KANTHAROS CAN OF PRINCES | APR 25 1928 Ah ne | Casein seu is au ane y's ao hile es ee ve 2s 7 re Ay ‘ \ 4 % KANTHAROS COR COR COR LOR LOR LOR LO? LOR LOR LOR LOR LOR LOOP PRINCETON MONOGRAPHS IN ART AND ARCHAEOLOGY (we) CROP LQP LP LOR LPP? LOR LP LOR LOR LPL LOR BY OF Paine KM REG 27> APR 25 1994 4 ee" % e <2/d6i0aL sen\s** ee KAN THAROS STUDIES IN DIONYSIAC AND KINDRED CULT By GEORGE W. ELDERKIN Associate Professor of Art and Archaeology in Princeton University 2429) A ; pPepvao amore EPICHARMOS ERINGE TON Princeton UNIVERSITY PREss LONDON: HUMPHREY MILFORD OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS MCMXXIV a COPYRIGHT, 1924, PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS DESIGNED AND PRINTED AT THE PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS «Om IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA coo Preface HE many chapters of this book are the outgrowth of a study of TDs archaic sepulchral reliefs of Lakonta. The book has therefore retained tts early title of Kantharos although several chapters have noth- ing to do with Dionysos. The author is greatly indebted to Professors A. C. Foknson and T. L. Shear of Princeton University for the careful reading of a large part of the text. They are not however responsible for his vagaries. The author further wishes to express his great appreciation of the care and taste which Mr. Frederique Warde of the Princeton Unt- versity Press has displayed in all matters of typography. GEorRGE W. ELDERKIN iW ? ‘ i , EEA : Ye ee Bis é ‘ by ; ha ae us Py ea Loy 4 Ma vil | 29 Ae Ved ‘i Seas } ay Ni } 3 J an ee i F vi # 2, i wy P ea a r I ak Vint. VIII. Xi. XII. XII. XIV. XV. XVI. VAI. XVIII. XIX. XX. XO TS ( ontents . THE ARCHAIC SPARTAN GRAVE STELAI - VAS VITAE STAG AND KANTHAROS IN AN ETRUSCAN RELIEF AN ETRUSCAN TOMB PAINTING THE LYDIAN SEPULCHRAL POMEGRANATE AND OTHER SYMBOLS THE MEANING OF MITHRAIC SCULPTURE A MITHRAIC ALLUSION IN THE WASPS OF ARISTOPHANES THE CONTINUITY OF PAGAN AND CHRISTIAN EUCHARISTIC SYMBOLISM THE KANTHAROS IN THE PEACE OF ARISTOPHANES A POSSIBLE ALLUSION TO THE ERECHTHEION IN THE PEACE OF ARISTOPHANES SALMONEUS-SALMOXIS AND THE LYSIPPEAN PORTRAIT OF ALEXANDER THE MAGIC KANTHARA KANTHAROS AND KALLIKANTZAROS DIONYSOS AND THE CRETAN GAPER KANTHAROS AND CHEPERA HERAKLES AND DIONYSOS THE SOURCE OF THE GERMAN WORD KAFER A SCENE OF DIONYSIAC RESURRECTION THE OMPHALOS AT JERUSALEM THE UNITY OF THE ANTHESTERIA VEDIOVIS AND HIS CONGENERS 10§ 10g IIs Tse 123 XXII. XXIII. XXIV. XXV. XXVI. XXVII. XXVIII. XXIX. XXX. XXXI. XXXII. XXXIII. XXXIV. XXXV. XXXVI. XXXVII. XXXVIII. XXXIX. XL. XLI. THE SIGNIFICANCE OF SATURN ANCHISES AND AENEAS TITAN AND SATAN FROM SOUL TO SUN-—-AN ETYMOLOGY MITRA AND MILES THE VICTORY OF ARCHERMOS AND THE SERAPH OF ISAIAH THE PRIMITIVE CHARACTER OF HERCULES ZEUS LYKAIOS AND LYKOURGOS APTOS OPOOZTATHZ ON THE GENESIS OF CERTAIN GODS AND HEROES: KRONOS ZEUS CERES AND POSEIDON THE KERKOPES AND ERECHTHEUS PELOPS AHURA MAZDAH RHADAMANTHYS PALLAS AND POLIAS THE NAME OF JERUSALEM THE LABYRINTH MARNAS AND MINOS CARCHEMISH HERCULES AND GILGAMESH KOUROI, KABEIROI AND KYBELE SAISARA AND CAESAR APOLLO AND ARTEMIS APHRODITE AND ASTARTE PROMETHEUS INDICES 135 139 145 147 Ig 159 163 167. 171 175 178 183 185 187 189 1gO 192 195 199 207 209 Omit 213 217 219 221 ple. 225 PLATE Ii. Ill. Vie Vill. Illustrations Archaic Laconian Relief from Chrysapha near Sparta: The Deceased before Dionysos and Persephone in Hades Archaic Laconian Relief from Gerakion: Descent of the Dead to Hades Cover of Etruscan Sarcophagus Found at Corneto: The Deceased Represented as Priest of Dionysos Archaic Terracotta from a Lydian Tomb of the Sixth Century at Sardis: A Soul-dove Perched on a Pomegranate Sepulchral Relief of the late Second Century A.D. from Aikirikdjt: Between the Heads of the Deceased, a Symbolic Dove Hybrid Statue from the Mithraeum at Ostia A Mithraic Relief from Heddernheim: The Slaying of the Divine Bull by Mithras Transenna of the Sixth Century after Christ in S. Apollinare, Ravenna: A Chalice like a Mithraic Krater with Cross superposed Obverse of an Attic Red Figure Krater: Silent Assisting at the Resurrection of Dionysos from his Omphalos-tomb Painting on an Archaic Etruscan Oenochoe from Traghiatella: The Game of Troy with Circular Labyrinth (10a) Coin of Knossos of the Second Century after Christ: A Tetradrachm with Circular Labyrinth (10B) PAGE Te 25 26 29 36 41 109 200 200 4, at eee s : ele nie 4% BX ee + The eArchaic Spartan Grave Stelat The Deceased S$ = & DH ~ S iO os a8 Sas % COs Sas S ~ & Eee ene Ss & MS BST ASS Soe SS Sey See eo Archaic before D I PLATE I CBD LD LY GYD GV GY VV GY GV GVGLYD The ARCHAIC SPARTAN GRAVE STELAI I A) | HE archaic Spartan grave stelai have been the subject of intermittent dis- cussion since the discovery of the first example over forty years ago. The Berlin example (fig. 1) is obviously the archetype of the series and one of the best preserved. The preferred interpretation of the scene upon this monument is that the large seated figures represent heroized ancestors to whom offerings are brought by their descendants, the diminutive standing figures. This interpreta- tion appears to be established by the appearance in later examples of the names of the seated figures such as Timokles and Aristokles. The common objection to this interpretation is that it ignores the possibility of a mystic character for the scene. In the present study which is limited chiefly to the Berlin archetype, an attempt will be made to prove such significance. A tabulation of the various symbols or objects which are carved on the sixteen ste/ai of various types and periods shows that the kantharos is a most persistent ob- ject, occurring more frequently than any other. Next in order of fre- quency come the snake and pomegranate. The cock, the lotus and the egg which the diminutive figures hold are as infrequent as those figures themselves. The fragmentary and mutilated condition of some 2K of the sfe/ai prevents an exact tabulation but does not modify the relative frequency of the objects.! According to a recent interpretation, the kantharos suggests a liba- tion to the dead or is an allusion to feasting as a favorite pastime. Tod and Wace describe the scene as that of a hero feasting “which to the ancient Greeks was practically the greatest pleasure” (4 Cata- logue of the Sparta Museum, p. 110). A sound objection to such inter- pretation of the kantharos is its inconsistency with Spartan discipline which prescribed a severe mode of life. Plutarch in his Life of Lykour- gos tells us that the law-giver established a syssit7a so that Spartan men, poor and rich, partook of the same dinner. The Spartan youth re- ceived just enough food to sustain life and if they wanted more, had to steal it. Helots were compelled to drink until they were intoxicated and were then exhibited in the mess-hall as a suggestive lesson to Spartan manhood. Finally, according to Plutarch, Lykourgos deliber- ately died of starvation that he might give an example of virtue even in death (cf. Porphyry, De Abstinentia, IV, 4). These citations show that the Spartan ideal did not encourage the joys of the wine-cup and the feast. If the Spartans practised such restraint in their daily life, how could their grave ste/ai have alluded to Bacchanalian pleasure even for the deceased? If the reliefs refer to daily life at all, how does it happen that they contain no suggestion of the all-absorbing military activity of the Spartans? Certainly the life of the Spartan 1s not re- flected in the ste/az nor 1s there an allusion to the bibulous propensities of a hero. The second objection to the interpretation that the scene alludes to the feast is that the kantharos 1s nota banquet-cup. The wine-cup of the feast is the ky/ix both in art and literature. Vase-paintings afford ample proof of such use in art, while in literature Sophokles speaks of the kvAixwv répyis and Xenophon uses the phrase wepred abvery ras xbAckas. There are exceptional substitutions of the kantharos for 1A list of the ste/ai and a résumé of the various interpretations are given by Tod and Wace (4 Catalogue of the Sparta Museum (1906), pp. 102-110; cf. O. Seiffert, Festschrift zur Fabrhunderterfeter d. Univ. Breslau (1911),p.1173; Miss J. Harrison, Themis (1912), pp. 311, 314; E. Kuster, Die Schlange in der Griechischen Kunst und Religion in Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche und Vorarbeiten XIII, 2 (1913), p. 75.) 3 k the ky/ix in vase-painting and again in the comic poets (Athenaios, XI, 473) where perhaps the Dionysiac associations of comedy may explain the choice of the word. The ky/ix ought then to have been rep- resented on the Spartan s¢e/az if the sculptor had in mind the sym- posium which had once delighted the deceased. Contemporary La- conian potters were producing ky/ikes and Hesychios (s. v. Xtov) men- tions a Laconian ky/ix (ék xidcKxos Aaxaivns). These objections compel one to seek another explanation of the kantharos in Spartan sepul- chral sculpture. The connection of the pomegranate with the cult of the dead is undisputed. As early as the geometric period, clay pomegranates were placed in graves at Eleusis (Farnell, Cu/ts of the Greek States, III, p. 226) and the custom still obtains in Greece of placing a pomegranate among the flowers with which a bier is adorned (Lawson, Modern Greek Folk- lore and AncientGreek Religion, p. §58). Lawson commenting upon the close association of marriage and death regards the funeral pome- granate as a token that death is a marriage into the unseen world. - Now the pomegranate in the hand of the statue of Hera at Argos where she was worshipped as goddess of marriage and childbirth, has been reasonably explained as the emblem of fruitfulness in marriage be- cause of the largenumber of its seeds (Farnell, Cults of the Greek States I, p. 216). Why did the pomegranate serve as a symbol both in mar- riage and in death? In the world of the living the pomegranate was the symbol of birth; in the world of the dead it was the symbol of birth again, of rebirth. The pomegranate given to Persephone that she might return to Hades was the food of rebirth into the lower world and quite appropriately became the attribute of a deity of resurrection. The mystic character of the fruit is shown by the refusal of Pausanias to tell the story about it (cf. Reinach, Revue Arch. TX (1919), p. 172) and may have survived in Botticelli’s painting of the Madonna and child in which a pomegranate is placed in the hands of the child. Foucart (Les Mystéeres d’ Eleusis (1914), p. 37) believes that the cult of the Ar- give Hera was in origin an Isis-cult—in other words, that both were cults of resurrection. The kantharos is the wine-cup of Dionysos and his associates. Pau- sanias tells us that it was represented in the hand of the god on the 14 i chest of Kypselos. In Attic vase-painting contemporary with the stelai Dionysos regularly holds a kantharos (Gerhard, Auser. Griech.. Vasenbilder, I, pls. 32; 35, 37-8, 41). At Delphi in the late archaic frieze of the Siphnian treasury, Dionysos is distinguished from other gods participating in the gigantomachy by the kantharos which is used as a support for the crest of his helmet. A glance at Dionysiac coin-types shows how widespread the kantharos is as his attribute. Even in Italy the kantharos was considered a cup especially reserved for Bakchos as one may judge from a passage in Pliny (NV. #. XXXII, 53): C. Marius post victoriam Cimbricam cantharis potasse Liberi Patris exemplo traditur. In the Eclogues (VI, 17) the kantharos hangs from the arm of a drunken silenus. The seated figure of the Spartan ste/e that holds the kantharos must be Dionysiac in character and the female beside him must be Per- sephone ora counterpart of the chthonic goddess. According to Hera- kleitos Dionysos and Hades are the same and his association with Persephone is recorded in an Orphic hymn (Abel, Orph. Hym. n. 53). Herodotos (II, 123) notes their joint rule in Hades. In the Spar- tan relief, the seated god wears a chiton reaching to the feet like the Dionysos of the chest of Kypselos (Paus. V, 19, 6). Pollux (VII, 59) speaks of the Lydian dassara as a chiton reaching to the feet like that of Dionysos. But the seated god of the ste/e is beardless whereas Dionysos in the archaic period was regularly bearded. This would appear at first sight to be a serious difficulty in the way of naming the beardless god Dionysos. Yet in the Homeric hymn (VII, 3) Di- onysos is described as venvin dvépl éorkas mpwhhbn. We seem then to have in the ste/e a younger Dionysos corresponding closely to the younger Theban-Samothracian Kabeiros called Dionysos (cf. Schol. ad Apoll. Rhod. I, 917) and to the beardless Vediovis of Etruria. Ovid represents Vediovis (Vedius) as beardless (Fasti, III, 437; cf. Frothingham, 4. F. P. 1917, p. 378) and the words of Martianus Capella (II, 142) about the immortalized Philology could equally well be spoken of either diminutive figure of the stele: Vedium cum uxore conspexerit sicut suadebat Etruria. The early relations of Sparta with Troy as shown in the legend of Helen and Menelaos, and with Kroisos in the sixth century prepare Ls i one to expect the presence of influence from that quarter in Spartan conception of deity and consequently in Spartan art. If the seated god of the sepulchral ste/e is really a Spartan version of a Samo- thracian Kabeiros, then the reference in the Peace of Aristophanes, a play intimately involving the Spartans, to the Samothracian initia- tion acquires added point. Samothracian initiation was popular at Sparta certainly as early as the fifth century B.c. and the ste/e may well represent the younger Samothracian Kabeiros who is Dionysiac enough. Excavations on the site of the round building in the Kabei- rion on Samothrace revealed fragments of small kantharoi which were apparently used in mystic rites (cf. Conze, Hauser, Niemann, Samo- thrake (1875), 1, p.85n.1). An inscription (Arch. Epig. Mitt. 1882, p. 8) which refers to the Samothracian initiation says that the priest broke the cake and poured out the cup for the Mystai. The words méupa and roréy of this inscription are restorations. The motif of a Kabeiros holding a kantharos occurs on fragments of vases found at the Theban Kabeirion. The Boston Museum of Fine Arts has a terra- ‘cotta grotesque from the Theban Kabeirion that holds a kantharos. The eastern provenience of the archetype of the Spartan series is further confirmed by certain non-Greek features of the relief, the sloping eye and forehead, the shoe with upturned point. These are curious details which like their Etruscan counterparts came from northern Asia Minor. The mystic significance of wine.in pagan cult is confirmed by a remarkable statement inJustin Martyr (Dial. c.Trypho.295A) :““They record that he (Dionysos) discovered the vine, was torn to pieces and died, was resurrected and ascended to heaven and that in his mysteries they serve wine” (kal rodrov (Avévucov) ebperiy dpmédov vyevouevov kal dracrapaxbévta kal aro8avorvtra dvacryvat els oUpavor TE dverdnrvbévat icrop&ot kal otvoy év rots pvornplots avrod rapadépworr). Dionysos and gods like him, originally gods of vegetation, of vin- tage ae Nonnos, XXII, gO: dumenders Arovuce guTnKoue Koipave KapTa v) became naturally enough gods of the dead. A vegetation-god who died periodically and was revived again in the spring or who, to say the same thing in other words, descended to hell and returned vic- torious was naturally qualified to offer the dead the resurrection 6 kt which he himself had experienced. The concept of resurrection was readily extended from the god to his worshipper because of the prim-. itive tendency to identify the deceased with deity. So among the Egyptians the dead man became Osiris in the other world. In the Cretans of Euripides (Porphyry, De dstinentia, IV, 19) the Orphic initiate says “I was hailed as Bakchos by the Kouretes.”’ The Orphic tablets remind the dead that he will be god instead of mortal. So it is not surprising that in later examples of the Spartan ste/ai, the seated figures sometimes are given names, e.g. Timokles. The very great importance of the juice of the plant-god in what may be called the vegetation-creed of immortality is strikingly evi- dent from an utterance of the Vedic worshipper which Farnell (Cu/ts of the Greek States, V, p. 122) has fittingly cited to elucidate the begin- nings of the idea of immortality in Thrace. The Vedic cousins of the Greeks exclaimed “We have drunk soma, we have become immortal, we have entered into light, we have known the gods.” The soma-li- bation to which the gods were invited made men not only immortal — but sharers in the divinity of Soma (cf. MissG. M. Davis, The Asiatic Dionysos (1914), p. 214). So in Mazdaean eschatology the hero Sao- shyant will prepare a drink of bull-fat and Aaoma which will assure all those who drink it of immortality (Cumont, Textes et Monuments Figurés Relatifs aux Mystéres de Mithra, |, p. 188). What soma and haoma were to the Aryans, wine was to the Greeks. It gave “a fore- taste of immortality” in this life, removing in moments of ecstasy the burden of self-consciousness and elevating man to the rank of deity. Plato according to Diogenes Laertios (III, 39) said that it was becoming for no one to drink to drunkenness except at festivals and of wine set apart for deity. That the Orphics associated wine with immortality is clearly seen in Plato’s jibes at the Orphics for believing that those who have lived a good life will have as their reward eternal drunkenness in Hades (Plut. Cim. et Lucul. 521; cf. Plato, Respub. 363 C). Thereis perhaps an allusion to this creed in the Attic grave stele of Lyseas which is dated in the sixthcentury B.c. (4ntike Denkmdler, III, pl. 32). He stands holding a kantharos in one hand and ears of grain in the other, symbols probably of resurrection and immortality. The wine-cup loomed large in mystic creed and this may explain its great 17 i size in the grave-reliefs of the Spartans. There the young Dionysos holds straight out before him a very large kantharos, and might ap- propriately be called the associate of the Achaean Demeter who bore the appellative rornp.opépos (Athenaios, XI, 460D). He offers the kan- tharos to the shades that have just come down to his kingdom. The scene isa sculptured commentary upon that fragment of Aristophanes (Kock, Com. Ait. Frag. 1, p. §17; cf. Dieterich, Nekyia,? p. 78) in which the dead are represented as saying “We would not thus lie in state crowned and anointed unless the moment we descended (to Hades) it were necessary to drink” (ei uw) KaraBdvras evOéws mivery é5er), a passage which hovers in mind as one reads: déyw yap byty dre ov pn Tlw ATO TOD YevyNuaTos THs auTédAov Ews STov } BactidreEla TOU Beod On. Luke, XXII, 18). The idea of ué6n aiwyios which.1s perhaps con- noted by the kantharos of the Spartan ste/e is not limited to Orphism. The kantharos of wine may be compared to the cup of zaremaya oil which was given to the soul of the righteous dead man before it en- tered paradise. By drinking the oil, the soul became oblivious of all worldly cares and prepared for eternal happiness (Haug, Essays on the Language and Religion of the Parses,4 p. 222). The belief survives in the Texts of the Saviour (cf. Legge, Forerunners and Rivals of Christianity, I1, p. 187) where Jesus says that a cup of oblivion is delivered to the tormented soul that it may drink and forget all. The offering of the cup in the Spartan ste/e suggests further a pas- sage of the Iliad (XV, 86) where at the coming of Hera to Olympos the gods rise up and hold out their cups in welcome, derkavdwvro derdeoo.v. Hera accepts a cup from Themis and bids her begin the equal feast for the gods. Themis by beginning the éacrés éions is in a sense an icodairnys, a name given to Dionysos. That Themis in heaven and Dionysos in Hades should extend the cup 1s interesting in view of their interrelations. Themis is identified with Gaia by Aischylos (Prom. Vinc. 212) who speaks of them as one in nature but of many names. Dionysos as a fertility-god is closely linked with Gaia and both appear associated with the bull. Themis in Epirus bore the ap- pellative ravpérwdos while Dionysos was invoked by the women of Elis to come with his bull-foot. The Spartan ste/ai may therefore be interpreted as alluding to a q 8 kK mystic belief in rebirth through the efficacy of the pomegranate and in immortality through the efficacy of the wine-cup, the kantharos.. There seems to have been an anticipation of the doctrine that one had to be reborn in order to share the realm of the immortals. Re- birth was a condition of the resurrection of plant-life and by an easy transfer of idea it became the condition of the resurrection of human life. Thus far the pomegranate and kantharos have been considered. The third important figure in the relief is the snake which is admit- tedly symbolic. There is a fragment of Orphic doctrine preserved by -Proklos (Abel, Orphica, p. 244) which probably throws light upon the symbolism of this snake. The passage is as follows: “Ere.” éru xal els Ta GAXa (Ga peraBacts éore ToY Yoxdy Tov avOpwrwv Kal TovTO Stapphinv Opdedls avadrdaoxer drnvixa adv dropitnrar’ Obvex’ dperBouévn Wux) Kata KbKXa xpdvoto avOpwrwyv morte merepxeTat AAAobev &dXots™ &ddore pév @ imrots, 6 6é yiverat.... & ore 5¢ tpdBaror, Tore S dpveov aivdy idécOat, &ddore 6 ad Kbvedv re déuas duvh Tre Bapeta, kal Puxpav ddiwpy Eprer yevos év xPovil din. It is seen at once that metasomatosis was a feature of Orphic faith, that the souls of men were thought to pass now into a horse, now into a sheep, into a bird terrible to behold, or into a dog or again into a snake. According to Aristotle (De Anima, I, 407B) the Pytha- goreans believed that any soul went into any body. Plato (Phaedrus 249) represents the souls after the lapse of a thousand years choosing as second life whatever they wish (cf. Respub. 618A; Adam ad loc.). Such doctrine is probably Egyptian in origin. In the coffin texts and the Book of the Dead the deceased has the power to transform him- self into various beings. Herodotos construed this as transmigration of souls but Breasted (Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, p. 277) takes a different view. The metasomatosis of the mortal is to be noted in connection with that of the god. The chorus in the Bakchai (1017) bid Dionysos ap- pear as a bull, a snake or a fiery lion where the lion preserves its oriental associations with fire. The interesting point is that the soul lo k of the mortal like that of his god Dionysos took on a variety of forms and was equally entitled to the divine appellation rodtuopdos and atoddpopdos. According to Nonnos (V, 564) Zagreus was an older Dionysos who was slain by Titans but came to life again as Dionysos (VI, 176) with the power of assuming various animal forms including the horned snake (192). Apparently both the god and the mortal had to die before they could pass into animal forms. This was natural enough in view of the mystic doctrine that at death a mortal who had been initiated could become god. The closeness of god to man in primitive thinking is shown by the fact that the god acquired im- mortality as in the Vedas by drinking soma (cf. J. M. Robertson, Pagan Christs (1903), Pp. 44). The snake in the field of the Spartan reliefs may then be inter- preted as representing such incarnation of the human soul as is men- tioned in Orphic teaching. From this transient form, the mystic hoped to obtain release through initiation and prayer (Abel, Orphica, p. 246). The snake is the preferred incarnation in the reliefs perhaps because of its traditional prominence in sepulchral monuments (cf. Kuster, Die Schlange in der Griechischen Kunst und Religion, p. 40) and its importance in the cult of Dionysos. A passage in Galen speaks of the Dionysiac devotees who were wont to tear snakes to pieces at the beginning of spring. Farnell (Cults of the Greek States, V, p. 166) very plausibly assumes that the purpose of this ritualistic practice was to devour the sacred flesh of the snake in which the god was supposed to incorporate himself. Another tradition records the trans- formation of Zeus into a snake in his relations with Persephone (Non- nos VI, 155-160). Zeus took the form of Persephone’s consort in order the more readily to attain his purpose. So if Dionysos was fre- quently conceived in the form of a snake, his devotees might logically prefer that form, since mystic doctrine prescribed for them deifica- tion. To seek allusions to Dionysiac cult in the details of the thrones of the Spartan grave ste/ai may be extravagant, yet Conze long ago suggested that the leg of the chair which takes the form of a bull’s leg might allude to Dionysos as ravpduopdos (Ann. d. Inst. 1870, p. 283). Similarly it might be said that the ram’s head of the arm-rest alluded | 10 to victims sacrificed to Orpheus, or again that the swan’s head of the back of another such throne alludes to the metempsychosis. of Orpheus. He preferred a swan as his reincarnation (idety pév yap Wuxhy ton thy TroTe Opdéws yevouerny xixvov Blov aipovpévny Plato, Respub. 620A). One might seek similar allusion in the lotus of other thrones noting that a lotus is also held by one of the diminutive fig- ures in the relief. With these Spartan thrones should be compared those of the reliefs of the Harpy Tomb (Brunn-Bruckmann, Denk- miler Griech. u. Rom. Sculptur, pl. 146) which are remote in place but not in time. Again the back of one throne ends in a swan’s head as in a Locrian terracotta (4usonia, III (1908), p. 205, fig. 54) -and the arm-rest of another ends in a ram’s head. The kinship of the reliefs of Xanthos and Sparta is noted again in the occurrence in both of the cock, the pomegranate, and the egg. Conze may have been right after all. Certainly the choice of a sphinx for the throne of Damasistrate (Conze, Die Attischen Grabreliefs, pl. 97) in the fourth century was determined by the sepulchral character of the sphinx. But the idea of supports of such form is also Egyptian and probably came out of Egypt into Greece. The wish to animate inanimate objects was common to both countries (Rhys Carpenter, The Esthetic Basis of Greek Art (1921), p. 14). To return to the human figures of the relief, it will be recalled that the small forms have been regularly interpreted as the living de- scendants of the heroized dead. But since the large seated figures are rather chthonic deities, the small pair must be the deceased who have just entered Hades and now approach the infernal gods. The pome- granate which one of them carries makes the same mute appeal as the pomegranate of clay which was buried with the dead at Eleusis and Nola. The other objects they carry are symbolic enough. Plutarch (Sympos. 636E) says that in the orgies of Dionysos it was usual to consecrate an egg as representing that which generates and contains all things in itself. In the Book of the Dead (chap. 170) the dead man is addressed as follows: “Thou art Horus in an egg.” One of the Spartan figures holds a lotus which as a symbol is probably of Egyp- tian provenience, but it is found in the rock-cut Hittite sculpture of Tasili Kata and in reliefs discovered near Sinjerli (Lizbarski, Ephem- Wes ti ua CNN gS an aque _ : Descent of the Dead to Hades 107n1 f from Gerak g 1 Laconian Rel . Archaic 2 PAVERS EL 1 i eris, III, pl. 13, p. 194). According to King (Gnostics (1887), p. 232) the lotus expressed the idea of fecundity. As an attribute of Isis it symbolized resurrection (Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire, s. v. Isis, p- 5793 cf. Vellay, Le Culte d’ Adonis, p. 90). The cock which was sacri- ficed at times to the underworld powers appears in the hands of Per- sephone in a relief from Locri Epizephyrii (Farnell, Cu/ts of the Greek States, III, pl. V, p. 222; cf. Porphyry, De Abstinentia, IV, 16). These minor objects held by the small figures on the Spartan sée/e are not only symbols of generation but also of regeneration. They are in- tended to enhance, to insure the regeneration, the resurrection of those who take them along in the descent to the lower world. The theory that these small human figures are the deceased ap- pearing for judgment before the judges of the nether world is con- firmed by another Laconian stele (4th. Mitt. 1904, p. 43). The scene consists (fig. 2) of a large seated figure holding a kantharos from which a snake is about to drink, and two small nude forms. The latter are of unequal height, and appear to dangle in air for there is no - plastically indicated ground line for them to stand on. The moment, however, that a ground line is painted beneath their feet, they ap- pear descending a slope. They too are the deceased who have come down the dark ways in their nakedness to the throne of the chthonic god. The change from draped forms in the earliest Spartan stele to nude forms in this recalls the tradition preserved in Plato’s Gorgias (523E) that Zeus gave orders for the dead to appear nude for judg- ment. The earliest ste/e very probably preserves the Ionic prefer- ences for draped forms, while the latter gives the mainland prefer- ence for the nude. These nude figures are suppliants rather than “Adoranten.” Their right hands are raised in appeal, reminding one of the Orphic gold tablets—the Orphic book of the dead—which rep- resent the dead person as saying: “Now I am come a suppliant of Persephone that she may in kindly spirit send me to the seats of the blessed”’ (Harrison, Prolegomena, p. 669). Here we have only the male god but in the archetype of the series Persephone appears at the side of her consort. To the suppliant dead might be applied the words of Lucius in the account of his initiation into the mysteries of Isis: - Deos inferos et deos superos access coram et adoravi de proximo (Apul. 12 | Metam. XI, 23). As the two approach, Persephone the consort of the underworld Zeus draws her veil aside like the consort of the Olym- . pian Zeus. The sculptor has thought of the subterranean queen in terms of the celestial. In both Spartan reliefs the deities of the under- world seem propitious extending a welcome to those newly arrived. The words of a Psalm come to mind (LX XV, 7-8): “But God is the judge: he putteth down one and setteth up another. For in the hand of the Lord is a cup, and the wine is red.” A late survival of these pagan scenes of judgment is found ina paint- ing of the tombof Vibia (Wilpert, Roma Sotterranea, pl. 132; text p. 362) where the figures are named in inscriptions: Mercurius nuntius who ‘does not appear in the Spartan scenes brings Vibia before Dispater and Aeracura. Vibia was the wife of one Vincenttus priest of the god Sabazios (Dionysos). The pagan character of the paintings is illus- trated again by the scene (Maass, Orpheus, pl., p. 218) called abreptio Vibies the scheme of which is patterned after that of the rape of Persephone (’E¢. ’Apx. 1893, pl. 14). Aristophanes observed tradition — when hemade Dionysos the judge of the contest of Aischylos and Eu- ripides in the Frogs. Perhaps a still later survival of an underworld scene is to be recog- nized upon a Gallo-Roman cippus published by Voulot (Revue Arch. 1883, pls. I-IV). A female figure (Persephone?) holds two diminutive forms wrapped in swaddling clothes—possibly the deceased. Voulot sees in the beardless man who passes his arm around a shaggy monster, a resemblance to the Gallo-Roman Mercury of northeastern Gaul. A snake (did. p. 8) and a cup, the latter corresponding in size to the kantharos of the Spartan reliefs, give the scene a chthonic character. Itis very probably a provincial and degenerate version of Persephone receiving the souls of the dead in the lower world. There remains the question of the provenience of the archetype of the Spartan reliefs, a question to which some reference has already been made. The Berlin archetype was certainly carved in Lakonia but for many details of the relief one must turn toward Asia Minor. The clinging drapery of the small standing figures is Ionic recalling that of the standing female figures of the Harpy tomb. In both re- liefs the drapery follows closely the contour revealing the form of the 113 k leg although not drawn taut by the hand as is the drapery of the maidens of the Acropolis. This arrangement like the white slip of Laconian vases is Ionic. A still closer determination of the source of the archetype may be made with the help of archaic Etruscan art. The shoe with curved toe worn by the Persephone of the ste/e is found in archaic Etruscan sculpture. It is the peculiar form commonly called Hittite which the Etruscans brought from Asia Minor. It was not at home in Greek art and disappears from the later reliefs of the Spartan series. The Spartan ivories, although revealing Oriental in- fluence, show no examples of such a curved shoe. Yet other features of the Spartan reliefs which find close parallels in Etruria are the sloping eye and the receding brow which are both particularly notice- able in the Persephone of the Berlin example. The male heads of this relief should be compared with the female heads of the Caeretan sarcophagus (Mon. Ant. VIII, pls. 13-14). Four conspicuous braids of hair in each case reach well down over the shoulders and the chest. Both wear what seems to be a tight cap with a rolled edge. Both ‘wear a mantle with widely spaced creases, revealing at the feet the narrower folds of the chiton. The conclusion to be drawn from these observations is that Lydia or the region of Lydia must have contributed the prototype of the Spartan s/e/ai. This presupposes some interrelation between Lydia and Sparta of which there is sufficient evidence. Alkman of Sardis went to Sparta to live, yet boasted of his Lydian origin (4nth. Pal. VII, 709). The town of Nysa in Lydia was founded by a Spartan named Athymbos. A feature of the cult of Artemis Orthia at Sparta was a tour? Avidy (Plutarch, 4rist. 17). The heroes who found the image of Artemis Orthia (Paus. III, 16, 9) have names of Lydian connotation. One of these, Alopekos (fox) seems to have been a prim- itive hypostasis of Dionysos in Lydia because the Lydian name for Dionysos was Baco apebs, which was derived from Baco dpa ‘fox.’ The other hero Astrabakos derived his name from dorp 467 ‘mule’s saddle’ which Harpokration (s. v.) says was not used by men. Hence it suited the effeminate Dionysos of the Lydians. Now it was about the middle of the sixth century, the period of the older Spartan ste/az, that Lydia and Sparta were in direct communication. When the 1 14 K Spartans sent to Lydia for gold for a statue of Apollo, Kroisos made them a present of the metal. When the Delphic oracle advised Kroisos - to make the most powerful Greeks his allies against the Persians, he made an alliance with the Spartans (Herod. I, 69, 2). Curiously enough Sfard (Persian Sparda) the Lydian name of Sardis (Littmann, Sardis, V1,pp.11—12) is phonetically very close to the name Sparta. While it is thus certain that Lydia was in sufficient communication with Sparta in the first half of the sixth century to have transmitted to Spartan sculptors the model for their peculiar grave s¢e/a/, still no stelai have been found in Lydia which in any way resemble the Spartan type and which would serve to counterbalance the Laconian kylix discovered at Sardis in a tomb of about the time of Kroisos. It is quite possible that a Lydian artisan imbued with a knowledge of the mystic cult of Samothrace produced the archetype of the Spartan series, with its allusions to metempsychosis, rebirth and immortality. II VAS VITAE THERE are several Spartan reliefs in which the snake rises to drink from a kantharos (fig. 2; Tod and Wace, 4 Catalogue of the Sparta Museum, pp. 104-7). If the large figure holding the cup is Dionysiac in character, then the significance of the scene is clear. He is offering the cup of immortality, the vas vitae, to a soul-snake that seeks re- lease from the cycle and cessation from ill (xbxdov 7’ab APEat Kal dvarvedoat kaxdrnros). In the typical Mithraic tauroctony (fig. 7, p. 36) the snake rises to drink the blood of the divine bull at the wound or is about to drink from a krater. Is there not a kinship of idea in these two reliefs? Is not the snake in the Mithraic relief drinking the life-giving blood of a divine bull and the snake in the Spartan relief drinking the wine-blood of Dionysos or better of the bull Dionysos, for he was invoked under that form? Wine was closely associated with blood. According to the Bundahish (Cumont, Textes et Monu- ments, I, p. 197) the vine arose from the blood of the primitive bull. “From the blood (arose) the grape-vine from which they make the wine; on this account wine abounds with blood.” There was as Lenormant has pointed out (Daremberg et Saglio, s. v. Bacchus, p. 622) a conception of the vine not only as an attribute of Dionysos but as the god himself (Arnobius, 4dv. Gentes V, 43) whose blood flows from the press and forms wine. Saint Clement of Rome in the second century tells us (Hom. VI, 9; Cumont, iid. II, p. 9) of such belief: (AauBdvover) Avévucdy ruves eis &uredov. Plutarch quotes a cer- tain poet who spoke of men cutting the limbs of Demeter (/s7s et Osiris,377D). Prodikos of Keos in the fifth century B.c.had practically said that Demeter was the bread and Dionysos the wine (Cicero, De nat. deorum, 1, 42; cf. Welcker, Kleine Schriften, 1, p. 520; Frazer, Golden Bough, 1, p. 183). 1f the vine was Dionysos, it was natural to regard the juice of the grape as his blood. With this pagan conception in mind, certain Christian conceptions become more intelligible. In mediaeval art it is not the grapes which one sees under the wine-press but Christ 16 i himself and from the press there flows not the juice of the grape but the blood of a god. A recently discovered painting, as yet unpublish- ed, which is now in the museum of Rheims illustrates the motif in drastic fashion (cf. E. Male, L’ Art relig. de la Fin du Moyen Age (1908), p- 113). There would then appear to be a close parallelism between conceptions of the pagan and Christian god of immortality. Both were conceived of as the vine and their blood as the juice of the grape which conferred immortality upon him who partook thereof. We have here to do with a continuity of conception. Saintyves (Les Grottes (1918), p. 212) believes there survives a tradition that the grotto of Gethsemane was the place where Christ was placed in the wine-press. The phraseology of early Christian writers is naturally colored by this conception. St. Cyprian (Migne, P. L. IV, 389) asks: “When the blood of the grapes is mentioned what else is en than the wineof the cup of the blood?” St. Clement (Migne, P. G. VIII, 428) writes: “He blessed wine saying “Take, drink, this is my blood, blood of the grape.” In John XV, 1, Christ says “I am the true vine.”’ What sug- — gested the choice of words for the figure “the true vine?” In Corin- thians I, X, 21, one reads: “Ye cannot be partakers of the Lord’s table and of the table of devils.” This is a clear statement of the opposition of the Christian to the pagan communion (cf. Gardner, The Religious Expertence of St. Paul, p. 122;Clemen, Religionsgeschichtliche V ersuche und V orarbeiten, XIII (1913), p. 0). There was then a false bread and a false wine which constituted the pagan sacrament. Demeter or Per- sephone was the false bread and Dionysos the false wine or the false vine. A fragmentary inscription (4rch. Epig. Mitt. 1882, p. 8 No. 14) says that the priest of the Samothracian mysteries broke sacred bread and poured out drink for the mystai. An Attic vase-painting (Darem- berg et Saglio, s. v. Eleusinia, p. 570) shows two mystai seated and crowned, about to receive the sacramental cup. In a basket is the bread. It is possible that Dionysos was both bread and wine. In a hymn of the twelfth century B.c. Osiris, the Egyptian counterpart of Dio- nysos, is addressed as the father and mother of men who “eat of the flesh of thy body” (Erman, Zeitsch. fiir degypt. Sprache, XX XVIII, p- 33). A love-charm which probably preserves a fragment of ritual 1 17 I used in the Alexandrian Serapeion says “May this wine become the blood of Osiris” (cf. Legge, Forerunners and Rivals of Christianity, I, p. 87). It would seem as if the rite of eating the body and drinking the blood of a god—a strange rite when taken by itself—could be traced back to a rite of eating the fruit of the wheat-stalk and drinking the juice of the vine when the wheat-stalk and the vine were themselves regarded as deity. To eat the wheaten cake was then to eat the body of deity and to drink the juice of the vine was to drink the blood of deity. When with the progress of culture men began to think of deities inhuman form, the deities of grain and the vine became anthropomor- phic, but change of divine form was not accompanied by a change in ritual phraseology. The devotees continued to eat the body and drink the blood of their anthropomorphized gods. A survival of the old con- ception in the new 1s perhaps to be seen in the rite at Aricia near Rome where loaves, baked in the image of the king of the wood, seem to have been eaten sacramentally (Frazer, Spirits of the Corn and theW1ld, I\,p. 95). The early substance has been given the later form. If such was the evolution of the sacrament it was unknown to Cicero (De Nat. Deo- rum, III, 16, 41) who asked: “When we call corn Ceres and wine Bac- chus do you imagine anyone so crazy as to believe the thing he feeds on is a god?” It was natural enough that this transformation should lead to the doctrine of transubstantiation, that the change of the god to human form should bring about a corresponding change of the bread and wine, originally the real body and blood of the god, to the body and blood of the new god of human form. To return to the Spartan s¢e/ai after this digression upon wine and blood, one may perhaps apply to the scene the words of Matthew XXVI, 27. Dionysos in offering the cup to the soul whether of human or serpentine form seems to say: mlere €€ avrov (éx robrou Tod yevvnuartos THs dumédov) TavrEs. TOOTO Yap €oTLTO alma pou TO TEpl TOAAGY ExxvVOMEVOY els peo duapriwy. For, according to Orphic doctrine, the human soul had to be purified, and a Petelia tablet represents the dead as saying that he comes “pure from the pure.” Porphyry (De Antro Nympharum, 11) tells us that pure souls avoid generation. Purifica- tion through remission of sins was also an Orphic doctrine as is ob- vious from a passage in Plato (Respud. II, 364E): “They offer many 18 i books of Mousaios and Orpheus . . . and persuade not only individuals but even cities that there is remission of sins through sacrifice both for the living and the dead. These sacrifices they call mysteries which free us from evil there but dreadful things are in store for those who do not sacrifice.” The deceased pair in the Spartan relief who have just descended to the underworld seem about to receive from the en- throned god the wine-blood which will confer remission of sin and immortality. In partaking of the wine-blood of the god of resurrec- tion and immortality, they have identified themselves with him and will share his resurrection and immortality. The soul-snake of the ste/ai is offered not only the kantharos but also the pomegranate (Tod and Wace, 4 Catalogue of the Sparta Museum, p. 104, fig. 4). This fragmentary stele is stylistically very close to the archetype of the series. Both reliefs show the same profile of the head with straight receding brow and sloping eye. The chiton of both figures has the same curious vertical projection from the back. This figure is perhaps Dionysos vap6nxodépos offering a pome- granate to a soul-snake. The seated Dionysos in other Spartan ste/az holds the pomegranate and he was represented with pomegranate- trees about him on the chest of Kypselos (Paus. V, 19, 6). A striking parallel to this scene is found perhaps in a story which Epiphan- ios tells about the eucharist of the Ophites (Legge, Forerunners and Rivals of Christianity, I, p.61). They were accustomed to keepa tame serpent in a chest which was released at the consecration of the eucha- rist and twined itself around the sacred bread. Could this serpent be a soul-serpent seeking release and immortality by means of the bread of eternal life? This serpent should be compared with another, in a scene on a silver plate of the first century B.c., which emerges from a kiste to drink froma kantharos held by a Maenad, (Collect. Stroganoff Rome (1912), 1,pl. XXX). TheOphiteswerea post-Christian sect local- ized in Phrygia and evolved a system which combined Christian ele- ments with the ancient mystic doctrines of Asia Minor. Their Son of Man was called Adamas (Unconquered) which was also an appella- tive of Hades Dionysos (Theokritos, II, 34) and recalls the Mithraic GVLKNTOS. — ae 3. Cover of Etruscan Sarcophagus Found at Corneto: The Deceased Represented as Priest of Dion LY SOS BEATE try Ill STAG AND KANTHAROS IN AN ETRUSCAN RELIEF In a relief on an Etruscan urn of the third century ( fig. 3; cf. Martha, L’ Art Etrusque, p. 345; F. Weege, Etruskische Malerei (1921), p. 15) Dionysos or his priest is represented holding a thyrsos anda kantharos which a stag is trying to reach. The motif is then that of the Spartan stelai with the stag substituted for the snake. The mystic meaning is probably also the same, the stag being an incarnation of the soul which seeks purification and release from the cycle of transmigration by means of the wine-blood of the wine-god. There may be an echo of this metamorphosis in the Theban legend of Aktaion who was con- verted into a stag and torn to pieces. According to Apollodoros (III, 4, 4) Aktaion was killed by Zeus because of his attentions to Semele. This tradition brings him into the circle of the earth and fertility- deities. His name may be derived from ar ‘corn.’ The presence of such metempsychosis in Etruria would not be surprising in view of the fact that Dionysiac worship, made its way there from the Orphic strongholdsof MagnaGraecia (Livy, XX XIX, 8 ;cf.Weege, bid. p.24). There is a fragmentary kylix (F. H. S. UX (1888), pl. VI) attributed to Euphronios which represents Orpheus sinking to the ground be- fore the attacks of a Thracian woman. Her arm is tattooed with a stag which may have been the mark with which the Thracians branded their women. According to Plutarch (De Sera Num. Vind. 557D) the branding was done as a punishment for the death of Orpheus. Men were also branded with the image of a stag to judge from the curious name *Eda¢éorexros (Lysias, XIII, 19) which must be the equivalent of @\adoy éoruypuévos (cf. Dittenberger, Hermes, XXXVI (1902), p. 299; Ath. Mitt. XVI (1891), p. 58; Fahrbuch des kais. Deut. Arch. Inst. XXVII (1912), p. 32). Upon what part of the body *Edadéorixros was branded is not stated. The Samians branded Athenian prisoners upon the forehead with the mark of an owl and the Athenians branded the Samians with the mark of a boat. The mystic character of the stag upon the Thracian woman’s arm is i 20 Kt confirmed by the ladder tattooed upon her wrist, for the allusion must be to the Orphic ladder by which the initiate was to mount to the spheres. It has probably the same symbolic value as the ladder raised in relief on a terra-cotta kantharos which was discovered in a Mithraeum at Friedberg (Cumont, Textes et Monuments, II, p. 358). Perhaps the source of both is the ladder by which King Pepi II went up to Chepera, the sun-god. Attention has already been called to the Mithraic tauroctony in which the dog, the snake, and the lion seek either the blood or the seed of the divine bull. The temptation is great to regard these ani- mals as corresponding in character to the animal forms which the ~ Mithraic candidate assumed in his initiation. Porphyry (De 4ntro Nympharum, 10) says that those who live in the world of generation have souls which like blood and humid seed. The animal forms in the relief of the tauroctony may be incarnations in the world of generation. IV AN ETRUSCAN TOMB PAINTING Ir the small figure of the Spartan ste/e ( fig. 1) that holds a pomegran- ate has been correctly interpreted as bearing to judgment the symbol of what is especially craved, resurrection, then the significance of an Etruscan sepulchral painting becomes clear. In the Tomba del Car- dinale at Corneto (Micali, Storia degli Antichi Popoli Italiani, IV, pl. 65) which has been dated in the second half of the fourth century, three figures of the dead have just entered the portal of Hades. Of these the first carries a spade, the second a fork and the third a reed (cf. Weege, Etruskische Malerei, p. 35). As the pomegranate was the attribute of Persephone, so among the attributes of her consort was the two-pronged fork or dixedXa, which alluded to his quality as ¢epéoBios (cf. Lenormant in Darem- berg et Saglio s. v. Bacchus, p. 632). The dixeddXa was his attribute in literature rather than in art like the sickle of Demeter (xpvcdopos). In the Etruscan painting the newly arrived dead carries the fork, the attribute of Hades-Dionysos just as in the Spartan relief the de- ceased carries the pomegranate of Persephone. The fork and the spade, implements instrumental in the resuscitation of plant-life be- come by an easy transfer instrumental in the resuscitation of human life in the realm beyond. They are very appropriate and very logical symbols of resurrection in a vegetation-creed of immortality. As for the reed carried by the third figure in the painting, that was an ancient attribute of Dionysos which gave him the appellative vap0nxoddpos. The reed must have been carried in mystic rites for there was a saying attributed to Orpheus that the reed-bearers were many but the Bakchoi few (vapOnkoddpor wév roddol, Baxxor b€7€ Tadpot). There are two kinds of genii in the painting, one of flesh-color, ob- viously a good genius, and the other of black color, obviously bad. St. Augustine would probably have called the black genius an “angelus diaboli” (De Civ. Dei, V, 9). This genius seems to have survived in St. Peter’s Apocalypse where the punishing angels wear dark gar- | 22 K ments (oi cohafovres dyyedou oKoTELvov ELxov TO Evdupma, Dietrich, Nekyia p- 4, |. 45). The xaxds &yyedos of Greek folklore is probably a modern . descendant (cf. Lawson, Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient Greek Religion, p. 288) as are perhaps the black demons of Turkish super- stition who are hidden with the dead and beat him about the ears with hammers if they find him guilty (Inghirami, Monumenti Etruschi, I, p. 254). The Etruscan genius of the lower world who seems to be a diminu- tive replica of Charun resembles in function the Cretan Zagreus, the great hunter, the god of the dead who drove before him with blows those destined for his kingdom (cf. Miss Davis, The Asiatic Dionysos, ‘p. 156). The conception of Hades as a hunter has survived into mod- ern Greek folklore which represents Charos issuing forth as a hunter to the chase (Lawson, ibid. pp. 105, 165). The Greek Charon and the Etruscan Charun seem to be superannuated predecessors of Hades. The question now arises as to the sources of the so-called mallet of the Etruscan Charun. It looks very much like the double axe of Zeus — which decorated pillars in the Cnossian palace. The Cretan Zeus and Dionysos Zagreus the hunter seem to have been closely associated because in a fragment of the Cretans of Euripides (n. 475) the speaker says he became an initiate of the Idaean Zeus and of Zagreus. The association of the double axe with the cult of the deadin Minoan times is shown by the painting on the sarcophagus of Hagia Triada which represents a sepulchral libation of blood between two pillars surmounted by the double axe (Mon. Ant. XIX pl. 1). The double axe of Zeus was the thunderbolt of Zeus. According to one tradition Orpheus was slain with a thunderbolt, according to another he was slain with a double axe. These are but two ways of saying the same thing. The thunderbolt was very important in the Orphic and mystic rites. Porphyry (Vita Pythag. 17) tells us that Pythagoras in the course of his initiation in Crete was purified by a thunderbolt at the hands of an Idaean Dactyl. The Orphic tablets instructed the initiate to announce that he had been overcome by a thunderbolt—probably because Orpheus himself had suffered that fate. Asklepios according to Clement of Alexandria (Protrep. II, 30) was killed in the same way and hence the false prophet of Asklepios 1 23 i (Lucian, 4/ex. 59) predicts that he will be smitten at the end of 150 years. Artemidoros (Oneirocritica, II, 9) states that a man who had been struck by lightning was honored even as a god. In summing up this discussion one might say that Charun, an old fertility-Zeus, kept his double axe in the underworld while his suc- cessor naturally appropriated its counterpart and when this Zeus was elevated from earth to the celestial regions he carried with him his mundane implement. There it became the battle-axe of the skies which he hurled in time of thunder. As Charun thrust mortals into Hades with his double axe so his successor, the celestial Zeus, smote the Titans with his double axe, the thunderbolt, and hurled them into Tartaros. Theconception of the thunderbolt asalightning-axesurvivesinmod- ern Greek in the word dorporedéxe a Shortened form of *acrpamomedext (Lawson, Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient Greek Religion, p. 72). Although the word zrédexvs in the sense of thunderbolt nowhere occurs in ancient literature, the compound has a suspiciously ancient ring - and explains, as Lawson maintains, the ancient Cretan symbol of the double axe. The Greek tragedians speak of the pick-axe of Zeus with which he deals destruction. Sophokles in an unknown play used the phrase xpvoy waxéddy Znvds and Aristophanes in the Birds (1240) represents Iris as threatening the birds with the pick-axe of Zeus in the hands of Dike (cf. Aischylos, 4gam. 525). These descriptions of the thunder- bolt as a pick-axe recall the primitive period when the chief god of the pantheon was armed with the implements of peace, the axe and the pick, which served also as implements of war. The etymology of the word paxedda is obscure according to Boisacq (Dictionnaire Etymologique de la Langue Grecque, s.v.). It is a compound as is seen from the congeneric form dixedda and is therefore to be resolved into wa and xedda (Lt. mateola). The syllable wa is very probably a re- duction from *cewa, the root (?) of Zewédn, and the second component is perhaps akin to xvddés ‘curved, crooked, twisted.’ The compound would then have the original meaning of an ‘implement of curved form for working the earth,’ an ‘earth-tool.’ These primary ideas of ‘ground’ and ‘curve’ would serve equally well for the basic meaning Hf 24 k of waKeddov, waxedos ‘enclosure,’ i.e. ground surrounded by a curved fence. Zeus, before he ascended to the sky, was a deity of fertility whose attribute was logically the implement of the worker of the soil which promoted fertility. As a fertility-god he naturally acquired chthonic value, and again as a fertility-god he naturally acquired domination over light and rain as contributing causes of fertility. He ascended into heaven as his congeners Osiris and Dionysos did, but he carried with him as a sign of his provenience the earth-pick, the double axe, the waxedXa which became the dorpored€xe of the thunder-god. The etymology of the name Zeus will be discussed in a subsequent chap-- ter (p. 180). 4. Archaic Terracotta from a Lydian Tomb of the Sixth Century at Sardis: A Soul-dove Perched on a Pomegranate PLATE IV V THE LYDIAN SEPULCHRAL POMEGRANATE AND OTHER SYMBOLS THE statement has already been made that the clay pomegranate discovered in a grave of the geometric period was placed there for the same reason that the pomegranate was sculptured in the hand of the deceased in Spartan reliefs. The custom of giving that important symbol to the dead existed in Lydia also, for in a tomb at Sardis dated in the sixth century B.c. there has recently been found a terracotta pomegranate which is surmounted by a dove (jig. 4). This composite figurine at once explains a sepulchral symbol which is carv- ed in relief on late Phrygian stelai (B. C. H. 1909, pp. 294, 296, Jigs. 21-2). The symbol consists of a dove perched on a round object ( fig. 5) which is set between and partly above the heads of the figures of ~ the deceased pair. Mendel describes this symbol as a bird perched on either a rosette or fruit. The ste/e is pagan because Herakles and Kerberos are also represented in it. As Lydia was once mistress of the Phrygian territory where these reliefs were discovered, there 1s an additional reason for regarding the Lydian terracotta and the Phrygian motif as having the same significance though separated in time by several centuries. The pomegranate of the tomb is realistic, that of the Phrygian s¢e/e is conventionalized. The soul-dove and the pomegranate which is the symbol of rebirth correspond to the soul- snake and the kantharos, the symbol of immortality. As the soul- snake rises to drink from the kantharos, so the bird partakes of the pomegranate in a Samian sée/e (Harrison, Prolegomena, p. 352, fig. 106). The idea of a bird as the embodiment of a soul is familiar enough. Liberalis tells of a soul flying from a bier (4th. Mitt. XXVI (1901), p. 155) which reminds one of the Egyptian Ba or soul-bird (cf. MacCulloch, The Religion of the Ancient Celts (1911), pp. 359-60). The traditional association of Etruria with Lydia would lead one to expect the soul-bird in Etruscan art. Now Martha (L’4rt Etrus- que, p. 368, fig. 254; cf. Alessandro della Seta, Religione e Arte Figurata Hl 26 | (1912), p. 175, fig. 131) has so interpreted the bird perched on the stem of a lotus-flower which the deceased person holds in a relief of . the sixth century. The Etruscan and Lydian sepulchral birds are one and the same in conception. The bird is not found in the Spartan reliefs but the suppliant dead there hold both the lotus and the pomegranate. But can the sepulchral dove be brought directly into the circle of Dionysiac symbolism? Athenaios (V,200C) described a Bacchic pro- cession at Alexandria in the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus. A feature of the procession was a cave from which doves flew. Two streams issued from the cave, one of milk and one of wine. Saintyves (Les Grottes, p. 96) interprets the doves as souls which after drinking of the springs of wisdom and satiating themselves with the milk and wine of the lesser and greater mysteries fly away toward the sky. Now this Bacchic procession had certain distinctively Lydian feat- ures. Athenaios (V, 198E) tells us that Baccapar and Avéai took part Init: In one of the Phrygian reliefs (B. C. H. 1909, p. 293, fig. 20) a basket of round objects appears between the two figures of the de- ceased which Mendel takes to be balls of wool. A bird is perched upon the round objects. They are rather conventionalized pome- granates which have been substituted for the single pomegranate with dove perched upon it. It is again to Italy that one turns for a certain example of the sepulchral basket of pomegranates, a tomb painting at Cumae, an Ionic colony (Mon. Ant. I, pl. p. 955). This painting is dated by Sogliano in the third century B.c. and represents a maid bringing to the deceased a basket of pomegranates which are painted red. The basket is of the same tall sort as the pomegranate basket of the Phrygian ste/e. More red pomegranates are painted on the wall of the tomb. Other examples have been found at Nola and Capua (Fahrbuch des kais. Deut. Arch. Inst. 1909, ppl. VII, XII, B). What is the explanation of this plethora of pomegranates? Can it be that many were considered more potent than one and gave greater se- curity just as in Egypt several statues of the dead afforded greater guarantees of the perpetuation of the soul than one statue could? In the Cumaean painting, the basket is a kalathos the importance 5. Sepulchral Relief of the late Second Century A.D. from Aikirikdji: Between the Heads of the Deceased, a Symbolic Dove PLATE V: «4 ia : gene AY TS ey qin iri A : hy ‘ 4 ; Mi | Brabreal f | ; a rN Will : mat Ae | ‘ [ - 7 r ; 4) : ' u | ue ‘ m i} ¥ } iv j i ’ i 7 j 4 ' - / i 435 ‘ a fi f py) i | 1 i t 4 i] i i i se ; i / a i . “ ‘ ¥ ' . f wt 7 } i ‘ , - ‘ { Libri f | } ! ' "I | ‘ Tt: . | | | bi P ; ih I | } vw } | ti bs a ee ' L \ t 4 f i | 9 2 m 4 . “4 ’ ’ i? ae ya \ . sear, a . ‘ = j bs , r ] Fes ' i A ; ) 1 rw alt eae ad ’ ; i ; | / owe Nias ~ be inl ‘ ; Phy, if bs < | Aver a a , iT ee hte \ | 4 ’ - hy he Ra) ae ba y Sr ar a Fh gh sh eae ‘ os & ‘ — iy , ; ne 4s \ ras ‘ partir t! ’ -~— | a bt +e 0 ia, ra -_ Tj SS ifé yt eae , be MR Le ST 27 of which is established by the fact that it was given the position of honor in the processionat Alexandria. It was set on a car drawn by four white horses (Kallimachos, ad Cer. 121; cf. Farnell, Cults of the Greek States, I11, p. 199). The important attribute of Serapis was the kalathos which was set upon the head of his statues. Now what was in this kalathos? With the Cumaean painting and the Phrygian ste/e in mind where the basket is filled with pomegranates, it is tempting to conjecture that the Alexandrian ka/athos, so highly honored contained the pomegranate as the very important symbol of rebirth or resur- rection. This conjecture precipitates another which has to do with the Eleusinian mystic formula recorded by Clement of Alexandria (Pro- trep. 18): évnorevoa, érvov Tov KuKeBva, EkaBov éx xlorns, éyyeve huevos (ms. épyacdmevos) areféuny eis KaNabov Kal éx KaddOov els Kiorny. This is a record of fasting followed by a sacrament. First the initiate drank the kykeon which was a mixture, then he took something from the kiste, tasted of it (?) and placed it in the ka/athos only torestore it to the kzste. Since the mystic kalathos in sepulchral art contained pomegranates and since Persephone ate of the seeds of the pome- _ granate it would be a reasonable conjecture that the Eleusinian kalathos contained that symbolic fruit (or a sacred cake made of its seed) of which the initiate tasted following the example of his revered goddess. But the Eleusinian ka/athos could not have contained pome- granates because the mystic of Eleusis was forbidden to eat them (Porphyry, De Abstinentia, IV, 16;cf. Frazer, Pausanias’s Description of Greece, 1V, p. 380). Itmay be that the Eleusinian ka/athos contained bread of such shape as was served women at the Haloa. It will be noticed in the formula that the initiate first drinks and then tastes. The same sequence is suggested in the Spartan ste/e where the male deity extends the cup while his consort holds the pomegranate in one hand which rests upon her knee. Other interpretations of the Eleu- sinian formula are given by Foucart (Les Mystéeres d’ Eleusis, p. 379). A basket of pomegranates was very possibly a sepulchral symbol in the Minoan Age. In a scene on the sarcophagus of Hagia Triada (Mon. Ant. XIX, pl. 2) where a consecration to chthonic purpose of the blood of a bull seems to be represented, there is a basket full of [28 ff round objects which may be pomegranates. Parabeni calls them fruit and cites an Egyptian parallel. Miss Harrison (Themis, p. 178) thinks they are fruit-shaped cakes. The basket is not nearly so tall as the Greek kalathos. If the conjecture is correct, the basket of pomegran- ates has come down from Minoan times along with the feminine costume of the kitharoidos and the seven-stringed lyre which appear in the painting on the same sarcophagus. Another detail of the Phrygian ste/ai which occurs in several ex- amples is the plow (B. C. H. 1909, pp. 293-9, figs. 19, 20, 24). It 1s another illustration of the use of an agricultural implement as a mys- tic symbol like the spade and the fork of the Etruscan tomb-painting . (p. 21). The plow as helping in the resurrection of plant-life became a symbol of the resurrection of human life. The fertility-god of im- mortality Dionysos was credited with the invention of the plow (Diodoros, ITI, 64) as was his counterpart Osiris in Egypt. On the Mazzara sarcophagus (Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire, s. v. Ceres, p- 1053) there is represented besides the scene of the rape of Perse- phone a group of a plowman and sower who perhaps allude to the promise of new life given by the vegetation-goddess of resurrection. 6. Hybrid Statue from the Mithraeum at Ostia PLAT EV. L VI THE MEANING OF MITHRAIC SCULPTURE Nor the least remarkable among the sculptures of antique mysti- cism is the curious hybrid statue which stood within the Mithraeum. Its exact place is known because one example was found im situ sealed in a niche where it was visible only through a small hole (fz. 6; cf. Cumont, Textes et Monuments, I, p. 81; II, p. 238). Another specimen which was also found in a sealed chamber was seen and described by the antiquary Flaminius Vacca (King, Gnostics, p. 130). This curious Mithraic statue combines the head of a lion with a human body which is wrapped in the coils of a snake and regularly provided with wings. The hybrid holds two large keys or a thunder- bolt. Cumont (747d. I, p.75) calls attention to the interesting fact that these lion-headed figures differ not only in the different provinces but ‘even in the same city. Some have the feet of a crocodile and must be of Egyptian provenienceor due to contamination with Egyptian ideas. Since the Persians did not have statues of deities (Herod. I, 131; Strabo, XV, 3, 13) the hybrid image must be an occidental attempt to visualize certain important Mithraic ideas. A number of these statues are illustrated by Cumont (ddd. II, pp. 213, 238). The interpretation of this strange monster presents a real problem. Cumont (z4id. I, p. 77) with the help of ancient references comes to the conclusion that the statue represents Kronos, identified with Chronos, god of time, whom he regards as the representative of the Persian god Zervan Akarana (Boundless Time). Now the Dionysiac associations of a god of time are shown by a passage in Suidas s.v. “Hpdicxos: TO appntov ayadpua Tov Aidvos bd Tov Oeov KaTEexopevor Sv *AreEavdpets ériunoay "Oo.puy dvra Kal "“Adwrtv duod. Cumont (zdzd. I, p- 76) admits that Aiw» was possibly the Mithraic mystic name for the statue. He believes that the statue recalled to the faithful the reciprocal action of the four elements. Legge (Forerunners and Rivals of Christianity, II, p. 254) thinks the statue represents Ahriman, who I 30 I was the second born of the Eternal One, equally pure with Ahura Mazda but through jealousy of him was confined to the empire of . darkness (v. King, Guostics, p. 30). Yet in the Zend Avesta the angel Airyaman seems to be another name for the sun (Haug, Essays on the Language and Religion of the Parses* (1907), p. 273). In other words, Ahriman behaves very much like Osiris and Dionysos, both underworld powers who were identified with the sun. Arnobius (4dv. Gentes VI, 10) calls the Mithraic hybrid Frugifer. That the statue represents a chthonic god is confirmed by a passage in Firmicus Maternus who confuses the monster with Hekate (De Errore, V; cf. Cumont, ibid. 1, p. 140, n. 7). The fact that the statue sometimes has the feet of a crocodile is very significant showing that the god was apparently identified with the Egyptian Sebak, the crocodile god. Now this Sebak was both sun-god and Osiris (cf. Wiedemann, Religion of the Ancient Egyptians (1897), p. 143). Sebak seems to have begun as a fertility-god of the Nile and then like other fertility-gods to have developed solar characteristics. He was occasionally accounted an evil deity and the crocodiles sacred to him were held to be associates of Set in the underworld. The identifi- cation of the Mithraic hybrid with an Egyptian god of the character of Osiris acquires greater interest in the light of a statement of Hero- dotos (VII, 114) that the wife of Xerxes buried alive fourteen young Persians for the god beneath the earth (Hades ?). From all these con- siderations it seems reasonable to conclude that the Mithraic hybrid statue represents a god whose function closely coincided with that of Osiris and the chthonic Dionysos, and who, a fertility-god, became like them a god of immortality. Such a conclusion brings the statue into relation with the all important mystic doctrine of a future life. But what is the significance of the strange combination of parts of different creatures? The answer to the question is to be sought prob- ably in the doctrine of metempsychosis which according to Porphyry was taught in the mysteries of Mithra: ddyya...rhv pereu~bxwour etvar 6 Kal éudalverr éoixacuy év Tots rou Midpa pvornplots (De Absti- nentia, IV, 16; Cumont, Textes et Monuments, II, p. 42). The hybrid statue perhaps represents the various transformations which the god underwent and which therefore the Mithraic initiate must undergo HT 31 k in order to attain to eternal blessedness. The statue was carved to visualize these various incarnations which correspond to the animal forms of Dionysos or the swan-form of Orpheus. The first component of the hybrid statue to be considered is the lion’s head which must have conveyed the same idea to the mystic as the lion’s head that appears in a Mithraic relief from Konjica rep- resenting an initiation (Cumont, ibid. I, p. 175, fig. 10). In this scene several initiates are shown, one wearing a crow’s head as a mask and another a lion’s head. These masked initiates acted out their animal disguises, beating their wings if birds and roaring if lions (St. Augustine, Cumont, zd7d. II, p. 8). Of the seven degrees of initi- ation, the fourth was called that of the lion. It seems hardly possible that there should be no relation between this lion and the lion’s head of the composite statue, and again between these two and the lion which is represented in the Mithraic tauroctony. These lions are all one and the same in idea whatever that idea may be. It is equally reasonable to regard the wings of the hybrid as bear- - ing a similar relationship to the crow which gave its name to the first of the degrees of initiation or to the eagle which was a name for the seventh. The crow also appears in the tauroctony. And again the snake which is coiled round the hybrid must be very close in idea to the serpent of the tauroctony and to the snake which under the name cryphius was the title of the second of the seven degrees. In other words, there must be a consistent interpretation which applies to these various animal forms whether they appear in the Mithraic hy- brid statues, the reliefs, or among the names of the degrees of initi- ation. As the second degree has not previously been called the snake- degree a moment should be taken to consider it. The title cryphius is a transliteration of the Greek xpiduos, like corax and heliodromus. The adjective xpt¢uos is applied to the serpent in Sophokles (PAi/oc. 1328). The degree was called nyphius by Jerome who apparently had the serpent cvep/ in mind. There is confirmation of the interpre- tation of cryphius as snake in Lucian (4/ex. 14). Alexander showed the people of Abonoteichos a snake which he took from an egg-shell and called the twice born Asklepios. Lucian makes a point of the fact that this snake was not born from a crow’s egg. Lucian’s sequence I 32 for Asklepios would have been first crow and then snake, which are the first two of the Mithraic series of transformations or rebirths.! What then is the significance of these animal forms? Porphyry (De Abstinentia, IV, 16) after mentioning the fundamental Mithraic doc- trine of metempsychosis and the names of lion and crow for the mystic says that he who receives the /eontika clothes himself in all sorts of animal forms (8 re ra AedvTLKa TaparauBdvwv TepiTiberar TavTodaT as f@wr popdas). Porphyry quotes Pallas who in explaining these forms gives the common opinion that they refer to the circle of the zodiac but then says that they really hint at something about human souls which are said to clothe themselves in various bodies. These two ex- planations have something in common. It is a striking coincidence that the number of Mithraic degrees corresponds with the number of spheres through which the soul as- cended to heaven. Each initiation was designed to prepare the initi- ate for passage through the gate of one of these spheres. Each one of the seven passages, each of the seven degrees required a transforma- tion, a metempsychosis. The initiations were dramatic rehearsals of the transformations which the soul of the deceased Mithraic mystic would undergo in passing from one sphere to another until he attained eternal peace. Themistios (cf. Farnell, Cu/ts, III, 179) in his treatise on the soul says that after death the soul has the same experiences as those initiated into the great mysteries. The primitive naive idea underlying the initiation was that a rehearsal of the post-mortem vicissitudes of the soul would prepare the soul for those vicissitudes. The initiated soul would know what to expect and what todo where- as the uninitiated would be ignorant of the course to pursue and therefore helpless and would wallow for an indefinite period in hot mud or meet some other terrible fate. The reason for the assumption of animal disguises in the Mithraic initiation is to be sought probably in the primitive belief in rebirth 1An inscription, C. J. Z. VI, 751; Cumont, idid. II, p. 93 No. 9, which reads ostenderunt cryphios is taken to mean that the candidates of this degree were veiled, but that is not a necessary conclusion (Patterson, Mithraism and Chris- tiantty (1921), p. 46). Furthermore coins of Trebizond (Cumont, zézd. IT, p. 190) show Mithra Men accompanied by a crow and a serpent. The date of the coins iS A.D. 218, H 33 K through a skin which Moret (Mystéres Egyptiens, p. 55) has said is as ancient as the oldest known Egyptian monuments. The idea was that an animal slain redeemed the deceased from death. Not all of the seven Mithraic transformations were of the animal type. There seems to have been a modification of the series of seven theriomorphic rebirths such as Pythagoras underwent. Lucian (Vera Historia, B 21) says that the Samian philosopher had lived in seven animals, completed the courses of the soul and had been freed. Besides the primitive belief in theriomorphic embodiments there was also the doctrine that the planets were the roadway of the souls. A variant of this doctrine emerges in the creed of the Ophites: “As soon as Jesus was born, the Christ descended through the seven planetary regions assuming in each an analogous form. These anal- ogous forms are explained by the Ophite Diagramma which figured Michael as a lion, Suriel as a bull, Raphael as a serpent, Gabriel as an eagle, etc. In this manner the Christ entered into the man Jesus at the moment of his baptism” (King, Guostics, pp. 100, 365). Thus Christ, by assuming the animal forms of the planetary rulers escaped their vigilance and descended to earth. It will be noted that the lion, the serpent, and the eagle gave their names to three of the Mithraic degrees. With the help of this varied evidence it seems reasonable to in- terpret the composite Mithraic statue as a representation of deity visualizing the transformations which both the god and his wor- shipper underwent in attaining the state of eternal blessedness. The initiate was to have an experience something like that described in the Metamorphoses of Apuleius (XI, 23-24) where Lucius in the course of his initiation into the rites of Isis trod the confines of death and the threshold of Persephone, was swept round all the elements and re- turned, saw the gods of heaven and hell face to face and adored them. After his initiation he put ona cloak remarkable for the animals painted in many colors upon it. Did not these animal forms allude in some way to the animal metempsychoses which played so great a part in antique mystic thought? May not this garment which was called the Olympic garment have been the cloak of Isis? Isis and Demeter were two aspects of the same deity as Foucart has shown. 34 i A vase-painting of Hiero (Baumeister, Denkmdiler, III, p. 1857 jig. 1958) shows Demeter wearing a garment decorated with birds, dol- . phins and winged human figures. The latter which are placed near dolphins are perhaps mystic in character, the souls of the dead speed- ing over the sea. Hiero probably took as his model a hieratic gar- ment of the goddess. If such a garment was traditional for Demeter, her Egyptian counterpart Isis may also have worn it and in mystic rites have put it on her devotees. That the head of the composite statue should be a lion’s 1s indica- tive of the importance of the “lion” among the degrees. The import- ance of the lion is further shown by the fact that it was chosen to represent the deceased in sepulchral sculpture. A sarcophagus from Isauria surmounted by a lion bears the inscription [6 de?va] far Kat dpovar avéinxev éavtov déovra. Rohde (Psyche (1894), p- 679) believes that the lion of the inscription like the eagle in another represents the deceased under the animal forms which they received in the mys- teries in the fourth and seventh degrees. But Rohde’s view has not been generally accepted. Cumont (Textes et Monuments, II, p. 173) is doubtful and Graillot (Culte de Cybéle, p. 402) says the lion of the in- scription has nothing to do with the mysteries of Mithra (cf. Dieter- ich, Bonner Fahrbicher, CVIII, p. 37). An interesting gem described by King (Gnostics, p. 299) seems to be of Mithraic character. A lion- headed man girt with serpents and holding torch, sword and crown of victory, soars aloft from the back of a lion beneath which lies a corpse. This gem perhaps embodies in miniature the idea of the Mithraic hybrid statue. It is obvious from the discussion of the fourth degree that the name /eo was the most conspicuous of the seven which were given initiates. This raises an interesting question as to the origin of the proper name Leo which has been borne by a number of popes. The first Pope Leo ascended the papal throne in 440. He must have been born in the last quarter of the fourth century probably in Rome and at a time when Mithraism was still alive. His name was not an estab- lished Latin name. Tertullian (4dv. Marc. 1, 13) mentions /eones Mithraewhowere priests of Mithras. It is a reasonable conjecture that this name Leo is the important /eo of the fourth Mithraic degree H 35 i that the name, like the words mitra and missa (v.infra,pp.150~-7) are appropriations from the terminology of the Persian cult. The first Pope Leo may have belonged to a family converted from Mithraism. The combination in one statue of successive transformations is not without parallel in antique art. The Attic vase-paintings offer several examples of the various forms which Thetis assumed in her struggle with Peleus. The paintings do not always represent the same metamorphoses of Thetis, nor in the Mithraic hybrid statues are the same animal forms always present. The hybrid statue holds two keys. A curse-inscription found in Kypros (P. S. B. 4. 1891, p. 177) invokes the lord of hell as the god who is set over the gate of hell and the keys (bars?) of heaven. (Toy él rod rvAGvos rod “Adovs Ke TOV xAHOpwr Tod ovpavod teraypévor, Cf. Legge, Forerunners and Rivals of Christi- anity, II, p. 254, n. 4.) These Mithraic keys are keys to heaven and certainly help to determine the bearer as god and mystic with power to pass the gates into eternal blessedness. At some time during the ceremonies the initiate may have received and held the all essential keys. They were passed on to St. Peter, for he also holds two keys. The thunderbolt is sometimes held by the hybrid form close to the chest. Its significance may be gleaned from the Orphic gold tablets in which the soul of the deceased initiate says to the under- world powers that he has been overcome by lightning. Zeus Bronton is frequently mentioned in Phrygian sepulchral inscriptions (Ram- Say, 7+. 8. V(1884), p. 256). In one (C. J. £. VI, 733; Cumont, ibid. II, p. 104) a priest of Zeus Bronton and Hekate dedicated a cave to the unconquered sun-god Mithras. The thunderbolt had an im- portant bearing upon the future life and was quite logically present in a cult-image which aimed to visualize the necessary requirements for attaining that life. The thunderbolt is held close to the chest, a position which perhaps becomes significant in the light of the Pla- tonic story of Er that those who were judged good bore upon their breast (év 76 rpdo6ev) the sign of their judgment. Perhaps the Orphic initiate bore a thunderbolt upon his breast as proof that he had been overcome by it like Orpheus the founder of his cult. Cumont (zdzd. II, p. 188, fig. 9) reproduces a head of a statue of Mithras on which is a Phrygian cap decorated with a band of thunderbolts. I 36 i The curious position of the hybrid statue in the Mithraeum has already been noticed. It was sealed up in a niche where it was visible » through a small hole. One is reminded of the serdab of the Egyptian tomb in which the statue of the deceased was walled up and visible only through a narrow slit. The same reason may explain both. The narrow opening gave access to another world, the abode of the de- parted. To reach this the Mithraic mystic had to undergo transfor- mations and carry keys as well as thunderbolt. In this he was but sharing the experiences of his god. Of equal importance with the hybrid statue was the Mithraic re- lief of the tauroctony. As an illustration, the relief found at Hed: dernheim may be taken (fig. 7; Cumont, zdzd. II, pl. VII, p. 364). Mithras is seen slaying the bull. A dog leaps to lap the streaming blood while a serpent rises toward a krater to drink. A lion stands near the krater. It is Cumont’s theory that these animals are engaged in a struggle which symbolizes the strife of the elements. The lion is the symbol of fire, the snake of earth, and the krater of water. A passage in Porphyry (De Antro Nympharum, 17) is Cumont’s prin- cipal evidence for the interpretation of the krater as a symbol of water. Porphyry’s words are rapa 7 Midpa 6 Kpatyp avtl rhs mnyAs réraxrat from which Cumont infers that a krater of water was sub- stituted for a spring in the Mithraic rite. A criticism of Cumont’s interpretation is that it does not associate the group of the lion and the snake about the krater with the group of Mithras and the slain bull which occupy most of the relief (Textes et Monuments, I, p. 100). But there must be some connection because the snake which in one relief rises toward the krater appears in an- other relief drinking the blood which gushes from the stricken bull. Further, the fact that either the snake or the lion is missing from other reliefs of the tauroctony would force the conclusion that the same elements were not always at war. Cumont further concedes that nowhere in Persian literature is there any allusion to a struggle of the elements symbolized by the group of the krater, lion, and ser- pent, but cites references in the church fathers to the Persian wor- ship of the elements (ddid. I, p. 107). A different interpretation is given by A. L. Frothingham (4. 7. 4. 7. A Mithraic Relief from H eddernheim: The Slaying of the Divine Bull by Mithras PUATES VIL vs ; ‘ all) nt > he oe | | lool : He iN Balt - oi i a we) ti! , rhe at ai Rati iol ata a ib i riM al “ GPE Coe 4 ere ire] i Wos-h Tea hal aod VAL. 4 Ms i i | i? é ~ ‘ ie ty cd Prd. ‘ : , ? ae be rm i] es tj i i j ' t ; ‘| M } ' f / ' 4 ae ) i al j Je) i | i ' ; i i / hing 1 . LA nied : {| | | 7 4 i ; Yaa j i} it : eae é 5 j |} wh) , : , Ne Jia | elie i i * vy 9 $f a9 by ‘ 9 At ’ i. a) Fo | I ; 7 i , 55> 4\ ae if rw f j oe a | a Pb x § «a! : hod é nse ah 7 7 te ee ne m a , > j Woe Mit Mer beaey iy } : iit 4 AO CVAD ig __ f a *” 5 1 b avd ee 1 + al ‘ a a rr a af i 4 ‘ . a ite ee UP ee ae hi a es Se ; te é Nj _ . = “ih: A Wire att ’ f - eI t } SA eat a a - “6 cy ~~ i » we “Pr” ry i (4 wv 1 37 k 1918, p. 59) who very logically associates the contents of the krater with the sacrifice of the bull. If in one series of reliefs the snake drinks the blood of the bull at the wound, it is reasonable to believe that in the other series of reliefs in which the snake rises to drink from the krater—that the snake is again about to drink the blood of the bull. The remarkable Mithraic relief from Syria which Froth- ingham publishes (zdzd. pl. IIT) shows that the snake sometimes re- ceived the seed of the bull at its source and this motif warrants the theory that the krater was sometimes so placed as to receive the seed. Blood and seed were both regarded as sources of recurring life. Por- phyry (De Antro Nympharum, 10) says that souls in generation delight in blood and humid seed. The significance of the snake is given by Frothingham as the “receptivity of the earth preparatory to rebirth, chthonic force potential with future life.” But did the scene have only such general significance or was it capable also of some applica- tion to the individual mystic and his spiritual needs? As the mystic stood in the Mithraeum and looked at the scene of the tauroctony - what impressions did he receive, what emotions were quickened? It may be that the position of the relief in the sanctuary gives the answer to these questions. It stood at the end of the sanctuary facing the entrance (Cumont, ibid. I, p. 63) where later in the Christian church was the memorial of another sacrifice. The transfixion of the divine bull was superseded by the crucifixion of the Divine Son. The blood of both sacrifices contained the promise of immortality, the papuaxov Tys dBavacias. The snake and krater of the Mithraic relief suggest at once the snake and kantharos of the Spartan relief. In both cases the snake rises to drink from a wine-vessel. The Mithraic snake rises to drink the blood of the divine bull; the Spartan snake rises to drink the wine of Dionysos. The similarity is even closer. According to the Bundahish (Cumont, idid. I, p. 197, n. 1) the vine had sprung from the blood of the divine bull. Therefore the juice of the grape con- tained the blood of that bull. But Dionysos was also a bull-god (ravpduopdos) and too a vine (Athenagoras, Presbeia, XXII C) so that the juice of the grape could likewise be called blood of the bull-god. Hence it comes about that the contents of the Mithraic krater and the Dionysiac kantharos were essentially the same. I 38 k But what is the meaning of the snake and the lion which appear so often in the tauroctony? Are they anything more than symbols of - elements? That the lion could be a symbol of heat is perfectly clear from the antique passages which Cumont has assembled (zéid. I, p. 102). That this conception of the lion played a part in the Mithraic initiation is also clear from a statement by Porphyry (De Antro Nympharum, 15) that honey was used to purify those initiated into the /eontika instead of water because water was hostile to fire. This must mean that the mystic who took the degree of lion, becamea lion, acquired the lion’s cosmic associations with fire and could even be identified with the zodiacal sign of the lion. For souls could become: stars. When Trygaios returned from his journey to Zeus he was asked by his servant whether it was true that souls became stars (Paw., 83 33 : cf. Welcker, Kleine Schriften, I, p. 519). There is no difficulty then in the way of interpreting the lion of the Mithraic relief as an incarnation of the soul. The dog and the snake which reach for the regenerating blood may be interpreted in the same way. They were listed among the Orphic animal metem- psychoses (p. 8). The snake would then acquire the same signifi- cance as the snake and the lion of the hybrid statue and be the exact counterpart of the soul-snake of the Spartan ste/ai. The sculpture of the Mithraeum then had as its real import the vicissitudes of the soul and the guarantees of its salvation. Its message was immortality, a fundamental tenet which gained so many converts to the uncon- quered sun-god among the practical Roman soldiery. The dominant idea of the cult was the dominant idea of its sculpture. The hybrid statue may have been called Boundless Time—a good name for an eternal being which alone is independent of the bounds of time—and equally good for the mystic who after death was promised identifica- tion with deity. Vil A MITHRAIC ALLUSION IN THE WASPS OF ARISTOPHANES MirnraisM as a cult enjoyed no vogue in Greece both because of the hostility of the Greek to things Persian and because Greece had its own mystic religions. But the Persian and his creed did not escape the comic poet. Miss Harrison has remarked that “Socrates in his basket contemplating 74 yeréwpa is not only the fantastic philosopher, he is the pilloried Persian” (Themis, p. 461). There is a passage in the Wasps of Aristophanes which has a decided Persian character and which should be considered in the light of the previous chapter on Mithraic sculpture. In the opening scene of the play Xanthias says to Sosias that a certain Median nodding slumber made an expedition against his eyes in the course of which he saw a marvellous vision. ~ Sosias replies that he also had a vision, that he saw an assembly of sheep and Theoros with the head of a crow. As this dream occurred during slumber sent by Sabazios in a passage of distinctly Median connotation, it is tempting to regard the crow’s head of Theoros as a direct hit at the Mithraic initiation, the first degree of which was the crow. Theoros with crow’s head recalls the Konjica relief in which one of the initiates is seen wearing a crow’s head mask (Cumont, Textes et Monuments, 1, p. 175). The name Theoros itself suits admir- ably such a situation, being a good name for a mystic spectator. Hesychios defines Sewpoi as érérr at and érémrrns was the regular name for a mystic who beheld what the iepodavrns revealed in the Eleusin- ian rites. To the Athenian audience Theoros must have seemed an éréarns of the crow-degree. There is perhaps still another allusion of the same sort in the pas- sage. Xanthias (v.15) sawin his dream an eagle swoop down into the agora, seize an doris and fly away to heaven. The word ao7is means both ‘shield’ and ‘snake.’ The snake was really the second Mithraic degree under the title of xpidios, and the eagle was the seventh. Thus in this account of Median dreams there are mentioned two birds and I 40 k a snake which gave their names to three of the degrees of the Mithraic initiation. The initiates into the first three of these degrees were ap- - parently servants. Porphyry (De Abstinentia, IV, 16) says the servants in the Mithraic mysteries were called crows, and coins of Trebizond of the third century show Mithra-Men accompanied by the crow and the snake (Cumont, iid. I, p. 317; I, p. 190). There was then a cer- tain appropriateness in representing the two servants Xanthias and Sosias as seeing in their Persiandreams two servantsof the Persian god. 8. Transenna of the Sixth Century after Christ in S. Apollinare, Ravenna: A Chalice like a Mithraic Krater with Cross superposed PLATE Viti Vil THE CONTINUITY OF PAGAN AND CHRISTIAN EUCHARISTIC SYMBOLISM SUGGESTIVE similarities of pagan to Christian thought with refer- ence to immortality for which as a prerequisite both systems pre- scribed the drinking of the wine-blood of deity, naturally prompt the question whether the continuity of pagan and Christian eucharistic thought was accompanied by a continuity of pagan and Christian eucharistic symbolism. The question must be answered in the affir- mative. The krater of the Mithraic tauroctony (Cumont, Textes et Monu- ments, II, p. 230, fag. 61) 1s strikingly similar in form to the repre- sentation of a chalice in Ravenna (fig. 8; Venturi, Storia dell Arte Italiana, I, p. 222, fig. 210; cf. Rohault de Fleury, La Messe, IV, pl., - p. 50). Even the handles are identical and attached in the same way. The prototype of both was obviously metal. The Mithraic krater held the blood of the divine bull from which blood the vine sprang. The Christian chalice in question unlike the Mithraic krater is represented with thevine and grapes springing from it. The addition of the cross above the cup reconsecrates it to Christian use. The symbol is found also on Roman cinerary urns and sepulchral altars. An example in the Lateran Museum (Altmann, Die Rémischen Grabaltare der Kaiserzeit, p. 124) has the ivy (Dionysiac) springing symmetrically froma vase with vertical handles. The sepulchral altar of M. Antonius Januarius (Altmann, zd7d., p.214) bears upon one side a vase from which springs the ivy and upon the othera vine. A similar vase is found alsoin Etruscan art in a relief on a large urn of the third century B.c. (Martha, L’ Art Etrusque, p. 345, fig. 238). A hind is trying to reach the cup held by a Dionysiac figure. This motif sur- vives in Christian art where the animal drinks from the cup of life. An example is illustrated in Leclercq, Manuel D’ Archéologie Chré- tienne, II, 310, fig. 243). Thus the cup of immortality coming from the east appeared both in Etruscan and Roman belief and art. The 42 K same cup in idea had found its way into the relief of the Spartan stelai where the snake strives to drink from it. This scene may ex- plain the serpentine handles of the glass kantharos at Amiens (De- ville, Verrerie dans l Antiquité, p\. 61). The snake that rises to drink from the cup has been substituted for the handle of the cup, a new version of the old motive of those Dipylon vases which have a snake painted or moulded upon the handle as if rising to drink from the vase. The krater or kantharos and the pomegranate were two important symbols. The Lydian sepulchral symbol of a dove perched on a pome- granate is the counterpart of the Christian sepulchral symbol of a. dove or doves perched upon the chalice. Several examples of the pierre Romaine are collected by Rohault de Fleury (La Messe, IV, ppl. 270ff). The birds perched on these sepulchral chalices are “a symbol of the souls which quench their thirst in the felicity of eternal life” (Dictionnaire ad’ Archéologie Chrétienne, s.v. calice, p. 1613). The soul-dove and the krafer correspond very closely to the soul-snake and the kantharos of the Spartan steai. That the cup with the soul-birds perched upon it, the zorjpior uvoTnpiwy, was not regarded as a distinctive Christian symbol is proved by the addition of the cross. The early chalices of the sarco- phagi of the third and fourth centuries are succeeded by a new type in the sixth century, the chalice with the cross superposed. The pagan soul-doves perched on the handles of the cup remain but above them on the cross appear their Christian counterparts. The addition of the cross is the plastic answer to St. Augustine’s question: Qui est vas vitae, nisi Christus? (cf.Rohault de Fleury, iid. p. 50.) Dieterich (Nekyia, p. 230) citing an Orphic relief which had been made over to Christian use by the addition of a cross makes the significant remark: “So wenig war ein Gegensatz des Orphischen und Christlichen Kultes vor- handen.” It may seem strange at first sight that the name of the sacred cup in Italy should be derived from the latin calix, the xiv or common wine-cup of the Greeks, because the form of the chalice never re- sembled the Greek ky/ix. The latter is a low shallow cup with hori- zontal handles, while the chalice is a tall cup with vertical handles 1 43 K if it has any handles at all (Dictionnaire d Archéologie Chrétienne, II, s. v. calice. figs. 1867 fF). It is quite possible that the Latin calix was a name applied to a krater of calix-form or calix-krater. In this way the Christian chalice in both form and name would be a distinct de- scendant from the Mithraic or Dionysiac krater. The other name for chalice, ‘grail,’ 1s likewise derived from kraéer through its Latin diminu- tive cratella. The importance in mystic cult of the krater is shown not only by its frequent appearance in scenes of the tauroctony and by Porphyry’s mention of it in connection with the Mithraic cave but also by the fact that a poem entitled Kparjp was attributed toOrpheus (Abel, Orphica, no. 160). The cup of Dionysosisregularly the kantharos but he sometimes holds the krater with volute handles as in an archaic terracotta from Locri (British Museum Catalogue of Terracottas, pl. XXII, p. 153, no. 485). Those who believe that the cratella and its spiritual content have passed from pagan to Christian lip will not find it strange that the cup known as the cup of the Ptolemies should have been converted about the ninth century into the chalice of St. Denys - (Babelon, Cabinet des Medailles, pl. 45). The Dionysiac decoration of this cup includes a satyr-head in a vine, a silenus-head and a comic mask. The cup of Dionysos the vine, has become the cup of Christ, the True Vine. The éuBpoctas xparhp of Sappho (Athen. II, 39 A) contained a ¢dppaxov &0avacias. The next large question naturally follows. If the pagan cup was reconsecrated to Christian use what became of the equally important pomegranate, the symbol of rebirth? Did it disappear or has it sur- vived in Christian symbolism? To answer this question it is neces- sary to turn again to the Phrygian sepulchral stele (B. C. H. 1909, p. 296, fig. 22). This is a pagan monument because Kerberos and Herakles appear among the representations. A dove which has already been discussed stands on a conventionalized pomegranate which is crossed by two incised lines intended perhaps to represent the fur- rows in the fruit. It was the Lydian terracotta dove of the sixth cen- tury which, perched upon a realistic pomegranate, gave the clew to the conventionalized pomegranate of the stele. Now in the Konjica relief (Cumont, Textes et Monuments, 1, p. 175) the same round ob- jects with the same incised cross-lines lie on a table in a scene which 1 44k is a Mithraic banquet that attended mystic initiation. Cumont has described the round objects as bread. The same objects with cross- . lines are found again in the art of the catacombs (Rohault de Fleury, La Messe, IV, pl. 276). They fill a basket which resembles that set between the heads of the figures of the deceased on one of the Phry- gian reliefs (B. C. H. 1909, p. 293) and again the basket which con- . tains pomegranates in the sepulchral painting at Cumae. In Egypt the dove is found in the same company. A piece of linen from a grave in the early Christian necropolis at Achmim (R. Forrer, Die Friih- christlichen Alterthiimer aus d. Graberfelde von Achmim—Panopolis, pl. XV, 8) which is dated in the fifth or sixth century has a design of. a blue dove and red round objects with white cross-lines. Forrer in- terprets the latter as consecrated bread. Since these round objects with cross-lines incised at right angles are a characteristic feature of sepulchral art, though in widely sep- arated regions, it is natural to regard them as one and the same thing. The Romans without hesitation would have called them quadrati, a term applied to bread with incisions (Athenaios III, 114E), but in the Phrygian ste/e the object on which the dove is perch- ed is just as certainly a pomegranate. What appears to be a diffi- culty is no difficulty at all. From the pomegranate of the pagan eucharist to the bread of the Christian eucharist the transition is easily effected through the seed-cake. The seeds of the pomegranate were the important part of the fruit. It was of the seeds of the pome- granate that Persephone ate which committed her to the other world. An inscription found at Mistra (C. I. G. 1464) prescribes as an offer- ing to the Eleusinian Demeter bread made of sesame (prov 614 gaauwv). Analogy would prescribe bread made of pomegranate-seed as an offering to Persephone. Such bread with seed was a transitional sacrament between the simple fruit with abundant seed and the plain bread. That the bread of the pagan eucharist was originally seed- bread is made probable by the two meanings of the word @apynXos. According to a writer quoted in Athenaios (III, 114A) this word meant the first loaf of bread made from the harvest; according to Hesychios (s. v.) the word meant a pot of seeds (Oapyndos xbTpa éoriv avardews orepnatwy). These two meanings are at bottom one and the 145 kK same. The seed which is the basic element in the definition of Hesy- chios was made over into a loaf and this seed or loaf was so sacred and important as to give its name to the festival Thargelia and to the month of harvest rites, Thargelion. Vanicek’s derivation of @4pyndos from *r apy, *rpuy, a root appearing in tpvy daw would lead one toexpect a connection between the Thargelia and the Dionysia which Corn- ford has discussed (Origin of Attic Comedy, p. 54). When Athenaios says that the @apynos was also called @adtovos, the sacred bread has become the loaf of Demeter and Dionysos because the festival Thaly- sia was held in their honor. So it is a reasonable theory that the sacramental pomegranate or the sacramental seed-bread passed by an easy transition into the sacramental bread. Yet the pomegranate survives in Christian art. Florentine paintings of the fifteenth cen- tury (e. g. Louvre, no. 1345) represent the Virgin and child holding a pomegranate, the red seeds of which are sometimes clearly shown. Here the pomegranate is the counterpart of the cluster of grapes which the French peasant ties to the hand of the statue of the Christ ‘child. It would seem as if Persephone had contributed the pome- granate and Dionysos the grapes. The seed-cake or bread was naturally eaten in a marriage-rite Just as the pomegranate is eaten in Crete today by the peasant bride as she enters her new home for the first time. It was given in marriage for birth, it was given in death for rebirth and perhaps in this primi- tive rite lies the origin of the corresponding sacraments of the church today. In the Peace of Aristophanes (v. 869) the servant announces that the seed-cake for the bride Opora is ready (ono ayj tum arrerat). The scholiast on the passage remarks that a cake made from sesame was called a marriage-cake (rd akots yaurxds). Clement of Alexandria (Protrep. II, 22) tells us that sesame and pomegranate were used in the mysteries. The pomegranate still survives in connection with rites for the dead as it does in rites for the bride. At certain festivals today among the Greeks, the relatives of the dead give friends cakes called «6\AvBa which are made of pomegranate-seeds and fruit (cf. P. Gardner, 7. H. S. 1884, p. 109). The connection of the pagan eucharist with resurrection is per- haps to be observed in certain names for bread which Athenaios has H 46 preserved (III, 114). There was a bread called etnites which was also known as /ekithites which was made of yolk of egg and pulse (érvirar - 5€ dnote &prov etvar AeKiOirny). The name dexibirns gives the bread a sepulchral character because of its obvious connection with Ajnvbos, the vase which was painted for the dead, and this is confirmed by the other name érvirns which is suspiciously like the Cabiro-Dionysiac name Airvatos. The question why bread should have become the substance of the eucharist is closely bound up with the question as to the character of the pagan gods of immortality. They were fertility-gods and solargods, or fertility-gods that became solar gods. A successful fertility-god was required sooner or later to be a solar god. These fertility-gods must have become gods of immortality for human life because they were the gods of immortality for plant-life, resurrecting that life every year about Easter time. In fact they were themselves this very plant- life annually resurrected and hence those who partook of these reviv- ing plant-gods had within them the seeds of resurrection and another life. Grain and grape as the most important of the plant-forms logic- ally tended to make the deified grain and grape the most important of the fertility-gods. To partake ritualistically of both was to incor- porate deity within one’s self and to share the resurrection and im- mortality of that deity. Hence it came about in a later age that St. Ignatius could call the eucharist an antidote against death and the drug of immortality (ddppaxov &0avactas, avridoros rod yw) drobavetr, Migne, P. G. V, 661; cf. Antiphanes in Kock, Com. Att. Frag. I, p. 46) and St. Irenaeus could speak of it as the hope of resurrection for eternity (4 édals THs els aiGvas dvacrdcews) and that in St. John VI, 54, it should be written “whoso eateth my flesh and drinketh my blood hath eternal life and I will raise him up at the last day.” The grave stele of Lyseas (Ant. Denk. III, pls. 32-33) who holds in one hand a cluster of wheat-stalks and in the other a kantharos, might well be inscribed with the words of St. Jerome (Migne, P. L. XXIV, 631). “This is the wheat and this the wine of which none shall eat save those who praise the Lord and none shall drink except in his holy courts.” Slight wonder that the kantharos, symbol of immortality, appears alone in Boeotian grave stelai (’Ed. ’Apx. 1920, p. 30). 1 47 K The pagan sunset preceded the Christian dawn. The Old Testa- ment of Greek mysticism is of inevitable importance in the exegesis of the New Testament and proves the continuity of human thought, human feeling and human craving. #4) nh te t ay Aye » i 7 r a 4 ‘ , , Ht i Wy ' , i i : 4 MASS ' : f ait i ia shee IX THE KANTHAROS IN THE PEACE OF ARISTOPHANES! A.tHoucu the Peace of Aristophanes was nominally inspired by the conclusion in 421 B.c. of hostilities between the Athenians and the Spartans, still the references to the vicissitudes of war and the bless- ings of peace are interwoven with elements of religious satire. Corn- ford (Origin of Attic Comedy, p. 96) has called attention to the fact that the first half of the Peace is modelled on the ritual anodos of the earth-goddess. One is prepared to expect such satire from Aristo- phanes because he did not share the growing toleration of foreign gods. Cicero (Legg. II, 15) makes this clear: Novos vero deos et in his colendis nocturnas pervigilationes sic Aristophanes facetissimus poeta veteris comoediae vexat ut apud eum Sabazius et quidam alii dei pere- grini judicati e civitate ejiciantur. It was not so much the peaceful Dionysos of the Eleusinian cult whom the poet had in mind as the mad god of the north. He could make such attack and still be a mys- tic like Plato whose jibe at the Orphics did not preclude an Orphic coloring in his doctrine. The coarser elements of mysticism revolted both comic poet and philosopher. In a previous chapter, the study of the Spartan s¢e/ai led to the conclusion that the pomegranate of Persephone and the kantharos, _ the wine-cup of Dionysos, were symbols of rebirth and immortality in Lakonia. For three centuries the kantharos persisted in the Spartan reliefs while it is conspicuously absent from the Athenian, a rare exception being the ste/e of Lyseas. Now in the following pages the theory will be developed that the word xav@apos in the Peace of Aristophanes is one of several thinly veiled allusions in the comedy to this Spartan mystic symbolism; that the beetle (x40 apos) of Trygaios whose name is obviously Dionysiac, readily suggested to the Athenian audience the beetle-cup (x4v@apos) of Dionysos and that this sug- 1] am greatly indebted to Professor Edward Capps of Princeton University for reading this chapter and giving me the benefit of very wholesome criticism 1 5° i gestion was the more natural in a comedy commemorating the con- clusion of war with the Spartans who so consistently used the beetle-- cup as symbol. Euripides in his Helena had in mind the Laconian cult of Helena and the Dioskouroi (v. 1666 f). Long ago Lenormant apropos of an identification of Zeus and the beetle in verses of Pam- phos said that the role assigned the beetle in the Peace was prompted by some motive other than mirth (dun. d. Inst. 1832, p. 318). Early in the play (v. 39) the curious question arises: “To whom does the beetle belong?” The statement that it is not Aphrodite’s nor the Graces’ leads to the blunt question “Whose is it?” for as the eagle is an attribute of Zeus and the owl of Athena, so the beetle must be sacred to some deity. The answer (v. 42) is that it belongs to Zeus who descends in lightning. Meineke’s reading Avds cxarasBdrov brings out clearly an excellent pun, perceived by the scholiast, which might have been made, however, by a simple slurring of the two words. With the question about the beetle, the poet is not content but again draws attention to the animal with an air of mystery when in v. 43 the first servant suggests that some youthful wiseacre in the audience might perhaps ask what the kantharos is for (6 6¢ rpayua Ti; 6 Kav- Qapos mpds ré3). Then an Ionian in the audience is quoted as believ- ing that the kantharos is an uncomplimentary reference to Kleon. But the second servant who now leaves the stage suggests another meaning of the word in v. 49: ’ ~ a GAN elotay TH KavOdpw dwow TeEtv. Heretheverb rretv following closely upon «av dpwsuggests thecommon meaning of the latter word ‘cup.’ With this verse should perhaps be compareda fragment of Kratinos (Meineke, Frag. Com. Graec.I, p. 69, no. 111) which orders someone to go within and drink and have ces- sation from ill. GAN elo? elow Kal rw0d- oa xvdov avatatvov KaKkov Kratinos may be alluding here to mystic drinking, for the Orphic phrases dvarvedoar xaxdrnros and pén aldvios come at once to mind. The insistence upon the word x4v@apos in a comedy dealing directly St with the Spartans must certainly have been suggestive to an Athenian acquainted with Spartan symbolism, just as was the Laconian dialect which the poet employs in v. 214 (val ra ow). A few verses later (54) the second servant announces that his master is suffering from a new madness. The verb used, paiverar, is of distinctly Bacchic connotation and occurs early in the Homeric epithet warrduevos. Herodotos (IV, 79) gives madness as the special characteristic of the Thracian Dionysos. The name of the mad master is Trygaios, which is sufficiently Dionysiac. It is built upon rpbyn ‘vintage’ like the name Iporpty ava of the Attic festival at which Dio- nysos and Poseidon were honored together (Hesychios, s.v.). Ipo- tpvy aos was also an appellative of Dionysos (Aelian, Var. Hist. III, 41). So Trygaios would conform to the requirements of Cornford’s theory that originally the protagonist in comedy must have been the spirit of fertility himself, Phales or Dionysos—a theory which would account for the phallus worn by the protagonist. The madness of Trygaios is described by the servant. For days ' Trygaios stands looking up to heaven gaping and reviling Zeus (56-7). Here the word xexnvws although of frequent occurrence in Aristophanes seems significant. It was a curious epithet of Dionysos in the island of Samos and probably in Samothrace which was col- onized from Samos. Trygaios subsequently (v. 276) speaks of the Samothracian mysteries. The word xexnvas describes Trygaios in terms of the Samian or Samothracian Dionysos and was certainly appreciated by the Ionian mentioned in verse 46. It is important to ascertain whether the Samian Dionysos gaped at Zeus and reviled him like Trygaios. It is clear from Herodotos (IV, 95) that the Samian Dionysos was transplanted to Thrace as Salmoxis. Now Herodotos tells us that the devotees of the Thracian Salmoxis in time of thunder and lightning let fly their arrows toward heaven and threatened Zeus (7@ 6e$), thinking there was no other god but their own. Herodotos does not give a reason for this remarkable performance but the threatening attitude of these devotees of Salmoxis is best explained on the assumption that Salmoxis himself had threatened Zeus. This explanation is confirmed by the Thessalian counterpart of Salmoxis, Salmoneus who defied Zeus, mimicked his thunder and was finally 1 52 kK laid low by a thunderbolt. Salmoneus is represented on an Attic red- figure vase (Class. Rev. 1903, p. 276; cf. Harrison, Themis, pp. 80, - 223) as looking up to heaven and about to hurl a thunderbolt. The madness of Trygaios very appropriately reminded Cornford of the madness of Salmoneus. Salmoxis and Salmoneus were hypostases of Dionysos xexnves and rivals of Zeus. Their character was distinctly chthonic. Herakles threatens Zeus in the Birds (1671) and gapes up- ward but Herakles has strong underworld connections and points of contact with Dionysos even to the extent of holding the kantharos. It would seem as if the threatening of Zeus by Trygaios and his divine congeners might be of Egyptian provenience because the Egyptians sometimes dared to threaten their gods (cf. Cumont, Les Religions Orientales, p. 140). The Greek mystic religions were under obligation to Egypt, and the cult of Salmoxis was distinctly mystic. The conclusion then seems warranted that the gaping resentment of the Samian Dionysos, like the gaping resentment of Trygaios, was directed toward Zeus, and that the Ionians in the audience and many of the Athenians set down the equation: Tpvyatos xexnvws = Arovucos Kexnvus. The Dionysiac character of this passage is continued two verses later (v. 59) in plays upon the name of Kore, the consort of Dionysos. Twice in the verse one can pick out her name Képy—a pun which is found also in the Anthology (4nthol. Pal. V1, no. 280). Trygaios is quoted by the servant as exclaiming to Zeus: katabov TO Kdpnuat ph KKoper Thy ‘EANASa. This allusion to Persephone under the name of Kore seems to be con- tinued four verses later in the curious verb éxxoxkioas. Trygaios cries to Zeus: G) ZED eke ANTES TEAUTOV TAS TOAELS EKKOKKiOaS. The participle éxxoxktoas is built upon the word xéxxos, the name regu- larly given to the seed of the pomegranate (Hymn. ad. Cer. 373, 412; Herod. IV, 143; Pollux, VI, 80, where the Aristophanic koxxioat H 53 i povay is said to be taken from Aischylos). Clement of Alexandria (Protrep. II, 19) records the belief that drops of the blood of Dionysos fell upon the ground as seed and produced the pomegranate. The verb éxxoxxifery means primarily ‘to take out the seed’ and may also have had the special meaning of taking out the seed of the pome- granate. T'rygaios may have been given the word in further play upon the great attribute of Kore, the pomegranate which like the kantharos \s conspicuous in the Spartan grave ste/az. The phrases’ kxdpec thy EdNGbaand rds wodes exxoxxio as follow immediately the Dionysiac allusions in patverarand xexnves thus confirming the Dionysiac asso- ciations of Trygaios. Farther on in v. 127, Trygaios is asked by his daughters why he mounts to the gods on a beetle and replies that according to the fables of Aesop the beetle is the only winged creature that ever reached the gods and that the beetle went once in hatred of the eagle and rolled out the eagle’s eggs. This story which clearly reflects the rival cults of the eagle and the beetle is probably Egyptian in origin. The Pyramid texts tell how the deceased pharaoh may make the ascent to the sky (Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, pp. 109-111). The pharaoh flutters as a beetle. The Egyptian beetle-god was a sun-god. Dionysos was identified by the Orphics with the sun (Macrobius, Sat. 1, 18, 11). It may be that Aristophanes in choosing a beetle for the Dionysiac Trygaios is allud- ing to Dionysos who displaced Zeus in the Orphic system. This dis- placement or identification has an Egyptian parallel. Osiris, the god of the lower world and the anciently accepted counterpart of the Greek Dionysos was placed upon the throne of Re-Atum the sun- god. Fertility-gods logically tend to become solar gods. When in the Peace the Dionysiac Trygaios arrives at the abode of Zeus he finds that the gods have departed the day before, ostensibly to establish Polemos in their place, but some in the audience may have seen in the arrival of Trygaios a parody of the Orphic encroachment of Dionysos upon Zeus. In vv. 140-1, the daughter of Trygaios inquires what he would do if the beetle should fall into the sea. To this Trygaios replies that he has a steering paddle. The scholiast comments on ndaAtov: 76 ai- 54 | Sotov detxvvor ralfwv, a commentary of interest in connection with the remarkable masts used by sailors which Lucian describes (Vera — Hist. B, 45). Trygaios further says that his boat will be a Naxian kantharos. One wonders whether the Athenian was reminded by this scene of such vase-painting as that by Douris (Furtwangler-Reichhold, Griechische Vasenmalerei, pl. 48) in which a Dionysiac satyr balances the kantharos on the aidotov. With the mention of the Naxian kan- tharos there begins a remarkable play on the important meanings of the word x4v6apos—a play more elaborate than that on another word for a vase which appears later on in the comedy (vv. 431-2): @vadnv ...- prarodper (cf. Wasps, 1447). Should Trygaios fall into the sea, a Nagwovpy}s xavOapos would be at hand to take him to the harbor ot Kdv0apos. The failure to play upon the meaning “cup” of the word xav0apos as did the later comic poets (Athen. XI, 473-474) 1s more ap- parent to the reader than it was to the spectator. Van Leeuwen has observed that Trygaios on reaching heaven presents Hermes with a gold cup, xpvais (v. 424) and that Trygaios must at this time have the xpvois in his hand. If this vase took the form of the kantharos as Van Leeuwen thinks, then the pun on this meaning of the word was acted rather than spoken. Trygaios probably showed his daughters a gold kantharos when he said there would bea Naxian kantharos to take him to the Peiraeus. Van Leeuwen notes that adjectives in ovpyns sig- nify works of art and he would therefore translate Nagwoupyis xav0a- pos as poculum Naxi fabricatum. But did a cup ever serve as a boat for a god of mystic character? There is a Mithraic tradition of a cup- shaped boat in which the divine bull sailed over the waters. This divine creature was then both ravpduopdos and reddywos. Now both these appellatives were applied to Dionysos who wasworshipped under bull-form and who also sailed the sea. Both the Mithraic divine bull and Dionysos were slain gods of resurrection and wereassociated with the vine. Again, Herakles who significantly advances by the side of the chthonic Kybele in the frieze of the Siphnian treasury, sailed in the golden cup of the sun (Pherekydes in Athen. XI, 470C; Walters, History of Ancient Pottery, I, p. 103). The conclusion seems fair that Dionysos like his congeners sailed in a boat which had the shape of a cup. This would give added point in the comedy to the remark of the ss kt Dionysiac Trygaios that he would sail in a Naxian kantharos—the cup which he held in his hand. There was also a hero Kantharos who gave his name to one of the harbors of Peiraeus (Schol. ad Pac. 144). This Kantharos looks very much like an hypostasis of Dionysos, like a companion of the hero at Mounychia who was called ’Axparorérns (Athen. II, 39C.) If so, his name as a designation of a boat offers an exact parallel to the Egyptian Isis who belonged in the Dionysiac circle and who gave her name to a boat (Luc. Nav., 5). Both Isis and Dionysos bore the appellative red aytos. There is little doubt that the primary meaning of the word «476 apos is ‘beetle’ and that the other meanings upon which Aristophanes plays are logical derivatives from it. To show this connection the following translations might be given: (1) ‘beetle,’ (2) ‘beetle-cup,’ (3) “beetle-boat,’ (4) “beetle-harbor.’ The last two meanings should be further discussed. There is a special point in calling a kantharos Na£wovpyjs because Naxos was a famous seat of Dionysiac worship ‘where the god of wine and his beetle-cup long dominated the coin- types. The Homeric hymn to Dionysos is further proof of his early connection with the island, a connection which has survived to this day in the tradition that the modern St. Dionysios carried the first vine to Naxos and planted it there (Lawson, Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient Greek Religion, p. 43). With regard to the harbor of Kantharos to which Trygaios will sail, Plutarch (Phocion, 28) tells an interesting story. A mystic while washing a pig in the harbor was seized by a monster. This story shows that the harbor of Kantharos had some connection with Eleusinian cult. The hero Kantharos who gave his name to the harbor was an hypostasis of Dionysos. His name recalls that of Dionysos who in the Frogs (22) is jokingly called the son of Stamnios. The names of the other two Peiraeic har- bors were Aphrodision and Zea, the latter meaning ‘grain.’ Since these two names suggest fertility-cults it is reasonable to draw the third name Kantharos into the same circle. The triad of names looks like an approximation to the Eleusinian triad composed of Demeter, Persephone and Dionysos. It is curious that the westernmost extrem- ity of the island of Samos was anciently called Kantharion. Thus 56 i the gaping Dionysos of Samos and the Kantharion seem like the counterpart of the gaping Trygaios and the harbor of Kantharos. Another question is whether the proposed sailing of Trygaios in his kantharos to the harbor of Kantharos is a parody of a tradition. It may be that a Bacchic hero Kantharos made a journey by sea from Naxos to the harbor which bore his name, but no such tradition has survived. Yet a harbor was anciently so named, as Tarentum from Taras who went ashore on a dolphin. That Kantharos was a Dionysiac hero is confirmed by the name Kanthara which appears in decidedly chthonic company in a magic papyrus (v. infra, p. 88) and which is found also in Latin comedy (cf. Hermes, 1902 (37),p.181,s.v.). The Kanthara in the papyrus 1s simply a magic name for Baslanche One might set down the proportion: Dionysos : Kantharos :: Persephone : Kanthara. Thepictureof Trygaiosmountedonabeetleandholdingagoldencup (xpuois) finds a curious parallel in later time (Rev. XVII, 3-5): ef5ov yuvaika Ka0nuévny érl Onplov...€xovta xpvoovy mornpiov év TH xeEtpl auras. ..kaléml 70 péTwrov avris dbvoua yeypaupéevov, Mvornprov, BaBviwv h meyadn, 7 wATnp Tov wopvGy.... The parallel is so close as to confirm the theory that the ascent of Trygaios is a parody of a mystic as- cent. Trygaios may have had a mark upon his brow like the Mithraic mystic (cf. Rev. VII, 3). It will be remembered that when Trygaios resurrects Peace in heaven, the goddess is attended by two others attired as harlots. The cup which Trygaios carries, if a kantharos, becomes the counterpart of the kantharos which the Dionysos holds in the Spartan ste/az. Aristophanes very appropriately introduced the complicated play upon the word x4v@apos into a comedy which dealt directly with the Spartans one of whose mystic symbols was that very Kavéapos. Before Trygaios mounts upward on his beetle he imposes certain drastic restrictions upon people below so that the beetle will not cast him headlong and go grazing (151-3). The word Bovxodjoerar has a decidedly Dionysiac connotation which is confirmed by its occur- rence so soon after the word-play upon xév@apos (145). The name Bovxddor was applied to members of a Dionysiac society at Pergamon H 57k and their leader was called apy tBounddos (Herwerden, Lexicon Grae- CUM, S. V. BovxodtKds). In one of the Orphic hymns Orpheus 1s Bouxddos. That the word had an objectionable connotation in the fifth century is inferred from a fragment of Kratinos (Meineke, rag. Com. Graec. I, p. 67, no. 82): Kal un mpogtaxe BapBaporor Bovxddous. That Aristophanes was alluding toa cult-phrase is shown by a passage in the Wasps (10) where Xanthias says to Sosias that they both tend (Bovxodets) the same Sabazios. As Trygaios mounts in air on his beetle, he is suddenly setzed with fright (v. 173) and appeals to the stage-mechanic to give close atten- tion saying: “Already there is twisting a certain blast about the omphalos and if you do not look out, I'll feed the beetle.” These words are construed by the scholiast as simply a gastric manifestation of fear but they may contain an allusion to the omphalos at Delphi. The appropriateness of such allusion would lie in the Dionysiac ‘character of the omphalos. Dionysos was the first to sit upon the tripod to reveal the future. His successor Apollo sat either on the tripod or the omphalos (v. Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire, s. v. tripus, p. 475). The Pythia who was a Bacchante was first overcome by exhalations from the earth and then when dizzy made predictions. The words of Trygaios (v. 175) are well chosen: Hon oTpédper Te TWvevua Tepl TOY dugmanrov. Now veya is the word which Strabo uses in describing the oper- ation of the Delphic oracle (IX, 419, 5): avagépecOar SE adrod rredpa évOovoragrixdv. Lhe priestess is described as receiving the rvedua. The next words of Trygaios rept 7év 6u¢addyv are found in an inscription at Delphi (B. C. H. 1902, pp. 585-6) which tells of some work about the omphalos so that the phrase repi rév d6upaddy may be regarded as a usual phrase of reference to that object. Thus the Dionysiac associations of Trygaios and of the Delphic omphalos combine with Delphic phraseology, rvefua, rept tov dupaddy to prepare the Athen- ians, who were quite familiar with the oracle, for a more exalted prediction from the dizzy Trygaios than that of the words xopracw I 58 kK tov xdvOapov which are deliberately and effectively placed at the very end of the sentence. Trygaios now (179) reaches the abode of Zeus and learns (197) that the gods have moved out the day before and that Polemos has buried Peace in a cave (223). The passage is full of mystic sugges- tions. Peace was a deity among the Greeks as early as Hesiod (Theog. goi—3) and had an altar at Athens (Schol. ad Pac. 1020). A younger contemporary of Aristophanes, the sculptor Kephisodotos, made a statue of Peace holding Ploutos who was the child of Demeter (Athen. XV, 694C). Trygaios gets his information from Hermes, who 1s very appropriately present in this scene because he was an habitué of the mystic cave and bore the name orndairns (Steph. Byz.s.v. orpdavor). The burial of Peace in a cave and her resurrection have a Sealey Orphic ring, like the burial of Rhesos (970-1): kputros 6 év &vrpous THs brapybpov xOoves avopwrodaipwy KetoeTar BrA€Twr Paos. The prospect of the resurrection from these caves is given in vv. 963 fF. Rhesos may be the masculine of Rhea (*Pheoa?) with lengthened vowel of a stronger root and therefore but another name for Kronos, the consort of Rhea. Kronos experienced a burial very like that of Rhesos, as may be learned from Plutarch (941F): abréy per yap tov Kpdévov év &vtpw Babet wepréxecOar rérpas xpvaoetdots Kabebdovra, Tov yap imvov aire peunxarvnobar deouor br Tod Ards. The place of burial isa cave in both cases, oneinsilvered earth, the other in rock containing gold. Kronos sleeps in a deep cave (é» &vrpw Babe?) like Peace (eis dvrpov Ba6i). The importance of the cave in resurrection is shown also by the Phigalean version of Demeter’s sorrow after the violence of Poseidon. She withdrew into a cave. Production ceased and famine reigned (Paus. VIII, 42, 2-3). The cave is here a substitute for Hades. Porphyry, discussing a cave of the nymphs, says that by one of its two entrances mortals descend and that by the other gods ascend (De Antro Nympharum, 1-3). Later on Porphyry says that the Persians call the place a cave where there is initiation into the mys- tery of the descent of souls and their return. This is obviously a resurrection-cave. [he initiates went in one entrance as mortals and I so kt came out of the other as gods. Eusebios in his description of the monolithic tomb of Christ says it contained an dyrpovr. (Theoph. II, 29; Migne P. G. XXIV, p. 620). The word seems to have been traditionally used in the sense of resurrection-tomb. In the Peace of Aristophanes the évrtpov must be a substitute for Hades because Kerberos is mentioned. From this cave the Dionysiac Trygaios will resurrect Peace, as Dionysos resurrected Semele from the lower world. Hermes calls the attention of Trygaios (225) to the great number of stones which Polemos brought and placed over Peace. The words of Hermes arrest the attention: éreddpnce r&v AiOwv. By combining the verb and the noun, one may call Polemos a \.boddpos. There is very possibly here an allusion toa ritual of burial of a goddess beneath stones which would explain the title and function of an Eleusinian priest, tepeds AvGoddpos. The title of this priest which was inscribed on a seat of honor in the Athenian theatre of Dionysos shows that his important function was to carry a stone of some sort. Hence it may be conjectured that in ritual he performed the part of Polemos ‘in the comedy and brought stones with which to bury the goddess in a scene of resurrection. A similar ritual drama was performed at Troezen, where Damia and Auxesia, who are hypostases of Demeter and Persephone, were stoned, and where in memory of their fate a ceremony called AvoBdAra was celebrated (Paus. II, 32, 3). First apparently occurred the ABoBoria and then the *Ardogopia, in which the stricken deity was buried beneath stones. The importance of the AWoddpos is shown by an inscription (Foucart, Les Mystéres d’ Eleusis, p- 167) which mentions M. Ad’p/Avov Avboddpov Ipdcdexrov.. &pEavra 700 Kyptxwv yévous. The d\.b0¢dpos belonged apparently to the Eleusin- ian family of the Knpuxes. As Trygaios stands at the cave where Peace lies buried, Polemos appears and exclaims (236-7): iw Bpotol Bpotol Bporol rodvTAnpOoOves, ws alrika pada Tas yvabous ad\ynoeTe. The scholiast offers two interpretations of a\-ynoere: } TprBduevor év TH Oveia, } TOY pwuTTwWTOY EéoOiorTes Ov TPiPeLy TapacKevaserat 6 IdXEuOs. But there may be here an allusion to a ritual pain in the cheeks which | 60 f anticipated the experience of the pallida turba in the underworld to which Tibullus (I, 10, 35) refers with the words percussis genis,ifsuch . is the correct reading (cf. K. F. Smith, The Elegies of Albius Tidullus (1913), p.383). There was a rite which consisted of anointing the throat of weeping mystics, but it is not said that the anointing was done because of any pain. Firmicus Maternus (De Errore, 22) describes the rite: Tunc a sacerdote omnium qui flebant fauces unguentur. When this was done the priest exhorted the mystics: Oappetre wvotat Tov Beod ceaowopévon. It is clear that the anointing was done in a rite of resurrection and it is a resurrection that is soon to take place in the Peace. To such Polemos may allude. The pain which mortals are to suffer in the comedy will be in- flicted by Polemos apparently with a pestle and mortar, the pestle alluding to Cleon and Brasidas. Is the choice of these means merely comic or dictated by some tradition ? Can it be a parody of a Persian rite? The Avesta (Yasht, X, 23, 90) says that Mithras was the first to prepare the Aaoma for the sacrifice ina celestial mortar (cf. Cumont, Textes et Monuments, I, 197). Parsi priests use a metal mortar and pestle in their rites (Haug, Essays on the Religion of the Parses,‘ p. 282). The Mazdaean sacrifice to Ahriman consisted of mo/y in a mortar. Moly was garlic according to Cumont (Les Religions Orien- tales, p. 282). Kydoimos in the Peace (258) asks Polemos about the garlic. The scholiast says that with the words & Méyapa (246) garlic was added to the contents of the mortar. The Dionysiac associations of the pestle are evident in vase-paintings where a Maenad holds a pestle (Roscher, Lexikon, II, p. 1181). In an attack upon Orpheus a Maenad holds a pestle which appears as a weapon of women ina scene of the Iliupersis (Furtwangler-Reichhold, Griechische Vasenmalerei, pl.34). Thechoice of the pestle for Polemos may then have been inspired by its use in Persian and Thracian cult. When Kydoimos arrives in Sparta to get a pestle for Polemos he learns that the Spartans lost it (Brasidas) in Thrace (283). So soon as Kydoimos has departed on this mission, Trygaios makes a significant appeal (276): 61 vov ayov méeyas. > 9 an GAN el Tis budy év DapoOpakn TrYXaVEL / an 2 7 \ Meuunuevos, viv éoriv evEacAat Kadov aTooTPAPHval TOV METLOVTOS TW TOOE. Curiously enough Trygaios appeals to one who has been initiated into the mysteries of Samothrace to pray. He cannot himself pray to the Samothracian Kabeiroi because he does not know their secret names. The Scholiast on the 4rgonautica of Apollonios (I, 918) tells us that those who know the mysteries are the ones who appear to be saved. But why should Trygaios want an appeal to a deity whom he cannot invoke himself? The reason lies perhaps in the Spartan devotion to the Samothracian cult. Spartans were initiated into its mysteries. Among these were Antalkidas and Lysander, whose answers to priestly ques- tions at confession revealed their inclination to deal directly with the Kabeiroi (Plut. Zpoph. Lacon. 217D, 229D). Trygaios then in appeal- ing indirectly to the Samothracian gods is seeking to influence deities ‘popular at Sparta, while Aristophanes incidentally takes a fling at Spartan religion. That Spartan and Athenian mysteries were dissim- ilar is shown by the story of Herodotos (VIII, 65) that the Spartan Demaratos asked about the Eleusinian cry taxxos. The appeal to Samothracian deity is interesting in view of the theory above set forth that the beardless figure of the Spartan tombstones is to be identified with the younger Kabeiros. A Cabiric atmosphere would suit very well the content of the prayer that the feet of Kydoimos, who seeks a pestle in Sparta, be twisted. For the prayer might then be construed as a play- ful reference to the twisted foot of the father of the Kabeiroi, Hephais- tos, besides indicating the wish that the unwelcome messenger should turn his steps elsewhere. When the messenger returns with the news that Sparta has no pestle, Trygaios concludes his exclamation of satisfaction with & Avookdpw (285), a significant vocative deliberately chosen because of the prominence of the Dioskouroi in Spartan cult. The Spartans themselves swear by them in v. 214 (val ra ow). Then Trygaios speaks in mystic fashion (286): tows av eb yévoiro: Oappeir’, & Bporol. The verse recalls the mystic words of the priest as given by Firmicus: 62 i appetite, worat. The exhortation of Trygaios is followed by a phallic passage and the announcement that it is time to drag up Peace . (€fe\xboar...Elpnvny, Vv. 294). Why should a phallic passage be set just before the resurrection of the goddess? The answer is probably to be found in closely contemporary vase-painting where ithyphallic sileni appear with picks to dig up the earth-goddess (Harrison, Themis, p. 422, fig. 126). In the sequence of mystic rites an ithy- phallic episode apparently preceded and accompanied the resurrec- tion. As in this vase- -painting the sileni use pickaxes to dig up the goddess, so Trygaios in parody of the rite calls upon the farmers to come with pickaxes (v. 299) and lay hold upon the good deity. The words ayaGod Saiuovos are very suggestive. The first day of the Boeotian Anthesteria, a Dionysiac festival, was called ay a008 daiuovos. It was the day when souls emerged from the underworld. Thus the aya0es daiuwy was Closely associated with resurrection. The chthonic character of the good deity is further shown by a dedication to the Agatho Daemoni on a Roman sepulchral altar (Altmann, Rém. Gra- baltare, p. 5) and by his symbol the serpent which is found on coins struck in Egypt under the Romans (Daremberg et Saglio. Diction- naire, s. v. Agathodaemon). An inscription from Eumeneia in Phrygia refers to Philippus Arabs as ’Aya6és daiuwy and to his consort as Eipnyn (Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyc. s. v. Eirene, p. 2130). There was thus good reason for giving the name dyads daiuwr to Peace who was about to be resurrected. In response to the appeal of Trygaios, the chorus (301) bids every one make straight for salvation. This analysis of a brief passage in the comedy (vv. 286-301) brings out a striking coincidence with the mystic formula preserved by Fir- micus. First come the reassuring words of Trygaios (286): @appei7’, & Bporoi; next the proposed recovery of the goddess Peace (294), and finally the prospect of salvation (301). These three essentials, exhor- tation, resurrection and salvation occur in the order named in the mystic formula given by Firmicus (De Errore, 22): Oappetre, uvotat Tov Oeod cecwopevor, éoTar Yap Huty Ek TOvwWY OwTNpLA. The coincidence becomes more striking if Bporot may here be taken 1 63 i as equivalent in force to plorac. It is not certain in which cult the formula given by Firmicus was used. Some refer it to the cult of Kybele; others to Osiris (cf. Loisy, Les Mystéres Paiens (1914), p. 104). Although the scene of the digging up of Peace is laid in heaven, it is conceived and stated in terms of a chthonic resurrection. Trygaios ascends to the gods and resurrects Peace. This looks like a parody of a tradition given by Plutarch (De Sera Num. Vind. 566 sq.) that Dionysos ascended to the gods and later brought up Semele: éheye dé ra’tn Tov Avovucoy avedOety eis Oeods Kal THY DewéAnv avayev boTeEpor. The question now arises whether the celestial setting of the chthonic resurrection is merely an Aristophanic fancy. It may rather be that this fusion of the two reflects a ritual fusion inherited perhaps from Egypt where the Osirian (Dionysiac) or subterranean hereafter was fused with the solar-stellar hereafter. Trygaios found a Kerberos in the region where he saw the souls of dithyrambic poets in stellar form. In vv. 318ff. the chorus is moved to shout and dance wildly be- cause of the impending resurrection of Peace, to whom the chorus has given the Dionysiac title ¢iNauredwr argv (308). This wild danc- ing is certainly a parody of ritual, for in vase-painting dancing figures appear in scenes of the resurrection of Dionysos and the earth-god- dess. On a fine black-figure amphora (Louvre, no. 311) Maenads dance with castanettes in the presence of Dionysos and Persephone whose heads have emerged from the earth. A red-figure krater (Har- rison, Prolegomema, p. 277) is painted with a representation of the anodos of Persephone. Hermes receives the goddess as she arises from the ground. He too is present in the Peace when the goddess is brought up from the cave. In the vase-painting three figures resem- bling Pan engage in a lively dance to express their joy at the reappear- ance of the goddess. In another painting on a red-figure krater (Rom. Mitt. XII (1897), pls. 1V—V; p. 89) the goddess has almost emerged from the ground. Hermes is present and eight sileni dance a welcome to the resurrected goddess. Yet another vase-painting (on. Ined. XII, 4; 7. H. S. 1899, p. 232) represents Persephone rising from a cave, as Peace does in the comedy. Dionysos is present and quietly looks at two sileni who dance excitedly. Thus Trygaios, who re- peatedly urges the chorus to be quiet at the resurrection of Peace, Hl 64 K corresponds to the quiet Dionysos of the painting while the chorus corresponds to the dancing sileni. Both in the comedy and in the vase-painting the dancers might well utter the words of the mystics: eUPNKAaNEV, TVYXalpouev (Athenagoras, Presbeia, 24C; Firmicus, De Errore, XI, 9). To the chthonic setting of the scene in the Peace, Hermes the psychopompos is appropriate and quite logically reproaches Trygaios for his attempt to release Peace. Hermes was apparently unknown at Eleusis but played an important part in the mysteries of the Kabeiroi (cf. Reinach, Rev. Arch. 1919, p. 200), to which Aristophanes had already alluded in the comedy. In v. 371 Hermes asks Trygaios if he does not know that Zeus has prescribed death for anyone who should be caught digging up the goddess. This is a parody of the traditional suffering of a benefactor for service which he has rendered mankind. Zeus would kill Trygaios for endeavoring to restore Peace to humanity, just as he slew Orpheus with a thunderbolt because Orpheus taught mortals mysteries which they had not heard before — (Paus. IX, 30, 5). Prometheus too was punished by Zeus for stealing fire for mortals and Laokodn has paid his penalty for all time in the writhing group which bears his name. Another example of the motif is given by Aristophanes in the P/utus (119), where Ploutos expresses the fear that should he establish a new reign of justice Zeus would destroy him. Trygaios, realizing that he must die for his service in restoring the goddess Peace to mankind, tries to borrow three drachmai from Her- mes for the purchase of a pig because he must be initiated before he dies (374-5). This is certainly an allusion to the purchase of a pig for the purification of initiates at Eleusis. Since the chorus of the comedy (386) speaks of having made an offering of a little pig to Hermes, one point of the situation is that Trygaios is trying to bor- row the money from the god who is to receive the offering. The re- quest for the loan evokes from Hermes the exclamation & Zed kepavvo- Bpdvra. The appellative kepavvoBporTta finely illustrates the signifi- cance of Aristophanic epitheta. They were not chosen in haphazard fashion. What had the thunderbolt to do with initiation ? The Orphic tablets found in Southern Italy represent the initiate as announcing 1 65 i in the lower world that he has been overcome by a thunderbolt. Dur- ing the initiation of the Scythian king Skylas into the Dionysiac mysteries, his palace was hit with a thunderbolt (Herod. IV, 79). This was apparently a means of purification because Porphyry (Vita Pyth. XVII) tells us that Pythagoras of Samos was purified with a thunderbolt in Crete by one of the Idaean Dactyls. Perhaps the underlying principle of the rite is that the experience of the initiate should be patterned after that of his mystic god. Orpheus was struck with a thunderbolt. No wonder that Artemidoros (Oneirocritica, II, 9g, p- 91) says that a man struck by lightning was honored as a god. In vv. 403 ff. Trygaios reveals the dread secret to Hermes that the sun and the moon are plotting against the gods and betraying Greece to the barbarians in an effort to get possession of the mysteries. The reason for the betrayal of Greece is that the barbarians sacrifice to the sun and the moon. Herodotos (I, 131), speaking of the Persians, says: Obovor 6¢ Prim Te Kal cedhvy. Aristophanes may intend here a thrust at Orphism. According to an antique citation of the Aeschy- lean Bassarai Orpheus did not honor Dionysos but the sun which he called Apollo, and used to go nightly to the summit of Pangaion to see the sun rise. This angered Dionysos, who incited the Maenads to tear Orpheus to pieces. Aischylos has preserved here a record of the conflict between the Dionysiac cult and its Orphic rival in the north. Trygaios warns Hermes of the danger to which gods of the Eleusinian type are exposed. | The sun and the moon wish to get possession of the mysteries (413). To this mystic setting with its Orphic suggestions is added the remark of Hermes that the sun and the moon for some time have been nibbling at the cycle (kbKXov tapérpwyov bd duaptwrlas). The enigmatic auaprwAias, which is a correction of the dpyatwdtas of the MSS., is followed (421) by a reference to cessation from ills and the presentation of a cup to Hermes. Through the passage there seems to run allusion to the Orphic-Pythagorean doctrine of the cycle of births. The sequence is reer as (413), xbKrov—dd’ duaptwrias (415), mem avuuévat kKax@v (421) which reminds one of the Orphic wish kbxdov rad Af~ar Kal avarvedoat Kaxdrnros. Then (424) Trygaios presents the cup, possibly of the form of a kantharos, the Spartan chalice of | 66 i immortality. That the cup is to serve in pouring libations does not prevent its being a kantharos. In a scene on a kantharos in the Boston Museum signed by Nikosthenes, a kantharos is used for libation. Be this as it may, in v. 426 Hermes tells the chorus to enter the cave and remove the stones with picks. The ritual of resurrection parodied by Aristophanes may be Eleusinian. Proklos (zn Plat. Theol. IV, 9, p- 193) tells of a most mystic rite in which the body was buried up to the neck. Maass (Orpheus, p. 177) refers the rite to the Attic mys- teries and explains it as an act of sacrifice demanded by chthonic deity, but a better explanation of this most mystic rite is that the _ body of the initiated committed to earth is to rise again. The anodos of the fertility-god was the prototype of the anodos of his devotee, in harmony with the mystic dictum “Thou shalt be god instead of mortal.”’ The mystic rite of burying a person to his neck was a rehearsal of the resurrection of the body designed to assure that per- son of such resurrection after death. That a large heavy statue of the goddess Peace was to be brought up from the cave in the comedy was suggested to the spectators by the difficulty in raising her with ropes (cf. Van Leeuwen ad Pac. 458). The suggestion that a statue and not a living actor represented the goddess finds a striking analogy in Egyptian ritual. An image of Osiris was buried and resurrected in the annual rites of the god, who was anciently identified with the Greek Dionysos. Moret (Mystéeres Egypt- tens (1911), p. 11) gives an illustration of the resurrection of an aniconic Osiris by means of ropes. The Pharaoh is seen pulling on the ropes to assist in raising the god just as Trygaios in the comedy joins with others in tugging at the cables to raise the goddess Peace. The parallel is a close one and seems to confirm Foucart’s theory of Eleusinian indebtedness to Egyptian cult (cf. Farnell, Cu/ts, III, p. 142). The Peace, like the Frogs, contains a parody of a mystic descent to the lower world. Trygaios goes into a cave (Hades) to bring up Peace while Dionysos descends to Hades to bring up Euri- pides. The spectator must have been reminded by both scenes of the descent of Dionysos to bring up Semele. Trygaios and his helpers have to use picks to get Peace. The scene might almost be given the title of the lost satyr-play of Sophokles, Mavéapa 4} Zdvpoxéror. Pan- © 1 67 k dora and Peace are simply other versions of the earth-mother and agricultural implements help to bring them up. A curious Christian use of this motif is given by Farnell (Cults, III, p. 26). Christ de- scended from heaven witha golden hammer and by smiting the earth evoked the Virgin Church. It is possible that the goddess Peace figured in the ceremony of resurrection because Themistios in an oration on peace (Dindorf, XVI, 244; cf. Maass, Orpheus, p. 305) speaks of the day the king intro- duced Peace as in the mysteries: év } thy Eiphyny eiofyev (6 Bacrdeds) @omep é€v TeXMeTH GWodntl kal atpaypovws, Hdn TavTéXws dvdgEATLOTODGL. There is moreover a certain kinship of Peace and the earth-goddess. According to Hesiod (Theog., 901) Peace was the daughter of Themis whom Aischylos equated with Gaia. Kephisodotos represented Peace holding Ploutos, who was the son of Demeter (Hes. Theog. 969). The chthonic associations of Peace find a distant echo in a Roman coin of Augustus in which a figure inscribed Pax holds a caduceus. Nearby is a kiste with a snake rising from it (Babelon, Mon. de la Répub. “Rom. II, p. 61. no. 147). In v. 497 Trygaios in urging the men to pull manfully on the ropes uses the curious phrase Kutt@vtes THs elphyns. Lhe verb xirray is de- rived from xirra, “greedy bird,” and is equivalent to ériOvpety ac- cording to the scholiast, but there may be a play upon a name for Dionysos, xurrebs (kiocets) from kitrds ‘ivy’ (Bruchmann, Epitheta Deorum, s. v. Avévvoos). On an amphora signed by Phintias (Furt- wangler-Reichhold, Griechische Vasenmaleret, p\.91)aMaenadisnamed Kucivy. In v. 520 Trygaios addresses Peace as smelling of xirr0d (535). The instructions of Hermes to the chorus that if they wish to drag up Peace they should withdraw a little toward the sea (506-7) have been variously construed by the scholiasts. One thinks there is an allusion to the victory over the Persians; another thinks it is a hint to the Athenians to yield a little of their sea-power; a third thinks the situation of Athens near the sea enabled the Athenians to prevent their inland neighbors from obtaining certain necessities and thereby impeded peaceful relations. So Hermes suggests that if Trygaios and his followers wish to obtain peace they should yield and not claim what belongs to another. But Hermes’ instructions seem to hint at I 68 kt some connection between her resurrection or a mystic resurrection and the sea. There is to be noted acurious parallelism between deities - of vegetation and the sea on the one hand and souls and the sea on the other. Plutarch (Isis et Osiris, 364F) says that the Argives sum- moned Dionysos out of the water. The traditional connection of Argos with Egypt raises the question whether this aquatic Dionysos is not the Greek version of Osiris as the god of the fertile Nile. When Dionysos was attacked by the Thracian Lykourgos he fled to the sea: Atwvvaoos 6 doBnbels Sice®” GOs Kara Kdua, Oéris d bwedéEaro.. (Z/., VI, 135). Apparently Dionysos tried to encroach upon the territory of an earlier god Lykourgos and was driven back to the sea by his rival. Not only did Dionysos plunge into the sea but the statues of other deities of fertility and resurrection were either thrown into the sea or carried into it. Statuettes of Adonis were thrown into the sea at Alexandria. At Athens the statue of Adonis was thrown into a foun- — tain instead of being laid in a tomb (Vellay, Le Culte d’ Adonis, pp. 141, 145). The goddess Kybele was taken to the sea for a ritual bath (Graillot, Le Culte de Cybéle, p. 399). The statue of Isis was taken to the sea at Kenchreai but there is no record that the statue was put in the water. Aphrodite rose from the sea. Now Peace is also an aspect of the deity of fertility. This is shown by the tradition that she was the daughter of Poseidon and Mel- anthea. This Melanthea, the daughter of Alpheios, is just another black goddess like the Demeter Melaina whose temple stood at Phiga- leia (Paus. VIII, 5, 8; 42, 4). Hence Peace both as daughter of Poseidon and as an hypostasis of a deity of fertility has much to do with the sea. The ceremonies which carried the statues of her con- geners to the sea may also have carried her own. To such a rite Aristophanes may allude when Hermes recommends that those who wish to drag the goddess out should withdraw a little toward the sea. Hence the verb karayevv (458) is a nautical word very appropriately used by the coryphaeus. The rite must have been something more than a mere bath. The importance of the sea in mystic rite is evi- denced by the Eleusinian a\ade ptcrar. The statue of Kybele was I 69 k carried into the sea and then taken out again. This may have been a rite of resurrection following baptism, in which all present had a share. Such significance would perhaps explain the phraseology of St. Paul, who in the Epistle to the Colossians (II, 12) reminds them that by baptism they have been buried with the Lord and resurrected with Him. The close connection of deities of vegetation with the sea is matched by a close connection of souls with the sea. This is logically to be expected because the destiny of the soul is closely linked with the destiny of the deity of vegetation. Whither that deity went, the soul went. Porphyry (De Antro Nympharum, 10) says that thenymphs who preside over the forces of the waters are Naiads and that the same name was applied to souls which descend in generation. Accord- ing to an Orphic hymn the Nereids were the first teachers of the mys- teries (XXIV). A curious grave-inscription ("E¢.’Apx. 1883, p. 79) forbids one to inquire a deceased hierophant’s name which has been carried to sea: » p = a otvoua 6 Botts éyw, wn Sifeo. Pecpos Exetvo > > b] e pvaoTeKos @ixeT Aywv eis Ga Topdhupéeny. The connection of Nereids with mysteries explains the presence of their statues in the colonnade of the so-called Nereid monument. Nereids also appear in a sepulchral painting at Kerch of the second century after Christ. Here two female figures holding scarfs above their heads correspond to the Nereids of the Lycian monument (Antiquités de la Russie Méridionale I, p. 35, fig. 33). Since the digging up of Peace is a parody of an Poh or mystic resurrection, it 1s appro- priate for Hermes to connect the resurrection of the goddess with the sea from which the statue of the earth-deity like Kybele had risen. In other words, the resurrection from the cave suggests the other type of resurrection, that from the sea. The appearance of Peace above ground in the comedy (520) gives Trygaios a Dionysiac thrill and he exclaims: s t t , , Iw . & woTvLa Borpvddwpe, Ti TpogEeiTW O Eros; To0ev Gv AGBotut pnua puptapdopor... Hl 70 i This address to Peace shows that the grape-cluster overshadows Try- gaios and that he conceives of Peace practically as an earth-goddess, a giver of fruit especially of the grape. Trygaios then addresses Opora and Theoria who have come up from the cave with Peace. Lenor- mant (Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire, s. v. Bacchus, p. 616) states that the young Dionysos was associated with the seasons, principally Eirene and Opora. Opora as the season of ripening fruits is Dionysiac enough. Hesychios says (s. v. émapa): xupiws 6¢ 4} oradudy Karaxpnotikas 6 kal érl ray ddAAwY dkpodpbwv. ‘Orwpa and "Iphvn ap- pear twice in vase-painting as the names of Bacchantes (Roscher, Lexikon, s. v. Opora; Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyc. s. v. Ezrene, p. 2132). Hence Opora is a very appropriate consort for the Dionysiac Trygaios. The name ’Ozwpets asa Boeotian epithet of Zeus should also be noted (Usener, Gétternamen, p. 146). Pindar calls Dionysos ayvér déyyos émwpas (Frag. 153 [125]). The Eleusinian mystics who stopped at the tomb of Phytalos read an epitaph which revealed the importance of the érwpas xap7és (Paus. I, 37, 2): "EvO048 &vak pws Bit adds wore 6€EaTo cemvhy Anuntpav, 6T€ TpGTov OTwMpas KapToY Epnver.. . Theoria also has a certain Bacchic connotation. The Dionysia was called by Plato 4 708 Avovicov Oewpia (Legg. 650A). According to Hesy- chios Sewpides was a name for Bacchantes. Oewpia would be a good name for the spectacle in the mysteries when the hierophant showed the sacred objects to the initiated. Both Theoria and Opora were dressed in the play as harlots, as we are informed by the scholiast (728). This confirms their character as fertility-figures. The Germanic corn-mother was called die Grosse Hure (Rudwin, Origin of the Ger- manic Carnival Comedy (1920), p. 42). She is the counterpart of the great harlot and mother of harlots who bore upon her brow the word ‘mystery,’ with whom the kings of the earth committed fornication (Rev. XVII, 1-5). One is reminded of the proposed marriage of Deme- trios Poliorketes with Athena in the Parthenon as told by Clement of Alexandria (Protrep. 54) and of the reproach cast by the Christian fathers that the Aphrodite worshipped by Kinyras was a whore (Fraz- er, Adonis, Attis and Osiris, p. 31). 7 i The resurrected group is three in number—Peace, Opora and Theoria. They constitute a triad which suggests mystic groups. A vase-painting of the fifth century (Baumeister, Denkmdiler, I, p. 423, Fig. 463) represents Persephone, Hekate and Demeter. One thinks too of the female triad at Lykosoura, consisting of Demeter, Des- poina and Artemis. A Cyzicene coin of the imperial period (British Museum Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Mysia, pl. X1,7) bears three figures which have been interpreted as Demeter, Persephone and Kybele (Farnell, Cu/ts, III, p. 229). Another Cyzicene coin in Paris has the fagade of a temple surmounted by three goddesses holding torches (Cabinet.de Medailles, no. 1158). The grouping of deities in triads is a Chaldaean conception (Maspero, Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de ?' Orient, p. 150). In v. 706 Hermes gives Opora in marriage to Trygaios and bids him live with her in the fields and beget grape-clusters. This is some- thing more than a conclusion rapa rpogdoxiav. The son of Trygaios is to be Bérpus, the very name given the son of Staphylos (Nonnos, “XVIII, 7). Hence Trygaios is practically to be identified with Sta- phylos. This is simply a restatement of what has already been said, i. e. Trygaios is thoroughly Dionysiac in character. The marriage of Opora and Trygaios is certainly a burlesque of a mystic marriage by which Dionysos became “the holy light of autumn.” An Orphic hymn (Abel, Orphica, no. 29) represents Persephone as wedded in autumn. The union of Trygaios and Oporais that of Dionysos and Persephone, “the infernal goddess, daughter of Demeter who ripens the fruit.” Farnell suggests that Dionysos may have been the bridegroom of Kore in the lesser mysteries at Athens (Cu/ts, III, p. 170). The phrase év tots aypois used by Hermes suggests Iasion’s intercourse with Demeter in the cornfields and the birth of Ploutos. The German be- lief concerning the child born on the harvest-field should be noted (Frazer, Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild,1,150-151).Another Aristo- phanic marriage of the same sort is that in the Birds between Peisthe- tairos and Basileia, an Argive name for Hera. Just as Peisthetairos 1s a quasi-Zeus and marries a quasi-Hera, so Trygaios is a quasi-Dionysos and marries a quasi-Persephone in the guise of Opora (cf. Cook, Essays and Studies Presented toW. Ridgeway, pp. 213,215). It will be observed 1 72 K that the marriage of Trygaios and Opora follows closely upon her resurrection. This fact probably explains the presence of Erotes in - vase-paintings of the anodos of chthonic deity. The féte of the resur- rection of Attis was at the same time the féte of his sacred marriage (Graillot, Le Culte de Cybéle, p. 132). Cornford calls attention to the fact that a marriage with komos ends almost every play of Aristophanes and regards it as a survival from primitive ritual (Origin of Attic Comedy, p. 8). It is perhaps a fuller statement of fact to say that both the sacred marriage of the mysteries and the marriage in comedy are derived from the same source, namely a dramatic performance of the experiences of a fer- tility-god, but that the Aristophanic marriage contains much bur- lesque of the developed mystic marriage. The marriage came last in the mysteries. In Lucian’s description of a burlesque of the Eleusinian mysteries, the concluding episode is the marriage of the pseudomantis and Selene (Alex. 38-9). The order of events in the Peace, (1) resurrection, (2) marriage and (3) birth of a child, followed the se- quence of dramatic representation in the mysteries. Cornford in discussing the combination in ritual of the resurrec- tion of the mother with the birth of the child, who is the wealth and promise of the coming year, remarks that Peace does not appear in the comedy with a child as she does in the statue by Kephisodotos. It should however be noted that Opora, the companion of Peace in resurrection is given in marriage to Trygaios with instructions to bear grape-clusters, and this may be regarded as a variation of the motif. The birth of Botrys, ‘grape-clusters,’ is something more than an Aristophanic joke. There is a passage in the anonymous PAi/oso- phoumena which describes the supreme acts of the Eleusinian mys- teries as the revelation to the mystics of a fresh ear of grain reaped and the declaration of the birth of a sacred child Brimos. From the juxtaposition of these two rites, Miss Harrison (Prolegomena, p. 550) draws the conclusion that the birth of Brimos is simply the anthro- pomorphic version of the birth of grain (cf. Farnell, Cu/ts, III, 177). Miss Harrison finds the same idea expressed in a vase-painting (sid, p- 526) where the new born child rises from a cornucopia of fruits. The child is the fruit of the earth. Its name Beis is derived from the Hq 73 i root of Bpiéw, which occurs in the phrase Bpibouevn kapre. The revela- tion of the ear of grain reaped and the announcement of the birth of a child must have been very significant if they were the supreme acts of the mysteries. They could hardly have been of purely agrarian character. Since immortality was the gift of vegetation-deities of Eleusis and logically so, the conclusion is forced upon one that the two supreme acts of the mysteries were symbols of deep spiritual content. As the fruit of the earth was born again in the form of a child, so the mystics would be born again as little children to become immortal. The Eleusinian mystics witnessed in symbol their destiny after they should be cut down by death the reaper. Miss Harrison’s interpretation of Bpiyds seems then to find a strik- ing parallel in the Peace. As the Eleusinian Brimo gives birth to Brimos, the grain, so Opora the season of autumnal fruits is to give birth to Botrys, ‘grape-clusters.’ What is perhaps a sculptured rep- resentation of the latter pair has been found among the fragments of a gable-group which once decorated the Samothracian temple of ‘ the Kabeiroi—a draped female figure holding a large bunch of grapes on her knee (Conze, Hauser, Niemann, Samothrake, I, pls. XX XVII, XXXVIII). One might in the language of Aristophanes call the woman Oporaand her child Botrys, especially as the poet has already in the Peace alluded to the Samothracian mysteries. In a mystic scene on a cinerary urn (Harrison, Prolegomena, p. 547), the ears of grain spring from the head of Demeter (Brimo). Hence Brimos seems to have been born like Athena from the head of the divine parent. This is perhaps a motif surviving from Mycen- aean times for one of the shaft-graves contained a figure of the snake- goddess (?) from whose head plant-stalks spring (Schuchhardt, Sch/ie- mann’s Excavations, p.194, fig. 172). The marriage of Trygaios to Opora is of significance in another re- spect. They were married in the abode of Zeus in the region where Trygaios saw the souls of mortals as stars. It was a marriage in heav- en. The ancients had the idea of such marriage after death as 1s illustrated among other passages by the curious superstition pre- served in Artemidoros (Oneirocritica, 1, 80) that if a sick man dream of sexual association with a goddess, it is a sign of death. In other Hq 74 kK words the sick man is to leave this earth for a marriage in heaven. The belief in marriage in heaven is found in the creed of the Valen- - tinians: “The spirituals doffing their souls. . . . shall begiven as brides to the angels about the Saviour” (cf. Legge, Forerunners and Rivals of Christianity, II, p. 111). The Valentinian syzygy, Anthropos and Ekklesia, like that of Mercury and Philology in Martianus Capella resembles the Aristophanic Trygaios and Opora in that the male member of the pair is concrete and the female a personification of the abstract. The old superstition of marriage with earth-deity after death or with an hypostasis of earth-deity survives into modern times. A folk-song (Passow, Pop. Carm., no. 364) represents the dead man as taking the Black Earth (the Black Demeter?) for his bride. It is the reasonable view of Lawson (Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient Greek Religion, p. 603) that the ancient mysteries assured the initiate of wedlock with deity as the final satisfaction for close communion with his god. As such it naturally came last in the mysteries as it does in Lucian’s description of a parody of the Eleusinian in which Alex- ander marries Selene. In vv. 720-2 when Trygaios is ready to return to earth he learns from Hermes that his beetle has gone beneath the chariot of Zeus to carry lightning. The verse (722) is said by the scholiast to have been taken from the Bellerophon of Euripides, but even so could still be more than a line quoted in parody. This new function of the beetle is suggestive. When Zeus seated Zagreus upon his throne, he en- trusted him with his thunderbolts. In the Birds Peisthetairos, the new Zeus, wields the winged thunderbolt of the superseded god (1714). The new task of the beetle is to be considered in the light of an earlier reference in the Peace (v. 133) in which the beetle out of enmity for the eagle rolled out the eagle’s eggs. The beetle in both passages has a certain Dionysiac connotation and seems to allude to the encroach- ment of the beetle-god upon the eagle-god. In Egypt the beetle-god either became or was solar. The Airvatos xavOapos in bearing the lightning of Zeus, seems to bring with it something of the Dionysiac( ?) flash of Aetna (cf. Eurip. Bakchai, 1082-3). Perhaps Aristophanes is hinting at the displacement of Zeus by the Orphic Dionysos. Trygaios quotes Aesop as saying that the beetle was the only winged creature 75K which reached the gods, as if the beetle had not originally been among them but had, like the Orphic Dionysos, gone up from earth to heaven. Upon the return of Trygaios to earth (833) his servants ask whether it is true that after death they become stars—a nice question in view of the belief that Dionysos himself was the leader of the fire-breath- ing stars (Soph. 4nt., 1147). Aristophanes is very probably making a thrust at an Orphic belief of Egyptian provenience. The Egyptian belief in the dead as stars was older than the Pyramid texts (Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, p. 101). In the cult of Isis the initiates were called “earthly stars.” Plato in the Republic (621B) speaks of souls that dart upward in generation like stars while it thunders. The reply of Trygaios to the question of his servants is in the nature of a revelation. In fact the journey to the abode of souls, this &vaBacts eis Atds, is the comic counterpart of an Orphic-Pythagorean kardBacts eis Avdov. Just as Orpheus in his de- scent to Hades recorded the punishments and Joys there, justas Pytha- goras (Diog. Laert. VIII, 19, 21) saw the soul of Hesiod bound to a bronze column, so Trygaios in his ascent to heaven saw the soul of Ion of Chios (835) in stellar form and reported what the souls of dithyrambic poets were doing. Itisa fair conclusion that the av4Bacrs of Trygaios is in part a satire on Orphic and kindred apocalyptic literature and that Trygaios is a thinly veiled Dionysos whose beetle displaced the eagle of Zeus and in whose service even Hermes enlisted. Trygaios was indeed owrip am actv &vOpmmots to whom the chorus might well say (915-17): n an > n TOV Oe@v del o HynodpecOa TpaTov. xX A POSSIBLE ALLUSION TO THE ERECHTHEION IN THE PEACE OF ARISTOPHANES In the Peace of Aristophanes discussed in the previous chapter, the reappearance of the goddess from the cave is followed by a significant passage (vv. 564-618). The verses in part are ostensibly in praise of Peace and the delights which the farmers are to enjoy when they re- turn to their farms, but there is a sequence of suggestions in the pas- sage which raises the question whether for the audience of Athenians Aristophanes alludes to a controversy which arose over the Erech- theion and which finally curtailed the original plan of the temple. For it is altogether probable, as Dorpfeld thinks, that the present asymmetrical Erechtheion is the result of conservative religious op- position to an encroachment of the proposed temple upon the Pan- ‘droseion where grew the sacred olive of Athena. Close to the olive but within the present Erechtheion was the sacred well of Poseidon. It is equally certain that Pheidias had something to do with the plan of the Erechtheion, that he cared more about a magnificent balanced structure than he did for the well of Poseidon and the olive-tree of Athena. One may then find in this passage not only an allusion to the controversy but also possibly an intimation that the charges against Pheidias and Perikles arose out of that controversy. The pas- sage may now be considered in detail. In vv. 564-79 Aristophanes makes a clear reference to Poseidon, then to Athena, and finally to Poseidon and Athena together. In v. 564 Hermes at sight of the chorus of farmers with their trident-forks exclaims very appropriately & Iécerdov. The note sounded in Iécerdoy is repeated by Trygaios in Opivaxes (567), and again in rpracvody (570). Thus Poseidon is men- tioned and his attribute the trident is twice suggested in the short space of seven verses. The sequence Ilocevdov, Opivaxes, Tptavvodv Which makes Poseidon conspicuous is followed quickly (574) by an allusion to Poseidon’s rival Athena. The word zadaciwy a rare form for mahd.ory, taha6n means ‘cake of preserved fruit,’ mostly of figs but 1 78 k also of olives. The name raddovor is nicely suggestive of Pallas to whom the olive was sacred. The play upon words is there and just as Opivaxes and rpraivoty suggest Poseidon, so the olive-cake rahdaovor suggests Pallas Athena. Then four verses later comes the mention together of the well and the olives. Trygaios bids the chorus remem- ber among the gifts of Peace the bed of violets beside the well and the olives for which they yearn. The words ¢péari and é\aép juxta- posed sum up the allusions separately made to Poseidon and Pallas Athena and show that through this short passage of sixteen verses Aristophanes was alluding to the great rival deities of Athens. The allusion could not have escaped the audience of Athenians who were perfectly familiar with the tradition of the great contest for the land of Attica in which Poseidon produced the well and Pallas Athena the olive. They had visited the Erechtheion and had seen both the well near the trident-mark of Poseidon and the olive-tree of Athena. They knew too that on the acropolis just above the theatre where they were sitting was a group in the western gable of the Parthenon com- — memorating that divine contest which was so conspicuous in the relig- ious traditions of the city. This gable-group representing Athena producing the olive and Poseidon the well had been set in place less than twenty years before the presentation of the comedy. Toan audi- ence thus informed, the sequence in the short space of sixteen verses of the words, Iécevdov, Opivaxes, Tpratvodr, raraclwy, dpéare and édadp could not fail to bring to mind the sacred tokens at the Erechtheion. It is significant that Trygaios speaks in terms of affection of the well and the olive. Poseidon and Athena were rarely ridiculed in comedy and Couat has justly remarked an Athenian sentiment of affection for the goddess. The mention of the well and the olive is fol- lowed by the words &v rofodyer “for which we yearn.” The well and the olive are the objects of especial concern not only for the farmer but also for the Athenian, and for the Athenian perhaps because the plans for the Periclean Erechtheion had threatened to violate their sanctity on the acropolis. That such allusion is in the air seems con- firmed by what follows in the comedy. After the reference to the tokens at the Erechtheion there comes a choral greeting to Peace and a request that Hermes tell where the goddess has been. Hermes replies, 1 79 i in v. 605, that Pheidias through faring ill (tpaéas kax&s) was the pri- mary cause of the disappearance of the goddess and that Perikles fearing lest he share the fortunes of Pheidias, cast the spark of the Megarian decree. The large question here is to what does Aristo- phanes refer with the words rpdéas xax&s. The traditional charges against Pheidias for crimes alleged in or about the year 438 B.c. can hardly have brought on a war seven years later. These charges were mere pretexts but they reveal feelings of hostility in certain quarters toward Pheidias and his great friend Perikles. Now since both tradi- tional charges are of the nature of impiety, it is reasonable to suppose that they emanated from the priestly conservative class. What rea- son could the priesthood have had for their resentment ? The sequence of thought in the comedy gives a clue. From the well and the olive Aristophanes has turned suddenly to the plight of Pheidias. It was Pheidias who inspired the Periclean plan for the sumptuous decora- tion of the Athenian acropolis. His plans for the Erechtheion were made without due consideration for the sacred well and olive just as his plan for the Propylaia showed no respect for the sanctuaries of Artemis and Nike Apteros. The Phidian building scheme, which in- volved violation of these sanctuaries, was approved by Perikles. Pheidias was the original guilty genius and Perikles who had given him the general direction of construction shared logically enough in his guilt. The Aristophanic transition of thought is clear enough. From the well and the olive Aristophanes passes easily to the troubles of Pheidias which apparently began with his plan to violate the well and the olive, and then Aristophanes (v. 618), as if to hint at such an undercurrent of thought, says “Many things escape us.” XI SALMONEUS-SALMOXIS AND THE LYSIPPEAN PORTRAIT OF ALEXANDER THE discussion about Trygaios the gaper (v. supra, p. 51) and the devotees of Salmoxis showed that both threatened Zeus and that they therein resembled the Thessalian Salmoneus. This Salmoneus dwelt at first in Thessaly and later in Elis. Salmoxis and Salmoneus were both confused with Kronos and this confusion confirms their char- acter as predecessors or rivals of Zeus. Cook (Class. Rev. 1903, p. 276) notes this confusion in the case of Salmoneus while it is proved for Salmoxis by the ancient lexicographers (Etym. Mag.; Hesych.s. v. Zaduokts). The fact that Salmoxis came from Samos which colonized Samo- thrace (Etym. Mag. s. v. Zapodpaxn) makes it probable that this ‘Thracian god of immortality was akin to the Kabeiroi, the Samo- thracian gods of immortality and that Salmoxis shared the Phoenician provenience of the Kabeiroi. Herodotos (IV, 94) tells us that another name for Salmoxis was I'eSedéifts which the commentators pronounce a puzzle. The first part of this name is almost certainly the same as Gebal, ‘hill,’ the Phoenician town whose name in Greek was Byblos. There is a tradition that this sacred city was founded by Kronos (Eusebios, Praep. Evang. 1, 10, 19) with whom Salmoxis was anciently identified. The connections of Salmoneus, the congener of Salmoxis, with Phoenicia are equally certain. The name Salmoneus is the same as the Phoenician Shalman. It is further akin to Salmonion the name given to an eastern headland of Crete (cf. Philologus, 1908 (67), p. 164; Pauly-Wissowa, s. v. Zadywovn). Shalman appears as Led apyayns in Greek inscriptions of the first and second centuries which were found in a Syrian sanctuary. In these inscriptions Selamanes occurs regu- larly in company with Zeus Madbachos (Prentice, Hermes, 1902 (37), pp- 98 ff.). The joint dedications in these inscriptions may mean that the dedicator took care not to offend either of two rivals Sela- H 82 ft manes (Kronos) and Zeus Madbachos. It will be recalled from Hero- dotos that in time of thunder the devotees of Salmoxis threatened . Zeus (76 6e), and from Apollodoros (I, 9, 7) that Salmoneus claimed he was Zeus. The dedicators of the Syrian inscriptions, aware of this hostile rivalry, wisely included both rivals in their dedications. Hero- dotos adds that the Getai believed that there was no other god but Salmoxis—an illiberal feeling which may have hada Phoenician pro- venience, for “the superstitions of Syria made the tutelary divinity of each nation or sect the sole god of heaven, condemning those of all other races” (King, Gnostics, p. 173). _ But if Salmoxis and his congener Salmoneus are akin to the Ka- beiroi, with which Kabeirosare they to be identified ? The secretnames of the four Kabeiroi were Axieros (Demeter), Axiokersa (Persephone), Axiokersos (Hades), and Kasmilos (Hermes). The first three form a close triad which suggests the Eleusinian while the name Kasmilos stands by itself. Kasmilos must have been one of the two Kabeiroi whose remarkable deed is recorded by Clement (Protrep. I, 19). Two of the Kabeiroi slew their brother Dionysos and then carried to Etruria a chest containing the aidotoy of the slain god which they taught the Etruscans to worship. The messenger to Etruria, Kas- milos, became a messenger in Etruria. A scholiast on Lykophron (162) says: Kadutdos 6 ‘Epufjs év Tuppnvia where the reference is un- questionably to the Samothracian Hermes (cf. Schneider, Ca/limachea, IT, p. 584). This Kasmilos became a figure in marriage-ceremonies. Varro (De L. L. VII, 34) says that the one who at marriages carries a chest the contents of which are unknown to most is called cami//us and adds that hence a certain attendant of the great gods in the Samothracian mysteries is called Casmilus. Varro thinks this name is Greek be- cause he found it in the poems of Kallimachos—a good place to find the name because the Alexandria of the early Ptolemies was devoted to the Samothracian cult. The appearance of the mystic Kasmilos in marriage rites is not surprising. Synesios (Migne, P. G. LXVI, Ep. 3) tells of a custom of crowning the married with a turret as Kybele. The resemblances between marriage-rites and initiation have been discussed by Reinach (Cultes,?1, 310). Both Kybele and Hermes were 1 83 k in origin fertility-deities and that is sufficient explanation of their connection with marriage-rite. Kasmilos of Samothrace then carried the aidotov of Dionysos to Etruria where it was worshipped in a fertility-cult, and passed with its bearer into the ceremony of marriage with the same significance. Reproduction and resurrection were two closely associated ideas in ancient mystic thinking and hence even today in some parts of Italy bread of phallic form is passed about at Easter time. Kasmilos, call- ed Hermes, was first a Kabeiros of reproduction and then of resur- rection. He mutilated Dionysos just as Kronos mutilated Ouranos. Kasmilos might perhaps have been called a younger Dionysos. It may be objected that Kasmilos cannot be equated with Salmoxis be- cause Kasmilos does not appear as a rival of Zeus but the murder of Dionysos would put him in the class of the Titans who like Sal- moxis and Salmoneus were opposed to Zeus. The conjecture seems warranted that the Thracian Salmoxis, the Samothracian Kasmilos, and the gaping Dionysos of Samos are in origin one and thesame god. ‘It may be that a gaping resentment toward Zeus was a feature of their cults and was enacted in their ritual. It is this gaping god that Aristophanes parodies in the person of Trygaios who is represented in the Peace looking up to heaven and reviling Zeus. But what light does this discussion of gods hostile to Zeus throw upon the Lysippean portrait of Alexander? Plutarch (De dex. Fort. et Virt. II, 2) tells us that Lysippos was the first to represent Alex- ander looking up to the sky as Alexander was wont to do: aérw BrXéT0vTA TH Tp0THTW TOs TOY ovpavdr. The portrait inspired a con- temporary poet to say that Alexander seems to look to Zeus bidding him hold Olympos while he, Alexander, rules the earth: a ra avdacovvTt 6 eouxev 6 xaXKeos eis Aia Nelboowr a > an bh 9 Tap im éyol ridewav Zed, ob & ’OdvpTop Exe. The note of defiance in the verse reflecting an expression of defiance in the portrait acquires large significance when considered in connec- tion with the resentful defiant gods of the type of Salmoneus. As Salmoneus hurled defiance at Zeus so the Alexander of the Lysippean portrait and of the verse which it inspired, hurled defiance at Zeus. 84 kh The peculiar position in which Alexander held his head was not due to physical infirmity since the peculiarity was imitated by contem-. poraries and successors. The ancient references to it are collected by Schreiber (Studien tiber das Bildniss Alexanders des Grossen, p. 10). Alexander was impersonating a deity that defied Zeus. His fondness of impersonation of gods is shown by Athenaios (XII, 537E-F’) who tells us that Alexander assumed now the attributes of Ammon wear- ing horns like the god, now those of Artemis with bow and hunting- spear rising above his shoulder, or again those of Hermes, the petasus and caduceus. Frequently he assumed the guise of Herakles as he did in coin-types. This imitation of deity had long been in the air. Homer applied such adjectives as iaé6eos to his heroes. When Kroisos mounted the funeral pyre he was seeking the death of the divine founder of the Lydian dynasty called the Herakleidai or Sandonides. Now Alex- ander grew up in an atmosphere of devotion to the Kabeiroi of Samothrace because his parents were both initiated into the mys- teries of the cult. Lactantius (Div. Inst. 1, 15,8) mentions the worship © of Kabeiros in Macedonia. It is then very probable that Alexander was represented by Lysippos in the guise of a Kabeiros who like Salmoneus and the worshippers of Salmoxis defied Zeus, and that this Kabeiros was the younger Kabeiros, Kasmilos. The portraits of Alex- ander have the shaggy locks of Zeus which well become a rival of that god. Lysippos gave Alexander one characteristic of the defiant rival of Zeus, the upward gaze; Apelles gave him another, the thunderbolt, in his famous painting at Ephesos which Pliny describes (NV. H. XXXV, 92). Thus Lysippos and Apelles together gave Alexander the two striking characteristics of Salmoneus in the vase-painting, the defiant upward gaze and the thunderbolt. Both artists had studied - at Sikyon; both worked at the court of Alexander; both flattered his religious vanity by giving him the two essential features of his mys- tic god. Slight wonder that the name Keraunos was given to the son of Ptolemy because of his exceeding daring (61a 76 &yay toNunpdy) ac- cording to Pausanias. The adjective roAunpds was equally appropriate to Salmoneus who hurled the thunderbolt in imitation of Zeus and for so doing was laid low. The name Keraunos in a family devoted to the 1 85 k Samothracian mysteries as were the Ptolemies would seem to be but another version of the thunderbolt which Apelles painted in the hand of Alexander at Ephesos. The opposition to Zeus of rivals and prede- cessors was an important feature of mystic cults centering about Samothrace. The interest of the family of Alexander in Salmoneus is attested by the construction of the Philippeion within the Altis at Olympia. It is curious that Philip chose the sanctuary in western Peloponnesos for the site of his round building rather than one nearer the scene of his victory. The suggestion that Philip’s reason was to pose as the hero of Olympia (cf. Miss Harrison, Themts, p. 259) raises the ques- tion as to the identity of the hero. Now Salmoneus who was confused with Kronos went from Thessaly to Elis and there established a town. Euripides in the 4zo/os (Frag. 14N) tells how Salmoneus hurled fire as he raged by the streams of Alpheios. The Macedonian imper- sonators of this deity logically chose the greatest sanctuary of Elis in which to erect a round building for their statues. The associations ‘of their defiant god with Elis made Olympia rather than Delphi the logical site for this building which was not a treasury but a shrine for the self-deifying kings of Macedon. The example of Philip was fol- lowed by another Macedonian, Arsinoé, the wife of Ptolemy, who erected a round building in the Samothracian Kabeirion. Thus both of these important structures, the significance of which is enhanced by their round form, stood where was localized or had been localized the cult of the rival of Zeus, called Salmoneus in the one case and Kasmilos in the other. Where the cult of their deity was localized, Philip and Alexander might well set up their own statues as imper- sonators of that deity. The form of the building was that of the ¢holos of Asklepios with interior columns, and quite naturally, for Plato (Charmides, 156D) tells us that Salmoxis was a god of healing. The temple of Sebadius significantly placed on the hill Zilmissus (Zalmoxis ?) in Thrace was a round hypaethral building (Macrobius, Sat. XVIII, 11). The form of the Philippeion is to be compared also with that of the round sanctua- ries of the Thracian Dionysos (v. Perdrizet, Cultes et Mythes de Pangée, p- 43; cf. B. C. H. 1921, p. 106) and appears to have been transmitted 86 i to later times. The great Sassanian temple at Ganzaca, the royal city of Azerbiyan, which was destroyed by Heraclius, was a spherical - building containing the idol of Chosroes, an image of himself en- throned as in heaven with sun, moon, and stars which he worshipped. Angels stood about him like sceptre-bearers. A certain mechanism dropped water in imitation of rain and produced sounds like thunder (cf. King, Gnostics, p. 423). This reads like a story of Salmoneus in- doors. The pagan circular sanctuaries were also the prototype of the Christian. Sepp recognized the continuity from the Marneion to the round churches built by Constantine and Helena in Jerusalem over the Holy Sepulchre and on the mount of Olives. The Marneion at Gaza in Palestine was dedicated to Marnas who was identified with the Cretan Zeus by early Christian writers (Ramsay and Bell, The Thousand and One Churches (1909), p. 429). XII THE MAGIC KANTHARA In a description of the procession of Isis which set forth from the gates of Kenchreai, Apuleius mentions a likeness of the supreme deity (Metam. XI, 11). The image resembled no living form but yet “was revered as that unspeakable evidence of the religion which should be veiled in complete silence.” The image was an urn (urnula) with carv- ed decorations. On the handle was a snake lifting its scaly neck. This description although written about 170 A.D. raises the ques- tion whether in the Dionysiac cult which likewise offered its devotees the hope of future life, Dionysos was not also conceived under the form of his vase, the kantharos. The heresiarch Cubricus assumed the name of Manes which means ‘vessel’ for the same reason that St. Paul was called the vas electionts (Acts, 1X, 15;cf. King, Gnostics,p. 42). St. Augustine also had put the question Qui est vas vitae, nisi Christus? Is it not possible that St. Augustine’s question was prompt- ed by a similar pagan question, Qui est vas vitae, nist Dionysus? In pagan mystic cups the liquid was the wine-blood. “May this wine become the blood of Osiris” says a love-charm which probably re- flects the ritual of the Alexandrian temples. A papyrus gives the words of consecration: ““Thou art wine, yet thou art not wine, but the members of Osiris” (Legge, Forerunners and Rivals of Christianity, I, pp. 87-88; v. supra p. 42). There was a hero named Kantharos who according to a scholiast on Aristophanes (ad. Pac. 144) gave his name to one of the harbors at the Peiraeus. This hero according to Lenormant (dun. d. Inst. 1832, p. 314) 1s like Askos and Amphoreus, the companions of Diony- sos. In Aristophanes (Ran. 22) Dionysos is called the son of Stamnios. There is then sufficient evidence for Dionysiac figures with names of wine-vessels whether these names were given in fun or not. It is quite possible that the hero Kantharos is simply a hypostasis of Diony- sos, a possibility strengthened by the names of the other two harbors at the Peiraeus, Zea and Aphrodision, which likewise suggest fertility. I 88 k Dionysos under the form of Kantharos would be a suitable third in such a group, and the three harbors would then have names sugges- _ tive in a general way of the Eleusinian triad. It will be recalled that the Dionysiac Trygaios proposed to sail into the harbor of Kantharos and that the Eleusinian mystics performed certain rites of purifica- tion in it (Plutarch, Phocion, 28). If the name of the sacred Dionysiac cup, kantharos, was also a name for the god Dionysos, then the name Kanthara in a Greek. magic papyrus becomes at once clear. The papyrus (Kenyon, Greek Papyri in the British Museum (1893), p. 77) is dated in the fourth century after Christ but its content is earlier. It contains an appeal to Hermes guide of spirits which is followed by appellatives of chthonic character as follows: Huesemigadon, Ortho Baubo, noe odere soire soire Kanthara, Ereschchigal, sankiste, dodekakiste. Legge (Forerunners and Rivals of Christianity, I, 99) discusses all the proper names in this magic spell except Kanthara. Huesemigadon is an epithet of Pluto, ruler of the underworld, Baubo is an Eleusinian hypostasis of Persephone and possibly of Lydian origin. (cf. Darem- berg et Saglio, Dictionnaire, s. v.) Ereschchigal isa Sumerian name for the goddess of the nether world. It is obvious that Kanthara is in decidedly chthonic company and is therefore very probably chthonic herself. But we have already seen that Kantharos is with equal prob- ability another name for Dionysos. The conclusion then is reasonable that Kanthara is but the feminine of Kantharos, namely Persephone the consort of the underworld Dionysos. Kantharos and Kanthara are probably mystic names for a Greek pair of deities of resurrection and immortality, and appropriately take their names from the signifi- cant cup, the vas vitae. It is towards the kantharos that the soul-ser- pent of the Spartan s¢e/ai rises to drink the wine-blood of immortality as the snake on the handle of the sacred urn of Isis also rose to drink apparently of its life-giving contents. XII KANTHAROS AND KALLIKANTZAROS In a very detailed discussion of the kallikantzaroi, Lawson (Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient Greek Religion, pp. 190 ff.) comes to the conclusion that these creatures of popular imagination whose deeds range from the malicious and deadly to the prankish are faith- ful reproductions of the satyrs and sileni that attended Dionysos, that they were originally men and that their name is a compound of kadés and kavrfapos which is to be derived from xévravpos. A deriva- tion of the second element from x4v@apos proposed by Coraés, Law- son rejects because semantically unsatisfactory, a “beautiful beetle” or a “good beetle” having nothing to do with the kallikantzaros of modern superstition. _ Phonetically the derivation of xévrfapos from KavAapos is much easier than it is from xévravpos. But the important consideration which militates against Lawson’s derivation is “the very common tradition that the ka//ikantzaroi come from the lower world at Christ- mas and are driven back there by the purification at Epiphany” (Lawson, ibid. p. 207). Thus for a large part of the year they live in the lower world, a fact which gives them a chthonic Dionysiac char- acter not obviously consistent with the centaur from which they are assumed to have been named. But Lawson contends that xévravpos was a comprehensive name which might have been applied to satyrs and other hybrid creatures of the Dionysiac train (cf. Miss Harrison, Prolegomena, p. 381). The etymology of Coraés offers in reality no semantic difficulty. In previous chapters it has been shown that the kantharos is peculiarly Dionysiac, that the “‘beetle-cup”’ like the beetle or scarab in Egypt was very probably a mystic symbol of resurrection and immortality. In the fourth century St. Ambrose of Milan, once a Valentinian, found it expedient to refer to Christ as the “beetle on the cross” (scarabaeus in cruce). Further Kantharos and Kanthara were almost certainly mystic and magic names for Dionysos and his consort Per- H 9° k sephone and were derived from x4v@apos in the sense of “‘beetle- cup” or vas vitae. Hence the xaddcxavrfapou were very logically named if © the second element of their name is x4v@apor. They were euphemis- tically called “good kantharoz” 1. e. good Dionysoi. It is of impor- tance to bear in mind in this connection that the ka//ikantzaroi came at Christmas from the lower world, 1. e. that they were resurrected like their prototype Dionysos. Their day of rebirth was apparently changed under Christian influence to the Mithraic birthday of the sun. There exists a synonym of xavrfapos which in form is apparently a diminutive, 1. e. oxarfdpu. The initial sibilant of this variant is prob- ably due to analogy within congeneric substantives. Another ancient Greek word for ‘beetle’ xépaBos had a collateral form *oxapaBews (cf. Lt. scarabaeus). A proportion might be set down thus: xavrfapos: oxarfape:: KapaBos: *cxapaPews. Lhe intimacy of xavOapos and xdpaBos is further shown by coincidence in meanings. In addition to the pri- mary meaning “‘beetle’”’ they both have a secondary meaning “boat.” The form oxaddcxavrfapos (Lawson, ibid. p. 214) is also due to anal- ogy but the word kaddcxdy7fapos has been felt as a unit and the sibilant prefixed to the adjective instead of to the noun where it be- longs. An ancient quasi-parallel would be éxpq» which ceased to be felt as a compound of xp4 and 4» and which was therefore given a second augment. XIV DIONYSOS AND THE CRETAN GAPER THE discussion in a previous chapter of the gaping Trygaios and Dionysos prompts an inquiry into the significance of the word kexnvas as applied to the Samian Dionysos. The key to the explanation of this curious appellation very probably lies in the modern Cretan superstition as to the caraxavas or vampire. In a chapter of large permanent value, Lawson (Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient Greek Religion, pp. 361, ff.) gives a detailed account of the karaxavas and reaches the conclusion that the ancient Greek element in the super- stition is the belief that the human body sometimes remains incor- ruptible in the earth and is liable to resuscitation. The name xaraxavas is derived from the root xa, “to gape.”’ Now among those who are liable to become gapers or vampires are persons who have met with sudden or violent death. If not avenged they resort to violence against their nearest of kin. A passage in Plato’s Laws (865D-66) is cited by Lawson to show the antiquity of the con- ceit. The subject is unintentional homicide. The slain man is angry and if not avenged by his nearest of kin he will turn upon this kins- man. A vase-painting (Jahrbuch des kais. Deut. Arch. Inst. 1893, pl. I) represents a gaping soul-snake rising from a slain body towards the slayer, a scene which reminds one of Porphyry’s statement that the souls of men violently slain cling to their bodies (De Abstinentia, II, 47). But the superstition is far older than Plato who probably drew it from Delphic sources because he had just mentioned Delphi as authority in matters of purification from blood-guilt. There are certain resemblances between the modern xaraxavas and the Samian Dionysos who was called xexnvs. Both met with a violent death, Dionysos being slain and torn to pieces by the Titans. Both were resurrected, Dionysos from his tomb at Delphi. Both were called “‘gapers.” In Chios the xaraxavas was confused with the kaddkdvrs apos (Lawson, 7did. p. 381,n.1), and the latter is obviously Dionysiac. The xaraxavas threatened violence against his nearest 1 92 k of kin and it would appear from the Samian cult of Salmoxis, a hypostasis of Dionysos, that the Samian gaper also threatened Zeus — (v. supra, p. 51). That Dionysos called for vengeance may be in- ferred too from the fact that his Egyptian counterpart Osiris called for vengeance. Such is the inference from a passage in the Pyramid texts in which Horus the son of Osiris calls upon his father saying: “T have smitten for thee him who smote thee. I have avenged thee, King Osiris Mernere” (cf. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, p. 160). Zeus was the father of Dionysos and it was Zeus who killed the Titan murderers of his son with his thunderbolts and ordered Apollo to collect the scattered members of the god and bury them at Delphi. Until the vengeance of Zeus was accomplished (Firmicus, De Errore, VI, 3: reverso [out filia ordinem facinoris exponit) Dionysos was a karaxavas. | The violence of the human gaper or karaxavas is explained by Law- son as due to the eagerness of the reanimated dead to obtain dissolu- tion and consequent future bliss. This explanation will serve equally well for the violence of the divine xaraxavas, the experience of the slain mortal being that of his slain god. So soon as they had been avenged they could quit this earth for the blessedness of the other world. The act of gaping which characterized both the mortal and the divine xaraxavas is explained also by the desire to quit the earthly body. From Homeric times to the present day the Greek has be- lieved that the soul at death passed out through the mouth. Lawson ( ne : ao J ait i we. Py A r ae iP aaa ae re Rusa a a4 a g. Obverse of an Attic Red Figure Krater: Silent Assisting at the Resurrection of Dionysos from his Omphalos-tomb PA AS Ee EX XVIII A SCENE OF DIONYSIAC RESURRECTION THERE Is a krater of the fifth century decorated with a scene (fig. 9) in which two sileni appear near an object resembling a mound which is surmounted by a sphinx (Mancini in Milani, Studi e Material, I, 65; Milani, zdcd. p. 73; Miss Harrison, 7. H. S. 1899, p. 234; Pro- legomena, 211; Engelmann, Fahresh. d. Oster. Inst. 1907, 117; Anz. 104; Roscher, Omphalos, p. 120). One silenus is striking the mound with a pick and the scars of his blows are seen; the other who has also been striking the mound is rushing away apparently startled. The mound rests on a base on the vertical face of which are six round objects. Milani interpreted them as holes from which little tongues of flame are darting, and construed the scene as an attack by satyrs upon a burning mound, the pyre and tomb of the sphinx. He brings the charge of arson against the fleeing silenus although the silenus holds only a pick. The mound is rather the omphalos at Delphi. The references to the omphalos in literature have been assembled by Roscher (Om- phalos, p. 54 ff.). There are two traditions of value in the interpre- tation of this vase-painting, one that the omphalos was the tomb of Dionysos and the other that it was the tomb of Pytho. Rohde (Psyche, p- 123) rejects the solitary testimony of Tatian that the omphalos was the tomb of Dionysos, and prefers the tradition of Varro that in the temple at Delphi there was an object like a thesauros which the Greeks called omphalos and said was a tumulus of Pytho. Philochoros (Frag. Hist. Graec. fr. 22) speaks of the tomb as beside the Apollo of gold and as bearing the inscription: "Ev0ade xetrat Pavey Atdvuoos 6 ék Yeyédns. Plutarch tells us that the tomb of Dionysos was in the adyton of the temple at Delphi (/s7s et Osiris, 35). The traditions of Tatian and Varro are probably one and the same and mean that the Pytho was regarded as the snake-form of Dionysos. The sepulchral charac- ter of the omphalos is confirmed by other evidence. It appears on Etruscan cinerary urns (Bulard, Monuments Piot, XIV (1908), p. 65). HW 110 kf Vase-paintings also establish it as does the discovery in a necropolis at Miletos of several omphaloi. The significance of the vase-painting in question is clear. The mound is the omphalos, the tomb of Dionysos. The sileni have been assisting in his resurrection by striking the mound with picks in an . effort to remove it. One silenus still strikes but the other is hastening away, startled apparently by the first signs of the impending resur- rection. He is the counterpart of Hephaistos in vase-paintings repre- senting the birth of Athena in which Hephaistos after striking the blow that brings forth the goddess rushes off in consternation. The sileni in digging up Dionysos with picks remind one of Trygaios and the chorus in the Peace who use picks to bring up the buried goddess. As Trygaios greets the resurrected goddess, so in a scene of resurrec- tion on a vase (Miss Harrison, Prolegomena, p. 280) a youth who stands with pick near the rising goddess raises his hand in greeting. The close association of sileni with the tomb of Dionysos is proved by Firmicus Maternus (De Errore, VI, 4-5) who says that for the slain Dionysos Zeus constructed a temple as a tomb and appointed Silenus as priest. One might say that the silenus in the vase-painting is the priest and that the scene was inspired by a mystic ceremony which every year enacted the resurrection of the god. Plutarch (De E apud Delph. 9) tells us that in the cult of Isodaites (Dionysos- Zagreus) the death and resurrection of the god were enacted (Rohde, Psyche, p. 424, no. 1). This rite was the counterpart in idea of the Egyptian rite in which a statue of Osiris was exhumed that had been buried the preceding year (cf. Foucart, Le Culte de Dionysos en Altique, p. 143). Other vase-paintings which bear in one way or another upon that under discussion may now be considered. There is a painting on a black-figure hydria (Roscher, Neue Omphalosstudien, pl. 7) in which besides sileni there appears a hind leaning against an omphalos. The hind and omphalos with its Dionysiac associations should be con- sidered in connection with a hind in an Etruscan relief which rises toward the kantharos in the hand of a recumbent figure. Apparently a priest of Dionysos is intended because he holds a ¢hyrsos (v. supra, p- 19; Martha, L’ Art Etrusque, p.345). In both cases there is perhaps 1 ff an allusion to metasomatosis. At any rate the hind appears in some intimate connection with the kantharos of Dionysos in the one case and the omphalos of Dionysos in the other. Both kantharos and omphalos were practically symbols of resurrection. Among the scenes of the anodos of Persephone several of which are reproduced and discussed by Miss Harrison (Prolegomena, pp. 276 ff.) there is one painted on a south Italian Aydria which calls for special notice (Themis, p. 422, fig. 126). The head of the goddess has just emerged from the ground. On either side is a silenus. The one at the right has apparently struck with a pick the last blow needed to break the earth and release the goddess. These sileni are again assisting in the resurrection of chthonic deity, of Persephone the consort of Dionysos. This scene is the pendant then of the resurrection of Dionysos from beneath the omphalos, but the moment chosen is a later one when the deity has already appeared. Another vase-painting (Prolegomena, p. 407) represents Dionysos and Semele emerging face to face from the earth. Dionysos holds a kantharos. Semele makes a gesture associated with the evil eye. This is a curious detail. The same gesture is made by a dancing woman before an ithyphallic man in an archaic Etruscan sepulchral painting which is not far removed in time from the vase-painting (Antike Denkmaler, II, pl. 42). The gesture of the woman in the Etruscan painting is naturally attributed to the condition of the man. Perhaps Semele makes the same gesture for.the same reason. Herodotos (II, 63) tells of an Egyptian ritualistic battle the object of which was to prevent the entrance of the son called Ares into the temple of his mother 79 wyrpl cvpuetéar. The apotropaic gesture of Semele in the vase-painting, like the same gesture in the scene of an ithyphallic dance in the Etruscan tomb was very possibly intended to prevent such an attack as Ares endeavored to make. The conjecture is strengthened by the sequence of scenes in the Peace of Aristophanes. Trygaios brings up Peace, Opora and Theoria and then receives Opora in marriage while Theoria is eagerly awaited (v. 728). This ritualistic sequence is suggested perhaps in the vase-paintings of the anodos where Erotes are present. These Erotes may also throw light upon the figurines of Erotes which have been found in graves. The 12 if Etruscan sepulchral painting may then reflectaritualisticscene. Danc- ing attended the reappearance of the goddess Peace and her com- — panions. It was said above that the omphalos was practically a symbol of resurrection. This is confirmed by its use as an attribute of Asklepios which is not to be explained by the fact that Epidauros was the center of his cult (Roscher, Omphalos, p. 113) but rather by the tradi- tional power of the god of healing to resurrect the dead (Paus. II, 26, 5). From the omphalos as the resurrection-tomb of Dionysos devel- oped logically enough the idea of the omphalos as a symbol of resur- rection and the attribute of the god who could resurrect the dead. The scholiast on Euripides (4/cestis, 1) quotes Pherekydes the his- torian to the effect that Asklepios raised to life those who died at Delphi. Thus Asklepios exercised this power in the very place where the omphalos stood. Naturally Alexander the false prophet of Asklepios claimed the power to resurrect the dead (Lucian, 4/ex. 24). It may have been the omphalos which determined the form of the tholos (abaton) at Epidauros. There remain to be discussed the round objects on the base of the omphalos which Milani thought were holes for fire. Pfuhl’s interpre- tation that they are pomegranates is certainly right (Gott. Gel. Anz. 1907, p. 671, n. 1). Those at the left are the more realistic because they were painted first; those at the right have degenerated into mere circles like those on the bases of ste/ai in paintings on Attic lekythoi (e. g. Fahresh. d. Oster. Inst. 1907, p. 119). The appropriateness of the pomegranate as a decorative feature of a resurrection-tomb is beyond question. The pomegranate which was said, according toClem- ent of Alexandria (Protrep. II, 19), to have sprung from the blood of Dionysos was the symbol of rebirth as it was on the Spartan stelai. There is a Boeotian plate (Miss Harrison, Prolegomena, p. 275, fig. 67) on which is painted Demeter (?) seated before an omphalos that is surmounted by a pomegranate. Demeter holds a cluster of pomegranates and ears of corn. The idea of a pomegranate on a tomb is not without precedent. The Furies planted a pomegranate on the grave of the slain Eteocles. When the fruit was picked blood flowed from it (Philostratos, Imagines, II, 29). A pomegranate grew on the H 113K grave of Menoikeos (Paus. IX, 25, 1). This decorative detail then is consistent with the interpretation that the sileni are assisting in the resurrection of Dionysos. Equally consistent is the sphinx which surmounts the omphalos that the sileni have attacked. A Euripidean scholiast (ad Phoen. 45) says that one of the women who raved (in Bacchic orgy) in company with the daughters of Kadmos was transformed into the sphinx. In other words, according to this tradition the sphinx is a Maenad, and, perched on the omphalos, adds another Dionysiac touch. The close connection of the sphinx and Dionysos is proved by those coins of Chios upon which the sphinx is found together with a wine-jar and grapes. Head (Hist. Num?. p. 600) infers from this combination that “the sphinx at Chios was probably symbolical of the cultus of Dionysos.” Euripides further represents Hades (Dionysos) as sending the sphinx to the Cadmeans (Phoen. 810). Therefore the island of Naxos whose great god was Dionysos very appropriately set up a sphinx on a column at Delphi where their god was resurrected. There _ too the vase-painter localized his scene of the sphinx perched on the omphalos. For the Naxians as well as for the vase-painter, the sphinx must have had a mystic significance. It was the symbol perhaps of metasomatosis. But the sphinxes before the Serapeion at Memphis were rather guardians of Osiris. The god Aker, watcher of the lower world and protector of Ra, took preferably the form of a sphinx in which also Isis could incorporate herself. On Roman sepulchral altars the sphinx occurs perhaps as guardian but also with Dionysiac as- sociations. On the cinerary urn of Aelius Patrius (Altmann, Rém. Grabaltare, p. 106, no. 93) the kantharos appears flanked by sphinxes, The vase-painting in question then represents the resurrection- tomb of Dionysos, the god of immortality, at the moment when his followers the sileni assist at the resurrection of the god and possibly of his mother the earth-goddess, because the omphalos found a few years ago at Delphi bears the inscription Ta. They are seeking to release the soul of the god conceived under such form perhaps as ap- pears on an Attic vase (7. H. S. 1899, p. 219) where tiny winged hu- man forms are seen within theompha/os. Thesphinxand the pomegran- ates confirm the mystic character of the scene which was probably in- 114 jt spired by an annually performed ritual in which the fertility-gods of immortality were resurrected by priests disguised as silen1. XIX THE OMPHALOS AT JERUSALEM Devpui was not alone in its distinction as the ompha/os of the earth. Roscher in his two studies of the subject already cited shows that the idea was not confined to Greece. In Ezekiel V, 5, one reads: “This is Jerusalem which [ have set in the midst of the people and round about it the lands” and again (XXXVIII, 12) Ezekiel speaks of “people who live on the navel of the earth.” Josephus (Bell. Fud. De 38) repeats the tradition: wecattarn 6& abris (Iovdatas) roXts 7d ‘Tepooo\uma KelTat, Tap’ O Kal TLVEs OUK doKOTWS Oudaddy TO hoTY THs xwpas éxadeoav. Thus both Delphiand Jerusalem werecalled omphalos. They were both also the burial-place of a god of resurrection and im- mortality. The significance of this becomes more striking when one compares the tomb of Dionysos with that of Christ as described by - Eusebios. He tells us (Theoph. III, 29 =Migne, P. G. XXIV, p. 620) that Constantine brought the tomb of Christ to light (a.p. 326) and greatly enriched it. The tomb consisted of a rock standing upright by itself in a level place and containing only one cavern (Qavpacry dé idety H wéTpa év HTAWLEVWY XwWPw MOVN OpOLOs dvedTapévn Kal povoY Ev &vtpov elow év ati wepréxouvca). The tomb thus described has a marked resemblance to the omphalos- tomb of Dionysos. The omphalos at Delphi was a stone which stood upright. Two such stones found at Delphi are hollow (Roscher, Om- phalos, p. 83). This feature may continue a tradition as to the ompha- /os that it contained an avrpov like that of the Eusebian description. The extant Delphic omphaloi are probably rock tombs in miniature, replicas reproducing the essential form of a ¢hesauros or tholos-tomb. The words of Eusebios applied to the tomb of Christ deoréctov éxetvo tis dOavacias priua (De Vita Const. III, 26 =Migne, PE Gen p. 1085) are applicable also to the Delphic omphalos from which Dionysos was resurrected. The Eusebian description of the tomb at Jerusalem was apparently the source of the Byzantine and deriva- tive representations of it such as the painting by Mantegna now in HT 116 ff the museum at Tours. In this painting the tomb takes the form of a truncated omphalos. It is not known exactly where the tomb of Christ was. The site of the sepulchre-church was chosen because a sanctuary of Phoenician gods had stood there whose cult Christianity had bitterly fought. There is no justification for seeking the tomb in that church (Heisen- berg, Grabeskirche und Apostelkirche, I, p. 225). The question as to the identity of these Phoenician gods is answered by St. Jerome who says that from the time of Hadrian to Constantine a statue of Jupiter marked the place of resurrection and a statue of Venus the place of the cross. Jupiter and Venus are but other names for Adonis and Astarte (Heisenberg ibid. pp. 200-203). Adonis or Thammuz bore so much resemblance to Dionysos that they were anciently confused (Plut. Quaest. Symp. 671B). This equation of Dionysos of Delphi with Adonis or Thammuz of Jerusalem prepares one to expect a resem- blance between their tombs of resurrection. Adonis like Dionysos was resurrected and ascended to heaven (és rév Hepa réurovor, Lucian, De Dea Syria, 6; cf. Frazer, Adonis, Attis and Osiris, p. 127). The tomb of Dionysos was at the center of the earth and his devo- tees found in the resurrection of their god a pledge of their own sal- vation. They might have exclaimed in the words of the psalmist (73, 12) “Thou hast wrought salvation at the middle of the earth.” In the parody of resurrection in the Peace of Aristophanes the chorus (595) calls the resurrected goddess owrnpia. XX THE UNITY OF THE ANTHESTERIA Tue Anthesteria celebrated at Athens from the eleventh to the thirteenth of Anthesterion was the more ancient Dionysia. It was during this festival that the souls of the dead were resurrected and moved about in the city (Photios, s. v. urapa judpa; Suidas, s. v. dvpave). Of the three days of the festival, the first was Pithoigia (Jar- opening), the second was Choes (Cups) and the last Chytroi (Pots). Difference of opinion prevails as to the unity of the festival. Foucart considered the Pithoigia not to be a part of the original festival and Farnell maintained that the offering of the xirpa did not touch Dionysiac worship at all. But there is perhaps a sequence of ideas extending throughout the festival. It is to Miss Harrison (Prolegomena, p. 43) that is due the dis- covery of the significance of the Pithoigia. With the evidence of a vase-painting which represents Hermes evoking several winged souls from a large jar set in the earth, Miss Harrison concludes that the name Pithoigia was due to the belief that Hermes opened the jar- tombs of the dead and let their souls out. A slight modification of this theory may bring us nearer the truth, namely that wine poured into sepulchral jars brought up the souls of the dead which Hermes released. King (Gnostics, p. 228) apropos of Greek gems in which Hermes is represented as bending forward, caduceus in hand and by its mystic virtue assisting a soul to emerge from the depths of earth, says the motif may be coincident in origin with the mediaeval picture of the Saviour lifting a soul out of purgatory. The opening of the sepulchral jars was attended in the festival by the opening of the wine-jars. The drinking by the dead was matched by the drinking of the living and intoxication continued during the festival. This ritualistic drunkenness is readily intelligible. Accord- ing to Orphic belief at which Plato scoffed the reward of eternal drunkenness (yé6y aiwvios) awaited those who had lived a good life. Yet he had said that it was not becoming for a man to get drunk W 118 K except at festivals and of wine set apart for deity. It is no wonder that the second day of this festival of souls was named Choes and ~ that each man drank by himself (Harrison, iid. p. 41), since he be- lieved that so soon as his soul descended to Hades he should drink the cup of such immortality, To dappakov rHs a0avactas. Plutarch (Quaest. Symp. 655E) speaks of those who prayed before they drank wine at the Pithoigia that the use of the drug might be their salvation (calradary’ ws orev eDxovTo TOV olvoU Tply } TLEty ATooTEVOoVTEs ABAABA Kal gwTnplov avrots Tov PapyaKov THY XpHoLv vevécbar). Slaves and ser- vants all had a share of the wine because Dionysos lord of souls was icodairns. Dionysos himself must also have drunk of the cup, tor at Magnesia he was called xoorérns in connection with this festival of the Choes (kat Avovbow yoorérn Ovordoavra Kal Thy xov éopThy, Frag. Hist. Graec. IV, 483). The second day of the Anthesteria was marked by a mystic mar- riage of the king archon’s wife with Dionysos. Farnell considers this rite the chief of all the ceremonies of the festival but thinks it clashes strangely with the ill-omened day and assigns to the rite a political religious significance. But the idea is very primitive. A variant of it is found at Egyptian Thebes where the queen was the earthly wife of the solarized Amun and bore the titles of the Heliopolitan Hathor, the wife of the sun-god (Blackman, Your. of Egypt. Arch. 1921, p. 14). In a festival of all souls the mystic marriage of the archon’s wife to the lord of souls is rather the archetype of the mortal’s wedding with deity. Dionysos was resurrected, drank of the cup (xoozérns) and was united in wedlock. So should also his devotees. Union with deity was an ancient belief which has survived in modern Greek super- stition. In the Peace of Aristophanes the resurrected Opora is given in marriage to the Dionysiac Trygaios, and shortly afterwards ensues a dialogue with certain allusions to the Anthesteria. In verse 915 the chorus tells Trygaios that he is the saviour of all men to which he replies that they will say as much when they drink a measure of new wine. Paley thought this a reference to the Choes or Pithoigia. The probability of his view is enhanced in the following verses. The chorus says they will always consider Trygaios as the first of the gods, an allusion perhaps to the Orphic substitution of Dionysos for Zeus. H 119 I Then Trygaios (923) referring to Peace, a statue (?) on the stage, says “she must be set up with chytraz”’ whereupon the chorus inquires of him: xUTpatotv dorep peudopuevoy ‘Epund.or; The mention of xt7pa: and Hermes brings us to the third day of the Anthesteria, for on that day there was an important offering of cooked seed (yitpas ravorepuias) to Hermes Chthonios alone who was supplicated on behalf of the dead (Schol. ad Achar. 1076; ad Ran. 218). These pots of seed must have been food for the dead whose souls were resurrected during the Anthesteria. Apparently Hermes was thought to blame the living if the xé7paz were not forthcoming for the dead and so the chorus in the Peace implies that Hermes would blame them if they did not provide xtrpa: for the goddess Just resur- rected. The pots of cooked seed were offered to Hermes alone who was to lead the souls down to Hades and up again at the next Pithoigia. The seeds were probably to be eaten before that time as seeds of rebirth like the seeds of the pomegranate of the Spartan sfe/ai. The offering of seed to Hermes on behalf of the dead, if such was its purpose, was tantamount to an invitation to the souls to come again another year. The idea would have a close parallel in the Vedic practice of bidding the souls to depart but to come again after the lapse of a certain time (Oldenberg, Religion d. Vedas, p. §53;cf. Miss Harrison, Prolegomena, p- 36). This primitive feature of the ritual was based on the analogy of plants. The soul, like vegetation, blossomed forth every year in the spring. The provision on the last day of the festival for the resurrec- tion of souls a year later has its counterpart, like the annual rebirth of their lord Dionysos, in the Egyptian ritual of Osiris whose statue was buried one year and resurrected the next. The name of the pot of seeds xirpa, xtrpos is that of the festival xbrpot and for.a very good reason. As a wine-cup of immortality de- termined the name xées (cups) of the second day, so the pot of seeds of resurrection determined the name for the last day (xtrpas tavorep- utas b0ev obrw KAnOfvat THY éoprhv). The cup of wine and the pot of seeds, like their counterparts in idea the kantharos and the pome- 120 jf granate of the Spartan tombstones, were of very great significance. Since the annual resurrection of souls occurred in the spring like that — of the vegetation-god Dionysos who was called ’AvOets and “AvOvos (Paus. I, 31, 4; VII, 21, 6) there is every reason to accept the tradi- tional interpretation of the names Anthesterion and Anthesteria as the month and festival of the god who causes the plants to blossom forth. His function is clearly given in his Thracian title of ’AvOcarnp (Festschrift fiir O. Benndorf, p. 228). This interpretation is far more satisfactory than Verrall’s forced derivation of the name from a non- existent dvabécoacGat “to wake the spirit” (cf. Miss Harrison, Pro/e- gomena, p. 48). The Anthesteria was the expression of a primitive vegetation-creed of resurrection, naturally associated with Dionysos the primitive vegetation-god of resurrection. The essence of this creed was that soul-seed like plant-seed sprouted in the spring. | In spite of the continuous revel of the Anthesteria the ancients re- fer to it as days of pollution. The souls were apparently necessary but unwelcome guests and mortals were satisfied when these souls departed. This feeling may be in part explained by a remark of Plu- tarch (Quaest. Rom. 264F) that those who have had a funeral as if dead are accounted by the Greeks as not pure. Perhaps too the super- stition of the caraxavas that returned to do violence to his neglectful nearest of kin may throw some light upon the ancient feeling of antip- athy toward these annual revenants of the springtime. There is a curious feature of the tradition about the Anthesteria which may prove to be of some consequence. The name xirpor was anciently explained by a legend (Schol. ad Aris. Ran. 218; ad Achar. 1076) that after the deluge of Deukalion the survivors offered to Hermes their provisions in an earthen vessel, xizpa. But what was the connection between the deluge of Deukalion and the Anthesteria? The connection probably lies in the two beliefs that a universal deluge took place when the planets were united in Capricorn and that souls left the world at Capricorn. The first belief is recorded by Berosos, the Babylonian priest of the third century B.c. (Cumont, Les Relig- ions Orientales, p. 262) who was well versed in old Chaldaean theo- ries. The second belief is stated by Porphyry (De Antro Nympharum, 22). Now the souls were abroad during the Anthesteria and departed rot i on the last day which was called xézpor. But souls also left the world by the constellation Capricorn the seat of deluge (Cumont, Textes et Monuments, I, p. 35, n.). Capricorn thus becomes the bar of union between the Anthesteria and the deluge. The departure of souls within the earth on the day called xt7po. rather than through Capricorn does not present a real difficulty, because the abode of souls was shifted in a process of evolution from beneath the earth to the heavens. The association of the deluge with immortality is found in a Baby- lonian version of the epic of Gilgamish. Budge thinks that the story of the deluge was incorporated in the epic possibly as late as the reign of Assurbanipal (E. A. Budge, The Babylonian Story of the Deluge and the Epic of Gilgamish (1920), p. 30). Uta Napishtim who escaped the deluge and became immortal tells the story of it to Gilgamish who is in search of immortality for his dead friend Enkidu. Nergalis finally ordered to raise up the spirit of Enkidu which comes into the world through a hole in the ground. According to Budge the last lines of the tablet seem to say that the spirit of the unburied man does not repose in the earth and that the spirit of the friendless man wanders about the streets eating the remains of food which are cast out from the cooking-pots. The story sounds like a variant of the Anthesteria. The deluge, immortality, the spirit of Enkidu evoked by Nergal through a hole in the ground, the souls wandering about in the city and find- ing food cast out from cooking-pots are details which have approxi- mate counterparts in the Anthesteria, in the deluge of Deukalion, in the resurrection of souls evoked by Hermes, in their wandering about in the city (kara Thy woAuv Tots AvOecrnplots TaYV WuxXdv TeprepxXouévwv Suidas, s. v. #ipate), and in the xitpat tavoreppyias, the pots of cooked seed, which were offered Hermes apparently as food for the depart- ing spirits. The coincidence is too great to be merely accidental. It must be due to a common origin. But whatever the provenience of the Anthesteria, the festival at Athens presents a consistent sequence of ideas. Souls that had par- taken of the seeds of rebirth were resurrected through sepulchral jars by Hermes and drank the wine of immortality. On the second day they entered into wedlock with deity through the vicarious marriage of Dionysos the lord of souls. On the third day when Hermes had | 122 f received the pots of seed, the seed of resurrection to insure the return of souls the following spring, he led the souls back to their other » world. Thus the festival annually rehearsed the experience of the soul. The 1é6n aiwvcos of the soul was rehearsed in the continued intoxica- tion of the participant who drank not in company but separately as the soul was todoon reaching Hades. The wedlock of the soul withdeity was rehearsed in the marriage of the king archon’s wife with Dionysos. This rehearsal naturally occurred in the month when vegetation be- gan because the annual resurrection of plants had first suggested the annual resurrection of souls. There was a note of sadness in the fes- tival perhaps because the immortality of souls was desired but not their annual return to the living. XXI VEDIOVIS AND HIS CONGENERS TueE facts and theories about the problematical god Vediovis have been recently reéxamined (Frothingham, 4. 7. P. 1917, pp. 370-91) and the conclusion reached that he was a Latin volcanic deity whose cult fell into obscurity with the decrease of volcanic activity in south- ern Etruria, Latium, and Campania. It is the purpose of this study to show that Vediovis is rather an Etruscan and Roman version of the dethroned predecessor of Zeus, a congener of Kronos, Salmoxis, Salmoneus, and Kasmilos, and that he brought his principal charac- teristics from the vicinity of Samothrace, the seat of the Kabeiroi. Since Vediovis appeared in the Etruscan system of divination by thunder and lightning as given by Martianus Capella (I, 59) it is evident that Vediovis was in some way a thunder-god. Such also was ’ the Thessalian Salmoneus who is represented in an Attic vase paint- ing brandishing a thunderbolt and threatening his rival Zeus (C/ass. Rev. 1903, p. 276). Both Vediovis and Salmoneus were mad. The prefix of Vediovis has the same value as in vesanus, 1. e. “unbridled violence.’ Vediovis was a violent Diovis or Zeus, and such was Sal- moneus as he appears in the account of the mythographer Apollodoros (I, 9, 7). Salmoneus claimed to be Zeus and tossed blazing torches toward the sky saying that he was lightning. The adjective demens applied to Salmoneus by Vergil (4en. VI, 589) is the equivalent of the prefix ve of Vediovis. But long before these writers the madness of Salmoneus had been noted by Pindar and Euripides. The latter in a fragment (40/05, no. 14) spoke of himas raging along the streams of Alpheios while to Pindar he was épacuyjins (Pyth. IV, 143). Sal- moneus was so conspicuous in tradition that the Thasian Polygnotos painted a picture of him which inspired a poet to write this inscribed verse: LDadpoveds Bpovrats bs Aros avTevavnv ds pe Kal év ‘Atdn wopOet made Kal pe KEepavvots Bardet wto@y pov K ob NaXdéovta ThTOP. i 124 Kf The opposition of Vediovis to Diovis or Zeus so clearly stated in his name is expressed also in the appellatives applied to Salmoneus who » was called av7Bpovr&v while Zeus was Bpovrdy (cf. Roscher, Lexikon, s. v. Salmoneus). The names of Diovis and Vediovis, rival gods of thunder, appeared in the order named in ancient prayers (Gellius, Noctes Aiticae, V, 12). Diovis was mentioned first and then Vediovis in a close sequence which confirms the evidence of association deduced from their names. It is noteworthy that a corresponding sequence appears in the pair Zeus Madbachos and Selamanes in late Greek dedications found in Syria (Prentice, Hermes, 1902, p. 91). The Selamanes of these in- scriptions is but another form of Salmoneus (v. supra, p. 80). The reason why these pairs of gods were mentioned together in prayers and dedications is quite clear. Vediovis and Selamanes (Salmoneus) were dethroned Zeuses who once wielded the thunderbolt but they were not to be offended by neglect. To avoid taking sides in a celestial controversy in which thunderbolts were the weapons, the Roman suppliant and the Syrian dedicant wisely mentioned both thunder- gods but discreetly placed the reigning god before the dethroned one. That mortals could incur the displeasure of Vediovis is shown by the Etruscan belief (Ammianus Marcellinus, XVII, 10, 2) that those who were about to be hit by a thunderbolt of the god were afflicted with deafness. The supplication of these gods finds a further parallel in the offering of the Mithraist to deus Arimanius (Cumont, Textes et Mon- uments, I, p. 5). The violent rage of Vediovis and Salmoneus was natural enough. They had been dispossessed and like superannuated deites or defeated rivals had been cast by the new god into Hades where they retained their thunderbolts. Vediovis kept his, as the story in Ammianus shows, and Vergil (den. VI, 585) describes Salmoneus as still imitating the thunder and lightning of Zeus: Vidi et crudelis dantem Salmonea poenas Dum flammas Fovis et sonitus imitatur Olympi. Salmoneus shared the treatment of the Titans and Vediovis was enthroned over Pyriphlegethon (Martianus Capella, II, 41). Both 125 were gods of thunder in Hades. The consignment of superseded gods to the nether world was to find illustration again centuries later when under the Christians the altar of Zeus at Pergamon became the altar of Satan, and the pagan daimones were cast into hell as demons or devils. The dispossession of one thunder-god by another thunder-god explains what seems to be a curious confusion, 1. e. that the enemy of a god is alsoa double of that god (cf. Cornford, Origin of Attic Comedy, p- 148). Both gods were of the same or similar sort originally. Further light upon the character of Vediovis is to be had from the company which he keeps. In a list of early Sabine deities which Varro (De Lingua Latina, V, 74) quotes from the Annals, the following four are mentioned first in what seems to be a closed group: Opi Florae Vediovi Saturnoque. That the juxtaposition of Vediovis and Saturn is here traditional and therefore significant is shown by the juxta- position of the same two in the Etruscan chart of divination by thunder and lightning. Martianus Capella (I, 59) tells us that in this chart the names of Saturn and Vediovis were placed in sections 14 ‘and 15. At the time of the Roman Saturnalia, Saturn hurled thunder bolts from the earth (Plin. NV. H. II, 52 (53), 139); those of Vediovis came likewise from the earth. The first tetrad of Sabine gods given by Varro is followed by a second: Soli Lunae Vulcano et Summano. There is again evidence of a purposeful sequence in the list because Sol and Luna who immediately follow Saturn were his companions in Africa along with Ops, Ceres, and.the Dioskouroi (4rch. Anz. 1903, p- 102). The first tetrad shows Vediovis in the company of deities of vegetation. Ops and Flora are transparent. Ops was the consort of Saturn, the god of abundance. An inscription found near Tebessa records a dedication to Saturno domino et Opi reginae (C. I. L. VAI, 2670). Sacrifice to Saturn was offered graeco ritu. There are no votive inscriptions to him at Rome nor in the vicinity of Rome. From this fact Fowler concludes that Saturn was not a popular deity (Roman Festivals, p. 269) but the Greek character of his sacrificial rite marks _ the god as a foreigner in some of his aspects at least. The festival of his consort Ops was identified with that of Rhea Cybele at Rome. The pairing of Ops and Saturn in Varro’s first tetrad throws Vediovis who had a consort (Vedium cum uxore, Mart. Cap. II, 142) into the i 126 ft arms of Flora, and thus this tetrad is seen to consist of two pairs of vegetation-deities. The appearance of Vediovis as a fertility-god 1s" quite in keeping with his character as a god having to do with souls in the underworld. He permitted souls to escape according to Etrus- can doctrine (Mart. Cap. I, 142). Fertility-gods readily lent them- selves to such function. Hermes is an example. Thus Vediovis is found not only in significant intimacy with Saturn but has also striking points of resemblance to Salmoneus. If these three are really congeneric there should be further points of resem- blance between Saturn and Salmoneus. It isa curious coincidence that Saturn at Rome and Salmoneus of Thessaly are gods of broken fettets (Cook, Class. Rev. 1903, p. 276). Lucian (Cronosol. X) says that Kronos was represented by poets and painters as weéqrns. At Rome Saturn was released once a year during the Saturnalia when slaves were freed and gave rings of bronze to Saturn (Martial, III, 29). The statue of Saturn at Rome was bound with fillets of wool which the antiquarians explained as the chains with which Jupiter loaded his father (Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire, s. v. Saturnus, pp. 1082, 1087). Plutarch (De Fluv. V, 3) says that Zeus bound Kronos with twisted wool (mdexr@ épiw) and cast him into Tartaros. Now the Salmoneus in the vase-painting previously discussed has fillets tied about him in addition to chains. Thus Salmoneus and Saturn are clearly versions of one and the same god, a dethroned predecessor of Zeus. Curiously enough these fillets of wool and chains seem to survive in a modern Serbian proverb: “God with legs of wool but arms of iron’ (cf. Vassitch, Rev. Arch. V (1917), p. 147). A mystic character is perhaps given the ancient treatment of Saturn and Salmoneus by the custom of the Eleusinian mystics who on their way to Eleusis stopped apparently at the palace of Krokon and put bands of saffron color about their right hand and left foot (Foucart, Les Mysteres d’ Eleusis, p- 337). They did this probably because Krokon wore such bands. If he was chained like Saturn, he may have bequeathed his chains to the shackled Satan of the fresco at Daphne on the road to Eleusis (Monuments Piot, II, pl.25). The Semitic word for ‘saffron’ is karkom (cf. Frazer, 4donis, Attis and Osiris, p. 99, n. 6). The rings presented to Saturn at Rome by the emancipated slaves 127 K seem to have certain Samothracian connections. Isidore (Origines, XIX, 32) in a chapter De Anulis gives the following interesting in- formation: Primus Prometheus fertur circulum ferreum incluso lapide digito circumdasse; qua consuetudine homines usi anulos habere coe- perunt. Now Prometheus was a Kabeiros at Thebes (Paus. IX, 25,6) and therefore related in some way to the Kabeiroi of Samothrace. According to Tzetzes the wife of Prometheus was Axiothea, a very rare example of a name beginning with 4xi0, which at once, how- ever, suggests the mystic names of the Samothracian triad Axieros, Axiokersos and Axiokersa (cf. Roscher, Lexzkon, s. v. Prometheus, p. 3040). There was also an identification of Prometheus with Kronos. In an Orphic Hymn (XIII, 7) Kronos is invoked as ceuvé pounded. This confusion or identification appears again in the tradition (Plut. De Fluv. V, 3) that Kronos fled from Zeus to the Caucasus and again that the grave of Saturn was in the Caucasus (Lobeck, 4glaoph.I, p. 575); The rings of Saturn at Rome, like the iron ring of Prometheus of Thebes, were probably Samothracian. This probability is confirmed by Isidore’s further remarks on the subject of rings: Inter genera anulorum sunt ungulus, Samothracius, Thynius. Ungulus est gemmatus, vocatusque hoc nomine quia sicut ungula carnt, ita gemma anult auro adcingitur. This passage shows that Thrace and Samothrace had al- most a monopoly of the antique ring because Thynius was simply another name for Thracian. It may be that Samothrace is the ulti- mate source of all these genera anulorum because Prometheus was the first to wear an iron ring of the type called ungu/us. The name Samothracius and the tradition that the Kabeiros Prometheus was the first to wear an iron ring makes reasonable the conjecture that such ring was worn by Samothracian mystics in some rite. That a ring could have mystic value is a safe inference from the name xav6 apos for a ring worn by priests. A ring from Tarsos bears the inscription cvvddou pvoT xis T apoéwr, the seal “of the association of mystics of Tar- sos” (Brit. Mus. Catalogue of Rings, pl. XX XIII, n. 1421). Lucretius in a passage devoid of mysticism (VI,1040) mentions ferrea Samothra- cia which recall the circulum ferreum worn by Prometheus. Lucretius may have found the expression in Epicurean sources. Epikouros of Samos lived at a time when the Samothracian cult was flourishing Y 128 k under Macedonian patronage. The Samothracian ring was in origin probably a link of the chain which bound Prometheus and would therefore very naturally appear as a symbol of his suffering for man- kind. Slaves released from servitude might well have dedicated their chains to Prometheus as they did at Rome to Saturn (Martial, ITT, 29). May not this Roman custom have come to Rome along with the graeco ritu with which Saturn was worshipped there? The stepping- stone between Rome and Samothrace may have been Thessaly where Salmoneus, the shackled counterpart of Saturn, was at home. The ring of Saturn like the ring of Prometheus was a symbol of confinement _which in the rites of the Kabeiroi apparently acquired mystic value. The discussion of Saturn, Salmoneus, and Prometheus has shown the connections of Saturn with the Samothracian circle of deities. It remains to present evidence of the Samothracian connections of Ve- diovis. This evidence will be found in the history of his temples at Rome. Like Saturn, Vediovis had a temple on the Capitoline. The significance of the dates of the two temples of Vediovis has not been — remarked. L. Furius Purpureo vowed the temple on the island in 200 B.c. It was begun in 196 and dedicated in 194 (reading DLX in Plin. V.H. XVI, 216). The date of the other on the Capitoline was 192 B.c. It is significant that these temples are practically contem- porary with the introduction into Rome of the Phrygian cult of the Magna Mater in 204 B.c. when the image of the goddess came to Rome as once the Palladion had come. In the year of the dedication of the earlier temple of Vediovis, 194 B.c., dramatic performances were first presented at the festival of the Magna Mater. Her temple on the Palatine was dedicated in the year 191 or about the same time as that of Vediovis on the Capitoline (192). It is impossible to resist the conclusion that the construction of the two temples to Vediovis was a direct consequence of the coming to Rome of the Magna Mater, that there came with her a second wave of the cult of Vediovis and that this god was regarded as her consort. They came together. The association of Vediovis and Magna Mater has an interesting eastern background in which appears the Samothracian cult. Magna Mater came to Rome with the consent of the king of Pergamon, where the cult of the Kabeiroi was early established (Paus. I, 4, 6). The Il 129 Kf cults of Magna Mater and the Kabeiroi were really cousins. Clement of Alexandria (Protrep. 11,13) says that the Samothracian mysteries were founded by Eétion and those of Magna Mater by Dardanos. Fétion and Dardanos were brothers (Roscher, Lexzkon, s. v. Megaloi Theot, p. 2528) and Etruscans according to Servius (ad den. III, 167; VII, 207). It is quite possible that the Etrusco-Roman Vediovis is a Samothracian Kabeiros who migrated with the Lydians to Etruria and later came again to Rome with the Phrygian Magna Mater. That there was considerable interest among Romans in the Samothracian gods before the formal introduction of the cult at the end of the third century is shown by the dedication to them of pictures and sculptures which Marcellus took from the spoils of Syracuse in 212 B.c. The coin- cidence in the dates of the first temple to Vediovis (194) and the intro- duction of dramatic performances at the festival of Magna Mater may mean that Vediovis brought with him the dramatic performance which the vase-paintings of the Theban Kabeirion seem to attest for the cult. It is significant that two temples were dedicated at Rome to Vedi- ovis within an interval of three years and practically at the same time as the temple of the Magna Mater. This triad of temples curi- ously corresponds with the triad of Kabeiroi as given by Pliny (NV. H. XXXVI, 25) who says that Skopas made statues of Aphrodite, Phaethon, and Pothos gui Samothrace sanctissimis caerimonits colun- tur. These three are represented in the triple herm, the Chablais marble of the Vatican (Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire, s.v. Cabiri, p- 761, figs. 902-4). The date of the herm is the second century after Christ. It was found at Rome with a number of Bacchic monuments. Ulrichs (Skopas, p. 103) thought it very probable that the herm stood in a round temple which was the preferred form for the cult, to judge from the example erected by Arsinoé at Samothrace. But Ulrichs does not believe that the herm represents the Kabeiroi. The scholiast on Apollonios (I, 917) who gives the secret names of the Kabeiroi would perhaps have called the bearded head of the herm Axiokersos; the beardless, Kasmilos, and the goddess, Axieros (cf. Pettazzoni, Una Rappresentazione Romana dei Kabiri di Samotracia, Ausonia, UI (1908), p. 79). That both temples were erected to Vediovis or known I 130 k by that name may mean that the older and younger Kabeiros, the father and son (v. Roscher, Lexzkon, s. v. Megaloi Theoi, p. 2540) were not clearly differentiated. The bearded herm is ithyphallic rep- resenting perhaps the Kabeiros who according to Clement of Alex- andria was mutilated. The phallus was carried by Kasmilos to Etruria where he established its worship. The close relation of Vediovis to Saturn is confirmed by the pres- ence of one of the temples of Vediovis on the Capitoline, the hill which was said to have been called Saturnius in pre-Roman times. If Vedi- ovis was a close congener of Saturn there was good reason for placing _ the temple of Vediovis on Saturn’s hill. Varro (De Lingua Latina, V, 42) says that the temple of Saturn was in faucibus (sc. montis), while Gellius (Noctes Atticae, V, 12) places the temple of Vediovis inter arcem et Capitolium which is another way of saying in faucibus mon- tis. This close correspondence in place is matched by another coinci- dence. L. Furius Purpureo who held the consulship (196 B.c.) with the son of Marcellus, the patron of the Samothracian Kabeirion, vowed the temple of Vediovis on the island in 200 B.c. Now a L. Fu- rius of undetermined date completed the temple of Saturn (Macrob. Sat. 1, 8,1; cf. Roscher, Lexikon, s. v. Saturnus, p. 430). Were these one and the same L. Furius, one and the same tribunus militum (cf. Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyc. s. v. Furius, 12, 86)? Was the temple of Saturn confused with the temple of Vediovis in this tradition or were these but two names for the same sanctuary? A further suggestion of the identity of Vediovis and Salmoxis- Salmoneus lies in the arrows which Gellius tells us were in the hand of the statue of Vediovis at Rome. Thearrows were partaead nocendum. The probability that Salmoxis used arrows has already been dis- cussed. Herodotos says that his worshippers were wont to threaten the god (Zeus) and discharge arrows at the sky in time of thunder and lightning. It is a safe inference that the devotees of Salmoxis shared the rage of their god and manifested it in the same way as he did, namely by shooting arrows at the sky. It was a frequent practice in mystic cult for the devotees to reénact the experiences of their god. The arrows of Vediovis were the symbol of his defiance of Zeus. A curious Persian parallel to the attack upon the sky-god with arrows 131 and to the chains of Saturn was the action of Xerxes who hurled javelins at the sun and let down chains into the sea (Diog. Laert. Proem. 9). The idea of threatening deity seems to have been wide- spread in Asia Minor and northern Greece. Alexander in sculpture and verse looked up to the sky and told Zeus to restrict his rule to the heavens. The source of the practice of threatening deity was Egyptian according to Iamblichos (De Mysteriis, VI, 7) who says that the Egyptian magicians were unlike the Chaldaean in that respect. Vediovis and Salmoxis resembled each other in another important respect. They were not only gods of thunder but also had to do with souls in the nether world. Vediovis who was a judge of souls (Mart. Cap. II, 142; 166) was invoked along with the di manes (Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der Romer (1902), p. 190). The Getaiin northern Thrace believed that at death they went to Salmoxis. The Etruscans believed that the dead appeared before Vediovis and his consort. Frothingham (4. 7. P. 1917, p. 390) finds in Martianus Capella an implication of Etruscan belief that souls passed out with the per- ‘mission of Vediovis. This would make of the god a sort of Hermes psychopompos and explain his appearance on coins of the Julian gens with wings attached to his temples (Babelon, Monnates de la Répub. Rom. II, pp. 6, 8). It will be recalled that Kasmilos who went to Etruria was identified by the Greeks with Hermes who was in origin a fertility-god. Vediovis, Salmoxis and Kasmilos are congeneric mystic gods. It isa curious if not significant coincidence that the name *Apuoxots (Dddpoks, cf. Almon for Salmon, Plin. N. H.IV, 15, 1, Didot) should contain all the letters of the secret Samothracian name ~ Kaoptndos. The Samothracian provenience of Vediovis is confirmed by the ded- ication of an altar to the god by the Julian gens at Bovillae near Alba in the second century B.c. (C. J. Z. 1, 807). It is conspicuous as the only record of Vediovis outside of Rome and the only inscrip- tion which mentions his name. The dedication was in accord with Alban rite, showing that the cult of Vediovis was centered at Alba. Now it was at Alba that the old Julian gens was early established. This gens claimed descent from the Trojan Aeneas. Vediovis was then the special deity of a family which claimed to have come from Troy, H 132 Kt a city not far from Samothrace, the great seat of the cult of the Kabeiroi. The founder of the royal house of Troy was Dardanos, who established the mysteries of Magna Mater while his brother Eétion established those at Samothrace (Roscher, Lexikon, s. v. Megaloi Theoi, p. 2528). The Julian gens then, in view of its Trojan origin and the Samothracian associations of its ancestral city, very naturally preserved the worship of the mad Zeus, even putting his head upon their coins. A pretty parallel to this worship is that of the Macedonian royal house, at least in the time of Philip who with Olympias was devoted to the cult of the Samothracian gods. Both the Julian and the Macedonian families claimed descent from a hero who enjoyed the distinction, poetic or otherwise, of having descended to Hades. Vediovis was a subterranean god of thunder. Frothingham (2. 7. P. 1917, pp. 384-5) would assign to him those Etruscan fulgura which Pliny describes as coming from the earth (NV. H. II, 138). But the counterparts of these straight shafts of light are to be found in mystic cult akin to the Samothracian. In the vision of Er the son of Armenios (Plato, Respub. 616B), the souls that came from the mead- ow beheld on the fourth day a straight light stretching throughall the earth and heaven likeacolumn: 614 ravrés 70d obpavod Kal yfjs Ter amévov pds EVOL, otov Kiova, wdArLtoTa TH iprde mpoodepés, NauTpotepov dé Kal kabapwrepov. The name of Er’s father, Armenios, suggests a source in Asia Minor for this remarkable vision. In the Oracula Sibyllina (II, 240) of similar provenience, mention is made of a great column (uéyay 6€ re kiova mE) which Dieterich compares with the Platonic shaft of light (Vekyza, p. 186, n. 2). The same shaft of light appears in the Bakchai of Euripides where it is set up by Dionysos (1082-3). Here the conception seems to be Thraco-Phrygian because the drama was probably written in Macedonia. These Dionysiac shafts of light seem all to radiate from the region of Phrygia in Asia Minor where the Ophites were later localized who worshipped as their principal god a Primordial Light (Legge, Fore- runners and Rivals of Christianity, I, p. 38). The Ophites have been justly called “the legitimate descendants of the Bacchic mystai” (King, Gnostics, p. 225). These citations from Plato and Euripides establish belief in a straight light, a shaft of light which rose from the Hl 133 I earth. The western version of this shaft was the straight lightning of Vediovis. Both gods of this shaft, Vediovis in the west and Dionysos in the east, were lords of souls in the underworld from which their light issued. The comparative study of Vediovis with mystic gods of northern Greece and Asia Minor has perhaps shown that he is not indigenous to Italy but that he is congeneric with the Thessalian Salmoneus, the Thracian Salmoxis, and the Samothracian Kasmilos, and closely akin to Kronos and Saturn. Vediovis in the last analysis is a Kabeiros who belongs to a stratum of gods antedating Zeus, a stratum originally chthonic. His antipathy to the celestial Zeus was shared by his wor- shipper and found concrete expression in the words poetically attri- buted to Alexander who looking upward seemed to tell.-Zeus to con- finehisrule to the heavens. Alexander was impersonating a mad Zeus, a Vediovis. 1 ae a a4 ue ; Ay J, athe Td > in gat as % dene —t ere ok hy apes "hates ee his ‘ 4 ng ys is 7 i : Pan) his (oe ; ; iy AN y ri : Pas ity &, - ci) A ia c¥ i ; } : r 5 Uh ib EO) fom ’ ‘ vit i j bh oe 1a | XXII THE SIGNIFICANCE OF SATURN In the preceding study of Vediovis considerable reference was made to Saturn and it became evident that these two gods had much in common. The importance of Saturn as a congener of Vediovis needs further elucidation. His cult must have been widespread in early times because Italy was once called Satornia (Dion. Hal. 4nz. 1, 34, 5). The Latins were the pubes Saturnia (Sil. Ital. III, 711) or the Saturni gens (Vergil, Zen. VII, 203). His appearance in the Etruscan chart of divination by thunder and lightning shows that his cult was known in Etruria. A city of southern Etruria was named Saturnia. Yet there are sparse epigraphical evidences of a cult of Saturn in Italy and of so late a date that they must have emanated from Rome (Ros- cher, Lexikon, s. v. Saturnus, p. 428). The Capitoline was known in pre-Roman days as Saturnius. It was on the Capitoline that stood the earliest Roman temple of Saturn, apparently close to or identical with the temple of Vediovis. Rome was seemingly the distributing center in primitive Italy of these two gods who hurled thunderbolts from the earth and who had good reason to be angry at Zeus. Is there any record of this anger in the name of Saturn as there 1s in the name of Vediovis, the prefix of which adds the idea of madness? An earlier form of Saturnus was Saeturnus, the first syllable of which is the Greek (F) a?, the Latin uae, vé. *F a. is from *fafar which also yielded the collateral form BaBai. So Saturn was a mad *Turanos (Ouranos) justas Vedioviswasamad Diovis. The congeneric character of these gods may be expressed in the form of a proportion: Vaediovis : Diovis :: Saeturnus : *Turanos (Uranus). But the form Saeturnus contains a ¢ which must be explained. Sk. varuna shows that Gr. oipavds must come from a form *(o)fopavos (cf. Brugman, Griech. Gram.4 (1913), p. 173). Now the initial di- gamma or aspirate of the Greek was represented by a ¢in Etruscan. The Greek ‘Epujjs was the Etruscan Turms (Deecke, Etrusk. Forsch. I 136 kt I, 4, p. 64). The ¢ then of Saeturnus is the Etruscan version of an original digamma and has survived in the Latinized form of thename. - The same phenomenon is to be observed in the Etruscan name for Aphrodite which was Turan. Turan is the Latin Urania. Saturn is a mad Uranus. His name thus stated in terms of the heaven explains his appearance in the Etruscan chart of the heavens where in the fourteenth region Martianus Capella found Saturnus eiusque caelestis Funo. The hostility of these gods to each other was apparently an important factorin the religious experience of their prim- itive devotees. Salmoneus raved at Zeus, the worshippers of Salmoxis shot arrows at the sky, and Alexander was represented telling Zeus to keep within the limits of heaven. This hostility was reflected in the change of a city’s name. The earlier town on the site of Saturnia in southern Etruria was Aurinia (cf. Deecke, Etrusk. Forsch. I, 4, p. 65 ff.). Aurinia (Ovpavia?) was the name given the city by wor- shippers of Uranus while Saturnia was the name given it by the devotees of the mad god opposed to Uranus. Varro (de L. L. V, 42) says that among the remains of the Saturnia on the Capitoline was a porta Saturnia which later received the name of porta Pandana. This change may reflect an opposition between two deities of fertility which matches that between the two Ouranoi. Panda was identified with Ceres. The character of Saturn asa god of fertilityisclearly indicated by his attribute, the sickle. His cult-image held it (Macrob. Sat. 1,7,24) and he was called _falcifer deus by Ovid (Fast. 1, 234). As a fertility-god he naturally acquired chthonic character as did Vediovis, and one is prepared for the doctrine of the servants of Saturn (Plut. de Facie in Orbe Lunae, 943A). It is in the mystic character of Saturn that the probable explanation lies of the Tritons which decorated the temple of the god at Rome (Macrob. Sat. 1,8, 4) and the significance of which aroused the curiosity of the Roman theologians. The connection of Tritons with the sepulchral world is to be inferred from their appear- ance upon grave ste/ai. The stone of Metrodoros of Chios (4th. Mitt. 1888, pl. [V) has two Tritons heraldically posed beneath a represen- tation of the deceased where they are the counterparts of the Nereids which decorated the famous tomb in Xanthos. Again in a relief on 137 I the Harpy tomb in the same place, a Triton supports the arm-rest of the throne. The mystic character of Saturn may again offer an explanation of the Saeturni pocolom (C. I. L. I, 48) which probably came from Etruria (cf. Deecke, Etrusk. Forsch. 1, 4, p. 66). This cup may cor- respond in significance to the cup held by the Theban Kabeiros in vase-paintings and to that in another Boeotian vase-painting in which the mystic snake rises to drink from a kantharos (Ed. Apx. 1899, pl. VII). It suggests also the kantharos held by the beardless Dionysiac figure (Kabeiros ?) of the Spartan ste/e who seems to say in the words of Jupiter, ashe handed the cup of immortality (ambrosiae poculo) to Psyche, ‘sume et immortalis esto’ (Apul. Metam. VI, 23). The priest at the Samothracian initiation poured out the cup for the mystai (Arch. Epig. Mitt. 1882, p.8,no. 14),a sacrament which perhaps throws light upon the significance of the caricature in the vase-painting found in the Theban Kabeirion that represents Kirke with a magic potion and the transformed companion of Odysseus (¥. H. S. 1892 (XIII), pl. TV). Odysseus was saved from such transformation (metasomatosis ?) by the intervention of the chthonic Hermes. In Etruria whither a Kabeiros went to teach the Etruscans a mystic worship, there was also apparently a cup of immortality (Mart. Capella, II, 141). Thus in three centers of the worship of the Kabeiroi, Samothrace, Thebes and Etruria, the cup and its mystic or magic brew played an important part which is confirmed by ancient dedications in the shrine at Thebes of many cups (cf. Roscher, Lexikon, s. v. Megaloi Theot, p. 2539). Saturn, close congener of the Kabeiros, may well have had his mystic cup—the Saeturni pocolom. The proportion stated, Vaediovis : Diovis :: Saeturnus : Uranus readily suggests the variant: Vaediovis : Diovis :: Saeturnus : Turnus. When Saturn was driven out by Jupiter, he fled by ship to the coast of Latium (Roscher, Lexikon, s. v. Saturnus, p. 434). There the fugitive Saturn ruled as king and gave Latium its name of Saturnia terra. But Turnus was also a king in Lattum where he ruled an ancient people called Rutili. Thus we have two kings of Latium, H 138 K Saeturnus and Turnus. They were rival gods reduced to the rank of kingship just as Kronos was accounted a king of primitive times. - Turnus was perhaps the consort of Turan, the Etruscan Aphrodite, whose altars were numerous in Latium. That he belongs in the family circle of Aphrodite is an inference also from the name of his mother, Venilia. The name Turnus may be a Latinized form of an Etruscan name tor Turan’s consort. Turnus was allied with the Etruscans against the Latins and Trojans (Liv. I, 2). The names Turnus and Turan since Turnus was reduced to a kingship may give the ori- gin of the Greek word rtpavvos which appears for the first time in an Homeric hymn (VIII, 5) as an appellative of Ares. These names are then but other forms of the names Urania and Uranus and are derived from a base *ropavos with its varient *fopavos. Saeturnus came as a fugitive in a ship to Latium, the land of Tur- nus. Aeneas also came as a fugitive (from Zeus Agamemnon?) in a ship from Troy to Latium and killed Turnus (4en. XII, 926). The parallel between Saeturnus and Aeneas is striking and forces the © conclusion that the hero Aeneas is in origin another Saeturnus de- picted by tradition as king like Saeturnus and Kronos. The problem of Aeneas may then receive attention in the next study. XXIII ANCHISES AND AENEAS To determine the nature of the hero Aeneas one may begin with a study of his father Anchises. The name is almost transparent. The older spelling of Anchises was Agchises (Ayxions) according to Varro. The name means “‘sickle’’ and is akin to the Sk. ankusas from ankas “hook,” and to Gr. éyxipa from *ayxioa. “Ayxvpa meant “pruning- hook” as well as “anchor” which is but a special form of hook and in Kypros was the name of a coin, surviving from the time when the pruning-hook like the spit (8edos) was a primitive means of exchange. Other kindred words in Greek are ayxidos, &yxbdn, “the bend of the arm” with their collateral forms ¢éy«dov and f4y«An, the latter an ancient name for Messene. Thoukydides (VI, 4) says that 76 ¢4yKAov was Sicilian for 76 6pémavov. Now Anchises died at Drepane. In other words ‘Sickle’ died at Sickle. The place was named Drepanon (Dre- pane) according to a tradition preserved in Tzetzes dru éxe? fv 76 Spéxavoy wel’ ob rov Oipavdy 6 Kpdvos éféreuev (cf. Roscher, Lexikon, s. v. Kronos, p. 1470). There was also a tradition that Kerkyra was called Drepanon because the sickle was buried there with which Zeus mutilated Kronos. An interesting variant of this tradition is that the sickle which Demeter received from Hephaistos in order to cut the grain was buried in Kerkyra (Roscher, zd7d.). These two versions bring out very clearly the character of Kronos as a god of fertility. The cutting of stalks of grain with a sickle has been expressed in terms of mutilation of a fertility-god witha sickle. The mutilation of Kronos by Zeus is mentioned by a scholiast on Lykophron (869) : ris dperayns Av 6 Zeds rauwy Ta aldota Kpdvov év Deuxedta Expupev. Thus Kronos was Téuvwy Kal Teuvouevos. One may question the traditional interpretation of the Homeric epithet of Kronos, ayxuddunris, ‘of crooked counsel,’ or a recent translation ‘wizard.’ It may rather contain an allusion to his use of the sickle. Anchises the ‘Sickle’ and Kronos-Saturn whose attribute was the sickle both figure conspicuously in the traditions of Drepanon in IT 140 j Sicily. Anchises the ‘Sickle’ was buried there as was also the sickle of Kronos-Saturn. The conclusion is inevitable. Anchises and Kronos-- Saturn were originally conceived as sickle-gods. The name of this preanthropomorphic god, the Sickle, has survived in the name Anchi- ses and in the attribute of Kronos-Saturn. This primitive god or hero Sickleremindsoneof the Marathonian hero Plough-Handle,’Exer) aios. That Anchises had divine aspirations is shown by his marriage to Aphrodite. Anchises and Aphrodite are the exact counterparts of Saturn and Urania. The marriage to Aphrodite accounts for the tradition that the tomb of Anchises was at the foot of Mt. Eryx in Sicily, because this mountain was famous for its sanctuary of Aphro- dite. Wedded in life, Anchises was naturally to lie near his consort in death. Pausanias (VIII, 12, 8) placed the sanctuary of Aphrodite at the foot of Mt. Agchisia in Arkadia. These traditions are but counter- parts because Eryx is a name derived probably from a word for “sickle” and therefore of the same significance as Agchisia (v. infra, p. 164). Kronos had his hill at Olympia; his counterpart Anchises had — one to match both in Arkadia and in Sicily. There is a tradition preserved in Vergil which strikingly confirms the character of Anchises as a Kronos and therefore asa rival of Zeus. Aeneas carried his father from Troy because Anchises had been lamed by athunderbolt of Zeus (4en. II, 649; Servius ad /oc.). Another tradi- tion was that Zeus had killed Anchises (Hygin. Fad. 94). In other words Anchises received the same treatment as Salmoneus the Thes- salian Kronos who claimed he was Zeus and who was really a de- throned predecessor of Zeus. Saturn ruled in Latium where Turnus also was king. Aeneas, the son of Anchises and Aphrodite, slew Turnus, the son of Venilia,; when like Saturn Aeneas landed from a ship upon the coast of that country. Aeneas has distinctly the appearance of being but a replica of Saturn. This resemblance raises a question as to the name Aeneas, the origin of which is considered obscure. It is logical to expect, if Saturn and Aeneas are two versions of the same god, that their names may have been built up in the same way and embody the idea of opposition to a rival god. As Saturn was a mad Uranus, as Vediovis was a mad Diovis, and this madness was expressed in their names, so Aeneas 141 i may be a mad god and his mad opposition to a god expressed in his name. ThenameAeneas, Aiveias,is very possibly derived from *fau(o) uvevas, a modified form of *fairivecas. Tinia was the Etruscan name for Zeus. Hence *fasruveras would mean “mad Zeus” like the exactly analogous form Vediovis. Thus Saturn, Vediovis and Aeneas were all gods in opposition to one who had displaced them. Such character for Aeneas at once explains why he was honored as Jupiter Indiges (Liv. I, 2; Dion. Hal. I, 64, 4) and why Parrhasios could paint Aeneas in company with Kastor and Polydeukes. Aeneas was appear- ing in his role as Zeus with the sons of Zeus the Dioskouro1. The same three names are found on an Attic vase of the red-figure style (7. H. S. VIII, pl. 81). The derivation of the name from *f at-ruvevas, *f avrveras makes in- teresting the tradition that Aeneas landed at Airva (Verg. Zen. III, 554 ff.) the place where the buried giants belched their mad defiance at Zeus. It will be recalled that there was a Theban Kabeiros, the son ‘of Prometheus who was called Airvaitos. This Kabeiros must have be- longed also to the Samothracian cult with its Trojan associations. In fact Airvatos and Aivetas may be two similar names for a Kabeiros. If Aeneas was an opponent of Zeus it was very appropriate for him to call at Aitna where other opponents lay buried. As a congener of the underworld Vediovis, Aeneas would be ex- pected to reveal a chthonic character. Dionysius (I, 64, 5) tells us that the Latins erected an herodn to Aeneas with the inscription matpos be03 xPoviov. The same author records the belief that the hero was translated to the gods since his body was nowhere to be found after the battle with the Etruscans. His ascension may have been patterned after that of fertility-gods. Aeneas also descended to Hades as did Dionysos. According to Lesches and the Kypria the wife of Aeneas was named Eurydike. The Orphic associations of this name suit very well the chthonic character of her consort. It is of interest to note that a statue of Aeneas stood at Alba which wasacenter of the cult of Vediovis. Varro saw the statue there (Joh. Lyd. De Magis. I, 12). A god of chthonic character may also appear as a healer of the sick like Asklepios or be associated with such a god. Aeneas on his 142 K return from Africa to Sicily was received by Akestes, a Trojan, and games were held in honor of the dead Anchises. Then Aeneas estab- lished the town of Acesta (Segesta). Now the name dxeors was the Phrygian for axeorhp “healer” (Etym. Mag. 51,7). Thus the chthonic Aeneas is brought into relation with a cult of healing. The son of Aeneas next invites attention. The Greek name of As- canius was ’Acxdduos (Etym. Mag. s. v.’Acxdvios). The Cretan name for the god of healing was ’Acxadmuds instead of ’Acx\amiés (Hirt, Hdbk.? p. 207). The similarity of the names ’Acxéduos and ’Ackad- wis Suggests the theory that Ascanius is none other than Asklapios _or Asklepios, and incidentally explains why the cult of the healing god received sanctuary on the island in the Tiber when it migrated to Rome from Greece in the late historical period. A temple of Vedio- vis stood on the same island. Vediovis and Asklepios were gods of the same chthonic circle. It was the chthonic character of Asklepios that found expression in his attributes the snake and the omphalos. The name of yet another epic hero, Achilles, may be discussed here | as a corollary to the problem of Anchises and Aeneas. A significant proper adjective is based upon his name. ’AxiAXevar xpibai designated a kind of barley; axiA\ecar wagfar were barley-cakes; 76 axiddevoy a cake. If Achilles was originally a fertility-hero this use of his name is readily intelligible, reminding one somewhat of the expression Anuhtepos axrh (Lliad, XIII, 322). The suggestion of such character in the use of the proper adjective is confirmed by the name of the companion of Achilles. Bpionis is so close to Bpicatos as to leave little doubt of their kinship. Now Bou aios, Borcebs was a name for Dionysos and derived from a word meaning “refuse grapes” (cf. Usener, Gét- ternamen, p. 244). Thus the names Achilles and Briseis have their associations with grain and grape. The wrath of Achilles, who was worshipped as a god at Ilion (C. J. G. 3606), is a fact of big signifi- cance in the epic. His wrath was directed against Zeus Agamemnon as Agamemnon was called in Lakonia (Roscher, Lexikon, s. v. 4gamem- non, p. 96). Can it be that the yrs of the god entered into his name as it did in the case of other mad gods, that the name ’Ax1AXebs con- tains the word ayos (cf. Kretschmer, Glotta, IV, p. 306) and that he was in origin a mad god like the Thessalian Salmoneus and the Thrac- H 143 K ian Salmoxis? At Elis where Salmoneus was slain there was a cenotaph of Achilles who was lamented by the women at sunset (Paus. VI, 23, 3). One thinks of the women weeping for Adonis. Or is the name ’Axtd(A)etds built upon the root *ay x of ayxeuv, ‘to strangle’ (with bent arm?) aroot which is akin to that of the adjective ay «tos ‘curved’ and the primary meaning of which was perhaps an object bent or curved? *axd could in that case mean ‘sickle’ and the name of the hero have designated originally a fertility-fetish in the form of a sickle. The name would then correspond to the names of Hercules (v. infra p.162) and Anchises. In a subsequent chapter it will perhaps be possible to show that a hero (jjpws) of the grain-field became a hero of war as easily as his devotee the tiller of the field became a warrior. sui hag XXIV TITAN AND SATAN Tue theory has been advanced in a previous chapter that as Vediovis was a mad Zeus, so Saturn (Saeturnus) was a mad Turnus (Uranus). An interesting question now arises as to Titans and Satan, who lost celestial caste and were thrown into hell. The Titans were gods (rirfves Oeot, Hes. Theog. 630; otpaviwves, L7. V, 898) while Satan was a development out of a group of spirits which were thought in earlier days to form Jahweh’s court (Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, IV, p. §98). According to the Talmud Satan was cast out of heaven. He resembles the Mithraic Ahriman in that he acquired sin- ister character and was consigned to the underworld. It may be that both Titans and Satan were once supreme gods and that they were ousted by new-comers in the persons of Zeus and Jahweh. This was the case with the Titans who held the heavenly Olympos for a while. Satan seems to have been reduced to the rank of archangel before he shared the fate of the Titans in Tartaros. On such a theory, the original good repute of both Titans and Satan becomes intelligible. A new celestial order displaced them and as defeated rivals they grad- ually became associated with powers of evil just as the Greek daimones, quite respectable in themselves, became demons under the new Christian regime. Vediovis, Satan and the Titans all had the common characteristic of being hostile to the ruling god. That hostility was expressed in the name of Vediovis as it was in the name of Saturnus. Now do the names of Satan and the Titans contain a similar expression? It is the theory of the writer that they do. According to a recent interpreta- tion which is based on glosses of Hesychios the name 7174» means ‘king’ (Solmsen, Indogerm. Forsch. XXX (1912), p. 36). But this definition leaves the nature of the word to be ascertained. Tird» seems to be composed of a prefix 77 (not reduplication as M. Mayer thought) and a word Tap (cf. Cook, Zeus, p. 655, n. 2). Tav wasa Cretan name for “Zeus’ (Roscher, Lexikon, s. v.) as is seen from the phrase Tav 1 146 jt Kpnrayevys. The prefix rt is conjectured to be another form of *oi, *o ax, *F at, 1. e. the same prefix which is found in Vaediovis and Saeturnus. Thus Tirav becomes a mad Tév, a mad Zeus. Diodoros (V, 66) tells us that those who were called Titans ruled over the region of Knossos where were the foundations of the house of Rhea. These Titans were hostile to Zeus. The prominence of the Titans in Crete explains why their name should be built upon the Cretan name for Zeus, Tay. Now Kronos was Titan in Greece and Saeturnus in Italy. Hence his oppo- sition to the ruling god finds expression in the prefix r- of the onename and in the prefix sae of the other. The definition based upon Hesy- _chios of the name Turdy, ‘king,’ finely confirms the analysis of the name because these mad Zeuses appear as kings. Saturnus was king of Latium, and Salmoneus, who claimed he was Zeus, was a king in Thessaly and Elis. It was this Salmoneus who apparently gave his name to the eastern promontory of Crete, Salmonitum. Curiously enough the Titans were kings of Thrace (cf. Cook, Zeus, p. 656) and Salmoneus was king of Thessaly. The name of Satan, who had much the same experience as the Titans, is derived from Hebrew Satan ‘adversary.’ He appears in Turkish as sheitan ‘devil.’ The name was perhaps a compound of a prefix sa@ for saz and tan which was of the same provenience as the Cretan Tav, Zeus. By thus analyzing the name one gets the appro- priate meaning of ‘mad Zeus’ or ‘mad god’ and Satan becomes in name as well as in function, like the Titans, a mad rival of the ruling god. Tirav is Zara. Zeus cast the Titans into the nether world; Jahweh consigned Satan to the same place. The identity of destination of the congeners Titan and Satan compels the question whether an equa- tion can be set down between the two supreme gods who cast them out. The provenance of the name Jahweh is uncertain. He was known to the “‘antediluvian ancestors of Israel” (cf. Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, VII, s. v. Israel, p. 441). Zeus was anciently identified with Jahweh (Cook, Zeus, pp. 233, n. 7; 234, n. 4). Cook believes the iden- tification of Jahweh with Zeus to be earlier than the identification with Dionysos. Ancient identification of the two seems to be accom- panied by identity of name. Satan was cast out by Jahweh and Titan was cast out by Jo-ve (v. infra, p. 181). XXV FROM SOUL TO SUN—AN ETYMOLOGY THE close association of the departed soul with the sun is a very an- cient conceit. In Egypt in the time of the pyramids the soul of the pharaoh went to Ra, the sun-god, and became Ra (Breasted, Devel- opment of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, p. 123). Origen informs us that souls perfected in Mithraism were thought to enter the glorious house of the sun. Manichaeism which emanated from Persia taught that the soul of a man who knew the truth was taken up to the sun purified, passed to the moon and finally placed in the column of glory (Legge, Forerunners and Rivals of Christianity, I, p. 308). Alexander the false prophet foretold that Rutilianus would be a solar ray, jdcds axris (Lucian, dex. 34). In the Pistis Sophia Jesus tells his disciples that the souls of those who have received the higher “mysteries will on leaving the body become great streams of light (cf. Legge, ibid. II, p. 165). In a hymn of Proklos (I, 34; Abel, Orphica, p- 277) the sun is called dvaywyets yvxdv, while in Syrian cults the solar deity appearsas psychopompos (Cumont, Les Religions Orientales, p- 368, n. 63; p. 372). Plutarch sets forth the doctrine of the servants of Saturn who dwelt in the farthest north (De Facie in Orbe Lunae, 943A). They taught that in the generation of man the earth supplied the body, the moon the soul, and the sun the mind. This composite being undergoes a double death. Demeter separates the soul and mind combined from the body. The soul is in turn separated from the mind by Hermes and Persephone, and goes to the moon while the mind flies up to the sun (cf. King, Grostics, p. 347). With this doctrine should be compared the Oriental belief that the soul passed through the moon to the sun (Cumont, Les Religions Orientales, pp. 186, 198). This intimacy of the soul with the sun raises the question whether the words for both are etymologically intimate. The English word ‘soul’ is derived from Anglo-Saxon save/ which in Gothic was saiwala. The Greek word for ‘sun’ #Avos which is very close to Gothic saui/ ‘sun,’ is traced back through the intermediate forms */afedvos (Cretan 1 148 jh aBédvos) and *caFedwos to a base *sawelt. This form differs from Gothic ° saiwala in the one essential respect that @ appears in the first syllable: instead of a diphthong ai. But this difference is more apparent than real because the @ of Greek ’aé\vos may represent an original diph- thong avasitdoesinsuch wordsas 4(1) ei (Gothic aiws) ;’ aerés (Hesych.) for aierés; *danp for *dacfnp (cf. Sk. devds;v. Smyth, Greek Dialects, p. 191, 169 n. 3). If such was the case then the base form of the Greek &édvos was *saiweli which is Gothic saiwala, and the two words acquire a phonetic identity to correspond to the conception that the soul goes to thesun, isof the sun. But neither Greek 40s nor Latin so/ have the meaning ‘soul.’ Professor H. H. Bender of Princeton University has kindly called my attention to the fact that among Sanskrit words for ‘soul’ there is no association with the sun save that to dtmén the native lexicographers, according to the Petersburg lexicon, ascribe the meaning ‘sun, fire,’ but Professor Bender does not regard this as important because dtmén does not occur in literature with the mean- ing ‘sun.’ He cites Hopkins (Religions of India, pp. 530, 531) to the effect that the Khonds, a Dravidian tribe, believe that the soul under certain circumstances goes at death to the sun. It would seem then that the Greek and Latin conception of the soul was a breath-soul and that the Germanic branch of the Indo-European family developed the conception of a sun-soul. The Etruscans had the idea of a spark- soul because their word for ‘soul’ Ainthial is certainly the same word as the Latin scintilla (cf. Etruscan Uhtavi with Lt. Octavia) and the Greek omv6hp, which in the Iliad (IV, 77) is used of sparks from stars. In the Peace of Aristophanes, Trygaios was asked by hisservant wheth- er there was any truth in the saying that after death “we become stars.” Cumont (Les Religions Orientales, pp. 264,399) gives references to the ancient belief in the soul as a spark detached from the fires that gleam in ether. A curious confirmation of the etymology proposed lies in the early belief that the portals of the sun and soul were the same. According to an ancient Babylonian conception the heaven was conceived as a solid vault with two doors which were localized by the astronomers in the signs of Cancer and Capricorn. The sun left the firmament by Cancer and returned by Capricorn (cf. Cumont, Textes et Monu- H 149 k ments, 1, p. 84). Porphyry (De Antro Nympharum, 22) mentions these signs as the portals of the soul. Souls descended through Cancer and ascended through Capricorn. This coincidence is probably to be ex- plained as the result of the notion that soul and sun were the same essence and consequently took the same course. Another confirmation of the identity of soul and sun is also indirectly given by Babylonian conception. Nergal, the Babylonian god of the sun was represented as a winged lion with human head. The fourth Mithraic degree was that of the lion and very important in the cult which was solar. Now the Mithraic initiate of this degree in assuming the guise of a lion was mystically identifying himself with the sun probably for the reason that his soul after death was to be fused with the sun. The initiation was a rehearsal of the experiences in store for the soul after its depar- ture from the body. The primitive word for sun *sd@iweli or *saiwalais of further interest because of its first syllable which curiously suggests that of Vaediovis and Saeturnus. It would appear as if the sun had been named in the same way as those gods, as if the name was a compound of *sd@i and *weli or *wala, and indicated that the sun was a mad *we/i or *wala. Homer knew of the defeat of the sun in a struggle with the powers of darkness: jévos 8¢| otpavod €Eaddwde (Odys. XX, 357). Now the parents of Helios were the children of Ouranos and Ge and therefore Titans for which reason Helios was also called a Titan (Ros- cher, Lexikon, s. v. Helios, p. 2016). As such he was a mad god and entitled to the prefix sa. But what would be the second part of the name, *wala or *weli? There is some reason to believe that it was a name for ‘sun.’ In the Rigveda, Vala is a cave-daimon. Indra drove his cattle from the cave and Vala lamented the loss of them. Indra reminds one of Herakles who sailed in the golden cup of the sun and drove off the cattle of Geryon. It is not a rash conjecture that the Vala of the Rigveda is a primitive sun-god who like Mithras the sun-god was conceived of as dwelling in a cave. Caves were dedi- cated to the ‘unconquered’ Mithras. If Vala was a solar god then his mad rival would justly bear the name of *Saiwala. ‘ } \ ; t iH a hi y 5 ‘ / Te ae i ARE BTA eas UY ata Le aa XXVI MITRA AND MILES Tue similarity of the words Mithras (Sk. mitrdé) and mitra favors the possibility of their common origin and raises the question whether the word mitra may not be the source of the name of the Persian sun- god, Mithras. The various meanings of uirpa ‘girdle, diadem, gar- land’ indicate as basic meaning an object curved or bent. The Homeric wirpa was a girdle mostly of metal (//. IV, 187, 216; cf. Darem- berg et Saglio, Dictionnaire, s. v. mitra, p. 1955). A hook or sickle, or sickle-shaped sword would fulfill the requirements of such basic meaning as is proved by the modern word of Persian (?) provenience ‘si-mitar,’ the second part of which is the old word mitra. ‘Simitar’ is a strange survival which gives the early form of wirpa,i.e. *ceuitpa. A reduction of an original *ceuirpa to pirpa would be a parallel to that of *ceura to pia. The word *ceuitpa may be resolved into *ceue- tpa and translated “earth-implement,’ the word having the same suf- fix as Greek épo-rpov, ‘plough’ and Latin ¢ont-trus, “Zeus’s weapon or bolt’ (*Tinitrus where *Tini is the Etruscan Tinia; Cretan T dv, Zeus). Now this earth-implement *ceuitpa would be a natural name for a bent stick with which the earth was ploughed or a sickle with which a harvest was cut. It is therefore conjectured that the primary mean- ing of uirpa was, as its modern congener “simitar’ suggests, “a curved blade, a sickle,’ and that the primary meaning of Mifpas was conse- quently ‘god of the sickle, sickle-god.’ The development of a sun-god out of a fertility or agrarian god was common enough in early times as is shown by the identification of Osiris with Ra in Egypt and Dionysos with Helios in Greece. It would then be quite natural for a primitive harvest-god Mithras to ascend to solar function. In the Rigveda (III, 59) Mitra is said to watch the tillers of the soil. The use of the sickle either as a harvesting implement or as a weapon was widespread. Marduk used it in his fight with the dragon and with the lion (4. 7. 4. 1916, p. 203). The appearance of the im- plement in the hand of Ishtar (zdzd., pp. 201-2) reminds one that I 152 Demeter received from Hephaistos a sickle with which to cut grain. Perseus whose name is of interest in this connection used the sickle or éprnin cutting off the head of Medusa (Mééovea < *geued-ove a, ‘she that is from the earth’ (cf. ynyevjs, rerpoyerns). Hermes also slew Argos with a épmn. A sword of such shape was used by barbarous people. In Italy the sword called ensis falcatus tells its own story. The sickle was used in Indo-European times. Like the axe and the plough it apparently became the fetish of those who used it. As they came to demand an anthropomorphic deity their sickle-fetish was transformed into a god of human form keeping his name Sickle or retaining the _ sickle as his attribute. One thinks of the Marathonian hero’ Eyerd aitos or "Exerdos (Paus. I, 32, 5) who slew many of the Persians at Marathon with a plough (épérpw). His name and his weapon were one and the same. The plough-fetish became the hero ‘Plough-handle, Plough.’ So *semitra, another agriculturalimplement, becamea fetish and kept its name when it became an anthropomorphic god. Mithra appears as preéminently agod of battle, Cumont (Textes et Monuments, 1, p.226). The interpretation of Mithras as a fertility-god evolved out of a fetish in form of a sickle or sickle-sword throws some light upon the origin of the third Mithraic degree called miles. How did a soldier come to give his name to a mystic undergoing initiation? The reason lies in the original meaning of the word miles, the etymology of which is probably as follows: Miles OPOEOZTATHS A scuo.iast on Lucian (Dial. Meretr. VII, 4; text quoted by J. E. Harrison, Prolegomena, p. 148) speaks of a curious feature of a sacra- mental banquet which marked the culmination of the Eleusinian Haloa, a Dionysiac festival celebrated by women alone. The words of the scholiast are: mpédcxerrat 5¢ rats rparéfais Kal éx maKkodrTOS KaTecKevaguéeva audotépwy yevr@v aidota. AdA@a dé éxrAnOn dia Tov Kaprov rod Avovicov. In another passage (quoted by Miss Harrison, idid. p. 121) the scholiast says that at the Arrephoria, sacred objects of cereal paste were carried about which he calls wiuhuara. . . dvdpdvoxnuarwr. Athenaios (XIV, 647) quotes Herakleides the Syracusan to the effect that on the chief day of the Thesmophoria the female aidota made of sesame and honey were carried round for the goddesses, and that these objects were called yvddot throughout all Sicily. Athenaios also mentions a cake of the form of the breast (waoroevdets) which was carried round in festivals of women in Lakonia. This remarkable pastry probably included the évaeraro. which were made for the festival of Arrephoria. The avaoraros has been identified in modern times with a sacred cake mentioned by Pollux, the dpzos époararns (cf. Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire, s. v. pistrina, p. 497, n. 26). The a&pros avaoraros, called also vacrés, was especially for the Arre- phoroi (cf. Suidas, s. v. avacraros). Now the ceremony of the Arre- phoria was in honor of the daughters of Kekrops who with Erich- thonios presided over agriculture and the growth of crops. These peculiar cakes are intelligible enough. In a fertility-cult the factors in reproduction and nourishment of life were logically emphasized. As Couat has said, “la religion était la divinisation de toutes les forces créatrices. Tout ce qui sert a perpétuer la vie dans le monde étant considéré comme divin, les organes de la reproduction avaient droit aun culte” (4ristophane et l’ Ancitenne Comédie Attique, p. 226). There is very possibly a connection in idea between the mutilation of the fertility-god Dionysos as recorded by Clement of Alexandria 1 172 k (Protrep. 11, 16P) and the &pros épocrarns. The Kabeiroi killed their brother Dionysos and sent his aidotoy in a kiste to Tyrrhenia. Now - the aldotov of a cereal-god, a kolpavos kapr&v such as Dionysos, might very logically be made of cereal, and the removal and consumption of such vires might be thought to impart to the consumer their energy. To incorporate the reproductive means of a god of fertility was a primitive invitation to fertility. Ithyphallic bread has survived in Italy to the present day. The writer saw specimens in a Tarentine restaurant, and they are still handed about at Easter in some parts of Italy (Cornford, Origin of Attic Comedy, p. 102, n. 3). Phalloi of bread which had been blessed by priests were carried until recently at the Féte des Epines, a name for Palm Sunday (Psyche and Eros, II, 3, p. 167). The appearance of such pastry at Easter time is extremely significant. That it is the descendant of the phallic pastry of the Eleusinian Haloa or similar pastry can hardly be doubted. As such it attests the survival of the primitive connection between the ideas of fertility and resurrection. The phallos of the fertility-god Dionysos, a pregnant symbol of re- production, survived when he became a god of resurrection and im- mortality as fertility-gods in Greece were wont to become. It was an altogether logical sequence of ideas that a fertility-god who resusci- tated plant-life should also resuscitate or resurrect human life, a sequence which finds expression in Euripides: “Thus much shall I ask of the Maid that is below who is the child of the fruit-creating goddess Demeter—that she send up the soul of this one.” toaovoe Niudnv tiv Evep&’ aitrnoouar THS KaptToTo.tod tatda Anunrpos eds a ne Yuxnv avetvat Tovd. (Rhesos, 963-5). The importance in pagan cult of phallic bread would lead one to expect some allusion to it in contemporary comedy which did not hesitate to parody mystic rite. There is a fragment of Nikostratos (Kock, Com. Att. Frag. 11, p.223) froma comedy entitled KXtvn, which probably contains such allusion: I 173 k vaoTos TO peyebos THALKOUTOS béoTOT A, \evkos’ TO TAXOS Yap DTEPEeKUTTE TOD Kavov. dcop b€, Tomi BAnp’ érel repinpébn, dvw Badtte cal wédure pewrypéery arts Tis Els TAS Plvas: ETL Yap BEeppos HY. This fragment and others of its sort may be the remote prototypes of the enigma in the Facetious Nights of Straparola (e. g. VII, 3; W. G. Waters’ translation, vol. III, p. 140) and this in turn the model of Sir John Suckling’s 4 Candle. f Li ‘ Mer), 7 ay = = a a oa {eed ; fe , pope oe Pye , Us UO as a! TAA be ' ' — vy ie . ‘Gal Te ee ik eb hg PR he Vo fit ba Men) c ‘ : oa " i ea XXXII ON THE GENESIS OF CERTAIN GODS AND HEROES THE name of Saturnus seemed on analysis to be composed of a prefix sae and Turnus, a form of obpavés (v. supra, p. 134). This raises the question whether the Greek name for Saturn, Kronos, admits of similar composition, whether Kp6v0s is not really acompound of prefix k and *vronos or *hronos. Such composition would solve the phonetic difficulty presented by the apparently collateral form xpévos (Macrobi- us, Sat. I, 8, 6; v. Jan, ad /oc.). A shortened form of *fopavos, *Fpovos or *hpovos would with prefix & yield either xpévos or xpévos according as the digamma was dropped or its equivalent the aspirate retained. Perhaps the prefix & is a reduced variant of Latin *sae-, Greek *oav-. The reason for believing this is that Kronos thus becomes a mad Ouranos just as his Roman counterpart Saturn was. Kronos muti- lated Ouranos. A question may arise here as to the Sanskrit Kubera or Kuvera and his later “kinsman” Siva whose paradise or residence was Kailasa, one of the loftiest peaks of the Himalaya.! Siva an adjective applied in the Veda to Rudra means ‘happy,’ ‘prosperous,’ yet the function of the later god Siva was that of universal destroyer. He was called Kala, “‘a fixed or right point of time” (*katla <*kaira, cf. Gr. katpés?). One is reminded of the Greek Kpévos who ruled in the golden age and was yet allied with the destructive forces of the Titans. The attribute of Siva was the lingam which is not found in the Rigveda. Kronos who was emasculated was associated with Prometheus, a name very close to Pramatha the attendants of Siva. Siva’s residence was also the paradise of Kubera or Kuvera. This means a kinship of the twoas is shown by the epithet of Siva Kuberabandhava ‘kinsman of Kubera.’ Now Kuberawas chief of the evil spirits (the evil-doing soul of the heav- _ ens?) and yet god of riches and treasure. As an adjective the name 1Professor H. H. Bender has kindly criticized these paragraphs without of course assuming any responsibility for my etymological vagaries. His criticism has been most helpful. 176 | | means ‘deformed.’ He too suggests Kronos and his lamed congeners. This name Kivera witha prefix ku (?) implying ‘reproach, contempt,’ probably gives one the primary form *kuv(e)ronos which yielded either Kpévos or Xpévos according as the digamma was dropped or its equivalent aspirate fused with & as above stated. The root of Kpévos would then be *fpo, *Fpa or *Fpe, a shortened form of *fopo, *fopa, *fepa. The name of the consort of Kpévos would then become the feminine of this root, i. e. *Fpe-a, ‘Péa. There is rea- son to believe that these roots are of the earth earthy. Variants of the root *fopa, *Fapa seem to lie in such words as *f aporpov ‘earth-stick or implement, plough;’ *Fapo-vpa ‘field’ with its Latin congener ras from *oris, *vruris, *vararis, although Indo-European congeners of this word donot show a trace of an initial v; *ofopa (Vedic Varu?) was perhaps the consort of an earth-goddess, *fopa. *ofopavos probably bore the same relation to *ofopa as Ahurani, ‘daughter of Ahura’ to Ahura. Thus Ouranos, Kronos and Rhea would all be of the same earthly character in origin. Ouranos had celestial function but his son Saturn-Kronos carried a harvesting sickle. Ouranos was apparently projected from earth to heaven ina primitive Indo-European period. The translation of Ouranos to the sky due to the fact that a suc- cessful fertility-god must have solar functions was repeated when Aphrodite mounted to the sky with the title of Ourania. The Latin name of Aphrodite, Venus, Venos, is possibly akin to this appellative. For the form Veneri, *Venri, if by metathesis of r (cf. ra¢pos and tpapos) it may have come from *Verni, would at once appear as a variant of *ofepvc and the fuller form *ofopavt, otpdvt-a. Semele like Aphrodite went up to heaven so that these two corresponding god- desses were entitled to the appellative Urania. Their ascension was the logical counterpart of the ascension of the male fertility-deity, who went up to the heavens to be identified with the sun in order to control all the forces necessary to fertility. Herein perhaps lies the origin of the idea of ascension. The ascension of the earth-goddess Semele (Aphrodite), the mother of the god of immortality Dionysos, seems like the prototype of the ascension of the Cypriote Panagia Aphroditissa (cf. Perrot et Chipiez, Phénicie, p. 628). The ascension of the mortal would then be patterned after that of his god. 177 k Mars is also an earth-born god. The older form of his name was Mavors, the stem of which is *Mavort. This is perhaps a reduction from *semadvort, ‘earth-sprung.’ The verbal element of the compound, vort, is probably the same as vert in vertere and German werden. The preservation and loss of the first syllable sé is illustrated by the two Latin words simila ‘wheat flour’ and milium ‘millet.’ The first of these, s#mila is very close to Zeuédn. The ablatival d has disappeared from Mavors but is preserved in Mésovea (Vv. supra p.1§2) where how- ever the expected long vowel does not appear. The discussion of *Mavort suggests an etymology for the Sanskrit maruts, the warlike companions of Indra (Uhlenbeck, Etym. Wrterb. der Altind. Sprache, p. 217, s. v. marut). A marut 1s a ma(v)rut or *mavort, a *semadvurt or earth-sprung hero, a fertility-god (?) who was associated with wind and storm. His Roman congener is Mars. Strange as it may seem at first sight, the name Mars is the same word as the Greek Bporés. The latter is for an earlier form *pporos (cf. Boisacq, Dict. Etym. s. v. Bporés) as is seen from the negative -d-uBporos. “pBporos is a reduction from *ceuBpores as is shown by old Bulgarian sdmriti. *ceuBporos ‘earth-sprung’ is formed like ynvev7s. The verbal root of Latin Mavortis here appears as *8por- but as *fopr in éoprh <*éfoprn ‘spring-festival,’ or ‘festival.’ The éopr) Ajunrpos was probably at first applied to a festival of the earth-goddess held in the spring. The fuller form of the word may be assumed to have been *oe(u)Foprn. The initial syllable sé of I. E. *semovrotos appears to have survived only in old Bulgarian sumrita. For the other languages the base was *mortos which yielded a Greek form *uFpros from which by the dis- appearance of u came Bporés and by the dropping of F the form poprés. It thus appears that these words and their kindred form Sk. mrtds are compounds. This analysis incidentally yields the meaning of Latin morior, said of that which “springs up from the earth (and fades away), i.e. ‘dies.’ An interesting pair of words to be noticed in this connection is BapvacOat and pdpvacbar. These two like Bporés and woptos presuppose a form beginning with yf, 1. e. *uBapyacdar< *ceuBapvacbar ‘to defend the land by fighting, to fight.’ 178 Ki ZEUS A curious phase of the cult of Zeus was the worship of him under the appellative Ao\cx aios, a name which appears to be built upon the adjective doAuxés ‘long.’ Now this word 6oArx6s looks suspiciously like the Bohemian tulich and German dolch. Hence dodrxés may have been used in the sense of ‘long blade, dagger.’ Zeus Dolichaios may then have meant originally “Dagger-Zeus.’ He was a Hittite god (Cook, Zeus, I, p. 604) and it is among the Hittite reliefs at Iasili Kaya that a dagger or dirk-deity appears. The lower part of his body takes the form of a dagger-blade (Garstang, Land of the Hittites, p. 228, pl. 70). It is an interesting case of arrested anthropomorphism in which the essential part of the primitive dirk-fetish is retained just as in the Egyptian hybrid gods the earlier animal form survives in the head. That Zeus Dolichaios appears in art with a double-axe rather than with a dirk as attribute may be explained as a result of fusion with the cult of an Axe-Zeus. He lost his attribute but kept his name. It | should be noted that in Eleusis at the time of Demeter’s arrival, there was a prince called Addrxos (Hom. hym. in Cer. 155). A dirk-god may have played a part in the primitive Eleusinian cult and have been reduced to princely rank upon the coming of Demeter. The Etruscan names for Zeus were Tins, Tina, Tinia (Deecke, Etrusk. Forsch. 1, 4, pp. 28-29) which are closely akin to the Cretan name Tay and probably to the Lydian Tavsas (*Tansas?) which has been identified as a name of Zeus (Buckler in Littmann, Sardis, Vol. VI, p. 13). The root of this name seems to survive in two forms, a monosyllabic form in T#vos, and a dissyllabic form in Téve-dos, the island where Dionysos was worshipped in the form of a double-axe (cf. Cook, Zeus, I, p. 660). The hero Tévyns may be an hypostasis of Zeus. The dissyllabic root again appears in Lt. /én-trus, the second component of which seems to be the Greek dpu(és) used as a suffix denoting implement. Thus /onitrus meant ‘Zeus-stick, Zeus-shaft,’ i. e. thunderbolt. The root seems also to survive in the word r6rvva which occurs in such phrases as ® rérvca “Hpa. rérvia is perhaps a reduced form of *(v)ror(1)vca, i. e. ‘she that is beneath Zeus.’ Thus zérv.a"Hpa meant I 179 k simply “Hera, the consort of Tinia or Zeus.” Since rérvva is Sanskrit patni, this reduction if sound must have taken place before the separ- ation of the languages and implies that Greek éo1s and Sanskrit patis are secondary. The idea expressed by the word, like that of bar avédpos, married’ is sufficiently picturesque to meet the requirements of primitiveness. A confirmation of the conjecture lies perhaps in the name of the Boeotian town Io7viai which according to some (Strabo, 412) was the Homeric ‘Y706#8at. Possibly the later of these names is but the translation of the earlier. If the name Tinz antedates the separation of Sanskrit and Greek the origin of the name Indra may be (T)indra for *Tinidra. The name would be then practically Lt. tonitrus, a very appropriate name for the Vedic thunder-god whose weapon was the thunderbolt and with whom as with Zeus the eagle was closely associated. Indra’s messenger was Sarama, a name very close to ‘Epyfs, the messenger of Zeus. Both Sarama and Hermes were probably primitive fertility-gods superseded and reduced to a servile rank by the new gods. But if tonitrus meant ‘Zeus-stick’ just what form did the stick take? The thunderbolt of Zeus seems to have been called a lightning-axe in Greek tradition because modern folk- lore knows the name éarporedéxt (Lawson, Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient Greek Religion, p. 72). Apparently the primitive Zeus before hewas translated to the sky to become the sky-father and “the Bright One’ was an implement-fetish such as a double-axe, a dirk (d0Acx aios) and would thus resemble the sickle-fetish Mithras (*Semitra) who also in the course of time ascended to celestial honors (v. supra, p. 150). The sickle and the double-axe were not only implements of peace but weapons in war. So also was the plough. Pausanias (I, 32, 5) re- cords the curious tradition that a man of rustic appearance slew many Persians at Marathon with a plough (dpézpw) and then dis- appeared. The oracle told the Athenians, when they inquired who he was, to honor ’Eyerdatos. He was also called “Exerdos. This hero ‘Plough-handle,’1.e. ‘Plough,’ is transparent enough. He is an anthro- pomorphized plough-fetish. The primitive form of this hero, the plough, continued as his implement of peace and his weapon in war. Similarly Zeus of the double-axe and Zeus of the dirk may be as- sumed to have been originally double-axe and dirk, just as Zeus Ker- |} 180 Kf aunos may be assumed to have been originally Kepavyés in which the divine might was incorporated (cf. Usener, Gotternamen, p. 286). The . arrested anthropomorphism of the dirk-deity is attested by the Hittite relief already cited. The plough was an implement of the Indo- European peoples. The earliest form was a wooden hook used as a hoe and consisted of a single limb or root of a tree with a sharpened projection (Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire, s. v. aratrum; H. H. Bender, The Home of the Indo-Europeans (1922), p.35). Hesiod (Opera et Dies, 436) speaks of a plough of oak. It is obvious that the primi- tive plough was light enough to be wielded by one man as in a scene on a situla (Gow, 7. H. S. 1914, p. 255). The tradition (Etym. Mag. s. v. fed£ar) that Zeus was said to have been the first to yoke mules to a plough would indicate his interest in the implement and its original use as a sort of hoe. The oak of which the early plough was made was sacred to Zeus. Frazer went so far as to regard Zeus an oak-god, and with good reason, since the most ancient oracle of Zeus at Dodona spoke from an oak (Od. XIV, 328). The Arcadians claimed a certain kinship with the oak, which they believed was the first tree to spring from the earth. They too were the first of men to be born according to a tradition preserved by Plutarch (Quaes. Rom. 92; cf. Cook, Zeus, p. 77). In claiming kinship with the oak, the Arcadians were but claiming kinship with an oak-god. Perhaps 6€vépor is a compound of *éev (Tay) and *dpo (*dpu, pds) meaning originally “Zeus-oak,” 1. e. tree. It is perhaps a conjecture worth making that the primitive oaken plough was a potential Zeus, that it became his implement and weapon as a rude fertility-hero and like the axe (cf. aorpomehéxt) Continued to be his attribute and weapon when he rose from earth to his new duties in the sky, where the old name for his weapon fonitrus was given to his new celestial thunderbolt. The Greek Zets and Vedic dydus are given as forms derived from an I. E. *di@us. Perhaps a more satisfactory I. E. form would be *diavens in which the long vowel is resolved into two short vowels with an interposed v (=F). The following would be a cluster of deriva- tive forms in which stems ending in 7 readily find their place: 181 jf { *divens I. E. *diavens *diveus *diaveus *duens *dsens *dveus *dseus *dheos *Tafov, "Iwy (Eponymous an- cestor of Ionian race; cf. *jawan). T dv(s) Tins Ju-piter Zebs ‘ : Jahweh (cf. Jovis) The reduction of 7a to 7 is paralleled in the pair Etruscan Ainthial ‘soul’ and Lt. scintil-la ‘spark’ and again in the Etruscan mzaviles and Latin miles (miaviles, miviles (cf. mivels tites, Deecke, Etrusk. Forsch. I, 3, p- 342), *miiles, meiles, miles). The form miaviles occurs on the tombstone of a soldier named Tites, together with the name of his wife (uchsiem) Ulenike (cf. ‘EX avexos) (Deecke, ibid. I, 3, p. §8; Poul- sen, Der Orient und die Friihgriechische Kunst, p. 154, fig. 184), and hence there can be little hesitation in identifying miaviles with miles. The form *jawan was the base for the general designation of the Greeks 182 in the east e. g. jawnai in the texts of Sargon (v. Pauly-Wissowa, Real- Encyc. s. v. ones, p. 1870). What is the meaning of the primitive I. E. form *dzavens ? The word is probably a possessive adjective raised to the dignity of a noun. The suffix ven(s) is Sk. *van(t) and Greek *fev(r)s reduced to *Fevs instead of *feus as in devdphers. “dia is perhaps the same as *fa and * Se (cf. Zevs and Aets) meaning ‘earth’ as in *fa-ayxdov ‘earth-hook,’ where it would be incorrect to construe the prefix as intensive, and as in dpéravov (*de-Fperavov < *be-Fepravov) ‘earth-hook,’ i. e. ‘sickle.’ *diavens would then be in origin simply yavjoxos or ‘he who has the earth’ (Ad-oyos; *Ahura-mant=Ahriman?). On his ascension to heaven he became the sky-father, “the Bright One,’ just as the earth- gods Dionysos and Osiris ascended to heaven to be identified with the sun. 183 i CERES AND POSEIDON ‘Tue word xédns ‘horse’ becomes with change of \ to p *xepns, Latin Cérés (cf. xédwp and *xepwp, v. Boisacq, Dict. Etym. de la Langue Grecque,s.v. xédwp).*Kepns and xédns would thus becomea pair of equine divinities. That Demeter wassuchoriginallyisclear from the traditions with regard to her. Pausanias has madeus familiar with the horse-De- meter of Arkadia who had the hair ofahorseand snakes about her head. Onatas madeastatueof the goddess representing her with horse’s head. Further the title of r&\o: was given to the priests of Demeter (Wide, Lakonische Kulte, pp. 179, 331). [tis thus absolutely certain that the theriomorphic Demeter wasa horse. The consort of this Arcadian De- meter was Poseidon. He too shared her character. The Demeter Erinys at Thelpousa bore a horse-Poseidon. The adjective immuos was applied to him (Aristoph. Nud. 83) as was the epithet pedayxairns. The oracle quoted by Pausanias (VIII, 42,6) calls Demeter immodexns. Her snaky locks and the tradition that she gave birth to a horse link her with another earth-goddess, Medusa, from whose severed neck emerged a horse and a youth, a remarkable case of syncretism for the horse clearly sprang from Medusa in her character as a horse-deity, while the youth rose from her in her character asa fully anthropomorphized goddess. Perseus slew Medusa with a sickle. She might have been named Ilepce-dév7, 1. e. ‘she that had Perseus (the Persian) as her slayer’ (dovets). Although the cult of Ceres is not attested for early Latium (Roscher, Lexikon, s. v. p. 862), tradition makes it one of the earliest Greek cults at Rome. It may be that Pelasgian immigrants from Arkadia carried the cult to Rome. At the beginning of the second century, the cults of the Kybele and Ceres represented two classes of the Roman populace. The cult of Kybele was the cult of the nobles while that of Ceres was plebeian (Graillot, Le Culte de Cybéle, p. 57). Possibly this Ceres was the ancestral goddess of the Arcadian settlers, and Kybele that of the Trojan settlers. From the name of Ceres one may pass to the name of Poseidon which Assman (Philologus, LXVII, p. 185; cf. Eisler, Orpheus the H 184 K Fisher (1921), p. 23) believes is nothing but the vulgar form Bo-Sidon for Ba‘al-Sidon from ‘Sid’ the ‘fisherman.’ Other etymologies are . given in Roscher (Lexikon, s. v. Poseidon, p. 2789). But yet another conjecture may be offered which makes due allowance for the pro- nounced equine character of Poseidon. The form of the name given by the tablets of Pente Skouphia is Io7ev5 av, which is here conjectured to have come from a form “Ilorefidav and this from a longer form *irmorefidav. With the Homeric form Ilocerddwy in mind the con- jectured name may be given as *immorefida-wy the first part of which is the Sanskrit a¢vakovidah ‘skilled in knowledge of the horse,’ while the second part may be the participle ay. Thus the name Poseidon. shares the equine character of the god himself. The adjective agua- kovidah is given to Nala in the great Sanskrit epic. Now Nala is very close to Nydebs who according to Homer (Od. XI, 254) was the son of Poseidon. Nala, though occurring first in the MBA, and Neleus are probably one and the same in origin. Nala, who 1s agvakovidah, is also a rajah. Likewise Poseidon is called avaé. This etymology agrees very well with the equine epithets of Poseidon, immtos, immtos rovropedwr, iTTAPXOS, TPUTAVLS KOLAWVUXWY ITTwWY, MEAAYXaLTHS. The close associa- tion of Poseidon with Demeter the earth-goddess forces the conclusion that Poseidon too was originally a fertility-god and that his trident is an agricultural fork. Poseidon was Kpovidys. The fork of Neptune would then match the sickle of Saturn. 185 Kt THE KERKOPES AND ERECHTHEUS An archaic metope from a temple at Selinunte represents Herakles carrying the Kerkopes. They hang head down from a stick which rests on his shoulder. They are said to have annoyed Herakles and con- sequently to have been punished. This tradition suggests the possi- bility that the Kerkopes may have been rivals of Herakles. Their names seem to be derived from the collateral roots *kerk, *kerak, *herk, “herak. The word xépxwy is apparently a compound of *xepxa ‘curved object, sickle’ (?) and *oy, ‘cutter.’ The second element *oy ap- pears in the verb 6pem7w which Hesychios defines as dtaxdrTw. Aparrw is perhaps to be resolved into *épv-forrw which would yield *forrw as a collateral form of xérrw but I have no other examples of such resolution to offer. The verbal *opy appears also in dpboy, “wood- cutter,’ 1. e. ‘woodpecker.’ Hence *xepxa-oy might mean “one that cuts with the sickle.’ If Herakles (Hercules) and the Kerkopes were sickle- heroes as is here maintained, the punishment of the Kerkopes may be explained as the suppression of their sickle-cult by a rival sickle- hero, Herakles. The mythical king of Athens, Kekrops, was also apparently a primitive sickle-hero if his name suffered a metathesis of 7 like the pair tapos and rpddos ‘ditch; &kpos and *apx(o)s (Lt. arx) ; cbxdos (*kuxpos) and *xupxos (Lt. circus) such metathesis being for the most part re- gressive (Kretschmer, Glotta, IV, p. 309). His serpentine tail would confirm the conjecture that he is a fertility-hero. If Kekrops was a sickle-hero as the root of his name *xepx seems to show, he becomes one of the Kerkopes. ThenameofanotherAthenian king’ Epex6ebs perhaps contains *Fepex or *hepex a dissyllabic form of the root *Aerk which appears in the name Hercules. ’Epex6ebs was then a sickle-hero and his name is to be compared with that of the Marathonian ’Exerdatos ijpws. The char- acter of Erechtheus as a fertility-hero 1s clear from a passage in D1- odoros (I,29,1) who says that he brought corn toAthens during famine and instituted the worship of Demeter. Erechtheus suffered the fate of the ‘sickle’ Anchises in that Zeus hit him with a thunderbolt (Hyg. | 186 k Fab. 46). It was a method Zeus had of getting rid of older rivals and in- creasing the number of superannuated deities. Curiously enough the . hero Eryx, who gave his name to the Sicilian mountain where Anchises was buried, was a son of a king Butes (or Poseidon), the name also of a hero whose altar stood beside that of Erechtheus in the Erechtheion. Eryx was slain by Herakles and buried on the mountain. Thus the son of Aphrodite, Eryx was buried in the same place with Anchises the consort of Aphrodite. Eryx and Anchises were anthropomorphized sickle-fetishes, logically related to a goddess of fertility. Zeus hit Erechtheus at the request of Poseidon according to Hy- ginus, and yet Poseidon received sacrifice on the same altar in the. Erechtheion as Erechtheus. They were rivals who became reconciled. Their rivalry is shown by the tradition that Eumolpos the son of Poseidon came from Thrace to dispute with Erechtheus the possession of Athens, claiming it on the ground that his father possessed the city before Athena (Isoc. Panath. 193). These rivals were certainly primi- tive agrarian heroes. Poseidon long before he went to sea was a fork- hero, and Erechtheus, a sickle-hero. Erechtheus or Erichthonius was the father of Pandion, who had a son Lykos, ‘Sickle’ or ‘Hook’ (v. supra, p. 167) the name skipping from grandfather to grandson as in the historical period names were wont to do. This Lykos fled to Sarpedon ‘Sickle-tooth’ (v. supra, p. 168). Erechtheus was the son of Hephaistos, who was probably another hook or sickle-hero. In pre- historic Greece there was a veritable crop of sickle-heroes who like the sickle-Saturn were all destined to be superseded, reduced in rank or consigned to Hades. | 187 kt PELOPS Ir is a reasonable inference from the traditions about Pelops that he was a rival of Zeus. Pausanias (V. 13, 1) in describing the Pelo- pion at Olympia says that the Eleans preferred Pelops among heroes as they preferred Zeus among gods. The Pelopion which stood very close to the temple of Zeus was founded by Herakles who also erected the adjacent altar of Zeus. A scholiast on Pindar (Olym. I, 149) notes that competitors in the games sacrificed to Pelops before they sacrificed to Zeus. Pausanias adds the signifi- cant information that whoever ate of the victim sacrificed to Pe- lops was not permitted to enter the temple of Zeus. This prohibi- tion marks the cults of the two gods as mutually exclusive and suggests that the earlier cult of Pelops had been superseded but not completely eclipsed by the cult of Zeus. Athletic competitors continued to sacrifice to both just as Roman suppliants prayed to Diovis and Vediovis. The name of Pelops throws light upon his opposition to Zeus. Tlékoy is a compound like éptoy ‘woodpecker.’ Both names had the original meaning “tree-cutter, wood-cutter.’ The first element of Ilé\oy means ‘tree’ or ‘wood,’ occurring also in the word ré\Xa ‘wooden bowl’ and in zé\exvus (gen. ar edeKegos <*mede-Kepos) Where the verbal element seems to be the root *xep of kelpery ‘to cut.’ Tléhoy like wédexvs meant originally “‘wood-cutter,’ 1. e. a double-axe, but later was applied also to the wielder of the double-axe, the hero Pelops. The word wedexa@s ‘wood-pecker’ has a close congener in Latin picus of the same meaning, for picus is to be traced back through *pircus (cf. Sk. paragus) to *pelekus (aédexvs). Picus “wood- cutter’ was an appropriate name for a son of Saturn just as Pelops ‘wood-cutter, double-axe’ was for a rival of Zeus. Slight wonder that picus was called Martius and had to do with lightning and the thunderbolt of which a remote echo is heard in the modern Greek aotpomeéxt. Lhe Eleusinian Keleos ‘woodpecker’ may also be a theriomorphic Zeus (cf. J. R. Harris, Picus who ts also Zeus (1916), p.6). The double-axe *redoy, a fetish, became in the theriomorphic 188 ff period the ‘wood-cutting’ bird redexas and then was anthropomor- phized into the hero Ilé\oy whose home was Lydia where Om- phale received the double axe from Herakles. This interpretation which finds a pretty parallel in the history of \vxos (v. p. 167) at once explains a curious feature in the rites of Pelops at Olympia. Pausanias says that the seer received no portion of the ram sacri- ficed to Pelops (as it was to Zeus by Oinomaos) but that the neck was given to the wood-cutter (évAets) who was one of the servants of Zeus. What more appropriate than that a portion of the sacri- fice to the hero ‘wood-cutter’ should be given to his priest (?) ‘wood-cutter’ who impersonated him—a priest, who when the cult of Pelops the old god of the double-axe was superseded by the cult of Zeus the new god of the double-axe, was transferred naturally enough to the service of Zeus but still retained his right to a por- tion of the sacrifice offered to his old god? This évXebs was the counterpart of ‘EAdés the dpuréuos whose descendants the ‘EAnoi were priests of Zeus at Dodona. These ‘EAdoi were also called | touovpot Which Cook (Class. Rev. XVII (1903), p. 180) translates “cutters.”’ The double axe of Zeus was really the remote predeces- sor of Zeus retained as his attribute in the age of anthropomorphic deity. il 189 kt AHURA MAZDAH Hesycuios tells us that Zeus among the Phrygians wascalled Mafets. Cook (Zeus, I, p. 741, n. 4) reasonably supposes that Mafets is a Grecised form of the Persian title Mazdah which appears in the name of the highest god Ahura Mazdah. Mazdah occurs without Ahura (Bartholomae, A/tiran. Worterb., p. 1162) suggesting that the name may have resulted from fusion. The earliest known occurrence of this name is dated to the middle of the second milennium B.c., when the form Assara Mazas was used in an Assyrian record (Cook, ibid.). Smith (Four. Egypt. Arch. 1922 (April), pp. 43-44) who believes that Syria was the home of Ashur, Marduk and Osiris, notes that asari was always used of Marduk as an epithet only. He would connect etymologically Ashur and asari with Osiris. That Ahura and asari are akin seems very probable, and one is tempted to identify them with *ofopa-(*ofopa-vos). Theword ‘earth’ (v.supra,p.177) wouldenter appropriately into the name of a god as in An-warnp ‘earth-mother.’ - The next question is What is Mazdah? The Phrygians apparently took over the name as Mafets. M@fain Greek meant ‘cake,’ certainly the same word as Persian myazda, ‘sacrificial food.’ The conclusion seems to be that Ahura Mazdah (Mazas, Mafets) is a syncretistic name combining the ideas of “earth” and “cake,” the second element of which suggests the Boeotian Meyadéduafos, another name for Demeter (Athen. ITI, 109 B). This myazda which has survived accord- ing to one etymology in the western word missa (v. supra, p. 155) would give a rational explanation of the origin of theophagy, for to consume a fertility-spirit in a holy cake would be an altogether Jog- ical and easily intelligible act. To eat it was to incorporate within one the essence of the god. With the evolution of religion, the prim- itive myazda-god would assume other forms rising possibly through the theriomorphic to the anthropomorphic god but keeping the orig- inal fetish-name. This may throw some light upon the Dionysiac cereal aidota of the Haloa (v. supra, p. 171). | 190 }{ RHADAMANTHYS RuADAMANTHYS, the mighty king of Crete, was also a judge in the lower world. It is his function as judge that probably explains his name. The Aeolic form was Bpaéduav6us besides which there appears the shorter variant ‘Padduas (?, cf. Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyc. zweite reihe, s. v. Paddpuavbus, p. 34). This name is here conjectured to be a possessive adjective composed of *8paéa and the full posses- sive suffix -yavOvs in the one case and its shorter form pas for “warts in the other. In these suffixes 6 sometimes shared the fate of 7 as is shown by acomparison of Tipurs with its genitive Tipuvdos (*Tipfurdos), 1. e.‘that which has a tower,’ rip-cts(?) and of €\uevs with €\uevOos (1. e. ‘that whichhasacoil,’ a‘worm, cf. é\-vé). These forms seem to offer fair evidence that the possessive suffix mant, mint, like vant is Indo-Europe- an (cf. Bender, The Suffixes mant and vant in Sanskrit and Avestan,p.7). *Bpadais paBdos, rod, staff of office.’ A form *BpaBéos may safely be as- sumed for $48 50s. Since Bin Crete was sometimes treated as F (48édt0s = *afedtos) thesecond 6 of *Bp ado could easily have dropped out, leaving the form *8paéo, *Bpaéa, whichis the first element of the nameof Bpadé- pavévs. [he name then means ‘he who holds the rod or staff.’ In other words ‘PadduavOus was simply paBdodxos ‘one whohas therod (of office),’ Tene judge, an umpire in a contest.’ The proper name has the suffix of possession which appears in Sanskrit as mant, while the second component of ja8dobxos expresses the idea of possession with a verbal form (éxerv). With ‘Padduaréus ‘he that holds a rod’ should be com- pared the Homeric word é¢4-y1v60s ‘bath-tub,’ 1. e. ‘that which holds water,’ from *aca (for *acfa; Goth. ahva, Lt. agua) and the posses- sive suffix purfos, the word being similar in construction to vépders. The adjectival use of the word may survive ina fragment of Kratinos é& dcapuivOov xibdxos (Kock, Com. Ait. Frag. I, p. 84). The word aqua is perhaps an Arcadian contribution to Latin vocabulary. The word paBdobxos is again the same in idea and partly the same in form as Bpafebs ‘umpire’ from *BpaBdeus ‘he who has the 4850s.’ The counter- part of -ovxos in paBdodx0s must be sought in the ending -evs Of BpaBets. *BoaBdevs came from an earlier form *8pa85fevs the suffix of which is tor | the same as the possessive vant in Sanskrit. As *ovaa was reduced to ota SO *-evs was reduced to -eus as well as to -evs. This would explain Greek nouns in evs as originally possessive adjectives. In the form BpaB6dFevs, the sequence of consonants forced the 6 out and *BpaBédFevs became *8pa6(F)evs, and finally lost its r. The genitive BpaBéws is possibly from “BpaBev-os, “8p afer-os which in dropping F lengthened the following o(?). TheHomeric dialect preferred toseek compensation by lengthening the preceding vowel to 7 and such optional compensa- tion may explain quantitative metathesis in nouns of this declension. Since *8pada, *Bpado, means ‘staff,’ the Etruscan word for ‘umpire’ te-verath may be of thesame root, for *#e-vrath is very close to *Bpaé. Isit possible that behind both these forms there wasan earlier *se-mrad (sem-rad) which in Greek was reduced to *“upad, *Bpaé while in Etruscan se became te ? Ifso*Bpada (*sem-rad) meant originally ‘earth- stake’ or ‘branch’ whichsetin the ground served to settle disputes as to land, and which became the attribute of the person who presided over such settlement and then of the umpire of gymnastic contests who ap- " pears in ancient painting holdinga branch. If thisanalysisiscorrect the word fev(e)rath stands for an earlier Etruscan form *tem-rath (*rath = German rat? cf. Grimm, Worterbuch, s. v., who regards ratas of purely Germanic origin). The semantics of this etymology may explain the resemblance of the Latin words arbiter and arbor, arbos (*rb(d)iter and *rbh(d)os; cf. p4Bédos). It is curious that the Hebrew raé ‘master’ should be a term strictly applied only to one authorized to decide legal and ritualistic questions. With the form *se-mrad, denoting a stake which was set in the ground should be noted the Lydian mrud which Littmann (Sardis VI, p. 31) has shown must mean stele. The poetic and archaic form of the word was mruvaad (ibid. p.62). The original mrud was then of wood and passed its name to a successor in stone. H 192 PALLAS AND POLIAS THE word 74)Xas-avros ‘youth’ is perhaps another example of an ad- jective which has been made to serve as a noun. The fuller form which appears in the genitive presupposes *rah-fav7-os and a nominative *7 adFavs passing into 74\as. The noun to which the possessive suf- fix vant is attached may be the same word as Sanskrit da/a ‘strength, might.’ Ilé\\as would then mean ‘he that has strength,’ i. e. youth, and would be phonetically close to Sk. dé/d-van “possessing power.’ The objection to this etymology might be that a 6, and not a z, regu- larly corresponds to a 4 in Sanskrit but Greek 74\\as may represent an earlier *@addas with an interchange of labials corresponding to that of rivw and Latin dzd0. The appellative of Athena Ila\) ds-ddos is generally connected with the Greek ré\Xevv “brandish, shake’ (Roscher, Lexikon, s. v. Pallas), but it is rather a variant of r4\Xas ‘youth,’ ‘possessor of strength.’ The genitive Ia\\ 460s would indicate as an earlier form of the nomi- native *ma\)ads from which the 6 was dropped without compensatory lengthening as also in ToAcds. When » disappeared the vowel was lengthened. The appearance of 6 here instead of v7 seems to show that v7 at times was pronounced as 6 Just as it is in modern Greek. *IIad\ads would then represent a fuller form *radfavrs ‘she that has might,’ an appropriate adjective for the protecting goddess, the martial goddess of Athens. Another appellative given Athena is IoAvds which is obviously similar to Hodtodxos and Modtets, the latter a name of wide range given prevailingly to Zeus. Modvodxos is as clear as paBdodxos; MoArebs is as clear as BpaBebs. Ionteds 1s composed simply of *zodt and the posses- sive suffix *fevs> *Fevs. Hodtebs is the same word as Sk. pura-vati, ‘rich in castles,’ the name of a river. IloAvodyos like paBdodx0s con- tains a verbal element “exo, whereas Io\vebs contains a possessive suf- fix. Both have the same meaning, ‘he that holds the city.’ Plato (Leg. IV, 717A) expresses the same idea in another way in the phrase rods tiv wor exovras Oeots. The Aeschylean Pees: Beol_ “qoNtrat (Sept. 253) suggests that moNtrns is to be derived thus: *ontFe yrns > *roNlvrns * W193 K > rortrns. A roXirns or citizen was one who ‘had a city.’ The gods as possessors of a city, ol rhy wodLy KaTéxovTes Heot Were roAtrat. Athena was modtares (*rodtFavris) at Tegea (Paus. VIII, 47, 5). XXXII THE NAME OF JERUSALEM Piety was a condition of immortality (Graillot, Culte de Cybéle, p. 176) and therefore naturally found expression in names. If the basic form of the adjective iepds was *ouepo it would give a clue to the origin of the name Cicero. Kixépwy may be ak variant of *oucep-wy ‘he that is holy.’ Kixépwy might be translated ‘Iépwv. Thus the name would correspond to Pius in Antoninus Pius and in pius Aeneas. The adjective et-c¢8ys seems traceable to the same source as iepés: *ceBes < *aefes < *cefep or *cecep. Lhestem *ceBes has probably entered into the name of the Phrygian Zeus Sabazios (*Za®ao-6d10s, “holy Dios’). There was a shorter form of the name, Zafés, oxytone like eboeSns. The worshippers of the god would naturally be called ‘Holy Ones’ or ZaBoi (cf. Cook, Zeus, p. 395, n. 3). Their cry was evo? caBo?, i.e. ‘holy, holy’ (ebot < <*eBor*oeBor). A different etymology is given by Langlois (cf. Miss Davis, The Asiatic Dionysos, p. 156). The occurrence of the word iepés as an element in the names of cities is of very early date. A good example is ‘Ieparodus. The under- standing of such a compound involves the history of the word 7é\ts ‘city.’ At Athens and Argos the citadel was originally the wodus. Later on when that meaning of the word had faded out with the growth of the city around the foot of the hill, the citadel was called the axpéronus. An earlier form of the word 7é\ts was r76ds which is derived prob- ably from a form *(e)a(v)7oAvs meaning ‘that which is upon a *7on’ (cf. *red IN TeAAwW), 1. €. ‘a tell, mound or hill.’ The aphairesis of ¢ occurs also in (e)reéfw (Boisacq. Dict. Etym. de la Langue Grecque, p. 265, s. v. éxi). Names of ancient cities seem to give a less reduced form, e. g. Tler\va which was a very ancient city on a hill. The Homeric IIrededv (7. II, 697) is for *(€)(v)red-eov the suffix being perhaps participial. IIrépiov may be a variant of the same name. Phigalia which Pausanias described as situated on a lofty precipitous hill may have derived its name from *eri-yah-eva ‘the town on the hill, the root *yad being *col, in Lt. co/-lis. The earliest settlements were placed upon hills for I 196 the sake of safety and what was on the hill constituted a ré\ts. The Sk. pura means ‘castle, fortress,’ showing that it is not a long step from Jerg to 6urg. This etymology would imply that Sk. pura, pur, was from an earlier *ptur (cf. rrép-tov). The Latin arx and urbs if from *yarks and *vurbs seem to be related to the roots *herkor and *harper ‘curve,’ and to indicate the circular wall imposed by the form of the hill upon the defenses of a primitive settlement. The name Hierapolis seems to have nfeant originally ‘holy hill.’ This conclusion raises a question as to thename Jerusalem, the earliest known form of which is the Urusalim of the Amarna tablets. The Greek version of the name Is ‘Iepo-céAupa. Various etymologies have been proposed for the name (The Fewish Encyclopedia, VII, p. 119). Philo called the city ‘Iepaodts showing perhaps that he equated *codvwa and wédcs. A mountain in Lykia was called Zérvpos (Strabo, XIII, 630, 16) and the Zeus worshipped there was called Dodupeds. Strabo says that the ZéAvyor were also known as the KaBanels. Hence Lodupebs = KaBadebs. KaBad-ebs means ‘he who possesses the hill’ for the word is composed of «aBan- (gebe/) and the possessive suffix evs (*Fevs). Bythis analysis ZoAvyebs with the same suffix has in its first component *coduu the equivalent of *xaBad and signifies ‘he that has a hill.’ Further the Tepunoce?s were also called 2édupor and their name yields to the same analysis: Tepynocets < *ceppa-aco (dorv)-Fevoes (Lit) Ler messenses), 1. e. ‘those who have a mound or hill-city.’ These three names Lodvpedbs, KaBadebs and Tepunoceds are but three versions of the same idea. Hence Ze’s Zodvyebs may be equated with Zeds Tepurets, for the Zeus of the zépua (épua) ‘boundary’ was the Zeus who possessed the mound or cairn which marked the boundary. That the suffix in these nouns was felt as a possessive is no more likely than that -evs was so taken in devdprhets. , The element *codvu in these names and in ‘Iepo-cdAvua seems to be the same and to justify the conclusion that *codvy meant ‘hill’. In fact cod(v)ua is phonetically the same as *cepua (gona). Hence ‘Tepooéduya meant “Holy hill’ and this was apparently a translation of the earliest name Uru-salim. *codvu seems to occur in the name "Odvurros (*Zodvy-ros) which was frequently given to mountains in Greece and Asia Minor. Two mountains in Kypros bore the name. 197 K The frequent use of the name favors a theory that "Odvuros had some such general significance as ‘hill.’ The common word for ‘hill’ dddos is perhaps from *cdodos < *cododos < *codoBos <*codouros ("Odvp"TIOS). With *codoBos perhaps should be compared Lt. d/-ba (*Salaba). at XXXII THE LABYRINTH In the discussion of nouns ending in tv6os the word NaBbpivO0s was omitted. This word has been interpreted by Mayer as ‘place of the AaBpus’ (cf.H.R. Hall, 7 H.S. 1905, pp. 323, 325). The \aBpus was, ac- cording to Plutarch, a Lydian word for‘double-axe.’But thedesignation of the labyrinth as “the place of the double axe’ is not very satisfactory because the name ‘labyrinth’ could then be equally well applied to the scene on the Hagia Triada sarcophagus in which the double-axe ap- pears. The epithet of Zeus, AaBpavdebs certainly designates the Zeus of Labrandra who had the double-axe as his attribute. The question is, how did the double-axe get the name of AdBpus? N4Bpus is another name for 7éXexvs one form of which may be known from the slabs of bronze which in Minoan times were a medium of exchange. They ‘ have been illustrated and discussed in detail by Svoronos (Ace. Ed. ths Nop. ’Apx. 1906, p. 161, pls. II-V). These axes have curved edges, which probably account for the name AdBpus. The word is akin to AGpos, Lt. lira, lora, ‘thong,’ 1. e. ‘that which curves or winds about,’ for pos (Lt. Jara) may be resolved into *afopos, *Aafvp-os. This word is very old because it is found in the Homeric et-Anpa ‘reins.’ The form *\afupos is very probably the source of Laburos a name for an Illyrian god which has been connected with the word labyrinth (F. Quilling, Minotauros der Veredarierstein im Saalburg-Museum (1919), p. 18, n. 2; C.J. Z. III, 3840). The name Aatproy alludes per- haps to winding tunnels. That the idea of ‘winding’ is present in AaBiprvOos is evident from the description by Apollodoros of the labyrinth as olknua Kaurats rodvrddxors (III, 1,4) and from Plutarch’s reference (Thes. 21) rv év 7G NaBuptvOw repiddwy, and further from the use of the word to designate any coiled body. Hesychios defines the labyrinth as a KoxALoEeLons TOTOS. Equally important are the representations of the labyrinth. Cook (Zeus, 1, pp. 476-477) reproduces one from a painting on an archaic Etruscan vase found at Tragliatella, and another from a coin of Knos- | 200 ff sos ( fig. 10) whichon further study reveal the curious fact that the laby- rinths correspond line for line if the design on the coin is reversed. The labyrinth of the die from which the coin was struck corresponded exactly with that of the Etruscan vase-painting. This means that the Etruscan painter had before him a pattern for a labyrinth which was of Cretan provenience. The vase-painting is older than any of the coins, for the proportions of the human figures with their large sharp noses suggest a date in the sixth century. The dance of Theseus and the young Athenians may well have imitated the windings of this laby- rinth, but could hardly have gracefully reproduced the swastika which is regarded by some as the earliest ascertainable form of the labyrinth (cf. Cook, Zeus, I, p. 478). One can follow the windings of the laby- rinth on the Cnossian coin to its very center, but cannot penetrate the swastika of the coins. The theory that the confusing winding concentric passages of the oneare adevelopment out of the angular conventional closed form of the other—that theory seems untenable. The labyrinth had some religious significance in early times for otherwise it would not _ now appear in the pavements, walls, and piers of churches. A religious significance would lead one to expect conservatism in the form of the labyrinth. When paganism bequeathed the labyrinth to the Chris- tian church it gave the preferred, the traditional design of the maze. The example in the pavement of the cathedral at Chartres with a long path winding to the very center of the maze resembles in principle the labyrinth crudely painted on the archaic Etruscan vase but is not at all like a swastika. That the swastika in its more com- plicated forms was substituted for or used to suggest the labyrinth is obvious from such a coin as Cook reproduces (did. p. 492) but the swastika could not have given birth to the labyrinth in art. The use of the word \aBtbp.v60s to designate any coiled body prob- ably gives the clue to the origin of the word. *Aafup is ‘coil’ (thong) ‘curve’ and *-vv6os is the possessive suffix *Fiv60s, *Fivros (Sk. vin, vant, Whitney, Sanskrit Grammar, p. 473) like mant which is found in the name ‘Paddpuav6us. \aBbprvOos means primarily ‘that which has a coil,’ or ‘that which winds round.’ Heyschios defined the word in terms of a spiral snail-shell. It was an adjective which became a noun. This interpretation of the name NaBiprvOos raises a question as to 10. Painting on an Archaic Etruscan Oenochoe from Tragliatella: The Game of Troy with Circular Labyrinth 10B. Coin of Knossos of the Second Century after Christ: A Tetradrachm with Circular Labyrinth PLATE X i. oa | U at ii by bi ed. 4 N whe e | ie : ’ ¥ } ; he ‘ is ‘ ‘ : ; ' ! : ' ha wee is - ; - J ly. ar a si Whales 3 ? ; ine 7 4 rf Vy ) , P Ww pn ‘ , “ 2 ’ | : | ia a | i a ae a> y lee 7 4 Pos Wy Je deal = ie a 7 ee es | a? a 201 ff the so-called suffix of place -1»80s which occurs in a number of names. Kép-tv00s may simply mean ‘that which has a *kop,*xoN’ (col-lis, cel- sus), 1. e. the city which has a hill. The great akropolis at Corinth would justify such a name. Dbp-.v0s may have meant a city which had a mound (cwp-és), 1. e. was built on a mound. The word &karOa ‘thorn’ means that which has an é«y ‘point.’ The significance of the labyrinth is a problem that has exercised the ingenuity of archaeologists. There are certain considerations which limit the range of conjecture. On the Etruscan oinochée from Tragliatella the labyrinth is given the name Truza and Vergil com- pares the game with the Cretan labyrinth (4en. V, 588 sqq.) saying that the Trojans brought the game to Latium. The conclusion that the concentric circles represented the walls of the city is confirmed by the modern term ‘walls of Troy’ which is given to labyrinthine figures (v. Cook, Zeus, I, 488, n. 1). The Etruscan representation of the game suggests that mounted men took part in it. A curious detail is the animal (ape?) perched on _ one of the horses behind the rider which reminds Harmon of a hunt- ing scene in an archaic Etruscan painting at Veu (4. 7. 4. XVI (1912), pp. 6,9;cf. Poulsen, Etruscan Tomb Paintings, p.7). Attention has been called to the remarkable coincidence of design between the labyrinth on the Etruscan oinochée and that on a later Cnossian coin. The die of the coin would give complete correspondence between the two labyrinths. This is fairly good evidence that there wasa tradition as to the design of the labyrinth. Now these labyrinths are constructed of seven concentric passages and a center (cf. figs. 332, 3425 343, 353 in Cook, Zeus, I, pp. 476-488; Daremberg etSaglio, Dictionnaire,s. v. labyrinthus, fig. 4317). The last example cited from Cook isa labyrinth on an island in the Gulf of Finland where the name for it is generally ‘Babylon.’ The name ‘Babylon’ is most interesting for it was at Babylon (Herod. I, 181) that the tower in the precinct of Zeus Belos had eight superimposed towers, the ascent to which wound round the structure. Here again are the seven concentric passages of a labyrinth leading to a center at the very top of the structure. Speaking of a Christian use of the concentric passages of the labyrinth, Cook (Zeus, I, p. 486) says: “Towards the close of the Crusades men who had 202 ff broken vows of pilgrimage to the Holy Land did penance by treading these tortuous chemins de Ferusalem until they reached the central _ space, often termed /e cie/.” Thename ‘heaven’ might have been given more appropriately to the topmost stage of the Babylonian tower. It would seem as if the labyrinth was the Babylonian tower reduced to plan and somewhat modified. The close coincidence in the number of tortuous passages and in the name ‘Babylon’ is a matter of great 1m- portance. To follow the winding passage of the Christian labyrinth was to attain to heaven; to take the winding upward path to the summit of the Babylonian tower was probably to attain to Zeus, 1. e. heaven. ; There is other evidence to show the religious significance of the labyrinth with its seven circular passages leading to a center. Celsus charged Christians with the possession of a diagram showing the passage of the soul after death through the seven heavens. To this charge Origen (cont. Cels. VI, 24) replied that the Ophites (of Phry- gian provenience) and not the Christians had the diagram, which seems to have been composed chiefly of circles. Between the pairs of circles was a barrier drawn in the form of a double-axe (cf. Legge, Forerunners and Rivals of Christianity, 11, pp. 66-67). Now there were seven degrees of initiation in the Mithraic cult which Cumont (Les Religions Orientales, p. 392) construes as a symbol of the seven plane- tary spheres across which the soul after death was to pass. It would seem that the seven stars on Cretan coins (Cook, ibid. p. 548, figs. 415-418) represent these seven planetary spheres especially as the emperor poses as Zeus surrounded by the stars. The idea was appar- ently that the emperor, to use a phrase from an Orphic tablet, ‘had passed to the circle desired’ and had become Zeus. The Orphic tablet promised identification with deity: Oeds oy avi Bporoto. The Ophites according to Origen had prayers (translated by Legge, ibid. I, p. 72) which were to be addressed to the seven planetary powers by the soul in its upward flight. The Mithraic kosmos, says Saintyves, might be represented by a series of concentric circles of which the eighth and outermost corresponded to the sky (Les Grottes, p. 129). The soul could mount to heaven only by passing the seven regions of the planets. Such concentric circles as well as those of the labyrinth Hl 203 K might be called septizonia. As the celestial heaven had seven zones which the soul had to pass, so the subterranean heaven also had seven, for Ishtar passed through seven gates in her descent to the lower world. The guardians of the celestial zones would naturally be re- duced to the grade of demons in a Christian régime and may con- stitute the seven-headed monster of the Apocalypse, such as it ap- pears in the tapestries of the cathedral of Angers. Probably the seven demons that possessed Mary Magdalen should be mentioned here. Seven Athenian boys and seven Athenian maidens were put into the labyrinth as prey for the Minotaur who belonged to the régime of the Cretan Zeus. According to Orphic legend there were seven Titans and seven Titanesses. The Titans were the opponents of Zeus. Their number corresponds exactly with that of the youths and maidens thrown to the Minotaur, and reminds one of the fourteen (Sis érra) young Lydians placed by Kyros on the pyre with Kroisos (Herod. I, 86). A papyrus of the fourth century after Christ (Cumont, Textes et Monuments, I1,p. 56) contains an incantation for opening the - gates of heaven. He who pronounces it will see approach seven vir- gins, who are the seven Tychai of the heavens and seven young men with bull-heads. These are certainly to be identified with the seven Titans and seven Titanesses. There was a Titaness called Asteria who scorned the advances of Zeus. The Minotaur also was called Asterios (Apollod. III, 1, 4). This name was not all that was shared with the Minotaur. The bull-heads of the seven youths show that they were minotaurs but these youths were minotaurs of a régime anterior to and hostile to the régime of Zeus. They must have reigned in the seven heavens before they were superseded by the new Mino- taur of Zeus. There is a tradition of a revolution in heaven called the fall of the seven kings (King, Gvostics, p. 37). The Minotaur belonged to the new order in Crete while the Titans and their consorts were gods of another or older order at Athens and other places. It is a reasonable conjecture that the seven Athenian maids and seven Athenian youths are the image of these seven Titan virgins and the seven Titan youths. The story of the sending of the fourteen young Athenians to the Minotaur in the labyrinth embodies and commemo- rates a religious rivalry in which the Cretan Zeus was victorious. The 204 I fact of youth which is so conspicuous in these congeneric groups is important. The Titan Vediovis was also a young Jupiter (Ovid, . Fasti, III, 437). It was remarked above that the labyrinths with seven concentric passages might be called septizonia. It is very likely that they will explain the septizonium, a three-story fagade which was erected at Rome by Severus in 203, to complete his palace, and for the name of which no satisfactory explanation has been found (Platner, Ancient Rome (1911), p. 158; cf. Jordan-Huelsen, Topographie der Stadt Rom in Alterthum (1907), III, p. 100). One reference to the septizonium calls it a tomb (Spartianus, Vita Getae, 7; cf. Huelsen, Das Septizonium des Septimius Severus, Berliner Winckelmannsprogram, 1886, p. 32). As part of a palace and as a tomb it corresponds in purpose exactly to the edifice which Amenemhat III (c. 2200 B. c.) built to be both his palace and his tomb (Strabo, 811; Diodoros, I, 61) and which Herodotos called a labyrinth (II, 148). In recent times this edifice has been definitely regarded by H. R. Hall as the funerary temple of the pyramid of the pharaoh (F. H. S. 1905, p. 328; cf. Cook, Zeus I, p- 472). Attic vase-painters of the fifth century represented Theseus as dragging the Minotaur out of a building with a Doric fagade (e.g. 7. H. S. 1881, pl. 10). A labyrinth of seven zones serving as a tomb is intelligible if the deceased was buried at the very center, tor then he could be regarded as having traversed the seven zones or seven planets (septizodia) and as having attained to heaven where he was to be identified with deity. The same idea was probably conveyed by those Cretan coins of Roman date which represent the deified emperor surrounded by seven stars. The seven celestial zones correspond to seven subterranean zones. The subterranean zones appear to be the earlier but their number was apparently changed to conform to the number of the major planets. In the Babylonian account of Ishtar’s descent into hell (Roscher, Lexikon, s.v. Nergal, p.259) the goddess passes through seven gates giving up either jewelry or apparel at each gate until she enters Hades nude. On her return she receives the objects back one by one. Celsus (Cumont, Textes et Monuments, II, p.31) says that the Mithraic souls passed through seven gates in seven orbits of seven planets to reach H 205 K the eighth which was that of the fixed stars. Each star gave a quality or passion to the soul in its descent to earth and took it away when the soul remounted to the sky (Cumont, zé7d., I, pp. 309-10). Thereisa striking agreement in these eschatologies. Ishtar in descending to Hades parted with a material possession; the Mithraic soul in ascend- ing to heaven parted with a spiritual possession. So soon as we realize that the heaven of the fertility-goddess Ishtar was in the earth and that of Mithras in the sky we see that in both departures for heaven objects were surrendered which on the return from heaven were given back. The seven celestial gates thus appear to be the counterpart of the seven subterranean gates. The original heaven of the fertility- goddess was subterranean naturally as vegetation (life) was resur- rected from within the earth. The subterranean septizonium seems to have been translated to the heavens along with the fertility-gods who were lifted up and identified with the sun. The labyrinth was therefore originally subterranean and surrounded the abode of the subterra- nean god. It was through seven zones that the soul had to pass to reach - his palace. As in Egypt the labyrinth was part of the palace of Amen- emhat III, as in Rome the septizonium was part of the palace of Sev- erus, so at Knossos the labyrinth was probably part of the royal pal- ace, thus making of the monarch a god. King Minos was the son of Zeus.} cf. Evans, The Palace of Minos I, pp. 357-9. XXXIV MARNAS AND MINOS Tue god Marnas worshipped at Gaza in Palestine was very defi- nitely associated with Crete. Gaza was called Minoa (Steph. Byz. s.v. Tafa) because Minos went there with his brothers and named the city after himself. Epiphanios says that Marnas was a servant of the Cretan Asterios and held in honor by the people of Gaza. It will be recalled that the Minotaur was also named Asterios. To become a servant of the Minotaur, Marnas must have been a deposed god but he was also identified with the Cretan Zeus. The associations of Marnas compel one to seek the explanation of his name in friendly Crete rather than in Semitic country which resented the incursion of his Philistine worshippers. Yet Stark (Gaza (1852) p. 577) derives the name from Syrian mar ‘lord.’ Marnas is really Minos. These two names add another example to the pairs of words listed above (p. 165) which show lengthening of a vowel to compensate a loss of r. As onxés is another form of épxos so Mitvws is another form of *Mipvws or Mapvas (M apvas). Thus Marnas who was anciently identified with Zeus becomes Minos who was the son of Zeus. Such confusion of father and son is not without parallel in Greek tradition. Minos is then a hypostasis of the Cretan Zeus as Svoronos maintained (v. Cook, Zeus I, p- 527, n. 1) and the Mino- taur becomes a Zeus-bull. No wonder ie the temple of Marnas bore some resemblance to the Cretan labyrinth (v. Cook, Zeus I, p. 478). The name Marnas signified Kpnrayevns (Steph. Byz. /.c.). Hence one may seek in the name elements corresponding to Kpyra- and -vevns. Maprvas is to be resolved into Mapvéand “as, “avs. This *avs is the participle *ovs, a» and therefore the verbal component corre- sponding to -yevns. Mapvé must then correspond to Kpyra- but papra was the Cretan name for ‘maid,’ rap@évos (Steph. Byz. l.c.) so that Mapras meant rapbevoyergs, ‘born of the maid’ (i.e. Europa). Europa was then called Kore like Persephone. *Kopfn will probably prove to be a modified form of Kpnra-, the transitional forms of the root HT 208 ff being *KopF, *Kops, *Kopr, “Kper. The long vowel of Kpjs may be due to the assimilation of the F. It is quite likely that (c)uapv4 survives in Zpytpva, the name of the female founder of several Ionian cities, especially since she carries the double axe on coins of Smyrna (Roscher, Lexikon, s.v. Smyrna, p- 1088; Margaret C. Waites, The Deities of the Sacred Axe, A.f.A. 1923, p. 31). It is also likely that *Smarna should be identified with the mother of Adonis who was converted into a myrrh-tree and that she appears in her tree on coins of Gortyna where Cook recognizes a willow (Zeus, I, p. 528). The form *Zuapva (*Zewap-va) contains —*geuap which is ZeuéA-n another consort of Zeus who bore Dionysos a god of the form of a bull. The name is very probably composed of an Indo-European root *(se)mvar(=sem(v)et), *mar meaning ‘crea- ture’ and a feminine suffix na. This root *mvar appears with mascu- line ending in two Latin words for ‘male,’ mas and vir (*m(v)ars, *(m)virs), the initial m being dropped in the one case and the v in the other. Mas and vir are a pair matching the Greek poprés and Bporés which are built upon the participial form (*se)mvort of the same root. Another Cretan name for ‘maid’ was -wapris (*ufap-ris) which is the second element of the name Britomartis and which should be compared with that of Baltis, the Syrian goddess. It may be that the virgin Marna who bore the god Minos has bequeathed her name to posterity in that of Mary. The earlier form of the name Minos must be Marnas. The absorp- tion of an original 7 with compensation seems more likely than the reduction of an original long vowel to a short with a parasitic 7. From Mapvas came *Mipyws, these two forms resembling in their vocalism the pair, aguas and ios, and then from *Mipves, came the Greek form Mivas. A startling result of this interpretation 1s that if the name Marnas was pronounced in the palace at Knossos, the Minoans must, have used the Indo-European participle *as, *ans, *(s)ant which is found practically unchanged in Sanskrit samt and which later became Greek &v. Mapvé ‘maid’ would also become a Minoan word. XXXV CARCHEMISH THE conjecture (v. supra p. 164) that Syrian karka ‘town’ meant originally ‘the circular wall’ of the town leads to the further conjec- ture that the name of the Hittite city Carchemish (Karkamis, Gar- gamis; v. Hogarth, Carchemish I, p. 17) contains the same word and that this name is possibly a possessive adjective in mish (*mis, mints). The first component Carche is close to Lt. circus. Hence “Car- chemish’ might be translated kvxddeis, “that which has a ring.’ The peculiar crater-like inner town of Carchemish (v. Carchemish, vol. II, pl. 3; cf. p. 43) would make such a name very appropriate. With this name seems to hang another, that of the fort of Hammurabi Kar(a)shamash. A word meaning ‘that which has a ring’ of wall would be an appropriate name for a fort. The Hittites, as their name ‘Kheta suggests, may have formed an earlier wave of Cretans which broke on the Syrian-Palestinian shore centuries before the wave of Philistines came from the same direction. The Kheta have been identified with the K#revor of Homer (Od. XI. 521). The latter name can easily be resolved into *Kperevor. Perhaps the name of the Babylonian god Shamash is another pos- sessive adjective composed of sham (ceu-) and the suffix as (*ans, vant) and meaning originally ‘he that possesses the earth.’ According to this interpretation Shamash began life on earth like Zeus and then mounted to the heavens to become the god of light just as Osiris very early ascended to the sky and became Ra. The name Shamash would then be formed in the same way and have the same original significance as the name of Zeus which has been resolved into *Diavens ‘he that possesses the earth’ (v. supra p. 180). ‘aso ¢ ©, sa Phy 3 iV ies bis et Avie: ie tT Ese Psa x i) } } : XXXVI HERCULES AND GILGAMESH THE points of resemblance between Hercules and Gilgamesh (v. Roscher, Lexikon, s.v.p.822) are so striking that one wonders whether there is any connection between their names. The name Gil- gamesh seems to contain as the first element gi/ga/, a Hebrew word for ‘circle.’ Gilgal was the name of several places in Palestine west of the Jordan and reminds one of Karka, a name of a city in Syria (v. supra p. 164). The second element mesh seems to be the possessive suffix *mes, “ment, mint. Hence the meaning would be ‘he that has a circle,’ i.e., a circular enclosure, a circular or enclosed sanctuary, just as Carchemish (Karkemes) meant originally the city which ‘has a ring’ of wall. In fact *gi/ga/ is the Latin carcer “enclosed space’ and congeneric with circus. ‘Gilgamesh’ and ‘Carchemish’ both indicated - possession—but the possessor in the first case was a hero and in the second a city. Both names are composed of the same elements in the same sequence. The crater-like inner town of Carchemish was a épxos. The chief seat of Gilgamesh was Erech which is probably the same as ép(e) Kos. An analysis of the name of Hercules (supra p. 163), who in the archaic period was so very prominent on the acropolis of Erechtheus, showed that the principal component was épxos. Now a further ex- amination of the name leads to the conclusion that the suffix és is possessive, being derived from *ens, *vent. Thus it appears that ‘Hp(a)xdé-ns, Hercul-es and Gilga(1)-mesh correspond except in the use of the vant suffix in the one case and its variant mant in the other. The equation gi/gal=carcer=*Hercul shows that the final / and its variant 7 are not diminutive suffixes but are exceedingly old and that / was lost before the suffix in the same Gilga(l)mesh. It is further ob- vious that an earlier form of the name Herakles contained xed in- stead of «de. Both Gilgamesh and Herakles were heroes who pos- sessed an enclosed, perhaps a circular sanctuary, but that does not necessarily nullify the theory that both were originally bow- or sickle- W212 i fetishes who since they were fertility-heroes could assume solar as- pects. They may have been rivals. Herakles slew Eryx (v. supra p. 186) whose name reminds one of Erech, the chief seat of Gil- gamesh. Assyrian szk/u (v. supra p. 166) may be a variant of kixdos (Lt. circus). If gi/gal meant a circle of small piles of stones forming an enclo- sure, then the word is perhaps a dvandva compound which is common in Sanskrit (v. Whitney, Sanskrit Grammar p. 485) and is composed of two forms of the word *ga/ ‘hill’ (?) which survives in the west in Latin col-lis (v. supra p. 195). If the identification of Gilgamesh and Herakles is correct the an- | tiquity of the latter becomes apparent because Chaldaean seals rep- resenting Gilgamesh have been dated c. 4000 B.c. (Ward, Seal ye ders of Western Asia, p. 59). XXXVIT KOUROI, KABEIROI AND KYBELE Tue Egyptian name for the Cretans was Keftiu which may be traced through *Kefsiu, *Kofriu to *xofpou (xotpor). Hence Keftiu meant Kouroi as the descendants of the Kouros (Zeus). This derivation is confirmed by the early name of Crete, Koupfris (*Koup-Fevt-ts) which shows the importance of the Kouros in the island. The young Cretan Zeus or Kouros reminds one of the Etruscan beardless Vediovis whom Ovid called a young Jupiter. The conception of Zeus as Kouros is found again in the names Korybantes and Kouretes which were borne by the priests of Kybele and Zeus. ‘These priests were confused with each other in ancient times for the very good reason that they were identical in origin. Their names are possessive adjectives. KoptBayres is derived from ’*Kopu-Favres while Koupfres is derived from *xovp-fevres. “Those who possess Kouros (Zeus)’, the consort of Kore. Since Kore and Kybele are identical the Korybantes appear naturally enough as the priests of the Phrygian goddess. These names offer another instance of re- gressive p. The form xodpos is earlier than kédpos (*kopFos). The Kabeiroi were frequently worshipped under the name of Dioskouroi and were identified with the Korybantes. This identifi- cation raises the question whether there is any connection between their names. The name Kabeiroi is of Semitic provenance meaning ‘strong.’ Since strength and youth go together the semantic connec- tion between Kdferpor and *xoF(e)por is fairly good. A phonetic difficulty, however, seems to lie in the penultimate syllable where a diphthong corresponds to a short vowel. The difficulty is not, how- ever, fatal because the vowel in the last syllable of some Semitic namesseems to have had the habit, due to stress, of casting off the final consonant and taking refuge within the penultimate syllable which it strengthened. Hence the Semitic kadeir (xaBerp-os) represents an earlier *kaberis which 1s * oF (€)pos (kebpos). So it was quite logical that the Kabeiroi were worshipped under the name of the (Dios) kourol. 214 k Other examples of such assimilated vowels may be noted. The god Aldabeim (v. supra p. 102) is the same as Aldemios the Cretan god at Gaza. ’AXSnucos is derived from a fuller form *A\éba-Geutp-os. The components feurp and beim *bemir are the same. Incidentally *Beurp, *reuu may be equated with *ceued and the appellative thus acquires the meaning ‘he who makes the earth fruitful,’ a good name for the Cretan Marnas of Gaza who was a god of earth and agriculture. It is possible that the appellative is Minoan like Marnas. Another name which yields its secret upon the shifting of 7 is Tanit, the Carthaginian goddess. *Taniti(s) would be *Tav(u)res _ ‘consort of Tan’ (Zeus). Tanit was according to the Romans the con- sort of Jupiter (v. Audollent, Carthage Romaine, p. 373). The form *Tan(i)tis should be compared with Syrian Baltis (*Mvar(z)tis?) the consort of Baal, and with Cretan -wapris which seem to have the same feminine suffix. The shifting final vowel is again illustrated by the pair salim(it) (-cadnu) and codvpa(r) (= éppar-os) which are variant forms of the second component in the name of Jerusalem. It will be recalled that the Amarna tablets give Urusalim as the earliest form of the name (v. supra p. 196). Another example is perhaps the name of Shem’s son Arphaxad who is the Greek Hephaistos (v. supra p. 166). The shifting of the a with the restoration of the original final consonant completes the correspondence. *(S)arphaxdas is *Zapgaoros. The Babylonian Baal ‘lord’ if subjected to the same operation be- comes *Bala which seems to be the Sanskrit Vala the cave-daimon who has already been interpreted as a primitive sun-god (v. supra p- 149). “Bala at once suggests -Fedt in *oas-Fedt-os (HAvos) and seems to confirm the theory previously advanced that the Greek Helios was a hostile rival of another sun-god. This would identify the prim- itive Baal as a solar god whose name later acquired the more general significance ‘lord.’ The name Baalbek was translated ‘Heliopolis.’ Now those who still wish to play with fire in the cave of the uncon- quered sun-god will find some warmth in the suggestion that the name of Ra, the Egyptian solar god derives from *vra, “vara or *bala. This root *vara is the same as one already noted (v. supra p. 176) to 215k which the meaning ‘earth’ was given. The identity may be matched by the fusion of earth-gods with solar gods which occurred at a very early period. These several examples would seem then to justify a form *kaderis as the source of the Semitic kaeir and as the phonetic and semantic equivalent of xodpos. Now the form *xoF(e)py is the same as KuBédn. They are the same word and mean ‘maid.’ So the great goddess of Phrygia and the Minoan Marna bore the same title as the Greek Persephone. All three were aspects of the same primitive deity of fertility. The form *xoFf(e)p is further of great interest because it confirms the analysis made above (p. s175) of the name Kronos. *kuf(e)povos the original form of Kpdévos is now mated with *KoF(e)pn the col- lateral form of Kvédy. In other words Kronos and Rhea-Kybele form a pair of deities whose names like that of Saturn embody the anger which they felt toward rival gods. Kronos was a violent Oura- nos and his consort was a violent Rhea (*xo-Fpea). In the last analy- ‘sis KuBédn is composed of Sanskrit ku and dali ‘strong,’ the prefix apparently connoting the strength of violence. For the Sanskrit pre- fix ku originally interrogative came to signify “an unusual quality— either something admirable or oftener something contemptible. This use begins in the Veda” (Whitney, Sanskrit Grammar, p. 195). So in the name itself of Kybele there seems to be heard an early echo of the violence which raged during her rites. Kybele the young and the strong shares her strength with Athena called Pallas. The difference in the accent of Pallas according as it 1s proper name or noun is matched by the difference in the accent of the proper name and noun Kouretes. i Nic i) ‘; = ; XXXVIII SAISARA AND CAESAR THE name of Kpéxwy (v. supra p. 126) confirms the conjecture that he isa crippled congener of Kronos. The name is a possessive adjec- tive meaning ‘he that has a bent form.’ The first part of the name is the Sanskrit kzka, ‘lame man.’ The consort of Krokon was Darodpa, daughter of Keleos. Saisara looks like a feminine to *oatfedu-os (v. supra p. 148) and was once sufficiently important to be the name of the earlier Eleusis. The masculine of Saisara seems to have been *catcap and to have been reduced to cats which meant xofpos ac- cording to Hesychios. Krokon and Saisara may be a pair of superan- nuated solar gods belonging to the stratum of Kronos, and youthful like Vediovis. The definition of Hesychios makes possible the equa- tion *xo-Fep-0s—=*oat-cap in which the second syllables are the same. - The first syllables must correspond in meaning (v. supra 175). Out of the equation comes the new meaning ‘youth’ for the name of Caesar and probably with mystic content. The name! was a cogno- men in the gens Yulia the associations of which with the Samothra- cian cult of the Kabeiroi have already been discussed (p. 131). The name Kabeiros has been shown to mean xodpos (p. 213) which is also the meaning of ‘Caesar.’ The conclusion therefore follows that the name Caesar is theophoric (like that of Camillus? v. supra p. 82) and that Julius Caesar was named after the ‘mighty’ Kabeiros the worship of whom was traditional in the Julian family. As a title ‘Caesar’ was very properly, although tardily, restricted to the heir to the throne. ‘ef. Mary H. Swindler, 4. F. 4. 1923, pp. 308-9. v) as. ; 7 end hay rf evils jar as fe + eve " Mage sai: Dea bee Ie eee lt [PRAM vcs XXXITX APOLLO AND ARTEMIS The possessive suffix mint is found in reduced form in "Apre-yts. The first part of the compound is Lt. arcus, arqu-us, a normal pho- netic change illustrated by Latin -gue and Greek -re. The possessive suffix takes the form of -yus, *wtds, *wuvrs. The 6 which represented vz was dropped without compensation as in IloAcds, adds (v. supra p- 193). Hence the name Artemis means ‘she who has a bow’ or to use her Homeric appellative, rofogépos. Her counterpart in Italy, Diana, derives her name, however, from a different source. Diana is simple *Di(av)an(s)a, *diavanta, 1.e., the consort of *“Diavan(ts), Zeus. Avwyn (*6v0f avtn) yields to the same analysis. Both Diana and Dione were fertility-consorts of a fertility-god who ‘possessed the earth.’ It would seem at first sight extremely rash to say that the names of Apollo and Hercules are in origin one and the same but such is the startling fact. The initial vowel of the genitive ’A76\\wyos is long in Homeric verse (//. I, 14, 21). It may therefore represent ap. The second syllable contains a labialized velar which in Greek became xo as well as vo. With these substitutions made, a variant form of the Fee is recovered, *apxo\dAwvos which is readily carried back to * apxod-Fovaos. This word then is another possessive adjective with the simple meaning ‘he that has a bow.’ *apxod and Hercul are the same except that the second has retained its aspirate. Both names have the same possessive suffix though in greatly disguised form. Both gods carried the bow. It may be that Hercules was a hero of the bow rather than of the sickle to which the preference has been given in a previous chapter (p. 163). Thus Apollo who ‘has a bow’ is quite prop- erly the brother of Artemis who ‘has a bow.’ The many appellatives of Apollo referring to his bow and arrows (v. Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyc. s.v. Apollo, p. 19) which make of him a god of archery par excellence, abundantly justify the choice of such a simple name. One tradition gives to Lykia the birthplace of | 220 i Apollo but the meaning of the Homeric appellative Av«nyevjs is dis- puted. The interpretation of it is probably linked with that of the Sophoclean epitheton dvxoxroves. These names ‘wolf-born’ and ‘wolf- slayer’ may mean that the cult of Apollo was the successful rival and successor of a wolf-cult and that Apollo in indication of his victory took the epithet Avxevos (cf. Jebb, Electra, p. 205). The Homeric word \uxa@as ‘year’ primarily means “that which has a ring’ or ‘circle’. It is another possessive adjective in which the sur- vival of an early (a Minoan?) vocalism justifies the penultimate a in place of o. The year rolls round or has a circle and that this is an Homeric idea is shown by the phrase wepiredNouérvwy érdv. In Latin the year was a ‘ring’ because annus ‘year’ is the same word as anus ‘ring.’ Both these are probably derived from the same source which yielded Greek a&yxos ‘bend, curve.’ XL APHRODITE AND ASTARTE THE tradition that Aphrodite rose from the sea was so firmly estab- lished as to give great probability to the ancient etymology of her name ‘she that was born of the foam.’ The word d¢pés is readily ac- cepted as the obvious first part of the name but the second part is obscure. Since the penultimate vowel is long the earlier form *A gpo5- iptn may be assumed. Then the second component of the name is seen to be verbal and identical with Latin orta (orior) thus giving the meaning ‘she that rose from the foam.’ The form *A gpod-tprn is confirmed by comparison with the Phoeni- cian name Ast-arte. Again the suffix seems to be the Latin orta. If this is correct, then there must be a correspondence in idea between the first components of the two names. ‘These components seem to ‘be ablatives which retain the old consonantal ending. It is, therefore, conjectured that the ast of Astarte represents *asad. Now a previous discussion of the Homeric word ao4-utrdos (p. 190) lead to the con- clusion that aga- is the Latin agua. Hence Astarte means ‘she who rose from the water’ and is simply another version of the idea ex- pressed by the name of her counterpart Aphrodite. Astarte might be translated dvadvouérn. | The word *(v)asa ‘water,’ Gothic vato, appears also as the second component of the word @4)-acoa, *cah-(F) acfa. The first component is ad- ‘salt’ so that the simple meaning of the compound is ‘salt water’ 1.e., ‘sea.’ The closeness of @ to « is shown by the Doric garaccouedo.o’ (Alkman, frag. 86 (35)). The second component ap- pears also in the names of the rivers Ilissos and Kephissos. The Latin aqua bears the same relation to *(F)acfa that Latin eguus bears to Sanskrit agvas. Hence it is evident that the language to which the word *(F)asfa belonged was, like the Sanskrit, a member of the salem group. The sea was salt water. The other kind of water was sweet. Greek *ydfatfos may contain as its first component the adjective 75-ds ] 222 ff ‘sweet’ and as its second component aca ‘water’ and thus have meant ‘sweet water.’ If such was the original significance of the word it was no longer felt in the Homeric phrase Oaddcons aduupdr tdwp. XLI PROMETHEUS THE name [pounfets is another possessive adjective in manth. The fuller form was *IIvpouarGevs. The disappearance of v caused the lengthening of the preceding vowel while the accent on the last syl- lable brought about the collapse of the first where the vowel was short. The suffix manth has already been isolated from the Cretan — name of Rhadamanthys (v. supra p. 191). The simple meaning of the name Prometheus is ‘he who has fire,’ a name completely jus- tified by his service in stealing fire for mortals. The name is the same word as the Vedic pramantha which means “a stick used for rubbing wood to produce fire’ or literally “that which has fire.’ The primitive idea was that the stick contained fire and had to be hollow to do so. Both names conveyed the same idea, but indicated a hero in one case -and a stick in the other. The evolution of Prometheus 1s clear enough. He began his career as the fetish ‘fire-stick’ just as Rhadamanthys began his at the fetish “boundary stake’. Both were anthropomor- . phized but stick and stake remained associated with both heroes. Prometheus was said to have concealed fire in a reed or cane while all judges and umpires following their prototype Rhadamanthys carried a staff or branch as a symbol of their office. Since Prometheus, a Kabeiros, concealed fire in a reed which he carried, one readily understands the saying attributed to Orpheus that ‘many are the reed-bearers but few are the Bakchoi.’ In other words many mystics carried the reed of Prometheus in Cabiric rite but only Orphics were the true mystics. In an Etruscan painting (v. supra p. 21) a figure of a deceased man enters Hades carrying a reed. This is very probably the symbol of the Cabiric Prometheus. ‘The de- ceased identified himself with his god. Samothracian mystic cult must have followed the Cabiric Kasmilos into Etruria (v. supra p. 82). The reed seems also to have had symbolic value at Sparta for 1t appears in one of the ste/az (v. supra p. 18). The Peace of Aristophanes prepares one to expect Samothracian symbols in Spartan mystic cult. ve ‘ae sl Popa Sida Pa yy ees erence Sr * inh: i - tae i a 7 ha ral GENERAL INDEX Poa NaF: i we ioe | Sd ; Ningyt Rh Weed rig May fc Q hecet _ ,. CORRECTIONS Mn 102 1. 13: for p. 212 read p. 214. Toner yadeletec. 208 |. 13: for sem(v)et read sem(v)el. Pe Cher ee 211 |. 16: Perhaps Erech represents an original *Erche(r), “berkor. cf pp. 164, 213-4. . 27: for same read name. — p- 213 1. 13: for “Those read ,‘those. p. 219 |. 9 : for simple read simply. p. 221 1.15: for lead read led. p- 230 s.v. Kybele: for diety read deity. GENERAL INDEX AENEAS a mad god in origin a chthonic god and Akestes slays Turnus Achilles a fertility-hero Agchisia in Arkadia Agricultural implements as symbols Ahriman 29, Ahura Mazdah - Aitas Aktaion, etymology of Aldabeim=Aldemios 102, Alexander impersonates deity opposed to Zeus portrait by Lysippos Altars Roman sepulchral Anchises a sickle-god in origin died at Drepane lamed by Zeus Ankaios Annus Anodos of fertility-god Anthesteria Anthropomorphism safe 66 Ly 2.23 Anus, ‘ring’ 220 Apelles 84 Aphrodite 221 Apollo, etymology of name 219 Aqua 190 Archermos Victory of, compared with Seraph 159 Arcus 219 Arphaxad 166, 214 Arrephoria es Artemis a possessive adjective 219 Arx 185, 196 Ascanius=Asklepios? 142 Ascension of Aeneas 141 Aphrodite 176 Ouranos 176 Panagia Aphroditissa 176 Zeus 182 Astarte 201 Asterios 203 Aurinia 136 Axiothea 17 BAAL 214 Baalbek 214 Baltis 214 Beetle 55 carries lightning of Zeus 74 in German folk-lore 106 228 ff reaches gods i symbol of immortality in Egypt 95 Beetle-cup 95 Beetle-god in Egypt 95 Branding on brow 1h Briseis 142 Cacus 165 Caesar, etymology of ay iy Camillus OM _ Cap of Hades 100 Capricorn 148 Carcer Feveey 200 Carchemish 209, 211 Cave in resurrection 58 Ceres 183 Chalice of St. Denys 43 Charun a superannuated god 22 Chepera 95 Cherub 161 Chnodomar converted to cult of Isis 106 Choes 117 Chosroes, temple of 86 Christ “Beetle on the cross” 97 in wine-press IS tomb of soya1s Christmas Mithraic birthday of sun 155 Chytrai I1g Cicero 195 Cippus, Gallo-Roman 12 Circus LSS O11 Collis 201, 212 Crow in Mithraic initiation 31 Cryphius 31 Cubricus 87 Cup as boat 54, 102 Cup of immortality —-118, 137 compared with Mithraic krater 1§ in Etruscan relief 41 Cup of oblivion 7 De tpuic Oracle Cs! Deluge of Deukalion 120 Demeter 183 as bread 15 Diana, etymology of 219 Dione, etymology of 219 Dionysos as bread and wine 16 ascension 116 a vegetation-god of res- urrection 5 as vine 15 encroachment upon Zeus 53> 74 fused with sun-god 97 heart buried at Delphi 96 in Spartan stelat 4 the omphalos as his tomb 109 Double axe and Pelops 187 Charun’s mallet? 22 of Zeus Dolichaios 178 thunderbolt of Zeus a2 Dove on chalice an HH 229 K Drunkenness as reward in Orphic doctrine 6 during Anthesteria 117 Ecc in cult of Dionysos IO Erech - O12 Erechtheion OR OA Erechtheus 211 a sickle-hero 185 suffered fate of Anchises 185 Erotes in graves III Eryx 140, 164 and Erech 212 slain by Herakles 186 Etruscan Painting of Hades R123 Eucharist 44 Furydike, consort of Aeneas 141 FALCULA 163 Fertility-gods 46 Fourteen Athenians, Lydians, Titans 203 Frigium 153 Furius, L. Purpureo —-128, 130 GERMANIC corn-mother 70 Geryon 100, 149 Gilgal 21 Gilgamesh Epic of, and Anthesteria 121 Grail ARMS] HapDEs oxen of, in Erytheia IOI Haloa I71, 189 Ham 166 Harlots in Peace of Aristophanes 56 Harpy tomb comparison of reliefs with Spartan IO Heart, seat of soul 97 Hephaistos 165, 166, 214 Herakles 52 a fertility-god 99 and Gilgamesh 211 descends to Hades 100 takes cattle of Geryon 100 threatens sun IOI Hercules etymology of 163, 211 Herkynna 163 Hermes and Seraph 160 Hind 110 Hinthial=Ut. scintilla 148, 181 | Hittites 209 ImmortaLity, Pagan and Christian god of 16 Incubatio 157 Indra and Lt. tonitrus 179 Infula 154 Initiations a2 Ishtar, descent of, tohell 204 Isis, mysteries of 33 JAHWEH, etymology of 146, 181 Japheth 166 | 230 I Jerusalem Adonis and Astarte at 116 name of 195, 214 Judgment in Hades II KABEIROI 82 and name Caesar oi etymology 213 in Peace of Aristophanes 61 mutilate Dionysos 172 . triple herm of, at Rome 129 Kafer—Chepera? 105 Kalathos in Eleusinian rites 27 Kallikantzaroi 89 Kanthara in magic papyri 56 Kantharion of Samos 55 Kantharos 56 carried by Trygaios 65 cup of Dionysos 3, 49 hypostasis of Dionysos 56, 87 in Peace of Aristophanes 49 in Samothracian mysteries 5 in Spartan tombstones I, 56, 88, 119, 137 name of harbor es Naxian boat IOI of Amiens 42 offered to stag 19 play on word GAs iOo ring of priests 96 Karashamash 209 Karka 164, 209 Kartas 165 Kasmilos in Etruria ipl in marriage-rite 82 origin of name of 131 Keftiu 213 Kekrops and Kerkopes 185 Keleos 187, 217 Kelun 100 Keraunos, son of Ptolemy 84 Kerberos 63, 101 Kerkopes and Herakles 158 Keys of Mithraic statue 29 of St. Peter Ries, Kheta 209 Kirke 164 Kore, play on name of 52 Korybantes 213 Kouretes 21351255 Kouros 213 Krater and Chalice 41 Kratinos 57 allusion to mystic drinking 50 Kroisos 84, 99 Krokon 126, 217 Kronos analysis of name of 175, 215 bound with fillets by Zeus 126 burial of, in cave 58 god of fertility 139 Ku, prefix 176, 215 Kubera iy Kybele and Marna 215 diety of Roman nobility 183 etymology 248 H 231 K Kylix 3, 42 LABYRINTH 199 Ladder in Orphic symbolism 20 Leo as proper name QASkS7 Leones Mithrae 34 Leontika R2 Light, Ophite 132 Lionas 38 degree in Mithraic initiation 149 represents deceased 34 Lora, lura 154, 199 Lotus IO Lydia and Sparta 13 Lykia=sickle-land 168 Lykos, sickle 167 - Lykourgos 169 Lyseas, tombstone of 6, 46 Lupercus 170 Lupus 167 Macna Mater and Vediovis arrival of, at Rome 128 ~mant Igo Marna 207 Marnas 86, 207 Marneion 86 Marriage (mystic) with deity 74, 118 in Aristophanic comedy 71 Mars significance of name Wa and Marut aa Mary 208 Mas 208 Mazdah 189 Mazzara sarcophagus 28 Medusa 177 e153 etymology of 152 Metasomatosis in Orphic cult 8 in Mithraic cult 30 in Etruria 19 effected by Kirke egy, Miles, etymology of 152 Milium Tove 7 Minos=Marnas 207 Minotaur 203 Missa 189 early question as to meaning of To6 Mithraic sculpture hybrid statue 29 tauroctony 20, 36 Mithraism in Rhone valley 155 seven degrees of initiation CUE viey seven spheres for the soul to pass RII02 Mithras crown of mystic 153 origin of name 151 Mitra cap of effeminate persons 153 kind of rope 154 worn by priests of Kybele 153 Morior and mrtas 177 Mortals become stars wae Mrud IgI Muturis Mysteries of Kabeiroi and Magna Mater Mystic formula in Peace of Aristophanes Nata=Neleus Naxos Nereid monument 69, Nergal Noah and Kronos Ouive of Athena Omphale Omphalos at Delphi at Jerusalem in Peace of Aristophanes symbol of resurrection Opora Orphic tablets Oat Ay abels Orta Osiris ascension of eating of body of submits to judgment wine becomes his blood PALLAS 192, accent of Panda Paragus and picus Parthenon, west gable of Pater leonum Peace goddess in mysteries H 232 K 154 129 62 184 55 136 149 166 tH 99 109 115 57 Iil 70 202 221 209 16 93 17 219 215 136 187 78 157 58 67 Peiraeus, harbors of Lite sie, Pelops 187 Persephone ele On: Pestle 60 Phalloi of bread 172 Pheidias and the Erechtheion 77 Phigalia 195 Philippeion at Olympia 85 Picus 187 Plow | potential Zeus in primi- tive times 180 symbol of recurring life 28 Plow-handle 140 Poliorketes 70 Pomegranate and seed-bread 44 carved in late Phrygian tombstones 25 in Christian painting 45 in Spartan reliefs Laig offered to snake 18 painted on tombs 26 placed in tomb at Sardis 25 symbol of birth and re- birth 3 symbol in Minoan Age? 27 Poseidon origin of the name of —-184 his trident an agricul- tural fork 184 Pramantha 223 Prometheus a Theban Kabeiros 127 evolution of 223 H 233 K ‘he who has fire’ 223 Pura, pur 196 Ra 214 Rab ~ IgI Rat IgI Rebirth Sects Reed in Orphic rite 21223 in Spartan stele 223 Renatus Ter Resurrection accompanied by ithy- phallic episode 62 after baptism 69 and reproduction O31 72 by priests as sileni 110 followed by marriage 72, of dead at Delphi by Asklepios 112 of Dionysos in vase- painting 63, 109 of fertility-deity 46, 62 of Osiris 66 of Peace 66.. of Semele 66 parody of rite 66 with dancing in vase- painting 63 Revelation parodied in ascent of Trygaios 75 Rhadamanthys a fetish “boundary stake’ 223 a possessive adjective in manth 190 Rhesos and Rhea 58 Rings of Prometheus and Saturn 126 Rus 176 Rutili 169 SABAZIOS Bows 7 Sacrament Christian and Mithraic 155 in vase-painting 16 Saisara 217 Salmoneus 61, 128; 13607143 confused with Kronos 81 in Elis 85 of Phoenician provenience81 parodied by Aristophanes 83 resembles Vediovis 126 Salmoxis £1;81, 120 —=Kasmilos? 131 Samothracian initiation is Sarama and Hermes __ 160, 179 Sarpedon=“‘Sickle-tooth” 168 Satan altar of 1265 identified with Titan 145 in fresco at Daphne 126 Saturn cult in Italy 135 doctrine of servants of 147 grave of, in Caucasus 127 in Etruscan divination 125 king in Latium 137 pocolom of 137 sickle of 136 significance of name of To Us H 234K Saturnia in Etruria 135 | Snake-goddess Fist Scarab 92, 95, 96 | Soma 6 Sebak 3° | Soranus, Hirpi Sorani 169 Seed-cake 44 | Soul Selamanes 81, 124 abode changed 121 Semele etymology of 147 resurrection of 59, II! in form of bird 26 ; and simila 177 in form of snake gI Semvar 208 passes out through mouth 92 *Semvort AT 2 208 portals of entrance and Septizonium and labyrinth 204 exit 149 Seraph 160 reborn in spring 119 Serapis Oo released from tomb-jars; cult of, in Germany 106 from purgatory ; 117 Serdab 36 Vedic invitation to Stard 14 return 11g Shamash 409 Spartan stelai Sheitan 146 mystic character 17 Shem 166 of Lydian provenience? 13 Sica 165 | Sphinx Sicilicus 166 in relief of Damasistrate I0 Sicilis 166 Sickle Ge Beiatcs column at buried in Kerkyra and laae Ch; i Sicily 139 on coins of Chios 113 Siklu 212 ae Ke 152, 177 branded on ‘Thracian Sin remitted in Orphic aig eget Ig Haerrne 17 rises to drink from Siva 175 kantharos 19 Smyrna 208 | Straparola Tea Snake Suckling, Sir J. 173 as incarnation of soul g | Suffering for service 64 in Spartan reliefs 8, 88 | Sun 147 twined about eucharistic Sun-barque 95 bread 18 | Swastika 200 Tanit, etymology of 214 Tavsas= Zeus 178 Teverath IgI Theophagy, evolution of 1g Tholos 85 Thunderbolt a lightning-axe in modern Greek 24 in mystic rite 02805505 Tinia, Tins E61 178 Titan a mad Tan or Zeus 146 and Satan 145 Titanesses BO Tonitrus, a “Zeus-shaft’ 151, 178 Transubstantiation 17 Tritons 136 _ Trygaios, name of si Tuchulcha 164 Turan 136 Turnus compared with Saturn 137 Urss 196 Urnula in procession of Isis 87 Urusalim 196, 214 VALA, a sun-god 149 Valentinus 97 -vant 190, 211 Varu 176 Vas electionis 87 Vas vitae sty Vediovis 4 a chthonic god 131 arrows as symbol of defiance 130 as Kabeiros 129, 133 compared with Salmoneus 124 congener of Saturn 130 connection with dramat- ic performance 128 consort of Flora 126 date of two temples at Rome 128 god of Julian gens 131 in ancient prayers 124 Vegetation and immortality 6, 46 Venus and Urania 176 Vibia-paintings 12 Victories on throne of gods 159 Vine 37, 41 the true and the false 16 Vir 208 WELL of Poseidon 78 Wine as members of Osiris 87 in Dionysiac mysteries 5 wine-blood in mystic sculpture 15, 41 Wolf-cult and sickle- cult 168, 188 ZAGREUS 9 Zaremaya oil 9 Zeus altar of, at Pergamon ~=128 an oak-god 150 | 236 I Bronton hs Herkeios etymology of 180 Lykaios evolved from Madbachos fertility-god 24, 182 163 167 81, 124 GREEK INDEX hte ia ees my ° F z ¥ r P Vee ‘e j LS Bey / } Ay ‘ Peat!) ae iH 1 aos L . Mae t ; ' A r os vi PAA ° i am sth , ae rR fepaye. y vi j : - { [ : " : | \ Wong ¥ F a Aut : ‘ , a een “| pee : ie Ae Ae OFA a) i 17 A aed aed ys ; 45 f F Theis <= ’ vt} xk ' Ki ; : x7 ; as 4 wh LE Pm iv) ’ ‘| ‘ F f } ath , be} ; . ‘ ; ; f / } ; j “ { r, \ : i J ) . ; : t i } ; A x ] i z i ‘ ; j ' j ’ } ’ ! ' a « i ! ’ ’ [ , { ‘ r ; ty } : : , 1th ny ‘ ; i - ‘ i : | j ; Hi ' H j i ' Deiat » Ae . : \e - a4 f J ‘4 r P» ' “4 } ¥ i : i : 4 é ‘ 4] ‘ ‘ , hoy ean : : ; t ‘ U P v Piers 4 f " d ; “ " j ta tr fey i v fous eA j ‘ 2 ‘ , ‘. ri ; A j : » & “3 xy Li Y 4 ¥ ; tad Ln lea Q ‘ A Bae BOR nts ; 2 Lin : ‘Ale ay heey, ht) wah ays Cae y a moi) n uf," yA 8 Alo no. ws peti 2 in, yah . iy TP) ‘ ~ Phar Po & peek! Me ale fet Peete AL ee ie Pete me CL ee ee a Me GREEK INDEX A &Bédvos 148 ayabds datywr 62 ay Kos TO3 4220 by KuAOUNT ES 139 Alrva 141 Airvaios I41 Airvatos kavOapos 74 "AKpatomoTns 55 a Kpos 185 Gade pvaorac 68 &yrTpov BO 11,5 &potpov I 76 &poupa I 76 &pros dvaoraros I71 da durvbos 190, 221 GOT POTENEKL 179 B Baca apes We Borpus vel Boukdoros beds Ol Bovxodot 56 BpaBevs 1g0 Bpwpos 2, Bpords 177, 208 A A doxos 182 dévdpov 180 d€m as IOI Aodtx atos 178 dodtxos 178 dpém avov 182 dpvow 185, 187 dpwrrTw 185 E "EX addorekrtos 1g EAs 160, 190 ép Kos 163, 164 Epa I 65 Epunvevw 165 érvirns 46 eVAnpa 199 eUpn Kaper 64 -€US IgI evot caBot 195 evoeBns 195 *"ExetrAatos 152,179 Z Cayo 139, 182 Zevs (o) karaBarns 50 Lodupevs 196 Tepucets 196 Evdevs 188 8 Badvavos 45 Oapyndos 44 Oewpla 70 Opivaxes Wh 240 I lepos 195 ‘Tepoood\upa 196 igodalrns 718 K KaBanevls 196 K atpos 75 Kapnd\avKvov 154 K&utdos 154 KG7os 165 Kap7os 165 KaTaxavas Qi 2i20 KepavvoBporra 64 KEXNVOS Cp eure fs Kip Kos 164 Kitt ap 67 Kopuvéos 201 KpaTip &uBpoclas 43 Kpnr avyevys 207 Kpovos ns Kptgios 31, 39, 160 A A\aBpus 199 AaBiprvbos 199 Aavpuov 199 NeKiOirns 46 AvboBorta 59 ALOogdpos 59 AOgos 197 AUKos 167 Aepos 154, 199 M pata 156, 189 [acvouevos 51 paKkedgra oie papva 207 wapvacbar 177 Mey addouatos 189 MéOn aiwvtos 117 MATHS TOV Topvav 56, 70 -yivd 160, 190 bitpa 151 O "Odup ros 197 II TaNaovov 78 Tlad)\ as 192 mwaddXas 192 TEN AY Los 54 TENEK GS 187 TENE KUS 187 TeX 187 ™ndadLov 53 TloAvas, IoXceds, IIoXtov>xos 192 TOXLs 195 ToXtTns 193 ToTnpLomopos 7) TwOTVLA 178 II redeov 195 IIréptov 195 P paBédos 190 paBdovxos Igo z Dodvpevs Dvprvbos cwTnpla E Tap TavpoOpmoppos ~Tévedos 241 kt 196 201 116 146 54 178 Tévyns TEpLa Tepunacels TpLacvovy TUp avvos xX pOvos 178 196 196 heh 138 175 4 ha) : J hg roe o b A ae NA Mea Thiers eee Caen © AT OF Kantharos; studies in Dionysiac and rinceton Theological Seminary-Speer Library Pp 1 1012 00009 5242