejemplares, for which Cervantes re- ceived sixteen hundred reales, and twenty-four free copies, are twelve short stories composed, probably, at long intervals of time. They are of unequal merit ; two of them, Rinconete y Cortadillo and the Novela y Coloquio que passo entre Cipion y Berganza, perros de Hospital de la Resurreccion, que esta en la ciudad de Valladolid, fuera de la puerta del Campo, a quien 282 SPANISH) PELE RAUL comunmente llaman los perros de Mahudes are little master- pieces, six are excellent, the rest are relatively poor ; though anybody else might be proud enough to write them. But they all express the author’s individuality, and none of them lacks charm. Had Cervantes published nothing else, he would hold an eminent position in the history of Spanish literature. In 1814 Agustin Garcia Arrieta printed La Tia fingida as one of Cervantes’s Nove/as: it now figures in many editions. The discovery of the manuscript was only made in 1788, and the ascription of it to Cervantes was arrived at mainly by a process of elimination. ‘The Novelas Ejemplares had a wide success with contemporaries, and many of the subjects were dramatized by the leading playwrights of the day. Outside Spain they found numerous imitators. La Gitanilla proceeds originally, it is true, from the character of Tarsiana in the Libro de Apolonio, but it 1s Cervantes’s con- ception which is reproduced by Weber (1786-1826) and Wolff (1782-1828) in Preciosa, by Victor Hugo in Esmeralda, by Middleton and Rowley (1585 ?- 1642?) in The Spanish Gipsie, where we find also reminiscences from La Fuerza de la sangre upon which Fletcher bases his Queen of Corinth. His Love's Pilgrimage derives from Las dos doncellas, Rule a Wife and have a Wife from El casamiento engafioso, and Chances from E/ celoso extremefio. From this last story Bickerstaffe (1735-1812) took The Padlock. The titles of Cornélie, La Force du Sang and La Belle Egyptienne by Alexandre Hardy (d. 1631 °), of Les deux Pucelles by Rotrou (1609-1650), of L’ Amant libéral? by Georges de Scudéry and of Le Docteur de verre 1 La Belle Provengale of Regnard (1655-1709) is also based on El Amante liberal. THE GOLDEN AGE 283 by Quinault (1635-1688), are sufficiently indicative of their sources. It is even possible that E/ /icenciado Vidriera suggested to Moliére (1622-1673) the sonnet- scene in Le Misanthrope. Sir Walter Scott (1771-1832) confesses that the Nove/as had first inspired him ‘ with the ambition of excelling in fiction,’ and doubtless he derived more than encouragement from Cervantes since a passage from Rinconete y Cortadillo would seem to have suggested the famous description of Alsatia in The Fortunes of Nigel. In 1614 Cervantes published the Viage del Parnaso, a mock heroic poem on the versifiers of the day imitated from the Viaggio in Parnaso (1582) of Cesare Caporali (1530-1601). Cervantes’s delicate irony found no expression in verse; his critical instinct was not his strongest point and the Viaje del Parnaso is little more than a panegyric. It 1s otherwise with Apollo’s supplementary prose-letter, which was an after-thought added on July 22, 1614, and inspired by Sancho Panza’s letter to his wife ‘Teresa. | Dans les nobles desseins dont Ame est occupée, Les vers sont le clairon, mais la prose est l’épée. It was now nine years since the First Part of Dox Quijote had been published and the promised Second Part had not appeared. If Cervantes had feared to stake his all upon a doubtful issue, the reception given to his Novelas Ejyemplares shewed that he still retained his hold upon the public, and this may have given him courage to go forward with the Second Part. Yet, even so, he dallied a good deal. He wrote more eulogistic verses: a sonnet for Diego de Rosel y Fuenllana’s Parte primera de varias aplicagiones y transformaciones ... (1613), Some guatrains for Gabriel 234 SPANISH LITERATURE Perez del Barrio Angulo (1558 ?-1652) and some stanzas (1615) in honour of Santa Teresa who had just been canonized. What Cervantes most desired was recognition as a dramatist: he would have given Don Quijote ten times over for one of the successes which Lope de Vega obtained on the stage almost every week in the year. Cervantes had been brought up in the school of the Senecan drama and the three unities were matters of faith with him ; he was born too late, the three unities were slain before his eyes and his plays went out of fashion. Late in life he tried to assimilate the new principles of the romantic drama introduced by Lope de Vega, as, for instance, in La casa de los zelos, y selvas de Ardenia; he was too old to change and did not succeed greatly, except in a few interludes, especi- ally those written 1n prose. He brought out his Ocho comedias y ocho entremeses nvevos in 1615. Huis skill in portraiture is realized in E/ viejo ze/oso, imitated in The Fatal Dowry by Massinger (1583-1640), who based The Renegado on Cervantes’s Bafios de Argel. Similarly La cueua de Salamanca suggested the German farce Der Bettelstudent as well as Calderon’s Dragoncillo. Three entremeses, Los habladores, La carcel de Sevilla, and E/ hospital de los podridos are printed in the ‘Séptima Parte’ (1617) of Lope de Vega’s plays, but Lope strenuously declares that they are not by him ; if their ascription to Cervantes were correct they would go to prove that he could rivalize with Luis Quifiones de Benavente in his own domain. Laos habladores, in particular, has a rare spice of humour and reminiscences of it are visible in Gert Westphaler by Holberg (1684-1754). Pedro de Urdemalas, which contains a hit at Lope de Vega, is perhaps Cervantes’s THE GOLDEN AGE 285 _ best example in this gezre. In his more formal plays Cervantes was always hampered by the convention which required that such plays should be written in verse. This recalls another of his high ambitions. He had always longed to be a poet, but (he adds ruefully) nature had denied him the gift of poetry. Not altogether; he does himself injustice; he had imagination, fancy, feeling, ideas, an embellishing vision—everything except the glamour of verbal magic. Nature had not denied him the gift of poetry : she had denied him the gift of song: he was a poet lacking the accomplishment of verse. ‘This is not to say that he has no occasional felicities ; no harmonious numbers in his verses: but the inspiration is inter- mittent and fugitive. Cervantes never- reveals to us the vision splendid of a world invisible: his real genius lay in the field of humanistic observation. He had reached the fifty-ninth chapter of his continuation when he learned that a spurious sequel to Don Quijote had been issued (1614) at Tarragona with the name of Alonso Fernandez de Avellaneda on the title-page. Who was Fernandez de Avellanedar Cervantes thought that the name was a pseudonym and the world has followed Cervantes’s lead on this point. But it has not been possible to unmask Avellaneda. He has been identified with a whole list of names, such as Luis de Aliaga (1565-1626), Philip IIIs confessor; Bartolomé Leonardo de Argensola, Lopez de Ubeda, author of La Picara Fustina; Lope de Vega, Tirso de Molina, Ruiz de Alarcon, Gaspar Schodppe (1576-1649), who was thought—without much foundation—to be the original of El licenciado Vidriera, the Dominican Alonso Fernandez (1569 ?-1633), author of the Historia y 286 SPANISH LITERATURE anales de la Civdad y Obispado de Plasencia (1627); Alfonso Lamberto, an insignificant scribbler; Juan Marti, to whom was once ascribed the spurious sequel of the Primera Parte de Guzman de Alfarache; Juan Blanco de Paz. (1537 ?-1594 ?), Cervantes’s fellow- prisoner in Argel, and Fray Luis de Granada, who had died twenty-six years previously, and finally—and most absurdly—with Cervantes himself. For once Cervantes lost his equanimity ; stung out of patience by this shabby trick, and still more by the personal insults contained in Avellaneda’s preface, he finished the true sequel and brought it out in 1615. The closing chapters shew some signs of haste and many signs of anger and resentment. These defects are due to Avellaneda’s intervention, but perhaps without Avellaneda’s insolent intrusion, Cervantes would have left Don Quijote unfinished. In the nature of things, Second Parts are apt to lack the element of novelty which is found in First Parts; but in the sequel to Don Quijote, Cervantes decisively refuted his own theory that Second Parts are never good. Opinions will vary on the respective merits of the two parts of Don Quijote. The First Part is undoubtedly the popular favourite. But one cannot apply the methods of universal suffrage to literary criticism. Votes in these matters must be weighed as well as counted, and some weighty votes support the popular verdict. So great a critic as Goethe preferred the First Part, and Charles Lamb and Hallam are on the same side. It is true that the Second Part, as compared with the First, 1s less fresh, less rich in farcical episode, in burlesque force and in the more obvious effects of humour. It is vastly superior in construction, in poetic conception, in style, in verisimilitude, and, above Pe eGCOLUE NGAGE 287 all, in character-drawing. ‘The dwefia is a creation which may take rank with Sancho Panza, and the portrait of the ill-omened physician on the island of Barataria 1s painted by the hand of a consummate master. Don Quixote and Sancho Panza are both more mature, more logical, more humorously lifelike. Cervantes had learned to love Don Quixote for his very weaknesses, and the geniality which was the basis of his own delightful temperament led him to humanize the quaintness and ennoble the ambitions of Sancho Panza. ‘The enjoyment of existence was strong in him till his last gasp, and he communicated to his creations his own irrepressible vitality and sunny gaiety and humour. As George Meredith put it, Cervantes’s book is ‘a well-spring of characters which are saturated with the Shakespearean comic spirit ; ‘with more of what we will call blood-life in them than is to be found anywhere out of Shakespeare ; and they are of this world, but they are of the world enlarged to our embrace by imagination and by great poetic inspiration.’ Don Quijote survives as a marvel of evocation, as a splendid synthesis in which the factors of romance and realism are blended to perfection, as a gorgeous pageant of society in Spain, and as a masterly representation of life as life has been everywhere at all periods of historical time. It will be seen that Cervantes’s mind and pen were busier than they had ever been. In addition to the four volumes which he produced in three years, he kept up his supply of fugitive verses ; he mentions the titles of five other works which he had in hand: E/ Engajio a los ojos, Las Semanas del ‘fardin, El famoso Bernardo, the sequel to La Galatea, and Los Trabaios de Persiles y Sigismunda, Historia setentrional (1617), the only one 288 SPANISH LITERATURE of them destined to see the light and it appeared posthumously : all the rest, if they ever got beyond the stage of projects, have perished. Cervantes had worked at Persiles y Sigismunda for some three years and felt sure of its success. At first his previsions seemed likely to be right; six or seven editions ap- peared in Spain in 1617; two French versions were issued in 1618, an English version was published in 1619. But this popularity was ephemeral. Persz/es y Sigismunda ceased to attract after 16303; it was not reprinted between 1629 and 1719. Cervantes was now well known in Spain, but no one was sufficiently interested in him to preserve his manuscripts. Strangers from abroad could learn nothing very definite about him. The suite of the French ambassador contained enthusiastic admirers, full of curiosity concerning him. All they could learn was that he was ‘ old, a soldier, a gentleman and poor.’ Meanwhile his health was failing fast, and by the end of 1615 he was a doomed man. On April 19, 1616, he wrote the famous and pathetic dedication of Persiles y Sigismunda to his absent patron, the Conde de Lemos. ‘There he quotes the lines from the romance : ‘ Puesto ya el pie en el estribo,’ but he was still full of hope and courage and plans. Yet his course was run. He died on April 23, 1616 ; he was buried ‘ with his face uncovered,’ as we read in the official record. His remains are in the Trinitarian convent at Madrid, but the precise spot is not known. No gorgeous sepulchre commemorates him: and none is needed. For he has himself provided a more imperishable monument than any carved in brass or marble. ‘Three centuries have come and gone and his supremacy is unshaken. He ranks among those few mighty masters, whom you can count on the fingers THE GOLDEN AGE 289 of one hand, who speak to all the world down all the length of all the ages. If glory be a distinction, then, as Sir William Napier said, for such a man Death 1s not a leveller. Perhaps no author, except Victor Hugo, has had a career at once so glorious and so long as Lope FELix DE VEGA Carpio! (1562-1635). His miscellaneous 1 Obras, ed. R. Academia Esp., Madrid, 1890-1913. 15 vols. published [11-x111 with prefaces by M. Menéndez y Pelayo ] ; ed. E. Cotarelo y Mori, Madrid, 1916-1920, 5 vols. (in course of publication), [R. Academia Esp. New Ed.] ; Comedias escogidas (109), ed. J. E. Hartzenbusch, 1853-1860, 4 vols. (Bib. de Autores Esp., XXIV, XXXIV, XLI, LI1); Comedias inéditas [Amor, pleito y desafio, Amor con vista, La prueba de los amigos, Un pastoral albergue|, ed. Marqués de la Fuensanta del Valle and J. Sancho Rayon, 1873 (Col. de libros esp. raros 0 curiosos 6); Sim secreto no ay amor, ed. H. A. Rennert, Baltimore, 1894; Los Guzmanes de Toral, ed. A Restori, 1899 (Romanische Bib., 16); Las Burlas veras, ed. S. L. Millard Rosenberg, 1912 (Publications of the University of Pennsylvania, 2); La Moza de Cantaro, ed. M. Stathers, 1913 (New Spanish Series, 11); Peribafiez y el Comendador de Ocatia, ed. A. Bonilla y San Martin, 1916 (Clasicos de la Literatura esp., 3) ; Comedtas, 1 [El remedto en la desdicha, El mejor alcalde, el rey|, ed. J. Gdmez Ocerin y R. M. Tenreiro. 1920 (Clasicos Cast., 39); Amar sin saber a quien, ed. M. A. Buchanan and B. Franzen-Swedelius, New York, 1920 [See R. Foulché-Delbosc, in Revue Hispanique, L (1920), pp. 269-295]; El Cuerdo loco, ed. J. F. Montesinos, 1922 (Teatro Antiguo Esp., 4); Entremés de los Sordos. Facsimile by A. M. Huntington, New York, 1903; Los achaques de Leonor, ed. L. Pfandl, in Revue Hispanique, Liv (1922), pp. 347-416.—Autos, ed. E. Gonzalez Pedroso, 1865, in Bib. de Autores Esp., tvi11—Degli ‘ Autos’ di.Lope de Vega Carpio [Auto de la Vuelta de Egipto, Auto de la Concepcién and Comedia del Negro del Mejor Amo], ed. A Restori, Parma, 1898.—Colecci6n de las obras sueltas, ast en prosa como en verso. Madrid, 1776-1779. 21 vols; La Dorotea, ed. A. Castro, Madrid, 1913 (Bib. Renacimiento)—Obras no dramdaticas, ed. C. Rosell, 1853 (Bib. de Autores Esp., xxxvum1.)-— Rimas...con el nvevo arte de hazer Comedias deste tiempo. S.L. ab 290 SPANISH LITERATURE works, ranging from light macaronic rhymes to tender elegiacs and pompous epics, fill twenty-one huge Facsimile of the 1609 ed. by A. M. Huntington, New York, 1903. 2 vols.; Arte nuevo de hazer comedias en este tiempo, ed. A. Morel-Fatio, in Bulletin hispanique, 111 (1901), pp. 365- 405; Romancero Espiritval, para recrearse el alma con Dios ... Facsimile of the 1624 ed. by A. M. Huntington, New York, 1903.-—Poesias, ed. A. Duran, 1851, in) Bib. de. Autoress rape xvi, ed. Ji deisancha, 1655,in. Dibede Autores: sp) ace and ed. A. de Castro, 1855-1857, in Bib. de Autores Esp., xxxv! and xti1; Poésies de Lope de Vega, en partie inédites, ed. E. Mele, in Bulletin hispanique, 111 (1901), pp. 348-364 ; Some unpublished verses of Lope de Vega, ed. J. P. W. Crawford, in “Keoue Hispanique, xtx (1908), pp. 455-465.—Novelas a la senora Marcia Leonarda, reprint of the 1621 and 1624 editions by J. D. Fitz-Gerald and L. A. Fitz-Gerald, Erlangen, 1913.—See: C. A. de la Barrera, Biografia, in Obras de Lope de Vega. 1890. 1 (R. Academia Esp.); M. Menéndez y Pelayo, Estudios sobre el teatro de Lope de Vega, reprinted from the introductions to the Obras de Lope de Vega 11-x11 (R. Academia Esp.) by A. Bonilla y San Martin, Madrid, 1919-1923, 4 vols. published [Obras completas, x-x111]; F. Grillparzer, Studiwm zum spantschen Theater, in Sdmtliche Werke, ed. A. Sauer, Stuttgart, n.d. xvir; [J. Ormsby], Lope de Vega, in The Quarterly Review, CLXX1X (1894), pp. 486-511; C. Pérez Pastor, Datos desconocidos para la vida de Lope de Vega in Homenaje a Menéndez y Pelayo. Madrid, 1899, 1, pp. 589-599; James Fitzmaurice-Kelly, Lope de Vega and the Spanish drama. Glasgow-London, 1902; H. A. Rennert, The Life of Lope de Vega, Glasgow, 1904 [Spanish ed. by H. A. Rennert and A. Castro, Madrid, 1919]; The New Art of writing plays, trans. by W. T. Brewster with introduction by B. Matthews, New York, 1914; H. A. Rennert, Bibliography of the Dramatic Works of Lope de Vega Carpio based upon the Catalogue of Fohn Rutter Chorley, in Revue Hispanique, XXXUI (1915), pp. 1-284; E. Gigas, Etudes sur quelques ‘‘ Comedtas.”’ de Lope de Vega, in Revue Hispanique, XXxX1x (1917), pp. 83-111 ; LUI (1921), pp. 557-604; M. A. Buchanan, The Chronology of Lope de Vega’s Plays, 1922 (University of Toronto Studies. Philological Series, 6); J. Millé y Giménez, Lope de Vega en la * Armada Invencible,’ in Revue Hispanique,-Lv1 (1922), pp. 356-395; L. Pfandl, El Desposorio del Alma con Christo, in Revue Hispanique, Lvi (1922), pp. 396-402. THE GOLDEN AGE 291 quartos. ‘Though they include much which would sufhce to make the reputation of any ordinary man, it is possible to neglect them when dealing with Lope. Considered as a dramatist only, his title is well- established if copiousness is a qualification. Juan Perez de Montalvan says that Lope wrote eighteen hundred plays not to speak of some four hundred autos. Lope himself tells us that he had written fifteen hundred plays up to 1632. Most of these have disappeared, though possibly many which are thought to be lost are hidden in the collections with the names of other writers attached to them. There still remain some four hundred and sixty-nine authentic plays and about fifty authentic autos sacramentales. But if Lope were merely a playwright of unparalleled copiousness, his position in the history of literature would be far less conspicuous than it actually is. What makes him such a glorious figure is his creative power. He might have written quite as much, and been no more important than Hardy 1s in the history of French literature. Lope was the inventor of a new genre, and this invention, on such a scale as his, is a title to immortality. The development of the Spanish theatre up to the time of his appearance has already been traced. It begins with arrangements or amplifi- cations of the strictly liturgical drama; it takes on a more secular character in the hands of Enzina and Lucas Fernandez, but the association with ecclesiastical models is still close; it reaches a new phase in the work of Torres Naharro, produced out of Spain in the noonday of the Italian Renaissance ; it has a savour of homely, national wit in the unpretentious, popular, rollicking pasos or interludes of Lope de Rueda, in whose more elaborate plays the Italian influence 292 SPANISHV ELLE RATER predominates. This Italian influence affects Rueda’s contemporary Alonso de la Vega to about the same degree, and in a modified shape it affected Virués and Argensola, Juan de la Cueva and Cervantes. Yet Cueva and Miguel Sanchez are the only two dramatists who may be regarded as having to some extent antt- cipated Lope’s methods. Cueva made a distinct step forward by choosing national themes, by utilizing old romances and by attempting the capa y espada play. He had’ talent, ideas, and ambition; but» he shad neither perseverance nor creative force and his in- novations are timid. To bring about a literary revolution a man of exceptional genius was required, and it was a necessity of the situation that genius should be combined with fertility. In Lope the combination was attained. The. son of Feliceswdt {Vera (d:-1.573) gandieow Francisca Fernandez Flores (d. 1589), both natives of the Valley of Vega in Carriedo hard by the Asturian chines, Lope was born at Madrid on November 25, 1562. He wasa marvellous child: he dictated verses before he could write, was an expert fencer, and a good dancer. Still, though he carried all before him at the Theatine school, he was perhaps not very happy there, for he ran away with a schoolfellow. The adventurous pair got as far as Segovia: there they were arrested and sent home rather crestfallen. At the age of ten, Lope translated into verse Claudian’s De raptu Proserpinae, and two years later composed El verdadero amante, which was acted by the prominent impresario and actor, Nicolas de los Rios (d. 1610). The play (which Lope describes as his first) may be found in the Fourteenth Part (1620) of his theatre ; it consists of three acts, a division which he adopted THE GOLDEN AGE 2.93 later instead of the usual four or five. But as the first act is evidently a recast of two, one need not be bound to the theory that Los Hechos de Garcilasso de la Vega, y Moro Tarfe must be Lope’s earliest piece, because it is written in four acts. On leaving school, Lope seems to have been page to Jeronimo Manrique de Lara (d. 1595), bishop of Cartagena, and later of Alcala. The bishop, struck with the boy’s talent, sent him to the University of Alcala de Henares, where he remained possibly from 1577 to 1581. It was there, perhaps, that he acquired that taste for out-of-place learning on which Cervantes dwells with malicious humour in the preface to the First Part of Don Quijote. In Madrid, Lope made the acquaintance of Jerénimo Velazquez (d. 1613), an enterprising stage- manager whom he supplied gratis with plays. He also fell in love with Velazquez’s daughter, Elena Osorio (d. 1637), wife of the actor Cristébal Calderon (ie Os) eandethe P75, of) lzope's. verses. ¢ Iner 533 he took part in an expedition to the Azores under the Marqués de Santa Cruz, and is mentioned as a writer of established reputation in La Galatea (1585). Towards the middle of 1587, Lope, angered with Elena Osorio who had transferred her affections to Francisco Perrenot de Granvela, nephew of the famous Cardinal, revenged himself by publishing defamatory reports against the Velazquez family. He was arrested on a charge of criminal libel, and when brought to trial in February 1588 was found guilty. He was sentenced to banishment from Madrid for eight years and from the whole of Castile for two years; if he infringed the decree of the court he was to be executed. Lope appeared to comply and withdrew to Valencia. He seems to have returned to Madrid in a month or 294 SPANISH LITERATURE two and eloped with Isabel, daughter of Diego de Ampuero y Urbina (d. 1623), King at Arms. On May 10, 1588, he married Isabel by proxy and within three weeks he was out of range on board the San ‘Fuan, a ship that formed part of the Invincible Armada. Lope took part in the expedition, converted, so he says, the paper on which he had written verses to Elena Oso1io into gun-wads, saw his brother killed beside him during the fighting in the Channel and came back with the wreck of the defeated fleet. He brought his sheaves with him: the manuscript of La Hermosvra de Angelica. After his return to Spain, Lope first settled in Valencia, and either then, or more probably during a later visit (1599), came to know some of the dramatists in that city: Francisco Agustin Tarrega! (15 54?-1602), author of La enemiga favorable, praised by the canon in Don Quijote (1, ch. xlvi.), and of La Fundacion de la orden de Nuestra Senora de la Merced which suggested to Lope La Vida de San Pedro Nolasco; Gaspar Honorat de Aguilar? (1561-1623), author of E/ mercader amante, also praised by the canon; Carlos Boyl Vives de ‘Canesmas ® (1577 ?-1617), author of 1 Comedias (4), ed. R. de Mesonero Romanos, 1857, in Bib. de Autores’ Esp., xii; ~ Los moriscos*de Hornachos edGaee. Bourland [Modern Philology, 1, 11], Chicago, 1904. 2 Comedias |El mercader amante, La gitana melancélica, La venganza honrosa|, ed. R. de Mesonero Romanos, 1857, in Bib. de Autores Esp., xuit1; Poestas (6), ed. E. Mele, in Bulletin hispanique, 11 (1901), pp. 330-335.—See: F. Marti Grajales, Gaspar Aguilar, noticia biogradfica, in Canctonero de la Academia de los Nocturnos de Valencia. Valencia, 1906. 1, pp. 167-206 ; H. Mérimée, Sur la biographie de Gaspar Aguilar, in Bulletin hispanique, vil (1906), pp. 393-396. ° El marido asegurado and Loa, ed. R. de Mesonero Romanos, 1857, in Bib. de Autores Esp., xiim1.—Ssee: H. Mérimée, Un THE GOLDEN AGE 295 El marido asegurado and of a sonnet dedicated to Lope which Lope reprinted in the Fiestas de Denia (1599), and Guillen de Castro, of whom we shall have occa- sion to speak later. Between 1589 and 1590, Lope removed to Toledo and thence to Alba de Tormes, where he entered the household of the fifth Duque de Alba. He was soon at work again writing for the stage, not a very austere school of morality in those days. A fragmentary copy of E/ favor agradecido is dated Alba de Tormes, October 29, 1593. After the death of his wife in 1 595, Lope went from bad to worse and was concerned in all sorts of scandalous adventures. He was prosecuted for his relations with Antonia Trillo de Armenta in 1596, aad in 1597 he began an intrigue with the wife of the actor Diego Diaz (d. 1603), Micaela de Lujan, whom he celebrates as Camila Lucinda. But though foolish and dissipated, Lope was no idler. In 1598 his first considerable works were printed : La Dragontea, a violently patriotic epic’ in which the Dragon, easily recognizable as Sir Francis Drake (1540 ?-1596), is severely handled, and which, in spite of its inspiration, fails through its long allegorical episodes; and the Arcadia, prosa y versos, a pastoral novel in a rich poetic prose where Lope figures as Belardo and the Duque de Alba as Anfriso. The Arcadia 1s now hard to read, but it is worth looking at for the graceful verses which it contains. In 1998 also, Lope found time to marry again : his second wife was Juana de Guardo, daughter of an avaricious man who had made a small fortune in pork-packing. His romance de Carlos Boyl, in Bulletin hispanique, viti (1906), pp. 163-171; H. Mérimée, in L’ Art dramatique a Valencia, etc. Toulouse, 1913. pp. 448-452, 636-640 (Bibliotheque méridionale, 16). 296 SPANISH LITERATURE enemies accused Lope of being a mere fortune-hunter and rained epigrams on him. But this is absurd. Lope lived quite happily with Juana, for whom he had a very real affection. | Meanwhile Lope had passed into the household of the Marqués de Malpica, whom he left in order to attach himself to the Marqués de Sarria, Cervantes’s patron, and Condede Lemos. He wrote Jsidro (1599), a devout poem in guinti/las in honour of Madrid’s patron-saint, and published La Hermosvura de Angelica con otras diuersas rimas (1602); in this volume are to be found two hundred sonnets which include some of Lope’s most spontaneous lyrical work. La Her- mosvra de Angélica, written in great part during the expedition of the Armada, was ccntinually re-touched and polished by Lope but it suffers from comparison with its model Or/ando furioso: it has fine passages, but it is marred by lengthy digressions. Lope sought to win ground with other productions such as £/ Peregrino en su patria (1604), which, according to George Borrow (1803-1881), contains ‘the best ghost- story in the world.’ In 1604, too, Lope republished a collection of his Rimas and struck up a friendship with the Duke of Sessa (1 582-1642), who was not an edifying companion. In 1609 appeared his Jervsalen conqvistada, a historico-narrative poem in which he tries to vie with Tasso: on the title-page Lope figures as a Familiar of the Inquisition. At about this time Lope took to devotion and later (1614) entered holy orders. This was a grave error of judgement. In spite of his Qvaztro soliloguios . . . (1612), it is obvious from his private correspondence that Lope had no genuine religious vocation. In 1611 he joined the Third Order of Saint Francis, and the following year THE GOLDEN AGE 297 wrote for the death of his little son, Carlos Felix, Los Pastores de Belen, prosas y versos divinos (1612), which contains the exquisite cradle-song with the refrain: Lnetae que se duerme mi Nifo, tened los ramos ! In 1613 his wife died, her last years embittered by Lope’s liaison with Micaela de Lujan, two of whose children, Lope Felix del Carpio y Lujan (1607-1634 ?) and Marcela (1605 ?-1688), inherited some of. their father’s brilliant gifts. There are lines reminiscent of Lope in Marcela’s poems composed after she had professed (1622) in the Discalced Trinitarians. ‘This period of Lope’s life is marked by great sins and follies. His name was associated with Marta de Nevares Santoyo (1591-1632), wife of Roque Her- nandez de Ayala, and again his enemies took care not to spare him. Even the good-natured Cervantes referred with savage irony in the Second Part of Don Quijote to Lope’s ‘virtuous occupation.’ Lope survived this thrust and many others of the same kind. His faults of character and conduct are partially redeemed by his literary achievement. The very persistence and violence of the attacks on Lope are tributes to his eminence. The most envenomed and personal of these was the Spongia (1617) of Pedro de Torres Ramila who adopted the pseudonym of Trepus Ruitanus Lemira. Lope alludes to this work in the prologue of his Trivnfo de la Fee, en los Reynos del Japon. Por los aos de 1614 y ee (1618), a prose- composition dedicated to Mariana. The Spongia has disappeared, but something of its contents may be learnt from the Expostulatio Spongiae (1618), an answer published by Julius Columbarius (the pseudonym 298 SPANISH LITERATURE adopted by Lope’s friend Francisco Lopez de Aguilar Coutifio) in collaboration with Alonso Sanchez de la Ballesta; and from Lope’s reply, La Filomena con otras diuersas Rimas, Prosas y Versos (1621), where the thrush (Torres Ramila) is confronted with the nightingale (Lope). Besides this piece of polemics, La Filomena contains a tale, Las Fortunas de Diana, dedicated to Marcia~Leonardo (Marta de Nevares Santoyo) ; but neither in this nor in the three stories, La Desdicha por la Honra, La prudente venganza, Guzman el bravo, inserted in the poem La Circe, con otras Rimas y Prosas (1624), does Lope excel as a narrator. J Little; more sinteréestiis@ottered aap vemene Trivnfos divinos con otras rimas sacras (1625), a tedious imitation of Petrarch 3: or ‘the trelicious epiceee Corona tragica (1627), which gives an ideal presentation of Mary Stuart; or the Lavrel de Apolo con otras Rimas (1630), a panegyric on some three hundred versifiers remarkable for its omissions as well as for the cheap and florid compliment in which Lope fre- quently indulged. Of very different: merit is liz “Doroteas (1032) ana prose-drama approximating to autobiography, in which there are reminiscences of La Celestina as well as much admirable verse and a style rich and archaic. Lope had presided at the poetical jousts held at Seville in 1620 and 1622, there he had witnessed his son Lope Felix’s youthful triumphs, had encouraged Calderon’s early attempts, and, as E/ Maestro Burguillos, had recited some occasional verse which delighted the audience. He now issued the Rimas humanas y divinas del Licenciado Tomé de Burgvillos (1634), which contains the heroi-comic poem, La Gatomachia, a brilliant parody on the Italian epics. But time began to tell THE GOLDEN AGE 299 upon him. In his last years he met with one or two professional checks : the star of Calderon was beginning to rise and menaced Lope’s long supremacy. In his last years also, Lope underwent grievous domestic trials. Marta de Nevares Santoyo lost her sight and reason, and died in 1632 ; Lope’s son, Lope Felix del Carpio y Lujan, who might have made a considerable name in literature, was drowned off the coast of Venezuela in 16343; his daughter, Antonia Clara de Vega y Nevares (1617-1664), ran off with some court-gallant. Lope took these trials to be punish- ments for his sins and sank into a deep despair. He did penance, beating himself with his scourge till the walls of his little room in the Calle de Francos were flecked with blood. Still he went on working, prepared two volumes of plays for publication, and on August 23, 1635, wrote a sonnet and the S%/va called El siglo de oro. He fell ill and died four days later. Immense crowds followed his funeral procession, which went out of the direct route in order to pass by the convent of the Trinitarian nuns, where Lope’s daughter, Marcela, had taken the vows. Lope was buried under the high altar of St. Sebastian’s Church in the Calle de Atocha, but his cofin was removed in the seventeenth century and his exact resting-place is now unknown. ‘Tribute was paid to his memory in the Fama posthuma ... (1636), published by Perez de Montalvan in which one hundred and fifty-three authors, of whom six only were dramatists, collaborated ; and in the same year Fabio Franchi edited the Esseguze poetiche, a similar collection of poems from Lope’s Italian admirers. This volume was dedicated to the Conde de la Roca, who is suspect of having forged El Centon Epistolario. 300 SPANISH LITERATURE Lope has been mentioned as a poet. He was a great poet at moments, but he is very unequal—as much so as Wordsworth. There are splendid lines in his worst pieces and feeble lines in his best. Had he written nothing but his lyrics, he would rank as a charming poet. But his lyrics are, of course, mere by-products of his versatile genius. Huis fame depends on his plays, on which he set at first so little value. It cannot be denied that such blemishes as anachronisms, geographical blunders, the travesty of historical facts, liberties taken with hagiology by transferring one saint’s miracles to the account of another saint, the accumulation of improbable incidents and so forth are frequent in Lope’s theatre. Considering the speed at which he wrote, such mistakes were inevitable and, as he set the pace to other dramatists (as well as the fashion), similar oversights are still more numerous in the works of his imitators. But the most damaging charge against the new school of playwrights was evidently thought by contemporaries to be their neglect of the dramatic unities. The chief culprit did not deny his offences against what everybody was agreed to call the canons of art. Lope knew the canons of art as.well as the best of them, and paid those rules the compliment of accepting them—in theory. In the Arte nuevo de hazer comedias en este tiempo (1609 °) Lope’s doctrines are almost identical with those of Cervantes in Don Quijote: he affects to follow the pseudo-Aristotelian rules of the Renaissance doctrinaires ; but as he ends by admitting that down to 1609 he had observed those rules in only six plays out of four hundred and eighty-three written at that date, he need not be taken too seriously as a theoretical exponent of art. His achievement lay on the practical THE GOLDEN AGE 301 side. He gave to the Spanish theatre the stamp that characterizes it. Before his time plays were written in five acts or in four: some of Lope’s own earliest pieces are in four. He imposed the convention of three acts—introduced by Avendafio. And this was not his sole contribution to the mechanics of drama- turgy. He drew up a code of rules on versification : laments should, he thinks, be written in décimas ; sonnets are to be preferred in moments of suspense, or to mark time; the romance form is adapted to narrative, but the octave is even still more suitable for such passages ; matters of gravity are best set forth in tercets, and when lovers are on the scene, the dialogue should be given in redondillas. ‘This was not an empty counsel of perfection, for Lope carried his precepts into effect, and the richness of his metrical resource is bewildering. Such wealth of ornamente- tion has no parallel, and does as much credit to the audiences who could appreciate it as the poet who could contrive it. There are later Spanish dramatists who may excel in other qualities, but in the matter of rhythmical diversity and elaboration of decorative device Lope is unapproached. Lope created an entire literature. He wrote as much as all the Elizabethan and Jacobean dramatists put together. He had to satisfy an insatiable and critical audience and he did this successfully for over fifty years. No one acquainted with his works can deny his versatility. He is eminent in every kind. One does not naturally associate his careless elegance and sunny nature with tragedy, and in truth his tragedies are not oppressively numerous. _ Still he has produced sombre masterpieces such as Las Paces de los Reyes and E/ Caballero de Olmedo. Lope is always 302 SPANISH LITERATURE great when he attempts tragedy, and if he does not attempt it oftener, it is because the public insisted on something in his lighter vein. In this lighter vein, in pieces like Las bizarrias de Belisa, La dama melin- drosa, El anzuelo de Fenisa, we have gaiety, wit, move- ment, realism, and realization of character. His lack of purely literary pre-occupation is a drawback. He allowed the first eight volumes of his plays to be issued by anybody who chose to print them; between 1617 and 1625 he revised twelve volumes, then ceased to take any further interest until 1635, when he began to prepare another volume which was issued post- humously. And the consequence 1s a series of pirated editions in which, as Lope himself says, one line from his pen is lost among a hundred others interpolated by some gagging actor or by some not too scrupulous manager. Even so, enough remains to give some idea of the heights which he could attain in this respect. Verbal beauty is not his chief aim. — It is often ‘there, but it is there by a happy accident. Lope cannot, or at least does not, maintain an even level of elite, It is plain that he is being pressed by managers, and that he is too anxious to respond to all the calls made upon him. Perhaps this is at the root of a common criticism: that Lope’s last acts are apt to be weak. This cannot be denied: in La batalla de honor, to give only one instance, a magnificent effect is spoilt by a feeble close. But this is not a defect peculiar to Lope ; the same blemish is to be observed in Yu/ius Caesar. Lope has faults of his own. He is a Spaniard all over: he has the defects of his race as well as its good qualities. He is too complacent; he has the Spanish desire to please, to be conspicuous; he borders on insincerity at times; his note is too em- THE GOLDEN AGE 303 phatic ; his colouring is too crude ; he is so determined to attract that he will stoop to almost any means to achieve his end. Further, he is so excessively clever that his cleverness is apt to be fatiguing. He never spares for an effect, and his very graciosos are at times too entertaining. This is quite true and, so far as it goes, 1t diminishes Lope’s charm. But it is fair to show the obverse side of the medal. Lope has an artistic conscience of his own, defies the gongorists, pours scorn on the elaborate scenery which came very rapidly into vogue. He almost says that ‘when the stage-carpenter comes in, the dramatist goes out.’ He needed no artificial stimulus of the mechanical kind. His dramatic conception is so puissant, his gifts of presentation are so alert and poignant that he makes visible the whole panorama of existence. All his work for the stage is informed by a healthy realism. The coincidences may be too startling, the plot may not be plausible, but the characters themselves are alive from head to foot. No one’s heroes are more seductive, no one’s heroines are more delightful, no one’s graciosos are more slyly humorous and roguish, and quick in apt retort. His scope takes in all conditions of human beings. He portrays kings and serving-men with an impartial brush, he paints the average middle- class to which he belonged in all its picturesque out- bursts of nonsensical extravagance, alternating with shrewd poetical instinct; he utilizes for dramatic purposes all the rich store of his nation’s history, drawing on chronicles, on old romances, on popular traditions. All the notes are touched on his lyre. He flits from ‘ grave to gay, from lively to severe’ ; he is now sombre, now pathetic, now diverting, now steeped in humour. He has the secret of 304 SPANISH LITERATURE communicating a contagious emotion, of inventing appropriate dialogue gemmed over with a polite and debonair wit. And he has the unique power of creating the most charming heroines — appealing, tender, courageous, and devoted. In his own lifetime Lope’s reputation was univer- sal. As early as 1603, one of his plays, La fuerza Jastimosa was given inthe Sultan’s seraglio at Constan- tinople. Others—E/ animal profeta, San Fulian and La madre de la mejor—were done into Nahuatl by Bartolomé de Alba in 1641 and performed at Mexico. In France Lope was laid under contribution by Sainte-Beuve’s favourite, Rotrou. Rotrou’s L’heur- euse Constance 1s from E/ poder vencido, his Bague d’oubli is from La sortija del olvido, his Laure persécutée from Laura perseguida, his Heureux naufrage from E/ naufragio prodigioso, his Saint Genest from Lo fingido verdadero, while his Cosroés is based in part on Las mudanzas de la fortuna y sucesos de don Beltran de dragon, and in part also on Chosroés of Louis Cellot (1588-1658). We may pass by mediocrities like Boisrobert (1592-1662) who from E/ mayor impossible takes La folle gageure. Cyrano de Bergerac (1619- 1655) derives Le Pédant ‘foué from El robo de Elena ; Corneille in La suite du Menteur draws on Amar sin saber a quien and his D. Sanche d’ Aragon owes some- thing to E/ palacio confuso. And as to Moliére, Lope’s possibilities did not escape him. Les Femmes Savantes is influenced by La dama melindrosa; L’Ecole des maris combines La discreta enamorada and El mayor impossible ; similarly L’Ecole des femmes is an amalgam of La dama boba and El acero de Madrid, and this last play suggested a happy touch in Le Médecin malgré lui, while a trace of E/ perro del hortelano may perhaps be THE GOLDEN AGE 305 detected in Tartufe. Nor was Lope’s vogue in France ephemeral. As late as 1700, Lesage (1668-1747) thought it well to translate Guardar y guardarse under the title of Dom Félix de Mendoce. In England signs of Lope’s influence are less manifest. Still The Young Admiral of Shirley (1596-1666) is based on Don Lope de Cardona and as Lope is mentioned by Butler (1612- 1680) in Hudibras, research may reveal borrowings from him in the Restoration dramatists. It would take one too far to trace Lope into Italy and Germany ; for information on these matters reference may be made to the works of Signor Farinelli and Schneider. Lope no doubt lacks Shakespeare’s ample and embracing note. He does not portray universal human nature, but human nature as it manifested itself at a given time in given conditions. He is not the dramatist of humanity all the world over. He is the typical dramatist of his own race; his scope is restricted, but the power of his appeal is intense. This constitutes his greatest claim to glory. Nearly every Spanish dramatist derives from him. Almost every- body owes him much; he owes hardly anything to anybody. He took over the old morality plays of the Middle Ages and vitalized them anew amid the quickening breath of his devout imagination ; he took over the pompous tragedies in which mouthing kings and ranting queens strutted a noisy hour, and humanized them by his varied knowledge of Spanish nature, by his sense of the irrevocable, by his compre- hending and therefore sympathetic attitude to human weakness ; he took over the strident farce and purged it of its boisterous humours, substituting in their stead his more graceful and urbane inventions, his sparkling merriment, his delicate fantasy. Subtract Lope from Sree U 306 SPANISH EITERA PURE the panorama of Spanish literature and it loses one of its most splendid and picturesque figures. At the same time, the world is deprived of a new and enchanting form of art. Nobody is so manifold as Lope in sources of entertainment. Nobody renders more facilely the intensity of emotion which smoulders beneath the cold, courteous exterior of the Spaniard. Nobody has contributed more lavishly to the general store of dramatic creation. Before Lope’s time, the Spanish theatre was incoherent and disorganized. He found it a ramshackle building, disproportionate in dimensions and disparate in materials. He left it— not a perfectly solid temple of art but—a steadfast structure, gorgeously embellished and fit to withstand the assaults of that incorrigible traitor, Time. Ascribed to Lope de Vega until 1920, when M. Foulché-Delbosc in the introduction to his critical edition of the text made this ascription no longer possible, La Estrella de Sevilla} remains of unknown authorship. Its donnée is closely akin to that of Guillen de Castro’s Las Mocedades del Cid, if we substitute monarchical sentiment for honour: in both plays the hero’s hesitation and_ self-torment are revealed in a monologue. It is not, however, in the subject-matter that the strength of La Estrella de Sevilla lies, but in the lofty simplicity of its presentation. The dialogue is swift, forcible, and 1 Ed. R. Foulché-Delbosc, in Revue Hispanique, Xvi (1920), pp. 533-678; ed. H. Thomas, Oxford, 1923; La Stella di Siviglia, Italian trans. with text by A. Giannini, Firenze, 1924.—See: ~ R. Foulché-Delbose, La Estrella de Sevilla, in Revue Hispanique, XLVIII (1920), pp. 497-533; A. Lenz, Eine Neuausgabe der ‘ Estrella de Sevilla,’ in Zeitschrift fiir romantsche Philologie, xu11 (1923), pp. 92-108; A. F. G. Bell, The Author of the ‘ Estrella de Sevilla,’ in Revue Hispanique, L1x (1923), pp. 296-300 THE GOLDEN AGE 307 arresting ; the action remains consistently dignified and restrained though the most vital passions are brought into conflict ; the strangely noble conception of the principal characters is sustained throughout. In structure and technique alike La Estrella de Sevilla is the masterpiece of the comedia heroica. Lope de Vega had outlived most of his immediate contemporaries and had trained a race of dramatists, who, if they fell short of him in fertility and creative power, were almost his equals in technical dexterity and ingenious invention. Luis Velez de Guevara} (1578 ?-1644) was in his day a sort of rival to Lope. But he had not Lope’s gift of poetry, nor Lope’s miraculous skill in extracting all the possibilities of a dramatic situation. He added nothing very indivi- dual except an occasional touch of the cynical cleverness which informs E/ Diablo cojuelo (1641), and keeps the tale alive. Of his eighty existing plays, the two most attractive are Mas pesa el rey que la sangre, which illustrates the monarchical tradition, and Reinar despues 1 Fil Diablo Cojuelo, ed. A. Bonilla y San Martin, 1910 (Soc. de Bibliofilos Madrilefios, 2); ed. F. Rodriguez Marin, 1918 (Clasicos Cast., 38). —Comedias (6), ed. R. de Mesonero Romanos, 1858, in Bib. de Autores Esp., xiv; El aguila del agua y batalla naval de Lepanto, ed. A. Paz y Melia, in Revista de Archivos, Pi eew sen 1004 Mapp... 152-200) 93075325 6 (X11 004)9) Dp1n50-0 7x: La Serrana de la Vera, ed. R. Menéndez Pidal and M*. Goyri de Menéndez Pidal, Madrid, 1916 (Teatro antiguo esp., 1); El rey en su tmaginacion, ed. J. Gomez Ocerin, Madrid, 1922 (Teatro antiguo esp., 3); Algunas poesias inéditas, ed. A. Bonilla y San Martin [Revista de Aragé6n|, 1902; Cinco poesias auto- biograficas, ed. F. Rodriguez Marin [Revista de Archivos, x1x}, 1908.—See: F. Pérez y Gonzalez, El diablo cojuelo. Madrid, 1903; C. Pérez Pastor in Bibliografia madrilena. Madrid, 19007. II, pp. 499-515; E. Cotarelo, Luis Vélez de Guevara y sus obras dramaticas, in Boletin dela R. Academia Esp., 111 (1916), pp. 621-652; Iv. (1917), pp. 137-171, 269-308, 414-444. 308 SPANISH LITERATURE de morir, whose final scenes particularly strike a note rarely heard in the annals of the Spanish theatre. In spite of his limitations, Velez de Guevara was no contemptible dramatist, and in E/ Diablo cojuelo he wrote a very successful story in the picaresque vein. This tale attracted the attention of Lesage, whose recast of it in Le Diable boiteux (1707) made the Spanish original famous the world overlong and gave Velez de Guevara an assured position quite apart from any reputation that he may have attained on the boards. ‘The fact remains that the book owes its popularity to Lesage. His humane spirit suffuses the rude Spanish taste with a refinement and delicacy truly French. £/ Diablo cojuelo is a purely Spanish book of realistic observation: Le Diable boiteux has the good taste and measure of the classics. GUILLEN DE Castro y Betivis! (1569-1631), a coastguard captain from Valencia, attained a wide reputation through Corneille’s imitation of his plays on the Cid. Castro seems to have been already known in 1599: on his return from the kingdom of Naples where, 1n 1603, he had been governor of Scigliano, he settled at Madrid and through the influence of his 1 Comedias (7), ed. R. de Mesonero Romanos, 1857, in Bib. de Autores Esp., xtu1; Las Mocedades del Cid and Las Hazaftas del Cid, ed. W. Foerster, Bonn, 1878; ed. A. Sanchez Moguel, Madrid, 1885; ed. W. von Wurzbach, n.d. (Bib. romanica) ; ed. V. Said Armesto, Madrid, 1913 (Clasicos Cast., 15); Las Mocedades del Cid, ed. E. Mérimée, Toulouse, 1890 (Bib. méridionale, Ist series, 2); El tao de San Anton and El renegado arrepentido, ed. A. Schaeffer, in Ocho Comedias desconocidas. Leipzig, 1887. 1, pp. 83-145; 1, pp. I-74 (Col. de Autores Esp.., 47, 48) ; Ingratitud por amor, ed. H. A. Rennert, Philadelphia, 1899; Comedia del pobre honrrado, ed. M. Serrano y Sanz, in Bulletin hispanique, 1v (1902), pp. 219-246, 305-341; El ayo de su hyo, ed. H. Mérimée [Bulletin hispanique vii, 1x, x1] ) THESGOEDEN AGE 309 old friend and admirer, Lope, found an opening for his dramatic work. Las Mocedades del Cid and Las Hazaitas del Cid, printed in 1618 (or possibly earlier) in the First Part of his Comedias (whose Second Part bears the date 1625) are a dramatic adaptation of the national legend. Corneille drew freely on both plays in his masterpiece, and in every respect but one he far outrivals his model. ‘The weak point of Le Cid as compared with Las Mocedades del Cid is Corneille’s adherence to the unities. Lhe time which Castro allows to elapse between Ximena’s grief and the beginning of her love for the Cid increases the proba- bilities of the plot. But if beside Corneille’s play Castro’s piece reads as a primitive sketch, it has a compensating quality in its charm of simplicity. El Prodigio de los Montes—the source of Calderon’s El mdgico prodigioso—has been attributed to Castro, but it may be the same play as Lope de Vega’s La Barbara del Cielo under a secondary title. With more probability Stiefel has suggested that Fletcher’s piece, Love’s Care, is based on Castro’s La fuerza de Ja costumbre. A dramatist who died before fre could fulfil the promise shewn in Sufrir mas por querer mas and A gran Bordeaux [1906-1909]; Quzen malas manas ha tarde 6 nunca las perderd, ed. E. Julia Martinez [Kevista, de Archivos, etc., xxx], Madrid, 1916.—See: A. Feée, in Etudes sur l’ancien thédtre espagnol: Les trois Cid |G, de Castro, Corneille, Diamante], anise 72 el oeMartiiGrajalesein Cancionero de la Academia delos Nocturnos de Valencia. Valencia, 1906. 111, pp. 119-188 ; H. Mérimée, Pour la biographie de don Guillén de Castro | Revue des langues romanes, |, Montpellier, 1907 ; C. Pérez Pastor, in Bibliografia madrilena. Madrid, 1907. I, pp. 344-362 ; Hieevierimce sit LA7t dramatique a Valencia, eter Loulotse, LOI opp: 5 38- 632 (Bib. méridionale, 2nd series, 16) RIO SPANISH LITERATURE dato, gran remedio was Geronimo de Villayzan ! (1604- 1633), with whom may be mentioned Cristobal de Monroy y Silva (1612-1649), who shews a pleasing talent in E/ ofensor de st mismo and gives a recast of Lope’s Fuente Ovejuna in a play of the same title. But Lope’s most ardent disciple was his young friend, Juan Perez de Montalvan? (1602-1638), son of Alonso Perez, the king’s bookseller, who in 1626 pirated Quevedo’s E/ Buscon. Perez was condemned the following year by the courts, and a literary quarrel ensued between Quevedo and Montalvan, who took his father’s part. Quevedo nourished a grievance on his side and delighted in pricking the bubble of Montalvan’s airs and graces. He wrote the celebrated epigram in which he bantered Montalvan for tricking out with embellishments his father’s name of Perez. Montalvan published Para Todos in 1632, which Quevedo ridiculed in La Perinola (1633), prophesying that Montalvan would die mad. He lived to see his prophecy fulfilled. It 1s not impossible that Montalvan 1See.: J. Monreal, in .Cuadros viejos.- Madrid, 187385 p. tae 2 Comedias (7), ed. R. de Mesonero Romanos, 1858, in Bib. de Autores Esp., xiv; La Monja Alferez, reprinted by James Fitzmaurice-Kelly, in The Nun Ensign. London, 1908. pp. 145- 287.—Poestas, ed. A. Duran, 1851, in Bib. de Autores Esp., xvi, ed. A. de Castro, 1857, in Bib. de Autores Esp., xLt and ed. J. E. Hartzenbusch, 1860, in Bib» de Autores Esp., rir; Somme Poems of Dr. Fuan Pérez de Montalvan, ed. G. W. Bacon, in Revue Hispanique, XXVv (1911), pp. 458-467.—Fama postuma 4 la vida y muerte del Dr. Frey Lope Felix de Vega Carpio, ed. J. E. Hartzen- busch, 1853, in Bib. de Autores Esp., xxiv ; Sucesos y prodigios de amor, ed. E..Pernandez des Navarrete) 1354. an @bipeece Autores Esp., xxxu1.—See: The Nun Ensign, trans. by James Fitzmaurice-Kelly, London, 1908; G. W. Bacon, The life and dramatic works of Dr. Fuan Pérez de Montalvan (1602-1638) [Revue Hispanique, xxv1| New York-Paris, 1912. THEY GOLDEN AGE Bat had some share in the concoction of a gross libel on Quevedo, published under the pseudonym of Arnaldo Franco-Furt and entitled E/ Tribunal de la Lusta Venganza (1635). Montalvan is said to be the author of a poem, Orfeo en lengua castellana (1624), written in competition with Jauregui: this poem is also alleged to have been improvised by Lope in order to introduce his friend to the public. But Montalvan was already known in 1619 by his comedy Morir y distmular, while the points of similarity between the style of the Orfeo and that of Lope are no greater than those to be noted between Lope and Marcelo Diaz Callecerrada in his Exdimion (1627). In any case, the Orfeo attracted the notice of a rich Peruvian =a lett Montalvan a pension. Montalvan had a certain dramatic instinct, but he completely lacked originality and wrote at too great a speed. His prose, for instance, the Sucessos y Prodigios de amor, en Ocho novelas exemplares (1624), met with considerable success in its day: of all his works, however, only one play, Los Amantes de Teruel, still offers a measure of interest. A much more powerful personality is that of the Mercenarian monk, Gabriel Tellez (1571 ?-1648), universally known under the pseudonym of ‘Tirso DE Mo.tna.! He was born in Madrid, studied apparently 1 Comedias (53), ed. EK. Cotarelo y Mori, 1906-1907, 2 vols. (Nueva Bib. de Autores Esp., 4, 9); Teatro escogido (36 plays and fragments of I1 more), ed. J. E. Hartzenbusch, Madrid, EosQatoAe we ate oVOlS=i I GOMecdtasm escostd esas 37). ecaryly ay Ey) Hartzenbusch, 1848 (Bib. de Autores Esp., v); Obras 1 [El V ergonzoso en ‘palacio and El burlador de Sevilla, ed. A. Castro, 1910, 2nd ed. 1922 (Clasicos Cast., 2); Don Gil de las calzas verdes, ed. B. P. Bourland, New York, 1901 (New Spanish Series, 1); La villana de Vallecas, ed. A. Bonilla y San Martin, 312 SPANISH LITERATURE in Alcala de Henares, professed in 1601, and 1s first heard of as a dramatic author in 1610. In 161¢ he went as a missioner to Santo Domingo and received the title of definidor general of that island, a title which he bore in Guadalajara, where we find him in 1618. In 1620, while he was at Madrid, Lope dedicated to 1916 (Clasicos de la Literatura Esp., 5). Autos sacramentales (No le arriendo la ganancia and El colmenero divino], ed. E. Gonzalez Pedroso, 1865, in Bib. de Autores. Esp., Lvi11.— Cigarrales de Toledo, ed. V. Said Armesto, Madrid, 1913 (Bib. Renacimiento) ; Los tres maridos burlados, ed. C. Rosell, 1851, in Bib. de Autores Esp., xvir; Vida de la Santa Madre De Maria de Cervellon, etc., ed. M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Revista de Archivos, etc., XvuI (1908), pp. 1-17, 243-256; x1x (1908), pp. 262-273; XxI (1909), pp. 139-157, 567-570. —Entremeses del siglo xvit atribuidos al Maestro Tirso de Molina, ed. El Bachiller Mantuano [A. Bonilla y San Martin], Madrid, 1909 Col.4*Oro “Viejo, 1) Sees P= Munoz Pena, Sei ieay ome ae maestro Tirso de Molina: Estudio critico-literario. Valladolid, 1889 ; James Fitzmaurice- Kelly, Don Fuan |The New Review), London, 1895; M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Estudios de critica literaria, 1895, 2nd series, pp. 131-198 (Col. de Escritores Cast., 106); A. Farinelli, Don Giovanni, note critiche. Torino-Roma, 1896; A. Farinelli, Cuatro palabras sobre Don Fuan y la literatura donjuanesca del porvenir, in Homenaje a4 Menéndez y Pelayo. Madrid, 1899. 1, pp. 205-222; R. Menéndez Pidal, El condenado por desconfiado. 1902 [Discurso. R. Academia Esp.|; A. Morel-Fatio, ‘ La Prudence chez la femme,’ drame historique de Tirso de Molina, in Etudes sur Espagne. Paris, 1904. 111, pp. 27-72; E. Cotarelo y Mori, in Comedias de Tirso de Molina. 1906. I, pp. ili-lxxx (Nueva Bib. de Autores Esp., 4); B. de los Rios de Lampérez, in Del siglo de oro. Madrid, 1910. pp. I- 112, 229-2754 B. de*los Rios’de Lampérez, El Don jaar de Tirso de Molina, in Archivo de investigaciones hist6ricas, 1 (1911), pp. 7-30; Th. Schréder, Die dramatischen Bearbeitungen der don Fuan-Sage, etc. Halle, 1912 [Beihefte zur Zeztschrift fir rom. Philologie, 36|; S. G. Morley, Color Symbolism in Tirso de Molina, in The Romanic Review, viti (1917), pp. 77-81 ; J. Cejador, ‘ Al Condenado por desconfiado,’ in Revue Hispanique, LVII (1923), pp. 127-159. THE GOLDEN AGE 313 him Lo fingido verdadero: and he dedicated to Lope La Villana de Vallecas. In spite of these courtesies, the two authors would not seem to have been on friendly terms. ‘Tirso de Molina competed at the feasts of St. Isidore in 1622 without success: four years later (1626) he was named superior of the monastery of Trujillo, a post which he occupied for three years. In 1632 he became chronicler of his order, and definidor of the province of Castile; in 1645 he was appointed superior of Soria, where he died on March 12, 1648. His history of the Mercenarian Order is still un- published as a whole: his genealogical table of the house of the Conde de Sastago (1640) and the Vida de la Santa Madre D® Maria de Cerbellon have no concern with literature. ‘Tirso de Molina’s first work of importance is the Cigarrales de Toledo (1621 °), a collection of tales in prose and verse told during five days of festivities following upon a wedding. The title is taken from a Toledan word used to describe the country-houses set among fruit-trees and foun- tains in which the neighbourhood of ‘Toledo abounds. Tirso announced a series of verses and stories for twenty days, but he stops at the fifth day with the promise of a second part, which was never fulfilled. Throughout there is evidence of Italian influence : one of the tales, Los tres maridos burlados, is closely allied to a versified story in the Mambriano of the eG@iev Oud cu lerraramm Hrancesco bello) lnemrenl interest of the book lies in its three plays: Como han de ser los amigos, El celoso prudente and E/ vergonzoso en Palacio. Another collection entitled Deleitar apro- vechando (1635) includes three devout tales of little value and some auios, one of which, E/ Colmenero 314 SPANISH LITERATURE divino, is Tirso’s best attempt in the genre. But Tirso’s fame rests principally on his creation of a uni- versal type Don Juan, who appears in E/ Burlador de Sevilla y Combidado de piedra, a piece published in 1630 in a provincial collection of plays called Doze comedias nvevas de Lope de Vega Carpio, y otros autores. In this volume the play bears Tirso’s name, but it is not included in the authorized edition of his works. This fact has inclined critics, notably Signor Farinelli, - to think the ascription suspect, and the discovery in 1878 of a new version of the play under Calderon’s name has confirmed their doubts. However, up to the present, Tirso is credited with the invention of a type which Mozart (1756-1791) has made popular all the world over, and whose re-incarnations in the works of Dorimon (1628-1693), Villiers, Molliére, Byron and Zorrilla have failed to render the haughty and aristocratic pride of the original. The ascription to Tirso of E/ Condenado por desconfiado 1s also a matter of dispute: this justly celebrated play gives a powerful presentation of the conflict between free- will and predestination. But if these titles to fame were removed, it would still remain beyond question that in La prudencia en la muger ‘Yirso has produced the best historical drama of the Spanish language. Has dignified presentment of D* Maria de Molina is drawn with a sympathy and restraint well in harmony with the character of that tragic personality. Tirso is also a master of light comedy in such plays as Marta la piadosa, where he draws a picture of oily hypocrisy as forcible as anything in the best scenes of Tartufe, in Don Gil de las calzas verdes and La Villana de Vallecas. _ His plays were published in five parts , THE GOLDEN AGE 315 the first part in 1627, the second and fourth in 1635, the third in 1634, and the fifth in 1636. ‘The sixth part promised by the author never appeared; the fifth part contains eleven plays only, eight in the second part do not, seem to belong to Tirso or, at least, not wholly. Already in 1635, his popularity was on the wane, and by 1638 he ceased writing for the stage. Even now he is not greatly read abroad ; but that Shirley’s The Opportunity (1634) should be founded on E/ castigo del penseque (1613) proves that Tirso’s reputation had crossed the Channel during his own lifetime. In France, Montfleury (1640-168 5) based La Dame Meédecin on El Amor médico, and Scarron (1610?-1660) used scenes from the same play for his Jodelet due/liste. In Spain, Tirso’s reputation, like Lope’s, is likely to increase. He is not as copious as Lope, and, like Lope, he is represented by a mere fraction of his work: but he almost equals the master in his portrayal of feminine characters and outshines him in power of malicious observation and roguish gaiety. Only brief mention can be made of such practitioners of the nueva comedia as Diego Ximenez de Enciso} (1585-1633 ?), whose E/ principe Don Carlos suggested to Calderon some traits in La vida es suefio; Felipe Godinez (1588-1637?) of Jewish descent and a 1 Los Médicis de Florencia, ed. R. de Mesonero Romanos, Poco inv bib. cCeenutoress. sp. xiv — ce: Re Schevill~ Lhe Comedias of Diego Ximenez de Enciso, in Publications of the Modern Language Association of America, Xvi11 (1903), pp. 194- DiOrme lye WV. Grawlord, salar rincipe: DoneCarios oferxamenez de Enctso, in Modern Language Notes, Xxi1 (1907), pp. 238-241 ; E. Cotarelo, Don Diego Fiménez de Enciso y su teatro, in Boletin de la R. Academia Esp., 1 (1914), pp. 209-248, 385-415, 510-550; E. Levi, Storia poetica di Don Carlos. Pavia, 1914. 2nd ed. Roma [1924]. 316 SPANISH LITERATURE victim of the Inquisition as well as Quevedo’s butt in La Perinola, who wrote dun de noche alumbra el sol; Antonio Hurtado de Mendoza! (1586-1644), the suave courtier-poet, upon whose L/ marido hace muger, y el trato muda costumbre Moliére based L’Ecole des Maris and whose Empefios del mentir seems to have given hints to Lesage in Gi/ Blas; Luis de Belmonte Bermudez? (1587 ?-1650?), author of the recently published poem La Hispalica, perhaps too of the play El Diablo predicador derived from Lope’s Fray Diablo, and, according to tradition, intrepid planner of a sequel to the Cologuio de los perros ; and Luis Quifiones de Benavente® (1589 ?-1651), whose ‘Focoseria (1645) contains entremeses such as E/ Borracho and E/ Guardainfante unsurpassed later by Ramon de la Cruz. QOuifiones de Benavente may have influenced Beau- marchais, if, as is thought, Le Barbier de Séville con- tains reminiscences of E/ Borracho. 1 Fil Marido hace mujer, y el trato muda costumbre, Los empenios del mentir and Cada loco con su tema, 6 el montanés indiano, ed. R. de Mesonero Romanos, 1858, in Bib. de Autores Esp., xLV; Entremeses |El examinador Miser Palomo and Getafe], ed. E. Cotarelo y Mori, in Coleccién de Entremeses, etc. IQI1T. I, pp. 322-335 (Nueva Bib. de Autores Esp., 17); Poestas, ed. A. Duran, 1851, in Bib. de Autores Esp.. xvi and*eds Ame Castro, 1857, in Bib. de Autores Esp., xi. 2 Fl diablo predicador, y mayor contrario amigo, and La renegada de Valladolid, ed. R. de Mesonero Romanos, 1858, in Bib. de Autores Esp., xiv; Hispalica, ed. S. Montoto, Sevilla, 1921.—See: B. J. Gallardo, in Ensayo, etc. Madrid, 1866. i, col. 59-69; L. Rouanet, Le diable prédicateur, comédie... . traduite en frangais. Paris-Toulouse, 1901 (Bibliothéque espagnole, 2). 3 Entremeses, ed. C. Rosell; . Madrid, 1872-1874) 25 vot (Libros de antafio, 1, 2).—See: L. Rouanet, in Intermédes espagnols (Entremeses) du xvit® siécle... Paris, 1897. THE GOLDEN AGE 3 7 Antonio Mira de Amescua! (1577 ?-1644), whom Gracian attributed the Cancion real a vna mudanza six years before it was published anony- mously in Josef Alfay’s Poesias varias de grandes ingenios espanoles (1654), shews talent as a writer of autos and of secular plays. He has the creative instinct; he is eloquent, impressive, and forcible. But apart from the Cancion real a vna mudanza, which has also been ascribed to Gongora and Bartolo Leonardo de Argensola, Mira de Amescua’s reputation is based less on the intrinsic merit of his plays than on the fact that the themes of these were extensively borrowed by contemporary dramatists. From £/ Esclavo del Demonio Calderon drew La Devocion de la Cruz and Moreto Caer para levantar. La Rueda de la Fortuna may have influenced both Corneille and Calderon: and two of Mira de Amescua’s plays, La adversa fortuna de Don Bernardo de Cabrera and El exemplo mayor de la desdicha, y capitan Belisario suggested respectively to Rotrou Don Bernardo de Cabrera and Béfsatre. 7 The Mexican hunchback, Juan Ruiz pr Atarcon? (1 580 ?-1639), whose quarrels with Lope, Gongora, 1 Comedias (5), ed. R. de Mesonero Remanos, 1858, in Bib. de Autores Esp., xiv; Comedia famosa del esclavo del demonio, ed. M. A: Buchanan, Baltimore, 1905; Poesias, ed. A. de Castro, ios Pai sb ibede witorecml sp yx il. —-oee =U nh clezaPastoreain Bibliografia madrilena. Madrid, 1907, 11, pp. 427-431; N. Diaz de Escobar, Szluetas escénicas del pasado: Autores dramatitcos del siglo xvit: El Doctor Mira de Amescua, in Revista del Centro de estudios historicos de Granada y su reino, 1 (1911), pp. 122-143 ; F. Sanz, El doctor don Antonio Mira de Amescua, in Boletin de la R. Academia Esp., 1 (1914), pp. 551-572. 2 Comedias (26 and a fragment), ed. J. E. Hartzenbusch, 1852 (Bib. de Autores Esp., xx) [See also xt and tu]; No hay mal que por bien no venga (Don Domingo de Don Blas), ed. A. Bonilla Rilke SPANISH LITERATURE - Quevedo and others fill far too much space in literary history, studied in Salamanca between 1600 and 1605, returned to America in 1608 and once more—in 1613 —visited Spain, where he was appointed a member of the Council of the Indies in 1626. His first play, El semejante a si mismo, based on Cervantes’s E/ Curioso impertinente, raised enemies against him at once. Cristdbal Suarez de Figueroa! (1571 ?-1645 ?), author of La Constante Amarilis (1609), of the encycle- paedic Plaza universal de todas cienctas y artes (161 5)— an adaptation of La Piazza Vniversale de tvtte le professioni del mondo (1585), by Tommaso Garzont y San Martin,-1916 (Clasicos de la Literatura esp , 2); Leatro [La verdad sospechosa, Las paredes oyen|, ed. A. Reyes, 1918 (2nd ed. 1923) (Clasicos Cast., 37).—See: L. Schmidt, in Ueber die vier bedeutendsten Dramatiker der Spanier. Bonn, 1858; L. Fernandez-Guerra y Orbe, D. Juan Rutz de Alarcon y Mendoza. Madrid, 1871; F. Rodriguez Marin, Nuevos datos para la biografia del insigne dramaturgo D. Fuan Ruiz de Alarcon. Madrid, 1912; P. Henriquez Urefia, Don Fuan Ruiz de Alarcon [Nosotros], México, 1914; N. Rangel, Noticias biograficas del dramaturgo mexicano D, Fuan Rutz de Alarcdn y Mendoza |[Boletin de la Bib. Nacional de Mexico], 1915; A. Reyes, Ruzz de Alarcon y las Fiestas de Baltasar Carlos, in Revue Hispanique, XXXVI (1916), pp. 170-176; S. G. Morley, Studies in Spanish Dramatic Versification of the Siglo de Oro. Alarcon and Moreto [University of California Publications in Modern Philology, 7], 1918. 1 El Pasagero, ed. F. Rodriguez Marin, 1913 (Bib. Renacr miento,~ 4); ed» R. Selden. Rose, 1914 (Soc, de \ Biblionlés Esp., 38).—See: H. A. Rennert, Some documents in the life of Christoval Suarez de Figueroa, in Modern Language Notes, vil (1892), col. 398-410; J. P. W. Crawford, The Life and works of Christdbal Suarez de Figueroa [Publications of the Univer- sity of Pennsylvania], Philadelphia, 1907 [Spanish trans. by N. Alonso Cortés, Valladolid, 1911]; J. P. W. Crawford, Suarez de Figueroa’s ‘Espana defendida’ and Tasso’s ‘ Gerusalemme liberata,’ in The Romanic Review, tv (1913), pp. 207-220. THE GOLDEN AGE 319 (1549-1589)—and of the epic poem Espata defendida (1612), a crotchety fellow, but a good writer, cruelly alludes to Alarcon in E/ Passagero (1617) as ‘ el gimio en figura de hombre, el corcovado imprudente, el contrahecho ridiculo.’ Whatever were Alarcon’s faults of temper, and it is fair to remember that he received much provocation from enemies who taunted him with his deformity, his intellectual probity 1s beyond reproach. The number of his plays (col- lections of which appeared in 1628 and 1634), 1s comparatively small, but they are carefully planned and finished in every detail. He has a high reputation as a moralist, especially among those who have not read El desdichado en fingir; but it 1s true that he lends to the drama a moral significance which it had not possessed before, while at the same time he avoids preaching at his audience. The moral of La verdad sospechosa is that lying, though an elegant accomplish- ment, does not pay in the long run. Corneille said that he would have given his two finest works to have written it: as it 1s, he constructed on it Le Menteur, and so supplied the French stage with its first genuine high comedy. Alarcon had a share of popularity in his own day, especially among the women who patronized the theatre; but Montalvan records that there was a certain extrafeza—not so much oddity as exotic savour—in his work, and perhaps on this account he appeals more strongly to foreigners than do most of his contemporaries. His Ganar amigos is an admirable example of national drama. Alarcon carries weight because he conveys the impression of a grave sincerity: the tirades in Los pechos privilegiados are not a glittering display of rhetorical fireworks, but a real criticism of life. And he breaks new ground 320 SPANISH EITERATORE in Mudarse por mejorarse and in El Examen de Maridos, both excellent illustrations of character-drawing, and profoundly interesting as records of social manners. Forty years had elapsed since the publication of Lazarillo de Tormes when in 1599 the Sevillan Mateo ALEMAN! (1547-1614 ?) produced his Primera Parte de Guzman de Alfarache. Aleman was the first person who had the courage to put his name on the title-page of a picaresque story. Little is known of his life. ‘The son of a medical man, he seems to have begun a university career in Seville where he studied medicine and to have continued at Salamanca and Alcala de Henares. He is said by Luis de Valdés, one of his friends, to have fought in Italy, but, though Guzman de Alfarache abounds in details concerning Italian towns and military life, there is no confirmation of the fact. Aleman married -rather against his will in 1671 and in 1580 was arrested for debt. He appears to have intended to go to America in 1582, but gave up the notion on being appointed Chief 1 Guzman de Alfarache, ed. B. C. Aribau, 1846, in Bib. de Autores’ Esp., 11ry ed. F) Holle; 1913-1014°( Bibs Remanicays Odas de Horacio, traducidas por Mateo Aleman, ed. M. Pérez de Guzman y Boza, Cadiz, 1893; Sucesos de D. Frat Garcia Gera, Arcobispo de Méjico, ed. A. H. Bushee, in Revue Hispanique, XXV (IQII), pp. 359-457.—See: F. de Haan, in An Outline of the History of the Novela Picaresca in Spain. The Hague-New York, 1903; F. W. Chandler, in The Literature of Roguery. London-Boston-NewYork, 1907; F. Rodriguez Marin, Vida de Mateo Aleman, 1907 [Discurso. R. Academia Esp.] (2nd ed. Sevilla, 1907); U. Cronan, Mateo Aleman and Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, in Revue Hispanique, xxv (1911), pp. 468- 475; Kk. Foulché-Delbosc, Bibliographie de Mateo Aleman (1598-1615), in Revue Hispanique, xLit (1918), pp. 481-556; James Fitzmaurice-Kelly, Introduction to The Rogue . . [trans. by James Mabbe], London, 1924, 4 vols. (The Tudor Translations. Second Series, ii-v). THE GOLDEN AGE pan Accountant in Madrid. Imprisoned again in 1594, he left Madrid for Seville in 1601 and in the following year was once more in jail, having got into the hands of Madrid money-lenders. In the Spring of 1604, Aleman went to Lisbon to press the sale of his Sax Antonio de Padva (1604); he published there the princeps of the Segunda Parte de la Vida de Guzman de Alfarache, Atalaya de la vida umana (1604). He complains that though his book is entitled Warch- Tower of the Human Life, people insisted on calling it the Pécaro. His memory was at fault: only the second part has the full title. In 1608 he went to America. A passage in the Ortografia castellana (1609), published at Mexico, might make one suppose that Aleman was a printer, but this is conjecture. It is certain that he published there the short sketch, Sucesos de D. Frai Garcia Gera (Guerra) argobispo de Mejico (1613). The date of his death is unknown. In Guzman de Alfarache, which consists of two parts, each divided into three books, Aleman draws a striking picture of a rogue’s precarious existence. At first Guzman gets the worst of it, but he learns from experience and grows hardened in iniquity. He robs his masters and sets up as a man of fashion. ‘Tricked out of his money, he enlists at Almagro, and we get a curious glimpse of military discipline, for Guzman plays every sort of prank including highway robbery. The First Part ends as he passes into the household of the French Ambassador, who intends to use him as an instrument to manage his amours. Aleman announced a Second Part in his last chapter and, as in the case of Cervantes, he was anticipated by a spurious sequel, published under the name of Matheo Luxan de Sayauedra whose identification with Juan José Marti S.L. * 922 SPANISH LITERATURE (d. 1604) lacks the evidence of proof. Aleman’s reply to this provocation is contained in the Prologue to the second part where he speaks of Sayauedra’s ‘great learning, his nimble wit, his deepe judgement, his pleasant conceits, and his generall knowledge in all humane and divine letters.’ But in the body of his text, he borrows from Sayauedra and introduces him into the story as a friend of Guzman. On the way home from Genoa, a storm springs up, Sayauedra goes mad, calls himself Guzman and jumps overboard to meet with death in the seas. Having thus disposed of his opponent, Aleman goes on to promise a third part, which seems never to have been written. In both parts there are intercalations: the story of Ozmin and Daraja, and the tale of Don Luis de Castro taken from Masuccio’s J/ Novel/ino (x11), which also formed the basis of Beaumont and Fletcher’s The Little French Lawyer and of Scarron’s La Précaution Inutile. But these stories, although out of tune with Guzman’s sordid rascality, are not as great blots on the book as are the tedious moralizing digressions, which were so much to the taste of the seventeenth century. And this defect is even more apparent in the second part, which gives more importance also to the picaroon than to his masters. The popularity of the book was immense: in less than five years, twenty-nine editions were issued. In England, Guzman de Alfarache translated in 1622 by James Mabbe (1572-1642 ?), reached a fourth edition by 1656. Aleman has a vigorous and supple prose-style completely in harmony with the matter of his book, which Hazlitt considered ‘extraordinary.’ Still it must be admitted that as a picaroon tale Guzman de Alfarache takes rank below its predecessor, THE GOLDEN AGE 323 Lazarillo de Tormes, Guzman de Alfarache, and the Libro de Entretenimiento de la Picara Ivstina (1605), are all novels of the primitive type of picaresque invention. ‘The least interesting of the three is the last. The fact that Don Quijote is mentioned in the text of La Picara Justina, which contains an example of the versos de cabo roto, would point to the conclu- sion that the writer knew Cervantes. It seems likely from the Viage del Parnaso that Cervantes knew the author and had no very high opinion of him. Versos de cabo roto were used by Alonso Alvarez de Soria! (1573-1607), who died by the hangman’s hand at Seville. The title-page of La Pécara Fustina bears the name of Francisco Lopez de Ubeda,? which was alleged to be the pseudonym of a Dominican monk, Fray Andrés Perez, author of a Vida de San Raymundo de Pefaforte (1601), and of two volumes of sermons. This is an ancient literary tradition, but as there really existed a Lopez de Ubeda, there seems no reason to doubt that he wrote the book as he claims to have done. La Picara ‘Fustina is full of prolix moralizing evidently modelled on Guzman de Alfarache. It professes also to be an Ars Poetica, about fifty different measures appear in the versified glosses that precede each chapter. Lopez de Ubeda scarcely pretends to any originality : his alembicated, affected, and complex style makes one grateful that the sequel promised in the text never 1See: F. Rodriguez Marin, El Loaysa de ‘ El celoso extre- meno. Sevilla, 1901; H. R. Lang, Versos de cabo roto, in Revue Hispanique, Xv (1906), pp. 92-97. Sle icara justia, edo) Jo Puyol yeAlonsoe 101 20m iavols: (Soc. de Biblidfilos Madrilefios, 7-9).—See: R. Foulché-Delbosc, L’auteur de la ‘ Picara Fustina,’ in Revue Hispanique, x (1903), pp. 236-241. 824 SPANISH LITERATURE appeared. But it is not true that La Picara Fustuna is honeycombed with lubricity. The book contains coarse passages which were in the taste of the time. There is nothing in it, however, that deserves the name of lubricity, a vice more characteristic of the French conteurs than of the emphatic Spaniard and the thrasonical Englishman of the seventeenth century. In 1618 appeared the Relaciones de la vida del Escudero Marcos de Obregon, by Vicente Espiner? (1551-1624), a clerical picaroon, who dedicated his work to the Archbishop of Toledo, Bernardo de Sandoval y Rojas, who had befriended Cervantes when he was in extremities. Espinel seems to have been a rogue all his life long. In his youth he studied at the University of Salamanca, whence he was rusti- cated; from Salamanca he went to Seville, where he startled the inhabitants by his irregular habits. Having set sail for Italy, he fell into the clutches of Barbary pirates and was kept as a slave at Algiers till he was ransomed. On his release, he went to Italy, entered the army and 1s alleged to have served also in the Netherlands. Thence he returned to Spain, where shortly before May 1587 he was ordained. He contrived to get appointed chaplain at Ronda and calmly resided in Madrid until the people of Ronda insisted on his presence, but when in Ronda he led such a disorderly life that a formal complaint was made by the chief magistrate and the most prominent citizens. The Bishop was obliged to deprive Espinel of his 1Vida del escudero Marcos de Obregon, ed. J. Pérez de Guzman, Barcelona, 1881 (Bib? Arte y Letras,1) ; eds 3G Gaya, Madrid, 1922-1923, 2 vols. (Clasicos cast., 43, 51).—See : B. J. Gallardo, in Ensayo, etc., Madrid, 1866. 11, cols. 951-953; Lé Claretie, in Lesage romancier. Paris, 1890. pp. 203-261. Lope GOLDEN AGE CPAs living and of another living which the ardent pluralist held. Espinel went to Alcala, took the degree of Master of Arts and ingratiated himself with the Bishop of Plasencia, who in 1599 appointed him Chaplain and—as ie was a good musician—choir- master. ‘This enabled him to live at Madrid. Espinel had originality and intelligence. He shewed this in his Diversas Rimas (1591), which contain good versions of Horace. His translation of the Ars poetica gave rise in the eighteenth century to a bitter controversy between ‘Tomas de Iriarte and Lopez de Sedano. But though his poems thus chanced to come into notice again, and the form of the .décima known as the espinela is due to him, it is aS a picaresque writer that Espinel aVGHHES He had only to write his own life as material to make a picaresque tale. Marcos de Obregon owes something of its actual vogue to the fact that episodes from it have been utilized by Lesage in Gi/ Blas. Its intro- duction of classical stories and fanciful inventions is not in tune with the realism which is the essence of the picaroon convention, yet apart from this there remains a large residue of excellence, a purity of style, a unity of subject and a relative tolerableness on the part of the prototype. Already in the sixteenth century a new literary form was adumbrated in the Historia del Abencerraje y la hermosa Xarifa. ‘This was the Moorish novel which Gines Perez pe Hira (1544 ?-1619 ?)+ developed in 1 Guerras civiles de Granada, ed. B. C. Aribau, 1846, in Bib. de Autores Esp., 111; ed. P. Blanchard-Demouge, Madrid, POMe-TOl Ss. e2.vols..+) Poestas neds Aw Duraieics pint bibede Autores Esp., xv1.—See: N. Acero y Abad, Ginés Pérez de Hita. Madrid, 1888; C. Pérez Pastor, in Bzbliografia madrilena. Madrid, 1907. 111, p. 450. 326 SPANISH LITERATURE the Historia de los vandos de los Zegries y Abencerrages .. . (1595), continued under the name Segunda Parte de las Guerras civiles de Granada ...(1604?), a title which ultimately prevailed. Perez de Hita appears to have been born in Mula in 1544 or 1546 and to have settled in Murcia after his marriage in 1997. He describes his work as a translation from a Moor called Ibn Hamin; this statement carries no weight since he cites as his authority the chronicler Esteban de Garibay y Zamalloa (d. 1599). ‘The First Part is vastly superior to its sequel, which describes the revolt of the Moors in the Alpujarras. Here Perez de Hita, who took an active part in the incidents depicted, is hampered by his knowledge of the facts. But in the early part his imagination has free rein, and his vivid and fantastic pictures of Moorish life in the beleaguered city of Granada are set down in a graceful, glowing style which enhances the value of their pre- sentation. The Guerras Civiles was a special favou- rite with Voiture and the précieuses; its influence is visible in the series of Hispano-Mauresque novels beginning with the “/maide of Mlle. de Scudéry (1607-1701) and the Zaide of Mme. de Lafayette (1634-1693). Perez de Hita was a delightful prose- writer but a poor poet, and while the First Part of the Guerras Civiles is tesselated with beautiful border- ballads and some of the best romances moriscos, borrowed probably from the first parts of the Romancero general, the Second Part contains vastly inferior compositions, frequently by Perez de Hita’s own hand. Besides the drama and the novel a third—and less beneficent—literary manifestation occurred in Spain during the seventeenth century. This was the pest of extravagant preciosity and verbal gymnastics which 1s THE GOLDEN AGE 327 known as gongorism. It used to be contended that this plague was imported into Spain from Italy by Luis Carrillo y Sotomayor (1583-1610), a poet who died too young and who wrote too little to produce much effect. Carrillo had served as a soldier in Italy and had come under the influence of Marino (1569- 1625), who was then at the height of his fame, though his ddone (1623) was not yet published. Luis pe Goncora ? (1561-1627) was the hierophant of the new poetic sect, the cu/tos (hence culteranismo, at first called la nueva poesta)—the learned, the exquisite—to whom Gongora made his esoteric appeal. There are obvious points of resemblance between Gongora in his second phase and Marino. But there is one decisive argu- ment against the theory of the Italian poet’s direct 1Obras poéticas {and Eprstolario|, ed. R. Foulché-Delbosc. 1921. 3 vols. (Bib. hispanica xvi, xvu1, Xx); Vuingt-six lettres de Gongora, ed. R. Foulché-Delbosc, in Revue Hispanique, x (1903), pp. 184-225.—See: J. Pellicer de Salas y Touar, Vida de Don Luis de Gongora, ed. R. Foulché-Delbosc, in Revue Hispanique, XXxXIv (1915), pp. 577-588 ; M. Cafiete, Observaciones acerca de Gongora y del culteranismo en Espana, reprinted in Revue flispanique, XLVI (1919), pp. 281-311; E. Churton, Gongora, London, 1862. 2 vols.; C. G. Child, Fohn Lyly and Euphuism. Erlangen-Leipzig, 1894 (Munchener Beitrage zur roman. und engl. Philologie, 7); M. Gonzalez y Francés, Gongora racionero. ...Cérdoba, 1896; M. Gonzalez y Francés, Don Luts de Géngora vindicando su fama ante el propio obispo. Cordoba, 1899; R. Foulché-Delbosc, Note sur trots manuscrits des wuvres poétiques de Gongora, in Revue Hispanique, vii (1900), pp. 454- 504; R. Foulché-Delbosc, Bibliographie de Gongora, in Revue Hispanique, xvit (1908), pp. 73-161; L.-P. Thomas, Le lyrisme et la préciosité cultistes en Espagne. Halle a. 5.-Paris, 1909; L.-P. Thomas, Gongora et le gongorisme considérés dans leurs rapports avec le marinisme. Paris, 1911; A. Farinelli, Marinismus und Gongorismus, in Deutsche Literaturzeitung, 1912, col. 11-13-14-22; A. Reyes, Géngora y ‘ La Gloria de Niquea,’ in Revista de Filologia Esp., 11 (1915), pp. 274-282; E. Diez 328 SPANISH LITERATURE responsibility for the phenomenon of gongorism. ‘The most exaggerated of Gongora’s poems, E/ Po/ifemo, was written over a dozen years before Marino’s ddone was printed. Nor can the blame be laid on Carrillo’s Obras (1611) published two years after the radical change in Gongora’s methods took place. The new phase was first apparent in the Panegyrico al duque de Lerma, written in the early part of 1609. The date is important: it removes at once all possibility of Gongora’s connexion with the parallel movement of euphuism which began in 1578 or 1580. Carrillo, however, is not wholly blameless. As Lucien-Paul Thomas points out, there is at the end of his Odras a prose document, Libro dela Erudicion poetica, which circulated in manuscript and gave rise to considerable discussion in literary circles. In this treatise Carrillo enlarges on his theory that obscurity in a poet is a merit’ rather than ~ defect. “this usethesyvic wae Gongora adopts and puts into practice in such poems as the Fabvla de Polifemo y Galatea and Soledades. Luis de Géngora was born at Cordova on July 11, 1561. His father was Francisco de Argote, a juez de bienes, ofhcial of the Inquisition at Cordova and, it is Canedo, M. L. Guzman and A. Reyes, Contribuciones a la bibliografia de Gongora, in Revista de Filologia Esp., 111 (1916), pp. 171-182; Iv (1917), pp. 54-64; James Fitzmaurice-Kelly, Gongora |Transactions of the Royal Society of Literature, xxxv}. London, 1917; A. Reyes, Cuestiones gongorinas sobre el texto de las ‘ Lecciones solemnes’ de Pellicer, in Revue Hispanique, XLUI (1918), pp. 505-519; A. Reyes, Resefia de estudios gongorinos in Revista de Filologia Esp., v (1918), pp. 315-336; A. Reyes, Cuestiones gongorinas. Pellicer en las cartas de sus contempordneos, in Revista de Filologia Esp., v1 (1919), pp. 268-282 ; H. Thomas, Lhree translators of Gongora and other Spanish poets [Revue Hispanique, xiviti], 1920; M. Artigas, Don Luts de Géngora y Argote. Biografia y estudio critico. Madrid, 1925. THE GOLDEN AGE 329 also alleged, corregidor of that city. ‘The poet bore his mother’s name; this was uncommon, but by no means without precedent. At the age of fifteen years Gongora was sent to study law at Salamanca. He appears to have amused himself a good deal there and to have got into debt, though he already held the benefices of Cafiete de las Torres, Guadalmazan and Santaella to which, doubtless, he was appointed by the influence of his maternal uncle who came to the student’s aid on this and other occasions. Gongora was back in Cordova in 1582, and in 1584 he was clearly a poet of some prominence, for he is praised by Cervantes in the Canto de Caliope. In 1585 he received a Cathedral stall, and by August 14 of that year he must have been at least in minor orders, for he was present at a Chapter-meeting. The date of his ordination 1s not known, but from 1599 Gongora’ figures in the capitular lists as a deacon. Meanwhile everybody was not satisfied with the conduct of the young ecclesiastic. Complaints concerning him were made in 1589 to the Bishop, who ordered an inquiry to be held into the truth of the charges. ‘This official indictment was not very grave. Gongora was accused of insufficient zeal in attending the Cathedral services ; he was said to have talked during the Divine Office, to have formed part of a gossipy circle, to have fre- quented bull-fights (an amusement nominally forbidden to clerics), and to have written verses of a profane kind. Gongora admitted some of the charges: he is much more guarded in his answers as to the remaining accu- sations and becomes almost impatient when he says that ‘at the offices, I have always been as silent as anybody else: for I have nobody to answer me if I wanted to talk, as my neighbour on one side of me 1s 330 SPANISH LITERATURE a deaf man, on the other an indefatigable singer.’ He adds that most of the poems ascribed to him are not his, that his own verses do not deserve the re- proaches levelled against them, that some of them may be light but nothing more. It will be seen that Gongora’s answer is by no means categorical in its denials and that he virtually admits no small part of the accusations against him. He seems to have satis- fied his superiors, however, for he was constantly entrusted with special missions in different parts of Spain. Many of his poems reflect this aspect of his life and reveal an observation of nature which places Gongora somewhat apart from his generation. No small number of his compositions appeared in the Romancero General and in Espinosa’s Flores de Poetas ilustres de Espata published at Valladolid, where Gongora happened to be at the time (1605). In 1609, business took him to Burgos, Vitoria and Pontevedra. This voyage seems to have greatly bored Gongora : possibly his health was beginning to fail; he suffered from violent headaches and his bodily activities became impaired. It has been suggested that Géngora may have been out of his mind at this period. ‘This seems unlikely, for in 1610 he was put in charge of the capitular revenues. Priests do not deliberately put their financial affairs in the hands of persons menaced with insanity. ‘Towards 1612 Gongora moved to Madrid; he may at this time have been appointed chaplain to the king, a post which he was holding on December 23, 1617. With the fall of the Duque de Lerma he lost a powerful protector, and a few years later he returned in poverty to Cordova. His feeble health grew worse, he lost his memory and died from an apoplectic seizure on May 23, 1627. THE GOLDEN AGE OAT Gongora’s talent was entirely lyrical. Such plays as exist of his: Las Firmezas de Isabela (1613), the two fragments, Comedia Venatoria and El Doctor Carlino, recast by Antonio de Solis (and possibly an entremes, Destruycion de Troya, of doubtful authenticity)—shew a lack of dramatic instinct which the author’s sparkling wit does not redeem. He was curiously indifferent as regards his manuscripts; these circulated freely and were frequently altered and retouched. Collected by Juan Lopez de Vicufia, they were published in 1627 with the title Odras en verso del Homero espanol. ‘The privilege of this edition bears the date 1620, at which period Vicufia would seem to have quarrelled with Gongora. No compositions of a later date figure in his book, which was attacked on its publication by Gongora’s friends—not without grounds—as being defective, incorrect and unauthori- tative. Much the same charges can be brought against Gonzalo de Hozes y Coérdoua’s edition which was issued in 1633. And this is not astonishing ; since Hozes merely reproduces Vicufia’s text with the addition of a few poems inedited and otherwise. It is only since 1921 that there exists an authorized edition of Géngora’s writings prepared and arranged in chronological order by M. Foulché-Delbosc, who based his text on the manuscript of Antonio Chacon in the Biblioteca Nacional of Madrid. Chacon’s copies of the poems had been revised by Géngora himself, who supplied dates to each piece: the calli- graphic manuscript was dedicated to the Conde-Duque de Olivares. ‘Thus after nearly three hundred years Gongora can be read in an authentic text which must prove indispensable for a careful study of the poet. Gongora began by imitating Herrera: his ode to 332 SPANISH LITERATURE the Armada is an excellent instance of his powers in this respect. But Gongora had gifts which Herrera lacked: a fine simplicity, a merry wit and a delicate, penetrating irony. These qualities are admirably revealed in his youthful /etri//as and romances. He possessed besides a craftsman’s love of his art: in whatever manner he writes Géngora’s preoccupation with the form and finish of his work is evident. He has all Herrera’s sonority and—apart from the occasional incidence of unnecessary hyperbaton, of recondite metaphors—little or nothing that indicates his second manner. And he has many strings to his lyre: he is dignified in the Oda al armamento de Felipe II contra Inglaterra, fantastic and charming in Angelica y Medoro, naive and delightful in his carols or romances like Hermana Marica, Que se nos va la Pascua. Gongora was not unaware of his great talents. The failure of Espinosa’s anthology must have been a disappointment to him: he was ambitious for literary distinction and had before him the examples of Cervantes and Lope de Vega, who, starting from humble beginnings, had won fame at Madrid. His move to the capital may well have had another end in view than social promotion. However that may be, it was in 1609 that Géngora inaugurated his second phase with the Panegyrico al dugue de Lerma and in the Cancion on the taking of Larache. In these compositions he makes a direct appeal to the cu/tos; he deliberately puts aside the simple charm and incisiveness of diction which are among his greatest attractions and substitutes for these qualities intentional extravagance and enigmatical allusiveness well summed up by Fabrice’s remark in Gil Blas : * C’est l’obscurité qui en fait tout le mérite.’ THE.GOLDEN AGE Ban Perhaps the most typical examples of gongorism are to be seen in the Fabv/a de Polifemo and in the Soledades. It would seem that Géngora had occasional doubts about the issue of the struggle in which he was on the point of engaging, for in the summer of 1613 he sent the manuscript of the So/edades to his friend Pedro de Valencia (1 § 55-1620), one of the most distinguished humanists of the time. Valencia’s verdict was not _ reassuring: courteously but unmistakably he con- demned the innovation, criticized what he called the cacosyntheton and cacozelia of the new verses and pointed out other defects. This disapproval was a mild fore- shadowing of the controversy which soon raged round Goéngora. He took no open part in the battle. Now and then he would compose a few caustic verses which generally raised a laugh at their victim’s expense. Jauregui perhaps showed himself the most heated of Géngora’s opponents in his letter entitled : Antidoto contra las Soledades; in the preface to his Rimas (1618) he protests against the poems ‘ which only contain an adornment or a garment of words, being phantoms without soul or body,’ and once again, but more mildly, he returns to the charge in the Discurso poetico contra el hablar culto y obscuro (1624). A more formidable critic was Lope de Vega. And | though he went out of his way to conciliate Gongora, for whom he seems to have had a real personal affection, though he dedicated to the poet his Amor secreto hasta celos (1623) and frequently made friendly overtures, Gongora was adamantine. Lope’s name carried weight; he was the chief obstacle to the success upon which Géngora had set his heart; it was not his friendship that Gongora desired but his authority on the right side of the balance. And this Lope could 334 SPANISH LITERATURE not give: rather, he says: ‘ You can make a culto poet in twenty-four hours; a few inversions, four formulas, six Latin words, or emphatic phrases—and the trick is done.’ But Lope was easily open to attack. His snobbery and his disorderly life offered so many assailable points to Géngora’s scathing irony. Though not nearly so irregular in his habits as Lope, Gongora was not in his youth’ an ascetic. This might have made him more lenient in passing judgement on Lope’s frailties. It is, however, to be observed that he was naturally severe. Gongora exercised more influence after his death than during his lifetime. He lived long enough to foresee the triumph of culteranismo. We was un- doubtedly a man of genius. He considered himself an innovator. There may be a difference of opinion as to the worth of his innovations. He introduced no new poetic form, no fresh metrical combination : he enriched and enlarged the existing moulds by his gorgeous colouring and his sparkling humour. As regards his later phase, his intentions were wholly praiseworthy, his practice was much less laudable. There is a measure of truth in d’Alembert’s words: ‘“ Malheur aux productions de l’art dont toute la beauté n’est que pour les artistes.”” As against this, it must be admitted that Gongora set a new ideal of artistic execution and that his concern for impeccable workmanship is reflected in the work of every suc- ceeding Spanish poet for whom beauty of form has any meaning. Nothing could arrest the tide of gongorism; it swept all before it and made converts of its most zealous opponents. Jauregui succumbed to the new fashion. Even Lope became infected by it: asked THE GOLDEN AGE BRS _ by Camus, bishop of Belley (1608-1628), what one of his sonnets meant, Lope is said to have answered that he did not know himself. Tirso de Molina, Calderon and all the younger dramatists came under its influence ; Quevedo, who was himself to become victim to false principles equally disastrous, might make merry at the expense of the cu/tos in his prologue (1631) to Luis de Leon’s Obras; Francisco Cascales ! might rail in his Cartas philologicas (1634), Faria e Sousa proclaim in the commentary (1639) to Os Lusiadas that beside Camoes, Géngora was as a fl to an eagle. Nothing availed: a whole school de- clared in favour of gongorism. José Pellicer de Salas y Tovar in his Lecciones solemnes ... (1630) hailed Gongora as the Andalusian Pindar; Martin de Angulo y Pulgar issued his Epéstolas satisfactorias (G63 5)einereply “toy Cascales’s Carias ;» ‘Cristobal de Salazar Mardones in his J/vstracion y Defensa de la Fabvla de Piramo y Tisbe (1636) and Garcia de Salcedo Coronel (d. 1651) in the comment- ary to his edition (1636-1644-1648) of Gdngora’s works, displayed much patience, ingenuity and mis- placed skill in trying to solve the riddle of Géngora’s obscurities. A distant echo of the battle was borne over from Peru where Juan de Espinosa Medrano (1632-1688) in his Apologetico en favor de don Luis de Gongora .. (1694) threw ridicule on Faria e Sousa. It was a full hundred years before Spain shook off the influence of Gongora. When the reaction came, it blotted out gongorism. For a time the word became 1 Tablas poéticas, 2nd. ed. Madrid, 1779; Cartas filologicas, edowtasdesOchoa” 1870sin = bibs demutotres isp MXit Atc10 acerca de Gongora, ed. A. de Castro, 1854, in Bib. de Autores espe SCX 336 SPANISH LITERATURE synonymous with all that was bad in literature. And the censure falls with justice upon Gongora’s followers who, lacking his genius, could only ape his later mannerisms. As the grave, quick-witted Gracian remarked, these followers were like the courtiers at Naples who sought to imitate their king, but could only mimic the contortion of his lips. Perhaps the most famous of Gongora’s direct imitators is Juan de Tarsis, second Conde de Villa- mediana! (1580-1622). Banished from Madrid for gambling excesses in 1608, he served in Italy, where he met Marino. He returned to the capital in 1617, and made so many enemies in high places by his satires that he was once more banished in 1621. He returned in the same year to be Chamberlain to Queen Isabel, for whom he is said to have shown an avowed and unbridled passion. On May 15, 1622, a per- formance was given of his play, La gloria de Nigvea, y descripcion de Aranivez, in which the queen- had a role ; this was followed by Lope de Vega’s E/ Vellocino de oro. A fire broke out on the stage: Villamediana carried the queen out from the flames. Scandal reported that he had- deliberately started the fire. Though warned that his life was in danger, he refused to take precautions. His indifference was to cost him dear. In August of that same year 1622, as he stepped out from his coach, he was dealt a murderous thrust by an unknown hand, and crying out: ‘j Jesus ! ; Esto: esshecho ! 79 her fell’ backedead WaiilisMaeias 1 Poesias. ed. A. de Castro, 1857, in Bib. de Autores Esp., XLI.— ee: E. Cotarelo y Mori, 41 conde «de Vallamedianas Madrid, 1886; C. Pérez Pastor, in Bubliografia madrtlena. Madrid, 1907. 1, pp. 482-487; A. Reyes, Géngora y .‘ La Gloria de Niquea, in Revista de Filologia Esp., 11 (1915), pp. 274-282. THE GOLDEN AGE Rae were published in 1629. In the two pieces Fabv/a de Faeton and Fabvla de la Fenix he shews himself more gongoristic than Gongora. But when he chooses, he has some of Gongora’s direct simplicity as in the often quoted lines: ; Qué galan que entroé Vergel con cintillo de diamantes ! Diamantes que fueron antes de amantes de su muger In this vein of mordant satire and cruel, stinging sarcasm Villamediana has no rival. Another aspect of his talent—his delicate craftsmanship and dainty finish—was copied by Voiture in his rondeau Pour vos beaux yeux, a charming adaptation from Villamediana. Contemporaneous with Villamediana was Hortensio Felix Paravicino y Arteaga! (1580-1633), whose social position as court preacher made him a_ powerful ally in the cause of gongorism. He set the fashion in his sermons, which were issued in 1641 under the title Oraciones evangelicas y Panegiricos funerales. Hs verses, Obras posthumas divinas y humanas (1641), published under the name of Felix de Arteaga, shew the pernicious influence that he wielded. Under this influence came writers such as Agustin de Salazar y Torres? (1642-1675), whose Las estaciones del dia 1Poesias, ed. A. Duran, 1851,;\in Bib. de Autores Esp., xvi and ed. J. de Sancha, 1855, in Bib. de Autores Esp., xxxv.—See : A. Reyes, Las dolencias de Paravicino, in Revista de Filologia Esp., v (1918), pp. 293-297. 2 Poesias, ed. A. Duran, 1851, in Bib. de Autores Esp., xvi and ed. A. de Castro, 1857, in Bib. de Autores Esp., xt11; Comedias [El encanto es la hermosura ...and Elegir al enemigo}, ed. R. de Mesonero Romanos, 1859, in Bib. de Autores Esp., XLIx. Sislen Y 338 SPANISH “LITERATURE included in the Cythara de Apolo (1681) shew that in happier circumstances he might have produced good work. The romance arttstico which conserves the metre (eight syllables with the assonance in alternating lines) of the popular ballad but with a strophical form— quatrains—came into being in the last twenty years of the sixteenth century, won favour and ended by being generally adopted. A very great number of romances artisticos were published in the Romancero General an anthology whose different parts, printed separately since 1588, appeared together in the suc- cessive editions of 1600 and 1604 and in a more complete form in 1614. They were written for the most part by Lope de Vega, Gongora and Lifian de Riaza. The romances artisticos have in many cases surpassing merits: finish of form, wit, grace and fluidity. And if they lack the simple charm, the fresh ingenuous fancy, the inspiring vitality of the more primitive compositions of this genre, they gain in artistry by the intervention of individual genius. An important collection of verse published by Pedro Espinosa? (1578-1650) and entitled Primera Parte de las Flores de Poetas ilustres de Espafia (1605) reproduces examples from past and present authors, so that we have poems from Camoes and Luis de Leon 1 Facsimile by A. M. Huntington, New York, 1904. 2 vols. ; >d. A, Duran, 1849-1851., 2 vols. (Bib. de Autores Esp., x, xvi): 2 Obras, ed. F. Rodriguez Marin, Madrid, 1909; Flores de poetas ilustres de Espana, ed. J. Quiros de los Rios and F. Rodriguez Marin, Sevilla, 1896. 2 vols.—See: F. Rodriguez Marin, Pedro Espinosa: Estudio biografico, bibliografico y critico. Madrid, 1907. THE GOLDEN AGE 339 as well as from Pedro Lifian de Riaza! (d. 1607), author of the charming ballad, 4ss¢ Riselo cantaba, so frequently ascribed to Géngora; and Luis Martin de la Plaza (1577-1625 7°), who modelled his dainty madrigal /ba cogiendo flores on a sonnet of Tasso. Espinosa, whose verse also figures in the Flores, seems to have been unhappy in his love-affairs with Cristo- balina Fernandez de Alarcon (1576-1646), the lady whom he calls Sibila de Antequera; he was not more fortunate with his anthology, whose merit and repre- sentativeness—it contained such leading names as Lope, Gongora and Quevedo besides those of many minor poets—should have ensured its success. ‘This was not so, apparently, since the Segunda Parte pre- pared by Juan Antonio Calderon was published only in 1896. Other versifiers should perhaps find room here: Gabriel Lopez Maldonado,? nicknamed E/ Szucero in the Academia de los Nocturnos at Valencia, who issued in 1586 his Cancionero,; and Gabriel Lobo Lasso ® de la Vega (15592-1615 ?), author of Romancero y Trajedias (1587), the Primera parte de Cortes valeroso, y Mexicana (1588) recast in 1594 with the addition of thirteen new stanzas under the shorter title of Mexicana ; and Elogios en loor de los tres famosos varones Don Fayme, Rey de Aragon, Don Fernando Cortes, l1Rimas... Zaragoza, 1876 (Bib. de Escritores Aragoneses, 11. Seccién literaria, 1).—See: C. Pérez Pastor, in Bzbliografia madrilena. Madrid, 1907. Ill, pp. 412-413. 2See: C. Pérez Pastor, in Bibliografia madrilena. Madrid, 1007: Ill, pp. 418-420. 3 See: C. Pérez Pastor, in Bzbliografia madrilena. Madrid, 1907. 11, pp. 403-404; A. Restori, [1 ‘ Manojuelo de Romances,’ in Revue Hispanique, X (1908), pp. 117-148; M. Artigas, Lobo Lasso de la Vega, in Revista critica hispano-americana, 111 (1917), pp. 157-169. 340 SPANISH LITERATURE Marques del Valle, y Don Aluaro de Bagan, Marques de Santa Cruz (1601), a kind of anthology more remark- able for the illustrious names that it contains than for its intrinsic interest. Among the ecclesiastics of this period many wrote in verse on subjects devout or otherwise. Juan Lopez de Ubeda,! who published the Vergel de flores diuinas (1 582) and the Cancionero general de la Doctrina Cristiana (1596), and Francisco de Ocafia,? author of the Can- cionero para cantar la noche de Navidad y las fiestas de Pascua (1603), are inferior in talent to José de Valdi- vielso? (1560 ?-1638), whose lyrical gift is evident in the Primera parte del Romancero Espiritual...(1612). The simple fervour and spontaneous lyrism of this verse-collection recall the Noble Numbers of Herrick (1591-1674). Valdivielso does not attain the same level either in his Doze Actos Sacramentales y dos Comedias Divinas (1622) or in the Vida, excelencias y muerte del gloriosissimo Patriarca y Esposo de Nuestra Senora San ‘Foseph (1604 ?), a tedious sacred epic which had several editions. Luis de Ribera,t who emigrated to Mexico towards 1589, shews in his 1 Poestas, ed’ J. de Sancha, 1855, in Bib. devAutcoresmucom XXXV. 2 Poesias, ed. J. de Sancha, 1855, in Bib. de Autores Esp., XXXV. 3 Romancero espiritual, ed. M. Mir, 1880 (Col. de Escritores Cast., 1); Vida, excelencias, y muerte del gloriosisimo Patriarca San Fosef, ed. C. Rosell, 1854, in Bib. de Autores Esp:, xxix Poestas, ed. J. de Sancha, 1855, in Bib. de Autores Esp., xXXv - and ed, A. de Castro, 1857, ins Bib. deAutoresi Hsp eee Autos sacramentales (5), ed. FE. Gonzalez Pedroso, 1865, in Bib. de Autores Esp., Lv1t1,—See: J. Mariscal de Gante, in Autos sacramentales. Madrid, 1911. pp. 123-143. * Poesias, ed: J. de Sancha, 1855, in Bib. de Autores Espm XXXV. THE GOLDEN AGE 341 Sagradas Poesias (1612) a genuine feeling for beauty and devotion. José de Villaviciosa! (1589-1658), author of La Moschea ...(1615), studied law, obtained a post under the Inquisition, and became Connery of Cuenca and later Archdeacon of Moya. His burlesque epic on the battle of the ants and flies is a close imitation of the Moschaea by Teofilo Folengo (1496 ?-1544), which is based on the Batrachomyomachia and satirizes the Aeneid, Orlando Innamorato and the Mambriano. Villaviciosa was a skilful versifier and a dexterous parodist: he displays as wella merry wit in La Moschea, which was, however, eclipsed by Lope’s Gatomachia. Notwithstanding these clever burlesques, the epic continued to appeal to Spanish poets. Juan de ui Ona eC GILG 003), cur2 of shuentel de» Pinos: anticipated Pope (1688-1744) and Gray (1716-1771) with a version of the Thebaid, which remained un- printed until 1855. Arjona had spent six years upon his rendering when death surprised him, and the translation was finished with the addition of three cantos by Gregorio Morillo (d. after 1618), chaplain to the Archbishop of Granada. It is unfortunate that Arjona’s powers were wasted on Statius’s unwieldy poem, but, as it 1s, his exercise sufhces to display his rare mastery of versification and the persistent attrac- tion of the epic form. The sacred epic was attempted with success by 12a Mosquea, ed. C. Rosell, 1851, in Bib. de Autores Esp.., xvul.—See: J. P. W. Crawford, Teofilo Folengo’s Moschaea and Fosé de Villaviciosa’s La Mosquea |Publications of the Modern Language Association of America, xxvu1}, 1912. 2 La Tebaida, de Estacio, ed. A.~de Castro, 1855, in Bib. de Autores Esp., xxxv1.—See: B. J. Gallardo, in Ensayo, etc. Madrid e1s63)— 1, col. 300-302. 34.2 SPANISH LITERA BORE Diego de Hojeda! (1570 ?-1615), a Sevillan who, order to escape his Family’ S opposition, went to ea to become a Dominican, was made prior of Lima Monastery, and was eventually dismissed and sent as a simple friar to Cuzco, whose prior he had once been. In the twelve books of La Christiada (1611), which relate the events beginning with the Last Supper to the laying of Christ tn the sepulchre, Hojeda follows the biblical account with commendable fidelity. His — narrative is managed with unusual skill; his em- bellishments are always appropriate, and La Christiada easily takes rank with the Messias (1751-1773) of Klopstock (1724-1803). Gifted with imagination, dignity of conception and a fine sense of melody, Hojeda only lacks the power of dramatic presentation to give him a high place among his kind. An analogous talent is that of Alonso de Azevedo,? a canon of Plasencia. Huis Creacion del Mundo (1615), which he published at Rome, is derived in part from Du Bartas’s La Sepmaine and from Tasso’s // mondo creato (1600-1607), but the Spanish Catholic has avoided the verbal extravagances of the Gascon Huguenot, has improved the framework and added many descriptive passages of considerable beauty which entitle him to no small share of the praise bestowed on his French predecessor by the appreciative Goethe. Something of his contemporary Gongora’s influence, which Azevedo escaped possibly owing to his absence from Spain, is noticeable in the poems of Bernardo de 1 La Cristiada, ed. C. Rosell, 1851, in Bib. de Autores Esp., XVII.—See Fr. Justo Cuervo, El maestro Fr. Diego de Ojeda y La Cristiada. Madrid, 1808. 2 Creacion del mundo, ed. C. Rosell, 1854, in Bib. de Autores ° K’sp., XXIX, THE GOLDEN AGE 343 Balbuena' (1 568-1625 ?), Bishop of Puerto Rico (1620), who is alleged to have written a Divino Christiados, which was destroyed by the Dutch in the war BE 1625 together with a treatise on poetry anda pastoral novel. The earliest of his surviving works is the Grandeza mexicana (1604), but he is best known by the Siglo de oro, en las selvas de Erifile (1608), and El Bernardo, o Victoria de Roncesvalles (1624). The Siglo de oro, an imitation of Sannazaro’s dreadia with an accentuated note of artificiality, is remarkable for the melody of its eclogues while E/ Bernardo might compete with the Or/ando Furioso were it not that the author falls somewhat short of Ariosto’s patrician irony. Even so E/ Bernardo is amazingly rich in passages of scenic description, in intense local colour, and in a copious pomp of diction. Balbuena’s exuberance will be found excessive by modern readers, and the very force of his emphasis, the clangour of his tone, become monotonous at last. Yet at his best, his resounding music, his brilliant hues and gorgeous eloquence defy the effect of time and the capriciousness of popular taste. Cristobal de Mesa (1558 ?-1633), chaplain to the Conde del Castellar and a friend of Tasso and Ercilla, is the author of Las Navas de Tolosa (1594), Valle de lagrimas y diuersas Rimas (1607) and E/ Patron de Espafia (1612). In these somewhat tedious versified exercises he shows to less advantage than in the Restavracion de Espafia (1607), which teems with 1 Siglo de oro en las selvas de Erifile y Grandeza mejicana, ed. R. Academia Esp., Madrid, 1821; &l Bernardo, 6 Victoria de Roneesvalles, ed. C. Rosell, 1851, in Bib. de Autores Esp., xvit.—See: M. Fernandez Juncos, D. Bernardo de Balbuena, obispo de Puerto-Rico: estudio biografico y critico. Puerto-Rico, 1884. | 344 SPANISH LITERATURE . reminiscences from Virgil and ‘Tasso. Mesa also made a Spanish rendering of the //Zad which has not been published. A predecessor of Balbuena in scenic description was Eugenio de Salazar} (1530 ?-after 1601), whose Silva de varia poesia is in greater part unpublished. He was Governor of the Canary Islands, then oidor in Santo Domingo and later in Mexico. A facile versi- fier, his real merit rests on his Cartas, published in 1866; in these his gay light-heartedness and shrewd wit secure him an honourable place among letter- writers. In the epistolary gezre Antonio PEREZ? (1540 ?-1611), Philip II’s secretary, is a conspicuous 1 Cartas, ed. P. de Gayangos, 1866 (Soc. de Biblidfilos Esp., 1) ; EK, de~Ochoa, 1870, in Bib. “dexAutores Esper pxiigecamas inéditas, ed. A. Paz y Mélia, in Sales espanolas. 1902. UI, pp. 211-276 (Col. de Escritores Cast., 121); Silva de Poesia [extract], ed. B. J. Gallardo, in Ensayo, etc. Madrid, 1889. 1Vv, col. 326-395.—See: A. Mussafia, Ueber emne spanische Hand- schrift der Wiener Hofbibliothek, in Sitzungsberichte der Katser- lichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, tv1 (1867), pp. 83-124; C. Pérez Pastor, in Bibliografia madrilena. Madrid, 1907. 111, pp. 469-470. Las obras y relaciones. Geneva, 1631; Cartas, ed. E. de Ochoa, 1850, in Bib. de Autores Esp., x111; Lettres d’ Antonio Perez écrites pendant son séjour en Angleterre et en France, ed. A. Morel-Fatio, in L’Espagne au xvi" et au xvi’ stécle. Heilbronn, 1878. pp. 269-314.—See: Coleccion de documentos inédttos, etc., I, 1842, pp. 95-96, ed. M. Fernandez Navarrete, M. Salva and Pp. Sainz de Baranda ; x1i,-1846; x11, 1848, pp. 305-3903) and XV, 1849, pp. 397-553, ed. M. Salva and P. Sainz de Baranda ; Lv1, 1870, ed. Marqués de Miraflores and M. Salva; Mignet, Antonio Perez et Philippe II. Paris, 1845; G. Muro, in Vida de la Princesa de kbolt. Madrid, 1877; A. Morel-Fatio, in L’ Espagne au xu et au xvii° siecle. Heilbronn, 1878. pp. 257-268; C. Fernandez Duro, in Estudios historicos del reinado de Felipe II. 1890 (Col. de Escritores Cast., 88); M. Hume, El enigma de Antonio Pérez, in Espanoles e Ingleses en el siglo xvt. Madrid- THE GOLDEN AGE 34.5 figure. Huis Cartas, written mainly after his flight from Spain, are ticle of ingenious phrasing. Bares rarely strikes a natural note; from his circumstances he must be always begging 3: intriguing or acknow- ledging benefits, but he acquits himself in a singularly happy vein. His Relaciones (1598) are more remark- able for their manner than for nae clear presentation of facts: Perez is too closely concerned in his tale of wrongs, too intent on stylistic problems, to give a simple and impartial account. He fails to enlist the sympathies that he sets out to win: both the Caras and the Re/acionesleavetheuncomfortableimpression of some ulterior view, and this lack of sincerity is prejudicial to Perez’s real qualities: his courage, his great endurance, his powers of organisation and his gift of speech—‘ de una muy cortesana eloquencia,’ as Gracian tells us. Great historians are rare everywhere. The com- bination of learning, critical judgement and literary accomplishment which goes to make up their equip- ment is very infrequent. But it is found in Juan DE Mariana! (1535 ?-1624), the greatest of Spanish historians, A naturalsoniof the Dean of “lalavera, Mariana joined the Jesuits in 1554, passing his Londres, 1903. pp. 167-203; A. Lang, The murder of Escovedo, in Historical Mysteries. London, 1904. pp. 35-54; A. Gonzalez Palencia, Fragmentos del Archivo particular de Antonio Perez. . in Revista de Archivos, etc., XXXVIII (1918), pp. 252-262, 4II- 420; XXXIX (1918), pp. 354-364; XL (1919), pp. 316-325; RLIAT O20), RDP. 1130144); | XUIL (1021) ppv 111-13547203-3 12% Julia Fitzmaurice-Kelly, Antonio Perez. Oxford, 1922 (His- panic Notes and Monographs. Spanish Series, v1). 1 Obras, ed. F. Pi y Margall, 1854, 2 vols. (Bib. de Autores Esp., xxx, xxx1); Historia general de Espana, Madrid, 1780- 1804. 3 vols. ; ed. V. Blasco and V. Noguera y Ramon, Valencia, 346 SPANISH LITERATURE noviciate under Francisco de Borja at Simancas. He studied in the University of Alcala de Henares, was ordained in 1561 and was then appointed professor of Theology at Rome. He spent nearly all his youth in teaching abroad; he was professor at Loreto till 1565, in Sicily till 1569, in Paris next and—treport says—in the Netherlands. It was not till 1574 that he returned to Spain. He settled down at Toledo and seemed to have before him a prospect of learned leisure. But this was not to be. The case of Luis de Leon was still in suspense. Leon de Castro had thrown out at Valladolid a cloud of suspicions against Arias Montano on the ground that his Polyglot Bible tended to interpret certain controverted passages in a Rabbinical sense. Mariana was appointed to report upon these charges. After an examination which lasted over two years Mariana reported cautiously in favour of Arias Montano’s innocence. It is likely that the . leading Jesuits looked askance at Mariana: none the less, his reputation for fearlessness was established from thence onwards. Mariana had still to prove that he could write as well as he could sift evidence, and this he demonstrated in his Historia de Espafa, is original idea was to supply a foreign public with information about Spain’s 1783-1796. Q vols.; ed. J. Sabau y Blanco, Madrid, 1817-1822. 20 vols.—See: G. Cirot, Mariana historien. Bordeaux-Paris, 1905; G. Cirot, A propos du ‘ De rege’ des * Septem Tractatus ’ de Mariana et de son ou de ses proces, in Bulletin hispanique, x (1908), pp. 95-99; P. U. Gonzalez de la Calle, Ideas politico- morales del P. Fuan de Mariana, in Revista de Archivos, etc., XXIX (1913), pp. 388-406; xxx (1914), pp. 46-60, 201-228; XXXI (1914), pp. 242-262 ; XXXII (1915), pp. 400-419 [See also XXXIX (1918), pp. 267-287; XL (19IQ), pp. 130-140, 231-247, 418-430, 536-551]. THE GOLDEN AGE 347 past, and with this end in view he brought out his work in 1592 in Latin, which he chose as a sort of international language. ‘This wasa successful venture, so much so in fact that he acted as his own translator and published a Castilian version (1601-1608-1617- 1623). He was thus enabled to enlarge and correct his history. Naturally he made some mistakes, and one of these was pointed out by Lupercio Leonardo de Argensola. Mariana did not accept the rebuke in silence, and his reply is interesting inasmuch as it reveals his aims and something of his methods. ‘I never pretended to write a history of Spain in which every detail should be exact. That would be an endless task. What I strove to do was to put into readable Latin the materials which others had collected.’ This is a candid avowal. It did not suffice for some critics who were bent on finding fault. Among these was a certain Pedro Mantuano (1585 °-1656) who attacked Dilatsaniagey ieedeesenicsm Of e7dvertcucias 1.3001 Ins Mantuano had the impudence to say that when he was twenty-six he could have extemporized a history as good as Mariana’s. Nobody took Mantuano at his own valuation. No doubt he succeeded in scoring some points against Mariana, whose work covered too much ground to be free from error: but we know that Mariana had not aimed at meticulous exactitude. Mariana’s real strength lies in his co-ordinating power, his sense of proportion and, above all, in his admirable prose-style—a prose a little archaic 1n manner but full of pith and marrow. He is on a level with his theme, varies his writing with the events which he records and, as Ticknor justly says, has contrived ‘the most remarkable union of picturesque chronicling with sober history that the world has ever seen.’ 348 SPANISH LITERATURE Mariana will be read in spite of his weaknesses in matters of secondary detail. ‘hese are unim- portant in essence. They are blemishes no doubt. But whatever his weaknesses as a writer, Mariana was a potent personality as a man. This he had shown in the case of Arias Montano. He had other opportunities of displaying his fortitude. Ravaillac assassinated. Henry -1V° of France: in, 1610seeen attempt was made to prove that Mariana had taught the doctrine of tyrannicide in De Rege et Regis Institutione, which had been officially sanctioned and appeared in printin 1599. he Gallicans were at once up in arms, and caused the book to be burned at the Sorbonne in ignominious circumstances. The Jesuits took alarm, their General lost his head and disowned Mariana. Again Mariana got into trouble over his Tractatus vit (1609); three of these treatises, one on immortality, one on the supposed visit to Spain of St. James and one on the currency, led to their author’s imprisonment at alater date. Mariana’s views were doubtless orthodox. But he had not the knack of making friends ; intrepid people seldom have. Yet, after all, these personal qualities are relatively important only in so far as they are reflected in his literary work. ‘That work stamps Mariana as the first of Spanish historians, without a rival in his own time and without a successor fit to unloose the thong of his sandal. But it is not to be supposed that the historical art perished with him, though the apostolic succession underwent some interruption. Garci Lasso de la Vega, ef Inca* (1539-1615), had an extremely picturesque descent. His father was said to be a 1 La tradvzion del Indio de los tres Dialogos de Amor de Leon Hebreo...ed. A. Bonilla y San Martin, in Origenes de la Novela. THE GOLDEN AGE 349 cousin of the great poet and his mother was a cousin of Atahualpa. ‘The Inca is the first native American to play a part in Spanish literature. He was civilized enough to disbelieve in the striking legends of the native races; he was not well enough trained to analyze the Spanish version of the invaders’ exploits. This was perhaps comprehensible and accounts for the uncritical tendency of the Inca’s talent. He began by translating (1590) Leon Hebreo’s neo-platonic treatise: his version was placed on the Index. He turned to historical themes in La Florida del Yuca (EGOS), =where™ heidescribes tLlernando! -dewSoto's expedition, and wrote about his own ancestors in the Comentarios reales que tratan de el origen de los Incas... (1609-1617). The Inca failed to write satisfactory history, but we are indebted to him for a glowing rhetorical account of picturesque events, and for the record of what he took to be facts but are really rather contributions to Indian folklore—a matter of which one would know next to nothing were it not for his expansive confidences. In contrast to the Inca’s compositions 1s the work of Luis Cabrera de Cordoba } (1 5 59-162 3)—Relaciones de las cosas sucedidas en la Corte de Espatia, desde 1599 IQ15. Iv, pp. 278-459 (Nueva Bib. de Autores Esp., 21); Los Comentarios reales de los incas, ed. H. H. Urteaga [Introduction by J. de la Riva Agtiero], Lima, 1918. 2 vols.—See: J. de la Riva Agtiero, in La Historia en el Peru. Lima, 1910; J. de la Riva Agiiero, Elogio del inca Garcilaso, in Revista Universitaria (Lima), 1 (1916), pp. 335-412; Julia Fitzmaurice-Kelly, El Inca Garcilaso de la Vega. Oxford, 1921 (Hispanic Notes and Mono- graphs. Spanish Series, 11). 1 Felipe segundo, rey de Espana. Madrid, 1876-1877. 4 vols. ; Relaciones, etc.. Madrid, 1857.—see=* C. Perez Pastor, in Bibliografia madrilena. Madrid, 1906. 11, pp. 193, 445 and 474- 477- B50 SPANISH SETTER RA TURE hasta r61g, a bald but useful account which ends on July 6, 1614. ‘This was not printed until 1857, and can therefore not have exercised much contemporary influence. But Cabrera de Cérdoba had theoretical views which he advanced in his De Historia, para entenderla y escrivirla (1611) and he gave a practical example in his Filipe Segundo Rey de Espaiia (1619), which stops abruptly at the year 1583. Cabrera de Cérdoba perhaps might have written a scholarly mono- graph. He was too near the subject of his theme to write history in the true sense. But he is mostly exceedingly accurate and recognizes that exactitude, in the measure of the possible, is a supreme virtue in the historian. And he writes with a dry precision which has every merit except that of being readable. A typical Spanish heterodox of this period was Cipriano de Valera?! (1532 ?-1625), a monk of San Isidro del Campo. He was a fellow-student of Arias Montano at Seville, and after adopting the reformed doctrines fled in 1557 to Geneva where he was received into the Italian Church. Thence he went to England, took a degree at Cambridge, was elected Fellow of Magdalene sometime between 1560 and 1563 and married an Englishwoman. He published in London a Castilian version of the New Testament in 1596 and of the whole Bible at Amsterdam in 1602. ‘This rendering is based on the translation (1569) made by Casiodoro de Reyna (d. 1582-7), but Valera’s recast has the distinction of style. In the opposite camp are to be found the Jesuit Pedro de Rivadeneyra? 1See: M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Historia de los Heterodoxos espanoles. ‘Madrid, 1880. 1, pp. 491-497. 2 Obras escogidas, ed. V. de la Fuente, 1868 (Bib. de Autores HSpy ala) THE GOLDEN AGE 351 (1 §27-1611), a competent prose-writer and a formidable polemist in his Tratado de la Religion y Virtudes que deue tener el Principe Christiano... (1595) directed at Machiavelli, Bodin and others; the Augustinian Juan Marquez (1564-1621), who follows much the same lines in EZ Governador Christiano .. . (1612) written in eloquent and flowing Castilian; the Jeronimian friar José de Sigiienza} (1544 ?-1606), whose Historia de la Orden de San Geronimo (1595-1600-1605) is an admirable specimen of artistic prose, and the Jesuit Martin de Roa (1555-1637 °), author of E/ Estado de las almas de purgatorio (1619), which reveals the same excellent qualities of style. Among the humanists may be mentioned the ecclesiast Bernardo Aldrete (1560 ?-1641), canon of Cordoba, who wrote De/ origen, y principio de la lengva Castellana 0 Romance que ot se usa en Espafia (1606) and Varias antiguvedades de Espaia, Africa y otras pro- vincias (1614). Aldrete has nota great gift of critical perception, but he combines intellectual curiosity with a clear prose-style. To Sebastian de Cobarruutas Orozco? (d. 1613), canon of Cuenca, is due the Tesoro de la lengva castellana, o espaiola (1611), the only 1 Historia de la Orden de San Ferdnimo, 2nd ed. J. Catalina Garcia, 1907-1909. 2 vols. (Nueva Bib. de Autores Esp., 8, 12); La historia del rey de los reyes y senor de los senores, ed. L. Villalba Mufioz, El Escorial [1917], 3 vols. 2See: C.. Pérez Pastor, in Bibliografia madrilena. Madrid, 1906, 11, pp. 197-200; J. M. Hill, Index verborum de Covarruvias Orozco: Tesoro de la Lengva castellana, 0 Espanola. Madrid, 1674-1675. 1921 (Indiana University Studies, vi); A. Gonzalez Palencia, Datos biograficos del licenciado Sebastian de Covarrubias y Horozco, in Boletin de la R. Academia Esp., X11 (1925), pp. 39-72, 217-245 (to be continued). 352 SPANISH LITERATURE good Spanish dictionary published since the time of Lebrixa. Lastly it should be said that a certain ori- ginality of thought characterizes the work of Alonso Lopez! (called Pinciano from the Latin name, Pincia, of his birthplace Valladolid), physician to Maria, widow of Maximilian II. He composed a juvenile epic, E/ Pelayo, published in 1605, and the Philosophia antigua poetica (1596). ‘This is really a commentary on Aristotle’s Poetica and at the same time a protest in favour of the classical tradition and against the romantic movement headed by Lope. It is marked by a singular independence of spirit, a fairly catholic taste, acute observation, wide learning, a style archaic and somewhat colourless but exact and adequate to didactic purpose. 1 Filosofia antigua poética, ed. P. Mufioz Pefia, Valladolid, 1894.—See: C. Pérez Pastor, in Bibliografia madrilena. Madrid, LQOOZL FIle pe dois x Ee AGE @l (CALDER ON Amonc the conservatives who sought to re-act against gongorism, the most delicate talent was that of Barro- LOME LEONARDO DE ARGENSOLA ! (I 562-1631), rector of Villahermosa. His Congvista de las islas Molvcas (1609) is uncritical but attractive: its polished style adds charm to the primitive and sentimental legends which form the main matter of the book. It was written at the request of the Conde de Lemos, who invited its author to accompany him to Naples. The invitation gave some offence to Cervantes, who had hoped that it might be extended to him. Bartolomé, who was appointed chronicler of Aragon in 1613 in ede. asco Macy Casiro..1057, 10) bib, wdesAttorece isp. XLir; ed. R. Foulché-Delbosc, in Pour une édition des Argensolas, pp. 76-180 [Revue Hispanique, xuvi1] 1920; Unverdffentliche Gedichte der Britder Argensola, ed. L. Pfandl, in Revue Hispa- nique, LV (1922), pp. 175-188; Algunas obras satiricas, ed. Conde de la Vifiaza, Zaragoza, 1887; Obras sueltas, ed. Conde de la Vifiaza, 1889, 11 (Col. de Escritores Castellanos, 75); Conqutsta de las Islas Molucas, ed. M. Mir, 1891 (Bib. de Escritores Aragoneses, Seccidn literaria, v1)—See: A. Paz y Mélia, in Sales espanolas, 1890. I* serie, pp. 379-383 (Col. de Escritores Castellanos, 80); R. Foulché-Delbosc, in Pour une édition des Argensolas, pp. 1-55 [Revue Hispanique, xtvit], 1920; L. Pfandl, Unveréffentliche Gedichte der Briider Argensola, in Revue Hispanique, LV (1922), pp. 161-173. Sik, 353 Z 354 SPANISH LITERATURE successin to his brother Lupercio, published in this official capacity the Primera Parte de los Anales de Aragén (1630), an account of the events from 1516 to 1520 in continuation of Zurita’s work; but in spite of his unfailing grace of manner, Bartolomé’s chronicle is too minutely detailed to be readable. The two brothers were destined to survive by their verse: Lupercio failed in the drama, Bartolomé’s historical ventures could not have saved his name from oblivion. When their Rimas were published posthu- mously in 1634, Lope de Vega gave them the seal of his approval, declaring that it seemed as if the brothers ‘had come from Aragon to reform among our poets the Castilian language, which is suffering from new horrible phrases, more puzzling than enlightening.’ Their model is Horace and their renderings of the ode Beatus ile and the satire lbam forte via sacra count among the happiest. Their original work is charac- teristically pure in idiom and perfect in form, revealing a quality of delicate ingenuity which deserves recog- nition. Lupercio’s manifold preoccupations left him less free to devote himself to poetry than Bartolomé, who unites with his brother’s gifts a greater solidity of thought and a more rigid doctrine. 5, sins Dib desl toLeselisp), x. ’ Obras [prose], ed. A. Fernandez-Guerra y Orbe, 1852-1850, imebio mde autoresti sp. xX UlPyxXTVilit sn oesias reds Ye Janer: 1877,in Bib. de‘Autores Esp.,txix, [La iVida-del Buscon, ed..R. Foulché-Delbosc, 1917 (The Hispanic Society of America) ; Rao SPRAINS Ege) EE Rach Wiis ridiculed the bad taste of cu/teranismo, to be the leader of the conceptismo movement, the new literary plague. The conceptistas purposely eschewed the obvious, strained after ambiguous phrases and “ points,” toyed with ideas, playing with them as the gongorists played with words, subtilized them and laid upon words a greater burden of meaning than they could well bear. Praised by Justus Lipsius as one of Spain’s glories, Quevedo had a distinguished university career at Alcala de Henares and Valladolid. In spite of a club-foot, he was an admirable fencer and indomitably courageous. No sooner did he arrive in Madrid than he set the gossips ageg by killing a panther which had somehow escaped into the street. At a later date he surprised everybody by disarming Luis Pacheco de Narvaez, the celebrated fencing-master, who became his enemy for life. A flash of illuminative wit and a self-consciousness of physical limitations appear in Quevedo’s famous remark to Valerio Vicencio in Su Espada por Santiago (1628): “ He says that | am limp and am blind ; if I denied it—in view of my sight and gait—l should be lying from head to foot.” Quevedo’s readiness with his sword aftected the course of his life. In 1611 he chanced to be in the Ghurchmes Los Suenos, ed. J. Cejador, 1916-1917, 2 vols. (Clasicos Cast. 31, 34); Epistola al Conde Duque de Olivares {[Ed. R. Foulche- Delbose and A. Bonilla y San Martin], 1909 (Bib. Oropesa, 5)— See: A. Fernandez-Guerra y Orbe, Vida de Don Francisco de Quevedo Villegas, 1852, in Bib. de Autores Esp., XxX1lI, pp. XXxix- exvul; E. Mérimée, Essat sur la vie et les cuvres de Francisco de Quevedo (1580-1645). Paris, 1886; R. Foulché-Delbosc, Notes sur le ‘ Buscon,’ in Revue Hispanique, X.1 (1917), pp. 265- 291; James Fitzmaurice-Kelly, R. D. Perés, N. Alonso Cortés, V. Garcia Calder6n and H. Peseux-Richard, in Revue Hispanique, XLII (1918), pp. 1-78. THE AGE OF CALDERON —_ 359 St. Martin and there saw a man behaving badly to a lady near him. Quevedo rebuked the offender, who resented this interference. A duel took place and Quevedo, having severely wounded his opponent, fled to Sicily. Shortly afterwards he became Chancellor of the Exchequer at Naples, where the third Duke of Osuna (1574-1624) was viceroy. This was a decisive step ; henceforward Quevedo was immersed in politics and to some extent became involved in the Venetian conspiracy: disguised as a beggar he escaped from two sbirr1 who were told off to assassinate him. Osuna fell from power in 1620; Quevedo fell with him and was exiled to his estate at Torre de Juan Abad. When his period of banishment was over, Quevedo was made secretary to the king. This was a purely titular office. In 1630 he was exiled again, apparently because he opposed the appointment of Santa Teresa as patron- saint of Spain with St. James. This does not argue any pietistic preferences, and perhaps may be explained by the fact that Quevedo was a Knight of the Order of Santiago. Olivares, who knew that the satirist was hostile to him, manoeuvred to get him out of the way by offering Quevedo the embassy at Genoa. But Quevedo’s silence was not to be bought, and to the Minister’s annoyance the offer was rejected by him. Olivares’s turn came at the end of 1639. Under the King’s napkin there was found a copy of verses in which the sovereign was urged to get rid of his incom- petent ministers. It was suspected, no doubt rightly, that the verses were written by Quevedo, who was seized at midnight and whirled off to the monastery of St. Mark in Leon, where he was detained in an underground cell for four years. Olivares fell from favour in 1643. Quevedo was released at once. ROOM. SPANISH LIPGERAT URE But it was too late. His spirits and health were completely broken, and though he lingered for two years more, he had ceased to be dangerous to his enemies. ‘The old volcano was extinct, or at least only gave out intermittent flashes as in the remark ‘on his deathbed about the music which his confessor urged should be played at his funeral: “ Let those pay, who hear the music.’ Quevedo began his public literary career in 1620 with a life of St. Thomas of Villanueva: twenty-four years later he wrote a life of St. Paul (1643-1644). These edifying efforts, like the moral works of the author, are practically dead. So are a great many of his political tracts, as for instance, the Politica de Dios . . (1626), the Memorial por el patronato de Santiago (1628) and the Primera Parte de la vida de Marco Bruto (1644), which have lost their interest with the circumstances in which they were written. They are, moreover, curiously difficult to read because of their subtle and alembicated style. This defect, very obvious in Que- vedo’s serious prose-works, is much less discernible in his picaresque novel Historia de la vida del Buscon... (1626), which was written about 1608 and is often called E? Gran Tacafo. A picaresque novel is not the place for literary posing or attitudinising: a tale of realistic incidents does not lend itself to fantastic freaks of preciosity. ‘The narrative style need not be bald: almost inevitably it must be direct. And the Buscon’s style 1s very direct indeed. It gives the impression of one of the cruellest books in the world. The outlook is brutally sinister, there is an almost revolting love of cruelty for its own sake, a deter- mination to force the facts and to spare no disgusting detail. The book is coarse, no doubt, but in acrid LEIBA GE TOE ICALDERON 361 brilliancy of execution it has no parallel. Many of Quevedo’ S burlesque writings apart from his verse- compositions are picaresque in their inspiration ; not only the Cartas del Caballero de la Tenaza (1 627), but the Libro de todas las cosas y otras muchas mds as well as the Premdticas contra las cotorreras. An attempt was made by Quevedo to infuse the drama with the picaresque element. ‘The ground was prepared for some transplantation of ae kind. [he graciosos swarmed upon the boards, and in each gracioso there were at least the potentialities of a picaroon. Lope de Vega writes that he first introduced the gracioso into La Francesilla about the year 1602 when Quevedo would be about twenty-two years old. Possibly it was at this impressionable age that Quevedo wrote Pedro Vazquez de Escamilla, a dramatic eftort which was never finished. He also produced a number of light and diverting extremeses. His best-known and most characteristic work is the Suef#os (1627). ‘These are really five in number, though most editions publish seven or eight; the last of the five authentic Suenos, according to Quevedo himself, 1s the Suefio de la muerte. La Fortuna con seso was written after 163 5 and published posthumously ; the Discurso de todos los diablos, o Infierno emendado (1628) is a continuation of the Politica de Dios ...notavision; the Casa de los locos de amor 1s not by Quevedo: it was first ascribed to Lorenzo Van der Hammen, but is now thought to be by Antonio Ortiz Melgarejo. The Swefios belong toa more elaborate type of satire than the Cartas del Caballero de la Tenaza, and utilized the machinery of the vision (which ‘val hitherto been used for edifying purposes) for criticizing the crimes and absurdities of the writer’s own time: satirizing corrupt 362 SPANISH LUGE RA TOR administration of so-called justice in E/ alguactl alguacilado, and ridiculing the swindlers of all classes in E/ juicio final, ‘They attained an immense vogue, both in Spain and out of it. They were skilfully imitated by the Murcian cleric Salvador Jacinto Polo de Medina! in his Hospital de incurables y viage de este mundo y el otro (1636) and by Francisco Santos in Dia y Noche de Madrid (1663)? : they were done into French in 1627, into German in 1639, into Dutch in 1641, into Latin in 1642, into English in 1667 and into Italian in 1704. Strange to say, the Swefos were an immense success in Wales: Ellis Wynne published them in 1703 under an adapted form as Viszons of the Sleeping Bard. This is a protestantized version of the Suefos of which at least twenty-three editions have been published. Quevedo is too immitigably Spanish, too repre- sentative of the seventeenth century to please generally, and though his literary renown 1s high, his vogue has declined in consequence both in Spain and abroad. He has a reputation for extreme impropriety, and it is impossible to deny that he is extremely outspoken even for the age in which he lived. His more serious verse 1s marred by conceptisms: in a lighter vein he is always ingenious, daring even, full of force and grace. He attempted too much. He might have been great as a poet, as a novelist, as a philosophic writer, as a statesman or as a Satirist. In any one department he would have excelled. Undoubtedly he sought to be allthings at once. He never meets with direct disaster, 1 Poesias, ed. A. Duran, ‘1851, in Bib. de Autores: Espa xvig ed: A dé Castro, 1357, in" Bibs derAutores usps tir. 2 Dia y Noche de Madrid, ed. E. Fernandez de Navarrete, 1854, in Bib. de Autores Esp., xxxIIt. Ghia GEeOE“CATLD HERON 363 but he seldom achieves an unquestionable success. Versatile ambition, like everything else in this world, has to be paid for ; Quevedo paid a high price, but perhaps not too high. It must be admitted that he made a new departure in fiction and that, in the Suefos especially, he enlarged the scope and framework of the novel. Excelling in caricature, he fell short of Cervantes in impartiality of vision and in broadness of sympathy. Cervantes’s version of the truth is exact and disinterested. The exactitude of Quevedo’s por- traiture is less obvious, less convincing. He is not, perhaps, so concerned with fidelity as with SS his own wit. There were not wanting genuine Spanish efforts 1n the work of Alonso Gerdénimo de Salas Barbadillo! (1 581-1635), who led off before Marcos de Obregon with La Hyia de Celestina (1612), which continues the episodes of La Celestina and was adapted by Scarron in Les Hypocrites and recast in a scene of Tartufe. Perhaps Salas Barbadillo’s best work is E/ curioso y sabio Alexandro, fiscal y juez de vidas agenas (1634), a model of sparkling wit which 1s little known, however, out of Spain. There seems to have been an increase of professional interest and a decrease of general interest about this time in the picaresque novel. In 1619 La desordenada codicia de los bienes, agenos by a certain “Doctor Carlos Garcia,” apparently a Spanish refugee, was published in Paris with a French translation by 1 Obras, ed. FE. Cotarelo y Mori, 1907-1909. 2 vols. (Col.. de Escritores cast., 128, 139); La hija de Celestina, ed. J. Lopez Barbadillo, 1907 (Col. clasica de obras picarescas, 1); Enire- meses (14), ed. E. Cotarelo y Mori, in Coleccién de Entremeses, elceaiOll. 1, pp. 243-3025(| Nueva Bibade AutoressKsp..t7). See: C. Pérez Pastor, in Bibliografia madrilena. Madrid, 1907. Ill, pp. 466-469. 364 SPANISH LITERATURE the unfailing Sieur Davdigvier. Alonso de Castillo Solérzano1 (1584 ?-1647 ?), the superior of Salas Barbadillo in the picaresque field, is the author of two novels, La nifia de los embustes, Teresa de Manzanares (1632) and Las Aventuras del Bachiller Trapaza (1637), which were utilized by Lesage in Gi Béas. La Gardufia de Sevilla y anzuelo de las bolsas (1642), translated in 1661 by Boisrobert, is one of the most diverting of Castillo Soldrzano’s picaresque stories. It shews an assured progress in technique, a greater faculty of arrangement and avoids most of the digres- sions in which contemporary novels abounded. Castillo Soldrzano is also the author of the plays, E/ Marques del Cigarral and El Mayorazgo figura, upon which Scarron based Dom Faphet ad Arménie and L’Hériter ridicule ou La Dame intéressée, from Los Alivios de Casandra (1640) Scarron drew three out of the four stories in Le Roman Comique; the fourth he took from £/ quez de su causa by Maria de Zayas y Sotomayor (1 90-1661), whose entertaining Novelas amorosas y 1 La Garduna de Sevilla, y anzuelo de las bolsas, ed. F. Ruiz Morcuende, 1922 (Clasicos Cast., 42); La nina de los embustes, Teresa de Manzanares and Noches de placer, ed. E. Cotarelo y Mori, Madrid, 1906 (Col. selecta de antiguas novelas esp., 3, 5) ; Las harpias en Madrid y tiempo de regocijo, ed. E. Cotarelo y Mori, Madrid, 1907 (Col. selecta de antiguas novelas esp., 7) ; Tardes entretenidas, ed. E. Cotarelo y Mori, Madrid, 1908 (Col. selecta de antiguas novelas esp, 9); Fornadas alegres, ed. FE. Cotarelo y Mori, Madrid, 1909 (Col. selecta de antiguas novelas esp., 11); Comedias [El Mayorazgo figura and El Marqués del Cigarral|, ed. R. de Mesonero Romanos, 1858, en Bib. de Autores Esp., XLV; Entremeses (5), ed. E. Cotarelo y Mori, in Coleccién de Entremeses, etc. Madrid, 1911. 1, pp. 303-321 (Nueva Bib. devAutores Esp ah7): 2 Novelas [El Castigo de la Miseria, La fuerza del Amor, El Fuez de su causa and Tarde llega el desengano|, ed. FE. Fernandez THE AGE OF CALDERON 365 exemplares (1637-1647) give a faithful picture of the manners and customs of the day. They may be, and doubtless are, coarse : Ticknor condemns E/ prevenido enganado for its ‘ shameless indecency’; on the other hand its wit and verisimilitude have caused this very tale to be imitated in La précaution inutile of Scarron, while it has furnished traits to Moliére in L’ Ecole es Femmes and to Sedaine (1719-1797) in La gageure imprevue. Picaresque experiments were made by Antonio Lifian y Verdugo! in his Guia y Aviso de Forasteros .. .(1620), a collection of tales revealing shrewd Breeton and written in a good prose-style ; and by Francisco de Lugo y Davila (d. 16609) whose Teatro popular (1622) contains eight novelas morales, one of these, De Jas dos hermanas, was recast by Nicolas Lancelot in Les Novvelles Tirées Des plus celebres Auteurs Espagnols (1628) under the title of La Dévote Hypocrite. Though the romance of the picaroon was wider in scope than the pastorals and the chivalresque novels, inasmuch as it gave greater amplitude to Abec ation and was more closely allied to the facts of life, it had its limitations. ‘There was no guarantee that ihe public would not tire of the non-heroic as it had tired of the excessively heroic. Obviously a literature of scamps, de Navarrete, 1854, in Bib. de Autores Esp., xxx111.—See : L. E. V. Sylvania, Doria Maria de Zayas y Sotomayor: a contribution to the study of her works, in The Romanic Review, Xl (1922)* pps 197-213 3 XIv (1923), pp. 199-232. 1 Guia y avisos de forasteros que vienen a la Corte..., Barce- lona, 1885 (Bib. clasica esp., 14); ed. [from the princeps 1620] M. de Sandoval. Madrid, 1923 (Bib. selecta de Clasicos Esp.).— See: J. Sarrailh, Algunos datos acerca de D. Antonio Linan y Verdugo ...,in Revista de Filologia Esp., v1 (1919), pp. 346- 8038 will (19021) spp. 150-160, 366 SPANISH GEE RAS Gis however merry, could only have a transient vogue. A recurrence to idealism was certain. Even when the picaresque element was not cast aside, it was often used fantastically as in E/ Diablo Cojuelo; sometimes the rogue was suppressed as in Dia y noche de Madrid by Francisco Santos, a study in low life written in a style so infected by conceptismo as to be almost unintelligible. A return to romance 1s observable in the Varia Fortuna del soldado Pindaro (1626) by Gonzalo de Céspedes y Meneses! (1585 ?-1638), who had already shewn romantic inclinations in the Poema tragico del espanol Gerardo y Desengano del amor lascivo (1615-1617), on which Fletcher drew for The Spanish Curate and The Maid of the Mill. Céspedes, whose first novel, the Historias peregrinas y exemplares (1623), had met with some success abroad, wrote an uncritical and conceptist history, Primera parte de la historia de D, Felipe el III] (1631), published 1n -Lisbonsiepre sought to attain an artistic unity and to eclipse the incoherence of the picaresque stories. It is, perhaps, not too much to say that he knew how to mingle the picaresque with the romantic. A writer of versatile talent was the Jew Antonio Enriquez Gomez? (1602-1662 ?), also called Enrique Enriquez de Paz, who won some repute by his play A lo que obliga el honor. He is best remembered for 1 Discursos tragicos ejemplares del Espanol Gerardo...., Fortuna varia del soldado Pindaro, ed. C. Rosell, 1851, in Bib. de Autores Esp., xvi11; Historias peregrinas y ejemplares, ed. E. eae y Mori, Madrid, 1906 (Col. selecta de antiguas novelas espaneys * Vida de Don Gregorio Guadana, ed. E. Fernandez de Navarrete, 1854, in Bib. de Autores Esp., xxx111; Comedias [Celos no ofenden al sol and A lo que obliga el honor], ed. R. de Mesonero ——- - EEA G EOE ICALDERON 367 the picaresque novel E/ Siglo Pitagérico y Vida de Don Gregorio Guadaiia (1644), dedicated to the Marshal of Bassompierre (1579-1646). [he book is coarse and ill-constructed, but the style, though not very good, is fairly direct. While gongorism invaded verse and conceptism raged in prose, the picaresque novels were generally free from these manifestations of a literary plague. ‘This is the case with the novel in dialogue by Geronimo de Alcala Yafiez y Ribera? (1 563-1632), Alonso, Mozo de muchos Amos (1624-1626) as well as with the more or less true autobiographies of Alonso de Contreras? (to whom Lope de Vega dedicated in 1625 E/ Rey sin reino); of Diego Duque de Estrada (1 589-1647), Comentarios de el desengattado de st mismo ; of the Cordoban Juan Valladares de Valdelomar 4 (1 § 53-1618 ?), whose Cavallero Venturoso, finished in 1617, was not printed until 1902; and of the anony- mous author of the Vida y hechos de Estebanillo Gonzalez, Romanos, 1858, in Bib. de Autores Esp., xtvi1; Poesias, ed. A. de Castro, 1857, in Bib. de Autores E'sp., xL11.—See: J. Amador de los Rios, in Estudios historicos, politicos y literarios sobre los qudtos de Espana. Madrid, 1848, pp. 569-607. 1 El donado hablador Alonso, mozo de muchos amos, ed. C. Rosellyi1851 ein Bibs de*“Autores spe xvitti—Sseew Ps Baeza y Gonzalez, in Apuntes biograficos de escritores segovianos. Sevovia, wlo777 pp. 165-188) GuMs \Wergara sy, < Martin, in Ensayo de una coleccién bibliografico-biografica de noticias referentes a la provincia de Segovia. Guadalajara, 1903. pp. 429-430. 2Vida del capitan Alonso de Contreras, ed. M. Serrano y Sanz, Madrid, 1900. 3 Comentarios de el desenganado de si mismo...ed. P. de Gayangos, 1860 (Memorial historico espanol, x11). 4 Cavallero venturoso, ed. A. Bonilla y San Martin and M. Serrano y Sanz, 1902. 2 vols. (Col. de libros picarescos, 5, 6). 368 SPANISH LITERATURE hombre de buen humor (1646), which professes to be the autobiography of Piccolomini’s page and buffoon. The descriptive passages in it are numerous, for Estebanillo Gonzalez covers more ground than any other picaresque hero. He isa coward and a drunkard throughout; he has been compared with Falstaff, but he has none of Falstaff’s humane qualities. Among didactic writers DrzEGo SaaveDRA FaxaRbDo? (1584-1648), author of the [dea de vn principe politico christiano... (1640), 1s distinguished by a clear prose- style, free from conceptism. His purity of diction has been attributed to his frequent absences from Spain, but as the evil was widespread, Saavedra may be credited with resisting qualities of a personal nature. His Republica literaria 1s more interesting than his earlier work: it was first published under the title Fuicio de Artes y Sciencias (1655) as the work of one Claudio Antonio de Cabrera: a recent discovery has established Saavedra’s rights to its authorship. It is curious and not a little strange that no mention is made in this work of either La Celestina or Don Quijote. A greater name than Saavedra’s is that of the Jesuit philosopher BatrasarR Gracian y Morates (1601- 1658),? who professed in 1619, became professor and 1 Vida y hechos de Estebanillo Gonzalez. Ed. E. Fernandez de Navarrete, 1854, in Bib. de Autores Esp., xxx111.—See: E. Gos- sart, in Les Espagnols en Flandre... Bruxelles, 1914. pp.243-296. 2 Obras, 1853, in Bib. de Autores Esp., xxv; El texto primitivo de la ‘ Republica Literaria,’ ed. M. Serrano y Sanz, Madrid, 1907; Republica literaria, ed. V. Garcia de Diego, 1922 (Clasicos Cast.; 246),—-S5ee: .Condewde) Roche: ya|s bas ¢jerasoacerae Fajardo. Madrid, 1884; ‘ Azorin,’ in De Granada a Castelar. Madrid, 1922. pp. 79-136. 3 El Discreto, Oraculo manual y arte de prudencia and El Heéroe, ed. A. de Castro, 1873, in Bib. de Autores Esp., txv; El Héroe THE AGE OF CALDERON 369 later rector in the College of Jesuits at Tarragona. His sermons, popular in their day, have not survived ; nor probably have all his lay-writings. Many of these were published by his friend, the archeologist Vincencio Juan de Lastanosa (1607-1684 ?), and all, with the exception of E/ Comvlgatorio (1655) and E/ Criticon 1, appeared under the pseudonym of Lorenzo Gracian Infanzon. Gracian’s first work was E/ Herve (1637), for which he drew freely on the Detti memorabili dt personage? tllustri (1608) of Giovanni Botero (1540- 1617) and on L’Honneste-homme (1630) of Nicolas Faret (1600 ?-1646). In this, as in E/? Politico Don Fernando el Catholico (1640), Gracian, like his pre- decessors Guevara, Rivadeneyra and Marquez, seeks to initiate princes in the art of governing. Two books said to have been dedicated to the prince Baltasar Carlos (1629-1646) are the Arte de Ingenio, Tratado de la Agudeza (1642), recast as Agvdeza y Arte de Ingenio (1648), and E/ Discreto (1646), whose preliminary acrostic discovers the author’s name. The latter work is the ideal of the perfect ‘ caballero’ : it is less ambitious and simpler in style than the ultra-conceptist dgvdeza y Arte de Ingenio, which reveals a wide range of reading, but its exaggerated subtlety of thought is only occasionally redeemed by flashes of good taste. Gracian’s most famous book is perhaps El Criticon (1651-1653-1657): it was issued in three parts (the first of which came out under the anagram and El Discreto, ed.- A. Farinelli, Madrid, 1900; El Heroe, reprint of the 1639 ed. by A. Coster, Chartres, 1911 ; El Criticon, ed. J. Cejador, Madrid, 1913-1914. 2 vols. (Bib. Renacimiento, 3, 7).--See: A. Coster, Baltasar Gracian, 1601-1658, in Revue Hispanique, XX1X (1913), pp. 347-752; A. F. G. Bell, Baltasar Gracidén. Oxford, 1921 (Hispanic Notes and Monographs. Spanish Series, 11). Salen 2A 370 SPANISH LITERATURE Garcia de Marlones=Gracian de Morales), and has been called the Spanish Pélgrim’s Progress. Written twenty-one years before its English counterpart, its three parts correspond to the stages of man’s life—the spring and summer of youth, the autumn of manhood and the winter of old age—and tell the story of Critilo’s and Andrenio’s travels through Spain, France, Germany and Italy. ‘The satirical touches in which it abounds, but principally the fact that it was published without their official licence, caused Gracian’s superiors to deprive him of his chair and to banish him to Tarazona. Gracian’s philosophy of life is best resumed in his Oraculo manual, y Arte de Prudencia (1647). It 1s doubtful whether any copy of the first edition 1s extant. There is a German translation (1862) by Schopenhauer (1788-1860), whose admiration for Gracian originated, perhaps, in a common bond of thought. If Gracian’s pointed aphorisms seem to anticipate La Rochefoucauld (1613-1680), it is because both writers probably drew from the same sources : the Spanish philosopher lacks, however, the concise perfection and lightness of touch of the French moralist. Though Gracian may, to quote his own words, ‘ flaunt his unhappiness as a trophy,’ he remains always dignified ; his pessimism is not at all a pose, it is as personal as itis profound. A fine and delicate observer, he could when he chose express himself simply and clearly: his close relationship with conceptism led him astray. Gracian held that ‘‘ Most men esteem that which they do not understand and admire that which passes their comprehension.”’ ‘This maxim he applied to his style and consciously compressed his meaning to the point of obscurity. Results have proved the falsity of his calculations. Gracian’s THE AGE OF CALDERON 371 conceptist style has not only undermined his authority as a critic but has alienated readers from him and to-day his books are read by a limited minority alone. The Centon Epistolario} is a collection of one hundred and five letters whose subject-matter is largely drawn from the chronicle of John II. It purports to be the work of the bachelor Fernan Gomez de Cibdareal, physician to that king. The first edition is seared Burgos 1499. In reality the book is a literary forgery and was printed in Italy, a discovery which is due in great part to the researches of the philologist Cuervo. It 1s most probable that the Cexton Epistolario was put together about 1630 by the Conde de la Roca, Juan Antonio de Vera y Figueroa (1583?-1658), who was at one time ambassador in Venice and whose family pride took the eccentric form of circulating a mass of forgeries to exalt the historic importance of the house of Vera. He shews ignorance of old Castilian and has disfigured his text by the introduction of Italian idioms and forms of speech. Nevertheless he has talent and a certain historic gift, and has pro- duced an undeniably clever piece of work. In 1623 there appeared the Espedicion delos catalanes ~ y aragoneses contra turcos y griegos by Francisco de Moncada? (1586-1635), Conde de Osona. Gibbon (1737-1794) says with an air of resigned melancholy that Moncada seldom quotes his authority for a given 1 Ed>E. de Ochoa, -1850, in Bib. de Autores Esp., x111.—See : E. Gessner, Zur Cibdareal-Frage. Berlin, 1885; R. J. Cuervo, in Diccionario de construcci6n y régimen de la lengua castellana. Paris, 1886. 1, pp. 50-53; C. Michaélis de Vasconcellos, Zur Czb- ddreal-Frage, in Romantsche Forschungen, vit (1893), pp. 123-137. 2 Expedicion de los catalanes y aragoneses contra turcos y griegos, ed. C. Rosell, 1858, in Bib. de Autores Esp., xx1; ) Empresas y victorias alcancadas por el valor de pocos catalanes 372 SPANISH LITERATURE statement. ‘This is perhaps excessive. Moncada is rather more careful than most contemporaries in quoting his references. He borrows freely from. Ramon Muntaner, the old Catalan historian, but he quotes also Grea chroniclers. ‘This concerns his substance. As for his manner he follows Mendoza, whose Guerra de Granada he undoubtedly read in manuscript. The Espedicion is extremely readable : the fact that it is based on Muntaner does not tell against it, for Muntaner had a first-hand knowledge of the events which he records and wrote with uncommon dash and fire. These qualities are reproduced by Moncada with an additional touch of dignity which he borrows from Mendoza. Altogether Moncada has been underrated, perhaps because he was rather closely fol- lowed in point of time by a historian who, though he was a Portuguese by birth, wrote in Spanish and ona subject which stirred general interest. This was D. Francisco Manuel de Mello! (1608-1666), whose Historia de Jos movimientos y separacion de Catalvita ..appeared in 1645. It was partly written in jail and was issued under the pseudonym of Clemente Libertino. Since 1580 Portugal had been annexed to Spain. Mello entered the Spanish army. In 1640 a rising took place in Catalufia as well as in Portugal. Mello at once rallied to Portugal. There he was detained in y aragoneses contra los 1mperios de turcos y griegos, ed. [first redaction from the MS. in the R. Academia de Buenas Letras, Barcelona] R. Foulché-Delbosc, in Revue Hispanique, xiv (1919), Pp. 349-509. 1 Guerra de Catalufia, ed. J. O. Picén, 1912 (Bib. selecta de Autores clasicos Esp., 13).—See: E. Prestage, D. Francisco Manuel de Mello. Oxford, 1922 (Hispanic Notes and Mono- graphs. Portuguese Series, 111.) IHE AGE OF CALDERON 343 prison from. 1644 to 1653, because he was supposed to be the successful rival of John IV in some love-affair : on a charge of murder he was exiled to Brazil in 1655. The accusations against him were almost certainly unfounded. Mello had universal ambitions. He wanted to be a great poet, a great soldier, a great prose- writer: he attained his aim mostly as a historian. He had his defects: a tendency to both cu/teranismo and conceptismo. Nevertheless he has positive merits of a very high order: the faculty of dramatic narrative with an exceptional knowledge of the minor side of events and an almost uncanny gift of impartiality. Mello takes rank as a writer of supreme excellence both in Portuguese and in Spanish and is no doubt one of the leading personalities of his time. Other historians came after him, but their defects are more pronounced, or, at any rate, their qualities have a greater admixture of alloy. Among minor prose-writers may be mentioned the Sevillan priest Juan de Robles? (1574-1649), whose book, EZ culto sevillano, licensed by Quevedo in 1631, but not printed until 1883, treats of stylistic problems ; the Carmelite Fray Gerdnimo de San Josef? (1 587!- 1654)—whose name in the world was Gerdénimo Ezquerra de Rozas—author of #/ Genio de la Historia (1651); and Jusepe Antonio Gonzalez de Salas? 1 Primera parte del Culto Sevillano. 1883 (Soc. de Biblidfilos Andaluces. ) 2See: J. Godoy Alcantara, 1870 [Discurso. KR. Academia de la Historia] ; M. Gomez Uriel, in Bibliotecas antigua y nueva de escritores aragoneses de Latassa, aumentadas y refundidas, etc. Zaragoza, 1884. 1, pp. 465-470. 3See: M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Historia de las ideas estéticas en Espana. Madrid, 1884. wu, vol. 11, pp. 380-384 (Col. de Escritores Castellanos.) 374 SPANISH LITERATURE (1 586-1651), whose Nueva Idea de la tragedia anugua (1633), a commentary on Aristotle’s Ox Poetry, teems with ingenious ideas disfigured by an involved style. The distinguished bibliographer, Nicotas ANTONIO (1617-1684), holds a high place among scholars through his Bibliotheca Hispana (1672-1696), which has proved an indispensable work of reference in Spanish literary history. His Censura de historias fabulosas (1742) reveals sound critical ability. The Jesuit Juan Eusebio de Nieremberg?! (159 5- 1658) writes a relatively pure if artificial prose in his De la hermosura de Dios y su amabilidad... (1641), in which a breath of mysticism is apparent. Sor Maria de Jesus de Agreda? (1602-1665), known in the world as Maria Coronel Arana, was at one time included among the mystics on account of the mis- leading title of her posthumous Mystica ciudad de Dios, milagro de sv omnipotencia y abismo de la Gracia (1670). This work, which is really an edifying novel, had a great contemporary success, but it is now forgotten. Of more living interest is the nun’s correspondence with Philip IV, which, beginning in 1643 and con- tinuing during twenty-two years, is informed by a rare quality of strength and a remarkable appreciation of public affairs. A true mystic is the founder of quietism, Miguel de Molinos? (1627-1697), who enjoys a greater reputation abroad than in his own 1 Obras espirituales. Madrid, 1890-1892. 6 vols.; Epzstolario, ed. N. Alonso Cortés, 1915 (Clasicos Cast., 30). 2 Cartas de la venerable Madre, etc., ed. F. Silvela y de Le- Vielleuze, Madrid, 1885.—See: P. Fabo, La autora de la ‘ Mistica Ciudad de Dios.’ Madrid, 1917. 3 Guia espiritual, etc., reprint of the 1675 ed. by R. Urbano, Barcelona [1906].—See: M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Historia THE AGE OF CALDERON Byrds country. He was born at Muniesa near Saragossa, was educated by the Jesuits and later received a living at Valencia. In 1665 he went to Rome, where he rapidly became the fashionable confessor of the day. There he published in 1675 his Guia Espiritual. It is a significant fact that at the time when this work, as interpreted by Mme. Guyon, was dividing public opinion in France into two camps, it should have been hardly known in Spain. Before Lope de Vega died, he recognized that his successor as the autocrat of the Spanish stage would be PepRo CALDERON DE LA Barca?! (1600-1681), whose biography has only been written quite recently. Like his famous predecessor, Calderon in his turn over- shadowed all contemporary dramatists for nearly fifty de los heterodoxos espanoles. Madrid, 1880. 1, pp. 559-576; H. C. Lea, Molinos and the Italian mystics, in The American Historical Review, XI (1906), pp. 243-262. MComedias. ed. i\~ |... Keil Leipzic- 1827-1830, 4, vols, - (AL Magico Prodigioso, ed. A. Morel-Fatio, Heilbronn, 1877; La Vida es sueno, ed. M. A. Buchanan, Toronto, 1909; La selva confusa, ed. G. T. Northup [Revue Hispanique, xxi], 1909 ; La Espanola de Florencia, ed. S. L. M. Rosenberg, Philadelphia, 1911; Troya abrasada [in collaboration with J. de Zabaleta], ed. G. T. Northup [Revue Hispanique, xxix], 1913.—Autos sacramentales, ed. J. Fernandez de Apontes, Madrid, 1759- 1760. 6 vols; ed. E. Gonzalez Pedroso [13], 1865, in Bib. de Autores Esp., tv1i1; Las ordenes militares, ed. E. Walberg, in Bulletin hispanique, v (1903), pp. 383-408 ; vi (1904), pp. 44- 66, 93-113, 134-258.—See: R. C. Trench, An Essay on the Life and Genius of Calderon with translations, etc. 2nd ed. London, 1880; M. Menéndez y Pelayo, Calderén y su teatro, 3rd ed. 1884 (Col. de Escritores Cast., 21); N. MacColl, Select Plays of Calderon, london, 1888; L. Rouanet, Drames religieux de Calderon. Paris, 1898; C. Pérez Pastor, Documentos para la biografia de D, Pedro Calderon de la Barca. 1. Madrid, 1905 ; A. Ludwig, Zu Calderons dramatischer Technik, in Studien zu 376 SPANISH LITERATURE years. An amiable man by nature and punctiliously polite as a rule, he made few enemies, but with all his gentleness, he seems to have been cold in tempera- ment and, though he did not lack friends, it may be doubted whether any of them were ever admitted to his intimate confidence. His life was an unusually long one; his brothers died thirty years before him, and he survived all those of his own generation. He lost his mother when he was ten years of age and his father (who was secretary to the Council of the Treasury) died five years later. Calderon studied under. the Jesuits at Madrid, went on to Alcala de Henares and thence to Salamanca, where he read theology with the intention of accepting the living that was in the gift of the family. He abandoned this plan, however, and took to literature. Competing in 1622 at the literary festivities held at Madrid in honour of St. Isidore, he was complimented by Lope de Vega for * gaining in his youth the laurels which Time generally confers together with grey hair.’ He is said to have gone soldiering at this point of his career, but the evidence is far from convincing. In 1622 he and his brothers were fined for killing a noble’s servant, Nicolas de Velasco, and in January 1629 he was concerned in another scrape. His brother, Diego Calderon, was wounded in a quarrel by the actor Pedro de Villegas (d. 1644). Villegas fled for sanctuary to the Convent of the Trinitarian nuns, where he was followed by vergleichenden Literaturgeschichte, v (1905), pp. 297-322, vl (1906), pp. 41-76; A. Farinelli, La Vita @ un sogno. Turin, 1916. 2 vols; E. Cotarelo y Mori, Ensayo sobre la vida y obras de D. Pedro Calderon de la Barca, 1, 1924 (R. Academia Esp.); A. Valbuena Prat, Los autos sacramentales de Calderén, in Revue Hispanique, LX1 (1924), pp. 1-302; J. B. Trend, Calderon [in the press]. Priel On CALDERON eerie Calderon and his friends: the police interfered, and in the scene that followed, the nuns, so it was alleged, were rather roughly handled. ‘This tale came to the ears of Hortensio de Paravicino who fulminated against Calderon and his companions in a sermon preached before Philip IV. The matter would pro- bably have blown over, had not Calderon replied by inserting in L/ Principe Constante a passage ridiculing Paravicino’s extravagant and unintelligible style. Not content with branding Paravicino’s jargon as ‘un sermon de Berberia,’ he went on to identify the fashionable preacher by mentioning his name, ‘y en emponomio Horténsico me quejo.’ All Madrid gigeled: Paravicino complained bitterly to the king and Calderon was imprisoned. He was soon released ; his fame grew quickly and the little episode did him no sort of harm. He became a great personal favourite with Philip IV, who in 1637 made him a Knight of the Order of Santiago. In 1640 Calderon seems to have lost patience with a dull actor who retorted by wounding him during a rehearsal. In that year (1640), the rising in Catalufia took place, Calderon joined the dragoons and acquitted himself well. Hus health broke down after he had seen two years’ active service. He was invalided out of the service and was given a pension later. ‘This pension was granted tardily and was paid unpunctually. In 1646, Calderon appears to have entered the household of the sixth Duke of Alba and to have remained with him somefour years. In 1647, perhaps, his natural son Pedro José was born: of the child’s mother nothing definite is known, except that she died about 1648 : about this time too Calderon himself fell seriously ill. He took to religion, was ordained in 1651 and proved to be an 378 SPANISH LITERATURE edifying priest. He had meant to stop writing for the stage after his ordination, but gave way to the entreaty of Luis de Haro, the Prime Minister, who begged him for the King’s sake to continue. However, when a piece of preferment which was about to be bestowed on Calderon was cancelled through the interference of some censorious busy-body, Calderon wrote a letter of protest to the Primate and made it clear that he would write no more auzos till justice was done. The Primate perfectly understood. Calderon was made Chaplain of the Reyes Nuevos at Toledo in 1653, and for the rest of his life went on writing lay-pieces for the court and autos in profusion for the general public. His remaining years were comparatively peaceful, though he received in 1656 and 1662 attentions from anony- mous heresy-hunters with which he could have dis- pensed. He became chaplain to Philip IV in 1663, and in 1666 was elected Senior Chaplain of San Pedro. He was no less a favourite at court in the reign of that pitiful person Charles II. Nevertheless when he died on Whit-Monday, May 25, 1681, he is said to have been very poor, perhaps because in 1679 an order in Council was issued granting him free rations on account of his eminent services, advanced age and great poverty. This is a perplexing incident, since there exists Calderon’s will made less than two years afterwards, a will which shews him to have been very well off. Calderon, like Lope de Vega, did not regard his plays as literature. He took no interest at all in his secular pieces. Iwo volumes of his theatre were brought out in 1636-1637, nominally by his brother Joséph, a third was published (1664) by his friend Sebastian Ventura de Vergara Salcedo and a fourth Piet GE OH CALDERON 379 to which he wrote a prologue appeared in 1672. All these received Calderon’s sanction. ‘The same does not seem to have been the case with the fifth part (1677). In 1680, Calderon drew up for the seventh Duke of Veragua (1651-1710) a list of his secular plays: on this list was based the posthumous edition of his works (1682-1691) which was published by Juan de Vera Tassis y Villarroel (d. after 1701). With _ his autos it was otherwise. ‘These he collected himself and issued in 1677 under the title 4utos sacramentales, alegéricos y historiales: in these he took a justifiable pride. There is no doubt that out of Spain, Calderon is commonly thought to be a greater dramatist than Lope de Vega, and it is quite certain that he held his position in Spain itself far longer than Lope de Vega. Lope suffered because of his combined copiousness and indifference. His plays filled a huge array of volumes. They were issued by different publishers and were very hard to find. Calderon’s plays were edited by Vera Tassis and could be obtained easily at any book- seller’s. Lope could not be found complete anywhere. Tirso de Molina was still more inaccessible. Thus everything combined to concentrate attention on. Calderon. Being accessible and being still acted in Spain, even during the latter part of the eighteenth century, when French influence was at its height, he came to be considered abroad as the leading repre- sentative of the Spanish drama. The chiefs of the Romantic movement in Germany, Tieck (1773-1853) and Schlegel (1767-1845), were exceedingly dogmatic and excessively loud in their praises; two great poets, Goethe and Shelley, were invoked as holding the same view. The exaggerated laudation spread to Eng- land and infected Trench (1807-1886), Fitzgerald 380 SANT Se IMM a eal Oi ecle, (1809-1883), and Alfred Tennyson (1809--1892). Calderon loses his miraculous halo now that we can com- pare him with his own most eminent contemporaries. To an exceptional degree for so great a man, Calderon is given to borrowing; for instance, the second act of Los Cabellos de Absalon is taken entirely from the third act of Tirso de Molina’s sinister and terrible play La venganza de Tamar. From Tirso de Molina also Calderon borrowed in such plays as 4 secreto agravio, secreta venganza , El encanto sin encanto ; El secreto a voces; and possibly, as Stiefel suggests, in La dama duende and in Casa con dos puertas mala es de guardar. \t took Lope de Vega more time to copy than to invent. His genius impelled him to creation, not always careful creation, but prodigal. Calderon’s is more thrifty: he prefers to remodel something already in existence and his recasts are often most brilliant. Thus in E/ Alcalde de Zalamea he has converted one of Lope’s headlong improvisations into an imposing work of art. ‘That is true. It is also true that the central idea is Lope’s and not Calderon’s. Calderon perfects the details, burnishes the orna- mentation, suffuses what he finds with an inimitable, imaginative grace; but he does not attempt to meddle with the characters: these he leaves as he finds them in Lope’s rapid sketch. He elaborated still further the conventions which Lope had imposed on the Spanish stage: the sentiment of passionate loyalty to the King, of uncompromising fidelity to the church, of feverish sensibility as to the point of honour. Moreover Calderon has an enviable gift of something which it would be unfair to call resplendent rhetoric : it is rather a glorious gift of enthralling diction. Arch- bishop Trench was not far wrong in comparing the THE AGE OF CALDERON 381 speech of the Demon in E/ Mdgico prodigioso with Milton. Manifestly the same comparison had sug- gested itself to Shelley, as his translation shows. In tragedy, Calderon sometimes has magnificent moments as in Amar después de la muerte and E/ mayor monstruo los xelos. But in most of his tragedies, even in one so famous as 4 secreto agravio, secreta venganza, the basis of the play 1s a mere conventional code of honour, not a genuine passion. This makes it difh- cult to enter into the spirit of his tragic compositions. Calderon’s verisimilitude is purely local. Hence it is now a limitation. He deals not with the abiding and the eternal aspects of human nature; but with the temporary and local aspects. Hence his appeal though strong is not universal, is not permanent. It 1s a world of blood-stained idealism. This glorification of punctilio makes Calderon very representative of his own age. He is also brilliantly represented in his cloak and sword plays, where the materials being always the same, the piquancy is in the presentation. It is for the playwright to subdue his public, or to transport them as the case may be by the adroitness of his manipulation, the novelty of his plot, the sparkle of his dialogue, the brilliant diversity of his episodes, the prolongation of a tense situation and so forth. Calderon is a master of all devices that go to make a thrilling play of this type. There is no need for character-drawing and as characterization is a weak point in Calderon’s armour, one of his chief difficulties is got rid of. He is free to devote all his patient craftsmanship to contriving flashing dialogue, witty points, picturesque situations, startling episodes, amusing or poignant surprises. This type of play is based on an idealistic convention, and Calderon 382 SPANISH LITERATURE conforms to all the complicated rules of the game witha skill that is almost uncanny. He has only one serious defect in this genre. He has a superfluity of urbane wit. There is a grain of truth in the observation that Calderon is only interested in fine gentlemen or in précieuses. Calderon moved in the best society and passed much of his time in palaces and at court. He could not appreciate the rough and ready humour of the populace, and hence his graciosos have no vitality : their fun is so ingenious that it ceases to convey the passing illusion of reality. There is another point of weakness in Calderon’s theatre. Few of his women are attractive, though they are clearly meant to be simpducas. “hey are apt to be mannish, like Dofia Mencia in E/ médico de su honra, and even in the cloak and sword plays there is something masculine in the discreteo of his heroines. One gradually perceives that Calderon knew very little about feminine character, that he simulates an interest in it solely for theatrical purposes and that his chief concern is to make personal beauty the theme of magnificent tirades and great poetic flights. No doubt he soars to great altitudes, but his flights are usually too long. Like most Spaniards, Calderon is far too copious. But in lyrical splendour he is unsurpassed by any Spanish poet and is surpassed by few poets in any language spoken else- where. Had he condescended to add more frequent realistic touches to his etherealized presentations, he would rank with the greatest dramatists in the world. In one dramatic form peculiar to Spain Calderon ranks above everybody. Asa writer of autos he is unappreached. ‘The auso is a one-act play performed on the Feast of Corpus Christi and dealing exclusively with the mystery of the Eucharist. Its range is, THE AGE OF CALDERON 383 therefore, extremely limited. Some authors tried to avoid the convention by introducing saints who were famous for their devotion to the Eucharist. This is a pious fraud. Such plays are not ausos at all: they are comedias devotas. Calderon observes all the rules and conditions with great strictness and treats his solemn theme in a high spirit of devout art. He does not repeat himself unduly ; his weakest au¢o is a success. And surely this is one of the greatest feats in literature: to impart a new artistic and poetic treatment seventy times over to a most abstruse theme. The auto was peculiarly suited to Calderon’s temper and genius. He was much more interested in the mysteries of faith than in the passions of mankind, he was much more at his ease in inventing devout symbolism than in the presentation of human character. In the autos his figures are no doubt abstractions. But in abstractions he excels. He imposes them on us by virtue of his subtle and imaginative force, his sublime allegory, his ‘ vision splendid’ of the world invisible, his loveliness of versification, his outbursts of celestial raptures. It is most unfortunate for Calderon that the ausos are little read in Spain and still less read out of Spain. It means that his greatest achievement is practically neglected. Nevertheless Calderon has left his trace upon foreign literatures. In France and in England he was lavishly exploited. ‘Thomas Corneille (1625-1709) was parti- cularly active in this respect. La Dame invisible ou PEsprit follet (1684) which he wrote in collaboration with Hauteroche (1617-1707 ?) is taken from La Dama duende, which also inspired d’Ouville’s L'Esprit follet ou La Dame invisble (1642) and—through the French—Kiulligrew’s (1612-1683) The Parson’s wed- 384 SPANISH LITERATURE ding. Thomas Corneille utilizes E/ furcios criticos, etc:, ed. Ay de; acuaem 165771373) Ine DibsedGe Autores sls sae ly alex Was “Cartas, ed. He de Ochoa, 1870) any Bib wdesAutoresslsps LXI; Correspon- dencia literaria, in Revista de Archivos, etc., X11 (1905), pp. 271- 280, 446-459; XIII (1905), pp. 51-50, 255-261, 421-439; XIV (1906), pp. 214-226, 373- -378.—See: A. Morel-Fatio, Un erudit espagnol au xviir" sivcle, in Bulletin hispanique, xvii (1915), pp. 157-226. Cree oan NUM CHNEURY, - 497 of Solis. His Rhetorica (1757), too bulky and volu- minous for modern readers, remains the best anthology of Spanish prose- -writers, wad while a great part of his critical writings are now out of date, Mayans holds an honourable place as a pioneer. No less notable is the Jesuit ANpREs Marcos Burris, (1719-1762), who devoted his learning and unfailing industry to special- ized research. With these may be mentioned Enrique Florez? (1702-1773), who in 1754 conceived the plan of the monumental Espafia Sagrada, Theatro geo- graphico-historico de la Iglesia de Espana, and was personally responsible for much of the material in the first twenty-six of its fifty-two volumes; the Jesuit Lorenzo Hervas y Panduro (1735-1809), the father of comparative philology, whose Catalogo de las lenguas de las nactones conocidas . . . (1800-1805) marks an epoch in that science; and the minister and polygraph, Pedro Rodriguez Campomanes, Conde de Campomanes (1723-1803), author of Cartas polttico-econémicas.2 A writer whose interests centred rather in juridical history than in literature, Rafael de Floranes Velez de Robles y Encinas‘ (1743-1801), exhibited remark- 1See: Antonio Burriel, Razon de la vida del jesuita ‘Andrés Marcos Burriel, ed. M. Salva y P. Sainz de Baranda, in Coleccion de documentos inéditos para la Historia de Espana, vit (1846), pp. 508-571; Correspondencia, ed. M. Salva y P. Sainz de Baranda, in Coleccion de documentos, etc., x111 (1848), pp. 220- 365; E. Gigas, En spansk Manuskriptkommission 1 det 1S“ Aarhundrede og dens Leder. Kjobenhavn, 1911 (Bibliotekar foreningens smaaskrifter, 2). 2See: J. M. Salvador y Barrera, El Padre Florez y su ES PERE sagrada. 1914 (Discurso. R. Academia de la Historia}. 3 Ed. A. Rodriguez Villa, Madrid, 1878. 4See: M. Menéndez y pene Dos opusculos inéditos de D. Rafael Floranes y D. Tomas Antonio Sanchez sobre los ortgenes de la poesta castellana, in Revue Hispanique, Xvit (1908), pp. 295-431. 428 SPANISH LITERATURE able powers in discussing the thorny questions con- nected with the Cronica general and the Cronica del Cid. In the more special domain of history Juan Francisco de Masdeu (1744-1817) tells in his voluminous ENstoria critica de Espatia y de la cultura espatiola (178 3- 1805) acomplicated story ina clear cold way. Masdeu’s work has the defect of not coming down any further than the eleventh century. This is not the highest or most interesting phase of development from the average reader’s point of view. Consequently Masdeu is only consulted for a curious detail or some special reference. [he value of his work is diminished also by the misplaced uncritical scepticism which dis- tinguishes the end of the eighteenth century. A more scientific method was adopted by Juan Bautista Mufioz (1745-1799), a Valencian who in the face of great opposition brought out the Historia del Nuevo Mundo (1793), which reaches the year 1500 only. We are thus deprived of what no doubt would have been an excellent piece of critical examination of a most brilliant and interesting period packed with picturesque inci- dent. Mufioz writes well; he knows what constitutes evidence and illustrates his work by careful docu- mentation. In this respect he is a bold experimenter, if not absolutely an isolated initiator. XII THESREIGNS OF FERDINAND VID AND OF ISABEL II (1808-1868) Tue social character of French literature, its avoidance of local peculiarities, its cultivation of general ideas, carried it triumphantly over Europe; its influence on the Peninsula, where intellectual relations with France had always been favoured by geographical considera- tions, became more profoundly felt after 1700. And Spain, who from the discovery of America until the defeat of her once invincible infantry at Rocroi (1643) had set the fashion to her neighbour, henceforth shewed increasingly the impress of French taste and models. Evidence of French inclinations is clearly perceptible in the work of Manuel Josef Quintana } (1772-1857), the national poet of the War of Inde- pendence. His first volume of verse, published when 1 Obras completas. Madrid, 1897-1898. 3 vols.; Oda a la invencion de la imprenta, [ed. R. Foulché-Delbosc and A. Bonilla y San Martin] Madrid, 1909 (Bib. Oropesa, 6); Yuzctos criticos, in Bib. de Autores Esp., vir, LXI, Lx111 and Lxvir; Obras inéditas. - Madrid, 1892.—See: FE. Pifieyro, Manuel Fosé Quintana. Paris-Madrid, 1892; E. Mérimée, Les poésies lyriques de Quintana, in Bulletin hispanique, Iv (1902), pp. I19-153; M. Menéndez y Pelayo, Don Manuel Fosé Quintana considerado como poeta lirico, in Estudios de critica literaria. 1908. v pp. 297-352 (Col. de Escritores Cast., 137). 429 430 SPANISH LITERATURE he was sixteen years old, reveals him as an offshoot of the School of Salamanca, where he studied law. In 1803 he became director of the review Variedades de ciencias, literatura y artes: he was appointed dramatic censor at Madrid in 1806 and later editor of E/ Semanario patriético. When the French, under Napoleon in person, entered Madrid at the end of 1808, Quintana left the capital, drew up the manifestos of the Funta Central and in 1810 was given the post of Official Interpreter which Moratin the younger had received from Godoy. The proposal to set Quintana at the head of the Secretaria de la Real Estampilla stirred up the envious attacks of the polygraph Antonio de Capmany (1742-1813), author of Filosofia de la Eloquencia (1777), who accused Quintana of using in a proclamation to America concerning the convocation of the Corres a phrase which stirred up the Colonies to declare their Independence. At the Restoration in 1814, Quintana was arrested and sentenced to six years’ imprisonment in the fortress of Pamplona. On his release (1820) he obtained a subordinate position under the Government, remaining always more or less poor, so much more so that when he was publicly crowned in 1855, he had to borrow money to buy suitable clothes for the ceremony. Quintana’s period of poetic production is short: leaving out of view some juvenile essays and verses of occasion written in old age, he is a poet only from 179§ to 1808. And as he wrote much less copiously than is usual with his countrymen, scrupulously correcting and revising all his work, his total com- positions amount to thirty-four. Among these, the most notable are the odes: 4 /a invencion de la imprenta (1800), which celebrates in lines of impassioned elo- FERDINAND VII AND ISABEL II 431 quence man’s escape from the tyranny of superstitious credulity ; 4 Ja expedicion espaftola (1803-1804) para propagar la vacuna en América (1806) and such patriotic poems as: 4 Fuan de Padilla (1797); Al armamento de las provinctas espafolas contra los franceses (1808) ; A Espatta después de la revolucion de Marzo (1808) and A/ Combate de Trafalgar (1805) with its excellent description of the fighting. Quintana’s verse breathes his love of liberty and love of country—things in- separable in his mind—and the rencor inacabable that, in spite of his Jeaning to France, he felt towards her for conspiring against Spain. Its main inspiration 1s patriotism, politics and philanthropy. It is unequal ; its flights are of short duration, but its martial music and lofty rhetoric give faithful expression to one aspect of Spain’s genius. As a general rule, Quintana’s attitude is beyond reproach and his public life 1s marked by a high standard of unswerving rectitude. If he has occasional lapses, as when he condescends to flattery in the ode: Con ocasion de la paz hecha entre Espatia y Francia el afio de 1795, and in Cristina (1829), an epithalamic ode written in honour of Ferdinand VII’s marriage to his fourth wife, these admit of excuse in view of the age in which he lived. A typical eighteenth-century philosopher, Quintana proved an inferior dramatist: E/ Duque de Viseo (1801) 1s a mediocre tragedy based on the even more mediocre play of Matthew Gregory Lewis (1775-1818), The Castle Spectre (1798), while Pe/ayo (1805) only suc- ceeded at the time because of its patriotic spirit. He writes an excellent prose-style, elevated, resonant, forcible, in the Vidas de espanioles célebres (1807-1833) and in the commentary to the Poesétas selectas castellanas ... (1807, recast 1830-1833), an anthology in which 432 SPANISH LITERATURE an almost too rigorously classic choice prevails Quintana’s stern independence of spirit had its counter- part intellectually in a certain rigidity of mind that opposed the acceptance of new ideas. He survived Espronceda by fifteen years, but the Romantic move- ment passed him by untouched. Another poet of the Salamancan group, Juan Nicasio Gallego ! (1777-1853) also outlived romanticism and, like Quintana, remained unaffected by it. Gallego became known by the Oda a la defensa de Buenos Aires (1807) and established his reputation the following year by the patriotic Dos de Mayo (1808) which celebrates the historic rising of the Spanish on May 2. It is a curious coincidence that Gallego’s most repre- sentative pieces should be denunciations of the French whom he admired, and of the English who were to be instrumental in freeing Spain from the yoke of Napoleon. That he could sound other notes is evident from the elegy to the duchess of Frias, which is informed with genuine personal feeling. Gallego has left also one prose-work, a rendering (1836) of Manzoni’s (1785-1873) L Promesst Spost (1825-1827). In opposition to the Salamancan School are the Sevillan poets; these were really survivors of the eighteenth century, elegant versifiers of cosmopolitan tastes who exercised little influence on their generation. Among them may be mentioned Félix José Reynoso ? 1 Obras poéticas, ed. R. Academia Esp. Madrid, 1854; Poesias ed. L. A, de Cueto (Marqués de Valmar), 1875 in Biboede Autores Esp., txvu.—-See: E. Gonzalez Negro, Estudio bio- grafico de Don Fuan Nicasio Gallego. Zamora, 1901. 2 Obras, ed. A. Martin Villa y F. de B. Palomo, 1872-1879. 2 vols. (Soc. de Biblidfilos Andaluces); ed. L. A. de Cueto (Marqués de Valmar), 1875, in Bib. de Autores Esp., -xvu1. FERDINAND VII AND ISABEL II 433 (1772-1841), dean of the Valencian Chapter; Manuel de Arjona? (1771-1820), canon of Cordova, and his disciples José Maria Blanco (1775-1841) and Alberto Lista? (1775-1848), canon of Seville. Lista, who was a professor at the College of San Mateo in Madrid, wrote the admirable ode 4 /a muerte de Fests and the romance, La Cabafa, whose note of serene and gentle resignation is not uncharacteristic of its author’s talent. Lusta’s gifts are critical rather than poetical, and in any case they are less noteworthy than his personal character. He is perhaps most widely remembered for the influence that he exercised over some of the best minds of his time, especially over his turbulent pupil Espronceda, who seems to have acknowledged his authority alone. Lista must have presented a ene contrast to his colleague Josef Gomez Hermosilla? (1771-1837), the formidable peda- gogue, who composed the Arte de hablar en prosa y verso (1826), a model of pedantic correction and taste, and the less known but more useful Fuscio critico de los principales poetas espatoles de la ultima era, which appeared posthumously in 1840. Lista’s friend Blanco —Blanco White—emigrated in 1810 to England, 1 La Tebaida, de Estacio, ed. A. de Castro, 1855, in Bib. de Autores Esp., xxxvi.—See: B. J. Gallardo, in Ensayo, etc., Madrid, 1863. 1, col. 300-302. 2 Poesias, ed. L. A. de Cueto (Marqués de Valmar), 1875, in Bib. de Autores Esp., -xvir.—See: A Ferrer del Rio, in Galeria de la literatura espanola. Madrid, 1846, pp. 13-29. 3 Fuicio critico de los principales poetas espanoles de la ultima era, ed. V. Salva, Valencia, 1840. 2 vols.; Arte de hablar en prosa y verso. Paris, 1893. 4 Poesias, ed. L. A. de Cueto (Marqués de Valmar), 1875, en Bib de Autores Esp., Lxvur.—See: M. Menéndez y Pelayo, S.L. 2E 434 SPANISH LITERATURE where he grew to know men as dissimilar 1n tempera- ment as Southey (1774-1843), Lord Holland (1773- 1840), John Stuart Mill (1806-1873) and the future Cardinal Newman (1801-1890), and became editor of two reviews: E/ Espafiol (1810-1814), and Variedades, 0 Mensagero de Londres (1823-1825), founded in aid of the Spanish refugees. Like José Marchena, he was perhaps more learned than natural. His English sonnet, Night and Death, won him greater fame than any of his compositions, but as a result of his absence from Spain his fine and whimsical talent remains outside the sphere of Spanish thought and letters. Romanticism, which 1s indigenous to Spain, had found in Lope de Vegaa brilliant exponent. Calderon’s followers were members of Lope’s school and are consequently romantics of the purest water. They were not bound down by prosaic realities; they were indeed attached to the South, but to the Southzasea sort of East, where picturesqueness took the place of matter-of-fact and where every-day occurrences were of a poetic imaginative substance. A return to the old national drama was foreshadowed by the famous quarrel (1814-1819) between Juan Nicolas Bohl de Faber (1770-1836) and José Joaquin de Mora, in which the former protested strongly against the classical school. But the modern romantic movement of the nineteenth century was imported from abroad. In- in Historia de los heterodoxos espanoles. Madrid, 1881. _ 111, pp. 547-583; E. Pineyro, Blanco White, in Bulletin hispanique, XII (1910), pp. 71-100, 163-200; F. Rousseau, Blanco White : Souvenirs d’un proscrit espagnol réfugié en Angleterre 1775-1815, in Revue Hispanique, Xxi1 (1910), pp. 613-647. PRON OIN Ve ANDSISABET: Th 4a. direct influences had been at work as early as 1803, when there appeared in Spain a version of Chateau- briand’s Atala (1801), which was followed in 1816 by a translation of Bernardin de Saint-Pierre’s (1737- 1814) Paul et Virginie (1787). These two works were the forerunners of a whole series of romantic novels—chiefly translations from the French and rarely of much literary merit—issued from 1818 on- wards, by a Valencian bookseller, Mariano Cabrerizo. In 1823 a romantic review, E/ Europeo, was founded at Barcelona, and Goethe’s Werther (1774) was trans- lated in 1835. Finally political oppression, which led to the banishment or flight of almost every Spaniard of literary taste or of liberal opinions, brought to an end the artificial rule of the dry and coldly-correct classical period. When the exiles returned to Spain, they brought with them new ideals in literature as in politics. To one of them, the ineffectual politician Francisco Martinez de la Rosa! (1787-1862), is due the importation of modern romanticism. Compelled to take refuge in Paris, he found the romantic movement in full course with Victor Hugo at its head. Martinez de la Rosa had no convictions; his early plays, La 1 Obras completas. Paris, 1844-1845. 5 vols. (Col. de los DITO osm MULOLCSmelLSDaek20-32).—- cess w\welren, cel «ARioman Galeria de la literatura espanola. Madrid, 1846. pp. 85-96; L. A. Rebello da Silva, Memoria dcerca da vida e escriptos de D. Francisco Martines de la Rosa. Lisboa, 1862; T. Rodriguez Rubi, D. Francisco Martinez de la Rosa, 1862 (Discurso. R. Academia Esp.]; F. M. Tubino, in Introduccion del romanticismo en Espana, in Revista Contempordnea, vit (1877), pp. 79-98 ; M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Estudios de critica literaria. 2* ed. Madrid, 1893. I* serie, pp. 237-288; C. de Castro, in Antologia dewlas™ Cories -de-1520,~ Madrid, “1910; “Ns Alonso “Cortés, Retazo biografico, in Viejo y Nuevo. Valladolid, 1915. pp. 123-164. 4.36 Pe SPANISH 1] TE RAGS Viuda de Padilla (1814) and Moraima (1818) are merely declamatory tragedies; his youthful poems shew the influence of Melendez Valdés and Quintana ; and he reveals himself an imitator of Moratin the younger in his comedies. One of these, La nifia en casa y la madre en la mdscara (1821) was adapted by Théaulon de Lambert (1787-1841) in La mére au bal et la fille a la maison (1826) and had something of a success. This may have inspired Martinez de la Rosa, who was then in Paris, to write a French play. He readily took colour from those about him and he became a romantic as promptly as he had become a liberal. His dben Humeya ou La révolte des Maures sous Philippe II was played at the Porte-Saint-Martin theatre on July tgth, 1830. The chances of politics, especially the amnesty following the death of the wretched Ferdinand VII, brought Martinez de la Rosa back to Spain. He tried romanticism in Madrid with La Conjuracion de Venecia (1834), a prose drama which had an astonishing success. ben Humeya, which Martinez de la Rosa translated into Spanish, was not played until two years later (1836) and it proved a failure. But it has its importance in the history of literary evolution. With the exception of these two plays which he put together under French influence, Martinez de la Rosa’s works represent him mainly at the time when he divided with the Mexican, Manuel Eduardo de Gorostiza 1 (1789-1851), author of the comedy Jnudulgencia para todos (1818), the right 1 Obras. México, 1899-1902. 4 vols.; Teatro escogido. Bruselas, 1825. 2 vols.—See: J. M. Roa Barcena, Datos y apuntamientos para la btografia de Don Manuel Eduardo de Gorostiza, in Memorias de la Academia Mexicana, 1 (1876), pp. 89-204. FERDINAND VII AND ISABEL II 437 of succession to the younger Moratin as followers of Moliére. It is not, however, by any of these Mora- tinian pieces, nor by his historical novel Dofa Isabel de Solis, Reyna de Granada (1837-1846), a colourless imitation of Walter Scott, that Martinez de la Rosa is remembered : he exists by virtue of his pioneer efforts in romanticism. After the failure of ben Humeya, it seemed as though the success of the new romantic. movement was imperilled. But the standard was upraised by Angel de Saavedra Remirez de Baquedano, Dugus bz Rivas! (1791-1865), who in his early poems (1813) and in his dramas tau/fo (1814) and Lanuza (1822) had shewn the influence of Melendez Valdés and Quintana. His change of poetic principles first became appa- rent during his exile (October 1, 1823—January 1, 1834) in E/ Faro de Malta (1828) and, more particu- larly, in E/ Moro Exp ésito, 0 Cérdoba y Burgos en el siglo x (1834), whose anonymous prologue by Antonio Maria Alcala Galiano (1789-1865) is something in the nature of a literary manifesto. This poem, which is in reality a rhymed novel like Marmion (1808), consists of a legend in twelve romances written in assonanted hendecasyllabics. It is preceded by a dedication to 1 Obras completas. 1894-1904. 7 vols. (Col. de Escritores Cast.) ; Romances, ed. C. de Rivas Cherif, 1912. 2 vols. (Clasicos Cast., 9, 12).—See: A. Ferrer del Rio, in Galeria de la literatura espaiiola. Madrid, 1846. pp. 97-109; M. Cafnete, in Escritores espanoles éhispano-americanos. 1884. pp.3- 148 (Col. de Escritores Gasteel0) 3.1: Pineyro, in El romanticismo en Espana. Paris, 1904, pp. 51-93; ‘‘ Azorin,” in Rivas y Larra: raz6n social del romanticismo en Espafia. Madrid, 1916; E. A. Peers, Rivas and romanticism in Spain. Liverpool, 1923; E. A. Peers, Angel de Saavedra, Duque de Rivas: A critical study, in Kevue Hispanique, Lv (1923), pp. 1-600. 438 SPANISH LITERATURE John Hookham Frere, whom Rivas got to know in Malta and to whom the idea of exploiting the subject was probably due. Frere had made a speciality of old Spanish, was an excellent scholar and an admirable classic. He introduced Rivas to Shakespeare, Scott and Byron, and presented to him a copy of that extreme rarity—a complete edition of Lope de Vega’s plays. Romanticism, which had triumphed in France with the staging of Hernani (1830), was destined to triumph in Spain some five years later with the staging of Rivas’s Don Alvaro o la fuerza del sino, whose first performance took place on March 22, 1835, a date memorable in the history of the Spanish theatre. Don Alvaro does not move us now, but it caused a stupendous sensation that March night. Its strange admixture of prose and verse, of the sublime, the comic and the extravagant carried all before it. Don Alvaro is unquestionably the first and best of the Spanish romantic dramas: the freshness and absence of effort that characterize it set it far above Rivas’s later and more artistically composed pieces. His Romances histéricos (1841), like E/? Moro Expésito, contain vivid passages of poetic diction and picturesque national legends presented in semi-epical guise. But Rivas lacks feeling and often sinks into plain prose when the subject does not uplift him. He was born to tell stories, and he remained, as Cueto says, an epic poet of the decadence who included in his plays large contributions of legendary and _ traditional elements. Verdi (1813-1901) who took the libretto La forza del destino (1862) from Dou Alvaro, had borrowed his Trovatore (1853) from E/ Trovador (1836), another romantic drama, by a young medical student of Cadiz, FERDINAND VII AND ISABEL II 439 Antonio Garcia Gutierrez ! (1813-1884). In this play Garcia Gutierrez scored a triumph which he failed to repeat in his later pieces, Simon Bocanegra (1843)— also used by Verdi in a libretto (1857)—Venganza catalana (1864) and Yuan Lorenzo (1865). He has not the force of Rivas, nor the eloquence of Zorrilla, nor the art of Tamayo y Baus. And he is very unequal. But he can create charming woman-characters such as the Leonor of E/ Trovador. His strong point is his versification : it is easy, flowing, sweet and melodious. The romantic drama had, like romanticism generally, no very long career. ‘The last genuine romantic play may be accounted Los Amantes de Teruel (1837) by Juan Eugenio Hartzenbusch ? (1806-1880). ‘The subject had already been chosen for treatment by Rey de Artieda, Tirso de Molina and Montalvan. MHartzen- busch, who had some pretensions to scholarship, had also a belief in painstaking effort. Hence he wrote and even re-wrote his play, not taking into account that each revision deprived his work of something of its original fire. Nevertheless, as it stands, it still 1 Obras escogidas. Madrid, 1866; El Trovador, ed. A. Bonilla y San Martin, Madrid, 1916 (Clasicos de la Literatura esp., 4).— See: A. Ferrer del Rio, in Galeria de la literatura espanola. Madrid, 1846. pp. 253-270; E. Piteyro, in El romanticismo en Espana. Paris, 1904. pp. 95-116; C. A. Regensburger, Ueber den ‘Trovador’ des Garcia Gutiérrez, die Quelle von Verdis Oper ‘Il Trovatore.’ Berlin, 1911; N. B. Adams, The Romantic Dramas of Garcia Gutiérrez. New York, 1922. 2 Obras, 1887-1892. 5 vols. (Col. de Escritores Cast.).—See: A. Ferrer del Rio, in Galeria de la literatura espanola. Madrid, 1846. pp. 155-170; E. Hartzenbusch, Bibliografia de Hartzen- busch... formada por su hijo. Madrid, 1900; E. Pineyro, in El romanticismo .en Espava. Paris, 1904. pp. 117-137; E. Cotarelo y Mori, in Sobre el origen y desarrollo de la leyenda de los ‘ Amantes de Teruel.’ Madrid, 1907. 440 SPANISH LITERATURE eclipses its predecessors. ‘Iwo other plays by the same author, Dofia Mencia o la boda en la Inqutsicion (1838) and La Fura en Santa Gadea (1844), were successful in their day, but they lack the qualities of his first attempt. A romantic play that scored a success of a noisy kind in which politics counted for much was Carlos II el Hechizado (1837) by Antonio Gil y Zarate (1793-1861), who exercised, however, no influence on the general current of hort The most potent lyrical poet of the nineteenth century was Jos—E DE EspronceDA! (1808-1842), once a pupil of Lista at the College of San Mateo. At the age of fourteen years, he joined a secret society, Los Numantinos, among whose members were his schoolfellows Ventura de la Vega, Patricio de la Escosura and Plazuela, the future’ Condesde @hestes who became Director of the Spanish Academy. The papers of the young conspirators came by chance into the hands of the authorities and the offenders were 1 Obras poéticas y Escritos en prosa, ed. P. de la Escosura, Madrid, 1884; Obras poéticas, ed. J. Cascales, Madrid, 1923 ; ed: J. Moreno”-Villa, 1923. * 2 vols.+(Clasicos) Casts 247-550)e Canto a Teresa led. R. Foulché-Delbose and A. Bonilla y San Martin], 1909 (Bib. Oropesa, vit); Blanca de Borbon, ed. P. H. Churchman, in Revue Hispanique. XVII (1907); More inedita, ed. P. H. Churchman, in Revue Hispanique, xvi (1907), pp. 704-740; [P. H. Churchman] Some Espronceda Miscellany, 11. Some unpublished prose, in Revue Hispanique, LVI (1922), pp. 511-521; Sancho Saldana, o El Castellano de Cuellar. Novela historica original del siglo xiii [reprint of the 1834 ed. 6 vols. in one], Madrid, 1914.—See: A. Cortdén, Espronceda, Madrid, 1906; P. H. Churchman, An Espronceda Bibliography, in Revue Hispanique, xvi1 (1907), pp. 741-777; A. Bonilla y San Martin, El pensamiento de Espronceda, in La Espana Moderna, ccxxxiv (1908), pp. 69-101; J. Cascales y Munoz, in La Espana Moderna, ccxxxtv (1908), pp. 27-48; FERDINAND VII AND ISABEL II 441 promptly punished: Espronceda was banished to the Franciscan convent at Guadalajara. In order to be- guile the monotony of his exile, he was encouraged by Lista (who contributed a few stanzas) to write an epic poem. There is nothing distinctive about E/ Pelayo: nothing that marks Espronceda as the future chief of the romantic school. Soon after his return to Madrid, Espronceda probably conspired again ; at any rate he had to flee to Gibraltar and thence to Lisbon. Here he met Teresa Mancha, then a girl of fifteen years, who was to prove the source of his finest inspiration and a tragic influence in his life. In 1 827, Espronceda, who was again in flight, met Teresa in _London, where she had married: he eloped with her to Paris two years later, fought at the Barricades in 1830, made an mnsmecessfl attempt to sow the seeds of revolt in Navarre, and returning to Paris, was among those who volunteered to take part in the insurrection then in progress in Russian Poland. On the pro- clamation of the amnesty in 1833, Espronceda returned P. H. Churchman, Espronceda, Byron and Ossian, in Modern Language Notes, xx111 (1908) ; James Fitzmaurice- Kelly iiss pronceda, in The Modern Language Review, tv (1908), pp. 20-39 ; P. H. Churchman, Byron and Espronceda, in Revue Hispanique, xx (1909); R. Foulché-Delbosc, Quelques réminiscences dans Espronceda, in Revue Hispanique, XxX1 (1909), pp. 667-669 ; J. Cascales y Mufioz, Apuntes y materiales para la biografia de Don Fosé de Espronceda, in Revue Hispanique, XxXi11 (1910), pp. 5- 108; J. Cascales Mufioz, Don Fosé de Espronceda. Su época, SU vida y sus obras. Madrid, 1914; L. Banal, Il pessimismo dt Espronceda e alcunt rapportr col pensiero di Leopardi, in Revista critica hispano-americana, tv (1918), pp. 89-134; Ch. Tisserand, Pour une édition a’ Espronceda, in Revue Hispanique, XLVI (1919), pp. 269-280; Angela Hamel, Der Humor bet Fosé de Espronceda. Halle a.S., 1922; A. Lenz, Contribution al étude d’Espronceda, in Revue Hispanique, LVI (1922), pp. 522-5209. 44.2 SPANISH CLUB RARE to Spain. His father was a brigadier and he easily obtained a commission in the ‘ Cuerpo de Guardias de Corps.’ But he was not to hold it for long. He was cashiered and banished to Cuéllar for reading at a military banquet a poem which held the Government up to ridicule. Espronceda was in constant revolt and aggression. On his return to Madrid, he joined the National Militia and took part in the armed demonstrations of 1835 and 1836; he carried on an active political campaign in the columns of EZ Espanol. Shortly after the death of ‘Teresa in 1839, Espronceda, who had definitely broken with her three years pre- viously, published his Poeséas (1840), which include some of his best lyrical pieces, and in 1841 appeared the unfinished E/7 Diablo Mundo with its magnificent Canto a Teresa. Twelve years later a continuation was attempted by Miguel de los Santos Alvarez (1818-1892), a courtly poet who survives by the charming tale La proteccion de un sastre (1840). Mean- while on the triumph of the Liberal Party in 1840, Espronceda’s friends had come into power and Espronceda was appointed Secretary of Legation at The Hague. He returned to Madrid, was elected deputy for Almeria, and died in his thirty-fourth year, on May 23, 1842, after an illness of four days. Espronceda’s attempt at the historical novel, Sancho Saldaia o El Castellano de Cuellar (18 34), written during his banishment at Cuéllar, reveals him as a mediocre novelist: the book contains some picaresque passages but 1s not otherwise characteristic. Hus essays in the drama were not much more successful. Dofa Blanca de Borbén, which appeared in abridged form in 1870, was only given in a complete edition in 1907. E:spronceda wrote two plays in collaboration, the PERO ENANDE VI AND AISABEL Tl: 443 verse comedy Ni e/ tio ni e/ sobrino (1834) with Antonio Ros de Olano, later Marqués de Guad-el-Jelti (1802- 1887) and author of the mysterious novel E/ Doctor Lafuela (1863); and the prose drama Amor venga sus agravios (1838) (which appeared under the pseudonym ot Don Luis Senra y Palomares), with Eugenio Moreno Lopez. Espronceda was naturally more susceptible to emotion than to reason: and he reacted strongly to the influence of Byron. His attitude towards life was a reflexion of the Byronic pose: his works are at times redolent with Byronic reminiscences. ‘The Cancion del Pirata recalls The Corsair and Elvira’s letter in E/ Estudtante de Salamanca is an inspired adaptation of Julia’s letter in Dox Juan. Espronceda, like Byron, became the hero of a legend. He was not averse from this presentation of himself. The pro- tagonist of all his works, he figures in E/ Estudiante de Salamanca under the name of Don Félix de Monte- mar as a second Don Juan ‘Tenorio—' fierce, insolent, irreligious, gallant, haughty, quarrelsome, insult in his glance, irony on his lips, fearing naught, trusting solely to his sword and courage.’ ; disdainful, pessi- mistic, rebellious under his burden of disillusion, he is Fabio in E/7 Diablo Mundo, his artistic blending of aspiration and melancholy finds full expression in the declamatory 4 Farifa en una orgia. Espronceda’s spirit of revolt and his passion, almost elemental in its unrestraint, are characteristic of an epoch rather than of a race: in this respect he is more cosmopolitan than national. But his gift of cruel observation in El Verdugo is as representative of Quevedo as his conception of Elvira in E/ Estudiante de Salamanca is of Calderon, while his flights of superb rhetoric, 444 SPANISH LITERATURE the resonant melody of his diction, his picturesque imagery, his emphasis, all reflect the strength and the weakness of Spain. ‘These qualities ensure Espronceda an eminent position among Spanish poets of any age. A contemporary of Espronceda, the Catalan Manuel de Cabanyes 1 (1808-1833) draws his inspiration chiefly from Luis de Leon. ‘The admirable hendecasyllabic poem, Cintio, would seem to shew that this impeccable artist of form, who was essentially a poet’s poet, might easily have become a disciple of the romantic school. Cabanyes died before his talent was fully developed, and his verse is measured rather by its promise than by its achievement. ‘Though highly praised by critics, the Preludios de mi lira (1833) are less appreciated in Spain than they perhaps deserve. Juan Arolas? (1805-1849), a priest whose irregular life was in opposition to his calling and who died j insane, displays a morbid sensuality in his Poestas abel y ortentales (1840) and Poestas religiosas, ortentales, caballerescas y amatorias (1842). Hus orientalism is the conventional orientalism of Byron, Moore and Victor Hugo, but it contains a personal note lacking in Norofia’s Poestas asidticas (1833), which are only frigid versions of the Latin and English translations by Sir William Jones (1746-1794), Joseph Dacre Carlyle (1759-1804) and other orientalists. _Nicomedes Pastor Diaz* (1811-1863), who was a gifted writer and a 1The Poems of Manuel de Cabanyes, ed. E. A. Peers, Manchester, 1923.—See: C. Oyuela, Estudio sobre la vida y escritos del eminente poeta catalan Manuel de Cabanyes. Barce- _lona, 1881. 2See: J. R. Lomba y Pedraja, El P. Arolas, su vida y sus versos. Madrid, 1808. ° Obras, ed. A. Ferrér del Rio, Madrid, 1867. 6 vols.—See: J. del Valle Moré, Pastor Diaz, su vida y su obra. Habana, 1g1t. FERDINAND VII AND ISABEL Il 445 clever versifier, adopted in his Poestas (1840) a pose of melancholy. His private life was untinged by the gloom which pervades all his work and which is visible in the autobiographical novel De Villahermosa a Ja China, Cologuios intimos (1858). ‘The failure of this book discouraged him profoundly and after writing a preface to Zorrilla’s works, he was drawn into politics and became lost to literature. A link between two divergent types of romanticism was the Andalusian Salvador Bermudez de Castro (1814-1883) Duque de _ Ripalda and Marqués de Lema, whose reputation is based on the Lzsayos poéticos (1841). In Latin- America his arrangement of stresses in the octave was known by the name of Jermudinas. Though his popularity has declined, his energy and strain of resonant music ensure his revival if romanticism has a future before it. ‘The same may be said of Gabriel Garcia Tassara! (1817-1875), a political satirist whose poems (1872) fell into partial disrepute because the predictions which they contained were contradicted by the events that followed them. But if he failed as a prophet, Garcia Tassara had a gift of authentic inspiration, and he expresses it in such pieces as the characteristic Un diablo mds, whose sonorous harmony is in striking contrast to the sober melody of the Himno al Mestas. The poet José Zorrira? (1817-1893), whose Recuerdos del tiempo viejo (1880-1883) contain an 1 Poesias, Madrid, 1872. 2 Obras dramaticas y liricas, ed. M. P. Delgado, Madrid, 1895. 4 vols.; Galeria dramatica: Obras completas. Madrid, 1905. 4 vols.; Obras [with biography by I. de Ovejas], Paris, 1864. 3 vols.; Sancho Garcia, ed. A. Bonilla y San Martin, 1917 (Clasicos de la Literatura espafiola, 8); Ultzmos versos 446 SPANISH LITERATURE account of his life more fantastic than exact, first attracted notice in Spain when, as a young man of twenty years of age, he recited verses at Larra’s open grave; on the Continent he had won a reputation as a dramatist and lyric some time before he went to France. Zorrilla was always extremely poor and his stay in Mexico (1 85 5- 1866) seems not to have bene- fited him materially in spite of the favour shewn him by the Emperor Maximilian (1832-1867). Help came to him towards his old age in the shape of a pension granted him in 1884 by the Spanish Govern- ment: in 1889 he received the empty honour of being publicly crowned at Granada. A born improviser, Zorrilla probably suffered less than others from being forced by poverty to rapid production. He had an amazing gift of fluency, but he lacked ideas, and his verse, as in the Cantos del Trovador (1840-1841) and La Levenda de Muhamad Al-Hamar el Nazarita, rey de Granada (1847), attracts almost entirely through its verbal music. Zorrilla says that he composed £/ Puial del Godo (1842) in twenty-four hours and that he wrote verses for the engravings by Gustave Doré (1832-1883) of Tennyson’s poems. His worst enemy could not have fastened upon a more telling trait... On» the “stages Zorrilla:s Smemonryeisupeems green by such plays as: E/ Zapatero y e/ Rey (1840), whose inspiration derives from Hoz y Mota; E/ Pufial del Godo, drawn from Southey’s Roderick (1814) and Don Fuan Tenorio (1844), whose sources are Les dmes inéditos y no coleccionados. Madrid, 1908.—See: N. Alonso Cortés, Zorrilla, su vida y sus obras. Valladolid, 1917-1920. 3 vols. ; E. Cotarelo, Centenario del nacimtento de Zorrilla, in Boletin de lack. Academia Esp. 1vV (1017), *pp. 1-22-) Cotouiagiues in Critica Patridtica. Madrid, 1921. pp. 5-65. FERDINAND VII AND ISABEL II 447 du Purgatoire (1825) by Prosper Mérimée, Dox Juan de Marana ou La chute dun ange (1836) by Alexandre Dumas and Zamora’s well-known comedy, No hay deuda que no se pague, y Convidado de piedra, recast by Dionisio Solis. Though Zorrilla was not a finished artist, his qualities of lyrical spontaneity and dramatic insight, his essentially national spirit, won him deserved popularity. He had a faculty almost as miraculous as Lope de Vega’s own, but he had not Lope de Vega’s amplitude of dramatic conception. His negligences are in some measure redeemed by his flowing versification and his knack of devising effective combinations. Before Zorrilla left for Mexico he had collaborated in Pentdpolis, Maria and Un cuento de amores (18 52) with José Heriberto Garcia de Quevedo } (1819-P-1871), a Venezuelan who was killed during the Commune in Paris. Manuel Breton de los Herreros? (1796-1873) continued the tradition of Moratin the younger ; if he occasionally shews romantic tendencies—as in Elena (1834)—these do not form his happiest inspiration. He began his dramatic career with 4 /a vejex viruelas (which was composed in 1817 but not produced until 1824) and he continued writing until 1867, the date of publication of Los sentidos corporales. La Escuela de Matrimonio (1852) 1s the most ambitious and perhaps the best of his numerous plays. In these faithful 1 Obras poéticas y literarias. 2 vols. (Col. de los mejores Autores Esp., 57, 58). 2 Obras. Madrid, 1883-1884. 5 vols.—See: A. Ferrer del Rio, in Galeria de la literatura espanola. Madrid, 1846. pp.127- 140; Marqués de Molins, Breton de los Herreros, Recuerdos de — su vida y de sus obras. Madrid, 1883; G. le Gentil, Le poéte Manuel Breton de los Herreros et la société espagnole de 1830 a 1560. Paris, 1909. 448 SPANISH LITERATURE representations of middle-class life, the moral intention, at times too obvious, is relieved by touches of ironical humour. Breton was too prodigal a writer: but the ease of his versification is always very remarkable and the happy ingenuity of his expression, the felicitous oddity of his phrase are undeniable in such pieces as Marcela 0 3 cudl de los tres ? (1831), ; Muérete y verds ! (1837), Ela es él (4838), El pelo de la dehesa (1840) and £L/ cuarto de hora (1840). Among minor play- wrights Eulogio Florentino Sanz} (1825-1881) won success with Don Francisco de Quevedo (1848), though he is better known for his charming Epésto/a, dedicated from Berlin in 18546 to his friend Pedro Calvo Asensio (1821-1863), director of La Iberia; Narciso Saenz Diez Serra (1830-1877) had a knack of improvisation and produced an excellent comedy in ; Don Tomds ! (1859), while Tomas Rodriguez Rubi? (1817-1890) is now only remembered by La Rueda de Ja Fortuna (1843). Ventura de la Vega? (1807-1865), a schoolfellow of Espronceda and a native of the Argentine, was driven by poverty to adapt some sixty French plays before he could devote himself to original production. In £/ See: E. Carrere, De la vida de un poeta. Florentino Sanz, in La Ilustract6n espanola y americana, UXXxXv (1908), pp. 139, 142. *See: A. Ferrer del Rio, in Galeria de la literatura espanola. Madrid, 1846, pp. 291-303. 3 Obras poéticas. Paris, 1866.—See: Conde de Cheste, Elogio funebre (Feb. 23, 1866), in Memorias de la Academia Esp., 11 (1870), pp. 432-467 [this number contains Vega’s verse trans. of Aeneid 1]; M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Antologia de poetas hispano-americanos. Madrid, 1895. Iv, pp. CXLVI-CLxI; E. Pineyro, in El romanticismo en Espana. Paris, 1904. pp. 221- 232. FERDINAND VII AND ISABEL II 449 hombre de mundo (1845) Vega shews himself a follower of Moratin the younger and of Breton. The subtle irony which characterizes this work degenerates too quickly into caricature, as for instance in La Critica de el St de las Nifias (1 848). His tragedy, La Muerte de César (1865) is not the most typical of his works ; the undeniable vigour of his talent is best seen in El Hombre de Mundo and in such elegant compositions as La Agitacion and Orillas del Pusa. Another American, GerTRUDIS GoMEZ DE AVEL- LANEDA? (1814-1873), born at Puerto Principe in Cuba, settled in Spain towards 18 36 and under the pseudonym of La Peregrina published some verse in the periodical La Aureola (1839). Her novels, among which may be mentioned Sab (1839), a protest against slavery, and Guatimozin, ultimo emperador de Méjico (1845) once found readers but are now dead. In them la Avellaneda is apt to deal exclusively with a thesis : she is too passionate to be a dexterous advocate, too absorbed to make an impressive exponent. In her early plays she is frequently only a gifted imitator with a certain grace of execution and ‘adaptability in selection. It is as a poet that la Avellaneda survives, 1 Obras literarias. Madrid, 1869-1871. 5 vols. [incomplete] ; Obras [Centenary edition] Habana, 1914-1918. 4 vols.; La Avellaneda: Autobiografia y cartas..ed. L. Cruz de Fuentes, Huelva, 1907; Gertrudis Gomez de Avellaneda: Cartas inéditas y documentos relativos a su vida en Cuba de 1859 a 1864, ed. J. A. Escoto, Matanzas, 1911; Memortas inéditas de la Avellaneda, ed. D. Figarola Caneda, Habana, 1914.—See: E. Pineyro, in El romanticismo en Espatia. Paris, 1904. pp. 233-253; J. M. Chacén y Calvo, Gertrudis Gomez de Avellaneda, las influencias castellanas: examen negativo. Habana, 1914; J. A. Rodriguez Garcia, De la Avellaneda. Havana, 1914; E. B. Williams, 7 he Life and Dramatic Works of Gertrudis Gomez de Avellaneda. Philadelphia, 1924. S.L. 2a 450 SPANISH LITERATURE in the Poestas ltricas (1841) and in the virile dramas— Alfonso Munio (1844), the biblical tragedy Sau/ (1849), and especially Baltasar (1858). She has a gift of gloomy imagination which has its scenic effect, and her versification is usually admirable. Her first inspiration is the happiest: her emendations are nearly always unfortunate. She had the true poetic temperament, and in depth of lyrical fervour perhaps only one other woman poet, Christina Rossetti (18 30-1894), surpassed her in her time. The playwright Manure: Tamayo y Baus! (1829- 1898) began by undergoing Italian and German influence. In his earliest printed play Fuana de Arco (1847) he draws upon Schiller: Virginia (1853) 1s a dramatic essay in Alfieri’s manner.. The piece that established his reputation was Locura de amor (1855), whose heroine is Juana la Loca. ‘The son of actors, Tamayo probably drank in at the fount a mastery of simple stagecraft. “This would increase his popularity: he was amazingly popular in his day. But perhaps he owed as much to his finished versification and to his choice of themes: La bola de nieve (1856) is a protest against the frequent passion in Spain of jealousy, and Lances de honor (1863) is a declamation against the criminal folly of duelling. He was unable to devote himself wholly to original work owing to straitened cir- cumstances and to the vagaries of the Madrid public whom he sought to please by adapting plays from Emile Augier (1820-1889), Octave Feuillet (1821-1891), 1See: B. de Tannenberg, Un dramaturge espagnol: M. Tamayo y Baus. Paris, 1898; E. Cotarelo y Mori, in Estudios de historia literaria de Espana. Madrid, 1901. pp. 363-403; N. Sicars y Salvadé, Don Manuel Tamayo y Baus. Estudio critico-biografico. Madrid, 1906. FERDINAND VII AND ISABEL II 461 and from minor French dramatists like Léon Laya (1811-1872) and Paul Féval (1817-1887). He con- tinued writing for the stage till he became librarian at the Biblioteca Nacional, but his activity on the boards ends with Ux drama nuevo (1867) 1n which he had the boldness to present Shakespeare on the scene. It is a good play, perhaps the best of all Tamayo’s works. The dexterous politician Adelardo Lopez de Ayala! (1829-1879) has a lyric quality which entitles him to rank as a follower of Calderon, though a very tardy one. His Epéstola to Emilio Arrieta is excellent for finish and intense sincerity, and his versification, though it has not Calderon’s charm, is always good. Lopez de Ayala’s note of exaggeration, his substitution of types for characters, are also due to the influence of Calderon. In E/ tanto por ciento (1861) and Consuelo (1878), both eloquent pleas for a higher idealism in public and private life, he skilfully combines romantic inspiration with satiric intention. He never surpassed Un hombre de estado (1851) and Rioja (1854), which are among his earlier efforts. Lopez de Ayala was somewhat too argumentative, too given to proving a thesis or a theory, but he had considerable power and occupies an honourable place in the history of the modern drama. Luis de Eguilaz y Eguilaz (18 30- 1874) reveals a deft touch in La Cruz del Matrimonio (1861). His best work is probably the zarzue/a, El molinero de Subiza (1870), which is still acted. 1 Obras, ed. M. Tamayo y Baus, Madrid, 1881-1885. 7 vols. ; Gustavo. Novela inédita...ed. A. Pérez Calamarte, in Revue Hispanique, x1x (1908), pp. 300-427; Lpistolario inédito, ed. A. Pérez Calamarte, in Revue Hispanique, XXv1l (1912), pp. 499- O22 Ae SPANISH LITBRARURE Among minor poets may be reckoned José Joaquin de Mora! (1783-1864), a Liberal exile and an unsym- pathetic personage who appears to have quarrelled wherever he went. He is remembered for his share in the Calderonian controversy (1814-1819), as well as for the Leyendas Espaitolas (1840) in which he reproduces Byron’s ironical note with happy skill. His long exile in America seems to separate him from Spain, though he is very Spanish. Francisco Zea (1827 ?-1857) shews genuine talent in his posthumous Obras en verso y prosa (1858), of which one poem, La Bandera, finds a place in most anthologies. Bernardo Lopez Garcia (1840-1870), author of Poestas (1867), is best known for the virile composition E/ Dos de Mayo. He was too much interested in politics to develop his poetic gifts and the effect of his authentic musical vein is spoilt by the predominance of a metallic note. Ventura Ruiz Aguilera (1819 ?-1881), a Liberal Catholic, achieved popularity with his Ecos Nacionales (1849), which were followed by Elegtas y Armontas (1863) and Estaciones del aio (1879). He has charm but is unequal: his generous aspirations, his evident sincerity, his faith in human nature, all find expression in his verse, in which it is possible to catch a faint far-off echo of Italian influence, some muffled note of Manzont’s gentle, placid inspiration. A similar gentle strain is visible in José Selgas y Carrasco ? (1822-1882), who contributed to the fighting review E/ Padre Cobos 1See: M. L. Amunategui, Don Fosé Foaquin de Mora: apuntes biograficos. Santiago de Chile, 1888; C. Pitollet, in La querelle caldéronienne, etc. Paris, 1909, pp. 48-71. See: R. Monner Sans, Don Fosé Selgas. El prosista. El poeta, in Revista de la Universidad de Buenos Aires, xxx1v (1916). FERDINAND VII AND ISABEL Il 453 (1854-1856). The conventional tone of his verse in Primavera (1850) ensured its popularity, but with the passing of fashion, the book lost favour. As a prose- writer, Selgas y Carrasco has a rapid journalistic style, but he is a good versifier with a delicate touch and taste. Juan Martinez Villergas 1 (1816-1894), another journalist, is known for his Poestas jocosas y sattricas (1842), E/ Baile de las Brujas (1843) and E/ Baile de Pifiata (1843), which are full of roguish humour. Martinez Villergas was not lacking in critical judge- ment: he was among the first to expose the attempt of Adolfo de Castro (1823-1898) to pass off E/ Buscapié as an authentic work of Cervantes. As early as 1838 Ramon de Campoamor? (1819- 1901) had come into notice with a romantic play, Una muger generosa. Anastute Asturian, he abandoned his original intention of entering the Jesuit order, and after studying medicine at Madrid, divided his time between politics, philosophy, the drama and poetry. He made a false start as a romantic poet with Ternezas y flores (1840) and Ayes del alma (1842): his plays— Guerra a la guerra (1870), El Palacio de la Verdad (oe ise Cucrdossy locos: (1873); Dies irae (1873), L/ 1See: J. Chastenay, Une épigramme de Martinez Villergas, in Revue Hispanique, Xvi (1908), p. 286; Xxi1 (1910), pp. 453- 456; N. Alonso Cortés, Fuan Martinez Villergas. 2nd ed. Valladolid, 1913. 2 Obras completas, ed. U. Gonzalez Serrano, V. Colorado and M. Ordofiez, Madrid, 1901-1903. 8 vols.; Poesias, ed. C. Rivas GiierttwarO21,.( Clasicos. Gast: $40) See. td a Rescux-hichatd: Humoradas, Doloras et Petits Poémes de D. Ramon de Campo- amor, in Revue Hispanique, 1 (1894), pp. 236-257; E. Pardo Bazan, in Retratos y apuntes literarios. Madrid, n.d. pp. 5-62 (Obras completas, xxxit); A. Gonzalez-Blanco, Campoamor (Biografia y estudio critico). Madrid, 1912. 454 SPANISH LITERATURE Honor (1874)—though interesting, and successful in their day, are lacking in dramatic spirit. He was said to have inaugurated a new poetic genre with Doloras (1846), Pequefios Poemas (1872-1874) and Humoradas (1886-1888). Campoamor’s definition of these forms is vague and does not establish a distinction between them. de Lord Byron (1879), and La Visién de fray Martin (1888), an echo of Leconte de Lisle ? More charming in its impressionable realism and fine simplicity is Un idilio y una elegia (1879). The poet’s sincerity, his austere perfection of style, his scrupulous observation, his love of nature are equally evident in La Pesca (1884). But Nufiez de Arce’s greatest title to glory is in the vibrating strophes of Gritos del combate, in which he shews himself a master of virile music and patriotic doctrine. He outlived his fame; his broken health and_ political isolation drove him to silence; he became immersed in his work as manager of the Banco Hipotecario and left unfinished Luzbel and Herndn el Lobo. His pessimism did not find its way into the Poemas cortos (1895) and his last piece bears the optimistic title j Sursum corda !(1900). His force lies in his gracious vision, his sincerity of feeling and his power over his instrument; his weakness is in his rhetorical flow, his moods of sentimentalism and his divided sympathies. The Valencian Vicente Wenceslao Querol! (1836- 1889) was intended for a poet, but was fated to be a railway official. His first attempts such as the Canto Epico o la guerra en Africa reveal the influence of Quintana. Querol continued faithful all his life to 1 Rimas [witha preface by T. Llorente], 1891 (Col. de Escritores Cast., 90). SPANISH LITERATURE SINCE 1868 499 the classical tradition. His best work is to be found —not in his academic and patriotic compositions, but— in the Cartas a Maria and in the strophes val Ue muerte de mi hermana Adela, where he gives artistic expression to a sincere emotion. Ouerol was not an abundant writer, and his Rimas (1877) never became popular, but his sincerity and mastery of technique won him the praise of contemporaries and rivals. Teodoro Llorente! (1826-1911), also a Valencian, was a most successful and brilliant translator, and for his versions of Victor Hugo (1861), of Goethe (1882) and of Heine (1885) may be compared with Edward Fitz- gerald. He has been accused of making Faust talk like a Spanish caéa//lero: one might say that Fitzgerald makes the Persian talk like an English gentleman who kas become an agnostic. Asa poet Llorente must be judged by his collections of Catalan poems: Librer de versos (1884-1885) and Nou libret de versos (1902) ; his Castilian poems (1907) are frequently elegant in form. Under the pseudonym of ‘ Juan Garcia,’ Amos de Escalante y Prieto? (1831-1902) wrote charming studies on Santander and produced an interesting historical novel Ave, Maris Stella (1877). His volume of verse (published posthumously i in 1907), records his impressions of the peaceful scenery and the stormy sea of his Northern home. In the post- humous collection of Poesfas (1897) another Northern poet, Evaristo Silid y Gutiérrez * (1841-1874) strikes oee © Leura Ruiz, in Lteraturas literatos. Madrid, LOU sctie, DD.2/0-200. 2 Poesias [with a critical introduction by M. Menéndez y Pelayo], Madrid, 1907. 3 Poesias [with a preface by M. Menéndez y Pelayo]. Valla- dolid, 1897. 500 SPANISH LITERATURE a note of dreamy contemplation not unlike the tone of Escalante. Silid, however, died before he could fulfil the promise of Uxa fiesta en mi aldea (1867). In harsh contrast to his gentle melancholy is the pessi- mism of the Catalan Joaquin Maria Bartrina (18 S0- 1880) whose philosophy of life is contained in Mira- beau’s words, ‘ Cette tristesse et ce comique que d’étre un homme.’* Each page of the small collection Algo (1876) is illuminated with a sinister splendour, and a note of passionate sincerity rings out from the poet who, like Coventry Patmore, drank ‘The moonless mere of sighs And paced the places infamous to tell Where God wipes not the tears from any eyes.’ Bartrina is not an artist: his Castilian 1s frequently defective, but he has an intensely personal accent that once heard is not easily forgotten. It would take up too much space to dwell on all the versifiers of this period: a few representative names must sufhce. Manuel del Palacio (1832-1907), a furious democrat and later an unyielding reactionist, had the qualities of a satirical poet. Unhappily, ie was forced by circumstances to maintain an untiring production and his Somnetos, canciones y coplas (1884) give only a faint idea of the witty talent which was squandered on journalistic labours. Federico Balart (1831-1906), an art critic who enjoyed at one time a rather overrated reputation, was no longer young when he published Do/ores (1895), in which 1s revealed the gradual transition from violent grief to resigned melancholy. Balart indulges in a false note of self-pity which is more noticeable in Horizontes (1897). During her lifetime the Galician verses of Rosalia de Castro SPANISH LITERATURE SINCE 1868 sor (1837-1885) won a local admiration; her poems in Castilian, collected under the title of Hx /as orillas del Sar (1884) were unnoticed and forgotten until a later generation discovered the charm of these com- positions, steeped in a vague and gentle melancholy, penetrated by a disquieting and morbid beauty. In these poems some critics would seek the germs of certain technical novelties which have been developed by the most recent school of Spanish poets. Be that as it may, Ex Jas orillas del Sar attracted no attention from contemporaries. Rosalia de Castro remains a solitary figure in her period. The current of taste took a different direction. The two poets most in vogue in the nineteenth century each had their disciples. Among the countless followers of Campoamor, none reproduced his inflexion more exactly than Ricardo Gil (1854-1907), author of La caja de musica (1898). Nufiez de Arce was the model of José Velarde (1849-1892), of Emilio Ferrari (1850-1907); and—at first—of Manuel Reina! (18 56- 1905), author of La Vida inquieta (1894). In his later work Reina strikes a note entirely his own, and shews a delicate fancy and beauty of form in E/ jardin de los poetas (1899) and Robles de la selva sagrada published posthumously in 1906. Less happy was Carlos Fernandez-Shaw (1865-1911) who had to be content with a renown which was limited to uncritical readers : his Poesta de la Sierra (1908) contains a strain of genuine inspiration rarely found in his vapid, declama- tory verse. Two poets from Majorca, Miguel Costa y Llobera (1854-1922) and Juan Alcover (b. 1854) 1See: E. de Ory, Manuel Reina: Estudio biografico seguido de numerosas poesias de este autor no coleccionadas en sus libros, Cadiz [1916]. 502 SPANISH TLL] EVA TACrE have produced some Castilian verse of great beauty. Costa y Llobera is the author of Liricas (1899), whose potent and impetuous verse 1s dangerously suggestive of Carducci (1836-1907) ; Alcover’s Meteoros (1901) combines religious unction with a knowledge of Baudelaire and a pagan joy in life. ‘These two ortho- dox spirits, discouraged by the prejudices of Madrid’s literary circles, confined themselves henceforward to their own tongue. Ramon Domingo Perés (b. 1863), a Cuban by birth, brought up in Catalonia, where he lives, represents the Catalan element as well as the cosmopolitan in Castilian literature. A critic of refined taste, he is also a poet, and shews in Cantos modernos (1889-1893) a gift of imagination both lofty and contemplative. In Musgo (1902) he substitutes for the traditional sonority of Castilian verse an intentional note of simplicity. A place apart must be assigned to José Maria Gabriel y Galan? (1870-1905) who, in Castellanas (1902), evokes with serene artistry the impressions of scenery in Castilla and Extremadura: some subtle spark of Luis de Leon’s genius seems to have illumined this solitary poet and sets him above other regional poets. } Among these may be mentioned Vicente Medina (b. 1866), who in Aires murcianos (1899) and La cancién de la Huerta (1905) has described with singular skill the scenery and the half-Mussulman types of Murcia. A popular poet, Medina has written little since his voluntary exile to the Argentine Republic: in 1917 he published ddonico (Nuevos aires murcianos\, in which he ‘See: E. Pardo Bazan, in Retratos y apuntes literarios (Obras completas, 32), Madrid, s.f. pp. 83-116; P. Henriquez Urefia, in Horas de estudio, Paris |1910], pp. QI-112. SPANISH LITERATURE SINCE 1868 503 returns tothe same theme. Salvador Rueda ! (b. 18 57) also draws his inspiration from Murcia in Cuadros de Andalucia (1883). His talent is unequal: he is too exuberant and lacks depth of thought and feeling. He 1s extreme in everything: his images, metaphors, colouring, invective, all are exaggerated. On every page over-emphasis and want of taste mar fine passages. A more moderate tone 1s visible in Ex trope/ (1903). Among South American authors only those names which have found a place in Spanish literature have hitherto been included in these pages. This precludes more than a passing reference to such writers as the Venezuelans, Rafael Maria Baralt (1810-1860), the historian who succeeded Donoso Cortés in the Spanish Academy, and Andrés Bello? (1781-1865), a prominent grammarian and jurisconsult as well as a cultured poet; the Ecuadorian José Joaquin de Olmedo? (1780-1847), who in his Canto de ‘funin emulates 1See: G. Ruiz de Almodovar, Salvador Rueda y sus obras. Madrid, 1891; A. Gonzalez-Blanco. Los grandes maestros, Salvador Rueda y Rubén Dario... Madrid, s.f. 2 Obras completas. Santiago de Chile, 1881-1893, 15 vols. ; Poesias, ed. M. A. Caro, 1881 (Col. de Escritores Castellanos, 3, etc); The Odes of Bello, Olmedo and Heredia, ed. E. C. Hills, New York-London, 1920 (Hispanic Notes and Monographs. Peninsular Series, 111).-—See: M. L. Amunategui, Vida de don Andrés Bello. Santiago de Chile, 1882 ; M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Antologia de poetas hispano-americanos. Madrid, 1893. Ul, pp. exiv-clviil. 8 The Odes of Bello, Olmedo and Heredia, ed. E. C. Hills, New York-London, 1920 (Hispanic Notes and Monographs, Peninsular Series, 111),—See: M. Cafiete, in Escritores espanoles é hispano-americanos. 1884, pp. 151-380 (Col. de Escritores Castellanos, 16); M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Antologia de poetas hispano-americanos. Madrid, 1894. 11, pp. cix-cxlil. 504 SPANISH LITERATURE Quintana; the Cubans José Maria Heredia! (1803- 1839), whose poems reveal his classical traditions, and Juan Clemente Zenea (1831-1871), whose tragic death bore out the inspiration of his verse; the Columbian poet Gregorio Gutiérrez Gonzalez (1826-1872), author of the Memoria sobre el cultivo del maiz (1866) and the distinguished Peruvian Ricardo Palma? (1833-1919), author of Tradiciones Peruanas (1883). ‘These all hold a high position in their own country, but they have left. no imprint on Spanish literature. New conditions of life favoured the interchange of intellectual relations ; South American writers became in the habit of making prolonged sojourns in Madrid, and the exotic element and vital forces introduced by them were absorbed into the literature of Spain. A poet from South America is the recognized initiator of a new poetic movement which began some years ago. Rustn Dario’ (1867-1916), a Nicaraguan of exceptional genius, was in reality a Cosmopolitan who had studied in every school. He began with some youthful poems published about 1880 in a local 1 Poesias liricas, Paris [1892]; The Odes of Bello, Olmedo and Heredia, ed. E. C. Hills, New York-London, 1920 (Hispanic Notes and Monographs. Peninsular Series, 111)—See: M. Menéndez y Pelayo, in Antologia de poetas hispano-americanos. Madrid, 1893. , pp. xv-xxvil; J. M. Chacon y, Calvo, ¥osé Maria Heredia, in Cuba Contempordnea, vill (1915), pp. 154-163, 259-287. 2See: H._ Petriconi, “Ricardo Palma, der Verfassersudes ‘Tradiciones peruanas,’ in Revue Hispanique, tvit (1923), pp. 207-285. 3 Obras completas. Madrid, 1917-[1919]. 22 vols. (Editorial Mundo Latino); Obras escogidas, ed. [with a critical study which occupies vol. i], A Gonzalez Blanco, Madrid, 1910. 3 vols. Los primeros versos de Rubén Dario, ed. V. Garcia Calderén, in Revue Hispanique, Xu (1917), pp. 47-55.—See: P. Henriquez SPANISH LITERATURE SINCE 1868 505 review. These were followed in 1885 by Epéstolas y Poemas: in this volume as well as in 4brojos (1887) Dario shews himself a disciple of Zorrilla, Campoamor, Bécquer and Bartrina. The influence of Victor Hugo and of Nufiez de Arce is perceptible in 4zu/ (1888), but the note of originality in this work did not escape Valera, whose spirit, steeped in classical tradition, later took fright at the young poet’s evolution. Dario’s tendency to follow French models is more marked in Prosas profanas (1899), written after he had settled in Europe. His prose, flexible and vigorous in Los Raros (1893), Parisiana (1898), Tierras solares (1904), El viaje a Nicaragua (1909) and Todo al vuelo (1912) is slightly gallicized and has an exotic savour which does not awaken the same interest as his verse. Dario’s intellectual spirit, open to all that was new or rare, eagerly received contributions from other languages. After throwing in his lot with the symbolists, he flung away all literary shackles and marked out an independent path in Cantos de vida y esperanza (1905), El canto errante (1907) and El Canto a la Argentina y otros poemas (1900), volumes redolent with beauty and emotion. A master of technique, the old measures Urena in foras de estudio” Paris [19ro|. “pp. 112-137 °. J. E. Rodo, in Cinco Ensayos. Madrid, [1915]. pp. 257-310 (Bib. Andrés Bello, 6); La vida de Rubén Dario escrita por él mismo. Barcelona [1916] ; Eleven Poems of Rubén Dario [English trans. with text by T. Walsh and S. de la Selva, introdn. by P. Henriquez Urefia], New. York-London, 1916 (The Hispanic Society of America); E. de Ory, Rubén Dario: al margen de su vida y de su muerte, etc. Cadiz [1917] ; M. Henriquez Urefia, Rodé y Rubén Dario, La Habana, 1918. pp. 79-152; James Fitzmaurice-Kelly, Rubén Dario, in The Year Book of Modern Languages. Cambridge, 1920. pp. 166-168; P. Henriquez Urenia, Rubén Dario y el siglo xv, in Revue Hispanique, L (1920), PP. 324-327. 506 SPANISH CILERA TU Ribs held no secrets for him: his dezires and /ayes have all the fragrance of bygone days, his romances and stlvas are remarkable for perfection of form. He made an extensive use of alliteration, changed the position of the accent in the alexandrine and ventured on some- thing very like the vers Zire. Not all his innovations were good. But he effected what was practically a revolution in Spanish verse. Dario died comparatively young, yet not too young perhaps. His fame was established : his work in the domain of literature accomplished. A sensitive ear may even detect traces of fatigue in some of his latest producticns. His power of metrical invention, the melody of his new cadences which gave suppleness to the old form of antique rhythm, his delicate sense of values, his ecstasy and daring genius give him a unique place among modern lyrical poets. The same quality of the rare and the exquisite is found in the verse of José Asuncion Silva! (1865-1896), who might have proved a rival to Dario, had not an untimely death cut him short. In America also the names of two women-poets from Uruguay have recently come into notice: Delmira Agustini (1890-1915) and Juana de Ibar- bourou (b. 1895), both remarkable for their mastery of spontaneous verse. Delmira Agustini’s works, Libro blanco (1907) and Cantos de la montaia (1910) have been reprinted with other poems under the title of Los Calices vactos (1913). Juana de Ibarbourou 1s first and last an authentic poet.’ Her verse, collected in Las lenguas de diamante, is the natural expression of her intense feeling for the beauty of love and life: it is the very essence of poetry—vital, passionate, 1 Poesias, ed. B. Sanin Cano [with a preface by M. de Unamuno], Paris-Buenos Aires [1913]. SPANISH LITERATURE SINCE 1868 507 glowing, instinct with sincerity and fraught with primi- tive emotion. There is no doubt as to Dario’s influence on the admirable sonneteer Francisco Villaespesa (b. 1877), author of Intimidades (1898), Tristitiae rerum (1907),, El jardin de las quimeras (1909) and other volumes of verse. He has not contrived to repeat in his plays the instant triumph which he attained in Jntimidades. It does not seem that with all his gifts Villaespesa has the dramatic faculty. Juan Ramon Jiménez ! (b.1881) is a poet of elegiac verse, simple in appearance but delicately wrought and full of lyrical ecstasy. 2nd ed. 1895*1906) 1) 1h Nortuup (George Tyler). An Introduction to Spanish Literature. Chicago, 1925. Prérez Pastor (Cristobal). Noticias y documentos relativos a la historia y literatura espanolas (Memorias de la R. Academia Esp., X, x1). Madrid, ‘1910-1914.° 2 vols: = Fe GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY (e013 PINEyRo (Enrique). El romanticismo en Espaiia. Paris, 1904. Post (Chandler Rathfon). Mediaeval Spanish Allegory. Cam- bridge, U.S.A.—London, 1915 (Harvard Studies in Com- parative Literature). PuyMaiGRE (Th. de). Les vieux auteurs castillans. Metz, Paris, 1661-1862, 2 vols:; new ed: 2 vols. Paris, 1888- 1890. PuyMAIGRE (Le Comte de). La cour littéraire de don Fuan II, POpacte asin L aris «1873), .2.vols. Revista de Archivos, bibliotecas y Museos, Tercera época. Madrid, since 1897. 44 vols. Revista de Filologia Espanola. Director, Ramén Menéndez © idalees\adrid sinces19r4, 1 vols. Revue Hispanique. Recueil consacré a l'étude des langues, des littératures et de l’histoire des pays castillans, catalans et portugais, dirigé par R. Foulché-Delbosc. Paris-New York since 1894. 64 vols. Rfos (José Amador de los). Historia critica de la literatura espanola. Madrid, 1861-1865. 7 vols. RopriGuEz Marin (Francisco). Nuevos datos para las biografias de cien escritores de los siglos xv1 y xvit. Madrid, 1923. RoussELot (Paul). Les mystiques espagnols. Paris, 1867 [Spanish trans. with prologue by P. Umbert. Barcelona, TO072 © 2) VOls:|. SANVISENTI (Bernardo). J primi infiusst dt Dante, del Petrarca e del Boccaccio sulla Letteratura Spagnuola. Milano, 1902. ScHEVILL (Rudolph). Ovid and the Renascence in Spain. Berkeley, U.S.A., 1913 (University of California Publica- tions in Modern Philology). Sousa VitrerBo (F. M. de). A Litteratura Hespanhola em Portugal (Historia e Memorias da Academia das Sciencias de Lisboa. Nova serie, 27 classe. Sciencias moraes e politicas e bellas letras), xi, Pt. 1, No: 5, pp. 151-454." “Lisboa, Tors, Tuomas (Henry) Spanish and Portuguese Romances of Chivalry. Cambridge, 1920. 524 SPANISH] LITERA PORE Ticknor (George). History of Spanish Literature. Boston, 1849. 3 vols.; 6th ed. Boston, 1888. 3 vols. [Spanish trans. by P. de Gayangos and E. de Vedia, Madrid, 1851- 1856. 4 vols. | TREND (J. B.). The Music of Spanish History. Oxford, 1925 (Hispanic Notes and Monographs, Spanish Series, x). TREND (J. B.). Luts Milan and the Vthuelistas. Oxford, 1925. (Hispanic Notes and Monographs, Spanish Series, x1). UnpERHILL (John Garrett). Spanish Literature in the England of the Tudors. New York-London, 1899. VaN VECHTEN (Carl). The Music of Spain. New York, 1918. Tite HISTOR WS © Poa bl hel) been BonittA y SAN Martin (Adolfo). Las Bacantes o del origen del teatro. Madrid, 1921. CoTARELO y Mori (Emilio). Introduccion general, in Coleccion de Entremeses, Loas, Bailes, Facaras, y Mojigangas desde fines del siglo xvt d mediados del xvii. IQ11. 1, pp. i-cecxv (Nueva Bib. de Autores Esp., 17). CRAWFORD (J. P. W.). The Spanish Pastoral Drama. Phila- delphia, 1915. CRAWFORD (J. P. W.). Spanish Drama before Lope de Vega. Philadelphia, 1922 (Publications of the University of Pennsylvania, Extra Series in Romanic Languages and (iteratures:a7 CREIZENACH (Wilhelm). Geschichte des neueren Dramas. Halle a. 9., 1893-1916, 5 vols.; 2nd ed. 1., 11, IO11T-101S- sam 1923 (ed. Adalbert Hamel). GonzALEZ-BLianco (Andrés). Los dramaturgos espanoles con- temporaneos. 1. Valencia, 1917. MARISCAL DE GANTE (Jaime). Los autos sacramentales desde sus origenes hasta mediados del siglo xvitt. Madrid, 1911. MErRIMEE (Henri). L’Art dramatique a Valencia depuis les origines qusqu’au commencement du xvii’ siécle. Toulouse, 1913 (Bibliotheque méridionale, 16). Moret-Fatio (Alfred). La Comedia espagnole du xvit* stécle. Panis si 685eezndredebarisnlo2ce d GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY Son's PEREZ Pastor (Cristdbal). Nuevos datos acerca del histrionismo espanol en los siglos xvi y xvit. Madrid, 1901; 2nd series with index by G. Cirot. Bordeaux, 1914 (Bulletin hispanique). RENNERT (Hugo Albert). The Spanish stage in the time of Lope de Vega. New York, 1909. Ve neOLCLEGLIONS* ORS GE OGLS Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles, desde la formacion del lenguaje hasta nuestros dias. Madrid. Rivadeneyra, 1846-1880. 71 vols. Bibliotheca Romanica. Biblioteca espanola. Strasburgo, s.f. 15 vols. (In course of publication.) Bibliotheca hispanica. Director R. Foulché-Delbosc. Barce- lona-Madrid-New York, 1900-1921. 22 vols. (In course of publication.) Clasicos Castellanos. Madrid, 1910-1925. 63 vols. (In course of publication.) Clasicos de la Literatura espanola. ‘Ud. A. Bonilla y San Martin. Madrid, 1915-1917. 12 vols. Coleccion de Autores Espanoles. Leipzig, Brockhaus, 1863-1887. 48 vols. Coleccion de Escritores Castellanos. Madrid, 1880-1915. 161 vols. Coleccion de libros espanoles raros 6 curtosos. Madrid, 1871- 1896. 24 vols. Coleccién de los mejores Autores Espanoles. Paris, Baudry, 1838-1872. 60 vols. Coleccién de Poetas Espanoles. Ed. Ramon Fernandez [pseu- donym of Pedro Estala]. Madrid, 1789-1820. 20 vols. Libros de antano. Madrid, 1872-1898. 15 vols. Nueva Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles. Director M. Menéndez y Pelayo. Madrid, Bailly-Baillitre, 1905-19. 24 vols. Obras dramdticas del siglo xv1. Ed. A. Bonilla y San Martin. Madrid, 1914. Sociedad de Biblidfilos Andaluces (Texts published by), Sevilla, 1867-1907. 51 vols. 526 SPANISH L] PE RAT ORE Sociedad de Biblidfilos Espanoles (Texts published by), Madrid, since 1866. 48 vols. Sociedad de Bibliofilos Madrilenos (Texts published by), Madrid, 1909-1914. II vols. VervUN CELOROGLIES Biblioteca Oropesa. Ed. dos Hispanistas [R. Foulché-Delbosc and A. Bonilla y San Martin]. Madrid, 1905-1909. 7 vols. BoOuL DE FaBerR (Juan Nicolas). Floresta de rimas antiguas castellanas. Hamburg, 1821-1825. 3 vols. BonittA Y SAN Martin (Adolfo). Antologia de poetas de los siglos x111 al xv. 1917 (Clasicos de la Literatura esp., 10). BonrtLLtA Y SAN Martin (Adolfo). Flores de poetas ilustres de los siglos xut y xvit. 1917 (Clasicos de la Literatura esp., II). BontLita y SAN Martin (Adolfo). Parnaso espanol de los siglos xvi y xix. 1917 (Clasicos de la Literatura esp., 12). CEJADOR Y FRAvcA (Julio). La verdadera poesia castellana. Floresta de la antigua lirica popular. Madrid, 1921-1924. © 5 vols. FARNELL (Ida). Spanish Prose and Poetry Old and New. Oxford, 1920. FITZMAURICE-KELLY (James). The Oxford Book of Spanish Verse xi1ith Century—xxth Century. Oxford, 1913. FITZMAURICE-KELLY (James). Cambridge Readings in Spanish Literature. Cambridge, 1920. Forp (J. D. M.) A Spanish Anthology. A collection of lyrics from the thirteenth century, down to the present time. New Work LOO Forp (J. D. M.). Old Spanish Readings. Boston [1911]. Hitis (Elijah Clarence), and Morey (S. Griswold). Modern Spanish Lyrics. New York, 1913. Lane (Henry R.). Canctoneiro gallego-castelhano. The extant Galician poems of the Gallego-Castilian lyric school (1350- 1450). New York-London, 1902. . Le STRANGE (Guy). Spanish Ballads. Cambridge, 1920. LemcxeE (Ludwig). Handbuch der spanischen Litteratur. Leip- zig, 1855-1856. 3 vols. GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY Loe MENENDEZ y PexLayo (Marcelino). Antologia de poetas liricos castellanos desde la formacion del idioma hasta nuestros dias [unfinished]. Madrid, 1890-1908. 13 vols. [The critical introductions of this anthology have been reprinted separately in vols. Iv., v, v1, of the Obras Completas of the author under the title Historia de la Poesia Castellana en la edad media. Madrid, 1911-1916. 3 vols.| MENENDEZ Y PELayo (Marcelino). Antologia de poetas hispano- americanos. Madrid, 1893-1895. 4 vols. (R. Academia Esp). [The critical introductions of this anthology have been reprinted in vols. 11, 111 of the Obras completas of the author under the title Hzstorta de la Poesia Hispano- Americana. Madrid, 1911-1913. 2 vols.| SEDANO (Juan Joseph Lopez de). Parnaso espanol. Coleccion de poestas escogidas de los mds célebres poetas castellanos. Madrid, 1768-1778. 9 vols. VaLERA (Juan). Florilegio de poestas castellanas del siglo xx. Madrid, I90I-1904. 5 vols. Vie WORKS OF REFERENCE FOR CHAPTERS J) Il BEDIER (Joseph). Les Fabliaux. 2nded. Paris, 1895. BépieR (Joseph). Les légendes épiques. Paris, 1908-1913. 4 vols. 2nd ed. Paris, 1914-1921. 4 vols. BontttA y SAN Martin (Adolfo). Historia de la filosofia espanola. Madrid, 1908-1911. 2 vols. Boucuier (Edmund Spencer). Spain under the Roman Empire. Oxford, 1914. . 7 Costa (Joaquin). Poesia popular espanola y muitologia y literatura celto-hispanas. Madrid, 1881. De. Wutr (Maurice). Histoire de la philosophie médiévale. 2nd ed. Louvain, 1905. ; Dozy (R.). Recherches sur histoire politique et littéraire de Espagne pendant le moyen age. Leyde, 1849. 3rd ed. Leyde-Paris, 1881. 2 vols. Gritz (Hirsch). Geschichte der Fuden von den diltesten Zeiten bis auf die Gegenwart. Leipzig, 1865-1870. 11 vols. 528 SPANISH LITERATURE GUILLEN Ros es (F.). Leyendas mortscas. Madrid, 1885-1886. 3 vols. (Col. de Escritores Castellanos, 35, 42, 48.) Homenaje 4 D. Francisco Codera en su jubilacion del profesorado : Estudios de erudici6n oriental [with an introduction by E. Saavedra). Zaragoza, 1904. KAYSERLING (M.). Romantsche Poesten der Fuden in Spanien. Leipzig, 1859. KAYSERLING (M.). Geschichte der fuden in Spanien und Portugal. Berlin, 1861. ; . MENENDEZ PipaL (Ramon). Poesia juglaresca y Fuglares. Aspectos de la historia literaria y cultural de Espana. Madrid, 1924. MirA y Fontanats (Manuel). De la poesia heroico-popular castellana. Barcelona, 1874. MitA y Fontanars (Manuel). De los Trovadores en Espana. Estudio de poesia y lengua provenzal. Barcelona,» 1889 (Obras completas, 11). NicHoxson (R.A.). A Literary History of the Arabs. London, 1907. Pepro Atronso. Die Disciplina Clericalis des Petrus Alfonst (das dlteste Novellenbuch des Mittelalters), ed. A. Hilka u. W. Sdderhjelm, Heidelberg, 1911 (Sammlung mittelatein- ischer Lexte: © 1) RASHDALL (Hastings). Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages. London, 1895. 2 vols. in 3. Rios (José Amador de los). Astoria social, politica y religiosa de los judios en Espana y Portugal. Madrid, 1875-1876. 3 vols. SAAVEDRA (Eduardo). La literatura aljamiada. 1878 (Dis- curso R. Academia Esp.). | ScHACK (Adolf Friedrich von). Poeste und Kunst der Araber in Spanien und Sicien: 2nd ed stuttgart, $1577-geey oe [Spanish trans. by Juan Valera. 3rd ed. Sevilla, 1881. 3 vols. ] INDEX A ‘Abdallah ibn al-Muqaffa‘ ... 27. Abencerraje y la hermosa Xarifa (Historia del) ... 183, 232, 325. Abrabanel. See Leon Hebreo. Abraham Aben-Chasdai ... 45. Abril. See Simon Abril. Aba Bakr Ahmad ibn Muhammad al sikazi/of Cordova... 26, 90. Abti’l Wafa Mubashshir ibn Fatik par22. Academia del Buen Gusto ... 405, 06. Academia Selvaje ... 281. Academy (Spanish) ... 400-401, 406. Academy of History-... 400. Acosta (José de) ... 246. Acquaviva (Giulio) ... 270. Acufia (Diego de) ... 113. Acufia (Hernando de) ... 175-177. Adam de la Halle ... 154. Agreda (Sor Maria de Jesus de) ... 374, Aguilar (Alonso de) ,.. 72. Aguilar (Gaspar Honorat de) ... 204% Pe astmi (Delmira) ... 506. Alanzuri ... 99. Alarcon (Juan Ruiz de) ... 47, 90, 285, 317-320, 385, 386, 410. Alarcon (Pedro Antonio de)... 469-470. Alas (Leopoldo) ... 474, 477, 478. Alba (Bartolomé de) ... 304. Alba (2nd Duke of) ... 153. Alba (5th Duke of) ... 295. Alba (6th Duke of) ... 377. Alberoni... 400. - Albornoz (Gil Alvarez Carrillo de) Roan Os Sit. to Alburquerque (Duke of) ... 160. Mi¢ala(Duke-of)",., 227. Alcala Galiano (Antonio Maria) ... 437, 467. Alcala Yaiiez y Ribera (Gerénimo Ceyarwn30 i, Alcazar (Baltasar del) .., 221. Alcover (Juan) ... 501-502. Aldrete (Bernardo) ... 351. Aleman (Mateo) ... 194, 320-322. PIexaAndetn es gel ote AlexandereVily al 5Oa53,°05 53 Wiexandre des bernai.s 17. Alexandre (Libro de) ... 16-17, 18, 21, 50; 100. Alay} Osel)i ea 3si7: Aierr 1450. Alfonso Onceno (Poema de) ... 37, 54, 64, 96. Al-Ghazali ... 109. Aliaga (Luis de) ... 285. Aljamiada (Literatura) .., 39-40. Alomar (Gabriel) ... 518. Alonso de Cérdoba (Fernando) ... GLa Alonso Cortés 515. Alphonso V [of Aragon] ... 69, 76, citei2e: Alphonso VI fof Castile] ... 2. Alphonso X [£1 Sabio] ... 20, 23- 33, 41, 46, 47, 55, 56, O1, 75, 84, (Narciso) .,. 355, 105. Alphonso XI [of Castile] ... 41, 43, 53-54, 56, 62. Alphonso XII... 466. Alphonso of Portugal .., 131. Al-Razi. See Aba Bakr Ahmad ibn Muhammad. ; Altamira y Crevea (Rafael) .., 509-510, $30 Alvarez (Miguel de los Santos) ... 442 Alvarez de Cienfuegos (Nicasio) .. 425-426. Alvarez Gato (Juan) ... 116. Alvarez Quintero (Joaquin) ... 496-497. Alvarez 496-497. Alvarez de Soria (Alonso) .. Alvarez de Toledo (Fernand 22,0. Alvarez de Villasandino. See Villasandino (Alfonso Alvarez de): yee dé) Gaula., SOT, 87, “107, 111, 133-140, 144, 145, 191. Amalteo (Giambattista) .,, 216. Ampuero y Urbina (Diego de) ... 294. On Adere Urbina y Cortinas (Isabel de) ... 294. Anacde: JESUSi(SOr eee 3 235. Anacreon ,.. 355: Anales Toledanos ... 20-21. Andersen (Hans) .. Sen Andrenio. See Gomez de Baquero (Eduardo). Andujar (Johan de) ... 111-112. Angelo (Michael) ... 265. Angulo y Pulgar (Martin de) ... =e tos ne Anticlaudianus ... 109. Antiocha (Cansé @’) ... 39. Antonio (Nicolas) ... 233, 420. Afiorbe (Tomas de) ,.. 405. Apolonio (Libro de) a0; Zo2: Aragon (Catherine of) . 200. Aragon (Fernando de) ... Aranda ... 407, 408. Aranda (Condesa de) ... 147. Arbolanche (Hierénimo) ... 231. Arborea (Jacopo Serra, Arch- bishop of}jo4a15 3: Argensola (Bartolomé Leonardo de) ... 285, 317, 353-354, Argensola (Lupercio Leonardo de) ... 263-264, 292, 347, 354. Argote (Francisco de) ... 328. Ouintero <(Serafin) ...: E320: Oe 374, 11-12, eEIOZ ASO, L093 INDEX Argote de Molina (Gonzalo) ... 42, 54, 259. Arguijo (Juan de) ... 354-355, Arias Montano (Benito) .,. 212, 240, 346, 348, 350. Ariosto . . 160; 163, 275422 .oe eee 256, 257, 343- Aristotlé 7. 17831352553 7440s Arjona (Juan de) ... 341. Arjona (Manuel de) ... 433. Armas y Cardenas (José de)... 516-517. Armijo de Cambronero (Dolores) --- 458. Arniches (Carlos) ... 496. Arolas (Juan) ,,, 444, 515. Artemidoro. See Rey de Artieda (Andrés). Arragel de Guadalajara (Rabbi Mosé)\...(i17¢ Arrieta (Emilio) ... 451. Asenjo Barbieri (Francisco) ... 131, 153, 478. Asensio Mas (Ramon) ... 496. Asumpcid de madona Santa Maria (Representacié ‘de la) ... 118. At:de.Mons 2-31, Ate velegata et Minerva restituta ... 247. Augier (Emile) ... 450. AUPSUSTINE (St, pace Avalos (Alonso de), Vastoer75. Avellaneda (Alonso Fernandez de) . 285-286, 405. Avellaneda (Gertrudis Gomez de) .. 449-450, Avendafio (Francisco de)... 301. Avila (Juan de) ... 198, 237, 239. Avila y Zufliga (Luis de) ... 203- 204, 223. j; Ay panadera! (Coplas de) ... 96 II5. Ayamotte (Marqués de) ... 221 Aza (Vital) ... 496. Azevedo (Alonso de) ... 342. ‘ Azorin’ ... 483-484, 488. ist Badde{ Josseyteers 7% Bacon (Francis) ... 2 Marqués del 249, 9 INDEX Baena (Juan Alfonso de) ... 84, Baladvo del sabio Merlin con sus profectas (El)... 1309. Balart (Federico) ... 500. Balbuena (Bernardo de)... 343, 344- Balmes (Jaime) ... 464, Baltasar Carlos (Prince) ... 369. Balzac (Honoré de) ... 472. Ballesteros y Beretta (Antonio) ... 510. Bancés Candamo (Francisco An- tonio de) .. pena Bancdellox../220; , 255. Barahona de oar, ee PPA oes Baralt (Rafael Maria) ... 503. Barbier. d’Orléans (Messinier) ... E57: Barcelé (Francisco) ... 129. Barlaam and Josaphat ... 45, 82, 83. Baroja (Pic) ... 484-485, 488. Barrera (Cayetano Alberto de la) aes is Barrientos (Lope de) ... 103. Barrio Angulo, ‘see Perez del Barrio Angulo (Gabriel). Barros (Alonso de) ... 274. Bartrina (Joaquin Maria) ... 500, 505. Bareuyals..27- Bassompierre (Marshal of) ... 367. Bataille de Kavresme et de Charnage (Tears 8 Oe Baudelaire ... 502. Baudouin (Nicolas) ... 278. Beamonte (Juan de) ... 109. Beaumarchais ... 316, 407. Beaumont ... 322. Bechada (Gregorio) ee 30 Bécquer (Gustavo Adoifo) cok 455, 505. Béjar (sth Duguecde) i ween: Belmonte (Brigida Lucia de) ... 259. ihavetes Bermudez (Luis de) . 316. Bella Gi Antonide lay. 291. Bello (Andrés) ... 503. Bello (Francesco) ... 313. Bembo ... 165, 167, 170 454- S31 Benavente (Conde de) ... 119. Benavente (Jacinto) ... 491-492, 493- Benvenuto da Imola ... 93. Berceo (Gonzalo de) ... 13-16, 17, 19; 20K 30;03545s Si. Bercuire ( Piette siz Bermudez (Gerdnimo) ... 261. Bermudez de Castro (Duque de Ripalda and Marqués de Lema, Salvador) ... 445, Bernaldez (Andrés) ... 128-129. Bernard St). a4. ermers( ord peer ia loa: Bertautideda Grise (Kener args. Berrien). 39. Bessarion (Cardinal) ... 125, 178. Béziers (Kamon de) 7.27. Biblioteca Nacional ... 400. Hickerstaite 282. Black Prince (The)<;..56, 59. Blanco-Fombona (Rufino) ... 517 Blanco de Paz (Juan) ... 286. Blanco White (José Maria) ... 433- 434, Blasco (Eusebio) ... 477-478. Blasco Ibdafiez (Vicente) ... 480- 482, Boabdilyys 142. Bocados de Oro ... 22, 2 Boceacciots; 437,338, 02 at St O24 93, 97, 107, 163, 257. Bodel .d*Arras ()ean) 5177: Bodies 1 Boethius.. ° 62,.9077.350: Bohl de Faber (Juan Nicolas) ... 434. Boiardo ... 176. Boileau ... 400, 403, 405. Boisrobert ... 304, 364, 388. Bolivar (Simon) ... 517. Bonaparte (Joseph) ... 421, 425 Bonilla (Alonso de) ... 357: Bonilla y San Martin (Adolfo) ... 515. Bonium. See Bocados de Oro. Borgias(Stogtrancis) e171 ees? 346. Borrow (George) ... 296. Boscan (Juan)... 166-168, 172, E7394 79. 2338200) 2100232230., 2A? 4 O05 D2. § 32 Bossuet ... 465. Botero (Giovanni) ... 369. Bourret:(Paul)) 1.9477. Boyl Vives de Canesmas (Carlos) .. 294-295. Brantome ... Tgt. Braulio Sta) e.c 142 Breton (Tomas) ... 495. Breton de los Herreros (Manuel) ... 447-448, 440. Bridges (Robert) ... 385.. Brihuega (Bernardo de) ... 24. Bristol (Count of) ... 384. Brunetiére ...7138. Buddha ... 83. Buelna (Conde de). See Nifio (Pero). Burgos (Javier de) ... 496. Burriel (Andrés Marcos) ,,, 427. Butler ... 305. Byron ... 314, 438, 443, 444, 452. Bywater (Ingram) ... 164. CG Caballero (Fernan) ... 461-462. “Caballero eCesarcoms (Ll): aang 202. Cabanyes (Manuel de) ... 444. Cabarrus (Count of) ... 423. Cabrera (Claudio Antonio de). See Saavedra Faxardo (Diego). Cabrera de Cérdoba (Luis) ... 349- 350. Cabrerizo (Mariano) ... 435. Caceres (Francisco de) ... 109. Cadalso (Josef) ... 408-409, 417. Calderon (Cristébal) ... 293. Calderon (Juan Antonio) ... 339. Calderon de la Barca (Diego) ... 379. Calderon de la Barca ( José)’ ... 378. Calderon de la Barca (Pedro) ... 45, 47, 78, 133, 159, 162, 163, 260, 265, 284, 298, 299, 3090, 315, 317, 335, 375-387, 388, 389, 392, 393, 396, 397, 399, 403, 404, 405, 408, 417, 419, 434, 443, 451, 489, 511. Calderon de la Barca (Pedro José) See Calisto y Melibea (Comedia de). See Celestina (La). INDEX Camba (Julio) ... 488. Camé6es ....78, 121,'165,°335503 yo Campoamor (Ramon de)... 453- 454, 466, 501, 505. Campomanes (Pedro Rodriguez Campomanes, Conde de) ... 427, Camus (Bishop of Belley) ... 335. Cancer y Velasco (Jerénimo de) ... 394- Cancion veal avna mudanza ... 317. Cancionetro da Ajuda ... 84. Cancioneivo geval de Garcia de RESENGE”. tal 7a Cancionero de Baena ... 84, 86, 87, 100, 105, 134. Cancionero General de Hernando del Castillo... 79, 117, 140" 05a Cancionero de H evberay' ... 93. Cancionero de obras de burlas pro- vocantes a visa... 114 Cancionero de SuiBiga Cano (Leopoldo) ... 490. CAnovas del Castillo (Antonio) ... . 111-112, 459, 508. Canzonieve portoghese Colocct- | Brancult O31 Pf S4n rss Canzontere portoghese della Biblio- teca Vaticana ... 54, 84. Cafiete 7... 247,249: Capmany (Antonio de)... 430. Caporali (Cesare) ... Carducci ... 502. Carestas ... 99. Carlyle (Joseph Dacre) ... Caro (Rodrigo) ... 356. Caron (Louise) ... 407. Carpio (Bernardo de) ... (vomances on), 73. Carpio y Lujan (Lope Felix del) ... 297, 298, 299. 244, 283. 444. 4, 79, 394; Cartagena (Alfonso de)... 62, T22. Carranza (Bartolomé) ... 237. Carrillo (Archbishop) ... 117, 127. Carrillo de Albornoz (Pedro) ... 103. Carrillo y Sotomayor (Luis) ... 327) 328. Carvajal... 69, 76, 96,-L12syeaa Carvajal (Bernardo, Cardinal) ... 157: INDEX ae Carvajal (Micael de) ... 83, 150, 249. Carvajales. See Carvajal. Casanova (Giovanni Jacopo) ... 482. Casas (Bartolomé de las) ... 205- 207. Casares (Julio) ... 482, 518. Casaus (Lorenzo) ... 416. Cascales (Francisco) eros Castelar (Emilio)... 508- 309. Castellani ... 176. Castellanos (Juan de) ... 227. Castellar (Conde del) ... 343. Castellvi (Francisco de) ... 129. Castiglione 166. Castigos e Documentos (Libro de LOS\e Roo: (Baldassare) ... 165, Castillejo (Cristébal de) ... 79, 159, 180-183, 248. Castillo (Hernando del). See Can cionero General. Castillo (Juan del) ... 191. Castillo Solérzano (Alonso de) . 364, Castro (Adolfo cle} tee, Castro (Guiomar de) . Castro (Leon de) ... Di? ears 246,340. Castro (Rosalia de) ... 500-501. Castro y Bellvis (Guillen de) ... 66, 295, 306, 308-309, 390, 391, 398. 453. aa ie Re TOO MZLOM LT, Catalina (of Portugal) ... 237. Catullus ... 182. Caxtoimese 22. Cecchi (Giovan Maria) ... 252, 256. Cejador y Frauca (Julio) ... 515. Celenio (Inarco). See Moratin (Leandro Fernandez de). Celestina (La) ... 50, 85, 108, III, 115, 141-146, 147, 149, 262, 298, 368. Cellot (Louis) ... 304. Centon Epistolarto ... 299, 371. Cepeda (Rodrigo de) ... 234. Cepeda y Ahumada (Teresa de). See Teresa de Jesus (Santa). Cerdan (Beatriz) ... 239. Cervantes (Juan de) ao: Cervantes (Rodrigo de) ... 268. Cervantes ae de, brother ot Mistellr 270,127 23 Cervantes Saavedra (Miguel de) ... 23) lig eG 5 Hal 2 tO ELOO ee TEs 139, 148, 170, 192, 193, 195, 200, 201 72637275, eet 222 2a geo, 230, 231, 249, 252, 253, 261, 263, 265, 266-289, 292, 293, 207) ROO: 318, 323, 324, 329, 332, 353, 363, 393, 405, 426, 453, yer 517. Cervantes de Salazar (Francisco) 186, 206. Céspedes y Meneses (Gonzalo de) Cetina (Gutierre de) .. 515. Chacon (Antonio) .., 331. Chapelain ... 183. Chapi (Ruperto) ... 495. Chariteo. See Gareth (Benedetto). Charlemagne ... 6, 70, 101. Charles: Lips 25,378; 308, 1300: Charles iV 3.3150; #100). 1708173: 170 e175, UOL, 185 oi O71 OL LOA 2005-203, 5204,.242°200. Charles VI fof France] ... 56 Charles le Téméraire .., 176. Chartier {Alainjo...02- Chateaubriand ... 70, 422, 435. Chatillon (Gautier de) ... 17. Chaucer eatc. 52. Chevalier au Cygne ... 39. Chrétien de Troyes ... 36. Chueca (Federico) ... 495. 174-175, Churton (Archdeacon) ... 133. Cibber (Colley) ... 384. CiCCrO eer Oos Cid Campeador (Ruy Diaz de Bivar a ely secsel Oe Od On meTG, 308, 309, 493 ; ; (vomances on), 74-75, fee ene del) ... 1-4, 5, 6, 63, 64, 493- Cid cous particular-del) ... 27 104-105. Ciego de Ferrara (El). See Bello (Francesco). Cifay (El Cauallero) ... 34-36. Circourt (Comte deja.105, Civillar (Pedro de) ... 129. Clarindo (Auto de) ... 249. Claudian ..) 292. Clavijo y Fajardo (José) ... Clement VII .?. 159, 199. 407. pet Cobarruuias Orozco (Sebastian de) Coello (Antonio) ... 392-393. Coleridge ... 464. Coloma (Luis) ... 478. Colonna (Aegidius) ... 33. Colonna (Ascanio) ... 270. Colonna (Fabrizio) ... 151, 157. Colonna (Giovanni) ... 101. Colonna (Marco Antonio) ,,. Colonna (Vittoria) ... 190. Colonne (Guido delle) ... 17, 62, IOI. Columbarius (Julius). See Lopez de Aguilar Coutifio (Francisco). Columbus (Christopher) ... 128, 120,820 5,6200;02 50: Comella (Luciano Francisco) ... 419-420, 421. Conde (José Antonio) ... 456-457, Conquista de la Nueva Castilla ... 225. Conquista de Ultvamar (Gran) ... 39 270. Conrart ... 400. Conti (Niccolo) ... 98. Contreras (Alonso de) ... 367. Cérdoba (Gonzalo de) ... 152, 205. Cordova Sazedo (Sebastian de) ... T7312 325 Corneille (Pierre) 2366) 148 = 304: 308, 309, 317, 319, 384, 398. Corneille (Thomas) ... 383, 384, 388, 392, 394. 397. Coronel Arana(Maria). See Agreda (Sor Maria de Jests de). Corrala(Gabrielidej 75202: Corral (Pedro de)... 73, 99-100, 107. Correas (Gonzalo) ... 198. Cortej6én (Clemente) ... 513. Cortés) )(Hernanda)s\1138; 207, 209, Cortés (Juan Lucas) ... 25. Cortinas (Leonor de) ... 269. Costa (Joaquin) ... 509. Costa y Llobera (Miguel) ... 501- 502. Coster (Adolphe) ... Cota (Rodrigo) ... 142, 143, 155. Cotarelo y Mori (Emilio) ... 204, ZLOe LEZ; 115-116, 514, _ Delicado (Francisco) ... INDEX Crashaw (Richard) ... 234. Crescimbeni ... 403. Croce (Benedetto) s5rsie Cronan (Urban) ... 250. Cronica de D. Alvaro de Luna. See Luna (Alvaro de). Cronica de don Juan IT de Castilla. See Juan el segundo (Cronica de don). Cronica de Castilla .. 27, 105. Cronica de veinte Reyes ... 27. Cronica general (Primera) ... 27, 34, 46, 55, 99, 202, 514. Cronica general (Segunda) de 1344 2 15,05 NOG 87490. Cronica general (Tercera) ... 27. Cronica particulary del Cid. See Cid (Cronica particular del). Cronica Trovana ... 99. Crousaz (Jean Pierre de) Crowne (John) ... 392. Cruz y Cano (Ramon de la) ... 316, 416-418, 410. Cubillo de Aragon (Alvaro) ... 393- 394. Cuervo (Rufino José) Cuctoee 435: Cueva (Beltran de la) ... 113. Cueva (Isabel de la) ... 169. Cueva (Juan de la) ... 258-261, ZOA 202" Cunninghame Graham (Gabriela) 23- MGrqOS: ... 371, 516, cy Cyrano de Bergerac ... 304. D. D*Alembertye: 334% “Damasio # (42220; D’Annunzio ... 485. Danse Macabre ... 83. Dante =... 87, 88, 90, 92; 93, 04meR8 00112, 132, 203417 ip Danza de la Muerte ... 83-84. Dario (Rubén)... 467, 504-506, 507, 516. D’Aubignac ... 404. D’Aubigné (Agrippa) ... 60. Davalos ... 95. Davdigvier ... 364. Davidson (John) ... 30. Débat du corps et de Vame ... 9. 196. INDEX Delphini (Domenico) ... 109. Denuestos del Aguay el Vino ... 12. Desportess 1230. Deza.(Diego)::.. 129. Diamante (Juan Bautista) ... 398. Diario de los Litevatos de Espana ... 404, 405. Diaz (Diego) .25205. Diaz (Francisco) ... Diaz; G\ Nan): 2.2192. Diaz. OX imMena yer. 2: Diaz de Bivar (Ruy). Campeador (E1). Diaz Callecerrada (Marcelo) ... 311. Diaz del Castillo (Bernal) ... 208. Diaz de Games (Gutierre) ... 99, 105-106, 403. Diaz de Mendoza (Fernando) ... 278. See Cid 492. Diaz de Mendoza (Ruy) ... 87. Diaz Tanco de Frexenal (Vasco) ... 150. Dicenta (Joaquin) ... 491, 494. Dickens ... 279, 474, 485, 488. Dictes and Sayings of the Philo- SOPNCYS 2s 225 Diderot ....424. Diez Canedo (Enrique) ... 507-508. Diez Serra (Narciso Saenz) ... 448. Dieze (Johann Andreas) ... 406. Disputa del Alma y el Cuerpo... 8-9. Disputoison du vin et de Viaue... 12, Disraeli ... 204. Dolce (Ludovico) ... Dolopathos ... 28. Donoso Cortés (Juan) ... 463-464, 593, 509: Doré (Gustave) ... Dorimon ... 314. Doze Sabios (Libro de los) ... 21. Dozy ... 457. Drake (Sir Francis) ... Dryden... 394. Du Bartas ... 342. Du Bellay ... 139, 165. Ducas (Demetrio) ... 164. DDUCIS S.A 1. Duefias (Johan de) ... 112. Dumas (Alexandre) pére... 148, 447: 203. 440. 295. a0 Dumas (Alexandre) fils ... 480. Du Moulin (Antoine) ... 188. Duque de Estrada (Diego) ... 367. Duveyrier (Aimé Honoré Joseph) pein’ ater E Eannes (Rodrigo). See (Rodrigo). Echegaray (José) ... 488-490, 4or1. Echegaray (Miguel) ... 496. Eguilaz y Eguilaz (Luis de) ... Elche (Misterio de) ... 118. Eleastras ... 99. Elena y Maria ... 9-10, 11. Enganos e los asayamientos de las mugerves (Libro de los) ... 28, 50. Enriquez del Castillo (Diego) ... 126-127. Enriquez Gomez (Antonio) ... 366= 367, Bnriquez degbazs(Pirique} ass ce Enriquez Gomez (Antonio), Bnzina (| uandel\ piel tsa Ost 30: 152-156, 158, 160, 161, 162, 250, 2550201. Epitoma Imperatorum ... 18. Evacle (Roman a’) ... 39. Brasitus.. 1045-202. Ercilla y Zufiga (Alonso de)... 215, 224-226, 343. Escalante y Prieto (Amés de)... 499, 500. Escobar (Juan de) ... 75. Escosura (Patricio de la) ... Escriva (Joan) ... 133, 234. Espanol mds amante y desgraciado Mactas (El) ... 85. Especulo (El) ... 33. Espina (Concha) ... 486. Espinel (Vicente) ... 324-325, 416. Espinosa (Diego de) ... 270. Espinosa (Pedro) ... 330, 332, 338- 339, Espinosa Medrano (Juan de) ... Yanez 451, 440. 35: ees (José de) 440-444, 462. Esquilache (Francisco de Borja, Printe‘of) 233357. Estébanez Calderon (Serafin) ... 459-460. BRA 3201433: 536 Estebanillo Gonzalez, hombre de buen humor (Vida y hechos de) .. 367-368. Estella (Diego de) ... 240. Estellés ... 496. Py (Grande et general) ... 23- 24, Estoria d’Espanna. See Cronica general (Primera). Estrella de Sevilla (La) ... 306-307. Etienne de Besancon ... 82. Euripides ... 247. Everaerts (Jan). (Juan). Eximeni¢ (Francesch) ... 108. Ezpeleta (Gaspar de} ... 281. Ezquerra de Rozas (Geronimo). See Gerénimo de San Josef. Ee Fadrique (E1 Infante don) ... 28. Faret (Nicolas) ,,. 369. Faria e Sousa (Manoel de) ... 229, 335: Farinelli (Arturo) ... 305, 314. Fazio (Bartolommeo) ... 122. Feliu y Codina (José) ... 490. Henelonpen2s 7. Ferdinand (of Castile, St.) ... 21, pa Po Ferdinand (Emperor) ... 181. Ferdinand IV (of Castile) ... 33, 43, 59, 75. Ferdinand V ... 69, 150, 185, 194. Ferdinand VI... 414. Ferdinand VII ... 431, 436. Ferdinand (of Portugal, King) ... See Segundo ZO 4. Fernan Goncalez (Poema de) .. 17-18, Fernandez (Alonso) ... 285. Fernandez (Lucas) ... 156, 291. Fernandez de Alarcon (Cristobal- iNajie 330. Fernandez de Andrada (Andrés) ... 350. Fernandez de Avellaneda (Alonso). See Avellaneda (Alonso Fer- nandez de). Fernandez Caballero (Manuel) ... 495: Fernandez Duro (Cesareo) . .. 909, INDEX Fernandez Flores (Francisca) ... 292. Fernandez y Gonzalez (Manuel) ... 463, 480. Fernandez-Guerra y Orbe (Aure- liane ize lene Fernandez de Moratin (Leandro). See Moratin (Leandro Fernan- dezade); Fernandez de Moratin (Nicolas). See Moratin (Nicolas Fernandez de). reece Shaw (Carlos) .. 501. Fernandez de Toledo (Garci) ... 24. Fernandez Vallejo (Felipe) ... 6. Fernando (Cantar del Rey) ... 4. Fernando de Aragon (Infante don) . 496, 50. Ferrandes (Juan) ... 39. Ferrandes (Pero). ~ See eiras (Pero) & Ferrando ... 45. Ferrari (Emilio) ... 501, 508. Ferreira (Antonio) ... 261. Ferreira (Miguel Leite) ... 135. Ferrer del Rio (Antonio) ... 457, Ferrus (Pero)?.. Sip cae Ferruz (Jaime) ... 256. Feuillet (Octave) ... 450. Féval (Paul) ... 451. Feyjoo y Montenegro (Benito Geronimo) ... 412-413, 415. Field (Nathaniel) ... 279. Fielding ... 279. Figaro ... 494. Figueroa (Francisco de)... 217- 218, Figueroa y Cordova (Diego de) ... 1395: : Figueroa y Cordova (José de) ... 395: Fitzgerald (Edward) ... 379, 499. Fleckeri2:4:79; Fletcher: .s..164, 279,282, 300) 9223 3606. Floranes Velez de Robles y En- cinas (Rafael de) ... 427-428. Flores (Juan de) ... 163. Flores de Filosofia ... 21. Florez (Enrique) ... 427. Florian ... 411. INDEX Folengo (Teofilo) .. apes Fonseca (Cristébal de) . : 165. Forner (Juan Pablo) ... 410, 411- 412. Houlche-Delbosc <((R.)+..: 33,).- 95} E157 14032 1852239260, 300,-3315 AZ5: Fox Morcillo (Sebastian) ... 245. Franchi (Fabio) ... 299. israncis 1425.1 30. Francis of Assisi (St.) ... 131. Francis Xavier (St.) ... 233. Franco-Furt (Arnaldo) ... 311. Francisco de Portugal (Don) ... 138. Preaneois dee oalesma ote) *..:)237; 240. Fray Gerundio. See Lafuente (Modesto). Freire de Lima (Simon) ... 277. Frere (John Hookham) ... 76, 230, 438. Frias (Duchess of) ... 432. Froude (Anthony) ... 207, 234. Fuero Juzgo ... 21, 22. G. Gabriel y Galan (José Maria) ... 502. Gadio (Stazio) ... 152. Galindez de Carvajal (Lorenzo) ... 104. Galvez de Montalvo (Luis) ... 231, 272. Gallardo (Bartolomé José) ... 460. Gallego (Juan Nicasio) ... 432. Ganivet (Angel) ... 479-480, Garay (Blasco de) ... 197. Garcia (Carlos) ... 363. Garcia (Juan). See Escalante y Prieto (Amés de). Garcia Alvarez (Enrique) ... 496. Garcia Arrieta (Agustin) ... 282. Garcia Asensio (Miguel) ... 410.. Garcia de Castrogeriz (Juan) ... 33, Ta4os A Garcia Gutierrez (Antonio) ... 439. Garcia de la Huerta (Vicente) ... 409-410. Garcia Morales (Pedro) ... 508. Garcia de Quevedo (José Heri- berto) ...447: -Givanel Mas (Juan) $37 Garcia de Santa Maria (Alvar) .. HO rod. Garcia Tassara (Gabriel) ... 445. Garci Lasso de la Vega ... 166, 168- 1730174; 1754177, £79, 180, 183; TO4, ZO0n21 0) 215922012 30 242 23209242,,400. Garci Lasso de la Vega, el Inca ... 348-349, Gareth (Benedetto) ... 163. Garibay y Zamalloa (Esteban de) Bis 20s Garzoni (Tommaso) .. Gatos (Libro de los). (Libro de los). Gautier (Théophile) ... 75, 80, 459. Gautier de Coincy ... 15. GAY ..0 ah BO Gayangos (Pascual de) ... 45, 510. Gelves (Alvaro Colon de Portugal, 2nd Conde dee ..21O, 220. Gelves (Leonor de Mila, Condesa SS) ea 8 8 Gentil (Berthomeu) ... 163. Geraldino (Alessandro) ... 150. Geraldino (Antonio) ... 150. Gerénimo de San Josef (Fray) ... 373. Gesta Romanorum ... 12. Giancarli(Gigio Artemio) ... 253. Gibbons. 1371. Gibson ... 75. Gili hray ran ses? 7. Gil (Ricardo) ... 501. Gil y Carrasco (Enrique) e402: Gil Polo (Gaspar) ... 230, 273. Gil y Zarate (Antonio) ... 440, Giménez (Gerénimo) ... 495. Giron (Diego) ... 218. Giron (D. Pedro) ... 140. Giron (Rodrigo) ... 72. an) ... 514. Godefroi de Bouillon ... 101. Godinez (Felipe) ... 315. Godos (Estoria de los) ... 22. Godoy ... 412, 430. Goethe ... 275, 286, 342, 379, 407, 435, 499. Goldsmith ... 409. Gomez (Pedro) ... 39. Gomez (Pero or Pascual) ... 34, 39. Gomez de Arteche (José) ... 509. 210. See Quentos $38 Gomez de Avellaneda (Gertrudis). See Avellaneda (Gertrudis Gomez de}. Gomez de Baquero (Eduardo) ... 518. Gomez Carrillo (Enrique) ... 517. Gomez de Cibdarreal (I*ernan). See Centon Epistolario. Gomez Hermosilla (Josef) ... 433. Gomez de la Serna (Ramon)... 488, Gongora*(Luisid6é)imr.177.2 04-837; 327-336, 337, 338, 339, 342, 388. Gonzaga (Ercole) ... 199. Gonzaga (Giulia) ... 199. Gonzalez (Diego) ... 211. ... 409, (vo- Gonzalez (Diego Tadeo) Gonzalez (Fernan) ... 4, 18; mances on), 73. Gonzalez-Blanco (Andrés) ... 518. Gonzalez de Bovadilla (Bernardo) ul Bh Gonzalez del Castillo (Juan Ignacio) ... 418-419, Gonzalez de Clavijo (Ruy) ... 97- 98. Gonzalez de Salas (Jusepe An- tonio) ... 373-374, Gorostiza (Manuel 436-437. GOWeto. - 11. Govan. e418. GOZZ1, 385 301.6204. Gracian Infanzon (Lorenzo). See Gracian y Morales (Baltasar). Gracian y Morales (Baltasar) ... 317, 336, 345, 368-371. Grajar (Gaspar de) ... 211. Granada (Luis de) ... 236-238, 2309, 286. Granvela (Francisco Perrenot de) tes 203: Grau (Jacinto) ... Gravina ... 403. Gravina 4 la Gregory ( St.) i. ti, 022 Grimaldus ... 14. Grosseteste (Robert) ... ro. Groussac (P.) ... 30, 33. Guardo (Juana de) ... 295, 296. Guerrero (Maria) ... 492. Giiete (Jaime de) ... 159, 248. Eduardo) ... 494. INDEX Guevara (Antonio de) ... 187-191, 360. Guevara (Luis de). Guevara (Luis). Guevara (Miguel de) ... 233. Guillen de Segovia (Pero) ... Guillaume de Tyr ... 39. Guimera (Angel) ... 489. Guizot ... 464. Gustioz (Gonzalo) ... 5. Gutierrez (Tomas) ... 276. Gutiérrez Gonzalez (Gregorio) ... 504. Gutierrez de Montalvo. See Mont. alvo (Rodriguez de). Guyon (Mme.) ... 375. Guzman y Lacerda (Isidra de) ... 477: See Velez de TL; HH. Hallam ... 286. Hardy (Alexandre) ... 282, 291. Haro (Juan Fernandez de Velasco, Condé de) #7 220-225, Haro (Luis de, Prime Minister) ... 378. Haro: (Luis: de) 277263: Hartzenbusch (Juan Eugenio) ... 90, 262, 439-440, Harvey (Gabriel) ... 196. Hauréau ... 12. Hauteroche ... 383. Hazafias y La Rua (Joaquin) ... 515. Hazlitt. 27205220 Heiberg ... 385. Heine (Heinrich) ... 30, 455, 499. Henry of Trastamara ... 56, 57. Henry III ... 56, 85§80, 67,a028 Henry IV ... 86, 112, 193; 1367s T25 N20 ,ei2a. Henry, IV of France 2.2348: Henry VIII of England ../178; 200. Herberay (Nicolas de) ... 135, 136, 140. berbertinen2s: Heredia (José Maria de), the Cuban poet ... 504. Heredia (José Maria de), the French poet =r. 00; 208; Hermoso ... 496. INDEX Hernandez (Alonso) ... 152. Hernandez de Ayala (Roque) ... 207: Hernandez de Oviedo y Valdés (Gonzalo). See Oviedo y Valdés (Gonzalo Hernandez de). Hernault de Beaulande ... 18. Herrera (Antonio de) ... 206. Herrera (Fernando de) ... 94, 165, TOS, 621 S=221 0297, 33156992) 1355. Herrera de Jaspedés (Don Hugo). See Hervas y Cobo de la Torre (José Gerardo de). Flermick-.-.9340, Hervas y Cobo de la Torre (José Gerardo de) ... 404-405. Hervas y Panduro (Lorenzo)... 427- Hoffmann ... 455 Hojeda (Diego de) ... 342, Holberg (Ludwig) ... 284, 392. Holland (Lord) ... 434. Holland (Wilhelm) ... 26. HOMei a 182 108.404: PAOPdCOte el 71122 2,9325)) 354: Horozco (Sebastian de) ... 196, 198, 255. Hoz y Mota (Juan Claudio de la) ... 399, 446. Hozes y Cérdoua (Gonzalo de) ... 331. Huarte de Sant Juan (Juan)... 245-246. Hiibner ... 465. Huet, Bishop of Avranches ... 68. Huerta y Vega (Francisco Manuel dé) 404. Pi omvictohi seit) 00,572) 1-74; 282, ea ee 444, 454, 499, 505. Humboldt . 6. Hunain ibn Tig al- Pedy Hurtado (Luis) ... 83, 193, Hurtado de Mendoza Tei ak 316. Hurtado de Mendoza (Diego) ... gl. Hurtado de Mendoza (Diego), the historian. See Mendoza (Diego Hurtado de). Hurtado de Mendoza (Garcia) ... 2248220. Hurtado de Velarde (Alonso) ... 76. 539 G Ibafiez (Maria Ignacia) ... Ibarbourou (Juana de) Ibsen ... 489. Iglesias de la Casa (Josef) ... 425, Ignatius of Loyola (St.) ... 1309, 198, 233, 234. Ildefonso (Vida de San) ... 38. Imperial Hee ... 81, 87-88, Dunocents lite s2: Insta (Alberto) ... 485. Ivanzo (Relacion de fechos del con- destable Miguel Lucas de) ... 127, eee (Tomas de)... 325, 410- Isabel the Catholic .. 1235124501 300k 3201 50, Isabel de Valois .., 269, 270. Isabel [of Bourbon] ... 336. Isabel II ... 468. 08, 409. ... 506-507, AOG, T20nt cr Isidores ofspevilles(St)) 3.627082) 109. Isidore of Madrid (St.) ... 376. Isla (Josef Francisco de) ... 413- 416, Is-salps (Joaquin Federico). See Isla (Josef Francisco de). i Jackson Veyan (José) ... 496. Jacome (Maestro) ... 32. James I of England ... 31. Janer (Florencio) ,.. 510. Jauregure¢)uanede)eaes ries ss) 335, 300, Jean de Meung ... 96. Jean de la Haute-Seille ... 28. J TOUTE a > tae Jérusalem (Chanson de) ... 39. Jiménez (Juan Ramon) ... 507. Job (The Book of) ... 97. Johni the: Baptist (St) en roe. John I... 84. John 11: 250564) °S6992%2 945205, 102, 103;,106, 107; EPIRUIS4 140, John III [of Portugal] ... 184, 228. John IV [of Portugal] ... 373. John of Austria (Don) ... 214, 220, 22 3924312790 3291s John of Capua... 28. John of Gaunt ... 102. 540 Jones (Sir William) ... 444. Jonson (Ben) ... 279. Jorge de Trebisonda ... 125. José (Poema de) ... 40- Al, Josephus ... 178. Jovellanos (Gaspar Melchor de) ... 410, 420, 422-424, 425 Juan of Portugal (the Infante) ... Pp BaP ONES Juan el segundo deste nombre (Cronica del sevenissimo rey don) .. 100, 103-104, Juan Alfonso ... 45. Juan de los Angeles ... 239-240, Juan Climaco (San) ... 225. Juande la. Cruzi(San)'<...172, 236, 238-239. Juan de la Magdalena ... 225. Juan Manuel (E1 Infante Done. ae 29; 33; 37; 41=48595535 55. 40> ce Juan Poeta .,, 114. Juan de Valladolid. Poeta. Juana (the Infanta) ... 228. Juana Inés de Ja Cruz (So ape 396. Jugement d’Amour (Le) .. Juromenha .,. I2I. See Juan i Kalila et Digna .., 27-28, 47. Kant ... 280. Keats! (] Oni jg... 278 Killigrew ... 383. Klopstock ... 342. 1B, Lafayette (Mme. de) ... 326. La Fontaine ... 52, 188, 410. Lafuente (Modesto) ... 457, 510. Lainez (Diego) ... 2, 65. Lalita-Vistara ... 83. Lamb (Charles) ... 286. Lambert (Théaulon de) Eambertileslorsie7.sr 7: Lamberto (Alfonso) ... Lancelot ... 78. Lancelot (Nicolas) ... 365. Lando (Ferrant Manuel de) ... 88. Pangoravaye: Lanini(Pedro Francisco de) .., a4 30: 286. 390. INDEX Lara (Cantar de Gesta de los In- fantes de) ... 5,, 25, 26. Lara (vomances on the Intfantes de) we 13-74, La Rochefoucauld ... 370. Larra (Mariano Josef de)... 85, 446, 457-459, 460, 462, 515. Lasala (Manuel) .. ALO: Lasso de la Vega (Gabriel Lobo). See Lobo Lasso de la Vega (Gabriel). Lasso de la Vega (Pedro) ... 169. Lastanosa (Vincencio Juan de) ... 369. Latini (Brunetto) ... 34. Latour (Antoine de) ... 219. Laude Hispaniae (De) ... 18. Lavater ... 246. Law (William) ... 234. Laya (Léon) ,.. 451. Lazarillo de Tormes (La Vida de) ... 194-196, 256, 320, 323. Lea (Henry Charles) ... 456. Letbossues 402; Lebrixa (Antonio de) ... 69, 125, 128, 151, 153, 154, 164, 352. Lecente de Lisle ~... 66,075 47Gm arm Ledesma (Alonso) ... 357. Leite Ferreira (Miguel). See Fer- reira (Miguel Leite). Leiva (Diego de) ... 243. Lemos (Conde de) ... 281, 288, 296, 3)5yae Lemos (Condesa de) ... 405. Leon 2s 25150: Leon (Luis de) ... 165, 172, 209- 215, 220, 235, 236, 240, 264saaae 338, 346, 304, 426, 444, 502. Leén (Ricardo) ... 486. Leon Hebreo .., 164-165, 273, 349. Leon Merchante (Manuel de}eea 395, Lerma (Duque de) ... 330. Lesage ... 305, 308, 316, 325, 364, 384, 388, 389, 416, 450. Lewis (Matthew Gregory) ... 431. Leyba Ramirez (Francisco. de) og Liberio (Silvio). Pablo). Libertino (Clemente). See Mello (D. Francisco Manuel de). See Forner (Juan INDEX Linares Rivas (Manuel) ... 493. Betuini Greet 1 3c Lian de Riaza (Pedro) ... 338, _339- Lifian y Verdugo (Antonio) ... 365. Lipsius (Justus) ... 358. Lisandro y Roselia (Tragicomedia de) a1 48. Lista (Alberto) ... 433, 440, 441, 459: Reve ay 802,72 43: Loaysa (Jofré de) ... 24. Lobeira (Joan de) ... 136. Lobeira (Vasco de) ... 135. Lobo (Eugenio Gerardo) ... 401. Lobo Lasso de la Vega (Gabriel) ... 339-340, Lobon de Salazar (Francisco) ... 413. TOCkeu 280. ockhattit 72. Locman.) 410. Lo Frasso (Antonio de) ... 231, Lomba y Pedraja (José Ramén) .. 515. Longfellow ... 79, 121. Lope de Vega. See Vega Carpio (Lope Telix de). Lopez de Aguilar Coutifio (Fran- cisco) .,. 298. Lépez Alarcén (Enrique) ... 508. Lopez de Avalos (Ruy) ... 102. Lopez de Ayala (Adelardo) ... 451. Lopez. desAyalai(Pero) ....37; :38, 39,152, 00-62, 81, 84, 87, 89, 92, BO PLOOM IOs, LO4, 1 343243: Lopez de Corella (Alonso) ... 185. Lopez de Enciso (Bartolomé) . 2315 Lopez Garcia (Bernardo) ... 452. Lopez de Gémara (Francisco) ... 207-208. Lépez de Haro (Rafael) ... 486. Lopez de Hoyos (Juan) ... 270. Lopez Maldonado (Gabriel) ... 339. Lopez de Mendoza (Ifligo). See Santillana (Marqués de). Lopez Pinciano (Alonso) ... 352, 62097 525" Lépez Silva (José) ... 496, 497. Lopez de Ubeda (Francisco) ... 278, 285, 323-324. Lopez de Sedano .. 541 Lopez de Ubeda (Juan) ... 340. Lopez de Velasco (Juan) ... 201. Lopez de Velorado (Juan) ... 104. Lopez de Vicufia (Juan) ... 331. Lopez de Villalobos (Francisco). ae Villalobos (Francisco Lopez €); Lopez de Yanguas (Hernan) .,, 250. Porenzo)()} wan) s.0 1-327, Losada (Duke of) ... 423. Touis2x LVi. 49380. 1 ucalle.. 94; °355- Lucas (bishop of Tuy) ... 18, 24. Lucena (Juan de) ... 122-123. Lucefio (Tomas) ... 496. TPuciaie1 90, 2000244) Lucidario (El) ... 34. Lucio (Celso) ... 496. Lugo y Davila (Francisco de) ... 365. Luis of Portugal (Don) ... 178. Lujan (Micaela de) ... 295, 297. Lull (Raymond) ... 42, 43, 45. Luna (Alvaro de) .,. 93, 104, I17. Luna (Coronica de don Alvaro) ... 104. Luxan (Pedro de)". 102: Luxan de Sayavedra (Matheo) ... 321. Luzan, Claramunt de Suelves, y Gurrea(lenacio;de)i 2104225) 402-405, 406, 407. Lyly ... 190. Lytton (Edward Bulwer) .., 492. Li Llaguno y Amirola (Eugenio de)... 105, 403. Llorente (Juan Antonio) ... 455- 456. Llorente (Teodoro) ... 499. M. Mabbe (James) ... 322. Macaulay ... 404, 416. Machado (Antonio) ... 507, Machado (Manuel) ... 507. Machiavelli ... 160, -351. Macias (El Espanol mas amante y desgraciado )... 85. 542 Macias 0 Namorado ... 85, 86, 92. Macias Picavea (Ricardo) ... 479. Magos (Auto de los Reyes) ... 6-8, 108 Mainet .,. 39. Maldonado (Lopez). Maldonado (Gabriel). Maldonado (Juan) ... 247. Male (Willem van). See Van Male (Willem). Malipiero (Girolamo) ... 232. MaltCaraa(uanede)t22, 196-197, 218, 256, 2538. See Lopez Malon de Chaide (Pedro) ... 165, 239. Malpica (Marqués de) ... 296. Mancha (Teresa) ... 441, 442. Mandamientos (Diez) ... 20. Manriquei(Gomez)s, 2110) aar£0, 117-121. Manrique (Jorge) ... 87, 110, 121- ZANT ZOMTS see ee Manrique (Maria) ... 120. Manrique de Lara (Jerénimo) .. 293. Manto (Pleyto del) ... 114. Mantuano (Pedro) ... 347. Manuel (of Portugal) ... 159. Manuel (Infante Don) ... 45. Manuel de Lando (Ferrant). See Lando (Ferrant Manuel de). Manuel de Mello (Francisco). See Mello (D. Francisco Manuel de). Manzoni ... 432, 452. Mafier (Salvador Joseph) ... 412. Marcela de San Felix (Sor) ... 297, 299. March (Ausias) ... 99, 175, 229. March: ¢Jaime)’-s,2117- Marche (Olivier de la) ... 176. Marchena y Ruiz de Cueto (José) Re 23 7 RO e VASA. Maria (the Infanta) ... 228. Maria Egipciaqua (Vida de Santa) O10; ¥ Maria de Jesus de Agreda (Sor). See Agreda (Sor Maria de Jesus de). Maria de la Visitacion (Sor) .. 237) Mariana (Juan de)... 240, 297, 345-348. 27, -OSmzor, INDEX Marie VEgyptienne Sainte) ... 10. Marie de France ... 36. Marineo Siculo (Lucio) ... Marino .;. 327, 328. Marlowe ... 202. Marot ... 50. Marquez (Juan) ... 351, 369. Marquina (Eduardo) ... 493. Marti (Juan) ... 286. Marti (Juan José) ... 321. Martial oar 225. Martin de Cérdoba ... 24. Martin de la Plaza (Luis) ... Martinez (Fernan) ... 32. Martinez de Cantalapiedra (Mar- CIT |Home? EL Martinez de Medina (Gonzalo) ... (Lay Viemeae 150, 164. 339: Martinez Oimedilla (Augusto) ... 486, Martinez de la Rosa (Francisco) .. 435-437. Martinez Ruiz _ (José). ST AZorin Martinez Salafranca (Juan) ... 404. Martinez Sierra (Gregorio) ... 494. Martinez de Toledo (Alfonso) .. 107-108, 146. Martinez Villergas (Juan) ... 453, Martir d’Anghiera (Pietro) ... 150. Mary Stuart ... 298. Mary Tudor ... 178, Igt. Masdeu (Juan Francisco de) ... 428. Massinger ... 284. MaSuUCcCIONe= 422. Matos Fragoso ... 274, 394, 395. Maximilan [Fmperor of Mexico)... AO Maximilian IT ... 352. Maximus (Valerius) ... 124. Mayans y Siscar (Gregorio) ... 195, 415, 426-427, Medina (Bartolomé de) ... 2I0. Medina (Francisco de) ... 218, 221. Medina (Vicente) ... 502. Medina Sidonia (Duque de) ... 207. Medinaceli (Third Duque de)... 252: Medrano (Julian de) ... 278. See INDEX Melendez Valdés (Juan) ... 409, 424-425, 436, 437. Mélesville. See Duveyrier (Aimé Honoré Joseph). Mello (D. Francisco Manuel de) ... 372-373. Mena (Gonzalo de) ... 61. Mena (Juan de) ... 68, 71, 81, 94- 96207 2103 .1OA LIL) 112, 122, Peete 32, 1A? TAR ed OO} Mendez (Simon) ... 281. Mendoza (Diego Hurtado de)... 54, 174, 177-179, 181, I91, 195, 201, 222, 223, 242-244, 281, 372. Mendoza (Father Fernando de) ... 6 Mendoza (Fray Inigo de) ... Tot Menéndez y Pelayo (Marcelino) ... 72, 77, 143, 155, 403, 511-512, 9137 514, 515- Menéndez Pidal (Ram6n) ... 4, 26, 67, 218, 514-515. 130, Meredith) George). ;, 287: Mérimée (Prosper) ... 30, 58, 447. Merriman (Roger) ... 207. Mesa (Cristdébal de) .., 343-344. Mesa (Enrique de) ... 508. Mesonero Romanos (Ramon de) ... 460-461. Metastasio ... 411. Mexia (Hernan) ,.. 116. - Mexia (Pero) ... 202-203. Michaélis de Vasconcellos (Caro- lita. eel 7 4; Middleton ,.., 282. Mila (Leonor de). (Leonor de Mila, Condesa de). Mila y Fontanals (Manuel) ... 5, 76, 510-511. Milan (Duchess of) ,., 178. Mill (John Stuart) ... 434. MiIPOmu 2 7.5, 93015.402- Mingo Revulgo (Coplas de) ... 113. Mira de Amescua (Antonio) .,. 317, 398. Mirabeau ... 500. Miranda (Luis de) ... 256. Miré (Gabriel) ... 487-488. Miseria de Homne (Libro de) ... 53. Moliére ,,, 283, 304, 314, 316, 365, 384, 391, 396, 420, 437, 492. See Gelves’ a0 Molina (Tirso de) ... 260, 262, 285, 311-315, 335, 379, 380, 385, 386, 388, 390, 391, 408, 410, 419, 439, 514. Molinier (Guilhem) ... 154. Molinos (Miguel de) ... 374-375. Moncada (Francisco de), Conde de Osona ... 371-372. Moncada (Miguel de) ... 270. Mondéjar (Marqués de) ... 25, 426. Monlau (Pedro Felipe) ... 510. Bere y Silva (Crist6ébal de) ... 0. Montaigne. ..165, 191, 207; Montalvan (Alvaro de) ... 143. Montalvan (Juan Perez de) ... 262, 291, 299, 310-311, 319, 439. Montalvo (Luis Galvez de). See Galvez de Montalvo (Luis). Montalvo (Garci Rodriguez de) ... 81, 134, 140, rer. Montemayor (Jorge de) ... 79, 121, 227-230, 231, 232, 233. Montem6or (Jorge de). See Monte- mayor (Jorge de). Monteser (Francisco Antonio de) ors O 5. Montesino 130-131. Montesquieu ,., 409, 422. Montfleury ... 315, 395. Montiano y Luyando (Agustin) ... 216, 406, 407. Montoro (Anton de) .. 114, 115, 116. Moore ... 444. Mora (José Joaquin de) :.. 434, 452. Moraes Cabral (Francisco de) ... 193. Morales (Ambrosio de) ... 241. Moratin (Leandro Fernandez de) .» 417, 420-422, 430, 436, 437, 447) 449. Moratin (Nicolas Fernandez de) ... 407-408. More (Sir Thomas) ... 148, 219. Morel-Fatio (Alfred) ... 12, 82, 195. Moreno Lopez (Eugenio) ... 443. Moreto y Cavafia (Agustin) ... 317, 389-392, 394, 395, 403. Morillo (Gregorio) ... 341. (Fray Ambrosio) ... 113- omulehiZ 544 Moros (Lope de) ... 12. Moscoso y Sandoval (Cardinal Baltasar de) ... 390. Mosé Arragel de Guadalajara (Rabbi). SECemAT aS cl aaredc Guadalajara (Mosé). Mosquera de Figueroa (Cristébal) wes 2a7 03 Mozart ... 314. Mudarra (Alonso de) ... 121. Muntaner (Ramon) ... 372, Mufioz (Juan Bautista) ... 428. Munoz y Romero (Tomas) ... 9. Murat 22422: Muratoril ... 403. Musaeus ... 167. Muzio ... 251. Muzzarelli ... 176. N. Nagera (Esteban de) ... 80, 184. Naharro (Pedro). See Navarro (Pedro). Najera (First: Duke of)3..4957- Napier (Sir William) ... 289. Napoleon ... 430, 432, 457. Nasarre (Blas Antonio) ... 405- 406. Natas (Francisco de las) ... 250. Navagero (Andrea) ... 167, 182. Navarro (Pedro) ... 256. Navarro y Ledesma (Francisco) ... 513. Navarro Villoslada (Francisco) .., 463 Nazeri de Ganassa(Alberto) ...254. Nebrixa (Antonio de). See Le- brixa (Antonio de). Negueruela (Diego de) ... 255, Nerval (Gérard de) ... 422. Nevares Santoyo (Marta de)... 297, 298, 299. Newman (Cardinal) ... 434. Nibelungenlied (Das) ... 64. Nieremberg (Juan Eusebio de) ... 165, 374, Nifio (Pero), conde de Buelna.. 84, 105, 106. Nobleza o Lealtat (Libro de la) ... 21. Norofia (Gaspar Maria de Nava Alvarez, Count of) ... 426, 444. INDEX North (Sir Thomas) .,. Nucio (Martin) ... 80. Igl. Nufiez de Arce (Gaspar) ... 466, 497-498, 501, 505, 508. Nufiez de Toledo (Hernan) ... 164, 185, 186, 197, 198, 241, 247. On Ocampo (Florian de) ... 201-202, 203. Ocafia (Francisco de) ... 340, Ochino (Bernardino) ... 199. Ochoa (Eugenio de) ... 112. Ochoa (Juan) ... 478. Odo of Cheriton .., 82. Olidis}ianrdelias p27, 25, 20,0249 Olivares (Conde-Duque de) ... 274, 331, 359, 386. Oliueros de Castilla y Artus dal- garve (Historia de los nobles caualleros) ... 139. Olmedo (José Joaquin de) ... 503. Ofia (Pedro de) ... 226. Ordofiez de Montalvo (Garci) ... 134. Oropesa (Conde de) ... Ortega y Gasset (José) Ortiz (Agustin) ... 248. Ortiz Melgarejo (Antonio) ... Osorio (Elena) ... 293, 294. Osorion( Isabel) ayer 2 nr: Osorio (Rodrigo)... 276. Osuna (third Duke of) ... 359. Oudin(César}\... 2 7. Ouville (Antoine le Métel d’)... 353. Ovid"... 50, 170,177, 162,222 ene Oviedo y Valdés (Gonzalo Her- nandez de) ... 25, 204-205, 206. 397: ... 518-519, 361. RP. Pacheco (Francisco) ... 218. Pacheco de Narvaez (Luis) ... Padilla (Juan de) ... 131-132. Padilla (Pedro de)’..(272, 27a Paez de Castro (Juan) ... 178. Paez de. Ribera. [xvi cieirogs Paez de Ribera (Ruy) ... 88-89. Paez de Santa Maria (Alfonso) ... 358. 97- Palacio (Manuel del) ... 500. INDEX Palacio Valdés (Armando) ... 474- 475. Palacios (Miguel de) ... 496. Palacios Salazar y Vozmediano (Catalina de) ... 273. Palafox (Jer6nimo) ... 271. Palau (Bartolomé)... 159, 248- 249, 253, 259. Palencia (Alfonso de) ... 124-126. Palma (Ricardo) ... 504. Palmart (Lamberto) ,., 129. Palmewim de Inglaterra. See Moraes Cabral (Francisco de). Palmerin de Oliva ... 192. Pamphilus ... 50 Panchatantra ... 27. Paravicino y Arteaga (Hortensio WelUX ie. 0o 1, 3775 414: Parcerisa (Francisco Javier) ... 405. Pardo (Felipe) ... 459. Pardo Bazan (Emilia, Condesa de) .. 475-477, 478, 480. Paredes (Alonso de) ... 34, 39. Paris (Gaston) ,.. 131. Partidas (Las siete) .. see GLMOS, Pastor Diaz (Nicomedes) wo. 444- 445, Patmore (Coventry) ... 238, 468, 500. Pauli (Johannes) ... 258. Paz (Enrique de). See Enriquez Gomez (Antonio). Paz (Felipa de la) ... 258. Paz y Mélia (Antonio) ... 513. Pedraza (Juan de) ... 250. Pedro (Don), Constable of Por- tugal ... 68, 85, 92, 96-97. Pedro Alfonso ... 47, 50, 82. Pellicer de Salas y Tovar (José) ... 29; 335+ s Pefialosa (Francisco) ... 131. Pepys ... 393. PerrAbDbate.) 24.17. ‘Perales y Torres (Isidro).’”’ See Nasarre (Blas Antonio). 126, Peralvarez de ee 240: Percy (Thomas) .. Pereda (José Maria de) ... 471-472, 476, 480. Pereira (Gomez) ... 245. S.L. 2M $45 Pereira Marramaque (Antonio) , 174. Perés (Ram6n Domingo) . Perez (Alonso), 231. Perez (Alonso), bookseller ... 310. Perez (Fray Andrés) ... 323. Perez (Antonio) .,. 344-345, Perez uan ie. 2a 7 Perez (Suero) ... 24. Pérez de Ayala (Ram6n) ... 487. Perez del Barrio Angulo (Gabriel) bod. Pérez Galdés (Benito) ... 472-474, Pérez y Gonzalez (Felipe) ... 495. Perez de Guzman (Fernan) ... go, 99, 100-103, 128. . 502. novelist . Aeon Perez de Hita (Ginés) ... 71; 325- 326, Perez de Montalvan (Juan). See Montalvan (Juan Perez de). Perez de Oliva (Hernan) ... 186, 240; 24773 Pérez Pastor (Cristébal) ... 513. Perez del Pulgar (Hernando) ... L277. Perrin (Guillermo) ... 496. Pescara... 051. Peseux-Richard (H.) ... 454. Petemehe Cruelien5 2056.15 7 5 lok; (vomances on), 75-76, Petrarcheeng203, 104 shOssloo, T7121 75, 202.2090. Petronius) 5.52: Phaedrus ... 50, 410. Phillis et Flora... 9. Philip ll 30;4075,11 91 51225,1240; ZAZ, 25 Ina O0 2 72 ee 7 TA Ae Philip Lign220)-255. Philp: hV 2712537453778 1041309) 393, 397, 399: Philip the Fair of France... 33, 150. Philip-August ... 28. Pi y Margall (Francisco) ... 465. Piccolémini (Enea Silvio) ... 122. Picén (Jacinto Octavio) ... 478. Pichn’ (José) 473: Pidal (Pedro José, first marqués de irate aN Meee) ver Piferrer (Pablo) oss 405. Pineda (Juan de) ... 224. 546 Pineda (Juan de) [of the Passo honroso] ... 106. Pinéday(.Pearo 231. Pius II. See Piccol6mini (Enea Silvio). Pitillas (Jorge). See Hervas y Cobo de la Torre (José Gerardo de). Platiy (Cronica del muy valiente y esforcado caballero) ... 192. Plato ... 245. Plautus':../185, 247, 252, 257. Plazuela, conde de Cheste ... 440. Pliny ... 185, 247. Plutarch .., Iot. Polo (Gaspar Gil). See Gil Polo (Gaspar). Polo de Medina (Salvador Jacinto) 120 302. Ponce (Bartolomé) ... 232. Pontus de Thyard ... 165. Pope.....341- Poridat de las Poridades ... 22. Portocarrero (Pedro) ... 214. Prado (Andrés de) ... 255. ‘ Prete Jacopin, vecino de Burgos.’ See Haro (Juan Fernandez de Velasco, Conde de). Primaleon ... 192. Proaza (Alonso de) ... 143. Procter (Adelaide) .,. 30. Proverbios (Libvo de los buenos) ... 21. Proverbios en vimo del sabio Sala- mon, vey de Isrrael ... 38-39, Proverbs (Book of) .. 21 Provincial (Coplas del) .. Sio143) Ligwi2 5. Prudentius ... 14. Puig (Leopoldo Gerénimo) ... 404. Pulgare (Hemandom del) 112, 127-128, Puymaigre (Comte de) ... 105. Puyol y Alonso (Julio) ... 5, 514, Q. Quadrado ( José Maria) ... 464-465. Quentos (Libro de los) ... 81-82, Querellas (Libro de las)... 29. Querol (Vicente Wenceslao) .. 498-499, INDEX Question de amor de dos enamorados . 151-152. Quevedo y Villegas (Francisco de) .» 90; 197, 214, 2157) 210,820g 310, 316, 318, 335, 339, 357-363, 373, 406, 443- Quinault ... 283, 384. Quintana ‘(Manuel Josef) wee 2HA, 429-432, 436, 437, 497, 498, 504. Quifiones (Suero de) ... 106, III. QOuifiones de Benavente (Luis) ... 284, 316, Lass. Racine ... 403. Raineri (Anton Francesco) ... Rapin ... 403. Razi (al). See Aba Bakr Ahmad ibn Muhammad. Rastell (John) ... 148. Ravaillac ... 348. Razon de amor, con los denuestos del agua y el vino .,. 12-13. Rebolledo (Conde Bernardino de) malOS SOO4s Refranes que dizen las viejas tras el huego ... 197. ‘ Regafiadientes (El Bachiller).’ See Forner (Juan Pablo). 252. Regnier. 350.1237. Reina (Manuel) ... 501. Khenaniy. 40. Rennert (H. A.) 3228" 23a. Répide (Pedro de) ... 487. Resende (Garcia de). See Can- cioneivo geval de Garcia de Resende. Revelacion de vn hermitanno ,,. 53, Rey de Artieda (Andrés) ... 249, 261-262, 4309. Reyes (Alfonso) ... 517. Reyes (Pedro de los) ... 233. Reyes dorient (Libro dels tres) ... 9 Reyna (Casiodoro de) ... 350. Reynoso (Félix José) ... 432-433. Rhua (Pedro) ... 189. Ribeiro (Bernardim) ... 227. Ribera (Diego de) ... 71. Ribera (Luis de) .,. 340-341. Rich (Barnabe) ... 252. Riego (Miguel del) ... 132. INDEX Rioja (Francisco de) ... 356. Rios (José Amador de los) ... 510. Rios (Nicolas de los) ... 292. Riquier (Giraldo) .., 31. Rivadeneyra (Pedro de) ... 350- 351, 369 Rivas (Angel de Saavedra Remirez de Baquedano, duque de) ... 399, Sedge To AC? Rivers (Lord) .. Rixa animi et Pie oo Roa (Martin de) ... 351. Robespierre ... 2 37, Az 2., Robles (Blas de) .. Bayi ® Robles (Francisco ‘de) a7 3. Robles (Juan de) ... 373. Roca (Conde de la). See Vera y Figueroa ae Antonio de), OD P.OGCLICKe., 044 24500705,), QQ" 11 70- mances on, 72-73. Rodé (José Enrique)... 516, Rodrigo (Cantar de) ... 65-66, 74, 75° Rodrigo (Las mocedades de). See Rodrigo (Cantar de). Rodrigues (Joao) ... 184. Rodriguez (Gonzalo) .,. 84. Rodriguez de Almella (Diego) ... 124, Rodriguez de la Camara (Juan) .,. 68, 69, 85, 86-87, 97, 130. Rodriguez de Lena (Pero) ... 106. Rodriguez Marin (Francisco) ... 222,013, Rodriguez de Montalvo (Garci). See Montalvo (Garci Rodriguez de). Rode del Padron (Juan). See Rodriguez de la Camara (Juan). Rodriguez Rubi (Tomas) ... 448. Rojas (Ana Franca de) ... 273. Rojas (Fernando de) ... 143. Rojas Zorrilla (Francisco de)... 90, 387-389, 392, 395. Roland (Chanson de) ... 3, 6, 63, 77. Roman de la Charette ... 78. Romancero General ... 326, 330, 338. Romances ,., 63-80. Romea (Julian) ... 496. Romero de Cepeda (Joaquin)... 262 547 Roncesvalles ... 5-6, Ronsard ... 165. Ros de Olano (Antonio), Marqués de Guad-el-Jelti ... 443. Rosei y Fuenllana (Diego de) ... 283. Rosell (Cayetano) .,. Rossetti (Christina) ... 450. Rotrou ... 282, 304, 317, 389. Rousseau (t)ee liu 22: Rowland (David) . oa QO. Rowley ... 282. Rubié y Lluch (Antonio) .., a Rubidé y Ors (Joaquin) ... 514 Rueda (Lope de) ... 251- 234. 255; 250, 269,201, 292, 417, 496. Rueda (Salvador) ... 503. Ruffino (Bartolomeo) .. Rufo Gutierrez (Juan) .. os Pag ae Ruiz (Juan)... 37, 46, 47, 48-52, 60, 78, 84, 85, 108, 145, 146, 508, 514. 510. 292) 223-224, Ruiz Aguilera (Ventura) ... 452, Ruiz de Alarcon (Juan). See Alarcon (Juan Ruiz de). Rusifiol (Santiago) ... 491, 494. Ruskin 272: Ruysbroeck .., 240. Rymer (Thomas) ... 403. >. Sa de Miranda (Francisco de) ... 173-174, Saavedra (Gonzalo de) Saavedra (Isabel de) ... Bryan oar 2S 251, Saavedra Faxardo (Diego) ... 368. Sabios (Libro de los doze). See Doze Sabios (Libro de los). Sabuco (Oliva) ... 246-247, Sabuco y Alvarez (Miguel) ... 246, Said Armesto (Victor) ... 515, Sainte-Beuve ... 171, 304. Sainte-More (Benoit de) ... 17, 62. Saint-Pierre (Bernardin de) ... 435. Saint-Simon ... IOI, 400. Salamon, vey de Isyvael (Proverbios en vimo del sabio). See Pro- verbios en vimo del sabio Sala- mon, vey de Isrrael. Salas Barbadillo (Alonso Gerénimo de) .., 363, 364. 548 Salazar (Eugenio de) ... 344. Salazar (Gomez de) ... 97. Salazar Mardones (Cristébal de) ... Joos Salazar y Torres (Agustin de) ... 337-338, Salazar y Vozmediano (Catalina de Palacios). See Palacios Sala- zar y Vozmediano (Catalina de). Salcedo Coronel (Garcia de) ... 335. Sallust ....243, 244. Samaniego (Felix Maria)*,.. 410, Ai 42 Te Sanchez (Francisco) ... 245. Sanchez (Miguel) ... 264, 292. Sanchez (Tomas Antonio) ...1. Sanchez de Badajoz (Diego)... 250. Sanchez de Badajoz (Garci) ... 132. Sanchez de la Ballesta (Alonso) ... 208. Sanchez de las Brozas (Francisco) 3022055420. Sanchez Talavera (Ferrant) ... 87. Sanchez de Tovar (Fernand) ... 56. Sanchez de Vercial (Clemente) ... 82-83. Sancho II [of Castile] ... 2. Sancho II de Castilla (Cantar de gesta de don) ... 5. Sancho IV [of Castile]. 24, 33, 34, 39, 43, 46, 56. Sandoval (Manuel de) ... 508. Sandoval (Prudencio de) .., 204. Sandoval y Rojas (Bernardo de), Archbishop of Toledo ... 324. San Josef (Fray Gerénimo de). See Gerénimo de San Josef (Fray). Sannazaro™ (Jacopo) ... 171, 227, 273, 343: San Pedro (Diego de) ... 140-141, Santa Cruz (Marqués de) ... 221, 270 a2 OR. Santa Cruz de Duefias (Melchior de) 5/1258. Santa Maria (Cantigas de)... 29- 31. Santa Maria (Pablo de)... 103, 104. Santillana (Marqués de) ... 68, 60, 70, 81, 85, 91-94, 96, 122, 129, 130, 132, 166, 168, INDEX Santistevan Osorio (Diego de) ... 2206 Santo. See Santob. Santob (Rabbi) ... 52-53, 83. Santos (Francisco) .,, 362, 366. Santos Alvarez (Miguel de los). See Alvarez (Miguel de los Santos). Sanz (Eulogio Florentino) ... 448. Sarmiento (Diego de) ... 29. Sarmiento (Martin) ... 413, Dalfasily,, a) 1S 30230. Scalicer .2404. Scarron ... 315, 322, 363, 364, 365, 384, 388. echacks 305: Schaumburg (Anna von) ,., 182. Schiller ... 450. schleseli 2.3379. schneider ../3305: Schopenhauer ... 245, 280, 370. Schoppe (Gaspar) ... 285. Sebastian [of Portugal] ... 214,220. scott (Sir Walter) ... 283, 437, 438, 462. Scribe (Eugéne) ... 458. scudéry (Georges de) ... 164, 282. scudéry (Mile: de), 326: Secchi (Niccold) ... 256. Sedaine ... 365. Segovia (Pero Guillen de). See Guillen de Segovia (Pero). “Segundo (Juan) ’... 425. Selgas y Carrasco (José) ... 452- 453. Sellés (Eugenio) ... 490. Sempere (Hieronymo de)... 193- 194, Sem Tob (Rabbi). See Santob (Rabbi). SeneCay, wedi oe: ‘“Senra y Palomares (Luis).’ See Espronceda (José de). Septenario ... 32. Sepulveda (Comedia llamada de) ... 256. Septilveda (Juan Ginés de) ... 207. Sepulveda (Lorenzo de) ... 75, 256. serra (Jacopo). See Arborea (Jacopo Serra, Archbishop of). Serrano y Morales (José Enrique) ° INDEX Serrano y Sanz (Manuel) ... 515, Sessa (Duke of), Viceroy of Naples 18270. Sessa (6th Duke of) ... 296. Seven Sages (The Book of) ... 28. Sforza (Bona) ... 151. phakespeare <7, 11, 48, 145,7 146, B40; 22702 30, 25251205, 305;.41 7, 438, 451, 405, 408, 492. BUGUe VENTS .¢275,05 70.301. Shelton (Thomas) ... mhirley,$9,0305, 315. sidney (Sir Philip) ....166, 220,230, 272. Siete Partidas (Las). (Las siete). Sigtienza (José de) ... 351. Silid y Gutiérrez (Evaristo) ... 499- 500. 278. Oe fe See Partidas Silva (Feliciano de)...147, 148, 192, 193. Silva (Francisco de) ... 281. Silva (José Asuncion) ... 506. Silveira (Simon de) .,. I9I. Silvestre (Gregorio) ... 121, 184. Simon Abril (Pedro) ... 246, Sindibad ... 28. Skalaz Doubravky (Jan) ... Smollett ... 279. Sofiano (Nicolas) .,. 178. Solis (Antonio de) ... 331, 396-397, 427, 450. Solis (Dionisio) ... 419, 447. moma (Duchess of)%,. 167. Somoza (José) ... 459, 515. Sophocles ..: 247. Soto (Hernando de) ... 349. Soto y Marne(Francisco de) ... 415. Southey... 77, 434, 446. Speculum Naturale ... 34. SPpedsctea 100,210, 400; Stats: 1341. Stemcm...270. Sietel 9300 ,7300. Stufiiga (Elena de) ... 169. >tuniga (Lope de)... I11. Suarez de Figueroa (Cristobal) ... 318-319. Suliman teh 75. Sufié Benajes (Juan) ... 514. “Sylva (Antonio de). See Ber- mudez (Gerénimo). 389. Ser?) Ls Lacitus ..7 101;\243; 244. Tafur (Pero) ... 98-99. Taille (Jean de la) ... 191, 404. Tamayo y Baus (Manuel) ... 439, 450-451, 488. Tamayo de Vargas ... 25. Tansillo (Luigi) ... 163, 170, 171. Tarrega(Francisco Agustin) ...294. Tasso (Bernardo) ... 139, 167, 171, Ly 2. Tasso (Torquato) .., 216, 265, 296, 339) 343) 344, 355- Wayloni|enemy ees 34. Tebaldeo (Antonio) ... 155. Tellez (Gabriel). See Molina (Tirso de). Hlendillan Condésde) i257. Tennyson (Alfred) .., 380, 446. Teodor la dongella (El Capitulo que fabla de los ejemplos e castigos de) ena WETENCes, 1) 3545 eresam dest) Csus=(Santa)eaea so. 132, 139, 233-236, 238, 284, 359. Lesoro ... 34. Texeda (Hieronymo de) ... Thackeray .,.. 279. Uhomasi( Henry) 22/102; Thomas (Lucien-Paul) ,,. 328. Thousand and One Nights (The) ... 23540. LICKNOf ois 25034 73058 AeO- laecke 10370. Tignonville (Guillaume de) .., 22. Hiumonedag() lan) ..07 37 Onmee es 256-258. tre een O76 Tivant lo Blanch ... 139. Tirso de Molina. See Molina (Tirso de). Titian Sosi74: Todi (Jacopone da) ... 130. Toreno (José Maria Queipo de Llano, Conde de) ... 456. Toro (Archdeacon of). See Rodri- guez (Gonzalo). Torre (Alfonso de la) ... 108-109. Torre. (Bachillersdeta)-a5216: Torre (Francisco de la) ... 215-216, 217, 406. Torrellas (Pedro) ... 231. r10O; Lo, ayo Torres Naharro (Bartolomé de) ... 157-160, 162, 248, 257, 201. Torres Ramila (Pedro de) ... 297. ain y. Villarroel (Diego de) ... 01. Tourneur (Cyril) ... 279. Trench (Archbishop) ,., 379, 380. Tribaldos de Toledo (Luis) ... 218, 243. Trigo (Felipe) ... 485, 486. Trigueros ... 419. Trilles (Rafaela Angela) ...°252. Trillo de Armenta (Antonia) ... 295. Tristan de Leonts ..; Tristan ... 384. Trueba (Antonio de) ... Tuke (Samuel) ... 393. Lurpine ao: 139. 462, 471. iu; Ulloa Pereira (Luis de) ... 398. Unamuno (Miguel de) ... 518, 519. Urbanus VI... 59. Urbina (Diego de) ... 270. Urefia y Smenjaud (Rafael de) ... 509. Urfé (Honoré d7\e2229. Urrea (Pedro Manuel de) ... 110, 146-147, V. Valbuena (Antonio de) Valdeflores Velazquez de Josef). Valdegamas (Marqués de). Donoso Cortés (Juan). Valdés (Alfonso de) ... 200. Valdés (Juan de) ... 199-201, 426. Valdés (Luis de) ... 320. Valdivia (Diego de) ... 276. Valdivielso (José de) ... Valencia (Pedro de) ... Valera (Cipriano de) ... Valera (Diego de) ... 103, 123- 124, Valera (Juan) ... 467-469, 505. Valverde (Joaquin) ... 495. ye 1s (Marqués de). Velasco See (Luis See Valladares de Valdelomar (Juan) | ees Ol: Valle-Inclan (Ramé6n del) 483, ... 482-= INDEX Vallés (Pedro) ... 197. Vanbrugh (Sir John) ... 389. Van der Hammen (Lorenzo) ... 361. Van Male (Willem) ... 176, 204. Varchi (Benedetto) ... 216. Varela Osorio (Maria) ... 213. Vatablescn2rn: Vaughan (Henry) ... 191. Vazquez... I5I. Vazquez (Mateo) ... 272. Vazquez de Ciudad Rodrigo (Fran- CISCO):... 192. Vega (Alonso de la) ... 255. Vega (Bernardo de la) ... 232, 278. Vega (Carlos Felix de) ... 297. Vega (Felices de) ... 292. Vega (Ricardo de la) ... 495. Vega (Ventura de la) ... 440, 448- 449, Vega Carpio (Lope Felix de jiaeus, 29, 43, 45, 74, 80, 85, 94, 109, 110, 120, 132,5133, £47, 159aroas 163, 178, 202, 216, 222} 223,225 2.56, 260, 261,°262;'204, 265,027 278, 284, 285, 289-306, 307, 309, 310, 311, 312, 313,'315; 310n900e 332, 333» 334) 335» 336, 338, 339; 341, 352, 354, 361, 367, 375, 379, 378, 379, 380, 385, 386, 388, 390, 391, 392, 393, 394, 397, 403, 404, 405, 406, 408, 410, 417, 419, 434, 438,.447, 512, 514, 517. Vega y Nevares (Antonia Clara de) 209: Velarde (José) ... 501s Velasco (Nicolas de) ... 376. Velazquez (Diego) ... 478. Velazquez (Jerénimo) ... 293. | Velazquez de Velasco (Luis Josef), marqués de Valdeflores ... 216, 406. . Velazquez (Ruy) ... 5. . Velez de Guevara (Luis) ... 307- 308, 388. Venegas del Busto (Alexo) ... 187. Venegas de Henestrosa ... 121. Veneziano (Antonio) ... 272. Veragua (7th Duke of) ... 379. Veragua (Duke of) .. reve Veragiie (Pedro de) ... 53. Vera (Catalina de la) ... INDEX Vera y Figueroa (Juan Antonio de), conde de la Roca... 299, 371. Vera Tassis y Villarroel (Juan de) s++ 379- Werdi.. 2.438; 439- Vergara (Juan de) ... 164. Vergara Salcedo (Sebastian Ven- TULarde) 4.21370. Verge Maria (Obres 0 Tyvobes dauall scvites les quals tvacten de lahors de la sacvatissima) ... 129. Vergerio (Pier Paolo) ... 199. Verlaine (Paul) ... 16. Verzosa (Juan) ... 218. Vezilla Castellanos (Pedro de la) ... 223, Viana (Carlos de) ... Vicencio (Valerio) ... Vicente (Gil) .. 250. W1CO7.. 402. Villaespesa (Francisco) ... Villafranca (Pedro de marqués de) ... 170. Villalobos (Francisco Lopez de) ... 185-186, 247, 257. Villalon (Cristébal de) ... 244-245, Villalpando (Johan de) ... 93, 166. Villalta (Andrés de) ... 276. Villamediana (Juan de _ Tarsis, conde de) ... 336-337. Villasandino (Alfonso Alvarez de) 904, 90, 105. Villaviciosa (José de) ...341. Villaviciosa (Sebastian de) ... Villayzan (Gerénimo de) ... 310. Villegas (Antonio de) ... 183, 233. Villegas (Esteban Manuel de) ... 355-356. Villegas (Pedro de) ... 376. Villena (Enrique de)... 81, 85, 89-91, 93, 96. Villena (Marqués de) [Juan Fer- nandez Pacheco, marqués de Villena and Duque de Escalona] 109g. 358. . 79, 160-163, 248, 507. Toledo, eA 00: Willicrst 2,-3.4 Vincent de Beauvais ... 34, 83. Violante do Ceo (Sor) ... 396. War wule tO 2 LS 5 lise yee elo, 344: oer Virués (Cristébal de) .. 292. Vives (Amadeo) ... 495. Vives (Juan Luis) ... 213, 245, 426. NOitULe stk 85 6820,°397. Woltairey...225,0410,-422, - 240,, 202, W. Webenenn2 02am Wilkins (George) ... 279. Wioltgee 727174. Wolf (Hugo) ... 470. Wolff ... 282. Wordsworth ... 215, 300. Wycherley ... 384. Wynne (Ellis) ... 362. PSS, Ximenez de Cisneros (Cardinal Francisco) ... 164. Ximenez de Enciso (Diego) ... 315. Ximenez de Rada (Rodrigo) ... 22-23, 24. Ximenez de Urrea (Gerénimo) ... 1708177, 104. BY Yannes (Rodrigo). See Yanez (Rodrigo). Yanez (Rodrigo) ... 54, Young .. . 409. Yucuf (H istoria de)... 39-41, ZL. Zamora (Antonio de) ... 447. Zamora (Cantar del cerco BY. Zamora (Juan Alfonso de) ... en Zamora (Juan Gil de) ... 24, Iot. Zapata (Luis) ... 177, 222. Zarate y Castronovo (Fernando de) Vy stolen Zavaleta (Juan de) ,,. 395. Zayas y Sotomayor (Maria de) ... 364-365. Zea (Francisco) ... 452. Zenea (Juan Clemente) ... 504. Zeumer (Karl) ... 509. Zola ... 480. Zorrilla (José) ... 314, 439, 445= 447, 505. Zurita (Gerénimo) ... 25, 241, 354. we ol a‘ 4” ¢ ey Ron + ~ A 4 nou ‘ \ ae at i . . rd ‘ — + s \) oan ‘ Date Due C4 if % 4 ri is — f aa | & & cot