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 TOWARD NWoaical 32% wey 
 INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 WHAT WAS SAID AND DONE 
 
 AT THE FIRST 
 National Interracial Conference 
 HELD UNDER THE AUSPICES OF 
 
 THE COMMISSION ON THE CHURCH AND RACE RELATIONS 
 OF THE 
 
 FEDERAL COUNCIL OF THE CHURCHES 
 AND 
 
 THE COMMISSION ON INTER-RACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 CINCINNATI, OHIO 
 MARCH 25-27, 1925 
 
 PuBLISHED BY 
 
 Tue ComMissioN ON THE CHURCH AND Racer RELATIONS, 
 FrpreraL CouNcIL oF THE CHURCHES OF CHRIST IN AMERICA 
 
 Boox Numser ONE 
 
Copyricut, 1926, 
 By GEORGE EDMUND HAYNES 
 
 Printed in the United States of America by 
 J. J. LITTLE AND IVES COMPANY, NEW YORK 
 
FOREWORD 
 
 This volume is unique in the literature on relations between white 
 and Negro people of our Nation. It is not the usual report or 
 proceedings of a conference, but the carefully sifted material from 
 open forum discussions of more than two hundred persons about 
 equally divided between the two races from scattered communities 
 of nineteen states. These men and women assembled as representa- 
 tives of many types of social, educational, civic, business, fra- 
 ternal and religious organizations. All of them were persons with 
 wide experience in dealing with racial and community problems in 
 local centers. When in conference, they exchanged their information 
 and experience on race problems that had confronted them in their 
 communities and organizations; they recounted the methods they used 
 to deal with those problems and the policies and principles which 
 they had found were useful and effective. All their experience, 
 whether successful or unsuccessful, relates to concrete situations and 
 points to constructive ends. 
 
 Several weeks before the Conference opened those who attended 
 were furnished with a series of questions on the topics to be dis- 
 cussed. These questions were designed to assist them in studying 
 their own local problems and the facts involved in order that they 
 might be prepared to enter fruitfully into the discussions of the 
 Conference. As each topic came up it was in charge of a discussion 
 committee. These committees did not attempt to restrict the dis- 
 cussion but only to keep it within the scope of the subject, to sum- 
 marize its results and to formulate the consensus of thought dis- 
 closed, so that those who attended might carry away with them the 
 substance of conclusions at which they had arrived. The discussions 
 occupied nearly all the time of the Conference and were supple- 
 mented only to a limited extent by prepared addresses of persons 
 competent to speak on the subjects. 
 
 These pages, then, bring together a body of fact, experience and 
 reasoning that could hardly be produced in the usual methods of 
 research, of book-writing, or of convention addresses. As far as 
 possible the original colloquial form of the discussions has been 
 retained. Whatever revision has been made has been largely that of 
 eliminating irrelevant and immaterial matter, of smoothing out dic- 
 
 lil 
 
FOREWORD 
 
 tion and phrases, and of readjusting arrangement so as to make the 
 book more readable. 
 
 In an effort to keep the material as nearly in its original form 
 as possible, errors, doubtless apparent to the practiced eye, have 
 resulted. ‘The desire has been to bring to the reader the spirit as 
 well as the letter of the Conference as far as this can be done in 
 cold type, for inevitably the type record falls short in conveying the 
 spirit of the Conference and in revealing the attitude of mutual 
 approach, so evident in the meeting, to the many complex and 
 puzzling problems which were considered. 
 
 At the end of each chapter a summary of the discussion of the 
 topic is given. A summary of suggestions and recommendations 
 and the list of preparatory questions sent out before the Conference 
 have been added at the end of the book. With the reports of the 
 discussion committees contained in each chapter, the volume thus 
 becomes especially useful for discussion groups and college classes. 
 
 The editors have found their work a pleasant task because of its 
 unique interest. They believe that these pages contain a sub- 
 stantial body of valuable material on the subjects treated; that they 
 constitute not only a notable contribution to the general freedom of 
 thought and the method of open discussion for arriving at a better 
 understanding of race problems, but they are also a definite, positive 
 step “Toward Interracial Cooperation.” 
 
 THE EDITORIAL COMMITTEE 
 
 Mary Van Kieeck, Chairman 
 Grorce E. Haynzs, Secretary 
 Evart G. RoutzaAHn 
 WILL W. ALEXANDER 
 ForRRESTER B. WASHINGTON 
 R. W. McGranaHAan 
 B. F. McWitiiamMs 
 W. J. WALLS 
 
 New York City, 
 
 February 23, 1926. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 Tue MEANING OF THE NATIONAL INTERRACIAL CoNFER- 
 ENCE—A MESSAGE FROM THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED 
 STATES . : Sih: 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 PUBLICITY AND RAcE RELATIONS . Pie eee ee Ne: 
 The Newspapers and Race Relations—Crime and the Newspapers 
 —Race Relations Publicity Through the Churches—Address of 
 Mr. Arthur E. Hungerford, Publicity Director, Federal Council 
 of Churches—Report of the Discussion Committee—Summary of 
 Discussion. 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 TBAT THAN DARACHI RELATIONS 1.) ol cp ute toc stile oe)! ire 
 Colored People and Health Facilities—Public Support of Health 
 Facilities—Segregation in Health Facilities—Address of Dr. 
 William H. Peters, Commissioner of Health, Cincinnati—Report 
 of the Discussion Committee—Summary of Discussion. 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 HLIOBRING AND AA Cie KEDATIONS fies ets toe ote are ey > 
 The Effects of Housing Laws on Congestion—Landlords and Race 
 —tThe Difficulty of Obtaining Mortgage Money—How Can Rents 
 be Kept Down?—Better Upkeep from Landlord and from Tenant 
 —FEffects of Housing on Morals and Health—Address of Mr. 
 Bleecker Marquette, Executive Secretary, Better Housing League 
 and Public Health Federation, Cincinnati—Report of the Dis- 
 cussion Committee—An Experiment in Industrial Housing— 
 Negro Residents and Neighborhood Values—Residential Segre- 
 gation and Race Relations—Summary of Discussion. 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 Tire MoveMENT TowarpD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION : 
 The Interracial Aspects of the Y.W.C.A.—Students Trying to 
 Solve Race Problems—Principles of Interracial Organization— 
 The Interracial Movement in Kentucky—Lynchings Prevented by 
 Interracial Committees—Interracial Movement in Indianapolis, 
 
 v 
 
 PAGE 
 
 25 
 
 44 
 
 62 
 
vi CONTENTS 
 
 PAGB 
 Ind.—Address of Dr. Herbert A. Miller, Professor of Sociology, 
 Ohio State University—Report of the Discussion Committee—In- 
 terracial Problems are World-Wide—Summary of Discussion. 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 SooraL AGENCIES AND Rack RELATIONS. . . ... . 80 
 
 The Community Viewpoint—The Negro Social Worker—Equal 
 Pay for White and Negro Social Workers—Staffs of Agencies 
 Should be Interracial—Address of Mr. James H. Robinson, Ex- 
 ecutive Secretary, Negro Civic Welfare Association, Dept. Com- 
 munity Chest and Council of Social Agencies, Cincinnati—Re- 
 port of the Discussion Committee—Summary of Discussion. 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 THE CHURCOHAND RAGE RELATIONS 1.0% ee: eee 92 
 
 Religion at Heart of Race Problems—What is the Christian Atti- 
 tude Toward Race Problems ?—How to Put Christian Principles 
 in Operation—Address of Dr. Alva W. Taylor, Secretary Board 
 of Temperance and Social Welfare, Church of Christ ( Disciples ) 
 of Indianapolis, Ind.—Report of the Discussion Committee— 
 Summary of Discussion. 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 InpUstTRY AND RAcre RELATIONS ito) ASLO 
 
 The Plan for the Session—Accepted Ideas—Facts Desired—Is 
 Strike-Breaking an Asset?—An Experiment in Erie, Pa.—Facts 
 about Chicago—New Jobs in Indianapolis, Ind.—Interracial Ac- 
 tion in Dayton, Ohio—Attitude of Unions in Newark, N. J.— 
 How a Factory Was Opened to Colored Girls—Increase in Col- 
 ored Workers in Columbus, Ohio—A Manufacturer’s Experience 
 —Personnel Problems in Chicago Plants—Recruiting for North- 
 ern Mills—Women in Industry—A Negro Personnel Supervisor’s 
 View—Labor Unions and Colored Workers—Address of Mr. For- 
 rester B. Washington, Executive Secretary, Armstrong Associa- 
 tion, Philadelphia, Pa.—Report of the Discussion Committee— 
 The Eagan Plan of Employee Ownership—Summary of Discus- 
 sion. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 Tur Courts AnD RAéor RELATIONS: -.. ..005) >) eee a 
 
 Negroes Form Large Proportion of Prison Inmates—The Rela- 
 tion of Negroes to the Courts—Attention of Influential People 
 Needed in Courts—Report of the Discussion Committee—Relation 
 of Negro to the Ballot and the Courts—Summary of Discussion. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER Ix 
 
 SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES AND RAcE RELATIONS . .. . 
 
 Advantages or Disadvantages of Separate Schools—Influence of 
 Mixed Schools on Race Relations—Racial Contacts and the Sep- 
 arate Colleges—White and Negro Students in the Same Colleges 
 —Address of Dr. John Hope, President, Morehouse College, 
 Atlanta, Ga.—Report of the Discussion Committee—Summary 
 of Discussion. 
 
 EXCERPTS FROM ADDRESSES OF GENERAL SESSIONS: 
 Dr. C. V. Roman . 
 Dr. Will W. Alexander 
 Dr. George Edmund Haynes . .. .- .- 
 Dr. Sherwood Eddy . . 
 SuMMARY OF LEADING SUGGESTIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS . 
 
 List or SUGGESTIVE QUESTIONS AND Points Sent TO DELE- 
 GATES PRECEDING CONFERENCE 
 
 DELEGATES AND VISITORS . 
 
 PROGRAM AND COMMITTEES ..... . 
 
 vii 
 
 PAGS 
 
 150 
 
 161 
 164 
 168 
 173 
 179 
 
 180 
 183 
 189 
 
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 TOWARD INTERRACIAL 
 COOPERATION 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 THE MEANING OF THE NATIONAL INTERRACIAL 
 CONFERENCE * 
 
 INCLUDING 
 
 A MESSAGE FROM THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 Chairman: Ladies and Gentlemen: We have gathered here this 
 evening in our first National Interracial Conference—mark you, 
 that emphasis is made upon the word “conference.” It is not a 
 convention ; it is not to be a big speaking meeting in the large sense 
 of having a great set of speeches; it is to be a speaking meeting 
 insomuch as subjects will be used to get over an idea and present 
 the truth—to relate experiences and so make it possible for us to 
 come to whatever may seem the best in the way of solution of the 
 various problems that confront us along certain lines dealing with 
 our interracial question. 
 
 You will notice this gathering is under the auspices of the Com- 
 mission on the Church and Race Relations, Federal Council of the 
 Churches of Christ in America, and the Commission on Interracial 
 Cooperation. Dr. George EH. Haynes is Secretary of the former 
 with offices in New York, and Dr. W. W. Alexander, Secretary and 
 Executive Director of the latter Interracial Commission with offices 
 in Atlanta, Ga. The men and women invited and sent here by their 
 respective communities have come right from the field and it is pre- 
 sumed they are acquainted with those phases of the question that they 
 will present to us here. 
 
 The church of Jesus Christ in its various branches feels called upon 
 to meet as we have met here this evening, and it is our prayer 
 
 *The opening session of the first National Interracial Conference held in 
 the Assembly Room of the Plum Street Temple, Cincinnati, Ohio, was called to 
 
 apa at 7:30 P.M. Wednesday, March 25, 1925, Bishop George C. Clement, pre- 
 siding. 
 5 
 
6 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 and our hope that out of this Conference will come a new light and 
 a great blessing to all the interests represented. 
 
 I want to say that when we come to the discussion we shall have 
 an open forum discussion from the floor. You are all invited to take 
 part—every one who is present. I am pleased, as well as regret, 
 to say that three minutes will be the limit given any of you to get 
 over any proposition which you have. 
 
 I take pleasure in presenting Dr. George E. Haynes, Secretary 
 of the Commission on the Church and Race Relations, New York. 
 
 Dr. Haynes: The response we have had is a gratifying thing to 
 us. The fact is, this Conference represents a combination of re 
 ligious and social interests, Jewish, Protestant and some Catholic, 
 as well as white and black. 
 
 There should be given at this opening session some statement of 
 the meaning and reason for this Conference. This statement I am 
 about to read is the expression from the joint committee represent- 
 ing the Commission on Interracial Codperation and the Commission 
 on the Church and Race Relations which joined hands in calling 
 this Conference. 
 
 The first and main objective of this National Interracial Con- 
 ference has been to bring together delegates and representatives 
 from local communities in order that’in conference they may ex- 
 change their experience in dealing with conditions and race relations 
 in these communities. In no other way could they more effectively 
 and economically pass from one to the other the results of their ex- 
 perience in studying their problems; in plans and programs to solve 
 those problems and their experience in getting results. 
 
 The calling of this National Interracial Conference here this 
 year has come as a result of a gradual development. Since 1920 
 local interracial conferences have been held in cities and towns north, 
 south, east and west. There have been state conferences in a num- 
 ber of southern states, notably Kentucky, Tennessee, Georgia, North 
 Carolina and Virginia. Some of the local interracial conferences in 
 northern cities such as Cleveland, Toledo and Wichita, Kansas, have 
 been preceded by surveys of local conditions and relations between 
 white and colored groups. During the three or four years that we 
 have been holding these local conferences there have been repeated 
 questions and requests from different localities and from many in- 
 dividuals for information about the experience, plans of organiza- 
 tion and policies in other localities. 
 
 Quite as important as the first aim of this Conference has been 
 the growing need for more clearly defining and setting before the 
 country the purposes of the interracial movement and the principles, 
 
INTRODUCTION nage 
 
 policies and methods by which white and Negro groups all over the 
 nation, where the two races are in contact in large numbers, are try- 
 ing to adjust their relations by means of conference, understanding 
 and good will in contrast with methods of force, violence and hostile 
 contention. 
 
 A formulation of such purposes, principles, policies and methods 
 could not be made by an individual or a committee of individuals 
 who might attempt to draft it, because it should summarize the 
 varied experiences of hundreds of efforts by organizations and in- 
 dividuals in the localities all over the nation. These two Commis- 
 sions have therefore called delegates from many communities to 
 recount their local experience and by this means bring out in open 
 discussion what has been discovered in the matter of purposes, 
 principles, policies and methods. 
 
 A third need of the interracial movement is that the local com- 
 munities, as well as the nation at large, should have clearly set 
 forth the important facts about this movement. Ten years ago the 
 idea that joint committees and boards of white and colored leaders 
 should map out together programs of action for adjusting the rela- 
 tion and taking care of the interests where they come in conflict or 
 are mutual was given little weight. Only here and there were 
 such experiments attempted and then in a very tentative way. To- 
 day many efforts of the kind are being carried on and have been for 
 several years. 
 
 The danger now arises that communities, organizations and in- 
 dividuals may lose sight of the fact that the problems consist of 
 concrete relations of the two races in industry, in education, in 
 church, in state, in neighborhoods and in other relations of life. 
 The danger is that such a movement may become more or less theo- 
 retical and generalized rather than practical and localized. It is the 
 hope of the organizations that have called this Conference that the 
 delegates from various states and localities may take counsel to- 
 gether to keep this movement functioning in constructive, definite 
 ways as in the past years. 
 
 In the fourth place, we have talked a great deal about applying 
 the ideals of brotherhood and democracy. This Conference brings 
 together men and women of the two races who represent the re- 
 ligious, social service and civic agencies that are making efforts 
 day by day to work out these ideals in the local contacts where the 
 interests of the two races meet and interact. 
 
 In closing this statement I have the great privilege of reading a 
 message from one who expresses for America and Americans, the 
 impressions that these new developments in these last years have 
 
8 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 been making on us. Will the audience please stand while I read 
 a letter from the President of the United States? 
 
 THE WHITE HOUSE, Marcu 21, 1925. 
 
 WASHINGTON. 
 
 My dear Mr. Haynes: 
 
 The evidences of developing public opinion in support of codperation 
 among the racial groups in this country is a matter of satisfaction to all 
 who have the nation’s best interests at heart. The development of inter- 
 racial understanding through codperative plans and the action of leaders of 
 the races in local communities has contributed largely to this increasing 
 good will. I feel that the National Interracial Conference called by the Com- 
 mission on the Church and Race Relations of the Federal Council of Churches, 
 and the Commission on Interracial Codperation to bring local leaders together, 
 from many states, to exchange experiences and compare policies and plans, 
 is worthy of endorsement and support by all who are interested in effective 
 adjustment of race relations. 
 
 I send my wishes for success to the two Commissions and to this Inter- 
 racial Conference. 
 
 Very truly yours, 
 (Signed) Carvin CooLincE. 
 Mr. George E. Haynes, Secretary. 
 
CHAPTER I 
 PUBLICITY AND RACE RELATIONS 
 
 Chairman: We come now to the first topic for discussion, Pub- 
 icity and Race Relations. The chairman of the discussion com- 
 mittee in charge is Mr. H. G. Routzahn, Associate Director, Depart- 
 ment of Surveys and Exhibits, Russell Sage Foundation. 
 
 Mr. Routzahn: Please have in mind that some methods offer de- 
 sirable publicity for the activities of Negro groups which are in- 
 directly of value in connection with race relations, while other 
 methods we will discuss will be considered primarily for their direct 
 influence upon our main subject. In our discussion we will not 
 separate the two groups of methods. 
 
 May I suggest two or three rules of the game? We have a chal- 
 lenge here tonight; it is possible there will be different viewpoints 
 and varied expressions on this difficult subject of publicity, so, in 
 a moment, I want to start on some problem or some method and 
 we hope the men and women who speak will get up and speak on 
 what we want to hear, without really making a speech. 
 
 One thing also; we will not worry too much about what is 
 wrong. We all know about the wrong things; but we want to know 
 what we are to do and how to do it; we want to get somewhere. 
 One other word of introduction: What 1s publicity? When we talk 
 about publicity we usually mean the newspapers. There are other 
 ways to reach the public besides newspapers. I will not take time 
 to refer to them now, but we will discuss them as they come along. 
 
 THE NEWSPAPERS AND RACE RELATIONS 
 
 For the first subject: What is the medium for publicity that 
 offers the greatest possibility of reaching the largest number of peo- 
 ple to further the betterment of race relations? I suppose you will 
 all answer—newspapers. Is that the subject we would like to talk 
 about first? Now will some one of you tell us your problem in 
 <elation to the newspaper? 
 
 S. Joe Brown (Des Moines, Iowa): One thing we have worked 
 out in Des Moines which we think helps further race relations, we 
 have secured the consent of every newspaper in our city to capitalize 
 
 9 
 
10 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 the word “Negro.” We consider that quite an accomplishment in a 
 city of 150,000. 
 
 N. D. Brascher (Chicago, Ill): A little over a year ago in 
 Chicago we called together the publishers of the newspapers—pub- 
 lishers of all daily and racial newspapers. We didn’t have the re- 
 porters, but the publishers and editors. We very frankly took up 
 our various viewpoints of handling racial news. The editors of 
 one or two papers—particularly the Chicago Evening American— 
 were much impressed with what we stated about cutting out refer- 
 ences to race. He went back to his office and gave instructions that 
 in no criminal story should the race of the individual be used. If 
 it was John Smith who committed a crime, that was all that would 
 be used, and that policy has prevailed ever since. I am happy to 
 say the inspiration for suggesting that to them came to me from 
 Cleveland, where two papers, The Plain Dealer and The Press have 
 carried the same rule. 
 
 Dr. H. A. Muller (Ohio State University) : What about reference 
 to the word “white” as used in Negro papers? 
 
 Mr. Brascher: The same rule should hold good there. 
 
 Dr, Miller: Suppose it refers to some commendable thing? 
 What then? 
 
 Mr. Brascher: We would be happy to have them publish it to 
 the world. 
 
 G. W. Thompson (Akron, Ohio): We have been on the war- 
 path on this line for a number of years and have discovered, to my 
 surprise, that the use of the small “n” is not so much racial dis- 
 crimination as it is due to a lack of education. “Negro” is used not 
 as the correlative of “Caucasian,” but of “white.” You will say it is 
 wrong, but that is the stand taken, as I found, in the Atlantic 
 Monthly, where the word “Negro” is used with the small “n.” There- 
 fore, that problem is not so much racial as it might be literary. 
 
 Mr. Routzahn: What other problem is there in connection with 
 the newspapers? Mr. Brascher, was that effort you spoke of brought 
 about by the Interracial Commission, or how? 
 
 Mr. Brascher: By the Civic Committee of the Appomattox Club. 
 
 Mr. Routzahn: Is there any other situation to be reported in re- 
 gard to relations with the newspapers? 
 
 C. T. Greene (Pittsburg, Pa.): I would like to know how far 
 action in regard to the word “negress” has been taken? In our city 
 we have had a great deal of comment in the newspapers, referring 
 to our women as “negresses,” and the intelligent Negro of Pitts- 
 burg resents that very much. I would like to know if in spelling 
 
PUBLICITY AND RACE RELATIONS 11 
 
 the word “Negro” in capital letters, they have found some way of 
 referring to our women in different terms? 
 
 Mr. Brascher: We have found in handling this particular phase 
 of journalism we can accomplish a great deal by going to the editors 
 themselves. That means South as well as North. We have had 
 some wonderful results in the South; the editors are open to reason 
 —most of them. In my experience, if you can convince them, 
 they will not only cut out the term “negress,” but in a few sec- 
 tions of the South, they refer to the women of our race as “Mrs.” 
 —not so many, but that will come, too. Also they will give you 
 the preference of calling the group Afro-American, Colored, or 
 Negro, or spelling it any way you want. 
 
 ORIME AND THE NEWSPAPERS 
 
 Bishop Clement: My attention was called some time ago, in 
 a meeting similar to this, to a fact very discouraging to some of us 
 present. It was that where the great dailies, especially in the South, 
 have more and more desisted from publishing Negro crimes on the 
 front page, great weekly Negro papers have taken advantage of that, 
 so that they fill their papers with crimes of our people. 
 
 Chandler Owen (New York): I happen to be one who differs 
 very materially on the question of crime. I think we should have 
 advertising of crime in America on the front pages. I believe it 
 is important that information about crime should be broadcast over 
 the nation; it is well to know that murderers are at large and 
 bank bandits infesting a city, just the same as knowing about small- 
 pox. If they know, people become alert and inquire about efforts 
 to suppress crime as well as disease. Since crime is nothing but 
 a social disease, we ought to assume the same attitude as toward 
 any other form of disease. I think the Negro and white papers should 
 continue to publish crimes. 
 
 H. T. Steeper (Des Moines, Iowa): I am not an editor. I have 
 almost exactly the reverse opinion from that just given. I hope 
 the Negro papers of America will not follow the lines of feeling of my 
 friend and use the front pages for crimes as much as they are doing. 
 I am frank to say, the field of education, authors’ clubs and other 
 organizations of America do not want to herald crime. Does adver- 
 tising it stop it? Those young men, Leopold and Loeb in Chicago, 
 throve on the thrills they got out of reading of murders. We have 
 to get a better diet. I wish we could get the man who lives 30 years 
 with his wife without trouble, pays the bills and doesn’t come home 
 drunk—get him on the front page and some other stuff like that. 
 
12 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 Mr. Routzahn: We can talk back and forth all evening on this 
 problem, because it is like some other problems with which we are 
 familiar. ‘Therefore, I think we will let the crime page problem 
 alone for the time being. Is there some other idea? 
 
 F. B. Washington (Philadelphia, Pa.): Not so long ago an 
 editorial writer for the Philadelphia Public Ledger asked me for a 
 short timely article on some phase of the race question. There 
 was considerable unemployment among colored women, and, there- 
 fore, I gave them a little article in which I pointed out that it 
 was unfair for white women to object to the employment of colored 
 women in other occupations than domestic service. Colored women 
 ought to be allowed to get the same joy out of life which comes from 
 doing that which they want to do as white women. There had 
 been some objection to colored women breaking a strike and I said, 
 if that was the only way they could get economic independence, I 
 didn’t blame them. My article was not published and I was in- 
 formed that the article had been set up in type and the writer 
 who solicited it wanted to print it because it was snappy, but the 
 editor-in-chief said it was controversial and he could not eos any- 
 thing controversial. I wonder if much else of the Negro’s side of the 
 race problem is squelched “because it is controversial.” 
 
 Chairman: Has any one an answer to that problem or a way to 
 work it out? Has any one had any other experience in calling on 
 the newspapers ? 
 
 Dr. W. H. Jernagin (Washington, D. C.): My experience with 
 some editors in Washington in matters of that kind, is that they 
 find they have to jar the people. I think this matter comes back 
 to the larger matter that even the church people—many of them— 
 will not read papers unless they can get something exciting out of 
 them. It is a money-making question with the newspapers. ‘They 
 said to me, if I could get the members of my own church to read 
 the papers regularly when they didn’t have those things in them, 
 it would be an interesting experiment. They said church folks will 
 not read a colored or white paper unless there is something exciting 
 in it. 
 
 R. B. Eleazer (Atlanta, Ga.): I just want to say a word on 
 what Mr. Brascher said about conferring with editors of southern 
 papers, which I think strictly true. I have here the story of a 
 meeting of editors of the leading papers of Virginia, who were 
 asked to get together and discuss the viewpoints of the interracial 
 groups. Nothing was formulated at the meeting, but afterwards on 
 their own account they formulated a statement and signed it and 
 gave it to us to do with as we pleased. I took that statement 
 
PUBLICITY AND RACE RELATIONS 13 
 
 throughout two or three states; every editor in New Orleans signed 
 it and every editor in Memphis signed it and the Mississippi groups 
 signed it—practically all the North and South Carolina groups 
 signed it, and it seems to be representative of the attitude of the 
 editors throughout that section. I do not know of anything better 
 that you can do than bring your viewpoint to the attention of the 
 editors, and make them see what you have in mind. 
 
 Dr. Alexander: In one place, I have a man who sells advertis- 
 ing to the newspapers and he is constantly on guard. Whenever 
 they seem to be violating good taste, this man, who spends a good 
 deal of money advertising, calls their attention to it. In two other 
 places, two college professors have as their job to watch the editors 
 constantly. It takes a great deal of patience and a great deal of 
 time to change the habits of newspapers. If we use our imagination 
 a little as to how newspapers are made up, you will realize one visit 
 alone will not do much. 
 
 Dr. Haynes: Is there any delegate from St. Louis? 
 
 Miss Bertha B. Howell (St. Louis, Mo.) : Not long ago we con- 
 sulted the editors of denominational papers. We were inclined to agree 
 with them that we should give editors positive material on the out- 
 standing achievements of the leaders of the colored people, and that 
 is better publicity than simply suppressing the undesirable material. 
 The positive effort is more important, but the difficulty of securing 
 that material was the thing we have been up against. All these 
 denominational papers want is good material. Local material is not 
 sufficient. We really ought to have a national clearing house for such 
 material in order to make it effective. 
 
 Dr. Haynes: We have been working on that problem of a na- 
 tional clearing house, but we are limited by the limitations of our 
 purse. If you will help us find the people who have the money, Mr. 
 Eleazer is quite ready and has quite a bit of machinery ready to put 
 that in motion. Our recent experiences with religious papers is that 
 they get a great deal of stuff, more than they use, and the daily 
 press uses material of the same kind more readily than the religious 
 papers. 
 
 Rev. J. W. Robinson (Clarksburg, W. Va.): We had an experi- 
 ence not long ago with one of our newspapers in Clarksburg. Our 
 church gave a contest and I sent an account of it to one of our 
 daily papers. The program of the contest and announcement came 
 out very nicely with nice headlines. But, in the evening paper 
 on the evening the contest was to be, another paper published a 
 paragraph headed, “Such and such given by pickaninnies”—referring 
 to them as “babies and pickaninnies.” My people didn’t like that. 
 
14 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 Of course, I went to see the editor the next morning. He informed 
 me that was put in without his noticing it until after it was done. 
 However, he made an apology for having permitted it to come out 
 in his paper. That shows, if we go to them properly, we will get over 
 our point of view. 
 
 Dr. H. A. Miller (Columbus, Ohio): Why do you expect this 
 editor to take a codperative view? Just on a humanitarian basis? 
 I think, as long as prejudice prevails, you cannot expect so much, 
 but, if you have a large number of readers of a certain paper or 
 advertisers are giving something to that paper, you have a definite 
 impression to bring to the papers. Yesterday I went to one of the 
 editors of a Columbus paper on interracial matters and it was 
 brought out that his paper was one quite largely read by colored 
 people. His attitude was very codperative. That ought not be left 
 out of the discussion. | 
 
 Dr, Alexander: One of the editors said to me, “Mr. Alexander, 
 although we do not publish your stuff, the fact that you are sending 
 the stuff with your viewpoint, gives us a new idea. Your material 
 has good in it.” So, although we do not get it in the columns all 
 the time, we are talking to the editors and little by little there is a 
 change in the attitude of the newspapers, making it better. 
 
 RACE RELATIONS PUBLICITY THROUGH THE CHURCHES 
 
 Mr. Routzahn: That is very good. We should learn more how to 
 be liberal. What is the next avenue we should take up? We have 
 an idea that the church is the thing that touches many of us. How 
 many here had a program on Race Relations Sunday? 
 
 There is a plan and program that was offered by the Federal 
 Council of Churches for us on that Sunday. That is available now 
 and there will be a new one for 1926, if you wish to work up a Race 
 Relations Sunday. What else have you to suggest in relation to 
 using your churches to spread the idea for better race relations? 
 
 Dr. Alexander: One Sunday when we were starting to go for a 
 drive after Sunday School, my boy said, “I don’t want to go home 
 today; I want to stay at the church.” I said, “What possesses you? 
 Why do you want to stay in church? You never did before.” He 
 said, “I don’t want to stay in church, I want to go downstairs where 
 they are telling stories out of the Peanut book.” They happened 
 to have a story book about Negroes who have achieved; it is called 
 “Handicapped Winners.” The book is covered with designs of 
 peanuts. They are gathering the children together and telling them 
 stories of Negroes who are “handicapped winners.” 
 
PUBLICITY AND RACE RELATIONS 15 
 
 Mr. Routzahn: We have an announcement from a Wisconsin min- 
 ister who devoted two Sundays to something on the American Negro’s 
 problems and his possibilities. On one evening a sermon was de- 
 livered and on the other an entertainment given—an evening in 
 Dixie with music and reading. He has a list of a dozen books 
 which he brings to the attention of his congregation, with which we 
 should all be familiar. Are there any other suggestions about 
 churches ? 
 
 G. R. Arthur (Chicago, Ill.): The Church Federation of Chi- 
 cago started a series of studies of some of our difficulties. Dr. 
 Haynes’ book was studied. They brought into the classes a lot 
 of white and colored men of the city who discussed the problems 
 as they came up. 
 
 Dr. B. F. McWilliams (Toledo, Ohio): Six months ago, a mem- 
 ber of our Interracial Committee proposed that we write a letter to 
 the pastors of the churches in the city, suggesting the interchange 
 of pulpits between white and colored ministers, and named five min- 
 isters in particular with whom it might be profitable to make this 
 exchange. 
 
 Thereupon, five of us were invited to exchange pulpits in the city 
 and three of us responded to that call, I being one of the three. 
 I exchanged pulpits with Dr. A. A. Stockdale, First Congregational 
 Church in that city, and I received thirteen letters of commendation 
 after that service. From that day up to this, I, and others of our 
 committee, have been invited to speak on several occasions, and 
 groups of our people have been asked to serve. We have given pro- 
 grams from time to time in the different churches of the city. 
 
 G. W. Thompson (Akron, Ohio): We have done practically the 
 same thing as in Toledo. 
 
 S. A. Allen (Boston, Mass.): The Boston Federation of 
 Churches has arranged for five colored men to speak over the radio 
 on various questions. 
 
 S. Joe Brown: I want to say the same thing. 
 
 A. H. Martin (Cleveland, Ohio): The Federated Churches of 
 Cleveland have adopted the plan of sending out white and colored 
 speakers throughout the city from time to time in order to cultivate 
 the habit among the colored churches of receiving contact and in- 
 structions from the white ministers. Many white churches do the 
 same with colored speakers. We think it is having a fine reaction. 
 
 Mr. Routzahn: Here are a few suggestions as to other forms of 
 publicity: Dialogues, tableaux, monologues can be used—something 
 which would present an idea in a new way. Why not give at the 
 women’s clubs readings from some of the colored writers? Have 
 
16 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 contests and story telling and story reading. So many libraries have 
 story-telling hours and there is plenty of material which could be 
 used for these. Pageants also, such as Milestones as given in Wichita, 
 are excellent. 
 
 Dr. E. N. Oxley (Cincinnati, Ohio): We have dramatics in our 
 own church, as our church has looked upon this question seriously. 
 We have a department of dramatics in connection with our settle- 
 ment school of music. We work for all the boys and girls in this 
 community—from any section of the city. Last summer, we gave 
 Joseph in Egypt, with an Oriental background—with people from 
 each colored church. We think it a definite contribution toward 
 the cultural education and the life of the city. 
 
 Rev. Clayton B. Wells (Wichita, Kan.): The race pageant 
 Milestones was a very marvelous performance—the biggest thing 
 Wichita ever has had, and we expect great things to come as the 
 result of the pageant. One of the finest things in connection with 
 it was Miss Crogman’s appearance in sundry places addressing the 
 audiences. One of the greatest achievements was the conquest of 
 the intermediate and high school grades. It went up against a 
 pretty stiff prejudice. We think great things will come of her 
 pageant. 
 
 Chairman: We shall now have the address of Mr. Arthur E. Hun- 
 gerford, Publicity Director, Federal Council of Churches, on Pub- 
 heity and Race Relations. 
 
 Mr. Hungerford then spoke in part as follows: 
 
 Publicity is a two-edged sword, cutting both ways. Doing great good if 
 properly used, it creates havoc when used by the inexperienced or when the 
 cause for which it is exerted is unsound. Publicity is a comparatively new 
 form of education. But it must not be confused with theatrical press agent 
 stunts or with one-sided propaganda. 
 
 By publicity is meant the presentation of facts. They may be dramatized 
 a bit. They may be given simply, but in whatever form they are presented, 
 they must make men think; not necessarily the way we think, but so that 
 they use their brains to make a decision in view of the facts. 
 
 In creation of interracial good will, publicity should and will have a great 
 part. This is especially true in relation to the daily press. Much of the 
 reduction in the lynching evil has been brought about through the creation 
 of public opinion against mob murder by the daily press—particularly in 
 the South. 
 
 Many of us find fault with the press—some for its headlines, some for its 
 treatment of crime, some for its apparent lack of interest and codperation in 
 the things in which we are vitally interested and which seem to us to be of 
 the utmost importance to the community, to the Nation or to the world. For 
 a good many things for which we condemn the press, we ourselves are to 
 blame. All of us are interested in racial relations, and yet how many of us 
 have ever tried to tell the managing editor or the city editor of our local 
 papers about the matter? Have we ever given the reporter who tried to get a 
 story a fair chance to secure it correctly? 
 
 Let us for a moment go back of the impersonal press—to the men who 
 control it—the editors and the reporters. No pastor, no social worker, clings 
 
PUBLICITY AND RACE RELATIONS 17 
 
 more faithfully to his conception of right and wrong than reporter and editor 
 hold to the ethics of the press. The reporter and the editor, with but few 
 exceptions, have as their ideal the presentation of news as they see it— 
 honestly and fearlessly. To my mind there is less danger from the papers 
 that print too much news than from those that suppress news—for one reason 
 or another. 
 
 Most papers are intellectually honest and print the news as its staff sees 
 it. They want to be fair, they want to be honest, they want to help good 
 causes, to work for goodwill. The fearless, honest newspaper, even when mis- 
 taken, is an asset to a community. Now, sometimes papers do not help race 
 relations and other good movements of the utmost importance because we 
 who are interested do not take them into our confidence. We do not take 
 the trouble to tell the editors and reporters of their significance. Oftimes 
 we think the paper is hostile in its treatment of racial news when it is merely 
 that the paper is following a custom or that the editor has not thought about 
 the matter. 
 
 Let every one who is vitally interested in creating goodwill and under- 
 standing between the white and colored peoples help his local paper realize 
 their importance. We do not take pains enough to help the Press. Frequently, 
 we have a big meeting or do an important piece of work and think of every- 
 thing but the local paper and what its help would mean to us. Call on the 
 editor and city editor and ask their codperation in giving the news of not 
 only what you are doing but also of the way they handle the news of the 
 many things that enter into race relations in the community. Write to them 
 from time to time. 
 
 Do not expect them to editorialize their news columns. Papers will 
 undoubtedly from time to time express editorial views on the matter, but the 
 chief value of the press is to tell the news of what is being done, of the 
 hopes and ideals concerning race relations and of its handling of articles that 
 may create ill will because of lack of care. Now, we cannot expect the papers 
 to give news space unless our work is vital, unless we are accomplishing 
 something. News space is strictly limited. The daily paper has to cover the 
 doings of the world every twenty-four hours. Every day it throws away many 
 times more news than goes into the columns. 
 
 When a reporter is assigned to cover a meeting or special work, take time 
 to help him get what he wants in his way. We must go into details if he 
 desires and give him the information, if possible, when he wants it. Our 
 meeting or work may be but one of a half dozen assignments for the evening. 
 Many times a reporter is asked by a busy executive, in the press of work, 
 to come later; but many things may keep him from coming back. By failing 
 to respond to the needs of the papers, we lose more news space than we 
 imagine. 
 
 Advance copy of addresses and news are always welcome. Unfortunately, 
 many of us in our advance material leave out the best news from the editor’s 
 point of view. We acquire the art of giving the news facts only with practice. 
 All newspapers face mechanical difficulties. The various pages of the paper 
 are locked on a scheduled time. The different editions must go to press on 
 the minute. Delay means a missing of trains and mails and the disappointment 
 of thousands of readers. So the paper must go to press on time, even if your 
 story or my story of the utmost importance is left out because we are a few 
 minutes late. One advantage of giving news material to papers promptly 
 is that frequently it gets on an “early page’ which is locked up, not to be 
 disturbed again and so the story as it is called goes through all editions. 
 
 Our particular story or article must compete against the world for space. 
 Race relations are news when properly presented. All efforts to bring about 
 goodwill between various races and national groups in this country are real 
 news. Do not confuse news, however, with propaganda. Views or facts about 
 race relations, at times may not be news, but if made in a statement by a 
 man whose judgment is recognized in the community and who stands for what 
 is best, or by a reputable organization, it becomes news. 
 
18 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 A great field is open in the matter of education or news publicity in race 
 relations. The Japanese question has focused light upon the dealings of the - 
 white and yellow races. The migration of the Negro to the North and West 
 has given added interest in the doings of the white and colored peoples. Be- 
 cause of such things and because an increasing number of persons are in- 
 terested in creating good will and fair play, race relations have a greater 
 news value than ever before. 
 
 A curious cycle is this thing of news and educational publicity. A small 
 group interested in a piece of vital work takes some action which creates 
 news. The publication of their activities creates wider interest, and a wider 
 circle of workers. This in turn adds to the news value of the movement, and 
 so it spreads until the idea has become generally accepted and the need for 
 aggressive work disappears, then it is no longer news. The element of fight 
 or achievement is what makes news. Prohibition is still news because an 
 aggressive minority has prevented real prohibition. Once we have real 
 prohibition with the law enforced so it is impossible for any one to obtain 
 alcoholic liquors, the public, even the irreconcilables, will regard the matter as 
 settled and it will no longer be news. News is simply that which interests 
 the greatest number of readers. 
 
 Publicity has its place in creating good race relations. Like the genil 
 in the bottle, its aid is not to be lightly revoked. Guard it cautiously. Use 
 it wisely. Publicity is a precious gem of great worth. It must be honest 
 to be preserved. The searchlight of publicity, while it helps show the way, 
 also reveals imperfections and faults. This also is valuable, but most of us 
 do not realize it at that painful time when our mistakes are exposed. 
 
 We must not expect publicity to solve all problems or to take the place 
 of hard work. We would not expect advertising to make money for a store 
 that did not have the article advertised for sale. Nor can we expect publicity, 
 or the mere publication of our views or beliefs, to remedy conditions. 
 
 Let us recognize the value of publicity, the ethics and ideals of newspaper 
 men, and the fact that we must play our part. Let us recognize that it is 
 
 ossible that sometime we may be mistaken and allow others to differ from us. 
 fany great causes have been lost because those interested believed that they 
 alone possessed wisdom, and that their plans to the most minute detail had 
 to be accepted absolutely. Above all things, let us seek to present the facts 
 so that the other fellow may think and then make his decision—whether it is 
 our way or not. We must realize that as a rule when the public has the 
 facts, it acts rightly and justly. 
 
 Chairman: Mr. Brascher will give the first part of the report of 
 our Discussion Committee on Publicity. 
 Mr. Brascher made the following report: 
 
 REPORT OF DISCUSSION COMMITTEE ON PUBLICITY 
 
 There are four points that I will bring out—three of them have been 
 discussed already, and one is a mere suggestion I want to lay before you in 
 order that you may react upon it. 
 
 The first point brought out by Dr. Alexander, Director Commission on 
 Interracial Codperation, Atlanta, Georgia, is with reference to the repeated 
 visits to the editors, to getting their attitude to be a little more cordial. 
 He says he finds people go to the editor once and if they are not able to 
 persuade him, that they don’t go back again. The same thing holds true 
 with visiting the editors with regard to changing their policies. Sometimes 
 they are changed or will change their policy to get rid of you, but other times 
 you must keep at them. 
 
 On the subject of letters to editors, Mr. Forrester B. Washington of 
 

 
 PUBLICITY AND RACE RELATIONS 19 
 
 Philadelphia brought out a fine point. There could be a great campaign on 
 sending letters to editors. I know it is the policy of the Chicago Tribune 
 to be guided very largely by the comments they get from subscribers o 
 readers on a given subject. That is true of almost every publication. 
 
 Another phase of the subject of publicity is pictures. We have moving 
 pictures and still pictures. Night before last in Carnegie Hall, New York, 
 there was a fine demonstration of the practicability of moving pictures in 
 bringing to the people of the white group knowledge of what Negroes are 
 doing. Some four thousand people in a great gathering were greatly im- 
 pressed by what they saw going on in Tuskegee and other sections of the South. 
 You can tell many things through pictures; pictures are the universal 
 language. 
 
 We discussed in our committee today and with some friends who are 
 delegates and visitors, the subject of a publicity foundation. We have all 
 sorts of foundations and it occurred to us that it might be suggested to you 
 and you could think it over. The plan coming to our minds was a foundation, 
 properly financed, that would be a clearing house for general publicity, one 
 in which the various organizations, North and South, interested in the racial 
 adjustments, would have some share in directing. 
 
 k. B. Eleazer (Member of the Discussion Committee): We 
 have no further report, except a few other lines in publicity which 
 we have found effective in working with college groups. One of 
 the most effective things we have been able to do in the South has 
 been to send colored speakers around—men like Dr. Fisher of Fisk 
 University and Dr. Carver of Tuskegee—through the southern col- 
 leges to speak to white student groups. The transformation in the 
 viewpoint has been remarkable in many cases. They have been 
 introduced to an entirely new type of colored people, who give them 
 a new conception of the capabilities of colored people. 
 
 Then we have classes as a part of the curriculum in southern 
 universities. We have also organizations of interracial student groups, 
 where white and colored students sit down from week to week or 
 month to month and discuss viewpoints. As an illustration, we had 
 a question on the higher education of the Negro raised by one 
 student and another said he didn’t believe in it; that it was a mis- 
 take. The group said, “Very well, where are your facts; bring 
 them in on paper and we will get colored students to bring in 
 papers telling why. they should have it.” At the next meeting, the 
 white man said he had no paper. He said, “When I began to 
 study it out and place my facts, I had no grounds to stand on; my 
 viewpoint is entirely changed.” 
 
 Sending colored singers through the colleges has been effective. 
 We have plans formulated for the organization in every woman’s 
 society, in some 8 or 10 denominations, of interracial committees 
 and a program of study for those committees, including a personal 
 investigation of the conditions in the Negro homes and churches. 
 There is need of certain courses in our public schools. We think, 
 
20 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 beginning with the grammar school, there is need of the introduction 
 of a history course dealing with the part the Negro has played in 
 American history, and an appreciation of what the Negro has con- 
 tributed to the development of the country. 
 
 And then the effort to reach the teachers. We think a great 
 deal of race bitterness begins in the small children. Teachers could 
 teach the right racial attitude, and if so, we could get rid of the 
 trouble right at the very root. 
 
 We think of having more concerts—of having more artists like 
 Roland Hayes. More Negro music and the dramatic character de- 
 velopment of the Negro would be tremendously effective. Special 
 historical occurrences may be used as story material to be sent to 
 the papers in your community. 
 
 Mr. Brascher: I want to add this one statement that we do 
 not want to forget the fact that what Mr. Eleazer has spoken of 
 are conditions that are now obtained in the South. I am certain 
 there is much that can be done for awakening the North in the 
 matter of publicity in race relations. : 
 
 DISCUSSION OF REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON PUBLICITY 
 
 Chairman: We cannot go into details and discuss all the things 
 suggested, but might take a minute or two for any questions. 
 
 Dr. Haynes: I want to call attention to the fact that Mr. 
 Eleazer mentioned something about the contact of the student groups. 
 We have here a delegation of students. A student from Vander- 
 bilt is here who can tell of the actual operations of the colored 
 and white groups in the South. 
 
 Ernest L. Ackley (Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tenn.) : 
 The Nashville Student Forum, after making a rather superficial 
 study of things in Nashville, published a report, and financed send- 
 ing it to all the Protestant ministers, to editors of papers, and to 
 heads of the civic clubs of Nashville. The report contains not only 
 a statement of facts and conditions in Nashville and the needs, but 
 also a list of ten books we thought should be read on the subject. 
 Although we do not know that any great amount of difference has 
 been made by the report, yet we have received some very interesting 
 replies from people in the city who have felt it was worth while. 
 
 Mr. Routzahn: Where can that report be secured? 
 
 Mr. Ackley: From me, any time by mail. I have a few copies 
 of the report with me to which you are welcome while they last. 
 
 Mr. Routzahn: How about classes for studying interracial prob- 
 lems? Where can I get a course of study for those classes? 
 
PUBLICITY AND RACE RELATIONS 21 
 
 Mr. Eleazer: One has just come from the press. Dr. T. J. 
 Woofter, Jr., who is here, prepared it at the request of the teachers 
 of a good many of the courses in southern schools. It is called The 
 Basis of Racial Adjustment. 
 
 Dr. Haynes: The Missionary Education Movement, 150 Fifth 
 Avenue, New York, is doing more in the publication of literature 
 than any one that I know. This agency is the official delegate body 
 of practically all the Home and Foreign Missionary Societies of 
 all the Protestant churches in America. It has published in two 
 succeeding years three study courses each year. ‘They published 
 them in editions of from ten to fifty thousand. 
 
 Mr. Routzahn: Here is a question in the minds of most of us: 
 Where can we write for or where can we read about the new things 
 coming out? 
 
 Dr. Haynes: Write either the Commission on the Church and 
 Race Relations or the Commission on Interracial Codperation. We 
 usually give the reviews of all books that are worth while in this 
 field in the Information Service of the Federal Council of Churches. 
 The Information Service goes out weekly and costs $2.00 a year. 
 There are seven special race relations numbers a year. 
 
 Mr. Routzahn: What I want us to get in the habit of doing is 
 this: When we are not sure of our information, let us write Atlanta 
 or New York. The more questions we ask them, the oftener they 
 will write; and the more insistent we are in getting what we want, 
 the more likely it will be they will give us what we want. 
 
 There is another thing I want to bring up and that is com- 
 munity participation. It is not possible in some places, but in some 
 places it is. Suppose there is an exposition or a celebration— 
 centennial or féte—is there a chance for the Negro to be repre- 
 sented? Is there a chance in an exposition or fair for him to show 
 the products of Negro skill? Four of the state fairs in the South, 
 for the first time this year included exhibits from Negro agricul- 
 tural schools. In one fair they put in a tent, all handled by Negroes, 
 and that proved to be the most interesting point in the fair. As a 
 result of that experience, Memphis will probably build a colored 
 building next year, a colored building connected with the fair. 
 
 Mr. Washington: There will be the Sesquicentennial in Phila- 
 delphia next year, and we want to start preparing for it. I am 
 inviting this Conference to come there next year. We will have 
 a Negro exhibit that we already have in preparation. A Negro 
 architect is designing it. 
 
 Mr. Routzahn: Another thing: When the Governor or some 
 other distinguished person comes to town, try to get them to come 
 
22 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 to your settlement or to some other center of Negro activity. Watch 
 for the visitors. One thing about distribution. When you get out 
 your annual report or anything in connection with your work, be 
 sure that certain people and institutions get it. Negro papers should 
 be in historical libraries. I don’t know if that will help race rela- 
 tions much, but we don’t want to miss a chance. Let the Governor 
 get a copy of your annual report. Make a careful study of the 
 community in order to make sure that every one who might be use- 
 ful gets your material; also see that libraries and reading rooms re- 
 ceive it. Get your local public library to have a display of books 
 on the subject for general reading and special studies, books by 
 Negroes and about Negroes. 
 
 Rev. P. C. Childs (Erie, Pa.): We have succeeded in getting into 
 the public library several books—the Negro Year Book and some 
 others. 
 
 Mr. Routzahn: How are we to do all this? First of all, let us 
 pick out one thing we have heard tonight and then get two or three 
 people together and decide how to work it out. It may take a week 
 or it may take six months, but let us make a good job of it. Don’t 
 let us think we must do all the things or we never will do any- 
 thing. We ought to have a list of local organizations and clubs and 
 lodges, begin to study out what we are going to do, and go after 
 them. Along with that should be a list of the useful people; peo- 
 ple who are interested or people who are influential or who may 
 speak helpfully and favorably; people who meet the right people who 
 might lend you things; people who might help you in getting up 
 displays. I am going to my seat, but I just want to say we haven’t 
 begun to talk about what you can do through publicity. 
 
 Mr. Brascher: I was about to suggest that as a member of the 
 Discussion Committee, as far as I am concerned, I am willing to take 
 home the last words of our Chairman to the effect that the things 
 you have heard here tonight you will put into practice. As a 
 matter of fact, publicity in any development of race adjustment is, 
 you may say, 95% of that development. In other words, John 
 Wanamaker said at one time, if he had one hundred dollars and was 
 going into business he would put $95.00 in publicity and the other 
 $5.00 in stock. The publicity man of any organization has the entrée 
 to all the high moguls; he is the man who knows the psychology, 
 and that is as true in race relations as in any other field. I feel you 
 have benefited by what we have brought to you, and that we thank 
 Mr. Routzahn for the fine manner in which he has handled this 
 publicity program tonight. 
 
PUBLICITY AND RACE RELATIONS 23 
 
 SUMMARY OF THE DISCUSSION ON 
 I. PUBLICITY AND RACE RELATIONS * 
 
 A. PROBLEMS AND DIFFICULTIES 
 
 i 
 2. 
 
 Difficulty of obtaining publicity space for favorable Negro matters. 
 Negro “news” almost all of an unfavorable character; over stress on 
 crimes whose Negro origin is emphasized; general write-ups of a sort 
 to arouse amusement, ridicule or hostility. 
 
 B. EviIpENCE oF PROGRESS 
 
 if 
 
 9. 
 
 Newspapers changing attitude in some instances. 
 
 (a) Special designation of Negro crimes cut out by Chicago American, 
 Cleveland Press and Cleveland Plain Dealer. 
 
 (b) The word “Negro” always capitalized by Des Moines papers. 
 
 (c) Negro affairs given more attention by some papers. 
 
 Movies are educating general public to a knowledge of Negro accom- 
 plishments. (Tuskegee in action, etc. ) 
 
 Negro radio programs are being given and well received. 
 
 Ohio State University has given Negro student programs. 
 
 Boston reports broadcasting by several colored men. 
 
 Negro speakers and singers through the colleges and before the general 
 public favorably received and Roland Hayes has done much to win 
 white consideration for his race. 
 
 Study groups, sometimes of mixed attendance, are valuable publicity 
 channels. 
 
 Chicago Church Federation series estimates a mixed attendance of 
 300,000. Eight or ten denominations report interracial study in progress 
 in their women’s societies. 
 
 Church publicity. Sermons and materials upon the Negro and his 
 contribution. : 
 
 Interchange of pulpits between whites and Negroes -reported from 
 various cities: Detroit, Toledo, Akron and Cincinnati. One white 
 pastor received thirteen letters of approval following a Negro preacher 
 in his pulpit. 
 
 Public libraries and other information centers prepare lists of Negro 
 books and materials. 
 
 Expositions and exhibits are including Negro representation. 
 
 Chicago had a Negro Exposition several years ago. 
 
 Memphis has a building for colored exhibits at its fair ground. 
 Distinguished visitors when in the city should be shown Negro work, 
 centers, etc., as well as white. 
 
 * Made by Professor Harle Hdward Eubank, Department of Sociology, Univer- 
 sity of Cincinnati. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 HEALTH AND RACE RELATIONS * 
 
 Dr. George E. Haynes: The presiding officer this morning, as 
 you will see by your program, is Miss M. Edith Campbell, Director 
 of the Vocational Bureau, Department of Education, Cincinnati, and 
 the meeting is now in her hands. 
 
 Miss M. Edith Campbell: It is unnecessary to say what a great 
 privilege it is to have a part in this very interesting and most unusual 
 conference, and I am most happy to have this share in the work 
 going on in Cincinnati this week. It is unnecessary to tell you, also, 
 as one Cincinnatian, how very glad we are to have you here and 
 what a great privilege we consider it to have Cincinnati selected for 
 this conference. Is Rev. Dr. Williams here? (Prayer by Dr. 
 W. H. Williams.) 
 
 We will now proceed to the discussion of our topic on Health and 
 Race Relations. We will first have the Open Forum Discussion. 
 Mr. Franklin O, Nichols, Associate Educational Director of the 
 American Social Hygiene Association, Chairman of the Discussion 
 Committee, will introduce the topic and then we will proceed with 
 the open forum discussion. 
 
 Mr. Franklin O, Nichols: I think that the delegates know pretty 
 well the method of procedure, which is this: that if there are any 
 problems that the delegates have back in their communities, they 
 are to present those problems here for discussion and for considera- 
 tion. I want you to feel free in asking any questions or presenting 
 anything that you may wish to have discussed. I am going to ask you 
 to do it immediately so the Discussion Committee may have sufficient 
 time to analyze those questions and to analyze the discussion and give 
 you the benefit of our experience in dealing with such matters. 
 
 Miss Campbell: We are now ready to hear from any one from 
 the floor who cares to ask questions or to take part in the discussion 
 of the question on the relation of Health and Race Relations. 
 
 COLORED PEOPLE AND HEALTH FACILITIES 
 
 J. H. Chase (Youngstown, Ohio): We have baby clinics at 
 Youngstown, taking care of both white and colored children, and 
 
 * Session: Thursday, March 26, 1925, 9 a.m. Miss M. Edith Campbell, Cin- 
 cinnati, O., presiding. 
 24 
 

 
 
 
 HEALTH AND RACE RELATIONS 25 
 
 I think we have been quite successful in reducing the number of 
 infant deaths. 
 
 Miss Constance Fisher (Cleveland, Ohio): In Cleveland we have 
 a number of tuberculosis clinics for the care of those who are 
 tubercular. In one of those districts where there is much congestion 
 we have a special one to take care of the extra number of colored 
 children and also a diagnostic clinic to take care of nervous dis- 
 eases; and all the clinics of the city and the hospitals are open to 
 colored and white. 
 
 Mr. Nichols: May I suggest in this discussion that we not only 
 get reports as to the things that they are doing in those communities 
 but the kind of problems, interracial problems, that they might have 
 in connection with these facilities. 
 
 Mr. Childs: We have a tuberculosis society to handle our tuber- 
 culosis cases. It is working along that line and handling these cases 
 very well. We have baby clinics and also clinics for white and 
 colored alike. 
 
 Miss Campbell: Wave you any particular problems there in the 
 handling of that? 
 
 Mr. Childs: It seems to me they are working out very nicely now, 
 
 Dr. Jernagin: I want to say that at Washington we have the 
 Tuberculosis Hospital that looks after all of our cases of both races, 
 and also a Children’s Hospital. 
 
 N. B. Allen (Columbus, Ohio): I want to read a report con- 
 cerning the death rate in the state of Ohio just recently gotten out. 
 It is from the Columbus Citizen, a daily paper of Columbus: * 
 
 *A colored man has thirty-four chances to be murdered to a white man’s 
 one. He has a five-to-one better (or worse) chance than the white man to 
 live at all. And a colored baby has only one-third as good a chance as a 
 white baby to live through infancy. 
 
 These revelations of excessive mortality among Negroes are contained in 
 a report issued by I. R. Plummer, State Registrar of Vital Statistics. 
 
 Among an estimated Negro population of 231,151 in Ohio, 4,786 deaths 
 were reported in one year. The Negro death rate was 23.3 per thousand 
 compared to a white death rate of only 11.8. 
 
 Out of each 100,000 Negroes, 350 died from tuberculosis compared to 76 
 among an equal number of whites. 
 
 Victims of homicide were 85 per 100,000 among the Negroes and 2% 
 among the whites. 
 
 Among each 100,000 Negroes 163 died in infancy compared to 61 baby 
 deaths among the whites. 
 
 A discouraging revelation is that while the Negro population increased 
 only 8% in three years, the death rate increased 30%.” 
 
 The problem is getting the people, our people, to use these various 
 health facilities, and possibly some of us have had larger experience 
 
 * Columbus Citizen, March 18, 1925. 
 
26 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 than some of the rest of us in getting the colored people to use these 
 various facilities. 
 
 Miss Campbell: That is a very important point. 
 
 Rev. G. M. Plaskett (Orange, N. J.): I want to ask about the 
 reports from Ohio: Do Negro physicians have clinical facilities and 
 hospital facilities; that is, do Negro physicians have the right to clin- 
 ical facilities the same as white physicians ? 
 
 Miss Campbell: Dr. Peters, can you answer that from Cincinnati? 
 
 Dr. W. H. Peters, Health Commissioner (Cincinnati, O.): I am 
 going to answer that in my paper. 
 
 Mr. Washington: A lot of us do not realize that the Negro new- 
 comer from some points of view, has the same difficulty as the for- 
 eign-born immigrant has. The Negro migrant does not know © 
 much about the complex institutions of the big city. He has to 
 be introduced to them just as the foreign-born immigrant. We meet 
 that situation in Philadelphia in this way: The Armstrong Associa- 
 tion has four women who go about ringing door bells in the dis- 
 tricts of the city where the Negro newcomers live, forming neighbor- 
 hood groups, and to these groups we bring representatives of the 
 health clinics, the hospitals, the night schools, the settlements and 
 the like, who tell the newcomers about the agencies and help them 
 make the contact. If you want to get these people acquainted with 
 the institutions of the city, you have got to do extension work 
 among them. 
 
 Mrs. H. A. Hunt (Ft. Valley, Ga.): Down in Georgia, where 
 the colored people outnumber the whites three and four to one, we 
 have a public health nurse. She is the only public health nurse in 
 that county; I might also say in half a dozen or more counties 
 around us. We have three clinics every year and we are getting re- 
 sults from these clinics. The people out on the big plantations and 
 in the big peach orchards are learning what germs are and that 
 they do not have to be sick; they are learning how to take care of 
 their tubercular patients. 
 
 Mr. Nichols: I wish Mrs. Hunt would tell how they support 
 that nurse. 
 
 Mrs. Hunt: We tried very hard to get the Board of Health 
 active in this because we have there one member of the State Board, 
 but we have not done very much along that line. We do not get 
 any help from the whites, only in the cases of giving a little medicine 
 and bandages, things of that kind, and we have to go to the North 
 and everywhere we can to get the support for this nurse. The Circle 
 for Negro Relief has helped us for several years and is helping us 
 again this year. 
 

 
 
 
 HEALTH AND RACE RELATIONS a2¢ 
 
 Mrs. W. H. Fouse (Lexington, Ky.): In Lexington we have a 
 baby clinic. Our colored children are permitted to have the advan- 
 tages of the clinic. We have also clinics for venereal diseases. We 
 have interested one or two teachers’ associations and churches for 
 supplying milk for the underfed in the different schools. We have 
 a county nurse, a city nurse and a school nurse, and the city phy- 
 siclan. Our hospitals are open to our physicians of the city to 
 treat their patients and for operations. Aside from that we have 
 access to the sanatorium in the city. Only one thing—we have no 
 ward for colored children. We have one for white children and 
 they have promised us one for colored children. 
 
 Miss Campbell: Mr. Nichols’ personal question was: Have you any 
 peculiar race problems that are keeping that scheme from working? 
 
 Mrs. Fouse: It is working very well now. We have no ward for 
 colored children but we are going to have that real soon. 
 
 Mr. Nichols: Did I understand the lady to say that the colored 
 physicians are given an opportunity to practice surgery in the hos- 
 pital at Lexington, Ky.? 
 
 Mrs. Fouse: Yes, sir. 
 
 Miss Josephine A. Groves (Nashville, Tenn.): I want to say 
 that we are making a special fight in Nashville against tuberculosis 
 and we have a tuberculosis hospital where both colored and white 
 are treated alike and also have a public health board which is doing 
 work along this line. We have just opened a tuberculosis clinic 
 and have a public health nurse who is stationed there, and also a 
 nurse from the Ohio Medical College to come down and help. We 
 have clinics in each section of the city and one baby clinic is held 
 every week. This is held at the Bethlehem Community Center. It 
 is just for Negro children. We have a white nurse and a colored 
 physician. It is supported partly by the public at large and partly 
 by the churches. It was for a while in the Community Chest but 
 because of the claim that it was a denominational affair it was taken 
 out of the Community Chest. Of course, it is not denominational, 
 but it was taken out of the Community Chest. We hope to get it 
 back again. But the infant death rate in the last two years has 
 been decreased about 25%. As to social diseases, there are four 
 clinics. Each of these clinics is in charge of a practicing physician 
 and students come there and take charge of the work. 
 
 Miss Thyra J. Edwards (Gary, Ind.): I am Juvenile Proba- 
 tion Officer for Lake County, Ind. We have worked out this fea- 
 ture in rather an interesting way. The schools have their school 
 nurses who are supported by the Board of Education. ‘These nurses 
 make regular and consistent examination of the children. Children 
 
28 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 who are found to be tubercular are taken to the Tuberculosis Clinic. 
 We have a tuberculosis clinic that is conducted about once every 
 three months; we have a county nurse who visits in the County, but 
 the tuberculosis clinic nurse visits the children and makes a report 
 to the parent and the parent keeps up with the examinations. 
 
 We have had some difficulty about a tuberculosis sanitarium 
 for Negroes. There are only one or two in the state and we can 
 never get more than one or two beds at a time; but we are meet- 
 ing that problem by building our own sanitarium. 
 
 Mr. Plaskett: Up in Orange we have the same facilities for 
 white and black. Colored physicians look after these children, too, 
 as well as white physicians. Have they in Gary a chance to study 
 the children, too, as well as white physicians? 
 
 Miss Edwards: They are free to bring their children in. We 
 have a state children’s physician who came down and held clinics at 
 the white settlement house first and then the colored. In the schools 
 we have dental clinics and the colored physicians take alternate days 
 to study the mouths of the children, but they rarely have that at 
 the tuberculosis clinic with the white physicians. 
 
 PUBLIC SUPPORT OF HEALTH FACILITIES 
 
 E. Franklin Frazier (Atlanta, Ga.): There are two questions 
 which I wish to put before the meeting. The first one is: What are 
 the health facilities in these communities? The second and more 
 pertinent question: To what extent are colored people allowed to 
 use these health facilities, and what is the best method of making 
 it possible for colored people to use these health facilities? I have 
 in mind in the state of Georgia, Mr. Rosenwald has promised 
 $5,000 for the Welfare Department if they would raise $5,000. I 
 was talking to a man in Chicago a few days ago who told me that 
 he had resigned from any activity in helping to raise the $5,000 to 
 match Mr. Rosenwald’s gift. According to this man he thought it 
 was the wrong step to take for the people to raise money by vol- 
 untary contribution to match a gift from Mr. Rosenwald. Then I 
 raised the question: Well, perhaps the head of the Welfare De- 
 partment of Georgia thinks that by demonstrating the utility of 
 developing a state welfare department program to benefit the col- 
 ored people the state will finally take it over. I would like fo 
 hear some expressions as to, first, how to get the white people to 
 include colored people in their welfare programs and allow them 
 to use the facilities; whether that was a good way, or whether we 
 should use some other method. In Atlanta a colored physician was 
 
HEALTH AND RACE RELATIONS 29 
 
 placed on the Tuberculosis Staff. He resigned because he was tired 
 of being treated as a piece of furniture; they ignored him entirely. 
 
 Mr. Arthur: A question for the Committee: How best to en- 
 courage the national, state, county and city officials to appropriate 
 enough money in southern cities and states to employ general health 
 officers, visiting nurses, establish infant welfare station, health in- 
 stitutes in general, and to add, whenever possible, colored men and 
 women to the staff of those organizations. 
 
 SEGREGATION IN HEALTH FACILITIES 
 
 Mr. Plaskett: Facilities in New Jersey are used by blacks and 
 whites up to adults. But I asked a Negro physician and a white 
 physician what was to be the remedy for tuberculosis in that locality, 
 and both agreed it was by the use of the facilities, and until the 
 Negro and the white physicians work together in the handling of the 
 cases there will be no real improvement. : 
 
 S. A, Allen: Is it true that colored people have the privilege of 
 using the convalescent home in New Jersey? 
 
 Mr. Plaskett: Yes, the State Convalescent Home is used by 
 them in Northern New Jersey. 
 
 Miss Howell: In one of our baby clinics we have had an inter- 
 esting problem come up. The physician in charge happens to be a 
 man interested in race relations and has prided himself on the fact 
 that there has never been any trouble arising from the fact that the 
 clinic is a mixed clinic. They found that they have not had many 
 of the Negro migrants in his clinics and they were not getting as many 
 colored babies as they should get. So they tried the experiment of 
 having separate clinics for colored and white, and found the colored 
 babies were coming in in larger numbers. He is dubious as to 
 whether or not he is sacrificing an important principle in doing 
 that. He is establishing segregation in order to save the babies. 
 
 Miss Campbell: I would like to ask if they think that having 
 that separation does help to get over that problem of the Negroes 
 using those facilities? 
 
 : Miss Howell: It did in this case. 
 
 Miss Campbell: I found that they will use the white physicians 
 and the white clinic sometimes. 
 
 Mr. Robinson: We have in West Virginia a colored superin- 
 tendent and we also have two colored women employed by the Health 
 Department of our state. One of them is partially paid by the 
 _ Federal government. They are doing very excellent work. Also in 
 : some of our larger cities, Charleston and some other places, we have 
 
 
 
30 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 a Negro who is an assistant health officer of the city, who has been 
 looking after the colored children. 
 
 Miss Campbell: He is in the Health Department and paid by 
 the City? 
 
 Mr. Robinson: Paid by the Board of Education. These and 
 other health workers are paid by the state, partially paid by the 
 U. §. Government. In the city of Clarksburg we have a baby clinic 
 in connection with our public schools. Also they recently passed 
 a law whereby the county may have a special levy for the purpose 
 of having a health department. It is understood that where the 
 Negro population is sufficiently large there will be an assistant who 
 shall be colored. 
 
 G. W. Thompson: In northern communities where clinics are sup- 
 ported by local municipalities, would it be advantageous to the de- 
 velopment of proper racial relations to establish separate clinics where 
 they have been used by both groups simply because Negroes do not 
 attend the regular clinics? 
 
 Sully Johnson (Youngstown, Ohio): I would like to ask the lady 
 from Lexington, is it true that they have special clinics for dentists ; 
 have they colored physicians who practice with the white physicians ? 
 
 Mrs. Fouse: Yes. The dentist takes each day the children who 
 are in line, and the children who come first are the ones taken. We 
 are right there where we can see them, and as it is their turn they 
 go in and are observed by the physician in charge for that day. 
 
 Mr. Johnson: I want to know if at the same time you have 
 colored physicians practice with the white physicians? 
 
 Mrs. Fouse: Not in that particular clinic. 
 
 Mr. Johnson: In Youngstown we have a baby clinic that meets 
 once a week. We did at the time have one white and one colored 
 physician to examine the babies. Owing to the increase in the col- 
 ored physicians’ work, we had to give it up, so we simply have 
 white, but we have principally colored babies. 
 
 Professor M. N. Work (Editor of the Negro Year Book, Tuskegee, 
 Ala.): There have been some important questions raised. The 
 gentleman from New Jersey has raised a very important question 
 of the Negro physician getting an opportunity to use the hospital 
 facilities the same as the white physician. That is a very important 
 thing, and it seems to me it is really a question for this organiza- 
 tion to take up and see that that is further extended. 
 
 Then Mr. Frazier raised some important questions, also. I 
 want to answer one of those: The question about making a demon- 
 stration in order to get a state department of health. We did this at 
 Tuskegee Institute. We wanted a state health nurse for colored 
 

 
 HEALTH AND RACE RELATIONS 31 
 
 people. Tuskegee Institute paid that nurse’s salary until the demon- 
 stration was made, and the State Health Department then took 
 over the salary of the nurse, and the salary of that nurse is now 
 paid from the Smith-Towner Fund. We ought to get more as- 
 sistance from that Smith-Towner Fund in the matter of paying 
 nurses to work among colored people. 
 
 Miss Fisher: Just recently the Anti-Tuberculosis League, in co- 
 operation with the Negro Welfare Association of Cleveland, put on 
 a health institute for a week. They had night and afternoon classes 
 which were very educational. I think the Associated Charities put 
 forth a special effort to codperate with the Anti-Tuberculosis League 
 and the Negro Welfare Association in this health institute by send- 
 ing to the classes those women with whom it had contact—Negro 
 newcomers into the city who did not know where to go for health 
 and surgical facilities. Quite a number of these were given free 
 scholarship blanks to attend these health meetings and they learned 
 how to care for themselves in general cases. 
 
 Jesse O. Thomas (Atlanta, Ga.): I want to ask Miss Howell 
 of St. Louis if a segregated clinic, or rather a clinic for Negroes 
 as such, has the same physicians and the same nurses as the whites 
 in the mixed clinics 
 
 Miss Howell: Yes, they just have different days for Negro pa- 
 tients. The city established different days as an experiment. It has 
 only been going a few weeks as an experiment. 
 
 Mr. Thomas: There is a question in my mind of too quickly 
 changing the policy without very careful investigation as to why 
 
 _ Negroes would not patronize the mixed clinic. 
 
 Miss Howell: I do not think the policy has been changed. I 
 
 think it has just been done for a short time to see what will happen. 
 
 Mrs. May L. Woodruff (Allendale, N. J.): A very recent experi- 
 ence comes to me which bears on this discussion. A group of our 
 officers were sent to Jacksonville, Fla., to locate a new site for our 
 Brewster Hospital there. We are not proud of the building but 
 we are very grateful for the work we have been able to do. One day 
 I had the privilege of having interviews with all of the white and the 
 Negro physicians practicing in that hospital. It was a most wonder- 
 ful experience. The thing that impressed me so was that the Negro 
 physicians had understood that we were there to look into whether 
 we should move Brewster Hospital from Jacksonville or remain in 
 Jacksonville. We had no thought of moving the hospital. These 
 physicians said: “If you take Brewster from Jacksonville no 
 Negro physician can have operations in the white hospitals and 
 you will take away from us our only hospital opportunity.” We 
 
32 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 had no thought of moving Brewster but we did want more co- 
 operation in Jacksonville. The Secretary of the Chamber of Com- 
 merce arranged an interview with eleven of the leading men of 
 that city, the Mayor, the President of the Community Chest and 
 others of similar position. We met them on Saturday morning and 
 in an hour had a most marvelous meeting. We presented the 
 interests of this hospital. As a result of that interview, codperation 
 has been so manifest that it has touched us very deeply, and 
 Brewster Hospital this year, for the first time, is in the Community 
 Chest. We feel that we have taken a long step in advance in the 
 matter of codperation with the city officials with this particular 
 organization. It seems to me that it was so manifest that I would 
 not be true to our work if I did not tell you about that this morn- 
 ing, because I know some of you know conditions in the city of 
 Jacksonville. 
 
 Mr. Nichols: Are there not some delegates here from Mississippi, 
 from Arkansas, from Louisiana and from Southern Florida and 
 Missouri? 
 
 David D. Jones (Atlanta, Ga.): Just one or two points I want 
 to raise in this discussion. In the first place, it seems to me that 
 we ought to keep clearly in mind that we are not thinking about 
 Negroes using white facilities. We are thinking of Negroes getting 
 their share of the public facilities. We ought to keep that very clearly 
 in mind because, although in Atlanta I do not get some of the 
 things that I ought to get, nevertheless they are mine whether I 
 get them or not. 
 
 Miss Campbell: Do you mean that the municipal facilities the 
 whites use are not open? 
 
 Mr. Jones: I mean to say that they are my rights whether 
 I get them or not; I do not mean to say that the Negro is using 
 white facilities. Another point is that sometimes we think the 
 Negroes use the facilities where we segregate them. I happen to 
 know St. Louis very well, having lived there nine years. For a 
 long time Negroes were admitted to the city hospital in St. Louis, 
 but in being admitted to the city hospital they had to go several 
 blocks around to get to the Negro ward, and then when they got 
 there it was away around over the kitchen and over the laundry. 
 Negro patients were given very little attention. White nurses did 
 not care to serve them in any large measure. Now, they have a 
 separate hospital manned by our own physicians and by our own 
 nurses. The Negroes use that separate hospital more largely than 
 they use the other. Now, let us not argue that because they use the 
 separate hospital they like segregation. That is not it at all. They 
 

 
 HEALTH AND RACE RELATIONS 33 
 
 get better service; they are treated as human beings; they are not 
 made to feel that they are the scum of the earth. That is why 
 they use the second hospital as against the first. To argue that 
 we use a separate clinic because it has put on another name, is 
 getting pretty loose in our thinking. There are some elements in 
 it that maybe you do not understand. 
 
 Miss Campbell: I think that is very well put and it is one 
 problem we must have cleared up because I think all the time there 
 is loose thinking, whether it is the attitude of the Negro or the 
 attitude of the white. It is a very difficult problem. 
 
 Miss Howell: I think in this case, although the treatment ac- 
 corded is exactly the same, it is because the Negro mothers expect 
 a different treatment, probably, that they come in on the segregated 
 days. I think it is because of education rather than of segregation. 
 
 Mr. Washington: We should think clearly on the subject of the 
 segregation of or in medical institutions. The problems of ill 
 health grow out of segregation. If the Negro was not limited by 
 housing in certain districts, he would not have such a high death 
 rate; if he did not have the lowest paid jobs in the community he 
 would not have such a high death rate. Isn’t it a fact that every 
 time you establish a new separate institution for Negroes you are 
 bolstering up the idea of separation which at bottom is the cause 
 of most of the Negro’s ills and are, therefore, operating in a vicious 
 circle all the time? Personally I would be willing to put up with 
 a little ill health for a while if it meant stamping out the symbols 
 of segregation which over the long period are the cause of the special 
 difficulties of the Negro. 
 
 Miss Edwards: Do you not think this, particularly in the mat- 
 ter of the clinic Miss Howell of St. Louis mentioned, that the em- 
 ployment of one colored physician or colored nurse would inspire 
 the confidence of the colored people? It has been my experience 
 that the employment of one colored person is, I think, advantageous ; 
 it draws the colored people you are trying to save. They have the 
 feeling that having one of their own there will get them a square 
 deal. 
 
 Mrs. Lena Trent Gordon (Philadelphia, Pa.): It might be in- 
 teresting to know that in Philadelphia the Department of Public 
 Welfare during last year has had its particular hobby in its health 
 problem. It established on the outskirts of the county within the 
 environs of Philadelphia an institution run for the undernourished 
 children of the city. Any child who goes there has to be passed 
 upon by the Board of Health. Until last year Philadelphia children 
 of color did not frequent it to any large extent. Having to do 
 
34 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 now with the Department of Public Welfare, it has been my good 
 fortune to spread the propaganda, thus letting the colored people 
 of Philadelphia know that it was for their special use, and last year 
 we were able to take care of 1,500 colored children. Often in a 
 week the colored people overtopped the white inhabitants. A white 
 woman happens to be the counselor. We were promised two colored 
 counselors. There is no difference made in the center of activities. 
 Both colors are treated alike, and it has been a question of letting 
 the people know it is their municipal place. 
 
 Bishop Clement: The question has been raised here as to the 
 advantage of separate institutions. We are not willing to commit 
 ourselves to the idea of segregation. But we are anxious that where 
 there is a public institution, be it a hospital, a school or whatever 
 it is, supported by public taxes and operated in the interest of all 
 the people, that Negroes, whether they be physicians, teachers or 
 whatever they can qualify for, have access to those institutions. 
 
 Miss Campbell: Time is going. In consequence we will have to 
 move on to the address of Dr. William H. Peters. He is our Health 
 Commissioner in Cincinnati, the head of our Health Department, 
 and has been very much interested in the problems which he will 
 discuss. He has in every way tried to forward the interest of every- 
 thing that pertains to the health of Cincinnati. 
 
 Dr. Wiliam H. Peters (Cincinnati, Ohio) : 
 
 The Negro health problem is one of the big pressing problems of the 
 day. While the colored rate is declining, and this is a hopeful sign, the 
 Negro contributes more than his quota to the annual death toll of Cincinnati 
 from practically every important cause of death. 
 
 Cincinnati’s white death rate was 14.3 per 1,000 inhabitants in 1924, 
 while the colored rate was 26.0 or almost double. In 1923 the white rate 
 was 15.1 and the colored rate 26.3. In 1922 the rates were 14.2 and 22.5 
 in favor of the white race. 
 
 Our colored people, who constitute about nine per cent of the population, 
 contribute twenty-eight per cent of the deaths from tuberculosis in Cincinnati. 
 Approximately one-fifth of all Negro deaths are due to tuberculosis. As 
 compared to the white race, over four times as many colored people die of 
 tuberculosis per 1,000 of the population. “The condition is not purely local. 
 The tuberculosis death rate in Ohio among Negroes for 1923 was 350 per 
 100,000 population as compared with a rate of 75.2 for whites. Tuberculosis 
 is the leading cause of death among Negroes.” Wonderful strides have been 
 made in the Queen City in combating the great white plague, notably in the 
 last five years. In 1910, one thousand and twenty-five people succumbed to 
 tuberculosis. Last year the number was reduced to five hundred and twenty- 
 four. The recession has been constant but the mortality rate among the 
 Negroes is much too high. 
 
 Of the colored children born alive almost three times as many of them 
 per 1,000 births recorded, perish during the first year of life. 
 
 The Negroes contributed over 70 per cent of the smallpox cases reported 
 last year in Cincinnati, and yet in the Harriet Beecher Stowe School, which 
 is exclusively for colored children, located in the down-town center of the 
 colored population, there were no cases of smallpox because all of the children 
 

 
 HEALTH AND RACE RELATIONS 35 
 
 had been vaccinated. Smallpox would disappear to the vanishing point if 
 this requirement prevailed in our industries. 
 
 Social diseases, the pneumonias and Bright’s disease claim a heavy toll 
 among the colored people. 
 
 The excess in the colored deaths from preventable causes is responsible 
 for more than one point in the crude death rate of the city. 
 
 Over one-half of Cincinnati’s Negro population live in four down-town 
 congested wards under conditions which make the Negro the victim of causes 
 which lower resistance to disease. Among the most important may be men- 
 tioned bad housing, ignorance, race prejudice, lack of opportunity and dissipa- 
 tion. We list bad housing first because it is the chief predisposing factor, 
 conspiring to keep up the army of susceptibles to disease at full strength. 
 
 INTEREST MANIFESTED BY THE HEALTH AUTHORITIES OF CINCINNATI IN 
 THE HEALTH OF THE NEGRO POPULATION. 
 
 On June 27, 1919, the Cincinnati Board of Health met in extraordinary 
 session to consider the Negro health problem—a most significant meeting 
 attended by many prominent citizens, leaders in civic development and social 
 workers. 
 
 One of the remedies suggested by the health commissioner was a com- 
 munity health center housing bureau for the prevention of tuberculosis and 
 the control of venereal diseases, a dental department, general medical clinics 
 for adults and children, a division of public health nursing and a social 
 service department. The unanimous opinion was that the project should 
 be carried out for the sake of the Negro and the city but unfortunately the 
 money never became available. If the Community Chest Drive is successful 
 this year we shall have a health center, not quite so elaborate as the one 
 planned in 1919, but a modest beginning to which we devoutly look forward. 
 
 When the Sheppard-Towner grants became available for the protection of 
 infancy and maternity in 1923, instead of spreading the service all over 
 the city, we decided to intensify our work among the colored people for 
 reasons that are perfectly obvious if we will recall the mortality rate among 
 colored infants. 
 
 During the year and a half of operation we have had 250 prenatal cases, 
 1,800 infants, 700 children of pre-school age and 175 tuberculosis contacts 
 under observation, and our colored nurses have made over 6,000 home visits. 
 Within a very short time after a birth has been recorded, we are in touch 
 with the home, as a result of which many children are registered and under 
 supervision in our child health centers. We have two, and clinics are con- 
 ducted each week. 
 
 In connection with the Sheppard-Towner work among colored people, the 
 Department of Health sponsored a course of lectures on pediatrics for the 
 colored doctors and a clinic week as our contribution to the national ob- 
 servance of Negro Health Week in 1924. Thursday, April 9, 1925, marked 
 the close of a very successful Tuberculosis Institute which was planned by 
 the Health Department in codperation with the Negro Civic Welfare Asso- 
 ciation, The Public Health Federation, The Anti-Tuberculosis League and 
 District No. 8 Graduate Nurses’ Association. Never before have our colored 
 physicians had such a splendid opportunity to study morbid anatomy, path- 
 ology, symptoms and treatment of this disease under men who are eminently 
 qualified to teach the subject. Most of the lectures were illustrated by slides 
 or by what the X-ray plate revealed. The film, ‘Diagnosis of Pulmonary 
 Tuberculosis,” prepared for the Army Medical School and shown through 
 the courtesy of the Anti-Tuberculosis League was a recapitulation of the 
 entire subject. 
 
 All of our resources in the different divisions of the Health Department 
 are at the disposal of the colored population. They are always welcome at 
 our Health Center. 
 
36 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 Wuar SHARE Do Neero Citizens HAvE IN THE Pusiic HEALTH 
 Nursine SERVICE? 
 
 The public health nursing service in Cincinnati is not centralized. In 
 addition to the Division of Public Health Nursing in the Health Department 
 many public health nurses are employed by organizations affiliated with the 
 Council of Social Agencies. 
 
 We have a complement of twenty-seven women who are working under 
 the plan of general nursing. Instead of having highly specialized nurses for 
 the prevention of tuberculosis, control of venereal diseases, prenatal care, 
 infant welfare, school hygiene, etc., one nurse combines all of these functions. 
 in a circumscribed area. We make the family, instead of the individual, the 
 unit of nursing service. 
 
 Of the twenty-seven public health nurses in our division, five are colored. 
 Putting it another way, we have one colored nurse for every 8,000 of the 
 colored population. Our average for the white race is one for every 17,000: 
 of the population. 
 
 In the two schools for colored children we have special nursing service. 
 
 All children are weighed and measured three times a year and those who 
 are found to be 10 per cent under weight for their height at a given age are 
 examined carefully. In addition to these we examine all other children in 
 the first, second* and third grades, and children who are referred to the 
 doctor by the teacher or nurse. 
 
 In both schools, as was pointed out before, we have clinics once each 
 week for children of pre-school age. 
 
 The open air children receive a warm cleansing bath each morning, and 
 before they go to their classroom milk and crackers are served. The children 
 are weighed regularly, their temperatures are recorded, they are examined 
 frequently, and a special effort is made to correct physical defects that may 
 be found. 
 
 By making the family the unit for nursing service, many hitherto un- 
 recognized cases among the colored people are brought to light, as the result 
 of which many colored individuals are under observation at our Health 
 Center, located at 209 West Twelfth Street. 
 
 In the summer time infant welfare stations are established, and it has 
 always been our custom to provide such service in the centers of colored 
 population with the understanding, of course, that the colored people are- 
 free to go wherever they please. 
 
 WHAT ARE THE FACILITIES FOR THE HANDLING OF HEALTH CONDITIONS OF 
 CoLORED PEOPLE IN OvuR COMMUNITY? 
 
 We have in our community seventeen colored physicians and a half 
 dozen dentists. The number is a little bit below the average per thousand 
 of the population, and it has been estimated that approximately fifty per cent 
 of the colored people call upon the colored physicians. Among the indigent, 
 many of the colored people call upon the district physicians of the Health 
 Department. 
 
 Obstetric cases are accepted by the Maternity Society and the Cincinnati 
 General Hospital. Over fifty per cent of the colored maternity cases last 
 year were delivered in hospitals. Our colored people have access to all of 
 the wards of the Cincinnati General Hospital and to the Out-Patient Depart- 
 ment. Not many beds, however, are available in the private hospitals, and 
 the Mercy Hospital, which was established a few years ago exclusively for 
 colored people, and which is staffed by colored physicians and nurses, is 
 struggling along under conditions that are not at all encouraging. 
 
 It is rather unfortunate for the physician, patient and community that 
 the colored physician does not have the opportunity here in Cincinnati to 
 acquire more knowledge and skill to deal with the medical problems in the 
 solution of which he is the chief factor. 
 

 
 HEALTH AND RACE RELATIONS 
 
 37 
 
 We have no training school for colored nurses and the colored physicians 
 have no opportunity for post-graduate medical work or bedside instruction 
 
 in the wards of any hospitals. 
 
 We have stated our problem and its causes impartially and as Mr. 
 James H. Robinson, executive secretary of the Negro Civic Welfare Associa- 
 tion, pointed out, this analysis places the responsibility where it properly 
 
 belongs, on both races. 
 
 Let us not forget that the Negro is an American citizen, and the demands 
 for citizenship today are the same for all. The Negro cannot measure u 
 to expectancy if he lives in a bad environment, and if his health is not good. 
 
 VITAL STATISTICS 
 
 Mortality from All Causes—Colored and White Population Compared 
 Rate per 1,000 
 Deaths Population 
 TOUS etree hy ee Sas cet els yk rdloetinines 6,218 15.2 
 LORS erent rc itd achigi a ae eich Ge eee iets ies 6,528 16.0 
 Bee ene hele re esi oa ae aie) ah oPatoubin chaion de 6,041 14.9 
 Colored Deaths 
 Deere Wee ROTO nich come ch age es wt Cepia eae 911 26.0 
 dA Pa Pave ile yi nnett Soetiae LA bra te A I re Maeiy Witind Son p 921 26.3 
 EUS yy bane ey Pace Urea Tig AAD Gy mena eRe Rape cae 764 22.5 
 White Deaths: 
 LOA tee ee dnt over seh tin wien tiie a la) og ai'ohis) ae S 5,307 14.3 
 Lr eres A ale ws esto enaister ate ataleaishe woace 5,601 15.1 
 LOD ine Meme bore ten Mn ec cei 5it. Wat a unten ae cig eee ale 5,277 14.2 
 
 Colored People, 1924 (9% population), contribute 14.6 total deaths. 
 Colored People, 1923 (9% population), contribute 14.2 total deaths. 
 Colored People, 1922 (9% population), contribute 12.6 total deaths. 
 
 Population: 
 1924 1923 
 UV NTT ree rN eer k hg Eola ga aa 372,835 Sii,dle 
 IAG eee ieee ha eke aie ote cain cl econ 35,000 35,000 
 ENBUSS DUTOAL tikes oP eene ts cite leretere sare bis 407,835 406,312 
 DEATHS—TUBERCULOSIS—ALL FoRMS 
 1924 1923 
 WV iterate We ite arate a bal een ete 363 388 
 Cer er eee He caehern roadie atatekcten te 161 153 
 PORATION eile ee aievetntos Iason tele a tals §24 541 
 
 1922 
 370,862 
 *34,000 
 404,862 
 
 1922 
 439 
 165 
 
 nt 
 
 604 
 
 Colored Population, 1924 (9% of the total), contribute 30.7% TBC deaths. 
 Colored Population, 1923 (9% of the total), contribute 28.0% TBC deaths. 
 Colored Population, 1922 (9% of the total), contribute 27.3% TBC deaths. 
 Over 60% of deaths from tuberculosis in three contiguous down-town 
 
 wards—16, 17, 18. 
 Infant mortality, three times white. 
 
 SYPHILIS, 1924. 
 
 WV ieGet nee eae ee Seale aes ee on Cia ee ele icles wie. state 8 63 
 
 MRLA CK ere er ee amet e tahses Git intetd eat Robie eh aieisie's cies 30 
 
 GER ce amie Che celle susie ie at oie! ahete ais eastecsJe 2 93 
 ALL FormMS PNEUMONIA, 1924. 
 
 OV TALGO Vile sis e cher entrant Tree catet aaen alata Re eo a% Alias Soa" vl et 373 
 
 BQO aoe a dens oe Se erie oti tes Ne er tec eve Stein ele els ae 127 
 
 PP CHEB Mev astes ie enter ea cate coeaee sore tntine eet orga tal aie ee 500 
 
 * Bstimated 
 
38 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON HEALTH AND RACE RELATIONS 
 
 Mr. Nichols: The Discussion Committee on Health and Race 
 Relations consisting of Dr. Kleinschmidt of the Ohio Public Health 
 Association, Dr. Peters, Dr. Clark, Dr. Beamon and Dr. Keller and 
 the speaker, have thought that it might be wise to give an indication 
 here of some of the causes of the high morbidity and high mortality 
 rates among colored people, and then proceed to answer some of the 
 questions you have raised. 
 
 First: We feel that mutual ignorance on the part of white and 
 colored people as to the mutual dependence of each for their indi- 
 vidual health and that of the community is one of the important 
 causes of the high morbidity and mortality rates. 
 
 Another cause of the high morbidity and mortality rates is the 
 adjustment that Negroes must make as they come from the rural 
 sections into the larger city centers. There are facilities in these 
 larger centers that will probably play an important part in the reduc- 
 tion of the morbidity and mortality rate among those who are com- 
 ing to them. But there is manifested high incidence of disease dur- 
 ing the early tenure of these people. 
 
 Unequal application of remedial and educational measures is a 
 very definite cause of the high rates. Housing, of course, plays an 
 important part. Poverty contributes to these high rates. An im- 
 portant cause is the lack of closer codperation between white and 
 colored medical groups in many communities in the matter of public 
 health. 
 
 Second: I will present the answers to questions raised by the 
 delegates in relation to the health problems of their communities. It 
 is to be understood that the Committee can only give most general 
 advice owing to its unfamiliarity with other conditions in the com- 
 munity that might affect those presented here by the delegates: 
 
 1. Clinical facilities should be applied equally. 
 
 2. Staffs of public health institutions: The Committee believes that staffs 
 of hospitals and clinics ought to be selected as to efficiency rather than as to 
 color or race. 
 
 3. Utilization of community facilities for health education: It is cer- 
 tainly obvious that the facilities in a community that exist for education, 
 exist for the education of all the people of that community. This is a matter 
 of adjusting community interracial relationships. 
 
 I should like here to say that it is my personal experience that these 
 educational facilities many times do not apply to colored people because 
 colored people are not active in securing their application. 
 
 4. The question was raised as to Negroes not using community facilities, 
 e.g., poor attendance of Negroes at clinics, etc. The Committee believes this 
 can be handled by an intensive educational work on the part of the agencies 
 in that particular community. There is a very definite problem presented 
 when the migrant arrives in town. He is afraid of the hospital and the 
 

 
 
 
 HEALTH AND RACE RELATIONS 39 
 
 physician. He is a psychological problem and can only be handled by 
 education. 
 
 5. The segregated hospital and separate hospital: We see no harmful 
 effect in the separate private hospital. Jewish people have private hospitals, 
 religious sects have private hospitals. But as to the public facilities, we 
 believe that all of these public facilities, hospitals, clinics, etc., should be 
 applied without discrimination. 
 
 6. As to the admission of Negro physicians to practice in hospitals, the 
 Committee believes that colored physicians ought to be admitted to hospitals 
 and to local medical groups in such organizations as the College of Surgeons 
 on their qualifications based not on color but on character and efficiency. 
 This is largely a local problem. There is no objection to colored physicians in 
 the American Medical Association. 
 
 7. As to nurses: This is a problem that is divided in sections. You have 
 a problem of the South and a problem of the North. 
 
 Now, in the South there is a very definite need for increased facilities 
 for the training of colored nurses and the standardization of those facilities. 
 There also ought to be an opportunity in that section of the country for post- 
 graduate work. I mean by that that the nurse should have an opportunity 
 to understand how to do public health nursing. At the present time I do 
 not believe, unless it is at Meharry, there is a place in the South where a 
 colored woman can get an adequate training in public health nursing. In 
 the North that condition does not exist. Nurses are given all the opportuni- 
 ties that they care to accept for training. 
 
 8. The question was raised as to equal appropriations to engage an 
 adequate number of community physicians, school physicians, nurses, ete. 
 This is a matter of political activity of the constructive forces in the com- 
 munity. It is the opinion of the Committee, too, that we have got to think 
 in the terms of training the colored students ‘and the white students as to the 
 value of the ballot in the improvement and correction of conditions in their 
 community. It is unfortunate that intelligent Negroes who understand 
 these problems among their own people do not have the chance to express 
 their opinion in many sections by and through their ballot. And so I think 
 the problem is down there in the schools to bring an appreciation of the 
 ballot and also to train the Negro boy and girl in the absolute need and value 
 of this activity in a democracy. 
 
 9. Some one said that in their community the tuberculosis clinic opened 
 up once every three months. If I am correct in my understanding of that 
 matter, that is not sufficient. Once in three months is certainly not sufficient 
 for the handling of tuberculosis. 
 
 The Committee wishes to call your attention to the fact that very 
 little was said by the delegates as to the measures of prevention in 
 the matter of health. Here we have a problem of education. In 
 closing this Committee’s Report, one of the committeemen pointed 
 out a rather significant thing, that much of the health information 
 that would be of value in preventing such conditions as rickets, tuber- 
 culosis, etc..—preventable conditions—are not used by Negroes. He 
 suggested greater use of community agencies, as most of the informa- 
 tion gets to the people through the public health agencies, churches, 
 etc., in the community rather than through professional agencies. In 
 prevention we have got to pay more attention to education, more 
 attention to recreation facilities and more attention to the equal 
 application of these measures by the city, county, etc. 
 
40 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 I think that covers practically all the questions we received. 
 
 Mr. Arthur: May I say a word about health statistics as they 
 apply to Negroes? 
 
 Miss Campbell: If Mr. Nichols will let you, I will place it under 
 his jurisdiction. 
 
 Mr. Arthur: The figures that the Commission of Health gave 
 are for the restricted area of Ohio. The 1920 census gives the 
 average death rate for the American Negro at 16.1, which is 9 points 
 less than the average death rate of the Negro in Ohio. The fact is 
 that the percentages of increase in Negro health in that time, 1910- 
 1920, was larger in proportion than the white groups according to 
 the U. S. census for 1920. 
 
 Mr. Frazer: It seems to me that everybody here, in fact, every- 
 body in the world, recognizes the fact that the Negro should be vac- 
 cinated, should have a nurse, should not be run over by the street 
 car, should not do this and that; but it seems to me the chief point 
 of this conference is: How are we going to get the white people, who 
 do not see that, to see the situation? Since in Georgia they do not 
 permit colored boy scouts, it seems absolutely foolish for me to say 
 you ought to have them. I want to know how you can get them to 
 do it. The man in New York dodges the issue. I understand they 
 have colored boy scouts in Kentucky. Will somebody from Kentucky 
 tell us how you get those white people in Kentucky to see the light? 
 Would you raise the I.Q. or what would you do? 
 
 C. H. James (Charleston, W. Va.): I have come here voluntarily. 
 I am only a business man, just a wholesale merchant, but I am very 
 much interested in this question. As Dr. Peters held up the figures 
 here, which we all know, about how unhealthy the colored people are, 
 it seems to me that we are trying to solve the problem that our sys- 
 tem has already produced. It reminds me of the old-time saying: 
 “An ounce of prevention is worth many pounds of cure.” What I 
 mean is this: When you look around in this district, not only here 
 but in every town, and see the sanitary conditions, you may know 
 why our people are unhealthy. If they had the money they would not 
 live that way, but they have not the opportunity to make the money. 
 Now, if you create the opportunity for these people you will not have 
 this problem to solve, neither will you have any race problem to 
 solve. I have been in the wholesale produce business thirty-five years 
 or forty years and 99% of my wholesale trade is white people. If 
 you will give the colored man an opportunity to work, you will see 
 him rise up and live in sanitary conditions, and you will not have 
 to carry him. 
 

 
 HEALTH AND RACE RELATIONS +1 
 
 Mr. Nichols (Interrupting): That is going to be discussed to- 
 morrow in the matter of industry. 
 
 Dr. C. V. Roman (Nashville, Tenn.): I understood you to say 
 that the opportunities for the nurses were unlimited in the North? 
 
 Mr. Nichols: The opportunity for training. 
 
 Dr. Roman: Is that true? 
 
 Mr. Nichols: I think training for nurses. 
 
 Mr. Thompson: I do not think there is a place in the state of 
 Ohio where a colored girl may be adequately trained for nursing. 
 
 Dr. Roman: My observation is that the condition is a mixed one. 
 What they do in Nashville by direct force, they do in Boston by 
 innuendo. 
 
 Mr. Nichols: I think I ought to clear up the question about 
 nursing. It has been my experience that whereas a nurse might not 
 find an opportunity in Ohio or some other place, that same girl 
 could find an opportunity in some of the other hospitals of the North. 
 Now the problem of the North is not so much a problem of an oppor- 
 tunity for training, but of securing candidates for training. At the 
 present time we have sufficient facilities in the North. 
 
 Mrs. Hunt: In Fort Valley when we want these agencies, we 
 just go to work ourselves and do the job. We showed to the State. 
 Department that we wanted demonstration agencies. We did the 
 work ourselves, and now the State Department takes care of our 
 demonstration agents. We did the same thing and started in the 
 public health work. We are working with our authorities there, and 
 we believe it is not going to be very long before the state will take 
 up this health work. 
 
 Mr. Nichols: I should like to answer that question. There is 
 need for an effort in colored schools and colleges to convince the 
 colored girl in those schools and colleges that nursing offers an oppor- 
 tunity for service that is about equal to that of teaching. There is a 
 very definite problem, the problem of getting the kind of girl who has 
 
 the fundamental education to take the work up. 
 
 Rev. H. M. Kingsley (Cleveland, Ohio): I am sorry to have to 
 question Mr. Nichols’ last statement. There are no opportunities in 
 Cleveland, at least. Cleveland is a representative city of the North 
 and I would like at least to protest against that statement because 
 in Cleveland it is not true. 
 
 Mr. Nichols: I am not trying to differentiate by states. At the 
 present time any qualified girl who wants to get a nurse’s training 
 
 _ in the North can find a place to get that training. 
 
 Mr. Martin: I think that so far as health is concerned, this Negro 
 problem is a national one, and I think that is true in other relations. 
 
42 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 If we find that there is a solution that will apply in Tennessee or 
 Georgia, the same panacea will work in Ohio. It is not true that 
 opportunity for training to conserve health is equal for the colored 
 boy and girl in Cleveland as it is for others, and if this conference 
 wants to recognize that fact and try to bring about that equality, it 
 is necessary to go forward as one. 
 
 Mr. Nichols: May I ask if Dr. Kleinschmidt will say a word out 
 of his experience in the last two or three years in Toledo, Ohio? He 
 is one of the leading public health authorities in the United States 
 and they have had some experience in Toledo in the past two or 
 three years in this situation. 
 
 Dr. H, E. Kleinschmidt: In closing I would like to emphasize one 
 point Mr. Nichols already brought up, and while we have been discuss- 
 ing facilities mostly, prevention has not so much to do with facilities 
 after all. It is true we need tuberculosis facilities, but the city 
 facilities which are open to all are not sufficiently used. 
 
 We found in Toledo that the facilities there were waiting for the 
 colored people to use, were not adequately used. Science draws no 
 color line and there is little discrimination shown, some perhaps. 
 We are all entitled to hospital facilities, but the means by which 
 knowledge of life-saving facilities gets to the people is largely social, 
 and there, it seems to me, we are weak with regard to getting informa- 
 tion about health to the colored people especially. Very little was 
 said about rickets, which is particularly high among the colored 
 people. Rickets need not be. It is not the cause, so much, of poverty. 
 I agree with the gentleman who said the Negro wants a chance. Give 
 him a chance, he will prevent these diseases. That is at least 75% 
 true, but there is another 25% which has nothing to do with chance. 
 It is the understanding and the ability to use the facilities which 
 are offered and are not adequately used by Negroes. The Public 
 Health Association in Toledo has a number of facilities and they are 
 not called for sufficiently. It does not seem to me we can make great 
 progress in combating tuberculosis, venereal disease and diseases 
 which kill babies, if we do not use the information which is here and 
 free and open to colored as well as whites. 
 
 SUMMARY OF DISCUSSION ON 
 II. HEALTH AND RACE RELATIONS * 
 
 A. PROBLEMS AND DIFFICULTIES 
 1. Columbus, Ohio. (Extract from a Survey in The Columbus Citizen, 
 March 18, 1925.) 
 
 * Made by Professor Earle Edward Eubank, Department of Sociology, Univer- 
 sity of Cincinnati. 
 
| 
 
 
 
 
 
 HEALTH AND RACE RELATIONS 43 
 
 SUMMARY OF DISCUSSION (Continued) 
 
 Per Per 
 
 1,000 1,000 
 Negro chances of being murdered are 34 to 1 (white) 
 Negro chances of dying if injured are Dey EL ; 
 Negro chances of infant death are otoO ei] oy 
 Negro tuberculosis death rate is 370 to 76 Fs 
 Negro general death rate is Zod tO 1LSie 
 
 In three years the Negro population increased 8%, while the Negro 
 
 death rate increased 30%. 
 2. Cincinnati (figures given by Dr. W. H. Peters, City Health Commis- 
 
 sioner) Negro population is 1/9 of the total in Cincinnati, 
 Negroes furnish over ¥% the total deaths from tuberculosis. 
 Negroes furnish 14 the total deaths from pneumonia. 
 Negroes furnish 1/3 the total deaths from syphilis. 
 Negroes furnish 70% the total cases from smallpox, 
 
 Negro rate of tuberculosis is 350 to 75.2 (white) 
 Negro rate of infant death is 3°) ta) ” 
 Negro rate of general death is 26 to 14.3 per 1,000. 
 
 And these ratios are mere samples of the general health status of 
 Negro population in northern cities. 
 
 3. Negro high mortality due in part to: 
 
 (a) Negro ignorance and indifference to health matters. 
 
 (b) Difficulty in getting satisfactorily settled in new locations after 
 migration. 
 
 (c) Inadequate health facilities due to improper attitudes of officials 
 and general public, especially in South. 
 
 (d) Lack of codperation between white and Negro agencies. 
 
 (e) Lack of Negro aggressiveness in demanding their share of at- 
 
 tention. 
 
 B. EVIDENCE OF PROGRESS 
 1. Ratio of improvement in health conditions is greater in Negro than in 
 
 white population. 
 
 - Hospital and clinical care for Negroes on a par with whites reported 
 
 from Youngstown, Nashville, Cleveland, Washington, D. C., and other 
 cities. 
 
 . Surgical practice in hospitals provided for Negroes in Lexington, Ky. 
 . Negro staff members in State Health Department, reported from West 
 
 Virginia. 
 
CuaApter III 
 HOUSING AND RACE RELATIONS * 
 
 Chairman: Mr. Forrester B. Washington, the Executive Secretary 
 of the Armstrong Association of Philadelphia, is Chairman of the 
 Discussion Committee. Mr. Bleecker Marquette, Cincinnati, Ohio, 
 will give the address. Mr. Washington now has the floor. 
 
 Mr. Washington: May I ask the members of the Discussion Com- 
 mittee and also Mr. Frazier to come forward? I want to say that 
 our Committee met last night and we took this liberty with the 
 rules. In order at least approximately to cover the problem we 
 decided to divide it up into five main headings: 
 
 1. How shall housing best be provided for Negroes? 
 
 2. How can the Negroes’ difficulty in trying to obtain mortgage 
 money be changed ? 
 
 3. A discussion of the rent situations. 
 
 4. How can better upkeep of Negro houses be obtained from the 
 landlord and from the Negro tenant? 
 
 5. The effect of housing on moral conditions and health. 
 
 Finally, housing and race relations, what are the effects of resi- 
 dential segregation and that sort of thing? 
 
 THE EFFECTS OF HOUSING LAWS ON CONGESTION 
 
 Chairman: We will proceed at once to the discussion of these 
 various subjects. The first one is: How shall housing best be pro- 
 vided for Negroes? Does any one wish to speak on that subject? 
 
 S. Joe Brown: We have in Iowa a State Housing Law, which 
 requires certain things in housing regardless of your occupation, and 
 if those things are not done the house cannot be occupied. 
 
 Miss Thyra Edwards: I would like to ask how effectively that 
 has worked out and what the restrictions are? 
 
 Mr. Brown: So effectively that if a tenant reports to the Housing 
 Commissioner that the house is in bad repair, this Commission will 
 inspect the house and order it vacated, and no other tenant can move 
 in until the repairs are made. 
 
 * Thursday, March 26, 11:00 a.m. Miss M. Edith Campbell, presiding. 
 44 
 
HOUSING AND RACE RELATIONS 45 
 
 Miss Edwards: Do the tenants take advantage of it? 
 
 Mr. Brown: Not as much as they should. 
 
 Mrs. Josephine M. Norcom (Cincinnati, Ohio): I would like to 
 ask if all citizens are eligible as tenants in all houses? 
 
 Mr. Brown: Well, legally, they are, of course. As a matter of 
 fact we have some restrictions the same as you have everywhere else. 
 A man sells. His tenant cannot compel him to rent. Then, if he 
 does not want to, there are houses in Des Moines he cannot rent. 
 
 Miss Edwards: Have you generally good conditions or have you 
 any deplorable conditions, I was trying to see 
 
 Mr. Brown (Interrupting): Fairly good conditions. 
 
 Miss Edwards: You do not think you have the tenement districts 
 
 
 
 or 
 
 
 
 Mr. Brown (Interrupting): We really do not have any large 
 tenement districts. Des Moines has only 150,000 people, and we do 
 not have very much slum property. 
 
 Mr. Greene (Pittsburg, Pa.): I would like to know how long 
 that law has been in operation. 
 
 Mr. Brown: Well, I should judge five years. 
 
 LANDLORDS AND RACE 
 
 Mr. Greene: I would like to know if there is any housing con- 
 gestion and how far that has gone to help relieve housing congestion. 
 That is our problem in Pennsylvania. There is great congestion and 
 we do not know just how to get at some way of relieving that conges- 
 tion. Nearly all of the property in the district is owned by Jews. 
 There is one place there, the assessed value of which is $500 the 
 owner is drawing rent now of $123 a month off his Negro tenants. 
 We would lke to know just how far that law in the state of Iowa 
 has gone in helping that. 
 
 Mr. Brown: As I said before, we do not have a very congested 
 situation in our town. We have only one large city in Iowa and that 
 is not a very large city, only 150,000 people. 
 
 S. J. Russack (St. Louis, Mo.): I would like to ask the gentle- 
 man from Pittsburg if, at a meeting of this kind, there is any par- 
 ticular reason to emphasize the fact that the homes he spoke of were 
 owned by Jews? Would the gentleman have made the same statement 
 if it were owned by Methodists, Presbyterians or Congregationalists ? 
 I happen to be a Jew. 
 
 Mr. Greene: My experience is that 90% of the property is owned 
 by the Jewish race, and they take advantage. For instance, some of 
 our employees at Westinghouse, where I happen to be connected, rent 
 
46 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 from Jews and the property they took over last year was renting for 
 $18 a month, and this particular fellow put it up to $42 a month. 
 
 Mr. Russack: I am not disputing the facts, I am only mention- 
 ing the necessity, at a meeting of this kind, to emphasize the fact by 
 stating that this property is owned by Jews. 
 
 Chairman: May I say that being a Presbyterian, I should not 
 like to have their record investigated. I do not know whether it 
 answers the question or not. I am sorry to say, also, that we have 
 not the same facilities for taking care of our philanthropic work that 
 our Jewish population has, but I believe if some one 
 
 Mr, Washington: I am sure that the remark is rather unfors 
 tunate because if it had not been for Jews in Detroit, Chicago, Cin- 
 cinnati and many northern cities, we would not have been able to get 
 any houses at all. Through my observation in the making of a State 
 Survey in Pennsylvania, the chief white group found demonstrating 
 the possibility of white and colored people living together in the same 
 houses were dominantly Jews. 
 
 Chairman: In our model housing situation in Cincinnati, while 
 financed by Mr. Schmidlapp, it is managed by Mr. Ginberg, who is 
 a Jew, and many of the people in that model housing group are 
 Jewish men. 
 
 Miss Edwards: Recently in Gary, Ind., we made a survey with 
 the cooperation of the schools and churches, headed by white women 
 and the white women’s club. We discovered that the worst houses 
 and the highest rents were being charged by Americans, and the 
 houses kept up the best and with the lower rents for convenience were 
 those of foreigners—Jews and Europeans included. 
 
 
 
 THE DIFFICULTY OF OBTAINING MORTGAGE MONEY 
 
 Chairman: The next question is: How can the Negroes’ difficulty 
 in trying to obtain mortgage money be changed ? 
 
 Mr. Kingsley: There is one phase of that question which has no 
 relation to mortgage money. This particular case is not a slum case; 
 we are talking largely about people who cannot help themselves. The 
 problem concerning us more than any other thing is that the man 
 who wants to live in a better house, who wants to get away from the 
 poorer neighborhood, his people are asked by the white people: “Why 
 do you want to live among people who do not want you?” In this 
 case it is not a question of mortgage money because the man is able 
 to finance it. It is not a case of going to the courts, probably, because 
 the people who are driving this professional man from this neighbor- 
 hood realize that they cannot touch him financially, he is financially 
 

 
 
 
 HOUSING AND RACE RELATIONS 4? 
 
 independent. They say we are going to beat you because we are going 
 to intimidate your architect and your contractors, we will make it 
 so expensive for you in keeping guards here until the contracts are 
 finished ; we are going to see that when you are through the building 
 will not be accepted, it will be inspected and found not to come up to 
 specifications. What are you going to do about a case like that? 
 Mortgage money is not all in this. 
 
 Mr. Washington: Cannot we keep to the subject? This is a dis- 
 cussion of mortgage money. 
 
 Bishop Clement: I want to give two instances: In Memphis, 
 Tenn., a Negro applied for mortgage money deposited in banks there 
 by one of the greatest of American insurance companies. He was 
 refused. He told me about it. He was carrying at that time thou- 
 sands of dollars of insurance in that company on his own life. The 
 Negroes in Memphis were carrying insurance in that company, but 
 the persons who had that money in trust refused to lend it on Negro 
 property. There was not any remedy in Memphis. There is a rem- 
 ‘edy if the Negroes all over the country would put their fingers on 
 that insurance company. 
 
 In the city of Washington a Negro woman wanted to buy a house. 
 She was buying that house through a Negro real estate broker. She 
 applied to a certain trust company in Washington, whose name I will 
 not call, and the loan was turned down. The property was appraised 
 far above, the equivalent valuation was far above what she desired. 
 The appraisement was satisfactory, but when they found out she was 
 a Negro woman, of course, they turned her down. She went back 
 to the colored broker and he went down to the trust company. The 
 Negroes in Washington had in that bank a million dollars. We got 
 in touch with the Negroes who had money in that bank, and we said: 
 “Tf you don’t lend Negroes money on real estate in your bank, we will 
 draw our money out of your bank.” They got the loan. 
 
 H. Sudduth, Real Estate Broker, (Cincinnati, Ohio): My six- 
 teen years’ experience in negotiating real estate mortgage loans for 
 colored people here in Cincinnati has taught me that 95% of those 
 persons who are saving money for the purpose of purchasing a home 
 and who eventually have need of a mortgage loan, deposit their money 
 with savings banks. On the other hand, 5% of those who are saving 
 purchasing money for the purpose of buying a home, carry those 
 savings accounts with building and loan associations. Those who 
 are saving money deposited in savings banks for the purpose of pur- 
 chasing a home, after they have saved sufficient to make the initial 
 payment upon the property, naturally, should go to their banks 
 for the purpose of borrowing money with which to complete the pur- 
 
48 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 chase price, and about 5% of those who apply to savings banks in 
 Cincinnati are accommodated. 
 
 Those who are not accommodated are usually told one of three 
 reasons: “We are loaned up and we will not be in the market for 
 any more loans for sixty or ninety days,” when perhaps at the same 
 time that same bank was carrying two columns of six-inch advertise- 
 ments announcing that they had money -to loan upon real estate. 
 Another reason they give is this: “Is your property in a colored 
 neighborhood?” “Yes.” “Well, that neighborhood is depreciating 
 and we do not care for loans in that neighborhood.” If the property 
 happens to be in a white neighborhood, they sympathize with you for 
 wanting to buy, but they are not interested in your application. Those 
 are some of the reasons we meet. 
 
 On the other hand, building and loan associations have only 5% 
 of the savings of those colored people who are saving for the purchase 
 of a home, and they loan to the colored people some 95% of the 
 mortgages upon the property held by Negroes in the city of Cincin- 
 nati. You will learn from that, then, that where the banks have the 
 use of 95% of the Negro’s savings in Cincinnati, Negroes get only 
 5% of the money they need to purchase homes from the savings 
 banks. On the other hand, the building and loan associations that 
 have only 5% of their money have loaned to the Negroes 95% of the 
 money they now have upon property. 
 
 Mr. Ackley: I would like to ask if Negroes have difficulty in get- 
 ting mortgage money in cities where Negroes run banks. I know in 
 Nashville, Tenn., banks are run by Negroes. The president of one 
 of those banks told me yesterday, not only did they not have difficulty 
 in getting mortgage money, but many of the banks run by white 
 people make loans to Negroes which he would like to have, if pos- 
 sible. 
 
 Mr. Sudduth: I am speaking of conditions in Cincinnati. 
 
 Mr. Martin: Simply have the colored people furnish their own 
 money by organizing among themselves building and loan associations. 
 That has been done in Cleveland. They can do it. 
 
 HOW CAN RENTS BE KEPT DOWN? 
 
 Charman: I am going to suggest that next we have two subjects: 
 How can rents for Negroes be kept down; how can better upkeep for 
 Negro homes be obtained from the landlord and from the tenant? 
 We will have to give ten minutes to both of those subjects. 
 
 Rev. C. W. Burton (Chicago, Ill.): Sometimes rents need to 
 advance in the nature of things. In Chicago rents have advanced 
 

 
 | 
 
 
 
 HOUSING AND RACE RELATIONS 49 
 
 more than 100% in the last few years, and I think on the whole that 
 might be justified. When people move into better houses they expect 
 to pay more rent; when wages are on the upward trend they are pre- 
 pared to pay more rent; and I wonder if we should put the question 
 just that way, how may rents be kept down, when sometimes they 
 should not be kept down. I suppose we have in mind how they should 
 be kept at the level they ought to be, and then I suppose the answer 
 to that would be that the supply and demand must possibly regulate - 
 that. In Chicago we have some real estate dealers who have been in 
 the profiteering business, as they have in other places, and I think 
 public sentiment ought to be developed against profiteering in the 
 real estate business, and I believe that our local organizations such 
 as the N.A.A.C.P. and the interracial commissions ought to help in 
 that direction. 
 
 Mrs. Gordon: We found in Philadelphia that the rent question 
 between landlord and tenant takes about eight points in every ten 
 cases of welfare work brought to our attention. The minute some- 
 thing that savors of law comes to the landlord’s attention he imme- 
 diately makes an adjustment. I just wanted to say that in the 
 absence of a legal aid society you might start a model block work and 
 get the city department to codperate with the landlord. 
 
 Dr. Jernagin: The trouble we had in Washington for a number 
 of years has been settled the last five years by our Rent Commission 
 which has served to keep rents down. We are having some difficulty 
 now as to whether or not we are going to continue that. That Rent 
 Commission was a means by which the tenants could appeal their 
 cases at any time the landlord put an enormous rent upon them. 
 
 BETTER UPKEEP FROM LANDLORD AND FROM TENANT 
 
 Chairman: The next question is: How can better upkeep be ob- 
 tained from the landlord and also from the tenant? 
 
 Mr. Plaskett: On the question of upkeep, could not the legal aid 
 societies be made to operate against the landlord? Poor people can- 
 not go to law all the time. It is the only way they can get any sort 
 of satisfaction, and I would like to know whether the legal aid societies 
 do codperate when you have them. 
 
 Dr. Haynes: I live in New York City, in Harlem. I have studied 
 the situation a good many years and I can speak from both angles. 
 I think we ought to face the facts. In these old tumble-down houses, 
 that is a matter for a different type of protection, they cannot get 
 repairs. If you will study the Harlem situation, however, where they 
 have moved into high-grade houses, after two or three years, those 
 
50 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 properties begin to run down. And if you will consult with reason- 
 able landlords, who have faced that, you will find that the repair 
 bills on those houses have materially increased when colored people 
 have come to occupy those higher grade houses. It seems to me that 
 one of the problems is to help those tenants learn how to take care 
 of the properties when they move into the higher grade of properties. 
 
 Chairman: May I ask Mr. Ginberg to substantiate that in Cin- 
 cinnati we have had very little difficulty with upkeep? 
 
 Mr. Harris Ginberg (Cincinnati, Ohio): No, our expense with 
 the upkeep between whites and colored are the same. ‘The destruc- 
 tiveness we mostly find among the children, and I think the white 
 boy beats the colored in destructiveness. 
 
 L. C. William (Columbus, Ohio): I will corroborate what Dr. 
 Haynes said. Recently I had occasion to take a survey in Columbus. 
 We found that houses colored people had been living in had been 
 damaged greatly and the landlords said they could not raise the 
 rents and keep properties up. We found that properties rented to 
 colored people were being torn down, the plaster was torn off the 
 walls. We found that the colored people would have to be trained 
 to live in houses with modern conveniences. Those who are here do 
 not often see into the homes of the people who live in the back alleys 
 and slums. There are hundreds of our people in the cities who do 
 not understand how to care properly for these improved houses. 
 Miss Clay, Visiting Housekeeper, Cincinnat. Better Housing 
 League (Cincinnati, Ohio): I think we are all aware that condition 
 exists where the property is occupied by certain classes of Negro ten- 
 ants. Now we would be interested in how we shall remedy that con- 
 dition, how we are going to teach our people. I have had it stated 
 to me that it is impossible, but I find it is possible in most instances, 
 and the method I have used is this: I see that my first approach is 
 friendly. I establish a friendly contact with the tenant with whom 
 I am going to talk. Second, I approve every effort made by the tenant 
 to cooperate with my plan; I commend the work they do. More than 
 that, I give them instruction in a confidential manner. No person 
 who is not a member of the immediate family knows what our plan 
 is, and I do get codperation. I think it is a good idea to be willing 
 to go the second mile to secure codperation with the tenant. I think 
 it is the plan of effective individual teaching service that brings results. 
 
 EFFECTS OF HOUSING ON MORALS AND HEALTH 
 
 Chairman: The next point to be discussed is the effect of housing 
 on morals and health, and the effect on race relations. 
 
eee SS aaa ass nwa, a err rereae—=—=—a—na—=E=E>POPnaOOOEeOroroOoOoree—— 
 
 
 
 HOUSING AND RACE RELATIONS 51 
 
 Mr, Arthur: The effect is bad. 
 
 Mr. Ginberg: I have been asked to give a few figures of my 
 experience on modern housing relative to health and conduct. The 
 Cincinnati Model Homes Company houses 405 families, 225 of them 
 are colored, comprising 56% of the total tenancy. We have kept 
 close tab on the mortality and the conduct of one colored group com- 
 prising 185 families, approximately 600 souls. Since 1915 there 
 was a total number of deaths of different causes, 66, or 6.6 per year. 
 Divide that by 600 and it will give you 11 deaths per thousand popu- 
 lation. The Cincinnati Negro death rate for 1924 was 26, varying 
 two to three, for the last five years. That is rather slippery ground 
 we have always considered. Any actuary or statistician here would 
 knock me out in a very short time. However, we cannot claim that 
 the Cincinnati Model Homes Company’s tenants contribute 11% to 
 the death rate of Cincinnati for this reason: A tenant may be with 
 us ten or twelve years in good health, move out today, die tomorrow. 
 We don’t claim his death, whereas Cincinnati as a whole does claim 
 his death. The only thing we can claim is that this particular group, 
 
 _the Washington Terrace group, does not contribute 26 deaths per 
 
 thousand population. 
 
 But it seems to me the most encouraging feature, and I believe we 
 stand here on solid ground, for we are not afraid of any statisticians, 
 is the conduct record. We have kept close touch on the conduct 
 record. For 1915, 1916, 1917 we had ten arrests; 1918, one; 1919, 
 four; 1920, four. The total arrests up to 1924, inclusive, were 32 
 
 _ arrests for ten years. There were several arrests on suspicion and 
 we counted them arrests just the same. Thirty-two arrests for ten 
 
 years mean 3.2 per year. Divide that among 600 souls and you have 
 one arrest for 188 souls. We thought it was a splendid record, and at 
 the close of 1922, before the annual meeting, we addressed a letter 
 to the Chief of Police asking him what the total arrest for Cincinnati 
 was. ‘Total arrests for 1922 were 30,925. Out of that 4,779 were 
 colored. We wanted to arrive at the percentage. We estimated at the 
 time that the colored population was 33,000; dividing that by the 
 number of arrests, you get one arrest for every seven Negroes in Cin- 
 
 _ cinnati for that particular year. But the balance were white arrests, 
 | 26,156. Estimating the population to be at the time 375,000, if you 
 
 divide that you have one arrest for every fourteen white people in 
 Cincinnati as against one arrest for 188 souls in Washington Ter- 
 race. I leave it to the delegates to draw conclusions about environ- 
 
 | ment. 
 
 Mr. Bleecker Marquette, Executive Secretary of the Cincinnati 
 
52 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 Better Housing League and Public Health Federation, gave an ad- 
 dress then, in part, as follows: 
 
 The housing of colored families in the larger cities of the United States 
 is uniformly bad. In most communities the major portion of the colored 
 population is confined to sections in which the houses have deteriorated and 
 general structural conditions are unsatisfactory. It can be said without 
 much fear of contradiction that in every city in which there is an extensive 
 colored population, the conditions under which the larger population of the 
 colored people live are the worst in the city. This is reflected in the high 
 sickness rate and the high death rate, particularly from causes which have 
 a relation to environment such as tuberculosis, infant mortality, pneumonia, 
 etc. 
 
 Added to this is the fact that due to a combination of reasons, the rents 
 charged are invariably higher for colored tenants for less satisfactory accom- 
 modations. This is true whether the properties are owned by colored owners 
 or by white owners and the reason usually assigned by the owners is that the 
 colored tenants are less careful of the property and the wear and tear is 
 correspondingly greater. If this is true of a limited group of families, it 
 is the responsibility of the community. The Negro families coming into a 
 community from the southern part of the country are unfamiliar with the 
 problems of city living and in the average city practically no steps are taken 
 to instruct them in their rights and duties as tenants. The majority of 
 colored families are good tenants and often the landlord takes advantage of 
 their helplessness and charges rents that are unjustifiable. 
 
 There is need for a better understanding between the races and a more 
 sympathetic attitude on the part of the white population toward the housing 
 problems confronting the Negro. There is need of more constructive efforts 
 in helping the poorer colored families to make the best of the conditions 
 under which they are required to live and to eliminate whatever basis there 
 is for the charge that many colored tenants are not careful of the owners’ 
 property. In Cincinnati the Health Department has endeavored to do educa- 
 tional work and the Better Housing League has developed a system of visiting 
 housekeepers, four of whom are colored and who work exclusively in parts 
 of the city in which colored people live. They endeavor on the one hand to 
 help colored tenants to improve their housekeeping and on the other hand 
 to urge owners to make needed repairs and alterations. We have found this 
 plan decidedly worth while and were it possible for the Community Chest to 
 give the Better Housing League sufficient funds to employ enough visiting 
 housekeepers we are confident that we could meet the situation with some 
 degree of success. 
 
 There can be no hope of decent housing for the families of small income 
 either colored or white without good housing laws well enforced. Such laws 
 should first safeguard all future home building to prevent the creation of 
 future slums, and, secondly, should require that existing houses be made 
 reasonably fit for people to live in or be vacated. Many cities have reasonably 
 good laws but few make even a pretense at enforcement. In Cincinnati the 
 Building Commissioner, Mr. George R. Hauser, has recently had passed by 
 the City Council an ordinance which requires tenement owners to pay a fee 
 of $3.(0 for the inspection of properties found to be in violation of the law. 
 If approved by the Mayor we expect this ordinance to raise enough money to 
 employ a total of eight housing inspectors. This will mean that for the first 
 time ig the history of Cincinnati there will be something like adequate super- 
 vision of tenement houses in which the poor, white and colored, are destined 
 to live for many years to come. 
 
 There is needed also the development of a greater interest and better 
 organization among the leaders of the colored race for bettering the housing 
 of the poorer families. In mest cities the poorer Negro families are neglected 
 

 
 HOUSING AND RACE RELATIONS 53 
 
 by the white people and they do not receive anything like the organized 
 assistance of leaders among the colored citizens that is urgently needed. 
 There can be no doubt that an organized movement among the colored people 
 _to improve their housing conditions would accomplish much and would en- 
 _ courage white organizations which are endeavoring to cope with the problem. 
 The Cincinnati Negro Civic Welfare Association has pointed out this need 
 | repeatedly. 
 Looking at the situation broadly as a problem facing the country, it 
 | would seem that if it were pore for some national organization to study 
 housing conditions and available housing accommodations in northern com- 
 munities that they could do a great service in protecting prospective colored 
 migrants by directing them to those communities where there is a place for 
 | them. The colored migrants and the more overcrowded of the northern 
 | communities are both suffering from the fact that in many cases the migrants 
 | are going to the very cities which are least able to accommodate them. This 
 has resulted in unspeakable congestion and has made the problem in such 
 / communities worse for all concerned. 
 : A plan by which Negro migrants coming into a given city could be met at 
 the railroad stations and assisted in finding housing accommodations and 
 | instructed in the problems of city living from the start would assist 
 materially in preventing the acute situation that has developed in cities like 
 | Cincinnati where the congestion of the colored population is appalling. In 
 codperation with the Negro Civic Welfare Association, we have such a plan 
 | now in prospect for Cincinnati. 
 
 In addition to this there is no doubt that much more could be done towards 
 stimulating colored families to own their own homes if colored people them- 
 selves would develop building and loan associations and other means of 
 helping the colored families of moderate means to finance the purchase of a 
 | home and advising them on the numerous problems confronting the prospective 
 home owner in purchasing or building a home. 
 
 The possibility that the leaders among the colored people might undertake 
 
 to build homes is deserving of consideration. The chief difficulty in providing 
 | new housing accommodations for colored families lies in the fact that con- 
 struction costs are too high to make it possible to produce a single or two- 
 | family house which the average colored family can afford either to rent or 
 | to purchase. 
 ! The Cincinnati Model Homes Company has done an outstanding service in 
 | providing low-cost homes to rent for both colored and_ white tenants. 
 There are few housing developments in the country which like this one 
 have actually succeeded in housing Negro tenants and white tenants of the 
 unskilled wage earner group and which have at the same time paid a 5% 
 dividend on the money invested. The Model Homes Company houses 402 
 families in group houses which are maintained in the best possible condition. 
 The efforts of this Company to build more low-cost homes during the past 
 year were not encouraging. These buildings had to be rented at the rate 
 of $35.00 for a four-room flat which the Model Homes Company considered 
 too high for the average wage earner and even at this rental it was not 
 possible to realize the 5% which they have to secure on their investment 
 in order to attract any capital at all.... 
 
 Northern cities have passed through one of the most critical periods in 
 city housing for the Negro—aggravated by the shortage of houses and by 
 the influx of migrants. Evidence points to the fact that the shortage is 
 being cut down each year and that before long we may hope to begin a 
 forward movement in the housing of our colored population as contrasted 
 with the backward trend of the past three years. I shall close with a 
 summary of work done in Negro homes by visiting housekeepers of the 
 Cincinnati Better Housing League in 1924: 
 
54 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 REPORT OF WORK DONE IN COLORED HOMES BY VISITING HOUSEKEEPERS OF 
 THE BETTER HOUSING LEAGUE, 1924 
 
 I. Families 
 
 Family Rvisite: % or" calsa feta ai ahi ae Vee ee ane 7300 
 Housekeeping timmproved ar). sct, eo Gara ie eke 872 
 Families moved to better rooms ....................... 119 
 Overcrowding. eliminated 97)40e ey eure ee 48 
 II. Houses 
 Visite.of ‘inspection’: 3.4 Js.tu seeder eee 1039 
 Visite 2of supervision ity Os, . Tule, nL eee ee ee ee 1539 
 Interviews /withy owners irs fa ee ee oe 935 
 Houses® remodeled ice atc we, nec as em tat 62 
 Conveniences installed #4) 14 35 a ee eee 1707 
 Health and fire risks removed ........................ 773 
 REPAITH eG Ale eres woe eae AN Eee ee ne ae Mat 1765 
 Parts of houses cleaned and painted .................. 4751 
 Houses vacated’ oli nd eerily 1 Raeee tae oad en sot 37 
 Houses ‘torn down!) Gusline, 2 a cee ee ee ean 12 
 
 Chairman: I am sure you will recognize how very much we do 
 depend upon Mr. Marquette’s leadership in Cincinnati, and, as 
 Mr. Robinson so affectionately called him one time, we look upon 
 him as the Napoleon Bonaparte of Housing and Health in Cincin- 
 nati. I now introduce Mr. Washington, who will give the report of 
 the Discussion Committee. 
 
 REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON Housing AND RAcE RELATIONS 
 
 Mr. Washington: This Committee will not consume very much 
 time in making its report. It is our desire to give the most time to 
 you delegates for discussion. 
 
 1. In the previous discussion, which we are now summarizing, nothing 
 was said about adding new housing facilities to Negro communities. That 
 is the most important phase of the Negro housing problem, especially in the 
 great centers of Negro population. Nothing was said about philanthropic 
 housing. This is where an organization is formed by socially minded persons 
 of means to build new houses or rebuild old houses for low-paid wage-earners. 
 Investors in such projects do not expect to earn more than 4 or 5% on the 
 money invested. ‘he increase in housing facilities occasioned by philan- 
 thropic housing has been so small that it has been of little effect in reducing 
 the Negro housing problem. | 
 
 2. Somebody touched upon industrial housing. In certain sections of the 
 country, industries employing large groups of Negroes have built a certain 
 number of houses and either rented or sold them to their Negro employees. 
 Other industries might be persuaded to do the same especially where Negroes 
 in large numbers are employed. 
 
 3. Nothing was said about governmental housing for Negroes, although 
 this has been proposed in some sections of the country. Governmental housing 
 is the name given to housing projects conducted by city, county or state. 
 This committee does not believe that self-respecting Negroes want any city 
 or other governmental body to build houses for them. 
 

 
 
 
 HOUSING AND RACE RELATIONS 55 
 
 4. Codperative housing was touched upon by one speaker. The building 
 and loan associations were pointed out as the best type of codperative housing. 
 
 5. Private enterprise housing was recommended by one speaker. This is 
 where people enter into the business of building houses for Negroes for profit, 
 and there is no attempt to disguise it as philanthropy, industrial welfare or 
 governmental paternalism. The matter of forming such companies among 
 Negroes was considered and the committee endorsed the idea. 
 
 6. On the question of mortgage money, it seemed to have been the con- 
 sensus of opinion that Negroes should form and support building and loan 
 associations and also patronize those savings institutions which will loan 
 money to Negroes. Attention was called to the fact that it is difficult for 
 Negroes to borrow money from white insurance companies, while on the 
 other hand they have been able to borrow from Negro insurance companies. 
 
 I would like to call upon Mrs. Gordon of Philadelphia to give a 
 statement on how rents can best be lowered. 
 
 Mrs. Gordon: The Department of Welfare of Philadelphia of 
 which I am an employee wished to keep down the rents of some 
 of the families whom they are helping. Of course, we had no legal 
 means of keeping down rent. The Director of Public Welfare sug- 
 gested that we get in touch with a private agency and get a co- 
 operative agreement with landlords whereby, in return for the city 
 not raising their taxes, they would not only not raise rents but 
 in addition would improve their properties. On the other hand 
 through the Department of Welfare, the city could make numerous 
 improvements in the abutting streets. We selected a little alley 
 street as a place to begin. The city paved the street, the landlords 
 put in stone steps, and the Department of Public Welfare provided 
 flowers for flower boxes built by the tenants. The Armstrong 
 Association of Philadelphia, the private agency with which we co- 
 operated, organized the residents into a neighborhood improvement 
 club and incidentally taught them to beautify the inside of their 
 homes. It is the first time we have known of a city department, 
 landlords, tenants and a private agency coming together on a com- 
 mon working basis to improve housing conditions and keep rents 
 down. 
 
 Mr. Washington (continuing): 7. In the matter of decent upkeep, this 
 Committee feels that it can best be obtained by landlord and tenant through 
 educational methods. 
 
 8. In the matter of segregation the Committee is opposed to involuntary 
 segregation because it leads to every social ill. 
 
 We are now in position to discuss the effect on race relations in 
 residential segregation. 
 
56 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 AN EXPERIMENT IN INDUSTRIAL HOUSING 
 
 Mr. Greene: Just before we go into that, you spoke about not 
 touching on the industrial housing and also about the low cost of 
 housing. I think the speaker that just left the rostrum made a 
 very interesting comment on that situation. The Westinghouse 
 Electric Manufacturing Company has been doing some industrial 
 housing. They have not done as a good many corporations have 
 done, built houses that could be rented cheaply. They felt that 
 there was some better method of getting at this. They thought 
 the thing to do was to build houses at a very reasonable rate and 
 sell them to the employees at cost, so they mapped out a plan 
 that has covered a number of years, and I have here two of the 
 pictures. 
 
 We have also a little magazine published by the company that 
 
 comes out monthly. And I have here a picture of one of the thirty-. 
 
 three houses recently completed that has been equipped by the 
 Duchesne Light Company. The total cost of this property, a four- 
 room house with bath, is $5,300.00. The employee pays 10% of 
 
 that amount of money and 1% of the balance monthly until he: 
 
 has finished his payment. After about 55% of the payment money 
 is paid in, he gets a deed for this property. That has not been applied 
 
 to colored people as yet. During five years I have been trying to 
 
 show them the necessity of giving colored people an opportunity 
 
 to do that, and we have gotten it this far, the management is will- 
 
 ing to try it as an experiment. There are some facts about our folks 
 we have to keep in mind, and these managements know that. We 
 have gotten to the point where the management endorses and recom- 
 mends that $55,000.00 be appropriated to finance the building of such 
 homes for colored employees. 
 
 NEGRO RESIDENTS AND NEIGHBORHOOD VALUES 
 
 Mr. Frazier: There is one aspect in housing that has to do with 
 
 the movement of the Negro population. N ormally, economic groups, . 
 
 as they improve, move to higher rent districts, and I believe, nor- 
 
 mally, Negro groups move. This is not found to work among 
 Negroes as a rule. A Negro, for instance, will move into a neigh- . 
 
 borhood where he is able to pay $70 rent. What happens? A panic 
 takes place in that neighborhood. The white people move out in- 
 
 stantly and the houses are empty. What do we have? We have- 
 

 
 HOUSING AND RACE RELATIONS 5Y 
 
 Negro families from a lower economic and cultural level taking 
 these houses and taking in roomers. As soon as the landlord finds 
 there are roomers, he raises the rent. It seems to me there could 
 be some sort of interracial codperation whereby a more normal 
 movement of Negro population might take place so that the im- 
 proving economic and cultural groups will move into these better 
 housing conditions. 
 
 Mrs. Chas. L. Blinn (Cincinnati, Ohio): It seems to me the 
 whole basis of race segregation in the first place is the lack of respect 
 of the Negro for himself. Maybe I am wrong about that. I do 
 not know why the Negro wants to live next to the white man. It 
 seems to me he ought to respect his own people and enjoy his own 
 people. In the second place, it seems to me race segregation has 
 back of it another factor, and that is that every member that comes 
 into a community must contribute value to property as well as accept 
 value from property, and many times the Negro who has moved 
 in has been in the position many a white man has been in. In 
 other words, he has made money faster than he has risen culturally. 
 Many a community has objected just as seriously to the white family 
 that has come in for just those reasons. 
 
 I believe you will realize that only within the last generation 
 woman has had any industrial chance or any other chance in the 
 world. It has only been by persistent self-respect, by the persistent 
 effort to improve and by persistent contribution of service that she 
 has gotten any place and any recognition. I submit to you that 
 most of these problems will be solved when the Negro respects 
 himself as the son of God, believes he has the same potentialities 
 that any other race has, and with that conviction he goes forth to 
 better himself and make himself of value to the community. 
 
 A. L. Foster (Canton, Ohio): I think I can answer the reason 
 the Negro wants to move into the white community. It is not 
 because he wants to live next to the white man but because he 
 wants to respect himself, and the white people have all the good 
 streets in the city and all the good houses. 
 
 Dr. Jernagin: In answer to the lady who spoke about having 
 us to stay among our own people. I think that is right if we can 
 get her race, in any city, not to make any difference when they 
 come to looking after the welfare of the city, and to make streets 
 and conditions in Negro sections as beautiful as they will have them 
 in their own section. There are only a few cities where those in 
 authority will do this. 
 
58 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION AND RACE RELATIONS 
 
 Mr. Dickerson (Ohio State University, Columbus, 0.): As long 
 as we have residential segregation we will have segregation in schools. 
 Residential segregation produces separate schools right here in this 
 city; the two schools we have are separated; and in Columbus there 
 is the Champion Avenue School that is becoming a school consist- 
 ing chiefly of colored children because it is a segregated district. 
 
 Dr, Burton: I wonder why we should be accused of wanting to 
 get away from ourselves when we are trying to raise our standard 
 of living? It has been pointed out that our people move into these 
 better neighborhoods, not because they are so fond of white people 
 but because they are fond of better homes. We have had this situa- 
 tion in Chicago. Our people have moved into certain districts in 
 Chicago where formerly they have not lived. A family moves in 
 having been induced to move in by some scheming real estate man 
 so that he could buy property at reduced prices and sell it at an 
 enhanced value. Negroes have gotten into districts in Chicago like 
 Grand Boulevard. As they have gotten into these homes, many 
 of the white people have moved out because they became alarmed. 
 Some of them thought that Negroes thought more of white people 
 than they thought of themselves. That was not it. As the Negroes 
 acquire more wealth they, naturally, want to move into better 
 homes, and as the white people are so afraid of them, it is to the 
 benefit of the Negro that they desire to move out and let them come 
 into these districts. 
 
 Mr. Thompson: I want to know wherein it is advisable for the 
 Negro to voluntarily colonize if permitted to do so. 
 
 Mr. Martin: We ought not to overlook that there is large room 
 for improvement among ourselves in cultivating Negro self-respect. 
 If we will do that we will recognize ourselves and we will com- 
 municate to others the fact that we have among ourselves the ability 
 of making superior Americans. We have our own chance, we can 
 develop a means and awaken a purpose which no sort of oppression 
 can restrain. | 
 
 L. R. Mitchell (Lima, Ohio): I think this is serious and yet 
 there is one vital point that is at the basis of all of it. There is 
 unrest. There is an attempt to get out of a certain standardized 
 community. Why is it? It is because of our educational system. 
 We are all together, we are trained according to the same ideals, 
 and that of itself has an effect. And you will notice that these peo- 
 ple who are aiming to get away from the district in the back alley 
 are usually people who have had some training with their white 
 
 ~ 
 

 
 HOUSING AND RACE RELATIONS 59 
 
 brother. The white teacher has taught them about their common 
 ideal and that has had its effect, and, of course, having the same 
 potentialities they would have the same inclinations. The white 
 man, after he gets so far, attempts to get away from certain sec- 
 tions. They are getting away, the standards are changing. And 
 standards change with the Negro. He is going to want to affiliate 
 with those of a common standard, whether white or black. It is a 
 matter of seeking the level. That is Americanism, and the Negro 
 is seeking and looking for it. 
 
 Mr. Thomas: We have said very much about how property de- 
 preciates when Negroes move into a section. We have not said 
 anything about how it appreciates in many places where Negroes 
 move in, and we can cite a good many places where property has 
 appreciated in value since the coming of the Negroes. 
 
 Bishop W. J. Walls (Charlotte, N. C.): We had in mind that 
 nobody who lives in an unfurnished or neglected community stays 
 there in order to improve it unless he is a very wealthy man. It 
 is impossible for the average person to improve a community the 
 average of which is low in residence. In North Carolina we have 
 three cities that illustrate the voluntary, the involuntary and accepted 
 segregation. 
 
 In the city of Charlotte we have the involuntary segregation. It 
 is impossible to move out of sections, and if one makes an en- 
 croachment he is stopped there and the white people never move 
 away. As a result of that the people in Charlotte are at a dis- 
 advantage in improving their moral standard and it is an embarrass- 
 ment to those trying to improve their status. 
 
 Then we have in the city of Winston-Salem accepted segrega- 
 tion, because the state and community have granted, by recent de- 
 cision of the courts, that he does not have to be confined and is 
 permitted to move at his own discretion. As a result of that and a 
 system of great codperation there that has helped to give the Negro 
 his homes, he has perhaps the best housing section in the city. 
 
 We have in the city of Durham voluntary segregation, led by 
 organized community improvement agencies, principally by the North 
 Carolina Mutual Insurance Company, which has proven to be one 
 of the finest residential sections of the city and is the envy of the 
 people who live in other communities and would like to have such 
 advantages as the colored people have in that city. As a Jew once 
 said: “If you permit me to live among my own people, I will live 
 there by my own choice and I will find a place, but if in a democ- 
 racy you say I must live there,” he says, “I’ll be hanged if Tll 
 do it.” 
 
60 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 Dr. Haynes: We want this to be interracial. We have called a 
 number of speakers, white and colored. Do not get the colored side 
 of this so filled up that we do not give the other side an opportunity 
 to say what they have to say. We have striven very hard to have 
 this an interracial conference by having both sides here in about 
 equal numbers. Let us make every effort to have discussion from 
 both sides. 
 
 Mr. Martin: In this connection I wish Dr. Haynes had said also, 
 we are looking only on the Negro side. An interracial conference 
 ought to consider the side of the white man as well. We have our 
 points of contact and this meeting seems to be in behalf of the 
 Negro. The organizations calling it certainly do not intend it that 
 way. 
 
 fey. Clayton B. Wells (Wichita, Kans.): I am becoming inter- 
 ested in this not so much as a race problem as an economic one. 
 I had a conversation with a gentleman in Boston, a native of that 
 city, some years ago, who said: “What are we Americans going to 
 do? I used to live here in Boston and the Irish came and we left. 
 Now,” he said, “the Italians have come in and the Irish have moved 
 out.” “And,” he said, “there are already premonitions that the 
 Chinese are coming in and the Italians are going to move out. I do 
 not know where the white man is going to go if he continues to 
 retreat.” 
 
 I have a neighbor, the nearest pastor to my own parish, who is 
 having his troubles along this same line. He had charge of a 
 parish, the colored people came in, the white man began to re- 
 treat. Well, my friend found himself in such a mixed parish that 
 he moved his charge. Some of them kept their ground and moved 
 out about a mile and a half, out of the city. A few days ago I met 
 him and he said: “We are going to have the same trouble again,” 
 and he is beginning to be a convert to the idea of segregation. [ 
 told him I hoped he would behave as a Christian. 
 
 James Barrick (Ohio State University): I have come to the 
 conclusion that it is from just such a meeting as this, where white 
 people can get to understand the viewpoint of their colored neigh- 
 bors, that good is going to come. I think the trouble is that the 
 white people do not understand. Therefore when the gentleman 
 mentioned that this was getting to be one-sided, it seems to me we 
 need the one-sided statements more than anything else, so that it 
 will clear up any misunderstanding and let the white people under- 
 stand the other side more. 
 
 Mr. Washington: I am sorry we have to bring this discussion 
 of housing to a close. 
 
HOUSING AND RACE RELATIONS 61 
 
 Mr. James H. Robinson: I cannot let Miss Campbell leave the 
 room without saying that she has been the great chairman of the Negro 
 Welfare Association for a period of five years, she has helped to do its 
 work, think out its work and fight its battles. 
 
 Mr. Sudduth: I think it will be in order to entertain a motion to 
 thank Miss Campbell for her services this morning. (Motion sec- 
 onded and carried unanimously by standing vote.) 
 
 SUMMARY OF DISCUSSION ON 
 III. HOUSING AND RACE RELATIONS * 
 
 A. PROBLEMS AND DIFFICULTIES 
 1. Inadequate Negro housing facilities in most cities, produces congestion, 
 health, safety and moral hazards. Negroes invariably forced to live 
 where conditions are worse. 
 2. Rental disproportionately high in Negro districts. 
 3. Evil effects of efforts at enforced Negro segregation. 
 
 B. EVIDENCE OF PROGRESS 
 1. Gradual creation of Negro building and loan associations making 
 possible good Negro residence districts; e.g., Walnut Hill in Cincinnati. 
 2. Negroes found to have a better record than general population for 
 maintaining order and preserving property in Cincinnati. 
 3. Equal enforcement of housing ordinances coming from certain localities. 
 
 * Made by Professor Earle Edward Eubank, Department of Sociology, Univer- 
 sity of Cincinnati. 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 THE MOVEMENT TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION * 
 
 Chairman: The topic of this afternoon is the Growth of the In- 
 terracial Movement, and, it seems to me that the two thoughts to keep 
 in mind are first, the “Inter” and second, the “Movement.” This 
 morning we kept approaching certain unanswered questions—such 
 questions as how to get the white people of the community to 
 recognize the necessity for a definite program of public health for 
 the colored people; or how to get the codperation of the colored 
 people in the procedure and the policies necessary to improve hous- 
 ing. I take it that this interracial movement is the experimental 
 effort to answer just such questions, because it is founded on the 
 idea that no decision and no policy involving two races will work 
 in any community unless it has the acceptance of both races. If 
 this be true, then it means that both races must participate in 
 facing the problem at the very beginning in order to insure the 
 acceptance of conclusions as a working program for that community. 
 Evidently this is the theme that we are to discuss this afternoon— 
 the methods of organization and the national and local policies 
 which have developed out of the interracial movement. Dr. Swartz 
 will present a statement for the Discussion Committee in charge of 
 this topic, and I shall ask him to take charge. 
 
 Dr. Charles B. Swartz (Chicago, Ill.): We have four discussion 
 leaders, as you will see, under policies—local and national. I¢ 
 seems wise to group the methods of organization and policies to- 
 gether, and ask these people to speak for five minutes on a cer- 
 tain topic. You will ask your questions on the topic on which 
 these different people speak. At the close of the address by Dr. 
 Miller there will be further time for discussion. I believe it well 
 to ask Dr, Alexander if he will answer certain questions that have 
 come up in regard to this interracial movement and its growth. 
 Dr. Miller is not here yet and we will ask Miss Bryson who is 
 identified with the Y. W. C. A. to speak on the interracial move- 
 ment among the student group. 
 
 * Thursday, 2:15 p.M., March 26, 1925. Miss Mary Van Kleeck, presiding. 
 62 
 
 
 
_ MOVEMENT TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION _ 63 
 
 THE INTERRACIAL ASPECTS OF THE Y. W. C, A. 
 
 Miss Gladys Bryson (New York City): As I speak, I hope you 
 will understand I am talking for that section of the Y. W. C. A. 
 known as the National Student Council, which gathers within itself 
 100,000 women or more—women students. You can use your im- 
 agination and believe many things I say are true equally of the 
 hundred thousand men students in their national student council, 
 although we do work somewhat differently. 
 
 This morning, once or twice, despair was faced because we did not 
 understand each other. First of all, in our National Student Coun- 
 cil we always consider ourselves as an interracial group. We find 
 ourselves in white and colored schools alike; we find ourselves with 
 white and colored secretaries, both groups having the same responsi- 
 bilities through our executive committee and the National Board. 
 We find ourselves working with white and colored students and 
 faculties in the system we know as our council system, and in our 
 executive committee. You cannot know how much we hope from 
 our council system. In a country as big as ours, it is of course 
 impossible that all of its policies and duties could be controlled by 
 one central office however centrally located that might be. That is 
 one reason why we have chosen to delegate our responsibility to 
 council groups throughout the country. ‘So you will find in the 
 east, three or four separate groups of students working around a 
 central conference unit. Most all of you have heard of Blue Ridge. 
 We have a group of students elected at that place and through the 
 year they plan our policies and work in the schools and colleges 
 and for the Central Executive Committee. Those councils through- 
 out the country are interracial, proportionately to the number of 
 colored schools in the section. For instance, of nineteen council 
 members in the southern states, five are colored students; of the 
 nine council members in the east, one is a colored student and so on. 
 
 One of the chief things the Council concerns itself with is the 
 encouragement of study of interracial conditions in schools and col- 
 leges. There are constant suggestions in letters, lectures and bulle- 
 tin and speakers who are available—white and colored. Groups of 
 white and colored students gather together to discuss the things 
 that are common problems. In this conference there are both white 
 and colored students whose expenses are being paid by these coun- 
 cils; that is, the executive committees of which I speak, which are 
 interracial groups. The staff is colored which in the beginning 
 administered only colored schools, but more and more they are hav- 
 ing exactly the same relationship to the white schools in the regions 
 
64 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 that the white secretary is having, and more and more white sec- 
 retaries are being invited to come to the colored schools. 
 
 Chairman: If you have no objection I would like to have Miss 
 Bowles of the National Board, Y. W. C. A., continue this discussion 
 since both she and Miss Bryson represent the National Board. 
 
 Miss Eva D. Bowles (New York City): In the first place, I 
 hope this group of people here assembled will try to realize with 
 me what this movement is and realize it is one of the lay move- 
 
 ments of the church—or lay-Christian movement; also we are a 
 ‘movement of women and girls. You might like to begin thinking 
 that the Y. W. C. A. is an interracial organization and that the 
 contribution the Y. W. C. A. is giving toward interracial under- 
 standing is very definite. I would like to bring to this group the 
 fact that the Y. W. C. A. antedates any other organizations in 
 its interracial effort. Beginning with the organization of our board 
 in 1906, and then in 1907 at Asheville, N. C., it was taken up 
 by white women in interracial meetings as the first step. Our aim 
 is that there should be but one movement; there can be but one 
 Y. W. C. A. as there cannot be any such thing as a colored Y. W. C. A. 
 There may be a Y. W. C. A. among colored people. Our staff of 
 national secretaries are not segregated; we all belong to our specific 
 departments. I should like to tell you the people who really make 
 the policies of the National Board are white and colored women and 
 for some time we have had on our most important committees colored 
 women—colored women in our city department and two colored 
 women in the industrial department and a colored woman just being 
 added in the greater research department. At the last convention, 
 the National Board elected a colored woman to be a member of the 
 National Board. 
 
 Leaving our National situation and coming to our local situation, 
 our attempt is very definite. As white and colored secretaries work- 
 ing together, we bring the realization that it is an interracial 
 movement to our doors, a responsibility to all the girls in the 
 community. 
 
 The Y. W. C. A. which is composed of a diversity and complexity 
 of groups of the whole community and the Y. W. C. A. in a com- 
 munity is not meeting its full responsibility until all the girls are 
 taken into consideration. And, concretely, in our industrial work 
 we try to bring to the consciousness of our whole Association that 
 the girls who work, white and colored, in industry, are interdependent 
 each on the other. There cannot be an industrial movement among 
 white girls and one among colored girls, but an industrial movement 
 which is one and the same. 
 

 
 MOVEMENT TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION _ 65 
 
 Just one more thing as to publicity. We never attempt to herald 
 the things we are doing, but try to develop them in a natural way— 
 in any way that creates attention to the thing accomplished, because, 
 after all, the movement that I represent is one which takes into 
 consideration the spiritual values of all women. Our great object 
 is not only to help the colored women and colored girls, but that all 
 women and all girls shall understand each other. 
 
 Charman: We shall now have ten minutes for discussion of 
 the topic under the two-minute rule. 
 
 Dr. Haynes: I would like to ask Miss Bowles the exact steps 
 taken locally in getting their committees organized and what type 
 the organization is? 
 
 Miss Bowles: We use the word device—a “device” was formed 
 some thirteen years ago to have an interracial committee. We did 
 not call it that then, but it was really an interracial committee. 
 It is composed of an equal number of white and colored women; also 
 composed of white women of different experiences and background, 
 and the same applies to colored women. ‘Through this committee and 
 under its administration all our work is accomplished. As you can see, 
 it means an understanding of the races. 
 
 Dr, Haynes: How do you get these women? How do they relate 
 themselves back to the two groups they represent ? 
 
 Miss Bowles: The white women are selected from the Board of 
 Directors and the colored women from the Board of Management 
 of the Colored Women’s Branch. 
 
 Dr. Haynes: Are there any associations where they have colored 
 women serving on the Central Board? 
 
 Miss Bowles: There are eight states north of the Mason and 
 Dixon line where colored women serve as members of the board of 
 directors; also there are colored women who are members of tc 
 committees of the board. 
 
 Dr. Haynes: The point I wanted to bring out, Madam Chairman, 
 is this: that I think the Y. M. OC. A. and the Y. W. C. A. more 
 than other organizations have gone at least that far in the direc- 
 tion of recognizing the colored men and women as constituent parts 
 of the community. That is a point I think well worth finding out. 
 
 Chairman: Are there any questions? 
 
 STUDENTS TRYING TO SOLVE RACE PROBLEMS 
 
 Miss Emogene Johnston (Ohio State University, Columbus, 0.) : 
 We have students forming a kind of organization, in which we 
 work hand in hand with other students, and as an outcome of 
 
66 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 the effort we have a forum, an interracial forum. At this forum 
 we discuss the questions interesting to the students. We have 
 9,000 students at Ohio State University; about 350 are colored 
 and 100 more from the Orient. We all join together and sit at 
 the table, eat and sing together and then have under discussion the 
 problems that come before us. The white men and women learn 
 to know the colored. We establish a basis by which we know each 
 other and by doing that, Ohio State feels we-have come closer to 
 solving the questions and difficulties, threshing out our problems 
 around a common table. Everybody has a right to come to that 
 place. We all know public opinion has to be educated. In the his- 
 tory of the interracial movement, we would like to say that the 
 - Ohio State is entitled to at least a page. We feel, as students, we 
 have a big part and will solve this problem; but, of course, until 
 we do solve it on our own campus, we cannot solve it elsewhere. 
 
 Miss Frances Williams (New York City): May I call on Blanche 
 Dix who is the secretary and knows of the central region? 
 
 Miss Blanche Dia (Northwestern Univ., Chicago): The central 
 region is composed of the schools and universities in this region, 
 which, you know, contains many of the largest universities we have— 
 Chicago, Northwestern, Ohio State, Overlook, Peabody and a lot 
 of others. We are trying to work in this as part of the Y. W. C. A., 
 and where it is impossible to work in the interracial group as part, 
 we work it as an individual thing, and connect it up with the work 
 just the same. It is the policy of the Y. to have a regular commis- 
 sion. The chairman of the interracial commission is to see that 
 all these groups that have interracial work are connected with each 
 other. We have common ideals and common ideas and try to put them 
 over so that every one can feel they are a part of the movement. 
 The students are not asleep to this; they are very much awake to 
 the fact that it is up to them to help solve the great problem. One 
 of our chief aims is to become friendly toward each other. We 
 feel if we become friendly and know each other in a friendly way 
 we will see we are more nearly together than we thought we were. 
 
 Miss Frances Littel (Oberlin College, Oberlin, Ohio): I would 
 like to tell what we are trying to do in bringing a better under- 
 standing and a deeper understanding between the girls of all races. 
 We started last year in having interracial, colored and white, dis- 
 cussion groups. We brought up our problems, but we felt we 
 were not getting anywhere, making ourselves feel worse and not find- 
 ing a concrete solution. This year we have tried to put on a series 
 of meetings and at these meetings no distinction is made between 
 any race. We try to put across the idea that all the girls in the 
 

 
 MOVEMENT TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION _ 67 
 
 college are just a group coming together from different parts of 
 the world, having a different background, and we want a chance 
 to know their background better. We make no distinction and I 
 think it has worked out much better than other schemes. Another 
 year we are considering putting the Y. W. C. A. into this, making 
 it educational. 
 
 Ernest L. Ackley (Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tenn.) : 
 I want to tell what we are doing in the South. We have student 
 forums for Negro and white and we are discussing not only racial 
 difficulties but difficulties we have in common. 
 
 Chairman: I am sorry we cannot have more discussion. From 
 the discussion we have had by students present, I think we all agree 
 that the undergraduates are teaching us something. 
 
 PRINCIPLES OF INTERRACIAL ORGANIZATION 
 
 Dr. Alexander: I have been requested to answer this question: 
 What kind of a constitution should a local interracial committee 
 have? The answer I would give is that it should have whatever sort 
 it needs, the emphasis being not on the form of the organization, 
 but upon an idea—a spiritual idea—rather than the form of an 
 organization. 
 
 I was also asked to answer: How to organize an interracial com- 
 mittee? There again we are going back to a mechanism. In every 
 community I have seen, there are a few people who are open-minded 
 and who have certain things in common. At least, have enough in 
 common to be willing to sit down together and try to look together 
 at their common problems in the community. Those are the people 
 around home and those are the only sort with whom you can form 
 an interracial group in the community. Find them! Bring them 
 together and set them at work trying to discover their responsibility 
 in the community. We are thinking not in terms of white or 
 colored, but of all racial groups. . 
 
 Now it is not very profitable to get people together to talk, and 
 your fundamental problem is the problem of attitude. I don’t think 
 a man’s attitude was ever changed by a direct attack—you never 
 change him with a stick or club. You probably change the attitude 
 of people first by bringing them into perfectly human contacts with 
 others. Second, by bringing them into the presence of some given 
 task and setting them at work at some common task, out of which, 
 more than anything else, the proper attitude should come. 
 
 Right attitudes are by-products of other things and therefore the 
 fundamental thing for this group is that they shall find something— 
 
68 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 some things to be done, and get together to get them done. You 
 have done much more when you go with a man to do something, 
 than when you simply do something for him. The difficulty is to 
 eliminate that delightful sensation of doing something for someone. 
 
 Colored people have as much to contribute to the solution of 
 America’s race problem as the white. It cannot be done by either 
 group alone. It must be done together and there must be a larger 
 appreciation of that fact. It will never be done until we do realize 
 our responsibility and begin working together at a common task. 
 What will an interracial group do? They will do whatever things 
 are to be done first, depending entirely on the community, not 
 spending too much time in talking. Better find one or two con- 
 crete things needed and get them done. 
 
 You say, and we realize that quite clearly, that after all, these 
 things we are talking about are not fundamental; but we must, in 
 this country, change the community’s attitude on this whole ques- 
 tion. I believe it is sound philosophy to say the attitude will be 
 changed—not by the things you say to a community, but by the 
 things a community does. If you could lift the whole Negro popula- 
 tion out of the slums in the next twenty years, improve their living 
 conditions, you will have gone further toward changing the attitude 
 of the community in which they live, than in any other way. Lift a 
 man out of a mud hole and you elevate him in the opinions of men. 
 
 Mrs. Lula E. Lawson (Chicago, Ill.): Two years ago, in our 
 branch of the Y. W. C. A. that does work among the colored girls, 
 we did not understand our responsibility in helping to bring about 
 a proper feeling in our whole state. Our girls are included in 
 the Y. W. C. A. just as all girls are, but some of the principals did 
 not quite understand why colored girls had to be a part of that 
 organization. There was one especially, and in order not to an- 
 tagonize that one principal, we did not go to her and tell her it 
 was right, but we turned around to make friends, getting her inter- 
 ested in what we were doing and in that way she was attracted to 
 our program for colored girls and our ideals and standards, working 
 and codperating to help all the girls of Chicago. We are working 
 along in our high schools; our girls get together in council. 
 
 We have a woman of the board of directors that wanted to inform 
 her husband so he would let her work for an organization that was 
 doing work specifically for colored people and she did not know 
 how to get him in that frame of mind. She invited one or two 
 members of the staff for tea and we took along two volunteers. We 
 met this gentleman in his home and he was so surprised to know 
 

 
 MOVEMENT TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 69 
 
 we were such nice folks. He was willing after that to go with his 
 wife to our branch. 
 
 Miss Constance C. Fisher (Cleveland, Ohio): We formed an in- 
 terracial group and are trying to get people to belong to this group. 
 We are trying to find little things in which we can help. One of 
 the members of the committee went into a bank one day and a 
 teacher had a group of students there for inspection. One of the 
 workers in the bank noticed a white and colored girl walking arm 
 in arm in the room and he called attention to that. The teacher 
 said, “What do you mean?’ He said, “Look at those two girls 
 walking together with locked arms!’ She said, “Well, why not?” 
 After a moment or so he said, “I guess you are right; why not?” 
 We are trying to do little things like that where we find we can 
 change the attitude. 
 
 Dr. Burton: One of the most encouraging things to me is the 
 new interest and attitude of our schools, both among the student body 
 and staff, as well as the new interest our churches are manifesting 
 in this matter. A few weeks ago I was invited by one of the pro- 
 fessors of the University of Chicago to come and address a class 
 in psychology on race relations. They gave me a whole hour to 
 talk about it as I wanted to, and when I was through, asked if I 
 could come back the following day and consume another hour telling 
 more and answering certain questions the students wanted to ask. 
 It was a most delightful experience for me and very revealing in a 
 good many ways. 
 
 One question was asked by the professor himself: “Suppose we 
 should find ourselves in the midst of another unfortunate race riot, 
 what could social agencies or churches or interracial commissions do 
 to help the situation?” I said, “If you wait until a race riot is 
 impending, you might as well try to drive back an avalanche. It 
 seems to me the thing you are doing here is the thing that will 
 make it impossible to have any race riots in the future.” 
 
 In Chicago we have an interracial commission that has grown 
 up, partly because of the race riots there in 1919. Our Chicago 
 Church Federation has been taking the lead. The Federal Council 
 of Churches came along with a program through Dr. Haynes who 
 made a visit to Chicago. We have a regularly organized commis- 
 sion composed of 100 leading white and colored citizens of Chicago 
 and we are going to function along the lines that have been indicated 
 here. 
 
 Chairman: Will Mr. Philo C. Dix, of the State Y. M. C. A., 
 Louisville, Ky., take up the discussion at this point? 
 
%0 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 THE INTERRACIAL MOVEMENT IN KENTUOKY 
 
 Mr. Dix: The organization of the interracial work in Kentucky 
 took place five years ago when a commission was appointed by 
 the state Y. M. C. A. The Commission is still affiliated with 
 that organization, though it contains a number of members not 
 officially connected otherwise than in the interracial work. We em- 
 ploy a state interracial work director, Dr. Bond. In the first years 
 he had associates with him who gave their entire time to the organ- 
 ization, first, of organizing interracial committees in all counties of 
 the state in which there were any considerable Negro people,. which 
 amounted to 60 out of 120 counties in the state. These interracial 
 county committees were composed of both white and colored people 
 and their task was to meet and consider the conditions in the county 
 as they related to the two races, and iron out those occasions for 
 friction which were usually found to exist. Most of these difficulties. 
 centered about such questions as the schools, the use of the public 
 moneys, the administration of justice, the provision of equal facili- 
 ties for the Negroes where the law required separate facilities to 
 be afforded. On school questions, these county committees have 
 rendered very valuable service in ironing out difficulties; also in 
 helping smooth over occasions for race feeling due to crime and 
 attempts at lynching and things of that sort. These county inter- 
 racial committees have been able to head off lynchings, and other evi- 
 dences of race feeling. Dr. Bond, who has been very closely related 
 to them, can give you the details. 
 
 Following up this work we have a state Interracial Commission 
 that handles such matters as relate to the railroad companies, provi- 
 sions in depots and other places for colored people; dealing with the 
 state officials as they deal with the schools; dealing with the attorneys 
 to try to bring about conditions that afford the Negro equal justice 
 in the courts—all the ways in which a state organization can come 
 in touch with the problems which are causing the friction—that 
 is the way these committees are seeking to carry out the plan. 
 
 LYNCHINGS PREVENTED BY INTERRACIAL COMMITTEES 
 
 Chairman: Will Dr. James Bond, of the Kentucky Interracial 
 Commission, close the discussion ? 
 
 Dr. Bond: I shall be glad to give one or two instances of the 
 work as Mr. Dix indicated. In the last four or five years, we 
 know these county interracial committees, together with the activity 
 of the director, have prevented at least five lynchings, and humanly 
 
MOVEMENT TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 71 
 
 speaking, that is something. At one place, a Negro committed a 
 cold-blooded murder and immediately they began to talk of lynch- 
 ing him. We had a committee there and we got in touch with 
 the colored man on the committee and he called a meeting of the 
 colored members of the committee and they passed resolutions ex- 
 pressing the deepest regret at the crime, disavowing any sympathy 
 whatever with the murderer. They sent that letter to the members 
 of the family of the man who was killed and they got the white 
 committee together. The sheriff and the jailer were members of 
 the interracial committee. The sheriff issued a statement urging 
 the people to let the law take its course and the family itself was 
 induced to write a public letter saying it did not want the family 
 disgraced in that manner. The Negro had a trial and was electro- 
 cuted in due process of law. 
 
 In another place, the mob was forming and threatening not only 
 to lynch the Negro but burn up the colored settlement. We had 
 a committee there and the colored members of the committee got 
 together with the white members and decided on this expedient: 
 They struck off—the colored members did—a bill setting forth their 
 regrets and offering a reward in their own name for the arrest and 
 conviction of the criminal. In the streets where the mob was 
 forming, they went around and distributed that bill. The mob read 
 it and disappeared gradually. The Negro was taken, tried and 
 electrocuted. 
 
 Just the other day I wrote to the committee at a certain place. 
 The feeling was high. I telephoned a prominent colored man in that 
 place and asked him to get hold of Judge K—— and prevent a 
 lynching at whatever cost. He said to me, “Don’t you worry about 
 it, Brother Bond, there’s not going to be a lynching, for the com- 
 mittee is on the job.” I believe if it had not been for the interracial 
 committees there would have been five or six Negro lynchings in 
 the state of Kentucky in the last five years, instead of one. 
 
 Dr. Haynes: 1 would like to ask how you get the local com- 
 mittee set up and its relationship to the state committee? 
 
 Dr. Bond: I went and saw the colored people first and asked 
 them to name or suggest white people they themselves would like 
 to put on such a committee because all kinds of people are ap- 
 pointed and if you go to a community and select, generally the 
 wrong person is likely to be selected. So the colored people selected 
 members for the white part of the committee, and selected their 
 own members, too. This thing often happens; the white man will 
 say, “Well, now, here is John, my chauffeur. I have known him 
 all my life and he is a fine chauffeur, put him on the committee.” 
 
72 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 John might not be at all the kind you want; you want to get rep- 
 resentative colored men, who stand for what is best in the com- 
 munity. Get that kind of people together to organize. 
 
 In one place the white people said, “We don’t need any inter- 
 racial committees; it’s a good thing, but we get along the best way 
 in the world; we have the best kind of colored people in the country 
 right here.” Some colored man got up in the meeting and they 
 “swapped” compliments for a while, but within the next few weeks 
 one man came near being lynched in that community under the 
 most aggravating conditions. 
 
 Before you have a meeting, get the colored men to sit down 
 together and make up a program. Put in black and white the 
 needs of the community. There is no use going into committee just 
 to talk; put down the things: police protection, water, school build- 
 ings—whatever it is, have a program when you meet the white mem- 
 bers of the committee and face the conditions. The big thing is to 
 have the white and colored come together and work on at least one 
 problem; one problem at a time, but have a program and many good 
 results will come from it. 
 
 INTERRACIAL MOVEMENT IN INDIANAPOLIS, INDIANA 
 
 C. O. Lee (Indianapolis, Ind.): There were two interracial com- 
 mittees previous to the most recent interracial committee, one from 
 the Church Federation and one from the Y. M. C. A. We felt, 
 however, there ought to be a much larger representation in inter- 
 racial groups, so the Council of Social Agencies was instrumental 
 in gathering together representative citizens—25 colored and 25 
 white—into an interracial committee of the Council of Social Agencies. 
 We organized that committee with functional sub-committees; one 
 on health, one on records, one on economic justice, one on educa- 
 tion, one on civic improvement. 
 
 We have done some investigation work, particularly on the Health 
 Committee, investigating such questions as opportunities for train- 
 ing colored nurses at city hospitals and for the entrance of colored 
 internes and colored physicians. We have tuberculosis hospitals into 
 which we felt more colored people should be admitted. They are 
 admitted at present on a basis of percentage of the population which is 
 about one-tenth of the county, and the prevalence of that disease 
 is larger among the colored people. We felt the entrance to this 
 hospital ought to be on a basis of the prevalence of the disease 
 rather than on a percentage to the population. We are striving to 
 study the questions, taking up now the housing situation; we are 
 

 
 MOVEMENT TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION = 7% 
 
 getting ready to make a survey of the housing conditions as affect- 
 ing the colored people. 
 
 _ H. W. Borst (Indianapolis, Ind.): Our committee is two years 
 old; the first problem we faced was a lack of knowledge and of 
 information on the part of the white members relative to colored 
 leadership, such as that of Booker Washington, how to realize the 
 thing for which this man stood and something of his accomplishment. 
 
 We took one year to study certain books and people and at the 
 end of the year found we were ready to lay out a policy for one 
 year which we could adhere to. That policy had eight points, the 
 first of which was to make a larger committee. At that time we 
 had only six members, 3 colored and 3 white. We sent a request 
 to the President of the State Federation of white women’s clubs, 
 asking them in making their year’s program to put in two or three 
 subjects we would suggest which would open the racial discussion. 
 After that we organized a speaker’s bureau. We want to have 
 people well informed who go out and make speeches. We are con- 
 templating in this year’s policy to have a loan library and put in 
 anything we can get on the colored people. We have the codpera- 
 tion of the librarian who has issued to us a list of valuable things. 
 We have meetings where we discuss the accomplishments and the 
 doings of the Negro and now we are about to issue a paper called 
 the Friendly Citizen containing book reviews and everything neces- 
 sary to educate our white friends. 
 
 Chairman: In leaving the topic on the Growth of the Interracial 
 Movement I should like to say just one thing. Dr. Alexander pointed 
 out in considering the organizing of interracial committees that 
 colored people have as large a contribution to make, at least to 
 the problem of race relations, as have the whites. I would like 
 to go one step further and say that the colored people of this coun- 
 try have as much to contribute to the social and economic problems 
 of the entire country as have the white, and I should like to point 
 out that although we recognize that all these problems have their 
 special racial aspects, nevertheless, housing, health, industry—all the 
 topics we are discussing, have also fundamental common phases, for 
 they are problems we have together. We cannot solve them wisely 
 on a racial basis without recognizing that the right procedure for 
 dealing with them must be developed in the light of their effects 
 upon us all, regardless of race. In other words, in considering the 
 relation of the colored people to the social agencies, we must not 
 think of them only as concerned with the relation of white and 
 colored, but rather as opportunities for white and colored to co- 
 operate in solving common problems. By working together on the 
 
74 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 common problems of our country, we do much to promote racial 
 understanding. Although the problems may have racial aspects, 
 nevertheless they must be dealt with on the broad basis of what is 
 best for the entire community. 
 
 Chaurman: I will call on Dr. Herbert A. Miller, Professor of 
 Sociology, Ohio State University, who will address us on Principles 
 of Amicable Interracial Contact. 
 
 Dr. Miller then spoke in part as follows: 
 
 The race problem is the product of attitudes. These attitudes can best 
 be dealt with by religion and by science. The method of religion makes 
 no necessary effort to discover the causes, but it nevertheless often secures 
 a right-about of the attitudes. Not since immediately following the Civil 
 War has there been such an effort as now to bring the influence of religion 
 to bear on the race problem. It is a tremendous power, but it has definite 
 limitations. It does not touch those who are untouched by religion; when 
 there is a loss of faith then race prejudice may return; it may become 
 bigoted. The K.K.K. is just as devout as this Interracial Conference. 
 
 Psychoanalysis cures pathological conditions by explaining them. That 
 is, when the origin of a disturbance is disclosed, the trouble tends to dis- 
 appear. Modern science is now able to take away all the basis for prejudice, 
 and sooner or later when its data have seeped into the popular mind prac- 
 tically all the attitudes which now prevail in race prejudices will be so 
 contrary to common knowledge that one will have to advertise himself as a 
 fool if he holds them. 
 
 One of the first steps necessary to getting a perspective is to compare 
 the attitudes which prevail toward the Negro, for example, with those 
 towards women and Jews. It will quickly be seen that the same things are 
 felt and said under widely different conditions, and gradually the absurdity 
 of them will appear. Then they will yield. The belief in the inferiority of 
 the Negro and the unassimilability of the Japanese is at present honest 
 rationalization which the facts do not support. These scientific facts, how- 
 ever, will have an inertia unless there is a religious motive to accelerate 
 their application. 
 
 Although I think every intelligent person ought to be optimistic, I am 
 inclined to think that there was never before such a promise of sloughing 
 off the false ideas which make the race problem of the world so ominous. 
 Take, for example, the prevailing ideas about Negro criminality. It is based 
 upon the statistics of Negroes in jail, but modern criminology has demon- 
 strated that criminality is inextricably associated with social conditions, 
 and that when the social conditions have been resolved to comparable 
 formulas, excessive Negro criminality becomes a myth. It was the science 
 of criminology and not direct consideration of race problems that cleared 
 up this matter. And ‘so it is that biology, psychology, anthropology and 
 sociology are simply taking out the props from under the most popular myths 
 with regard to the difference between races. It is merely psychoanalysis 
 applied on a large scale. 
 
 REPORT OF DISCUSSION COMMITTEE ON THE INTERRACIAL MOVEMENT 
 
 Chairman: The Discussion Committee will report through Dr. 
 Bond, its Chairman: 
 
 1, The Committee was interested in the idea which seemed to center on 
 some given interest of the student body, forgetting for the time being that 
 

 
 MOVEMENT TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 15 
 
 one group is a member of one race and another group is a member of another 
 race. The idea commends itself to the Committee, that these meetings which 
 disregard all kinds of distinction and call attention to the common problems 
 of the student body, must be helpful and should be encouraged. 
 
 2. The Committee wishes to raise the question whether it would be a 
 wise thing for this interracial work to concentrate only on race relations 
 between white and black races in this country. You can think of reasons 
 probably, why that should be done. We have a background; we have some 
 tradition, some history, and if we should concentrate on this problem between 
 us and solve it in the right way—in a way that is agreeable to the white 
 and black people—then we would have a basis for the solution of the problems 
 that affect other races in their relations. The Committee would like to have 
 an expression of opinion on that point. 
 
 3. Dr. Alexander said the genesis of the interracial commission is an 
 idea—not rules and regulations. We note, therefore, that an interracial 
 commission in the state or community grows out of and is made necessary 
 because of interracial relations in local communities, and the organization 
 grows out of the work instead of having the work grow out of the organiza- 
 tion. That cannot be too strongly stated. 
 
 4. We wish to call attention also to the importance of interracial com- 
 mittees and interracial work to prevent misunderstandings and outbreaks 
 rather than to stop something after it has started. The way to prevent 
 race riots in Cincinnati or Chicago, is not to try to do it after they have 
 started. Way back, two or three years ago we began to remove the causes 
 of friction. A better understanding has been restored over and over again 
 in the work throughout the South. The big work of the interracial committee 
 and commissions is not to put out the fire after it has started, but to prevent 
 the fire starting. Time and time again we have had that experience. Remove 
 the cause of friction and you have peace. 
 
 5. Your Committee is of the opinion that there can never be harmony 
 as long as there are glaring inequalities and injustice with one group or 
 another, facing us in this or any other community. Justice, therefore, is 
 the one basis of interracial good will and codperation. 
 
 Chairman: We have now 25 minutes for questions and discussion 
 of this report. 
 
 INTERRACIAL PROBLEMS ARE WORLD-WIDE 
 
 fev. Henry S. Lewper (New York City): We get the impres- 
 sion (at least I do) that the line of progress is definitely along the 
 path of directing attention to the fact that these racial prejudices 
 and mob prejudices are universal and not specifically confined to 
 one group. From the Committee’s report, we get the thought about 
 specifically centering our attention on one problem between white 
 and black in this country, and then attacking the larger problem. 
 It has been my privilege to live in China and during that time I 
 spent considerable time working on the interracial feeling between 
 the Japanese and Chinese. I had considerable experience in Korea 
 where there is considerable feeling between the Koreans and the 
 Japanese. I have been back in this country for two years and a 
 large part of that time I have been dealing with the interracial prob- 
 
76 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 lems between Indians and Americans, Chinese and Japanese and 
 Americans, and between white and Negro Americans. I do not want 
 to cast reflection on the Committee’s report, but until we get hold 
 of the problem in its universal aspect, we will deal with only one 
 phase and we will get lopsided in our thinking. We will not fit 
 ourselves for the interracial movement of the world. This race feel- 
 ing is gaining all over the world today; if we would deal with it 
 in a statesmanlike manner, we must deal with it as it is. My 
 colored brother, whose family has been here perhaps before the 
 Mayflower, I find looks down on the Kingston Negro; a Japanese 
 said to me, “We always look down on a Chinese.” 
 
 Dr. Bond: In several phases, the Negro suffers as no other race 
 suffers. I saw a Filipino the other day, much darker than I am, 
 go into a hotel where I could not go. The largest hotels are open 
 to him; he goes where he wants and there is a different attitude. We 
 have to face that condition. The Japanese and Chinese do not 
 suffer as we do. They can come here and go to your best hotels. 
 There is a distinction. 
 
 Mr. Chase: As has been said, the race problem is universal, and 
 we have to face this. Two years ago we had Miss Crogman come 
 and put on her wonderful pageant. We had 2000 people come to 
 the theater and see it, sitting side by side, colored and white. Roland 
 Hayes came and white and colored came to hear him. We are 
 wondering whether we should take the next step and we want your 
 advice. We were wondering if the next year we would not be ready 
 to ask the different nations represented in our city to combine with 
 the colored and white people, all making their contributions, and 
 work out a pageant formed by different nations and races, to con- 
 tribute to one great big picture of America. We were wondering, if 
 the colored people fitted themselves into that picture, if it would 
 not be a large contribution. 
 
 Dr. Haynes: In New York four years ago we put on a pageant 
 America’s Making. The only difficulty was financing. We put it 
 on in a large armory and it was a tremendous gorgeous pageant 
 which caught the attention of the newspapers even weeks and 
 months beforehand. It included a Negro pageant with those of 
 many other racial and national groups. In Chicago they put on a 
 play called Fingerprints, which was performed by about 500 white 
 and colored amateurs and had a fine effect in bringing together 
 white and colored people. The play was written by a playwright 
 who had quite a little experience in those things, and was repeated 
 in several of the large churches with fine results. 
 
 Mr. Frazier: It seems to me if we are going to concern ourselves 
 
MOVEMENT TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 77 
 
 with the solution of these problems, it would be well to tackle one 
 at a time. The Japanese have an ambassador at Washington; they 
 have a pretty good sized army and navy. The Chinese are pretty 
 well represented too. The Indian is not so well taken care of. 
 When I left Atlanta I came pretty near being put out of a Pullman. 
 I feel, selfishly, that you ladies and gentlemen might begin by 
 concerning yourselves with my safety as I might be put out of one 
 going back. The Negro is the most despised of all races in the 
 United States, and we might as well face the truth. As I traveled 
 in the South a former student cautioned me as soon as I got there 
 to please be careful of what I say. It seems to me America’s chief 
 problem is to bring civilization into relation to the Negro. 
 
 Dr. Miller: I agree with the last speaker that we should take 
 up these problems one at a time. The students at Ohio State got 
 into this same difficulty in beginning our interracial forum. We 
 all know the condition the Negro faces and the opinion some white 
 people have of the Negro. It seemed to the executive committee 
 of the forum, there must be some reason for this; whether or not 
 this reason is on a firm basis remains to be seen, but there must 
 be some reason why the Japanese goes into the big hotels and 
 the Negro cannot. I wanted to bring the problem before the forum 
 for discussion, and the problem we brought was “What is the cause 
 of racial misunderstanding?” We received many comments and we 
 had many solutions offered. If there is racial misunderstanding, 
 there must be a cause and by correcting these causes we can work 
 it out. 
 
 Rev. J. 8. Belboder (Dayton, Ohio): It seems to me Dr. Miller 
 is asking for some place to attack the question. It is very good that 
 he gave us the question and we should consider it. I am wonder- 
 ing, however, if it is possible for us to do very much before we 
 die? A lifetime is so short and this particular condition has existed 
 so long and is so deeply engraved on the hearts and minds of the 
 people. What shall we do? I think this: That we should begin 
 now to train the children who are coming on to the awful condition 
 that exists. If we can get teachers and school boards to realize 
 the injustice that exists and teach the children that they must not 
 practice these things, we shall be doing a wonderful thing. Will 
 white people who represent this movement be willing to go to the 
 heads of the educational boards in the different communities and get 
 them to transmit this information we have now? Will they be 
 willing to convert the teachers to practice a new discipline with the 
 children they have to teach? The children are the ones who directly 
 inherit a major part of the problem. 
 
78 
 
 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 Mr. Ackley: It is just as foolish to try to settle the problems 
 
 of race between white and black as it is to save all the people of the 
 
 Un 
 the 
 
 ited States by sending foreign missionaries. The Japanese in 
 West is perhaps as badly treated as is the Negro in the South. 
 
 The principle on which that might be settled is not the same, the 
 traditional reasons for the prejudices are different. J was thinking 
 how California could settle its race problem and it came to me on 
 
 the 
 
 instant that it could in the way we do in the South. If you 
 
 will try to think without prejudice what some other nations have 
 had to go against and then apply them to your own South or North 
 you might be able to feel less prejudicial than you do. I feel unless 
 
 we 
 
 think of it together we will not be able to think of it straight 
 
 and clearly. It is perfectly all right for an interracial committee 
 
 to 
 us 
 
 confine itself to the problem between white and Negro, but for 
 as students to confine ourselves so is illogical and unchristian. 
 
 I think we ought to take the church’s viewpoint. 
 
 the 
 
 about a universal problem and the Committee talked about a place — 
 
 to 
 
 problem, we shall be wiser as to the place to begin? Is it not true 
 that this is a problem we have to handle together? That is the 
 
 pol 
 
 movement. 
 
 eo ted ed 
 
 Chairman: The Chair cannot see such a great difference between 
 speakers and the Committee. Dr. Miller and Mr. Leiper talked 
 
 begin. But is it not true that if we recognize it as a universal 
 
 nt of this afternoon’s meeting—the growth of the interracial 
 
 SUMMARY OF DISCUSSION ON 
 IV. THE MOVEMENT TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION * : 
 
 The Y. W. C. A. Student Department interracial staff now serves schools 
 and colleges of both races. 
 
 The city Y. W. C. A.’s are regarding all women and girls as their 
 responsibility. 
 
 White and Negro students are trying to solve problems by forums and 
 other contacts. 
 
 Interracial committees and commissions are not mere organization 
 mechanism; they are results of a spirit; of ideas. They are formed not 
 for talk but for mutual action on well-planned programs; doing things 
 together changes racial attitudes. 
 
 Kentucky State Y. M. C. A. fostered the State Interracial Commission 
 and county committees; the two organizations are still affiliated though 
 independent. The Commission has carried a state-wide welfare program 
 for full justice to Negro citizens. County committees have prevented 
 several lynchings. 
 
 Indianapolis, Ind., combined two interracial committees, started inde- 
 pendently, into one organization, enlarging it by added representatives 
 under the Council of Social Agencies. The Committee has studied its 
 problems and is working out a program. 
 
 * Prepared by Dr. George Edmund Haynes. 
 
MOVEMENT TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 79 
 
 7. Colored people have as large a contribution to make to race relations 
 as white people. 
 
 8. Race problems are world-wide, universal. We should recognize them as 
 universal but see that the place for us to begin solution is in our own 
 local communities. 
 
CHAPTER V 
 SOCIAL AGENCIES AND RACE RELATIONS * 
 
 Chairman: We turn now to the topic Social Agencies and Race 
 Relations and I will call on Dr. T. J. Woofter, Jr., Atlanta, Ga., as 
 Chairman of the Committee in charge of this topic to take guidance of 
 the discussion. 
 
 Dr. Woofter: There’s not much danger of running out of dis- 
 cussion on a topic as wide as this. Before I announce the topics 
 to you, I want to say two things as to our attitude toward social 
 agencies and the significance of the social agencies in their bear- 
 ing on racial adjustments. We have a complex on the words “race 
 problem” and want to get rid of it. We have more or less agreed 
 in this. Every time a concrete situation came up there has been 
 no disagreement as to what to do, but only disagreement on how to 
 do it. The job now is to discuss the tasks and work out ways and 
 means of getting them accomplished. This is true of social agencies 
 as well as other phases of the program. The main thing about qj 
 social agency is that you are dealing with the most direct fundamental 
 approach to the human heart. When you get a human heart roused 
 and focusing on these things, you are accomplishing something. We 
 need always to put forth the humanitarian side rather than the social. 
 For instance, the child appeals to the heart rather than to the mind. 
 
 THE COMMUNITY VIEWPOINT 
 
 The second thing is this: In dealing with these humanitarian 
 institutions we must get into our minds the fact that we are not 
 trying to benefit the colored people but the community. The humani- 
 tarian aspect needs to be met, and when met, it will benefit all the 
 people in the community and our communities can hold up their 
 heads in pride. In other words, our job, through social agencies, 
 is to get as far away from race as we can in the consideration of 
 these tasks of housing, child welfare and so on, and look at them 
 as social tasks involving the whole community. 
 
 What is the first step? Napoleon told us there are many poor 
 colonels but no poor regiments. The same thing is true of social 
 
 * Thursday, March 26, 3:45 P. M. Miss Mary Van Kleeck, presiding. 
 80 
 
 
 
SOCIAL AGENCIES AND RACE RELATIONS 81 
 
 organizations—many poor leaders but very few poor social organiza- 
 tions. The whole aspect of any humanitarian organization depends 
 on the personality of the people back of it. 
 
 THE NEGRO SOCIAL WORKER 
 
 Mrs. Gordon: In this particular leadership into which colored 
 women and colored social workers have recently come, there is no end 
 of opportunity. You will pardon, I am sure, if I mention one fact— 
 and I speak from experience in the Philadelphia Department of Pub- 
 lic Welfare—I have had erased from my mind fear as to the ap- 
 proach of the human being as a-social worker with race prejudice 
 removed. As you approach the work in the social agency there need 
 be no fear, for the people who are helping are not looking to the 
 color but to the quality of the thing you can do. 
 
 We have been asked in our work to handle cases of Italians and 
 Jews and others, side by side with the white investigators. Help- 
 ing to relieve others, serving others, we learn to serve our own race. 
 We have had no friction in the type of service we have been able 
 to render. In most of the agencies you will come across problems that 
 turn on the Municipal Court and the question of neighborhood 
 quarrels, out of which develop, in America, so many race riots. If 
 the proper kind of leadership is placed in social agencies they take 
 hold of it properly, and there has never been an occasion where it 
 has not been stopped. Sometimes it has been only the nicknaming of 
 a race—the very smallest things bring about a neighborhood quarrel. 
 
 Mr. Frazier: I want to say something about the effort in the 
 South to train for a certain type of leadership. We have had ex- 
 amples where the Probation Judge appointed his colored chauffeur 
 as a probation officer and in Mobile on one occasion they took the 
 cook of the white probation officer and made her a colored proba- 
 tion officer. In 1920 a group of social workers in New Orleans saw 
 it would be necessary to educate social workers in the South; those 
 educated in the North seldom come South. For the last three years 
 we have had a forum for interracial codperation under the manage- 
 ment of the school. We have been promised some money for the 
 coming year to further our work, provided we raise the same amount. 
 This school attempts to develop a definite kind of leadership in the 
 South, otherwise the white people would pick out any ignorant 
 type of colored woman to do social work or any “Uncle Tom” type 
 of man. The Atlanta School of Social Work represents an achieve- 
 ment on the part of colored and white people in the schools and 
 social agencies and the interracial commission. 
 
82 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 A Voice: May I ask Mr. Frazier one question? Do you think 
 you will be able to get those people who have been appointing cooks 
 and chauffeurs to accept the trained colored social worker? 
 
 Mr. Frazer: I do. 
 
 EQUAL PAY FOR WHITE AND NEGRO SOCIAL WORKERS 
 
 Chairman: ‘The next topic for discussion is, Giving the White and 
 Negro Workers of Similar Rank the Same Remuneration. 
 
 Miss Frances Williams: I want to speak about trained workers. 
 We have workers who are trained to meet the same requirements 
 but when it comes to salary, it is different. We are still handicapped 
 with the thought that it does not take as much money for colored 
 people to live as white. There is a different standard in salaries. 
 They say you should not talk about money, but it does create a 
 different attitude. Why should a person with the same qualifications 
 do that for five, which another does for ten dollars? 
 
 Mr. Plaskett: Does not the question of salary vary in different 
 places? City organizations can pay big salaries; country persons 
 get small salaries. Does not the question of salary depend on the 
 worker and where he works? Some get more and some get less, 
 according to the particular locality in which they work. Isn’t that 
 true? 
 
 Miss Howell: Our community finds in executive positions, due 
 to the scarcity of colored workers, it is necessary to pay higher 
 salaries to the colored worker than to the white. 
 
 Mr. Lee: As far as I know, both the colored social workers and 
 colored nurses do not receive less salary than the corresponding posi- 
 tions paid to the white people. I think they have a scale they go 
 on. I know there is one colored worker in an institution that 
 receives the highest salary next to the executive officer of the 
 institution. 
 
 Chairman: This question of salaries in social work is not so 
 much racial but a very big problem of getting recognition from 
 Boards of Directors and spreading knowledge as to the value of 
 trained social work. We have to develop appreciation on the part of 
 the community of the need for trained social workers. The training 
 schools are doing a great deal in that direction. Mr. Lee will con- 
 tinue with the topic. 
 
 Mr. Lee: I think this question has a great deal to do with the 
 temper of the community. Indianapolis, as I heard Mr. Robinson 
 say one time relative to Cincinnati, is a northern city with a southern 
 exposure. We have a number of southern white people there. We 
 
 
 
SOCIAL AGENCIES AND RACE RELATIONS 83 
 
 have to take that into consideration. If your community is lenient 
 you can get a great deal further by way of placing colored people 
 both upon boards and staffs of social agencies than you can where 
 there is a sentiment against that sort of thing. 
 
 Then, too, there are great feelings as to working for the colored 
 by the white instead of working with them. May I give one illus- 
 tration of a case in one point? The architects have drawn a plan, 
 and the bid has been made for a new high school situated in the 
 colored section, known as the Colored High School. Our high school 
 students have attended the regular high schools thus far. We 
 approached that question with the powers that be, asking that the 
 colored people have something to say as to whether they should be 
 segregated in a high school—give them some opportunity to have 
 some share in saying whether their children should go in high 
 schools that would be fitted with colored teachers, or whether they 
 would be forced by the school board to go into the Colored High 
 School. There is a big question as to whether we are to do the 
 things for the colored people, issue edicts and expect them to obey, 
 or whether we work and codperate with them. 
 
 They have no share in the discussions and plannings of the 
 various social work and programs of the city. It seems to me there 
 is a growing feeling of responsibility upon the part of colored 
 leaders in the community in which I am acquainted. With that 
 feeling of growing responsibility it seems to me they are equipping 
 themselves more and more adequately to take the places of responsibil- 
 ity upon boards of management. It seems to me where colored 
 people are involved the least we can do is to have colored representa- 
 tion in proportion to the percentage of population on the boards, so 
 that the colored people can be brought into the discussion. White 
 people cannot understand unless they come into the close relation of 
 mutual discussion relative to these many problems that come up in 
 connection with social work among colored people. This is just as 
 true about the workers. — 
 
 This would be equally true in almost every situation where colored 
 people are involved, that they ought to have the benefits of workers 
 of their own race so they can get into the closest possible relation- 
 ship in order to do the task adequately. If we are going to meet 
 the tasks, we must both have representation upon our boards of 
 control and upon our staffs where the social worker has to deal with 
 the colored people in any given community. 
 
84 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 STAFFS OF AGENCIES SHOULD BE INTERRACIAL 
 
 Chairman: I now call on Mr. John Chase of Youngstown, Ohio. 
 
 Mr. Chase: Welfare Agencies! Just think how many there are. 
 Here is a Big Brother and Sister organization which is one great 
 big group of welfare agencies and over here is another big group, 
 and in another place a big group dealing with the mass of ‘people, 
 Camp-fire girls, playground associations. What is the big thing that 
 we as interracial people can contribute to them, helping them carry 
 forward in the fine spirit that is maintained? It seems to me, in 
 the first group, individuals on the staffs very rarely are colored 
 people, and they should have them. In our city, for instance, we 
 have Allied Councils, and they have Jewish, Catholic and Protestant, 
 but no colored. Why should that be? On all the staffs dealing with 
 individual groups we should have colored people. Most of us belong 
 to the leading groups in our own cities and when we go back we 
 ought to go to our community chest boards and others and say to them 
 we want on these agencies dealing with individuals representation 
 from the colored group, if you have representation from Jews and _ 
 Catholics and other foreigners. 
 
 We set up institutions manned entirely by colored people and 
 isn’t that just as bad as being manned entirely by white people from 
 our interracial point of view? Is it not a danger we are facing 
 now that great big institutions, educated, highly cultured, will estab- 
 lish in brick and mortar and petrify on through the ages our 
 segregation? Is it not true? You say you want staffs of colored 
 people—want to give them jobs and put up colored Y. M. C. A.’s. 
 You say it will relieve a lot, but is it not petrifying the real, funda- 
 mental thing we do not want? ‘They will say, if we do not do 
 that, we cannot do anything. We claim it is wrong. What we 
 ought to do is to place on our staffs white and colored in propor- 
 tion to the neighborhood; in a neighborhood where three-fourths 
 are colored, have three-fourths colored on the staff and one-fourth 
 white. 
 
 Chairman: Let me remind you what was said about the policy 
 of the Y. W. C. A. in having colored women appointed on the regu- 
 lar staff and the directing board, and participating in all the work. 
 
 John A. Green (Dayton, Ohio): Our family welfare work is 
 gradually taking on colored workers that are working with colored 
 groups. In our Juvenile Court we have colored workers; in the 
 visiting housekeeper’s work we have colored workers. We have 
 had no colored worker until recently in the Associated Charities. We 
 are working in colored workers as we feel they are more sympa- 
 
 
 
SOCIAL AGENCIES AND RACE RELATIONS 85 
 
 thetic and get better points of attack with our own people than the 
 white women. 
 
 Dr. Woofter: I would like to see a show of hands from those 
 communities where colored people are employed as visiting house- 
 keepers. (Many hands raised.) It looks as though there are many. 
 
 Chairman: We must stop this discussion now and have the address 
 which is on the program and then the report of the committee, I 
 will now call on Mr. James H. Robinson, executive Secretary of 
 the Negro Civic Welfare Ass’n, Department of the Community Chest 
 and Council of Social Agencies, Cincinnati, Ohio, who will give the 
 address on this topic. Mr. Robinson spoke in part as follows: 
 
 To my way of thinking, there are two general types of community prob- 
 lems, social and civic. Civic problems are those which are vitally related 
 to citizenship in its larger sense. An effective approach to them may require 
 the use of governmental machinery, as the public school, appeal to legislative 
 enactment, law enforcement, the ballot or public funds raised through taxa- 
 tion. On the other hand, one may find it necessary to resort to such forces 
 as industry, commerce and the press to deal with a civic problem. 
 
 On the other hand, there are the social problems which affect certain 
 elements in the population rather than the population as a whole. Such 
 problems can be handled by private philanthropy as opposed to public taxa- 
 tion. The supervision of day nurseries, the administration of relief, the 
 operation of orphan asylums and children’s homes, the maintenance of 
 homes for the aged, and for working girls, community centers and settle- 
 ment houses well indicate the nature of social problems and illustrate legiti- 
 mate activities of social agencies. These two general classes of problems 
 and activities, however, are not entirely distinct and unrelated. We com- 
 monly think of public agencies as hedged about by technical, legal restric- 
 tions and hence as inflexible. Experience has proved, however, that with 
 social agencies leading the way public agencies can, within limits, bend and 
 shape their policies in conformity to the wishes of social agencies insofar as 
 their suggestions help rather than hinder the best interests of the com- 
 munity. 
 
 From the foregoing discussion it is easy to infer that social agencies are 
 not only potent factors in dealing with social and civic problems in general 
 but that they ought to be foremost in the adjustment of race relations. 
 It is frequently said that every community has within it sufficient wisdom 
 for the solution of its problems. Be this statement true or untrue, there 
 is in every community a wealth of wisdom, skill, technique, experience, 
 potential good will and even financial and material resources which could 
 be used in the adjustment of race relations if they were but discovered and 
 organized. 
 
 The first step then is to form a temporary community council or clearing 
 house, representing as many interests and viewpoints in the community life 
 and relationship as may be worthy of consideration. The church, the lodge, 
 the press, the schools, women’s clubs, the medical profession, courts, health 
 departments, and private agencies, colored and white, dealing with any 
 important phase of Negro life should be a part of this temporary council. 
 This undertaking requires care, tact, good judgment, liberality. So manv 
 of us think of ourselves as the quintessence of wisdom and virtue that we 
 are apt to discount and discredit others who lack our opportunities but 
 who may nevertheless be factors in the life of the community. 
 
 The first object of this temporary community council is to make an in- 
 ventory or survey of the life and conditions and resources of the com- 
 
86 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 munity. Like all surveys it must have a purpose, and the purpose here is 
 a rather general one. It may be summed up in the following questions: 
 What are the outstanding problems of the community life as regards Negro 
 welfare and race relations? What are the social, civic, educational, indus- 
 trial, economic, and religious resources for meeting them? How can the 
 interest of these forces be won and how organized and marshalled in the most 
 effective attack on the problems? 
 
 Such a council may be able to afford an office and a paid worker, who 
 should be assisted by as many volunteers as he can intelligently use. If 
 it is not financially able to do this, appeal might be made to some estab- 
 lished agency or organization to lend part time services of a paid worker. 
 
 Circumstances may make impossible anything other than a small in- 
 ventory, but even this will be valuable if intelligently done. But whether 
 elaborate or simple, it would want to answer such questions as the following: 
 1. Size of the Negro population and how it compares with other national and 
 racial groups in numerical strength; 2. its tendency toward growth or decrease ; 
 3. its distribution over various sections of the city; 4. kinds of houses occu- 
 pied by Negroes and their availability; level of rents and prices, attitude 
 of real estate men, banks, building associations and other tenants toward 
 Negro tenants and home owners; 5. lines of work open to Negroes, working 
 conditions, wages, the attitude of employers and other workmen toward 
 them; 6. school and church facilities; 7. amusements and recreational facili- 
 ties, public, private and commercial open to Negroes; 8. sanitary and health 
 conditions; 9. delinquency and dependency; 10. politics and political influences ; 
 11. migrant population, if any, and its problems of readjustment; 12. com- 
 munity leadership; 13. policies and attitudes of newspapers and public offi- 
 cials; 14. social agencies at work and their programs; 15. a program of 
 betterment and reorganization to touch the most vital conditions and to 
 make use of the best influences, forces and organizations on both sides of 
 the color-line which might be interested. 
 
 The uninitiated will be surprised at the amount of good will and interest 
 which the survey will awaken. School teachers, social workers, and club 
 women may be readily interested in a house-to-house canvass. In our 
 Cincinnati survey, for instance, not only did colored teachers help, but 359 
 white teachers made more than twenty thousand telephone calls to secure 
 certain types of information scarcely obtainable in any other way. High 
 school and university students can look up historical records, tabulate survey 
 cards and compile statistics; various community organizations may offer 
 endorsement, moral support and other practical assistance depending on the 
 ingenuity of the leaders of the project to put them to work. Even the 
 village know-alls, who are wont to parade their wisdom in the church meet- 
 ings, on street corners, and in the barber shops may be invited into the 
 council to match wits in the discussion of local conditions and how best 
 to get at them. 
 
 After a substantial volume of information has been obtained and duly 
 verified, much careful discussion should be given to drawing conclusions and 
 formulating a program. 
 
 The Negro Civic Welfare Committee which made the survey became the 
 Negro Civic Welfare Association, department of the Community Chest to 
 plan, develop and coédrdinate a social service program for the Negro popula- 
 tion as a whole. We believe it to be the country’s first true clearing house 
 and codrdinating agency for Negro work and we try to teach the public to 
 feel that it is their community council. 
 
 Our Board of Directors comprises forty members. Thirty of them are 
 representatives of the agencies at work and ten are chosen at large. Accord- 
 ingly we enjoy the counsel of persons, both colored and white, professional 
 and non-professional, who have interest and experience in dealing with the 
 problem. This Board of Directors is divided into ten committees whose work 
 comprehends the scope of the Negro field. They are committees on 1. Relief 
 
SOCIAL AGENCIES AND RACE RELATIONS 87 
 
 (for case and family welfare) and Institutional Care; 2. Housing and 
 Health; 3. Economies (including thrift and industrial welfare); 4. Civics 
 (implying citizenship and character building); 5. Education; 6. Recreation; 
 7. Child Welfare; 8. Social Service and the Church (recognizing the dominant 
 position of the Church in Negro life); 9. Publicity and Research; 10. Ad- 
 ministration (Executive Committee). 
 
 It is the function of these committees to study and understand each its 
 own field of interest, to keep informed on what is going on in those fields, 
 to prompt and encourage the same and to plan new work. The Executive 
 Committee holds a final veto on all matters involving action and changes in 
 policies. As a clearing house and codrdinating agency our Association has 
 no arbitrary or administrative control over the agencies affiliated with it. 
 What it accomplishes is done by education and persuasion. 
 
 We have endeavored especially to reach the Negro leadership. We confer 
 at times with the ministers as a group, and similarly, with doctors, repre- 
 sentatives of women’s clubs, of lodges and with the social workers of the 
 various agencies. Our colored workers employed by various agencies, public 
 and private, number fifty-five and two years ago we organized them into an 
 advisory group, thus giving them a larger interest in the work than that 
 of mere employees. 
 
 No single person or organization is a competent authority on all social 
 problems and policies but if one knows how to consult the best advice 
 of the community he will be able to act wisely on the important questions 
 that come up from time to time. If I were asked what groups should be 
 consulted, I should name the following general classes: 1. Social, meaning 
 professional leaders in social work. 2. Civic, including the legal profession, 
 political leadership, government and civil service employees, editors, and 
 women’s clubs. 3. Commercial, the business men. 4. Industrial, the labor 
 leaders. 5. Educational, the teaching profession and representatives of 
 educational boards. 6. Medical doctors, dentists, pharmacists, nurses, hospi- 
 tal representatives. 7. Ecclesiastical, the ministry. 
 
 In consulting these groups one frequently gets more than advice and 
 moral support. It is possible to get active service. In our own city there 
 are many women’s clubs and we desired to have them assist us actively in 
 our work. We first approached them with a rather ambitious program but 
 it was general and vague, and we had but little success. We analyzed our 
 experience. We concluded that we had talked over the heads of the good 
 women and that we needed an appeal more concrete and human to reach 
 them. Among the homeless men that drifted into our midst that winter 
 was a picturesque character from Missouri, aged 87, an ex-slave, full of 
 superstitions, stories, quaint maxims and not a bad fellow at all—just home- 
 less. Again we called the women together and told them the story; how we 
 wanted to place him in the Old Men’s Home but lacked the initiation fee. 
 Seventy-seven clubs contributed five dollars each and thereafter their presi- 
 dents met and advised with us monthly on the work as a whole. Many of 
 them were looking for something useful to do, and we were pleased to pass 
 them on to the individual clubs, later recognizing services rendered and in- 
 cidentally commending the club. In the matter of community organization 
 we believe that the Negro is already highly organized and that better results 
 can be obtained by recognizing his natural organizations and working with 
 them than by continually creating new artificial organizations. 
 
 What we have done during Health Week well illustrates the work which 
 we have been able to do in a more general way in enlisting the interest 
 of social agencies in Negro work. In 1918 there were five colored social 
 agencies in the Community Chest and only a few white agencies interested 
 in Negro work. At the conclusion of our survey we persuaded the Com- 
 munity Chest to admit our Orphan Asylum for Colored Children, Crawford 
 Old Men’s Home and Home for Aged Colored Women into the financial 
 federation. This was done and these three agencies have made good our 
 
88 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 promise to the Community Chest, that their own pride and appreciation 
 for the help received, as well as their increased financial abilit , would 
 prompt and enable them to raise their general standard of service. Our 
 Home for Aged Colored Women, in fact, sent a committee to request admis- 
 sion. When we éxplained the impossibility of maintaining a first class 
 institution in the building then occupied by them, they purchased, on their 
 own initiative and responsibility, a suitable building which they now occupy. 
 In other words, we brought them face to face with the challenge of higher 
 standards and they accepted it. This in a nutshell, is what all our colored 
 social agencies have done. The general effect of it has been to increase the. 
 confidence of the Chest and the social agencies in our Association and the 
 colored agencies. 
 
 Among other things, the work of our three children’s institutions, then: 
 seriously over-lapping, was cleared, each commissioned with a specific part 
 of the child welfare work, and a program of child placing begun. The- 
 Better Housing League already at work was induced to extend its program. 
 into the Negro community and a zealous worker was recommended to them. 
 At the present time they are employing three white visiting housekeepers. 
 and four colored, the latter visiting about fifteen hundred colored homes 
 last year. I believe that such agencies will not only want to help but will 
 want the benefit of the best advice as to what they shall do; if they succeed 
 by following such advice, confidence grows and they will be willing to do 
 still more. It will be necessary to encourage them from time to time and 
 a certain amount of friendly and constructive criticism will frequently prove- 
 helpful. After seven years of such work today we can boast of twenty-eight 
 social agencies working with us in Negro work, sixteen white and twelve 
 colored. 
 
 It has not always been easy to persuade social agencies to render service. 
 In several instances they had to be shown, i.e., we had to make a demon- 
 stration of the plausibility of such a venture. Shortly after the World War. 
 we saw the need of industrial welfare work among women working in plants. 
 and factories. We employed a worker who at the end of a year had estab- 
 lished a program in fifteen different concerns employing over 1,000 women, 
 enjoying the confidence of employer and employee. She had opened some of’ 
 these places for colored women; in others she had the privilege of doing 
 all the placing while she was making adjustments, stimulating morale, and 
 giving good advice on both sides. We had been unable previously to sell the 
 Y. W.C. A. this program on paper; it was not a difficult matter to persuade. 
 them to take over a successful piece of work which included the interest 
 of more than a dozen employers and more than 1,000 women. 
 
 Some of the largest contributors to the Community Chest are thus inter- 
 ested in our Negro work and so are a number of the leading social workers. 
 and thinkers in the city. As organized today our Association is not a perfect 
 piece of machinery but it has functioned with effect. If technique and skill. 
 are needed, we have them among our social agencies. If the community 
 opinion on any matter is needed we can consult it within about twenty-four 
 to forty-eight hours and be sure that we have a conclusion behind which the. 
 leaders of our community are willing to stand and work. 
 
 Some one might plausibly ask: What has been the effect of all this work 
 on race relations in Cincinnati? What would be the effect of such a clearing 
 house or community council in any city? 
 
 First of all, let me say that as a piece of work in Negro welfare we. 
 cannot escape the conviction, that had no white people been concerned in it 
 at all, race relations would have been improved. Can it be possible that 
 an improvement in the social and moral well-being of one group will not call 
 forth a better regard for it on the part of another group? I believe that 
 one of the fundamental causes of violent manifestations of race prejudice. 
 in America is the mere fact of racial contact under unfavorable circumstances . 
 and the unpleasant experiences growing out of it. 
 

 
 SOCIAL AGENCIES AND RACE RELATIONS 89 
 
 In a community clearing house like ours, where the best people of both 
 races of a community are brought together, there is an absence of unpleasant 
 experiences. By virtue of their willingness to meet and confer, each recog- 
 nizes the humanity and the worth of the other, so that here we have race 
 relations on a different plane. Each sees the other giving honest consideration 
 to some problem which is of concern to both. The natural result is confidence, 
 mutual respect and fellow feeling. 
 
 Eight years ago a Negro social worker coming into the field found himself 
 seriously questioned. Many persons were unwilling to sit down and confer 
 with him. In other words, Negro leadership was not sold to the white 
 community. Today white people who want to start anything which touches 
 in a vital way the Negro community will not only listen to the advice of 
 Negro leadership but will go out and seek it. All cities, our own included, 
 have experienced their share of incompetent leadership. I refer to the Negro 
 who gains the favor of white people but makes no real contribution of 
 intelligent service to race relations and the community as a whole. Per- 
 sonality, of course, was ever and will ever be a real factor in human 
 relations but with the standard of intelligence and efficiency generally re- 
 quired of social workers, none can successfully rest his case upon personality 
 alone. This change in the standard of Negro leadership is in itself a factor 
 of far-reaching effect in race relations. 
 
 In some instances our white agencies have forgotten race and thought only 
 of service. In nearly all of them race has become a minor and service a 
 major consideration. The Children’s Home insists that it is not a home for 
 white but for all children. So its workers are finding boarding homes and 
 doing adoptive work for both white and colored children. The Children’s 
 Hospital is so busy doing service for all children that it was with difficulty 
 that an investigator ascertained the number of colored children treated there. 
 Community Service states in its report to us that its function is to conduct 
 a recreational program for all Cincinnati. When personality and service 
 demand larger consideration than race and color, race relations are on the 
 mend. 
 
 REPORT OF THE DISCUSSION COMMITTEE ON SOCIAL AGENCIES AND 
 RACE RELATIONS 
 
 * 
 
 Chairman: I will now call for the Report of the Discussion 
 Committee through Dr. Woofter, its Chairman. 
 
 1. Humanitarian appeal of the social agencies offers the strongest ap- 
 proaches to interracial goodwill. 
 
 2. The paramount emphasis of the social welfare agencies should be upon 
 the community rather than upon the race. 
 
 3. The necessary specialization on tasks of racial adjustment can be 
 developed by a wise leadership. This leadership must be harmonious and 
 must be selected with a view to the quality of service that it is able to 
 render. 
 
 4. Our Committee feels that the colored social workers should be given 
 training which will enable them to maintain the existing standard of the 
 profession and that the importance of training for social work as a profession 
 be utilized by the young colored people. 
 
 5. We are pleased to note an increasing tendency to pay the same basic 
 salary to both white and colored workers who do the same type of work and 
 urge that this practice become universal. 
 
 6. The colored situation cannot be best served unless there is a representa- 
 tion of the colored people on the governing boards of the welfare institutions, 
 and unless there are colored members on the staff. 
 
90 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 Dr, Jernagin: I want to commend that part of the report which 
 says the humanitarian approach is the better in our work. I find that 
 is true. To be truthful about it, until 1919 I was just a little the other 
 way. I was in Paris during the Peace Conference when the Irish 
 question was stirred up and I was asked by an Irishman what my 
 organization was doing in America to help the Irish. Truth to tell, 
 I had never thought of helping the Irish. I said, “Really, nothing ; 
 the Irish I have come in contact with have not shown any disposition 
 to help me, and I have not thought about it.” He replied, “That’s a 
 question you ought to take up; you ought to help the Irish question 
 then, and it would help you.” I found thirty different countries 
 represented there with people having struggles; I was in contact with 
 Jews and others who almost always put the same question, and it has 
 broadened my vision. I came back to my organization and said, “We 
 must begin to help with the troubles of other people, and it will give 
 us a viewpoint on how to approach our own troubles.” J ews, Catholics 
 and myself have been on close terms for three years. 
 
 Chairman: We shall have to stop the discussion, and in closing 
 it, I would like to express appreciation. I do not think that this 
 Chairman has ever presided over a meeting where the speakers said 
 so much in so short a time and codperated so well in keeping the 
 discussion within the time limit. 
 
 Dr, Haynes: I did not present Miss Van Kleeck, the Chairman, 
 at the beginning of this session, and think it is well to do so at the 
 close. She is the Director of the Department of Industrial Studies, 
 Russell Sage Foundation. During the War she was director of the 
 Women in Industry Service, now The Women’s Bureau, of the U. S. 
 Department of Labor. She has done remarkable work in stimulating 
 study of women in industry and in bringing about a new point of 
 view in the relations between employer and employee. It has been 
 a great help and privilege to have her here. 
 
 (Motion was made and carried that a rising vote of thanks be 
 given Miss Van Kleeck for her courteous efficiency in presiding. 
 Whereupon with a closing prayer the session adjourned at 5:30 
 P. M.) 
 
 SUMMARY OF THE DISCUSSION ON 
 V. SOCIAL AGENCIES AND RACE RELATIONS * 
 
 1. Social agencies need more and more to take the community viewpoint 
 and emphasize race less and less. Their boards and staffs should be 
 interracial where two races reside. 
 
 2. Negro social workers are employed on staffs of general social agencies 
 in some communities, thus making them interracial. 
 
 * Prepared by Dr. George Edmund Haynes. 
 
SOCIAL AGENCIES AND RACE RELATIONS 91 
 
 . The demand for Negro social workers is growing in the South. A School 
 
 of Social Work for Negroes is being developed at Atlanta, Ga. Increas- 
 ing numbers of Negro students are seeking training in northern schools. 
 
 . Negro social workers should be expected to conform to the same 
 
 standards as the white and when they do should receive equal pay. 
 Rising standards of social work must be applied without regards to 
 race. 
 
 . Community interracial councils or committees should represent many 
 
 interests and varied viewpoints of the community. They should study 
 their problems and plan programs. 
 
 . In many instances white agencies have forgotten race and thought 
 
 mainly of service. 
 
 . As the Negro helps other struggling groups he will find increasing 
 
 sympathy. 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 THE CHURCH AND RACE RELATIONS * 
 
 Chairman: We will stand and sing one verse of America. (The 
 conference as a whole stood while singing.) The Rey. Dr. Oxley 
 will lead us in prayer. 
 
 Dr. H. N. Oxley (Cincinnati, Ohio): Oh, Eternal God, the Father 
 of our country and humanity, we thank Thee for this blessed privilege 
 and opportunity of meeting together in mutual conference for the 
 exchange of ideas. We know that without recognizing Thee as the 
 Father of us all, there can be no solution of any problem that will be 
 just and far-reaching in its consequences, and so we come to Thee in 
 the full recognition of Thy eternal sovereignty over the affairs of 
 men. 
 
 Give us humble hearts that we may approach truth in the spirit 
 of those who would learn. Give us willing minds that, after dis- 
 covering that truth, we may have the strength of Thee to go forward 
 in the path which leads to justice and peace and good-will. Strengthen 
 those who are standing for right and justice everywhere. Give us 
 united forces for the uplift of our common humanity. Help us more 
 and more to study these various problems with an unbiased mind. 
 
 Bless the deliberations of this conference and its officers. Help 
 those in their committees to find truth. Give us clearness of vision 
 so that out of this great conference may come a new approximation 
 of the value of common human life. Enable us to bring about in 
 our commonwealth a united citizenship among all peoples. And 
 Thine shall be the glory and the peace now and forever more. Amen. 
 
 Chairman: One of the delightful things about being chairman 
 of this conference is that no responsibility devolves upon the chairman 
 except to introduce those who are doing the work. Dr. Townsend, 
 whose name appears on the program, is not able to be with us, but 
 Mr. Judson J. McKim, the General Secretary of the Metropolitan 
 Y. M. C. A. in Cincinnati, is to take Dr. Townsend’s place as chair- 
 man of the Discussion Committee, and I count it a privilege to present 
 to you this evening Mr. McKim, who will lead the open forum discus- 
 sion on The Church and Race Relations. 
 
 Mr. McKim (Cincinnati, Ohio): Now, it has impressed me, as I 
 
 * Thursday, March 26, 7:10 p.m. W. T. Paterson, D.D., Moderator-elect, Pres- 
 bytery of Cincinnati, presiding. 
 92 
 
 : 
 
THE CHURCH AND RACE RELATIONS 93 
 
 have looked over this program that the representatives of the Federal 
 Council of Churches have practiced a rather unnecessary bit of self- 
 abnegation. But I rather have the feeling that after all is said and 
 done we are now beginning to step into the very heart of this thing 
 about which we have been talking for a day and a little over. 
 
 RELIGION AT HEART OF RACE PROBLEMS 
 
 I believe it is the heart of the thing because in a statement recently 
 made by an executive of the Community Chest of one of our metro- 
 politan cities it was indicated that seventy-five per cent of the social 
 agencies that were in the chest had their origin either directly or 
 indirectly in the Christian church. And we use that as a compre- 
 hensive term. I rather feel that those who are finding their life work, 
 who give expression to their life desires in social service, discover 
 they are indebted in a measure perhaps which they do not realize 
 -to the ministrations of the church. 
 
 Professor Ellwood, that talented sociologist of the University of 
 Missouri, said in his book, which no doubt some of you have read, 
 Reconstruction of Religion, that history fails to endure after it has 
 ceased to be guided strongly by the hand of religion. Now, if this 
 thing about which we are talking deals with the progress of civiliza- 
 tion, then this dynamic thing concerning which we are now to speak 
 becomes in reality the very heart of the thing, for it deals with the 
 questions of the attitude of heart and mind. 
 
 I am rather inclined to believe that we all would agree with the 
 fact, as we think it over soberly, that this is something more than a 
 problem between the white man and the black man. Some twenty- 
 five years ago I happened to be in the anthracite coal fields of Penn- 
 sylvania, and I discovered there the attitude of mind on the part 
 of the Welsh- and English-speaking miner towards the Slav, who 
 was coming into that territory at that time, injecting his personality 
 and life into the mining work, which was identical with the things 
 which I have discovered later in certain communities in certain rela- 
 tionship between the white and the black. 
 
 And I rather think there is a need for all of us to take this further 
 fact into consideration: That in certain sections of this country we 
 are now in danger of adopting a fundamental and certain materialistic 
 philosophy which tells us that the only thing that man needs to make 
 him good and great and strong and beautiful is environment. We 
 recognize that environment has its place. That it is necessary for 
 people to be contented; that it is necessary for them to have health 
 in order that they may enjoy life. We also recognize the fact that in 
 
94 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 order that this life may get, its. fullest there needs to be placed into 
 that life this dynamic which we speak of as religion. 
 
 And as we come to this question of The Church and Race Rela- 
 tions, may I refer to one idea that was expressed this afternoon, as 
 far as it relates to Christian associations, both to Christian associa- 
 tions or expressions of church life? They do not enjoy being classified 
 with groups which are not essentially religious. Their lives are inte- 
 grated with the church group. They fall if it falls. They rely upon 
 its strength. The Christian associations do not include all of the 
 church, but the church includes all of the Christian associations. So, 
 as we come to speak tonight of this question of relationship of the 
 church and the race problem, we trust that you will bear this in mind 
 and think of us also as a part of this particular field. 
 
 In opening our discussion on the question of the relations of 
 church to the race problem, the Committee felt that they would like 
 to limit their discussions to one or two problems. They had the 
 
 thought that the thing that would be wholesome for us for a moment: 
 
 or two would be to limit the field entirely to the concrete, the field 
 which we have been interested in, that we should measure our thoughts 
 and think for a moment along the lines of idealism. 
 
 Those who were in attendance at the Foreign Missions Convention . 
 
 of the United States and Canada held at Washington, D. C., last 
 month came back telling us that there was one name which was 
 more on the lips of those who were present at that great conference 
 than any other name with the one exception of the name of the 
 Master himself, and that was the name of Gandhi, that man who, 
 Roland, his biographer, has said, has done more to interpret the spirit 
 of God to man than any other man for nearly two thousand years. 
 Your Committee was rather anxious to discover what it is that Gandhi 
 has which makes his interpretation of life so interesting, so complete, 
 so unusual. This great race problem which was considered at the 
 Washington Convention in a way becomes the great struggle point, 
 the great battle point of the Christian forces throughout the world, 
 for we were very frankly told at the Washington Conference that 
 unless America could discover the means or point the way upon 
 which this thing could be worked out, she need have little hope of 
 interesting the nations of the Orient in adopting those things which 
 she herself was discarding or, at least, not putting into practice. 
 
 WHAT IS THE CHRISTIAN ATTITUDE TOWARD RACE PROBLEMS ? 
 
 The first question which we want to leave with you for discussion 
 is: What do you consider should be the Christian attitude of mind 
 toward the problem of race relationships ? 
 
 ee ee 
 
THE CHURCH AND RACE RELATIONS SaG 
 
 S. Joe Brown (Des Moines, Iowa): Out at Des Moines about 
 a month ago we put on a little experiment that possibly most of 
 you heard about, that we called Religious Life Emphasis Week, in 
 which we attempted to put before the nominal Christian people of 
 our city the fact that on this question they must either accept the 
 doctrine of brotherhood of man or reject the doctrine of the Father- 
 hood of God. 
 
 Mr. Eleazer: I think I would include at least five elements in 
 my definition; I would like to put it this way: That the Christian 
 take the attitude of brotherliness and neighborliness toward the man 
 of any other group, which involves first, the realization. that he is 
 my neighbor who most needs me, as well as he is most likely to need 
 me. That would apply to men and women in any group. It would 
 involve the relationship of not judging groups as we do. Jesus told 
 us that nobody should judge. We should judge in terms of the 
 best in that group, in terms of those who are on the highest level. 
 
 And then the neighborly attitude; that is, of the man having 
 consciously in his mind an adequate perspective. If he keeps in mind 
 the different groups and has perspective, I think the man who truly 
 has that neighborly attitude toward other groups will insist upon 
 having in his life friendships which carry him across these different 
 racial lines. ; 
 
 Mr. : I find myself at a loss to answer a question like 
 this, the definition of what should be or is the Christian attitude. I 
 think ninety-nine out of a hundred people would say, “Of course 
 we are going to be brothers.” But the question is this, having decided 
 that is the definition of brotherhood, what shall be the attitude? I 
 have this suggestion, Shall we be Negroes first then Christians, or 
 shall we be Christians first and then Negroes? The Christian attitude 
 is that we should be Christians first. To put the question the other 
 way, Shall we be Nordics and Anglo-Saxons first and then Christians, 
 or Christians first and then Nordics and Anglo-Saxons? 
 
 Rev. W. C. Orton (Louisville, Ky.): The Christian attitude of 
 mind should be one of charitableness towards the vices and virtues of 
 all others. 
 
 Mr. McKim: That is good. Does anybody want to improve on 
 that ? 
 
 Mrs. Gordon: Shall we say with Paul, “I am debtor to both the 
 wise and the unwise ?” 
 
 Dr. Oxley: The attitude of the Christian to race relationship 
 should be the attitude of a Christ mind. What would Christ do? I 
 think Christ would say and that we are all agreed, “They are neither 
 bond nor free.” 
 
 
 
96 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 C. H. James (Charleston, W. Va.): The attitude of the Christian 
 mind, it seems to me, is that we should do justice—“Do unto others 
 as you would have them do unto you.” 
 
 HOW TO PUT CHRISTIAN PRINCIPLES IN OPERATION 
 
 Mr. McKim: The next question is, How are we going to put these 
 principles in operation? We have got our attitude defined. Tell us 
 how we are going to get these principles into operation as far as the 
 churches are concerned. 
 
 Mr. Orton (Louisville, Ky.) : By practicing what we preach. If wé 
 should practice in the southland and in the northland the straight 
 teachings of the gospel, there would be a solution of all the vexing 
 questions that excite us. 
 
 When we shall have learned more of each other it will be easy 
 for us to be charitable toward each other. I used to criticize the white 
 man’s religion and say he didn’t have any, but when I studied history 
 of the times through which he has come and his training for many 
 years, | am more charitable toward him than I used to be. 
 
 Dr. B. F. McWilliams (Toledo, Ohio): Sometimes in digging a 
 tunnel it is wise to begin at both ends and work toward the center. 
 I think this attitude of race relations can be arrived at if we begin 
 first with the individual and simultaneously with the machinery of 
 the churches, after that the denomination and denominational ma- 
 chinery. We must receive and meet the individual, and because he 
 does not have control of his own machinery sometimes we must begin 
 with those who do. 
 
 Mr. McKim: May I suggest that from now on we would like 
 concrete suggestions. We started out with idealism. Let us leave 
 that for the time being and come now directly to some concrete sug- 
 gestions as to how we can put these principles into operation. 
 
 Dr. Haynes: As the matter has struck me, it has started my 
 mind along this line of thinking; it seems to me that more and 
 more the church, which is the institution to propagate religion, must 
 come to realize that the man who goes out into business is going 
 to be practicing religion or the other thing as much as any one else. 
 Perhaps I could make it clearer if I give an illustration from the 
 field of foreign missions. I happened to be on the committee to make 
 plans for the last student volunteer convention. We spent consider- 
 able time discussing whether or not we should have presented to that 
 convention the fact that those who went to foreign lands represent- 
 ing the political arms of our Government or representing commer- 
 cial houses were about as potential for the gospel as regular mis- 
 

 
 THE CHURCH AND RACE RELATIONS 97 
 
 sionaries; if we could get men with ideals of Christ who would go 
 in those capacities, we would send men about as potential for carrying 
 the gospel to lands which did not have it, as men sent out by the 
 missionary societies. The great difficulty today is representatives 
 of government and representatives of business have such relations and 
 dealings with the natives of those lands so different from the relations 
 and dealings of the missionaries. 
 
 It seems to me that is similar to the situation we are in where 
 the two races meet in America. We come daily in contact either with 
 the men and the women represented by the white people who are in 
 this meeting or with those who are prejudiced. White people come 
 in contact with those types of Negroes such as we are here, but there 
 are all the other types. There are all the types of white men clear 
 on down to those who organize and mob, those who go out at night 
 and mob and kill other people. Three-fourths of the contact is not 
 between the good Christian-minded men and women of the two races. 
 It is between the other types. It seems to me the only concrete, 
 definite way by means of which the church—and if I understand this 
 program, that is the reason for bringing us all here, under a com- 
 mission of the church—that the church must more and more bring 
 down into industry and down into health agencies, down into the 
 rank and file of men, this idealism for which the church stands and 
 make it function among all types of people and of activities. 
 
 Mr. James: JI have in mind the circulation that will spread such 
 propaganda as you are putting forth here. As Dr. Haynes has said, 
 you are not getting in touch with ninety-five per cent of the people 
 who need this, and you are not getting in touch with their class. 
 Whatever we do here, we should have some medium of circulation to 
 impress the public as to how they should do justice, do justice unto 
 others, and let the public he impressed by that, and create public 
 sentiment to do the same thing. It is useless for a few people to 
 come in here and have the idea, and let that be all. The world 
 does not do any good without having the public impressed with the 
 idea of justice—“Do unto others justice,” and let that go out and 
 spread as we do business, and people will begin to read and learn 
 after a while what this organization means, and it will begin to have 
 a psychological effect on them. 
 
 Chairman: Let’s see if we can keep to our subject. The question 
 is, How can we help the church? How can the church become con- 
 cretely interested in this problem? 
 
 Dr. Cox: May I make just a few suggestions from the inside 
 of one church? JI called my Sunday School Board together and kept 
 them for about an hour in the evenings recently discussing this 
 
98 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 problem, and the relation of the Sunday School teachers to the race 
 problem, and I have laid out as heavily as I can that part of their 
 business as Christian teachers is to create this Christian attitude. 
 Our Women’s Home Missionary Society, as all the rest of them did in 
 most of the churches, studied this relation last year. I suggested 
 that they study not only out of a book, but that they get in touch 
 with some of the best women of the colored people of our city, which 
 they did, much to their amusement and delight and pleasure ever 
 since then. The other thing I tried to do was to bring into my 
 pulpit as often as I dared the best representatives of the race—Dr. 
 Haynes has been there—and in that sense that they may see the 
 individual. 
 
 Mrs. I would like, as a member of this Committee, to 
 bring up two points: First, the church is not measuring up to the 
 great majority of the great questions, it is dodging the issue. Now, 
 we know the Christian church will never have world power by 
 going on this policy of dodging the great issues. If we love the 
 church, we will have to drill into the Christian church the matter 
 of facing the great issues that come before the nation as the prophets 
 of old. They preached upon the issues of the day, and we have the 
 same privilege. Second, we must create in our audiences a scientific 
 attitude; we must train our people; we must train them to be willing 
 to accept facts with a dispassionate point of view, regardless of 
 whether those facts contribute to our self-respect or self-interest or not. 
 Until we have created the best thought in dealing with the great 
 interracial problems we will never get anywhere; we will never get 
 any place. 
 
 Bishop Walls: The machinery of the denominations, as such de- 
 nominations, all have some sort of official board organization by 
 which they circulate propaganda, or by which they get over to the 
 people anything that they propose, and that is regarded essential. And 
 this seems not even to be a fifth wheel matter now in the church 
 organization. We are satisfied with beautiful speeches and idealistic 
 sermons, and probably not so much of that, but when it comes to the 
 regular constitutional work, when it comes to meeting the congre- 
 gations and getting over to them from the official board headquarters 
 all this matter, there is a great dearth perhaps in most cases, and no 
 effort being made at all. 
 
 We had an illustration of how this may be done in a concrete 
 way in the operation and the activity of the Woman’s Council M. E. 
 Church, South. The women of that denomination, on the question 
 of lynching, were the first great voice from the southern women to 
 
 
 

 
 
 
 THE CHURCH AND RACE RELATIONS 99 
 
 speak out in the way that was due; they influenced very largely the 
 southern sentiment. 
 
 Local church federation codperation is very necessary. At this 
 time, since it is not being given to us from above, it is perhaps the 
 only point of contact we have, and that is greatly neglected in the 
 South. There are very few communities in the South where church 
 organizations have any point of contact at all. It is very important, 
 as was suggested in the committee meeting this afternoon, if that can 
 be done, it should have the effect of forcing from below what ought 
 to be begun from above. 
 
 Bishop Clement: It seems to me, in the final analysis, the prac- 
 tical thing to do is for the individual Christian, Negro or Anglo- 
 Saxon, or what not, in his very large dealings with his fellow man 
 of one race or the other, or both races, to exemplify the mind of 
 Christ. If the laity, to say nothing of the pulpit, would live out the 
 Christ mind and the Christ ideal, we would soon function. I believe 
 that the church would go a long way if it could get the evangelistic 
 field and the ministry along that line to take this question up. In 
 these great evangelistic meetings, which are held in different sections 
 of our country, it seems the evangelists themselves dodge the issue 
 of preaching the full gospel. If the church, along that particular 
 line, could get the evangelists, as they go out over this country, to 
 preach the full gospel and not be afraid when they reach that section 
 where some of the sins are glaring, and simply put it up to them 
 through the gospel as to what the Lord would have us do in these 
 matters, it would go a long way. 
 
 Chairman: It may not be known to delegates from outside the 
 city of Cincinnati, that there is contiguous to the city of Cincinnati 
 another city. Just about five miles from Fountain Square there is 
 the city of Norwood of some thirty thousand, and the Globe-Wernicke 
 bookcases which you are using in your homes or your studies came 
 out of Norwood. I need not say all the playing cards you use, 
 because you are not using them, but where you might find them 
 used, came out of Norwood. There is one other article that came 
 out of Norwood that I am very proud and very happy to present 
 to you this evening, one of our former pastors of the Norwood 
 Christian Church, who is now Secretary of the Board of Temperance 
 and Social Welfare, Church of Christ (Disciples) of Indianapolis, 
 Dr. Alva W. Taylor, who is to speak to us at this time on this topic. 
 Dr. Taylor then spoke in part as follows: 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Friends: The church suffers the limitations of those 
 mortals who make up its membership and control its destiny. The Kingdom 
 of Heaven is the divine thing; the light of its truth shines through mortal 
 
100 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 opaqueness in the life of the church. We are only broken lights. Even 
 our ideals reflect the angular direction of our limited and biased minds; 
 and narrow minds may be fired with a holy zeal. Swift said: “We have 
 just enough religion to make us hate but not enough to make us love 
 one another.” When science comes to the rescue of narrow judgments with 
 such long range hypotheses as that of the pro-Nordie school, or such half- 
 baked dogmas as those of certain apostles of the psychological test, we can 
 at least comprehend when little men turn the white cross of love into the 
 fiery cross of hate. . 
 
 If the church is a divine thing, then which church is it that is divine? 
 Is divinity sectarian? Is God divided or multiplied? Who made the creeds 
 that divide us? Who manages the ecclesiastical machinery that competes 
 in missionary work? Who determines the terms of membership? Christ 
 takes us all into His fellowship, but we will not fellowship one another. 
 The divisions in a church whose gospel is one of unity and brotherhood 
 is ample proof of its human limitations. We are creatures of small loyalties, 
 of traditions, of social inertia. The divine image is in common clay, working 
 out diviner forms, but let us beware of claiming divinity for our human 
 attempts to realize on divine things. 
 
 We may liken the church to a school. In its membership are all grades 
 from kindergarten (“babes in Christ”) to post-graduates (apostles and 
 prophets). From the lofty viewpoint of Christ’s teachings on social issues, 
 a no larger proportion get beyond the grades in this school than in those of 
 our public school system. One of the speakers reminded us tonight of what 
 the Old Testament prophets said; she might have reminded us also of what 
 the Old Testament church did to them. There are prophets aplenty in our 
 time. An occasion like this is a sort of foregathering of them. They are 
 those who see wrongs done humanity by out-worn systems and vicious ways 
 and take counsel of courage in attempting their tasks. They are not always 
 popular and the official mortality among them is often quite large, but they 
 make the future. We stone them with verbal stones to be sure, and that 
 is some improvement over Isaiah’s day, but we are not yet convinced that 
 freedom to seek and to speak the truth, as God gives one to see it, is the 
 safest road toward truth finding. 
 
 Moral dynamics faces a problem not unlike that faced by mechanical 
 engineers. They are unable as yet to utilize more than a fraction of the 
 power in a lump of coal or a boiler of water. There is a vast moral 
 dynamic in our ideals and in the principles laid down by Jesus, but we are 
 unable as yet to turn more than a fraction of it into moral power. The very 
 democracy of the church makes effective social engineering difficult. Effective 
 engineering requires executive authority as well as expert knowledge. If 
 all leadership were sacrificial, as well as expert, we could entrust our programs 
 to it. But even spiritual service is conveyed through mortal instruments, 
 and the best of leaders disagree. We might invite Dr. Will Alexander to 
 our city and arrange for a meeting of all races in one of our churches. The 
 leaders might even do better than they did once there, and take all the 
 Sunday school workers into a luncheon meeting to discuss the work of all the 
 Sunday schools. Dr. Alexander would inspire the workers gathered there 
 to high things, but after it was over our rank and file church democracy 
 would probably assert its prejudices and forbid another such interracial 
 luncheon and conference. We could not afford to abandon church democracy 
 in order to overcome those limitations in idealistic service. We shall simply 
 have to keep up our educational process and try to graduate more church 
 members out of the grades. 
 
 It is a practical world that we dea] with, even in the church, idealists 
 though we are. The so-called “practical man” is rather proud of character- 
 istics that we find a rather tough fabric for weaving into our idealistic 
 patterns. But the history of moral progress is a story of the progressive 
 assimilation of the ideal into the practical. This is illustrated by those who 
 
 es 
 

 
 THE CHURCH AND RACE RELATIONS 101 
 
 held slaves during the past generation. My grandfather was one of them. 
 He locked the cabin doors at night for he lived near the Ohio River, not 
 far from the village where the first abolitionist journal was published. He 
 looked upon the “underground railway” with about as much favor as Judge 
 Gary looks upon labor unions. He was a strong, patriotic, law-abiding 
 citizen when it came fo demanding the enforcement of the Fugitive Slave 
 Law. He was a just and kindly man in dealing with individuals, but his 
 Bible justified the institution of slavery. He also believed in predestination 
 with a Scotch theological zeal, and he made as good corn whiskey as 
 Kentucky boasted. It was not moonshine, for he could make it in the 
 full light of the sun and with the approval of his wife, his pastor and the 
 law of his day. To him an abolitionist was a fanatic and a prohibitionist 
 an idealist. He had scripture to quote against both of them, and he was a 
 good man. But idealism won, and so far as I know them every voting 
 descendant of his is both a prohibitionist and a fundamental, little “d” 
 democrat; most of them voted for La Follette. He was a pioneer, always 
 following the blazed trail to the west, but the social gospel had no part 
 in the religion of his day. When you put clean personal character and 
 kindly personal tempers over into the wider and more impersonal relation- 
 ships, you get an application of the social gospel. It is a widening of the 
 moral horizon that is needed. 
 
 We are all acquainted with Benjamin Kidd’s famous thesis that what 
 is taught the youth of today will govern the social order tomorrow. He laid 
 down another thesis that is quite as gratifying to the idealist and social 
 reformer. It was that by keeping up the steady moral pressure of idealism, 
 old customs and cruel systems are disintegrated and make way for the new, 
 though the times and seasons of change are not easily seen and the battle 
 against them runs strong. That is a comforting and encouraging thesis for 
 the idealist and social reformer; he may be defeated and forgotten, but his 
 ideals win. God is not on the side of the strongest battalions, but of truth 
 and righteousness; only truth and righteousness must be born of sacrifice 
 and self-forgetfulness. 
 
 The winning faith outruns the practical man’s statistics of success. It 
 requires a certain glorious abandon of the over-practical. It is rather careless 
 of the little things, yet rejoices in them when they become straws in the 
 wind to show progress. We can accept defeat in a thousand immediate 
 undertakings, but keep up the steady moral pressure of idealism and win. 
 Through sermons, books, editorials and all manner of public appeal we can 
 direct the disintegrating force of truth and idealism against the citadels 
 of ignorance, half-truths, institutionalism and social inertia, and like Jericho’s 
 walls they will come down. It may seem like casting bread upon the waters 
 to a practical age but as sure as there is a God in Heaven it will return 
 to modify and reform ancient ways. The customs and institutions and social 
 classes that will not yield will atrophy and die. Change is not necessarily 
 moral, but social progress is, and its dynamic force is idealism. 
 
 The microcosm of Christ’s world-encompassing ideals of brotherhood is 
 the beloved community. Right there is the acid test of Christian race 
 relationships. Many churches support African missions generously, but 
 do little or nothing in their own communities to ameliorate the harshness 
 and injustice found along the color line. The gospel of sweetness and light 
 radiates from their pulpits, but it does not search down into the sour and 
 acrid race relationships of their community. God’s justice to the wayward 
 soul is preached, but little is said about justice to the weak and oppressed. 
 A most inexcusable lynching took place in a mid-western city. The law 
 was strict, the judge was just and there was no doubt of the verdict, but 
 the guilty wretch was swung into eternity by lawless hands. It was as 
 stark lawlessness as a hold-up or a bank robbery and the name of that town 
 was in the headlines as a lawless community for days; but with two excep- 
 tions not a pulpit in that city called it to account before the moral law. 
 
102 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 The question of men of different color eating together is of minor con- 
 sequence, but the question of equality in chances to eat is of major consequence. 
 No one on either side of the color line is asking for racial intermingling. 
 When the white man gets frantic about that it is a good thing to ask him 
 who has been the aggressor in whatever racial crossing has taken place. 
 But self-respecting, justice-loving men on both sides are asking for equality 
 in opportunity, and of all institutions they have most right to ask the 
 church to advocate that. Equality of opportunity is a fundamental of 
 democracy, of Americanism, and, above all, of the Christian gospel. There 
 is not a community where white and black live side by side that does not 
 challenge its churches with this problem, and the church that ignores it 
 simply fails to preach either the justice of God or the gospel of Christ’s 
 brotherhood. 
 
 The color line is here, whether right or wrong, and it is so grounded 
 in prepossession and prejudice that its abolition in our day is well-nigh 
 hopeless. It is laid horizontally now, with the white man on top and the 
 black man beneath it. Every fundamental we live by, both as Americans 
 and Christians, demands that it be lifted from a horizontal to a vertical 
 position. Tilting up the color line is a challenge to the best effort of the 
 pulpit and of men of good-will in the pew. If there must be differentiation 
 in community, school, hospital and church, let there be equal service. If 
 states will compel different railway coaches and station arrangements, let 
 them be of equal accommodation. When skill qualifies for craftsmanship, 
 let pay be equal and opportunity at the job as well. When justice is done, 
 let it be equal justice without reference to color. Thus only can we live 
 in peace. Either the colored man must be given equal opportunity and justice 
 or you must stop his education, for culture and inequity do not dwell together 
 in peace. 
 
 ‘We have a right to demand of our church leadership that it take counsel 
 of its courage rather than of prudence and fear. The rank and file await 
 our instruction, but they are children led by false guides if we lead not 
 courageously. x 
 
 REPORT OF THE DISCUSSION COMMITTER 
 
 At the conclusion of Dr. Taylor’s address the Discussion Com- 
 mittee reported through Mr. McKim, its Chairman. 
 
 Mr. McKim: Your Committee desires to present three resolutiong 
 for your consideration. The first resolution is this: 
 
 That we recommend that wherever possible interchange of pulpits be 
 arranged between clergymen of different races, and that this resolution be 
 called to the attention of the general boards of the church, to the ministerial 
 
 associations and to the local churches represented by members in this 
 conference. 
 
 It was adopted by vote. 
 Mr. McKim: We present this further resolution: 
 
 That we recommend the organization and regular meetings of religious 
 leaders in local communities for the study of race problems. 
 
 What do you wish to do with this resolution? 
 
 A Voice: May I ask that you leave out the word “organization,” 
 and say “meeting” ? 
 
 Mr. McKim: We will accept that amendment. 
 

 
 THE CHURCH AND RACE RELATIONS 103 
 
 The resolution was amended and adopted as follows: 
 
 = 
 
 That we recommend the regular meetings of religious leaders in local 
 communities for the study of race problems. 
 
 Mr. McKim: Our next resolution is: 
 
 We recommend that the attention of boards charged with educational, 
 evangelistic and social activities, and those charged with the general admin- 
 istration of church bodies be called to the crucial importance of American 
 race relations problems, not only to our American life, but to the religious 
 life of the world. 
 
 The resolution was adopted unanimously. 
 The Chairman: We will now have the benediction; this session 
 will adjourn and the conference will continue its work upstairs. 
 
 SUMMARY OF DISCUSSION ON 
 VI. THE CHURCH AND RACE RELATIONS * 
 
 1. Religion is at the heart of race problems because we need the dynamic 
 which Christianity gives to deal with such problems. 
 
 2. What should be the Christian attitude of mind toward race relation- 
 ships? Several answers were given such as: Acceptance of brotherhood 
 of man or rejection of Fatherhood of God; realization that he is my 
 neighbor who needs me, with life friendships across group and race 
 lines; the Christian attitude puts Christ before race loyalty; “What 
 would Christ do?” 
 
 3. In answer to the question, How can we put these principles into action, 
 such statements as the following were made: “By practicing what we 
 preach”; beginning first with the individual, then the church, then the 
 denomination, etc.; send Christians to other lands as representatives of 
 governments and of business as zealous to live the Christ ideals as are 
 the missionaries; spread the idea as we do our business with people of 
 other races; get Sunday School teachers to create Christian attitudes in 
 those they teach; live out the Christ ideal. 
 
 * Prepared by Dr. George Edmund Haynes. 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 INDUSTRY AND RACE RELATIONS * 
 
 Opening prayer by Dr. R. W. McGranahan, Secretary of the Pub- 
 licity Board of the United Presbyterian Church. 
 
 Dr. Haynes: The Chairman of the Discussion Committee is 
 Miss Mary Van Kleeck. The Committee in planning this program 
 feels that this morning we come more nearly to the ideal arrange- 
 ment for one of these topics. You have been conscious of the fact 
 that we did not have time enough for these topics each day. We 
 have left the whole morning today to the question of industry. And 
 we are very fortunate in the Committee we have to guide us in this 
 discussion. Miss Van Kleeck is probably one of the best informed 
 persons on the problem of industry today. Mr. John P. Frey, of 
 Cincinnati, is the editor of one of the leading labor journals of 
 the United States, and Mr. Barr is the managing vice-pres. of the 
 American Cast Iron Pipe Co., one of the largest manufacturing 
 plants in Birmingham, Alabama. Mrs. Norton, secretary of the West 
 End Branch Y.W.C. A. of Cincinnati, who has supervised their 
 industrial work in placing women in this city, and Mr. Cyrus T. 
 Greene who is one of the personnel directors of the Westinghouse 
 Electric Co. of Pittsburg, and Mr. Forrester B. Washington, who is 
 to make the address, was an Urban League secretary in Detroit 
 during the heaviest migration about six years ago; he was with me 
 in the United States Department of Labor as Supervisor of Negro 
 Economics in Illinois during the War and was in the Chicago dis- 
 trict all the weeks preceding the riot. He is now Executive Secretary 
 of the Armstrong Association. I now introduce the Chairman of the 
 Discussion Committee—Miss Van Kleeck. 
 
 THE PLAN FOR THE SESSION 
 
 Miss Van Kleeck: I wish, first of all, to tell you the plan for this 
 session, which is a little different from previous sessions. I should 
 like to make a brief statement for the Committee, and then we shall 
 have half an hour of general discussion from the floor. Our idea 
 is that we are not prepared to say just what problems you would 
 
 * Friday, March 27, 1925, 9:15 A. M.. Bishop C. H. Phillips, presiding. 
 104 
 
 
 

 
 INDUSTRY AND RACE RELATIONS 105 
 
 like to bring out from your different communities, and if we can 
 leave the discussion open instead of announcing topics perhaps we 
 can bring out before the group the important questions relating 
 to industrial conditions and race relations in your own communities. 
 
 At the end of the half hour we shall hear from Mrs. Elliott and 
 Mr. Greene and then go on for a second half hour with general dis- 
 cussion. Then the Committee will withdraw as usual. Mr. Wash- 
 ington will make his address while the Committee will try to formulate 
 for you what seem to be the main points towards which the con- 
 ference should direct its attention. Then we wish to hear from Mr. 
 Barr, who is vice-president of the American Cast Iron Pipe Co. 
 of Birmingham, Ala. There is a great deal of appropriateness in that 
 because this is the plant with which Mr. John J. Eagan, who was 
 the first chairman of this Race Relations Commission of the Federal 
 Council of Churches, was connected. In his will he left the plant 
 to the employees. It represents one interesting and outstanding 
 example of an effort to establish an ideal of brotherhood in an 
 industrial plant. I am sure you will feel that it is very worth while 
 to hear what has been done in one plant. Then the remainder of 
 the time before adjournment, which will be about a half hour, will be 
 given to questions and discussion. 
 
 ACCEPTED IDEAS 
 
 Let me first of all outline the points which the Committee con- 
 sider important in opening discussion: At the outset we can agree 
 that certain fundamental ideas are accepted, so that we shall not 
 need to spend time in convincing each other of their truth. The 
 first of these ideas was expressed several times yesterday: When we 
 discuss housing or health or any other aspect of community life as 
 affecting colored people we come back in the last analysis to their 
 economic status; that is to say, many of these questions would cease 
 to be problems if colored people all had adequate wages and adequate 
 opportunity. As George Bernard Shaw said, “The trouble with the 
 poor is their poverty,” and that is true of the poor of every race. It 
 is true, to be sure, that certain aspects of these questions are not 
 related to wages; that, for instance, something more than universally 
 high wages is necessary to satisfactory housing in a community. 
 
 Nevertheless, in a fundamental sense, the economic status of a 
 people must always be reckoned with in any effective effort to im- 
 prove social or living conditions. 
 
 The second idea which we are all prepared to accept is that every 
 human being should have an opportunity in the world’s work to do the 
 
106 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 work for which he or she has capacity. That includes a great deal: 
 freedom to choose one’s work ; opportunity to be trained for it; and a 
 fair chance for promotion. For my part, I do not believe that history 
 records any instance of more rapid progress than has been made by 
 the colored race in this nation of ours since the Civil War, in the 
 achievements of its members in various lines of work, in the pro- 
 fessions, in the arts, in industry. It seems to me wholly extraor- 
 dinary that such a record should have been made despite the handi- 
 caps of limited opportunities. It has demonstrated how great an 
 asset this country of ours has in the capacity of the colored people 
 to contribute to its work; and by “work” I mean all the professions 
 and arts as well as industry. I think we need not spend any time 
 in this conference, discussing the desirability of choice of occupation, 
 of a chance to express, and to develop one’s abilities. The question 
 for us to discuss here is how to bring it to pass. 
 
 The third point of agreement is that the colored worker cannot. 
 get his opportunity in industry in America today without regard 
 for the progress of labor generally. What is called the “labor move- 
 ment” is seeking to establish a higher standard of living for all 
 workers. It would be shortsighted for any one race to seek to over- 
 come its own handicaps at the expense of that movement as a whole. 
 And that brings up two questions: What is the labor movement. 
 going to do about giving the colored workers larger opportunity ? 
 And what shall be the position of the leaders of the colored people 
 with reference to the standards of work and wages for which the la- 
 bor movement has striven in different industries? Are we to be glad 
 of the opening up of new opportunities for colored workers if they 
 have come through the breaking of a strike? Will not that temporary 
 gain of opening a new occupation be more than offset by the loss to. 
 labor generally in which the colored workers inevitably share? 
 
 The Committee believes that the Conference accepts these funda- 
 mental ideas and that we are here to consider how to make progress 
 toward their realization. These are the questions on which we- 
 should like information from your various communities: 
 
 FACTS DESIRED 
 
 First: We would like to know, in general, the proportions of’ 
 white and colored workers in the wage-earning population of your: 
 community. In relation to that fact, how is migration affecting race 
 relations in industry in your city? 
 
 Second: What are the proportions of white and colored workers. 
 in your principal occupations? Are the proportions changing ?* 
 

 
 INDUSTRY AND RACE RELATIONS 107 
 
 During the World War new occupations were opened to colored 
 workers. Have the colored workers held their own in those occu- 
 pations? If not, why? What is the effect on opportunities open to 
 colored workers of restrictions on immigration from abroad? In 
 other words, this series of questions is designed to bring out in- 
 formation regarding changes in the types of industrial work done 
 by colored workers in your communities, and, closely allied to that, 
 any instances of new occupations, new industries or plants opened 
 to colored workers; and the circumstances whereby they were opened. 
 In plants having personnel departments, what plans are in effect 
 regarding the employment, training, and promotion of colored 
 workers ? 
 
 What is the relation of the public schools to employment? What 
 are the schools doing to guide colored children in the choice of an 
 occupation, and to train them, and what is the result? After colored 
 children are trained is it difficult to get opportunities for them in 
 industry? What are the obstacles? 
 
 What are the most difficult problems in race relations in industry, 
 concretely illustrated in your community, and can you give instances 
 of success in meeting them? Let us put the emphasis upon successful 
 experience. JI believe that we can be optimistic about the whole 
 trend of labor relations in America despite temporary setbacks, and 
 I believe that we can, also, be optimistic about race relations in in- 
 dustry. I do not mean to be complacent or to ignore difficulties, but 
 let us concentrate our attention upon the methods of accomplishing 
 results as they have been illustrated in actual practice. 
 
 What part do colored workers in your communities take in labor 
 organizations; what part are they permitted to take? What is the 
 attitude of the unions toward them? What is the attitude of the 
 white workers within a plant toward the colored workers and the 
 attitude of the colored workers toward the white? We would welcome 
 concrete illustrations of all of these questions. 
 
 To sum up the questions: First, we want the facts—statements 
 of what is actually happening in your communities. Second, we 
 would like a clear formulation of the difficult problems. And, third, 
 we would like to have you describe any experience, either of success 
 or of failure, in dealing with those problems. 
 
 The Charman: According to the outline set out in the program, 
 it is my place to preside and let you speak. 
 
 IS STRIKE-BREAKING AN ASSET? 
 
 Mr. Chase (Youngstown, Ohio): I wonder if this business is 
 not really a struggle for existence. I wonder if the colored people 
 
108 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 can afford to give up the hold that they now have in industry through 
 the threat of being able to break strikes, until the labor unions 
 assure them, not only with promises but with more than promises, 
 that they will treat them absolutely equally with the white people 
 if they join the union. Very often they will promise them that 
 but when it comes to a crisis the white man will draw back; or the 
 colored people will do it first. You have got to have some way 
 of being assured of that before they will give up the power which 
 they now have. 
 
 AN EXPERIMENT IN ERIE, PA. 
 
 Rev. P. C. Childs (Erie, Pa.): With reference to Erie, Pa., we 
 have found that previous to the migration shops that were open to 
 colored people had been closed. But we found that it was necessary 
 to make an investigation and find out why the shops had been 
 closed to our people, and in making the investigation we found 
 that many of our people coming into that section only worked for a 
 few hours or a few days and left the employer without helpers, and 
 so he said to us: “If you can bring to us men who will stay we will 
 give them consideration in any department of our plant and give 
 them to do whatever they are qualified to do in our plant.” So we 
 took in hand the labor question ourselves and directed it generally, 
 and we have had wonderful success as a result of that. We tried to 
 place men who would work, or were responsible. 
 
 Miss Van Kleeck: Was that done through a Committee? 
 
 Mr. Childs: Through the pastors of the churches. 
 
 FACTS ABOUT CHICAGO 
 
 George R. Arthur (Chicago, Ill.): The proportion of colored 
 workers is about 32%. How migration affects us?—favorably. The 
 proportion of white and colored workers in certain occupations. 
 
 . . . | judge you mean by that the different skilled occupations ? 
 
 Miss Van Kleeck: Any which illustrate changes. 
 
 Mr. Arthur: Sixteen per cent are in skilled occupations. New 
 industries were opened up by the Y.W.C. A. and the Y.M.C.A. 
 and the Urban League; especially the Y. W., in a number of fac- 
 tories where girls are now working on high-power machines. In 
 the larger industries the skilled mechanic is being absorbed as fast 
 as he comes into Chicago. As to personnel policies: We find that the 
 larger industries are favorable to colored workers. Industry itself 
 does not care much about the color as long as the work is produced 
 and the interest on investment is made. We found that in Chicago. 
 

 
 INDUSTRY AND RACE RELATIONS 109 
 
 Regarding the public schools: We have no technical schools in 
 Chicago that train for the industries, except for highly technical 
 positions. The difficult problems are met usually by employees’ 
 representation in the plant,—representatives elected by the employees 
 plus the representatives appointed by the company meet in council 
 and settle all problems relating to plant life. As to the attitude of 
 workers toward one another: We have found that when the workers 
 are left alone and no propaganda started either from the top or out- 
 side, as workers on a common job they get along fine, but when 
 propaganda is brought in, the regular schism then, of course, occurs. 
 I think if you will let the workers alone they will work well and 
 without friction. 
 
 Miss Van Kleeck: When you said migration had a favorable 
 effect on the position of the colored worker, just how is that so? 
 
 Mr. Arthur: Migration brings to the city the best trained men 
 of the South—men who have been molders, for instance, and the 
 highest priced jobs in the industries can be filled by these colored 
 men from the South. Because of their race consciousness they not only 
 perform 100% but possibly 150% in order to keep the job, because 
 they know that in slack time they will go out if they do not doa 
 little bit more than the other fellow. 
 
 Miss Van Kleeck: Is restriction of European immigration open- 
 ing those jobs? 
 
 Mr. Arthur: No, supply and demand. 
 
 Miss Van Kleeck: Presumably, then, there is a shortage of labor 
 in Chicago which makes it possible for new workers to come in. 
 
 Mr. Arthur: It depends upon the season of the year. But when 
 the thing is at high tide there will be a shortage of labor and there 
 will be more colored men coming in from the South. 
 
 NEW JOBS IN INDIANAPOLIS 
 
 Mr. Charles O. Lee (Indianapolis, Ind.): Justa statement or two 
 of the facts in our city. The colored laborer is taking the place of 
 the foreign laborer previously employed. In the ten years between 
 1910 and 1920, while there was an increase of almost 13,000 colored 
 people in Indianapolis, there was an actual decrease of almost 3,000 
 of the foreign-born. The plants in which the colored people are 
 particularly prominent are the packing industries and molding. 
 In 1910 there were about 50 skilled molders in Indianapolis. In 
 1920 they had risen to some 600 or 700 all told. The same is 
 true in the packing industry. There were very few colored workers 
 in skilled and in semi-skilled jobs in the packing industries in 1910, 
 
110 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 but in 1920 there was quite an increase in the skilled and semi- 
 skilled workers. We have a glove company up there that opened up 
 a branch, and all of the operators were colored girls. They were 
 planning some time ago to put the girls in the office as well as out 
 in the plant itself, and run the thing from top to bottom with colored 
 girls. About the attitude—I have talked personally to a few of the 
 employers of colored labor, and they say they much prefer it to foreign 
 labor, and there is a good spirit, so far as I know, between the 
 white and colored workers in these various industries, especially 
 packing and molding. 
 
 Bishop George C. Clement (Louisville, Ky.) : What is the attitude 
 of organized labor, skilled labor, for instance, in the molding indus- 
 try? Are these Negro molders coming up from Chattanooga and 
 Birmingham becoming part of the labor union controlling those in- 
 dustries ? 
 
 Mr. Lee: I think the attitude in Indianapolis of organized labor 
 toward the colored man is about the same as it is the country over. 
 
 Bishop Clement: Negroes are not members of the labor unions 
 in the South. When they come North they find that, in order to 
 continue in their jobs in normal times, they must be taken into the 
 organizations, and I have seen in several cities where I go that that 
 is a crucial matter. 
 
 Mrs. M. Lee Anderson (Dayton, Ohio): Dayton is considered a 
 factory city. This attracted for us quite a share of the migration 
 and as very little opportunity was given them in the shop work there 
 it has created quite a labor situation. We feel fortunate in having 
 added to our Interracial Council a member of the labor unions and 
 he is working with us on these problems in Dayton and the outlook 
 is pleasing so far. 
 
 ATTITUDE OF UNIONS IN NEWARK, N. J. 
 
 Rev. George M. Plaskett (Orange, N. J.): I am speaking for 
 Essex County, N. J. and my information comes from the social 
 workers in Newark. Migration has brought us many people who 
 remain in Newark rather than go on to New York, and many of 
 them are unskilled workers. Some are in the factories as molders. 
 They are not in the unions. A few have joined in individual cases. 
 Then, in such trades as carpentry, the colored people have a union 
 of their own. There is a complaint, however, that when they join 
 the union and go for a job the secretaries will discriminate against 
 Negroes in favor of whites, so sometimes the Negro will be waiting 
 for a job, having come first to the labor office, but the secretary will 
 
 OO EE a 
 

 
 INDUSTRY AND RACE RELATIONS 111 
 
 send out a white man who came in after him. Women are operatives 
 in the factories, are working with whites, and they get along very, 
 very well. 
 
 8. A. Allen (Boston, Mass.): That is interesting about the glove 
 factory in Indianapolis. I wonder if we could know the circum- 
 stance which made it possible to open that opportunity to colored 
 girls. Our problem in Boston is to try to have white employers 
 direct their attention to colored labor. 
 
 HOW A FACTORY WAS OPENED TO COLORED GIRLS 
 
 Miss May Belcher (Indianapolis, Ind.): The Y. W. C. A. began 
 work in that glove factory in February, 1923. At that time they had 
 just closed the factory to colored girls because of indifference, morale 
 and that sort of thing. Our Committee on Industry in the Y. We Cra: 
 branch for colored girls asked the privilege of working with those 
 girls for a few months to see if we could save the factory to them. 
 The consequence was we got them all to the Association and organ- 
 ized a club among them and started to build morale and to show 
 the girls their responsibility for keeping that factory intact for 
 colored girls. About Easter the management called us up and 
 said the whole atmosphere in the factory had changed. They sent 
 us a letter which we have in our files saying the same thing. They 
 also said if those girls continued to bring up output it would be 
 second to no factory that they had. If they continued to do as well 
 as they had been doing in the last three months they would build 
 a factory that would accommodate five hundred colored girls. Every 
 authority said it was the best lighted, the most sanitary, the most 
 beautiful and attractive factory of its kind in the country. Just 
 a few months ago the management wanted some sample work for 
 exhibition purposes and they refused work from the other factories 
 and took the work from these girls. 
 
 Miss Van Kleeck: Why did they decide, originally, to take colored 
 girls? 
 
 Miss Belcher: They opened that branch as an experiment, and I 
 understand that the experiment was to continue for about two years 
 to see if they could make these girls an asset in industry. What 
 they are doing now is to say very frankly that that factory, accord- 
 ing to its numbers, is doing the best work of any factory in the com- 
 munity. They have a factory for white girls that employs about 
 900. That for colored has a capacity of about 500. Business has 
 now slumped so that they are employing only 190 girls. ‘They 
 have time-keepers and floor women of color. One of the managers 
 
112 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 is a white woman who first came into the factory and taught glove 
 making. ‘The superintendent of this factory is a white man from 
 Kentucky. He has done everything he could to help bring this 
 factory up to the standard he now has. 
 
 F. EH. DeFrantz (Indianapolis, Ind.): I want to ask if the 
 opening up of this other factory was not done also with the idea 
 of operating on a lower wage scale? 
 
 Miss Belcher: I don’t know whether that was the first con- 
 sideration, but I know now that the girls work on piece work. When 
 we started our work in the factory the average girl was making $6 
 or $8 a week, and one of the great complaints was that the girls 
 played on their jobs and there was much turnover of labor. Now 
 on piece work the average girl is getting $15 to $18 per week and 
 some are getting $25. 
 
 INCREASE IN COLORED WORKERS IN COLUMBUS, OHIO 
 
 Dr, Cox (Columbus, Ohio): I happen to have figures on one of 
 our largest industries, the Buckeye Steel Casting Co., which, like 
 all of our Columbus industries, is not run in agreement with organ- 
 ized labor. We are under the great American plan of the open shop. 
 Ten years ago there were 10% colored men and 40% foreign 
 and the rest native white. Now the figures are exactly the reverse: 
 There are 10% foreign, 40% colored and 50% native white in this 
 largest industry in our city. 
 
 A rather aggravating fact came to me which I would like to 
 have brought out in Mr. Washington’s remarks: The Pennsylvania 
 Rk. R. in our city is taking on a lot of colored folk. One of the 
 men said he was advanced right along the same as the rest and 
 now even has the position of foreman but that he was getting 40 
 cents an hour for the same work that the white man was getting 
 70 cents an hour for; and that obtained throughout. 
 
 A MANUFACTURER’S EXPERIENCE 
 
 H. L. Sanders (Indianapolis, Ind.): JI am a manufacturer. 
 We employ in our plant about forty men and women. We have 
 been in one square for over thirty years. I wish to say that before 
 these factories in Indianapolis were open for colored girls white 
 men of our city called on me and asked me if I thought that if 
 they should open a factory for colored girls and men, would they 
 make good? I told them that from the experience I have had they 
 would. As I said, I have been there over thirty years in one place, 
 

 
 INDUSTRY AND RACE RELATIONS 113 
 
 manufacturing. Our output is over $50,000 a year. Now the 
 young men that we have had in our plant, the majority of them, 
 stay there from one to two and three years. I have some there 
 that have been for ten years in my plant. They earn from $12 to 
 $20 per week on piece work. 
 
 I understand from the gentleman who runs the glove factory at 
 Indianapolis that their girls in that plant make about the same 
 as they do in my plant. On my recommendation this glove factory 
 was opened, and they also opened an overall factory and our girls 
 were put in there, and they made good. An umbrella manufac- 
 turer came to me and asked me if I thought he could teach our 
 girls to make umbrellas. I told him our girls could do anything 
 other girls could do. He opened an umbrella factory and ran ten 
 years with our girls, and he made money enough in that time and 
 he quit. I want to say that if they just give them a show our girls 
 will make good. 
 
 PERSONNEL PROBLEMS IN CHICAGO PLANTS 
 
 Rev. Charles W. Burton (Chicago, Ill.): It has been my privilege 
 at certain times to talk to personnel directors of industrial plants 
 in Chicago and certain problems have been brought to my atten- 
 tion. I suppose the industries that employ the largest number of 
 Negroes would be the stockyards industries, the packing industry, 
 the steel industry, and then the corn products industry employs a 
 great number of colored people. I remember especially the per- 
 sonnel director out in the corn products plant telling me of the 
 experiences they have had with their workers generally and especially 
 with reference to colored people. Up until the time of the War 
 not so many colored men had been employed there. They had a cer- 
 tain part of work there at the plant that they had found that the 
 Russians could do better than anybody else, and when the war came 
 a good many of the Russians had to go back home. So then they 
 thought that they would try out the Negro to see if he would fit 
 into that particular part of the industry, and when they put the 
 Negroes in they found that the Negroes did it 100% better than 
 the Russians, and even when the Russians came back the Negroes 
 kept that particular part of the work. 
 
 One thing complained of was that the turn over was consider- 
 able among the colored workers; the colored people—some of them— 
 would work for a few days, a few weeks or a few months, and get 
 a good batch of money on hand, and then take time off for a few 
 days or weeks or months. It seems to me that a conference like 
 
114 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 this ought to bring some weight to bear on a situation like that. 
 Doubtless many of our communities are putting it in the hearts and 
 minds of working men and women to stick to their jobs. 
 
 I have talked to some of the men who were employed there 
 about joining the unions. Some of them go into the unions and 
 some of them do not. There seems to be a reason why a good many 
 more do not get into the unions. From actual experience they 
 said that when they get into the labor unions they are discriminated 
 against in very definite ways. If only so many men are to be 
 employed, if any are to be let go, they let the Negroes go first. 
 Some influence ought to be brought to bear on a situation like 
 that. If we are to uphold labor unions and if labor unions are 
 to become prevalent throughout American industry, then the labor 
 union must be fair to all of its members. 
 
 RECRUITING FOR NORTHERN MILLS 
 
 Dr. William S. Keller (Cincinnati, Ohio): I am familiar with 
 a large steel corporation in the vicinity of this city, a town of 
 about 25,000 people, that has had the practice in recent years of 
 sending a representative to the South and bringing up to this steel 
 mill groups of colored workmen for common labor. After these men 
 were brought to this mill they were housed in large dormitories and 
 it has created in this community a problem in health, a problem 
 in housing and a social evil. I fancy, also, that it has created a 
 problem in the communities which they have left. I am wonder- 
 ing, for instance, if the improved economic conditions, increased 
 salaries probably that have been received up North, have not been off- 
 set by what it might have done to their families at home. I am 
 asking this question, please: Is this way of securing common labor 
 an injury to the rights of labor in the nation? Is it an injury by 
 one state to another to secure labor under such conditions? 
 
 Miss Van Kleeck: We have now before us a good many prob- 
 lems and there will be time later on for discussion. We have com- 
 pleted the half hour of general discussion from the floor, and I 
 would like to ask Bishop Phillips, the Chairman, if he will call on 
 two members of the Committee—Mrs. Elliott and Mr. Greene. Mrs. 
 Elliott will speak on Women in Industry. Mr. Greene is personnel 
 worker for the Westinghouse Electric Co. 
 
 WOMEN IN INDUSTRY 
 
 Mrs. Elizabeth N. Elliott (Cincinnati, O.): During the World 
 War when there was a wholesale recruiting of forces through which 
 

 
 INDUSTRY AND RACE RELATIONS 115 
 
 the great conflict might be speedily and victoriously ended, the call 
 came to Negro women to enter the growing army of American women 
 workers. Without an industrial background this brought many 
 economic problems to our women in industry. From the employer’s 
 viewpoint colored women were said to give much dissatisfaction. 
 They are slow producers. ‘They are listless at their work and they 
 will not make time. On the other hand, they are more loyal to their 
 employer and they are cheerful and intelligent—more intelligent than 
 the foreign girl. Sometimes the colored employees feel that they 
 find a prejudice on the part of the employer which is not always 
 justified. 
 
 We have in Cincinnati 50,383 wage-earning women. Of these 
 20,100 are employed in industries. There are 900 colored women 
 in industries in Cincinnati. Their work includes garment making, 
 pure food industries, laundries, tobacco industries, elevator operating, 
 cafeteria work, hotel and stores and office and maid service. That 
 figure does not include domestic work. 
 
 In the past two years in Cincinnati we have been able to create 
 three new distinct occupations for colored women where colored. 
 women have never been employed before. These occupations were 
 opened through the Y. W. C. A. and their program of reaching em- 
 ployers. We have a garment factory here in the city, the Rauh & 
 Mack Shirt Co., which we feel has done a great deal toward creat- 
 ing new opportunities for colored women. I wish to say, however, 
 that it was not a war-born opportunity. This was the only trade 
 in Cincinnati that employed colored girls before the War, and since 
 the War they have increased. Before the War this plant employed 
 about 40 colored workers. Since then the increase has been to 100, 
 and they will put on 50 more if we can find the girls to fill the 
 places. This is a-model establishment. They have splendid work- 
 ing conditions; they give equal pay for skilled work. White and 
 colored girls work in this plant, although in different rooms, but 
 they have a fine cafeteria where both eat; they sit at their own 
 tables. There is always a fine morale in the factory, never any dis- 
 satisfaction, and we have the finest kind of workers. High grade 
 work is done in it. ; 
 
 In all new places we proceed to organize the girls into groups 
 where we can bring them together to talk over the problems and 
 get right directly to them what they owe to the employer and how 
 to meet the difficulties which they meet every day and how to give 
 their best to the work they are engaged in. We have been success- 
 ful in placing elevator operators in one of the new large down- 
 town department stores. These girls are giving splendid service 
 
116 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 and by their service we have been able to open in the last month 
 another place for elevator girls. We have been able to put them 
 in the hotels in the city and they are giving perfect satisfaction. 
 
 We organize them into clubs. We have conferences with the 
 girls and conferences with the employers. We have an employment 
 agency and through this employment agency we help the employer 
 to get the best type of girl, so that they depend upon us in find- 
 ing girls and by so doing there is very little labor turnover. The 
 employer is always ready to advance the girls. They start them in 
 the same kind of work in this city wherever colored girls are em- 
 ployed; they give them the same opportunity and the same wage, and 
 we have very little friction where colored and white girls are employed 
 together. 
 
 A NEGRO PERSONNEL SUPERVISOR’S VIEW 
 
 Chairman: We have another statement to come from Mr. Cyrus 
 T. Greene, of Pittsburgh, Pa. 
 
 Mr. Greene: ‘There is one thing I am about to learn in my five 
 years’ experience with the Westinghouse Manufacturing Co., and 
 that is that a great many of our problems depend upon our ap- 
 proach. I think that the success of an approach to a problem 
 depends upon what we know about what we are going at. First, 
 know what you want; second, know what you go up against; third, 
 know what you have with which to go up against that which you have 
 to go up against; and then do it. Many problems depend upon our 
 approach to what we are after, and our approach depends entirely 
 upon our knowledge of the situation. 
 
 The failures or successes of workmen or groups of workmen 
 have direct relationship with an individual’s or a group of individuals’ 
 approach to industry, and the Negro is not an exception. His 
 approach depends on his knowledge of what he is about to ap- 
 proach. One of the most essential things to know is the view- 
 point of the leaders in industry. Of course, the older the estab- 
 lishment, the larger the organization, the better organized it is 
 and more difficult it is to get the viewpoint of such men. When 
 this is possible the leader’s viewpoint becomes the workmen’s view- 
 point. He knows that part of the responsibility is his. Expressing 
 it in the military term, he is able to make an “estimate of the situa- 
 tion” —knows what is to be done, knows what opposition is expected 
 in such an effort, knows his or her ability to meet such an opposition 
 and finally makes use of such information to make good. 
 
 The trouble has been that too many of our men have approached 
 
INDUSTRY AND RACE RELATIONS 117 
 
 industry with their knowledge limited to three ideas—get all the 
 money they can, get it quick and get away in a hurry. The 
 speaker is glad to state that some have a different approach, and 
 an observation at Hast Pittsburg, Pa., shows that men often quit 
 to return later with a better approach. 
 
 While a very little can be said about Negroes’ representation in 
 personnel policy. Negroes are retained by some firms in somewhat 
 an advisory capacity. This has been the means of giving the Negro 
 workmen a better approach and has been most successful with small 
 firms and in small industrial villages. Generally speaking no dis- 
 crimination is shown in wages paid Negro workmen on the same 
 class occupation as white men. In fact, in most cases the work is 
 done on a piece, time, or tonnage basis and a man is paid according 
 to the amount of the output. 
 
 In the North and West, industry is well organized; a new 
 applicant, white, black or brown, meets opposition with some advan- 
 tages on the side of the dominant race. However, the theory is that 
 the interviewer in employment offices makes no discrimination in 
 placing men on the jobs that are open and for which they are 
 qualified. 
 
 It is the opinion of the speaker that the Negro has made him- 
 self in the last ten years a larger factor in American industry and 
 is more dependable but there is still a great opportunity for a more 
 liberal attitude in such an endeavor. 
 
 I would like to say just a word about attitudes. The attitudes, 
 of course, vary, but we have not as yet shown the proper attitude 
 in going into the shops, particularly around Pittsburgh. They don’t 
 place the blame on the men that come from the shops; they place 
 it on the leadership, and they said: “Greene, if there is one thing you 
 tell those folks at that conference, tell them the colored preachers 
 have not given the proper religious instruction to the workers here 
 in the shop.” : | 
 
 Dr. Haynes: What do you mean by religious instruction? 
 
 Mr. Greene: They feel that a man will listen to the colored 
 preacher when he will not listen to his foreman. And when we 
 are able to reach them that way, we will get better results—instead 
 of this indifference that you have discussed, so that a man will come 
 to the shop; he will not work for a day and stay off two days. 
 
 Mr. Plaskett (Orange, N. J.): I am a preacher. Do your men 
 go to church? | 
 
 Mr. Greene: Some of them, about fifty per cent. 
 
 Mr. Plaskett: Very few of them. 
 
118 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 LABOR UNIONS AND COLORED WORKERS 
 
 Miss Van Kleeck: May I just say that it is very natural that 
 the preachers should wish to speak on this point, but I am going 
 to beg you to be patient because I think that toward the end of 
 our program, after you have heard a little more, you will have an 
 idea of what it would be wise for preachers to say to their workers. 
 If you will wait until that time I think that we can discuss the 
 question more profitably. I am anxious that we should take advan- 
 tage of the fact that we have here, as a member of our Committee, 
 Mr. John P. Frey. 
 
 Almost every question in this discussion has had something to 
 do with the relation of the labor organizations to colored workers. 
 Mr. Frey is a national leader of the labor movement in this country, 
 a former member of the Executive Committee of the American 
 Federation of Labor, President of the Ohio Federation of Labor, 
 besides being a prominent leader in the national organization of 
 molders, editor of its paper, and in touch with the thought and spirit 
 of the labor movement. Mr. Frey also organized the first union 
 of colored workers among the molders. He has had years of interest 
 in this particular problem and I think it very important at this 
 moment that Mr. Frey take fifteen minutes to talk with us about it. 
 
 Mr, Frey (Cincinnati, O.): Miss Chairman and those who are 
 present: This question that is being discussed this morning is 
 one to which I have given a great deal of attention for the best 
 part of a lifetime. Miss Van Kleeck has just said I have been 
 an officer in the trade union movement for many years. I spent 
 three or four years in studying our problem in the South, and 
 twenty-six years ago I organized the first union composed exclu- 
 sively of colored molders which had ever been organized in the 
 city of Chattanooga, when our white members—I will not say all 
 they said to me when I began to discuss the problem of organizing 
 the Negro. I recognized at that time there was no social question 
 involved ; it was wholly an economic question. If a Negro made a 
 casting it sold in the market at its market price, which was the 
 same as though the white molder had made it, so that the white 
 molder’s and the colored molder’s economic interests and welfare were 
 identical. 
 
 Since that time I have come into contact with some of the 
 leaders of the colored race in this country. I have talked with 
 some of the clergy, I have made an effort to find out what the 
 real problem was, and in a measure perhaps I have been able to 
 understand one or two angles of it. It has been touched upon 
 
INDUSTRY AND RACE RELATIONS 119 
 
 slightly this morning. The thought was expressed that perhaps in 
 coming North and entering the industries the Negro held the whip 
 hand, that it might be well if he maintained that for a little while. 
 And then I have heard some other thoughts, as to plants being 
 established where Negroes are employed exclusively or where the 
 percentage of Negroes to whites has grown larger and larger. Now 
 from my point of view as a Cincinnatian, I am interested in know- 
 ing whether the Negro, when he works in industry in the North, 
 gets the same wage for the same product as a white man. 
 
 Mr. Greene: Yes, sir, at the Westinghouse he does. 
 
 Mr. Arthur: He does in Chicago. 
 
 Mr. Frey: If he does not, then I have one reason why there is 
 a certain amount of prejudice against him. Now, from my personal 
 knowledge, taking the city of Cincinnati to begin with, and the city 
 of Dayton and Springfield and others, I want you to remember this, 
 that the Negro molder receives from 20% to 45% less wages for 
 the same output as white molders in this State. If you would go 
 with me and talk with the Negro molders who are employed in a 
 foundry in Cincinnati I have in mind, they would tell you that 
 they thought the organization might be a good thing for them, but 
 if they became members of the trade union movement they would 
 immediately lose their jobs. 
 
 I think I have a somewhat sympathetic understanding for the 
 attitude of some of the leaders of the colored people, and I want 
 to bring it out now. I had the privilege of coming into contact with 
 a man who, I think, was among the best known leaders of the colored 
 people. He recognized the fact that the Negro was practically 
 confined to the South; that there he was only an agricultural laborer ; 
 that, underlying any elevation of the Negro standard of living was 
 an economical factor—wages—that the standard of living would de- 
 termine what kind of man he was going to be; that as a farm hand, 
 if he was to remain there, his opportunities were very small; that 
 he must get into the industries, he must learn trades and acquire 
 skill to command a much higher wage, and in that way improve 
 conditions for his family. The difficulty was in getting white em- 
 ployers who would give the Negro an opportunity. He found, 
 ‘when he worked in the South, that when the Negro became a mem- 
 ber of our organizations, he was more or less out of luck because 
 when he left his town and went to a place where the white men 
 ‘were employed his union card was not of any value for him. It 
 would not put him through. This leader recognized that the Negro 
 must be placed in the industries so that he might become democratic, 
 and in his influence he prevailed upon one of the largest manufac- 
 
120 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 turing establishments in the South to give the N egro an oppor- 
 tunity. I have visited that plant a number of times and I think 
 that there were about 2,000 Negroes who had been placed at work 
 in that city. They were given an opportunity of learning black- 
 smith’s, machinist’s, electrician’s and some of the other trades. 
 
 But he had to pay a price to do that, and the price was that 
 he should teach the members of his race to feel that they owe this 
 corporation such a tremendous debt of gratitude that they would 
 never do anything which would be contrary to that corporation’s 
 wishes, and one of the corporation’s very strong policies was to pre- 
 vent any trade union organization, so that the price he paid so 
 that the members of his race could learn a trade, was to yearly hold 
 meetings at which all of the Negro employees were brought to= 
 gether, and advised of the dangers of organization among themselves. 
 He was plain about the matter. He told them they would not be 
 working there if it was not for the fact that they are not members 
 of the union. In other words, this employer, while giving the Negro 
 the opportunity of acquiring a trade, was exploiting them to the 
 white man’s disadvantage. In this community it was only natural 
 that the white man had something added to the race prejudices that 
 were in the South. I do not understand this race prejudice alto- 
 gether. When I began to talk with our members in the South I 
 found every one of them had a Negro helper, who worked beside 
 them in the factory day by day. They would not work unless they 
 had a Negro helper. As they were willing to work with them side 
 by side industrially, I thought there was something behind this 
 question I did not understand from my up-bringing in Massachusetts. 
 I found it was merely that the white employer when he had given 
 the Negro an opportunity of learning a trade, too frequently exploited 
 him to the white working man’s disadvantage. 
 
 Now, then, for some of the colored leaders. I have written upon 
 this question for a number of years. Not only have I worked at 
 it but I have written about it; I have spoken about it. I find that 
 there are a large number of the leaders of the Negro race who to-. 
 day feel very much like the individual that I have just referred 
 to. They see the problem very much as I did. First: Their race 
 must get into industry in order to acquire mechanical ability; sec- 
 ond, we must try and influence them so that they can get into the 
 industries. And the Negro leader, you know, is used by those em-. 
 ployers whose principal idea is to get labor at the very lowest possible 
 rate, Just as some employers, who originally opened their establish- 
 ments with nothing but Americans, displaced those Americans by 
 

 
 INDUSTRY AND RACE RELATIONS 121 
 
 non-English-speaking foreigners and are now displacing those non- 
 English-speaking foreigners by the Negro. 
 
 But the trouble is that this economic problem lies in there. The 
 only way men can solve many of their problems is by getting together. 
 Our civilization would crumble within a year if we were unable to 
 organize. Industry could not be carried out. If there is any one 
 important thing to maintain our civilization, it is organization along 
 those lines that affect our welfare and our lives. The trade union 
 movement is endeavoring to organize the colored man, and what I 
 regret is that, occasionally, some leader of the colored race criticizes 
 the aim of the trade union movement because of its unwillingness 
 to take in the Negro or that it discriminates against him. I have 
 heard that same statement of discrimination made by Russian Jews, 
 who were in our industries. I have heard it from the Slavs in our 
 industries. I have heard the same statement made from every group 
 of workmen who were not white Americans, that we discriminated 
 against them when they became members of the unions. 
 
 The Negro has to work out his own problems in industry. The 
 trade union movement is endeavoring to elevate the standards. It 
 seems to me there is nothing more important at the present time 
 than for leaders of the colored race to impress upon their own that 
 if they hope to make progress they must do so through organization, 
 and that it is to their advantage to do the same thing the white 
 man does to protect his standard of living. This trade union move- 
 ment is tremendously important for colored men, and there is this: 
 whenever the colored man becomes a member of the trade union he 
 receives the same wage and the same protection as the white man 
 or non-English-speaking foreigner. And while the church has a 
 tremendously important part to play, not only in the South but since 
 migration in the North, the industrial organization is equally 
 important. 
 
 The welfare of the colored man in industry cannot be left free 
 and unregulated in the employers’ hands; he must do the same thing 
 the white man has done. The white man in industry was very 
 little better than a serf at the time of the Revolutionary War; 
 industrially he was nowhere. Everything he has secured, his 
 shorter work day, the recognition of his rights by the employer, the 
 regulation of his wages, have all been by codperative advantage. 
 There is no cure other than that for industrial injustice. There is 
 no path the colored man can travel which is different from what 
 the white man has been forced to struggle over in order to secure 
 industrial justice, and to get in industry that same voice for deter- 
 mining justice and improvement of the conditions of labor that 
 
122 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 we have politically. If there is any one thing I would like to impress 
 particularly upon those who represent the colored race, it is this: 
 that they have two problems—one to get their own race into the 
 industries where they will pass from unskilled labor to semi-skilled 
 labor, and then into the group of finished mechanics; along with 
 that they must bear in mind that the Negro must be trained and 
 told to demand a dollar for every bit of product that the white 
 man would receive a dollar for. Much of this condition which 
 we read about, much of this racial prejudice, is due to the fact 
 that one group of men come into a community and, by working for 
 a lower wage, immediately lower the standard of living for those 
 already in the community. That is not a healthful condition; it is 
 one which is bound to bring about more or less feeling. 
 
 The official statements of the American Federation of Labor, 
 welcoming the Negro into the trade union movement, may mean a 
 great deal or they may mean nothing. Statements are made some- 
 times for shop effect. The only way to determine whether the 
 American trade union movement is sincere or not is to find what 
 they do. We are trying as an American trade union movement to 
 organize the Negro. We expect to meet the objections of the Negroes’ 
 employer in that matter, but we do regret tremendously that we 
 often meet with the harmful influence of the leaders of the colored 
 race in the community—sometimes the editor of the colored paper, 
 sometimes the clergyman of the colored church. We understand 
 the reason why he is disturbed. He knows the employer’s attitude; 
 he feels that if he advises the members of his race to join: the 
 trade union the employer’s interest in keeping the colored man at 
 work will be turned into antagonism. And yet if there is to be 
 built up that condition which every colored man is entitled to 
 have, then, it seems to me, the leaders of the colored race must 
 do what they can to assist the American trade union movement in 
 organizing the Negro and to use the economic truth that the Negro 
 is entitled to the same wage as a white man for an equal product. 
 As soon as the Negro understands that, in my opinion, a very 
 large per cent, if not all, of the so-called industrial race prejudice 
 which exists will vanish into thin air. 
 
 I know the difficulty in doing that. I have seen a trade union 
 movement charged by prominent leaders of the colored race with 
 refusing to take Negroes into their organization. I have had corre- 
 spondence with these men; I have proved to them they were wrong. 
 IT have said I, personally, am now endeavoring to organize the 
 colored molders; will you give me a communication, signed, in 
 which you say that you believe it will be advisable for the colored 
 

 
 INDUSTRY AND RACE RELATIONS 123 
 
 man to join the trade union movement? I never yet have received 
 such a communication. I am making a very blunt statement, but. 
 I am also giving you my reason. I see the problem in the leader’s 
 mind: If I do this I may be interfering with the progress of my 
 race in learning the trade. But there is your problem; it is an 
 economic problem. It is based upon the wages in the envelope. The 
 white manufacturer in the North, who gives the Negro an oppor- 
 tunity, is not to be judged by whether he gives the Negro a chance 
 to work but whether he pays the same wages for that work as he 
 pays the white man. 
 
 Miss Van Kleeck: May I ask that, if you are willing, we postpone 
 our questions until the report of the Committee is brought in? There 
 is plenty of time, but if we stop now we shall disarrange our pro- 
 gram. I would like to ask Bishop Phillips if he will introduce Mr. 
 Washington who is to give the twenty-minute address. 
 
 Mr. Forrester B. Washington, Executive Secretary of the Arm- 
 strong Association, Philadelphia, Pa., addressed the conference as 
 follows: 
 
 My speech will be more or less hit or miss, and you can sympathize 
 with me after listening to reports from all over the country, as compre- 
 hensive as they were, how little there is left for me. However, I have 
 gotten some stimulus from the various reports and a great deal from the 
 last report, and perhaps I had better stop there. I may miss a couple of 
 cylinders but I think Mr. Frey missed three or four himself. 
 
 I agree with the last speaker that Negroes and whites ought to get 
 together, but I think also that the craftsmen of the American Federation 
 of Labor ought to realize that they need the Negro as much as the Negro 
 needs them, and, secondly, that the principle of collective bargaining is the 
 fact. that labor, black or white, adult or child, have common interests. Now, 
 if organized labor organizes to keep the Negro out it seems to me that the 
 sensible Negro will see that if any organization organizes to keep a man 
 earning less than somebody else is earning, that if he can get a higher wage 
 by undercutting that man, he is justified in doing it. That is self-preserva- 
 tion, and self-preservation, in the last analysis, is the more fundamental 
 urge, the more logical urge than theoretical argument. 
 
 As a matter of fact I am.a member of a trade union. But I know this, 
 that there are trade unions that do not admit Negroes. By no construction, 
 no theory or anything else can you prove that Negroes can get into the 
 Machinists’ Local in any city I know of. He cannot become a plumber in 
 Philadelphia. If a Negro applies, the man who issues permits won’t give 
 him a license. The members of the licensing board are made up of master 
 plumbers. If a Negro in some way is able to set himself up as a plumber 
 when he goes to buy fixtures from a plumber’s outfitter, they refuse to sell 
 to him. When certain plumbers’ outfitters have sold fixtures to Negro 
 
 lumbers the plumbers’ organizations have boycotted these firms. Up to 
 1918 they had seventy-five colored motormen in Detroit on the trolley car 
 system. And then during the trolley car strike, you remember, that Ex- 
 President Taft sitting as Wage Labor Board head granted one of the stipula- 
 tions laid down against their colored brothers by the white motormen, 
 namely, that the company agree that there would never be any more colored 
 men than the 75 men they had. That is why you have got to consider this 
 
124 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 thing from many angles. You cannot say flat-footedly that the Negro does 
 not have difficulty with the American Federation type of craft unionism. 
 
 I don’t believe that in the anthracite coal industry there is a single 
 Negro miner. There are plenty in the bituminous industry. In the South 
 where there are bituminous mines it is non-union, anyway, but up here it is 
 possible to selfishly monopolize industry. Up at Scranton and Wilkes-Barre, 
 Pa., where practically the only anthracite industry in the country exists, 
 they will not admit the Negro, for no reason except the selfish monopolistic 
 idea of the American Federation of Labor. In Detroit the only way the 
 Negroes got into the Ford and Cadillac plants was because these plants were 
 open shops and Negroes trained in their industries in the South were able 
 to go there and get good jobs and they did not have to undercut anybody 
 at that time. 
 
 Negroes are not essentially scabs. I was up at a meeting in Indianapolis 
 recently of bituminous miners and I do not think there were any more pro- 
 nounced unionists than the Negro delegates. In the packing industry in 
 Chicago, Negroes entered as strike breakers twenty years ago, but when 
 I was in Chicago a few years ago, a Negro was vice-president of the Stock- 
 yards Labor Council. Negroes are good unionists in the Butcher Workmen’s 
 Local, and they are good unionists under a great deal of pressure, because 
 many of the Negroes work in the yards in various mechanical trades, and 
 their union cards are not worth a snap of the fingers outside of the yards, 
 as no American Federation of Labor local will recognize them. Colored 
 women in Chicago, New York and Philadelphia, in the last few months, 
 have acted as pickets in the garment workers’ strikes. Something like 
 150 of our colored girls are in the garment organizations in Philadelphia. 
 It is a city in which Negroes have not progressed as rapidly as they have 
 in the West, because of the presence of a large reservoir of foreign-born labor. 
 
 The one thing that differentiates the situation of the Negro from that 
 of the Slav and other foreign-born is that the Negro did not enter industry 
 by under-cutting wages. The Negro is the one racial group that came into 
 industry as the result of the work of Providence, or whatever you want 
 to call it. The Negro entered industry on a large scale as a result of the 
 War. At the present time the Negro is not going into any industry because 
 of lower wages but because of the slackening of immigration. 
 
 Then, to me there is something that is a great deal more important than 
 the mere fact that is raised by the economist. I am wondering whether 
 it is not opportunity which acts as effectively as self-organization. We 
 ask, how do you get Negroes in these various industries? By breaking down 
 the two chief obstacles, the inertia of the employer and the opposition of 
 the white employee, who objects to Negroes. It seems to me—and I would 
 like to raise the question and let some lady here answer it—that Negro 
 men are moving up in the industrial scale but Negro women are having 
 a hard time. It is pitiful to have to glory over the fact that the colored 
 women are going into the garment industry. From the point of view of the 
 community as a whole it is one of the least desirable occupations for 
 women but it is a big thing for colored women because so few occupations 
 are open to them. And yet in the majority of factory employments in which 
 women are engaged we are told time and again: “We cannot take colored 
 women because the white women would not work with them.” TI have 
 talked on the situation with Y.W.C.A. leaders and they state that this is 
 the attitude of a number of girls. Social workers also agree in this. Take 
 the problems of the high school in the North. In the swimming pools in 
 high schools, for instance. You can mix the boys easily but with the girls 
 it is more difficult. It may not be a sex problem at all. It may be due 
 to the training of women, the fact that conventionalities have been impressed 
 upon them more than upon men. So I would answer the last speaker’s 
 question by saying that two things are necessary. One must bring to the 
 employers of his city evidences, in the shape of photographs, statements from 
 

 
 INDUSTRY AND RACE RELATIONS 125 
 
 employers, statistics and the like, as to where Negroes are being used in the 
 West on jobs they are not being used on in Boston; secondly, to try to get 
 members of interracial committees and other white people who profess to be 
 interested in the solution of this interracial conflict, to work among the 
 white employers, because that is, after all, where the big problem is. 
 
 The gentlemen also raised this question about the Pennsylvania Railroad, 
 that we must approach these things in a scientific spirit. If you will 
 simply take an instance and try to reason from it, it is very unscientific. 
 The scientific method is to get all your possible facts, assemble them and 
 get a law from that, and apply it to the situation. If you get one man 
 who says he is not getting as much as the white man, he may be an ignorant 
 man. He may not know how to figure his time card. My experience is this: 
 The Pennsylvania Railroad has about 75,000 employees scattered from Louis- 
 ville, Ky., to Philadelphia, and along this main line, taking in Pittsburgh, 
 Columbus, Cincinnati, etc., they found that the so-called Nordic groups were 
 passing off of the top and immigration was not supplying any more 
 northern Europeans. That was the group that constituted their skilled 
 employees. On the other hand, for ten years they had been trying to make 
 skilled men out of the Italians and other Mediterranean races and at the 
 end of ten years they claim they have not been able to make as good shop 
 mechanics out of the southern or Mediterranean groups as they believe they 
 could make out of Negroes. 
 
 What the War did for the Negro was that it proved to many employers 
 who employed him in an emergency, that he was as good a workman or better 
 than many of the other national groups. I do not want to make any un- 
 scientific observations myself, but I will say this, that the Clark plant of 
 the Carnegie Steel Co., made a study of its 41 nationalities not so long ago, 
 and basing it upon its pay rolls, found that the Negro stood twelfth in the 
 list, and the eleven groups that were more efficient than the Negro were all 
 members of the older immigrant groups, but that the newer groups fell below 
 the Negro’s rating of efficiency. 
 
 The Detroit Community Fund about four years ago decided to make a 
 study of the comparative efficiency of Negroes in industrial occupations. 
 They found in the Morgan & Wright Tire Co., a branch of the U. 8S. Rubber 
 Co., that they could study 80 colored men and 80 white men, unbeknown to 
 themselves, working eight hours a day at piece work on a semi-skilled 
 process. They studied their payrolls for six bi-weekly pay days, and found 
 at the end of that time that there was practically no difference in the produc- 
 tivity of the two groups, but that this qualitative and quantitative test 
 showed that the races were about even from the point of view of efficiency. 
 
 This Pennsylvania Railroad survey also showed that a man from Cincin- 
 nati, unless he has travelled a great deal, cannot reason about the possibilities 
 of using Negroes somewhere else. We found that as one progressed north 
 on the Pennsylvania lines one would find more and more Negroes working 
 in the shops, and that seemed to be because more and more the competition 
 there was foreign-born, but when one came down to Columbus one still found 
 Negroes working in the shops, but a large proportion were working on 
 unskilled jobs. At Cincinnati a still larger group. At Louisville practically 
 all. Yet at places like “Crestline, Ohio, Negroes were earning the very 
 highest wages,—were of the aristocracy of mechanics. What they said at 
 Cincinnati and at Louisville is that the reason you do not find Negroes in 
 the skilled occupations in these cities is because of the large supply of white 
 Americans, and as long as they could get a supply of southern white boys 
 and men in Louisville and Cincinnati and Columbus, they would not use 
 the Negroes; but when one approached Pittsburg, and went from there 
 through the north toward Chicago, one found the colored man working in the 
 skilled jobs. Jt simply proves that people observe a situation such as I 
 have just discussed, and because the Negroes are not employed because of 
 some other labor supply in the community, they believe that is because the 
 
126 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION | 
 
 Negro is inefficient. Then they will say that one job in that community is a 
 white man’s and the other is a Negro’s, and the white man’s job must be 
 superior and the Negro’s job inferior. 
 
 I am up against the same situation in Philadelphia, that you confront 
 in this section of the country. We find it is very difficult to get colored 
 girls in any type of industry. We can still place them in the garment 
 industry but that is simply spreading them out on the same level. Last 
 year a little colored girl graduated from the Philadelphia School of Design- 
 ing for Women. She won five prizes—the first prize for the best design for 
 a lace curtain, the first prize for the best design for cretonne, the first prize 
 for the best design for linoleum, the first prize for the best design for the 
 school catalogue for next year, and one other prize. Those prizes were all 
 awarded by the textile industry of Kensington or by similar industries in 
 Newark, N. J. It has been the habit of the men awarding those prizes to 
 ask for the winner to be placed in their designing departments, but when 
 this colored girl turned up as a prize winner nobody wanted her, because she 
 was colored. That shows the ridiculousness of race prejudice. 
 
 This is what we did in this matter, which may be a suggestion to some 
 of you. We called together a meeting of the vice-president of the Chamber 
 of Commerce, got the head of the Philadelphia Personnel Association, which 
 represents something like 3,500. manufacturers, and two or three other 
 people of that type, and presented this girl’s case, and then the Committee 
 appointed a chairman, who happened to be the secretary of this Personnel 
 Association of Philadelphia, and he presented the case before the entire body 
 of Personnel Managers of the city of Philadelphia, and the girl got a job. 
 There was some employer that was willing to take a chance on a girl who 
 had demonstrated her efficiency and she obtained employment. 
 
 At the present time we are attacking another problem which might be 
 worth while in communities where colored women have not opportunities 
 at the present time. We are training colored girls as dental assistants. 
 There are a lot of colored girls coming out of high school who have good 
 manners, a nice appearance, who want to work and who do not want to go 
 into domestic work. We have arranged a course of twenty lessons teaching 
 them how to meet patients, how to stand beside the dentist chair, how to 
 sterilize instruments, helping him in every way. In Philadelphia we have 
 already placed two with white dentists and have been asked to send more. 
 To create industrial openings you have got to plan such a campaign. 
 
 Chairman: I am sure you will pardon me if I pause a moment to 
 do something. I want to introduce to this audience this morning 
 a man who has long been a friend of the Negro in this country, 
 interested in all the movements which have tended to better his con- 
 dition, and who has given his long life to the service of the race, 
 ending with years of service in Africa. I will not have him make 
 a speech, but I want to introduce to the audience this morning 
 Bishop Joseph C. Hartzell of the Methodist Episcopal Church. 
 Bishop I am very glad to see you. (Bishop Hartzell was received 
 with applause. ) 
 
 The report of the Committee is next in order; it will be pre- 
 sented by Miss Van Kleeck, the Chairman of the Discussion 
 Committee : 
 

 
 INDUSTRY AND RACE RELATIONS 127 
 
 REPORT OF DISCUSSION COMMITTEE 
 
 Miss Van Kleeck: The Chairman of the Discussion Committee 
 finds it difficult to make this report. I shall have to depend upon 
 very democratic methods and say that if I do not accurately interpret 
 
 what the Committee believes, any member of the Committee will 
 contradict me: 
 
 A number of questions have been asked this morning which, after all, 
 come back to certain fundamental ideas that we would like to emphasize. 
 In other words we shall not deal specifically with the different questions but 
 rather point out what seem to us certain high spots to keep in mind in 
 our consideration of Industry and Race Relations. 
 
 Both of the first two points relate to tendencies and movements in indus- 
 try with which we must get in line when we are discussing race relations. The 
 first fact to keep in mind is the development of what might be called more 
 careful and scientific, as well as more social, personnel policies in industry. 
 Industry has been learning that it must give special attention to the problems 
 of relationships with employees in its own plant; that it must apply to 
 those problems the methods of science; that it must test results by experi- 
 ment; that if workers are to do their best in the plant they must be 
 studied as individuals, they must be trained as individuals, they must be 
 assigned to the right jobs, they must be transferred if they are not in the 
 right job, there must be provision made for promoting them; there must 
 be, in general, that attitude on the part of the plant and within the plant 
 itself which gets the best results from the individual. The development of 
 that movement in industry will tend toward a solution of the problem of 
 race relations because it is all in the direction of substituting science and 
 fairness of judgment for prejudice. 
 
 A second big movement which is more fundamental is what we must 
 call, for lack of a better term, democracy in industry. A new recognition 
 is coming of the fact that the workers must have a share in determining what 
 the conditions of their employment shall be. As one member of the Com- 
 mittee puts it: “We do not question theoretical rights today. We must 
 talk, not in terms of rights but in terms of function; that is to say, How 
 make those rights real in practice?” We believe in brotherhood, we believe 
 in democracy, but we do not get it by talking about it; we get it by dis- 
 covering the methods whereby the workers may be related to problems of 
 management, problems of production, and by what procedure they may be 
 able to express their interests. . 
 
 We have in industry a great unused force. This force is the ideas of the 
 man at the bench. Management has tended to pronounce orders and to 
 expect all the workers, like a regiment, to follow along. That policy results 
 in the routine attitude toward work which management itself complains of. 
 The manager who reverses that procedure finds new problems on his hands, 
 but he also finds that his job of management is a good deal more interesting. 
 Managers are finding that the efficiency of an organization is increased when 
 the workmen codperate as a group with management so that the ideas of the 
 men at the bench are reflected in the decisions of managerial officials. This 
 whole economic problem of race relations may well be approached by study 
 of the methods whereby the democratic idea is made to function in industry. 
 In large scale industry the democratic idea can only work through organiza- 
 tion because groups of people can not be represented unless they are organized. 
 We must study what type of organization produces the desired results. 
 
 And now a word must be said about the particular problem of transient 
 labor. The statement was made that in one place colored workers lost their 
 
128 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 chance to work because they were transients. One member of the Committee 
 is anxious to have attention called to this fact,—that when the industries 
 of the North have sent out labor scouts to the South to get laborers, they 
 have been concerned with getting a certain number of workers regardless of 
 quality. That has resulted in bringing workers to the North and then 
 turning them loose in the community. In the North they have no ties; they 
 are put in bunkhouses close to the job; they do not become part of the 
 community. Naturally they become transient labor, and the problem goes 
 back to the methods of recruiting which are the real cause. Industry, there- 
 fore, becomes responsible to the community for the result. 
 
 As to the specific recommendations of the Committee: The Committee 
 feels that this Conference, judging from the discussion and questions which 
 have been raised, would like, first, to have provision made for a long 
 continued study of the relation of the American labor movement to colored 
 workers, and it, therefore, recommends to the Commissions in charge of this 
 Conference that they consider asking the American Federation of Labor to 
 appoint or nominate a representative to serve in an advisory capacity to 
 those Commissions with the idea of developing a policy and giving both 
 movements a chance to work together on their common problem. 
 
 The second recommendation is that the local interracial committees provide 
 for a much more intimate knowledge of labor problems in their own com- 
 munities by one or all of these three methods: First, by study of the local 
 situation. For that study groups could be organized which could take 
 advantage of the available material accumulating about labor problems, and 
 their racial aspects. They should study industrial relations in their bearing 
 upon the local situation. That is the first step. 
 
 The second is very important: To establish contacts with those persons 
 who represent the two points of view,—the point of view of labor in your 
 community and the point of view of the employer. Those contacts you will 
 have to work out in accordance with your local situation. But the suggestion 
 made here by one local Interracial Committee which has on its membership 
 a local labor leader is worth your noting. We suggest also including those 
 representatives of management who are giving the most scientific attention 
 to these problems, so that you will have within your own group for con- 
 ference those who are prepared to advise with you on these questions. 
 
 Finally, we believe that industrial relations offer the greatest opportunity 
 today for the working out of the social message of Christianity. Where the 
 principles of Christ prevail you will find recognition of the manhood of the 
 workers in terms of their practical relation to management and to the de- 
 termination of conditions which affect them. Conversely, the struggle for 
 humanity in industry, with all its blood and suffering through the past, is 
 the kind of human struggle for an ideal which will make possible the 
 reflowering of Christianity in our communities. 
 
 The Chairman: You hear the findings of this Committee. A 
 motion will be in order. (Mr. Brown of Des Moines moved the adop- 
 tion of the report.) (Report was unanimously adopted.) 
 
 THE EAGAN PLAN OF EMPLOYEE OWNERSHIP 
 
 Miss Van Kleeck: Before throwing open the conference for fur- 
 ther discussion we wish now to have presented to you a plan of 
 relationships within a plant which has a very appropriate place in 
 this conference because it was devised by Mr. Eagan, the first Chair- 
 man of the Commission on Race Relations of the Federal Council 
 

 
 INDUSTRY AND RACE RELATIONS 129 
 
 of Churches and of the Commission on Interracial Codperation, who 
 was one of the prime movers in this interracial movement as a prac- 
 tical working organization. Mr. Eagan’s plant is the American Cast 
 Iron Pipe Co. of Birmingham, Ala., and Mr. C. D. Barr, vice- 
 president of the company and in charge of active operations, will 
 describe to us the ideas back of the plan of industrial relations 
 which is in effect there. 
 
 Mr. Barr spoke as follows: Friends, after this discussion this morning and 
 the report of the Committee, I don’t know whether this will be in order or not. 
 However, I am going to attempt, in fifteen minutes to outline briefly what we 
 know as the Eagan plan. John J. Eagan was the organizer of our company 
 nearly twenty years ago. In December, 1921, he accepted the presidency on one 
 condition: that the guiding principles of the business be the principles of 
 Jesus Christ. And I want to testify here that we believe there is no solution 
 of the race problem outside of the principles and teachings of Jesus Christ, 
 and I think that applies to industry as well. 
 
 He said the aim of our business was to be service. Jesus said He came 
 into the world to serve and not to be served. Now, service in our case is 
 divided into three classes: First, to the public; second, to the employees; 
 third, to the stockholders. You will notice that that is the reverse of the 
 usual order of business. Unfortunately for us, Mr. Eagan died a year ago 
 next Monday. In leaving us he willed the plant to us forever. He was the 
 only common stockholder, having called in all outstanding common stock, 
 and he willed the common stock to the employees of the plant to be held in 
 trust forever, so that now the employees and stockholders become one, and 
 we have two lines of service, to the public who buy our stuff and to ourselves 
 as employees and owners of the business. We are manufacturing cast iron 
 fittings for the supply of water and gas to the cities throughout the United 
 States, thus serving public service corporations and municipalities. 
 
 In carrying out this idea of service we have four groups interested: The 
 workmen, the managers, the owners, and the public. Here again the erouping 
 has been reduced by Mr. Eagan’s death in that the owners constitute the 
 workers and managers. Mr. Eagan started on a premise that three principles 
 were involved: These groups of people should share in the failure or success 
 of the business; they should share in a knowledge of the company’s business ; 
 they should share in the profits or losses. Those are three principles I think 
 we can take without argument. 
 
 Now to operate this thing in some definite form, he left it in control 
 of a series of boards. The, employees of the plant annually elect ten men 
 known as the Board of Operators. The heads of the four principal divisions 
 of the business are known as the Board of Management, composed of the 
 president, two vice-presidents and the treasurer. These two Boards, con- 
 stituted of fourteen men, are the legal trustees of the common stock, and 
 annually they meet as any other Board of Stoc sholders would meet in any 
 corporation, and elect the Board of Directors. This Board of Directors, as 
 any other Board in any corporation, elects officers too, and these officers are 
 burdened with the responsibility of running our plant just as any foundry or 
 manufacturing institution is run in your city. 
 
 There are three practical expressions of Christianity that we are trying 
 to apply in our business. You and I can understand that this idea of 
 Christianity in business is so big that if we tried to express it all it would 
 become hazy and indefinite. But three concrete results we set out as being 
 definite. Christianity in business would mean a reasonable living wage to 
 every workman; second, as far as possible, regular employment for each 
 employee, and, third, the actual application of the teachings of Jesus Christ 
 
130 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 in all our dealings one with another, whether it is by the men in a department, 
 between departments or between the management and the workman. 
 
 Some people say, What do you do with the money if you make any? You 
 will bear in mind that no money is paid outside of the organization to any- 
 body except 6% on the preferred stock, which represents the actual money 
 put into the plant. Therefore, the first demand on our earnings is 6% on 
 the preferred stock. That must be paid. It is cumulative. Second, reserves 
 must be set up to take care of our business in a bad year. That is regular in 
 all business. So we set up reasonable reserves to protect our business in case 
 of falling markets, unemployment, etc. 
 
 The third claim is old age pension. The greatest fear in the mind of the 
 working public today is: What is going to become of me when I get old? 
 If you ask the question you will find it in your plant. The primary question 
 in the workman’s mind is: What will become of me or my family when I 
 am old? We have a pension fund now approaching $40,000 set aside to take 
 care of workmen when too old to work. That is the third charge upon our 
 earnings. 
 
 Then, fourth, comes a living wage. These ten employees elected as a 
 Board, meet, investigate and allow what is a living minimum wage in 
 Birmingham. We pay that wage; then if there is any money left it becomes 
 extra compensation, and the extra compensation is paid to all employees 
 on an equal basis. The colored man pushing the wheelbarrow gets the same 
 extra amount per day as the man superintending the plant. 
 
 Many people today will say that is Bolshevistic; it is communistic. 
 Well, it isn’t. If you buy a share of U. S. Steel Co. stock and John D. 
 Rockefeller buys one, he gets the same dividend as you do. This year we 
 are paying every man as we did last year, a dollar a day for every day 
 he worked last year. If a man worked straight through three hundred 
 days he gets $300. That is extra compensation being paid to him. The 
 service to the public is to make a meritorious product. We must, also, 
 serve our employees. I am interested in the Service Department. What we 
 know as the Service Department takes in everything pertaining to goodwill, 
 the relations between the employees and the management. In 1924 we spent 
 $213,000 in maintaining the goodwill department. 
 
 You say: Where did all that money go? We maintained a medical 
 service that cost $36,000. We furnished a complete medical service to all 
 employees and all of their families free of charge. We have a mutual 
 benefit association that pays a man $8 a week for thirteen consecutive weeks 
 if he is off sick, or prevented by injury from working. That cost last 
 year some $20,000. At the same time the Y.M.C. A. which corresponds to 
 the church, looks after the spiritual side of our relations in the plant. 
 We run a restaurant serving 1,500 to 2,000 meals a day. We have a 
 cooperative store where goods are sold at cost to all employees. Last year 
 the business was $330,000. We maintain an active athletic course, a home 
 building department which builds a home for any employee who can produce 
 10% of the cost in cash. We recently completed an addition to our colored 
 school which stands as an investment of $30,000—one of the finest school 
 buildings in Birmingham. “We maintain educational classes constantly, day 
 and night, at the plant for the men who are at work and who cannot attend 
 the regular school. We run picture shows along with our educational 
 campaign. We publish a plant paper known as the Acipco News, which 
 comes out monthly. 
 
 Some other things took part of this $213,000. For instance, every work- 
 man gets a vacation of one week on full pay. We pay a service bonus of 
 $32 a year for every year of continuous service. Last year I had the pleasure 
 along with the rest of drawing my check of $32. Every employee who 
 works every day the plant runs gets a turkey for his Christmas dinner. I 
 have known a man who refused to be carried out of the plant on a stretcher 
 when he was sick, because he might lose that turkey. 
 

 
 INDUSTRY AND RACE RELATIONS 131 
 
 Last year 387 men worked every day the plant ran. We have 1,500 
 employees, about 1,100 colored, 400 white, that is including office, supervision 
 and everything. Of the day wage men, 387 worked every day the plant ran. 
 Out of that 1,500 about 1,250 are day wage workers. Out of the 1,250, 548 
 lost less than five days in the year. They are not transient in our plant. 
 
 I think labor turnover is a primary test of any plant. The average 
 labor turnover in the Birmingham district would probably be 25%. At 
 our plant in 1924 there was an average of 1.7%. In 1910, as far back as 
 my records go, the average daily earning of each employee in the plant was 
 $1.80. In 1924 the average earning was $5.11. The population of Birming- 
 ham is about 200,000—120,000 white, 80,000 colored. I think that Acipco 
 is the acme of that colored population, and I think you will conclude from 
 that labor turnover that we are not far from right. 
 
 Our medical service is complete in every detail. We maintain specialists 
 on salary for all departments. We now have a baby specialist, holding a baby 
 clinic twice a week. In 1920 the infant death rate in Birmingham was for 
 whites 86.9, colored 191.5; in 1924, white 68.8, colored 80.9, a reduction 
 of more than 60%. 
 
 George W. Thompson (Akron, Ohio): I would like to ask the 
 speaker if he has any figures on the death rate for his own par- 
 ticular plant as compared with Birmingham. 
 
 Mr. Barr: We have no figures; but it is less than 50% of the 
 Birmingham death rate. 
 
 Ernest T. Atwell (Philadelphia, Pa.): Are there any colored 
 officers in this organization? : 
 
 Mr. Barr: No. 
 
 Philo C. Dix (Louisville, Ky.) : How are the managers chosen? 
 
 Mr. Barr: It is rather hard to answer, except that the boards 
 are already elected as it was a going business, and only in so far 
 as officers have dropped out of it and the supervision has been changed, 
 due to economic conditions, has there been any such question raised. 
 The Board of Directors is elected annually and is automatically 
 constituted by the existing officers, who can be removed. No Negroes 
 are on the Board of Operatives. They have a Board of ten, elected 
 as the Board of Managers of the Y. M. C. A., which has charge of 
 the religious division of the plant, but every man has an equal vote 
 in choosing these men, so the Negroes have two or three votes to 
 the white man’s one. 
 
 Mr. Diz: Is it understood that they are to continue white? 
 
 Mr. Barr: It is understood that the Board of Operatives will be 
 white men. 
 
 Mr. Dix: Do the colored men have a vote? 
 
 Mr. Barr: The colored men have a vote as well as the white men, 
 but it is understood that they are to be white men. 
 
 Mr. Dix: What is your idea of the democratic spirit affecting 
 this that will remove the barrier? 
 
 Mr. Barr: I have no idea but that it will, but at present most 
 
132 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 of our employees can neither read nor write, and you will all agree 
 it will be unreasonable to place the management in a Board of 
 Directors who can neither read nor write. 
 
 Mr. Dix: That isn’t in the will? 
 
 Mr. Barr: No. 
 
 Mr. Dix: If a man drops out, does he take anything with him? 
 
 Mr. Barr: If a man drops out it is left to his successor in the 
 business, and that applies to the officers as well as to the workmen. 
 
 HE. C. Wareing (Cincinnati, Ohio): I would like to raise the 
 question how human nature stands up under this bountiful provision 
 that is made to relieve it to such an extent that things become 
 easier. What kind of reaction does human nature give to it? I 
 raise this question because it is being raised now by such men as 
 L. P. Jacks in his: Challenge of Life and Cultural Responsibility, 
 in which he is condemning the careful provision that human nature 
 shall not find it too easy, for, in doing so, it does not get along very 
 well. 
 
 Miss Van Kleeck: I am tempted to answer by saying that human 
 nature here stays on the job so long that it misses only five days a 
 year. 
 
 Mr. Barr: I am very much afraid to say anything that might 
 appear to be boasting. There has been too much said about Chris- 
 tianity in industry. I would rather say, if you want to know the 
 effects upon human nature, come down and see us. 
 
 Mr. Wareing: Why don’t you teach those men to read and 
 write? 
 
 Mr. Barr: We are carrying on schools day and night and have 
 a thirty-thousand dollar schoolhouse. 
 
 Mr. Wareing: May I ask this question concerning my own 
 thought: Is it true that at any place where the plan may be 
 defeated by the weakness of human nature, that they could anticipate 
 that and build up against it reinforcements so that the plant would 
 not be betrayed by the weakness of human nature; is that correct? 
 
 Mr. Barr: J can’t clearly understand what you mean. 
 
 Mr. Warevng: I mean this: That every time any group of men 
 make a provision such as you have done, to make it easier for us 
 in our work-a-day world, there is an element in human nature that 
 will take advantage of it and not rise to give the best service to 
 the opportunity. Now, in putting that down upon a group of men, 
 you always have to take into account that element in human nature. 
 You have done that? 
 
 Mr. Barr: Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Wareing: Then, do I infer that, in doing this, you have 
 

 
 INDUSTRY AND RACE RELATIONS 133 
 
 sought to reinforce at the place where the weakness of human nature 
 would defeat the plan? 
 
 Mr. Barr: A great many people accuse us of doing things for 
 them. But do not misunderstand me. I am doing it with them, 
 and I am a higher officer elected by these employees to do this work 
 for them. 
 
 Mr. Wareing: That is what I have in mind in raising this 
 question. 
 
 Mr. Barr: Our plant operated for twelve years before it was 
 turned over to us, and a great many of these things had been ironed 
 out before it became our project. But Mr. Eagan said that if we 
 failed it may be that in the failure we can advance the Kingdom 
 of Jesus Christ, and He had to die and go into the grave to advance 
 His own Kingdom. 
 
 Chandler Owen (New York City): I was just about to ask you 
 the question, can you tell me whether or not a number of these 
 men who have been there a number of years are being promoted 
 regularly and now are doing skilled labor and getting a first class 
 price for their labor? 
 
 Mr. Barr: I couldn’t give it as a matter of percentage but 
 a large number of our colored employees have reached a scale of $7, 
 $8 and $9 a day, which are fairly good wages. 
 
 Mr. Owen: There is no segregation in the advancement ? 
 
 Mr. Barr: No, sir, the white and colored mechanics of a like trade 
 are not working in the same foundry; they are separated. 
 
 Mr. Owen: You practice entire segregation in your plant? 
 
 Mr. Barr: No, but in the classified trades they are separated. In 
 our main manufacturing plant they work side by side on like jobs. 
 So far as our plant is concerned, the race problem has never entered 
 into it. 
 
 Miss Belcher: I want to ask if a colored man can become a stock- 
 holder in that company—TI mean, is stock sold at the present time? 
 
 Mr. Barr: Preferred stock is sold. 
 
 Miss Belcher: He could own preferred stock? 
 
 Mr. Barr: Oh, yes, and a very large number of them do. But 
 that has no voting power and has nothing to do with the manage- 
 ment of the company. The common stock is held jointly by every 
 employee, and the minute a man is hired he becomes a stockholder 
 in the same sense I am. 
 
 Miss Belcher: Is there any job in your plant that a well-trained, 
 well-educated Negro could hold? You said the majority could not 
 read or write. Is there any job there a well-educated man could 
 hold? 
 
134 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 Mr. Barr: Well, yes, the classification is largely controlled by 
 the economic and developed condition of the South. 
 
 Miss Belcher: Can employees be dismissed ? 
 
 Mr. Barr: Certainly, any foreman can discharge any employee 
 for insubordination or misdemeanor or anything of that kind. But 
 he has the right of appeal to the Board of Operatives, and if 
 they reverse his discharge it is brought to the management for final 
 settlement. Hvery man has the right of appeal, but you cannot take 
 the control of labor out of the hands of management and expect to 
 get anywhere. 
 
 Chairman: The time has about expired. We want to allow 
 Miss Van Kleeck three minutes to close the discussion. 
 
 Miss Van Kleeck: It has not been the aim of the Committee to 
 have this a session in which questions would be answered or this 
 problem solved. What we are trying to do is to get before you 
 something of the complexity of the problem, to show you what one 
 plant has been able to do; to consider what the labor movement 
 is trying to achieve despite all the difficulties of adjustment; and 
 to go away from this gathering with many questions in our minds, 
 convinced that we have here a problem which we cannot solve in a 
 session of a conference, but which demands thorough study in our 
 various communities. As a means of studying these problems the 
 great need of the interracial movement is demonstrated. By further- 
 ing the organization of the interracial movement nationally and in 
 states and in localities we shall put the white and the colored races 
 in a position to study together the problem of industry, and to 
 study it as a whole, with race relations as a part of that whole. 
 Hence, what the Committee wishes to suggest is study, understand- 
 ing, and particularly open-minded attention to the development of 
 new experiments and new ideas. We are very grateful for the part 
 you have all taken in this conference. 
 
 Chairman: ,Just before I surrender the chair I want to make 
 you a three-minute speech. I am going home today at three o’clock, 
 and I am going home with these impressions. To me this has been 
 a most remarkable gathering, remarkable in its purposes, remark- 
 able in its perspective. Who could have anticipated a meeting of 
 this kind twenty years ago? When we consider that we have had 
 here a large number of young men and young women from the 
 white schools of this country, north and south, and older men and 
 older women of the two races, to come here and study the ques- 
 tions in which we are all interested, it indicates to me that, after 
 all, God is moving in this world for the betterment and for the uplift 
 of all the people. 
 
| 
 | 
 | 
 | 
 
 
 
 INDUSTRY AND RACE RELATIONS 135 
 
 Personally, there are other questions which I wish you would 
 study, but I know the time has not come for the study of all the 
 questions in which the Negro personally is interested. This ques- 
 tion of race prejudice is one of the most complex and one of the 
 most difficult problems with which we have to deal. It is a question 
 which time alone can solve. We all know that great movements move 
 slowly, and time, which enters as a factor in the solution of all 
 other problems, does enter the solution of those problems which God 
 has to solve. God waited forty years to lead His people out of 
 Egypt into the Land of Canaan. The race waited two hundred and 
 fifty years before the Negro could be emancipated. 
 
 The observation which I make here is this, and it is not a new 
 observation: It is going to take years, many years, to solve the prob- 
 lems which we are now studying. They will not be solved in my 
 day, and, may I further add, they will not be solved in your day. 
 You will never live to see the Negro given all the rights and privi- 
 leges of this country which a white man enjoys. Personally, I 
 never wished that I was a white man. I am well contented with 
 my color. I can wash my hands when they are dirty; I can buy 
 a new suit of clothes when I need one; I can wash my face when it 
 is unclean; but I can’t change my color, and for that very reason 
 we ought to have a movement of larger sympathy for the white man. 
 I sympathize with him. I am sorry for him. I was once a slave. 
 It is a mighty hard matter for him to look upon me as his equal. 
 Religion does not solve all problems. I have discovered that and 
 so have you. You remember that Peter—weak, vacillating, impul- 
 sive—was the very same Peter after his conversion. He went from 
 Jerusalem down to Antioch and was ashamed to let the Jews from 
 Jerusalem see him mixing up with the Gentiles down at Antioch. 
 
 Race prejudice is one of the worst perils we have to contend 
 with, and, may I add in conclusion, there can be no peace for this 
 country until prejudice is abolished. I am willing to work and to 
 wait and see to the process of the education of these young men and 
 these young women who are appearing in the white race to be our 
 friends until those of our race who are coming on can enter into a 
 larger day and into a larger field, which is now our purpose. 
 
 (Moved and unanimously adopted that Bishop Phillips and Miss 
 Van Kleeck and her Committee be extended a vote of thanks for 
 the efficient way in which they have carried out the program this 
 morning.) 
 
136 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 SUMMARY OF THE DISCUSSION ON 
 VII. INDUSTRY AND RACE RELATIONS * 
 
 Question for discussion was, How can progress be made in improving the 
 economic status of Negroes? It was agreed that certain ideas were accepted 
 and needed no discussion, such as (1) Economic status is basic factor in 
 problems of social and living conditions; (2) Every human being should have 
 opportunity to do work requiring his best capacity; (3) Colored workers 
 cannot progress in industry without regard to the progress of labor generally. 
 
 Reports from various communities showed differences in different places. 
 Migration of skilled Negroes from South has opened up new industrial 
 opportunities. In some industries and some cities colored workers receive 
 less pay than white for the same work; elsewhere their pay is equal. War 
 conditions gave the Negroes their first opportunity in industry. Now 
 restriction of immigration continues the tendency and as percentage of 
 foreign-born decreases, proportions of Negroes increase. Two obstacles must 
 be overcome: Inertia of white employer and indifference or prejudice of white 
 employes. Evidence of success and efficiency elsewhere is the best means of 
 persuading employers to take on Negroes. Some criticisms of colored workers 
 as transient, undependable workers was traced to wholesale methods of recruit- 
 ing in the South by agents of northern mills and to lack of home ties in the 
 North. Colored workers employed in personnel departments of plants can 
 facilitate adjustments of members of their race. 
 
 Instances were given of refusal of labor unions to admit Negroes to 
 membership or of discrimination against them in employment. In trade 
 unions to which they have been admitted they have been loyal members. It 
 was declared that the American Federation of Labor was eager to organize 
 colored workers. The prejudice of trade unionists was explained as due to 
 the fact that Negroes have been willing to accept less wages than the white 
 man. Some employers have let it be known that they would give oppor- 
 tunities to Negroes provided they refrained from joining unions, and leaders 
 of the colored race, in their desire to open up industrial opportunities, have 
 been willing to discourage colored workers from joining. 
 
 Hope for the future lies in development of scientific personnel work which 
 tends to eliminate prejudice; and in some form of democracy in industry 
 which ‘gives the workers a share in determining conditions of work. It was 
 recommended that study groups be formed to secure information about indus- 
 trial relations in their bearing upon local conditions and that interracial 
 committees include representatives of trade unions and of management, par- 
 ticularly personnel workers who are best informed about problems of 
 employment. 
 
 * Prepared by Miss Mary Van Kleeck, Director, Dept. of Industrial Studies, 
 Russell Sage Foundation, New York. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 CuaptTer VIII 
 THE COURTS AND RACE RELATIONS * 
 
 Chairman: We are a little late, yet by the kind of team work 
 we have done so splendidly during the session past, we can, I think, 
 overtake the time we have lost. The topic is the Courts and Race Re- 
 lations. Dr. Cox, chairman of the Discussion Committee, is to open 
 the subject. 
 
 Dr. Gilbert S. Cox (Columbus, Ohio): All of you will recognize 
 this topic for discussion as falling in a little different category and 
 fraught with more dangers than was inherent in some of the topics 
 that have been under discussion here. It would be very interest- 
 ing if we had time to accumulate more of the facts upon which we 
 might base our discussion, but I feel that we had better take for 
 granted that there are a good many difficulties, some discrimina- 
 tions and other things which might be recited here with great in- 
 terest to all of us in the various processes of law. 
 
 May I suggest two or three things: For instance, what is being 
 done in your communities about furnishing legal aid to those who 
 ought to have it? What is being done in your communities about 
 our juvenile courts and probation officers and the various assign- 
 ments of youth? What is being done in your communities about 
 the migratory groups? ‘These three questions I think will cover 
 the more pertinent practical points that we have time for, as you 
 realize. 
 
 Being a Methodist it is\ perfectly natural for me to start the 
 meeting by a word myself. In Columbus we called the chief of police 
 into council not long ago and inquired of him the main sources 
 of crime. After a discussion, it was discovered that the largest 
 amount of crime and the most trouble that come to the court, come 
 from the strangers in our midst or the migratory groups of people 
 who are just passing through. After we discovered that fact we 
 addressed ourselves to what we could do about it. After a good 
 many conferences with the chief and mayor and other officers of the 
 city, we had appointed a colored officer, one of the most splendid, 
 and best educated and representative officers on our police force, a 
 
 *Friday 2:00 p.m. March 27; President Gilbert H. Jones, Wilberforce Uni- 
 versity, presiding. 
 137 
 
138 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 man who is to be assigned to our own Interracial Committee, and 
 work under our direction and suggestion with this particular group 
 from which the greatest amount of crime comes. He will work 
 not as a detective or police officer, but as a friend and a brother and 
 an instructor to those who come among us who are not yet accustomed 
 to our ways. We look with great hope on that movement and feel 
 that our chief of police has gone all the way, at least as far as 
 this particular item is concerned, in furnishing us with this par- 
 ticular officer. It is just such things as that, it seems to me, we 
 need to know about. For that reason a composite picture of the 
 method being pursued will be very valuable. 
 
 Chawrman: The floor is open to anyone who wishes to discuss 
 the matter. I believe they agreed to limit the speakers to three 
 minutes. 
 
 NEGROES FORM LARGE PROPORTION OF PRISON INMATES 
 
 Mr. Plaskett: I am one of the officers of the Executive Com- 
 mittee of the Christian Aid Society, composed of white people and 
 one Negro, and I asked, before coming here, for a statement from 
 the warden, that 1 might present accurate information as to one 
 particular penitentiary. Although I did not get the information 
 in time, I have here a statement from a practicing attorney in New 
 Jersey, the facts of which I will just give to the Conference. The 
 New Jersey State Prison has about 1,000 inmates, 400 of which are 
 Negroes; the Jamesburg State Reform School, about 600 inmates, 
 60 of whom are colored; Reformatory at Rahway, 500 inmates, 75 
 colored; Caldwell, Essex County Penitentiary, 300 inmates, 125 
 colored; Clinton Reform School for Women, 300 inmates, 100 col- 
 ored; State Home for Girls, Trenton, inmates 200, colored 60. 
 
 These figures have been gathered hastily, and the authority for 
 them is Rev. Van Pelt, our colored state chaplain, taken not from 
 any data that he has at hand but taken from what he can tell off- 
 hand. These figures might be considered approximate. Neverthe- 
 less, the increase in inmates for the past few years has been every 
 bit of 50 per cent. One of the outstanding features of the whole situa- 
 tion is the apparent ignorance of the migrants from the South of the 
 laws of the land, and especially so with reference to the carrying 
 and invariable use of knives, pistols, and dangerous weapons of 
 various kind. You will note that the smallest percentage of in- 
 mates in any of the institutions above named is at Jamesburg: 
 Reform School for Boys where the youth of our state are incarcerated 
 and there we find out of 600 inmates there are only sixty colored. 
 
 a ON es —= 
 

 
 THE COURTS AND RACE RELATIONS 139 
 
 It is my opinion that the crime is due to the migrants and their 
 ignorance to a great extent. For these sixty colored boys, this 10 
 per cent at the Reform School at Jamesburg, they might be said to 
 be boys born in Jersey and raised there. 
 
 The Negroes’ status in the courts of New Jersey is very good. 
 I might explain from a legal standpoint that in my opinion there 
 is no prejudice shown because of his ignorance. A notable instance 
 thereof is that immediately upon the arrest of a white person they 
 are asked to make a statement. They readily, from the standpoint 
 of their intelligence, refuse until they have consulted counsel, the 
 right which belongs to every citizen. The Negro immediately upon 
 his arrest becomes friendly with the officer making the arrest, 
 in the greater number of instances, jovial, and as a result thereof 
 immediately opens his heart, mind and soul, and pours out a full 
 statement which is readily reduced to writing, and thus becomes a 
 piece of evidence against him. My experience of five years has 
 taught me that 90 per cent of the arrests made by officers of the 
 law of Negroes are invariably those of colored persons who are 
 guilty—that is to say, I do not feel that arrests are made in New 
 Jersey, that is, that part of New Jersey which I have worked, merely 
 because a man is colored. And I might add also we have a very 
 good probation system and we have the various church organiza- 
 tions, and women workers in connection with the probation officers. 
 
 Mr. Greene: I think some of the statements made by the preced- 
 ing speaker are a picture of the situation we have in our city. I 
 had occasion to go to the Morals Court in Pittsburgh, and out of 
 nineteen people twelve of them were colored. I went from there 
 to the grand jury room, and out of fifty cases thirty-five of them were 
 colored. ‘That led me to believe that the number of my folk in 
 proportion to the population is tremendously top heavy so far as 
 criminals in Pittsburg are concerned. 
 
 Now, as to arrests made there is practically no difference in the 
 arrests, but we do find a difference when sending these folk to jail 
 or prison. Colored folk, due to some reason, because they are not 
 familiar with the laws and various other things, usually commit 
 themselves or incriminate themselves before they have a chance for 
 trial. I was on the jury about the last two weeks in January, and 
 two-thirds of the cases in which our folks were involved were cases 
 that had been persuaded to plead guilty and, of course, they were 
 the cases that were decided by the judge who sentenced them. Now, 
 we feel that education is the thing that is going to help in that 
 difficulty. We have particularly in the Morals Court a woman who 
 has done some very remarkable work in instructing those people 
 
140 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 about what to do. Then she helps the judge, too, in the Morals 
 Court, interpreting some of the conditions my folk are up against. 
 Something about the boys’ Y. M. C. A. work, those who have been 
 doing that work, have been very successful in finding big brothers, 
 and in a way the situation is improving. It can only be done 
 through education. 
 
 THE RELATION OF NEGROES TO THE COURTS 
 
 Mrs. Lawson: I wonder if Chicago might tell something of the 
 problems we are having in our court situation there, through our 
 representative who is here from the Chicago Defender, and who has 
 been a court worker twelve or fifteen years; I suggest Mrs. Speedy, 
 of the Chicago Defender, who might tell us something about our 
 courts. 
 
 Mrs. Nettve Speedy (Chicago, Ill.) : I can speak for Chicago alone, 
 as I have had fourteen years’ experience in Chicago courts. I am 
 very proud to say in every court in Chicago we have colored rep- 
 resentatives. In the municipal court we have a judge, and in the 
 United States courts we have a United States attorney; we have 
 five assistant prosecutors and six assistants to the Corporation Coun- 
 sel. We have four colored coroners, one member in the state sen- 
 ate and five in the house and a deputy sheriff. We have workers 
 in the municipal and juvenile courts. We have one woman who has 
 been in the juvenile court seven years, and every court officer has to 
 report to her as the head clerk. We have attorneys of our race and 
 representatives on the police force. 
 
 Mr. Atwell: J have had some experience with the criminal after 
 he has been through the courts, as a member of the board of 
 trustees of the Eastern State Penitentiary. Probably the only 
 colored member of the trustees on the parole board that I know of 
 in America. My experience has been that there are several ques- 
 tions involved in the matter of treatment in the courts. One is the 
 economic question, the question of having enough money to defend 
 one’s self. In most legal aid societies in the various cities (and I think 
 that is a work for which the interracial committees locally can be of 
 great assistance) there has not been developed enough interest for the 
 protection of the Negro. That is probably true of a great many 
 of our organizations where we think in terms of white people. So 
 I would suggest a practical way to make a contribution in this 
 direction, would be to organize some sort of a committee in connec- 
 tion with your interracial committee that will seek to discover how 
 
THE COURTS AND RACE RELATIONS 141 
 
 we can assist and help not only the criminal as he reaches the court, 
 but in his rehabilitation. 
 
 Woodford S. Smith (Springfield, Ohio): We have one bailiff 
 in the courts of Springfield, and as far as justice is concerned we 
 have no complaints; one group is treated the same as another. 
 
 Rev. W. C. Orton (Louisville, Ky.): We have had most of the 
 reports from the North. We have the pendulum swinging too far 
 one way or the other. The courts are either too severe or too lenient 
 with our colored folk. By investigation in one police court I find 
 that last year one-third of the Negroes who were arrested gave a 
 bond and never came back. Of seventy-five who were arrested at a 
 little entertainment one night where they were having a little jollifica- 
 tion all of them put up five dollars each and the money was re- 
 tained. They simply forfeit the bond and go out and do something 
 else. 
 
 ATTENTION OF INFLUENTIAL PEOPLE NEEDED IN COURTS 
 
 Mr. Frazer: It seems to me every one in this room is aware 
 that the Negro does not get anything resembling justice in the South. 
 I take it we are met here to see how we can bring about justice for 
 the Negro. The main question here is this, how can we get white 
 people and colored people to work together to see that the Negro 
 gets justice? If I was arrested in the South I would put up some 
 money and not go back and that would not be a racial characteristic 
 but the easiest way out of the situation. 
 
 As a concrete suggestion, I wonder if it would be possible for 
 these interracial committees in the South as they develop to find, for 
 instance, some strong legal mind who could be called upon in the 
 situation. Suppose I should get arrested in Atlanta—and really 
 I am serious about all this—I would like to be able to call upon 
 somebody whose opinion in the court would influence them, because 
 a white friend of mine told me to keep as far from the courts as 
 possible. What are we doing to develop sentiment in these com- 
 - munities in behalf of democratic, legal justice. 
 
 Dr. C. V. Roman (Nashville, Tenn.): A case came to my mind 
 in answer to what Mr. Frazier said. One of the simplest ways to 
 help justice is for those who are not accused—those who are con- 
 sidered the prosperous and favored ones—to take interest in the 
 court. We had a club in Nashville—a club of college men—and had 
 the city judge address that club and he made an impressive address 
 and invited us to come down and see how justice was done in his 
 court. 
 
 One day, two years after that, an ordinary well dressed, well 
 
142 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 behaved but ignorant girl went to get on a street car and passed 
 to a seat in front of a white man and got in trouble and they 
 arrested her for passing in front contrary to our Jim Crow street- 
 car law. She called her brother to let him know what it was and 
 they arrested him. There happened to be somebody in there that 
 knew her that put up the bond. The trial was set for the next 
 day and I heard of it quite accidentally. I did not want to be 
 noted, but I went to the court, the first time I had ever been 
 in a police court. But the Judge evidently was sizing me up; he 
 came and said “Doctor, how are you?’ I said, “I was a long 
 time accepting your invitation, Judge, but I thought I would come 
 down and see how you administer justice.” I said not a word about 
 the girl! There was a hurried conference and this case was called 
 and nobody was there to prosecute. The policeman was there, I 
 found out afterwards, and the man was standing outside, but no one 
 prosecuted. In three minutes the case was dismissed and the for- 
 feit returned, just by my presence there, without saying a word. I 
 did not know the accused party by name. That’s the answer, Mr. 
 Frazier. If you can get the well-to-do to take an interest; the 
 best people in the world will work better when they know they 
 are being checked up. | 
 
 Bishop C. H. Phillips (Cleveland, Ohio): Just a word. It has 
 been my observation that there is nothing the colored man wants 
 more today than justice. It has been my observation in our courts 
 in the South. I lived in the South a number of years; although I 
 live in Cleveland now, I am a southern man and will die true to 
 that section, and I did not leave it on account of bad treatment. 
 But here is the trouble, Mr. Chairman. A colored man can get 
 justice in the South if his interests do not conflict with the interest 
 of the white man. Now, when the white man’s interests are 
 really against his, the outlook for the Negro is very doubtful. 
 The fact of it is, two-thirds of our race problem is involved in 
 that little word, justice. When the Negro gets justice, there’s 
 nothing else for him to get; everything else will dissolve. How to 
 remedy the conditions that exist; that is one of the problems which 
 confronts this body and it is a problem which confronts this country. 
 All the Negro wants is simple, elementary justice. 
 
 Miss Howell: I want to suggest something that is probably out 
 of order at this time. It is a slightly different angle of the 
 racial justice question. We had one of the most flagrant cases of 
 injustice in St. Louis, where a wealthy Tennessee white man shot 
 and killed a Negro porter on a Pullman car in a dispute with the 
 Pullman conductor. He did not deny the killing; the man did not 
 
 
 
THE COURTS AND RACE RELATIONS 143 
 
 deny he was drunk. He did not have his ticket and the dispute 
 was about that. The whole trial was simply a play in racial preju- 
 dice, but the twelve jurymen went out and acquitted him, although 
 there was no denial that he was guilty. He was found to be jus- 
 tified because the porter—one of the men with whom he was having 
 the dispute—was said to be a “fresh nigger.” The newspapers 
 took that up and treated it fairly as a clear injustice. There was 
 not really a good prosecution. As I see it, the existence of that 
 race prejudice in a community makes such a thing possible and our 
 interracial committee cannot do anything about this case. 
 
 Dr. Cox: Nobody will be shut off in a discussion after the 
 address, so we will have the address now and continue the discus- 
 sion afterward. We shall have the pleasure of listening to Judge 
 John F. Hager of Ashland, Ky., on Courts and Race Relations. 
 
 Judge Hager then spoke in part as follows: 
 
 I have no call on your program to discuss the minor and infinitely varied 
 details of this important question, and pass them by after expressing the 
 belief and hope that results of sobriety of action, tolerance of spirit and 
 charity of opinion will have their perfect work in solving a problem which, 
 to say the least, may be regarded as highly complex in nature. 
 
 Questions affected by racial antipathies are serious and complicated. 
 I may be charged with undue optimism, yet when I see so many good 
 people of the Southland honestly, without prejudice and animated by a 
 sincere desire that these problems may be solved with full justice to our 
 brother in black, like Paul of olden time, I thank God and take courage. 
 
 It is coming to be widely realized that a Constitution-loving people must 
 give, not merely concede, the abstract rights of the Negro, but his actual 
 constitutional rights as well. Good people are widely challenging trans- 
 gressions of a recent amendment to our Constitution as subversive of law 
 and order. I challenge every transgression of constitutional right, and say 
 that a denial thereof cannot be suffered without ultimate and grievous hurt 
 to the Constitution itself, and a grave injury to the citizen, be he white or 
 black. Constitutional rights and privileges of every citizen being sacred, 
 must be sacredly upheld. Upon mo other postulate can the continued exist- 
 ence of a free republic be predicated... . 
 
 It is not relevant in the scope of my address to discuss whether or not 
 the amendments should have been adopted, as, whether wisely or not, by the 
 14th and 15th Amendments, the Negro has, equally with every white citizen, 
 every right and privilege secured to any other. As honest and Constitution- 
 loving people we must acknowledge these rights to be as sacred, and to be as 
 sacredly guarded, as similar rights of the whites. 
 
 Basing my statement upon the eternal foundation of history, precedent 
 and universal experience, questions involved in giving them full effect 
 cannot be settled until settled rightfully. The sense of eternal justice in 
 the human heart decreed that slavery was wrong. It was right according 
 to the letter of the law. It was supported by the most brilliantly equipped 
 statesmen of the world. It had the approving sanction of the pulpits and 
 the highest courts. Its sanctity was settled at the birth of the states, and. 
 by a later compromise was sealed by House and Senate. By friend and foe 
 it was settled; by every means known to human relationship it was settled; 
 but under the eternal and unchangeable principles of human right it was 
 not settled. This brief allusion illustrates the question, and I accentuate 
 
144 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 in saying that no question is finally settled until sealed in the forum of 
 eternal justice, for— 
 
 “Since God is God, and right is right, 
 Right in the end shall win; 
 
 To doubt would be disloyalty, 
 
 To falter would be sin.” 
 
 The time calls for plainness of speech, and that men stand before the 
 world and not swerve in duty from the open light of discussion. . . . Let 
 every man, black or white, know that if he complies with the law, whose 
 equal and fair provisions compel him to be a better citizen of his country, 
 he may attain to this status. Let good people everywhere resolve to over- 
 come the difficulties along the way, and endeavor to accomplish an imme- 
 diate and radical cure of this source of public ills. 
 
 Every argument of memory and experience teaches that the difficulties 
 ahead are immensely helped in the direction of a more helpful, tolerant and 
 broader liberty for the Negro. There has been no backward movement; 
 it has been forward all the time. In courthouse, legislative halls, marts of 
 business, in mining and industrial plants, I have noted, as every one must 
 note, the unconscious change of sentiment in the direction of liberality toward 
 the Negro throughout the South. I remember when the Negro’s oath was 
 not taken. Today an intelligent Negro on the witness stand is accepted 
 without question. If he has been an honest, man, no difference is discovered 
 between him and a white man of equal character, unless it be a strong 
 desire everywhere manifested to emphasize, on the part of the whites, a 
 demonstration of special approval in the case of the colored man of 
 character. 
 
 In business life his every step has encountered a protest, but the Negro 
 has made his place in the march of affairs, and it is a cause of great felicita- 
 tion that his feet are on the ascending steps of good citizenship. According 
 to my observation, he is improving in character, in education, in morals, in 
 material prosperity and in self-respect. Churches in which there 1s con- 
 stantly increasing membership; homes where under their own vine and 
 fig trees plenty and sweet content are to be found in increasing numbers, 
 with thousands of intelligent students crowding the halls of learning where 
 they find welcome, and on leaving, are filling every situation open to them 
 with credit and character. These are among the harbingers foretelling the 
 fruition of the hopes we now indulge concerning the future relations of 
 whites and Negroes. It is creditable to the Negro to contrast his present 
 condition with the emancipated white serf of Russia, and find that in every 
 element of an enlightened citizenship the Negro has surpassed him. 
 
 Freedom and equality of justice are the basic conceptions of American 
 law. Particular emphasis is accorded these fundamental principles in the 
 14th and other amendments. Equality before the law is the most important 
 of all rights, because upon this principle the rights of life, liberty and the 
 pursuit of happiness wholly depend. It is the cornerstone of our govern- 
 ment—of laws and not of men... . 
 
 It is not enough, however, that the laws have provided for political and 
 economic equality. However fair in and of itself, law is impotent to safe- 
 guard the rights of the citizen unless the administration of justice is in high 
 sense impartial. Unless and until it is possible for the humblest to invoke 
 the protection of the law for invasion of his free and equal rights, they 
 vanish into nothingness. To take from the Negro a part of the burden which 
 necessarily falls on him because either of poverty or race, and to see that 
 he obtains in every proper case his legal rights, is coming to be realized 
 as a part of the duty of every worthy man or woman. The existence of free 
 government depends on making justice so impartial and effective that all 
 men may have reason to believe in and rely upon the fairness and impartiality 
 of its administration. I have faith in believing that denial of justice to the 
 Negro, where it exists, and removal of the growing belief that justice is 
 

 
 THE COURTS AND RACE RELATIONS 145 
 
 denied them, can be prevented, and that it can be made clear to them and 
 to every person, no matter how humble, that justice is accessible and attain- 
 able. May God speed the day when this prospect, dreamed of by the philoso- 
 pher, the aim of the law-giver, the endeavor of the judge, and the ultimate 
 test of every government and every civilization is the passionate desire of the 
 human soul in its demand for equal and exact justice—a demand which has 
 existed since man has wronged his fellowman: May this desire culminate 
 in an era wherein the denial of justice on account of poverty or race shall 
 forever be made impossible in free America... . 
 
 I do not despair that the people of the South, in even larger degree than 
 those of the North, but together, will work out to its finality all these 
 vexing problems, in love and in justice, to the ultimate glory of our civiliza- 
 tion. That will leave to our children’s children the priceless illustration of a 
 people forgetting the sorrows and hatreds of other days, doing equal justice 
 to every man of every color and condition, and in that measure answering 
 Edmund Burke’s superlative tribute to its meaning: 
 
 “There is one thing, and one thing only, which defies all mutation—that which 
 existed before the world, and will survive the fabric of the world itself. I mean 
 justice—that justice which, emanating from the Divinity, has a place in the 
 breast of every one of us, given us for our guide with regard to ourselves and 
 with regard to others, and which will stand after this globe is burned to ashes, 
 our advocate or our accuser before the great Judge, when He comes to call upon 
 us for the tenor of a well-spent life.” 
 
 REPORT OF DISCUSSION COMMITTEE 
 
 Chairman: The Discussion Committee on Courts will now report. 
 
 Dr. Cox: We are handicapped by not having met before the 
 Conference and the time since the discussion has been brief. All 
 we have tried to do is to gather up some recommendations, the re- 
 sult of our conferences here. We only put down three or four things 
 in the way of recommendation : 
 
 1. We look with great concern upon any injustice based upon race dis- 
 criminations which occurs in our courts at the arrest or during the trial or 
 imprisonment of the Negro, and ‘we call upon the Interracial Commission 
 to study the cause of crime and to form plans for the close codperation with 
 our juvenile courts, especially in the matter of paroles and the furnishing 
 of means for legal advice wherever it is possible. 
 
 2. We commend, also, an educational program to be carried on by the 
 various churches and so¢ial agencies among the migrants, for the prevention 
 of misunderstandings, and the infraction of the law. 
 
 3. Where Negroes do not have the right of franchise, we commend to 
 the interracial committees the creation of public opinion for that right, and 
 in encouraging the placing of Negroes upon juries where any large number 
 of their race is found. 
 
 4. We urge the appointment of Negro police and probation officers, also, 
 where there is any large number of the race. 
 
 Rev. Chas. W. Burton of Chicago is responsible for one of these 
 planks in this platform, and I will give him an opportunity to state 
 what he has in mind. 
 
146 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 RELATION OF NEGRO TO THE BALLOT AND THE COURTS 
 
 Dr. Burton: The recommendation I am responsible for is the 
 one which relates to giving the Negro the ballot. You heard Mrs. 
 Speedy enumerate the various court positions that Negroes hold 
 in Chicago. There is a very definite reason for this and that reason 
 is that the Negroes are so placed that they can say whether or not 
 a certain judge will be reélected or not or elected for the first time. 
 It seems to me that is the fundamental thing of this question of 
 injustice in our courts, whether they be in the South or North. The 
 Negro should be given, ultimately, the right of franchise as a fac- 
 tor and weapon that he can successfully use for his own protec- 
 tion. So I feel the least this Conference can do—this National 
 Interracial Conference—would be to go on record as approving and 
 requesting the local interracial committees everywhere, to create a 
 public sentiment in favor of giving the Negro his constitutional right 
 wherever it is denied him. I believe the fair-minded men and women, 
 whether they be Christians or Jews, will support such a resolution. 
 
 Dr. Coz: Mr. Dabney, who filled a place on this Committee, 
 will also speak about another portion of this report. 
 
 W. P. Dabney (Cincinnati, Ohio): I am _ responsible, pri- 
 marily, for the brief proposal in regard to the police. A political 
 experience of twenty-five years had taught me the major portions 
 of the arrests occur simply through the police, and they are largely 
 influenced, in a great majority of instances, by the prejudice they 
 feel. I have seen hundreds and hundreds of cases where the police 
 would make arrests arbitrarily of colored people, letting white peo- 
 ple guilty of the same offense go on unless forced to arrest them. 
 Every one who has had public experience knows that is true. It 
 is one of the causes of the great number of colored people arrested. 
 The remedy I suggest is that the interracial committees make it a 
 business to try and educate the sense of right and justice on the 
 police force and that will benefit us immensely. 
 
 Dr, Cox: One remark should be made on that. We want to un- 
 cover any facts. Many have remarked about the larger proportion 
 of the colored people in prisons. Here is a fact that was brought 
 out by a little investigation I made the other day at the Ohio State 
 Penitentiary, and a point that helps a little. I said, “How do 
 you account for this?’ ‘The warden said, “Here is one way we 
 account for so many being here. In the first place, the colored 
 man so often receives a much longer sentence for the same crime 
 than the white man, so it seems, therefore, there are more here. 
 But,” he said, “they simply stay longer.” 
 
THE COURTS AND RACE RELATIONS 147 
 
 And then there is the second item about their staying longer which 
 also ought to be brought to mind. That is, whereas for white 
 prisoners there are always organizations or individuals or officials 
 working for their release, and many of them are released, the other 
 crowd of prisoners are left to serve their full time, so statistics like 
 that are rather dangerous; when you go into a prison and count 
 them up that does not always mean what it says. Somebody said 
 there are several kinds of liars, statistical liars being among them. 
 
 Attorney Alexander H. Martin (Cleveland, Ohio): May I say 
 a word? What I want to suggest is, those who have discussed this 
 most important subject seem to think that the only justice we ought 
 to concern ourselves about is that which relates to criminal things. 
 When we listen to remarks such as made by Bishop Phillips that 
 in the southland the colored man is practically denied justice, it 
 seems we have not handled this proposition at all; and even this 
 Conference is inclined to accept the situation, to take it for granted, 
 and not really rise to the occasion to put on an inquiry to see if it 
 can be remedied. 
 
 As a matter of fact, Congress started the movement after the 
 Civil War to rehabilitate the colored man, so that for him this nation 
 could be said to have for its purpose the establishment of justice. 
 We have not it in sight even, with ten millions of blacks who are 
 citizens. It seems to me we have not attained that standard of ex- 
 cellence in considering this subject. Why not? I would rather see, 
 Mr. Chairman, this matter be referred for further consideration, 
 when we can bring forth a report or set of suggestions that will 
 get down under the proposition to the root of the matter. 
 
 Now, as a matter of fact, where does the Negro stand if he can- 
 not claim the protection of the courts? He is supposed to have it 
 in most states of the Union and this Conference ought to go on 
 record in a different fashion with reference to police procedure or 
 the ballot. It is the law he should have the ballot. I want to get 
 down to the foundation of these questions and bring forth some- 
 thing for thought that will cause, as the months go by, a revulsion 
 from the present unhappy condition, remembering, as was well said 
 last night, if ten millions are denied justice there is no justice for 
 anybody. 
 
 S. Joe Brown: This Committee has made some very definite 
 recommendations, and I feel the courtesy is due them that we ap- 
 prove those recommendations, and I make such a motion. 
 
 Chairman: Motion is made and seconded that the recommenda- 
 tions of the Committee be approved. Are you ready for the question? 
 
148 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 Bishop W. J. Walls (Charlotte, N. C.): I have an idea that the 
 Committee should put its statements in more definite form. I am 
 rather of the opinion of Mr. Martin with reference, for instance, 
 to the police and service on juries. Those things are not amplified 
 enough. ‘They are not made measures of methods and suggestions 
 by which the things could be accomplished. I think the Committee 
 should be given opportunity at the next session to set itself some 
 definite resolutions, insisting upon carrying out the law in these 
 matters, and particularly urging the Negro to do his part, and a great 
 deal he can do. He can be made alive to his responsibility in help- 
 ing bring these things to pass—not by entering politics, but by 
 doing his share in education and carrying his responsibility. I would 
 like to amend the motion that the Committee be given a chance to 
 work this out. 
 
 Chairman: The amendment is made; do I hear a second? 
 
 A Votce: We might ask, Mr. Chairman, if they have time to meet 
 and make more specific suggestions. I second the amendment. 
 
 Dr, Cox: I would like to say, as far as this Committee is con- 
 cerned, that we are through. If you want something else, we are 
 perfectly willing to give it to you. We stated, in so many words, 
 that we looked with grave concern on any injustice anywhere, in 
 any court, to any arrest or any imprisonment passed on any racial 
 discrimination. I do not know how we could say it in English any 
 plainer. If you want it said plainer, as far as I am concerned as 
 Chairman of the Committee, I am willing that someone else should, 
 but I cannot do it any better than that. 
 
 Bishop Walls: I will withdraw the amendment and that will 
 get us out of this difficulty. 
 
 Chairman: The motion is to approve the recommendation of the 
 Committee. Any further discussion? 
 
 (Question was called for, and the motion was put to vote and 
 carried. ) 
 
 Chairman: That closes the report of the Committee. We shall 
 now have to close this topic and turn the Conference to the question: 
 Schools and Colleges and Race Relations. 
 
 SUMMARY OF THE DISCUSSION ON 
 VIIT. COURTS AND RACE RELATIONS * 
 
 A. PROBLEMS AND DIFFICULTIES 
 1. In most places the Negro does not receive full justice in the white 
 court; especially in the South. 
 
 * Prepared by Professor Earle Edward Eubank, Department of Sociology, Univer- 
 sity of Cincinnati. 
 

 
 oe oo po 
 
 THE COURTS AND RACE RELATIONS 149 
 
 Ignorance and low economic condition give him a criminal ratio out of 
 proportion to his numbers. 
 
 Longer prison sentences gives him a disproportionate share of the 
 prison population. 
 
 Legal aid societies tend to favor whites. 
 
 Difficulty in getting bail and defense funds. 
 
 B. EvIDENCE OF PROGRESS 
 
 tly 
 2. 
 
 Negro policemen in various cities, especially in Columbus, where one is 
 appointed in friendly aid and counsel to the Negro. 
 
 Negro representation at law increasing. For example, in Chicago: A 
 Negro representative in every court, a Federal Attorney, five assistant 
 prosecutors, six assistant corporation counsels, one state senator, 
 five state representatives, one deputy sheriff, chief clerk of Juvenile 
 Court, ete. 
 
CHaptEer IX 
 SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES AND RACE RELATIONS * 
 
 Chairman: I believe, my friends, we are ready now to go ahead 
 with our program. We have now the topic: Schools and Colleges 
 and Race Relations, with Professor Harle E. Eubank, Professor of 
 Sociology, University of Cincinnati, as chairman of the Discussion 
 Committee. 
 
 Professor Earle HE. Eubank (Cincinnati, O.): The Discussion 
 Committee, in arranging the plans for this presentation, has felt there 
 were four natural divisions of the question, inasmuch as the topic 
 has included Public Schools and Colleges. They are subdivided by 
 the fact that we have two different policies in regard to each of 
 these, the South having the policy of separate schools and the North 
 the policy of students in mixed schools; so there are four separate 
 divisions of the subject. 
 
 I shall ask one person to present the questions that seemed to 
 the Committee to be of major importance among the many that 
 could have been presented, if there had been time. The idea is 
 that in three-minute brief statements from the floor the leading 
 questions, as the Committee sees them, will be presented to the Con- 
 ference and then in whatever time we have we would like to have 
 the Conference address itself to one or the other of those questions. 
 We shall ask that your discussion be just as direct as possible. The 
 first of the four divisions is that of the public schools as they are 
 found in sections of the country where there is a separation of 
 the two races. Dr. James Bond of Louisville, Ky., will present 
 the questions upon this. 
 
 ADVANTAGES OR DISADVANTAGES OF SEPARATE SCHOOLS 
 
 Dr. Bond: Mr. Chairman, I have not been asked to discuss the 
 questions but to ask them. It is easier to ask questions than to 
 answer. You are expected to answer. First, What are the advan- 
 tages and disadvantages of separate schools? This Committee wants 
 your judgment on this question. Are there any advantages in separate 
 
 * Friday afternoon, 3:30, March 27; President Gilbert H. Jones, Wilberforce 
 University, presiding. ‘ 7 
 150 
 

 
 SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES AND RACE RELATIONS 151 
 
 public schools, and if so, what are they? Are there any disadvantages ? 
 If so, what are they? 
 
 The second question they vant you to answer is, What sugges- 
 tions would you make as to the ways of maintaining the friendly at- 
 titude in the school—interracial attitude—how in mixed schools or 
 in separate schools would you maintain a friendly attitude, assuming 
 that these interracial relations up to a certain point are friendly? 
 Boys and girls while being educated are trained away from the 
 friendly attitude. How can they be maintained from the cradle? 
 
 Third question is, How to get a proper share of public school 
 funds for colored people? How to obtain an equitable distribution 
 of public funds? There is a long story about the use of public 
 funds in many cities. Colored people are not getting their share 
 everywhere; that is admitted. The Committee wants you to tell how 
 we can go about it in Louisville or Atlanta, anywhere in the country 
 where there is racial discrimination in the public school. How can 
 we get an equitable division of the public funds? 
 
 INFLUENCE OF MIXED SCHOOLS ON RACE RELATIONS 
 
 Professor Eubank: In other parts of the United States in the 
 public schools you are faced with a different situation—that of 
 having white and Negro children together. There are certain ques- 
 tions that apply to that field and these are to be presented by Pro- 
 fessor H. T. Steeper, Principal of the West High School, Des Moines, 
 Towa. 
 
 Professor Steeper: As I see it, and I hope I am not entirely’ 
 biased, the most hopeful sign of the future of American democracy 
 rests with the American public school. I want to call attention of 
 this Conference of men and women that we have had a fine exhibi- 
 tion from the college people, and it is fine business. Those people 
 are going to be the leaders tomorrow, but the folk they will lead are 
 the little folk like those in my school, and you have to look to 
 them if you get the thing over. 
 
 First, what is the big contribution of the cosmopolitan American 
 schools to the problem of race relations? I am glad, and I say it 
 practically and sincerely, there happens to be at least one colored 
 girl in the school where my little girls are going, because they are 
 learning at first hand, very early, to adjust themselves. I want to 
 tell you how, from the time my oldest girl was two or three years 
 of age, she was trained. The first time she saw a colored person, 
 that that person just happened to be a different color; that we 
 had nothing to do with our selection of parents; that they were 
 
152 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 decent if they behaved. That is what ought to be taught in public 
 schools. How can the schools help continue that friendly relation 
 which is found in childhood, regardless of race? That is the same 
 question asked before by Dr. Bond. It is quite important. I find 
 in high school much more prejudice than I find down in the earlier 
 grades. I do not notice that little boys and girls in the lower 
 grades have much trouble in playing together. The only way we 
 can get the true relationship between the two races is education in 
 the home. 
 
 The third question is, What must a school administration and 
 teachers do to give to each individual equality of opportunity, regard- 
 less of race? That is a question I would like to preach a whole 
 sermon on. As a high school teacher of 16 years experience in three 
 different states where I have always had colored and white people 
 in my schools, it makes a great difference what the principal thinks 
 about the whole administration of that school. What the superin- 
 tendent of the school, high and elementary, needs is to have the right 
 bias on this proposition. When does he get it? I got mine before 
 I was five years old, from my mother and father. Mother taught 
 me that beauty is as beauty does. And I have learned beauty is 
 skin deep. I wish I had more time to talk about those things. 
 
 I talked to Mr. Brown who is with me from our Interracial 
 Commission in Des Moines. He happens to be a member of one of 
 our fraternities. It has been worth a lot to me to work as chairman 
 of the Interracial Commission in close contact with him. I am 
 getting a liberal education. 
 
 RACIAL CONTACTS AND THE SEPARATE COLLEGES 
 
 Professor Eubank: Not separated from the problems of public 
 schools, but with problems peculiar to themselves, are the colleges or 
 institutions of higher education. We shall have questions on colleges 
 that are separate, presented by Mr. Ackley of Vanderbilt University, 
 Nashville, Tenn., representing the student inter-collegiate grades. 
 
 Mr. Ackley: Students of the colleges want to make three state- 
 ments in three sentences and ask three questions in three minutes. 
 We have had some interesting experiences in interracial cooperation 
 in the South; we have just started to go ahead—just scratching the 
 surface. We do not feel we have done much so far. Students in 
 colleges have some limitations which people of the interracial com- 
 missions do not have. We are not business men or social service 
 experts and are unacquainted to a large extent with the community 
 

 
 SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES AND RACE RELATIONS 153 
 
 in which we find ourselves in college. Please bear this in mind when 
 you answer. 
 
 The first question is: What special things should the college 
 student in the South do in the college city, town or country where 
 the college is located? Second: In what ways can interracial codper- 
 ation be carried on between the white and colored students in the 
 colleges? If we have forums, what do you think we ought to discuss 
 and do? What shall white students in the South do when their 
 college is not near a college of the other race? Third: What can 
 the faculty and administration of the colleges do? Do you favor 
 white administration of Negro colleges in the South? Should we 
 have both white and Negro teachers for Negro colleges? Should we 
 have curriculum courses in interracial relations? What official recog- 
 nition should colleges give the interracial codperation in the South? 
 
 WHITE AND NEGRO STUDENTS IN THE SAME COLLEGES 
 
 Professor Eubank: The next division covers institutions where 
 white and colored students are on the same campus. This will be 
 presented by Miss Blanche Dix, Northwestern University, Evanston, 
 Ill. 
 
 Miss Dix: Before I ask my questions, I should lke to be sure 
 you have a background of the mixed colleges and universities. On 
 our campus we have a large number of white students who are 
 indifferent to the race problem. Then we have a small crowd, friendly 
 to the Negro and race problems, and a small crowd positively hostile 
 to the Negro and mutual difficulties. Then we have a group that 
 varies—a group of Negroes, more or less segregated—not by law 
 but by common consent. Out of these conditions, we find there are 
 some problems about which we should like to ask you. We believe 
 the plan of the university is good; we believe that, having cooperative 
 education, we can go to school and learn. We have to learn from 
 each other, not only what is in the schools but through outside 
 activities. 
 
 One of the questions is, How can we get the Negro student to be 
 a full part of the institutions? In most of the institutions the 
 Negro students do not participate in extra-class activities, especially 
 in colleges. We would like to know how to go about getting an 
 active part, in class day sports, athletics and so on. Second: How 
 can we get the white students to have a constructive attitude toward 
 the race problem? Many of them pay no attention to that when 
 it comes to a showdown. We would like to know if you can tell 
 us how we should go ahead on that. 
 
154 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 Third: . How can we get the northern students and faculty to get 
 away from what we conceive to be the southern attitude? We find 
 in many universities the same reason given for not permitting us to 
 live in the dormitories, that the southern students will not like it. 
 That is not always true. I know of a Negro girl who wanted to 
 swim in the pool, and two of the white girls objected and the reason 
 they gave for objecting was that a southern girl was there and she 
 would not like it, and we turned to the girl, who was a Mississippi 
 girl, and asked her about it. She said, “If the girls do not want 
 to swim in the pool with the Negro, let them go to the South.” And 
 that was a southern girl who spoke. So we want you to tell us 
 how we can get the northern students and northern faculty to work 
 it out in their own way. 
 
 Professor Kubank: This is something for the next National 
 Conference. It will be impossible in one afternoon to have a dis- 
 cussion of all the topics that have been raised in this concrete way 
 by the young people who are face to face with them. I would like 
 to have you bring in brief sentences or statements, whatever you 
 
 have to say along the lines of any of the questions that have been. 
 
 raised. You might indicate which of them you select. 
 
 Dr. Roman: In answer to Mr. Ackley’s “What do we expect 
 students to be,” I want to give one sentence in answer. Get your 
 heart right, keep your mind open and gather facts for yourself and 
 not be bound by tradition. 
 
 Mr. Mount (Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio): In regard 
 to the matter of converting college officials, that is one of great interest 
 to the students of Ohio State. We had an embarrassing situation 
 a couple of years ago. Ohio State is a state institution and it is 
 required you take a military training. When you finish the required 
 military training, the officers come around and beg you to take up 
 advanced work. A colored student won the second prize in the 
 drill. This student was the best student in his class of military 
 training, and when he went to enlist for advanced training he was 
 refused. The Colonel would not coasent to his taking advanced 
 training. We appealed to “Prexy” Thompson, the best, grandest old 
 president of any institution in the United States. It so happened that 
 “Prexy” was powerless; you must have the consent of the Colonel 
 in charge. What were we going to do when we had a representative 
 of this United States Government that discriminated against a student 
 taking advanced military training? 
 
 Mrs. W. H, Fouse (Lexington, Ky.): In order to bring a better 
 relationship between the Negro schools of Lexington and the white 
 colleges, a series of lectures have been established that have been 
 

 
 SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES AND RACE RELATIONS 155 
 
 going on for the past four or five years, wherein college teachers and 
 the president have come to the high school and delivered lectures. 
 In turn the principal or supervisor of the colored school has each 
 year for five years gone to Transylvania University and delivered 
 lectures on the subject of the Negro, presenting just what is expected 
 of them regarding the Negro. Students of the high school have 
 rendered programs of their own choice in the Transylvania University 
 and representatives of their student body have come over and helped 
 our Y. I feel much good has been done in our city. I feel there is a 
 better relation; I know it. There was a time when the college boys 
 took our people for toys and now no such things are done. 
 
 Mr. Green: Referring to the talk of the speaker from Des Moines, 
 information has come to me recently, in the states of Iowa and 
 Kansas, the universities of those states are thinking of making a 
 change in the requirements for entrance. The entrance will be this: 
 All persons will be admitted provided they can be admitted to the 
 universities in the states from which they come. If a student should 
 come from one of the southern states and wanted to enter a university 
 in Iowa or Kansas, he could not do so because he would not be 
 allowed to enter the university in the state where he came from. 
 It seems there is great opportunity in the middle west, for the 
 interracial committees to keep the doors open, for there will be colored 
 boys and girls from southern states who will not have that recognition. 
 
 Mr. Brown: As a graduate of the University of Iowa, I would 
 like to know the source of the authority for the statement made re- 
 garding the plans of the university? 
 
 Mr. Greene: That comes from a student who took a summer course 
 there last year. 
 
 Professor Eubank: The Committee will now adjourn and return 
 with their report. 
 
 Chairman: We are ready for the address on Hducation and Race 
 Relations by Dr. John Hope, President, Morehouse College, Atlanta, 
 Ga. 
 
 President Hope spoke in part as follows: 
 
 This is a big question to us; education itself is a big question, but the 
 question of education and race relations is a bigger question. And then 
 when it comes to a question of education and race relations where the inter- 
 racial relations are so different in so many places in the same country, it 
 makes the subject exceedingly difficult. 
 
 I have learned so much here in the last two days, and everything I have 
 heard, every question that came up, seems to me had back of it a lack of 
 education, or the wrong sort of education. I heard Mr. Nichols and two 
 or three others discussing nurses and physicians. And this is what I said: 
 Down south there are millions of people, and sometimes we talk in this 
 meeting up here as though there are not millions down there, but there are 
 
156 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 millions there. I thought, these people are talking about nursing, and the 
 states have not provided any means for making nurses. The states south of 
 the Potomac and Ohio are not making any provisions for the education of 
 physicians for colored people. I said, with all these Negroes, with all these 
 diseases, there are only two medical schools south of the Ohio and Potomac, 
 and those are too small to receive all the first rate Negro students who apply 
 for admission. Dr. Dowling of Louisiana has said there is not much use to 
 try to put forward a much bigger health program until there are more 
 doctors, more colored doctors and colored nurses. 
 
 When I think of my section of the country it is a question of education. 
 I hardly have time to think about the various adjectives to use, but it is a 
 question of education. The distinguished old Dr. Currie once said, “They 
 talk about Negro education being a failure; it has not been tried.” That 
 is what we are thinking about now. 
 
 Now, when it comes to relations—interracial relations and education— 
 there has always existed some sort of interracial relations in the education 
 of the Negro. I knew, for instance, a man who died two years ago in 
 Arlington, Georgia, owning considerable property. He read well, he attended 
 to his own accounts and died in very comfortable circumstances. Now his 
 education was due very largely to interracial relations, that is to say, his 
 young master and young mistress, little boy and girl, would make copies 
 in the soil for him and he would learn one or two letters of the alphabet 
 while they were at school. When the law objected to that little class—they 
 knew he would lose a finger or two if found writing—these children advised 
 a more clever way; they would scratch the copy in his hand. He learned 
 little by little, to read and write, etc., and in this way became very well 
 prepared to look after his business. 
 
 I was talking one day with a lad from Augusta, and I said, “Is it true 
 your grandfather taught the slaves to read?” He said, “My grandfather 
 taught them; he had no objections to the Negro’s learning to read and 
 write; the only thing he was worried about was that the Yankees might 
 put devilment in their heads.” So there was a good deal of interracial 
 relations in the matter of Negro education, even before the Civil War; 
 so when the war was over, there was a considerable number of Negroes who 
 could read and write. 
 
 When we think about interracial relations in the matter of education, 
 more things come to our minds. Just after the Civil War, the public school 
 educational system was put upon the South. I might practically say forced 
 upon the South, because southern people—southern white people—did not 
 have any background for free school education, and most of the white people 
 who had education themselves, did not believe in it. In fact, there is a small 
 group yet in the South that believes if you cannot pay for your education 
 you ought not have it. Their notion is different from yours and mine. 
 
 How did we get the schools?) Why, some clever colored man in the 
 community, especially in the country places, would go to some white person 
 in that community and make arrangements for a school, and then he would 
 get a school teacher and the salary would be paid. You had interracial 
 relations a long time and men began to capitalize that sort of thing. Take 
 Booker Washington; he capitalized it to a great degree, encouraging Negroes 
 to have that understanding with white people. Dr. Dillard projected still 
 further this sort of interracial relations that has been existing here and 
 there, at the convenience of different people in towns and communities. 
 He took that sort of thing and organized it, so that, at the end of a certain 
 number of years, we have come to the place where we are having in many 
 rural places in the South fine secondary schools. 
 
 They do not call them high schools yet, but “county training schools.” 
 There are some sad things with reference to Negroes in this country— 
 things so sad or difficult in the way of getting along—difficulty so great 
 that white people ought to be very careful how they criticize colored people 
 
 Bee ine. 3 
 

 
 SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES AND RACE RELATIONS 157 
 
 for getting along the best we can. It is a fact we are being severely 
 criticized, but when a Negro man or woman wants his boy or girl educated 
 he is not so apt to stand upon ceremony about the title of the school as 
 he might be if he was thinking about some other boy or girl. So, as 
 things go, it was a step forward for Dr. Dillard and his group to organize 
 these county training schools. 
 
 Now, that effort for county training schools did another thing. It 
 organized sentiment in favor of Negro education. I was at a meeting ten 
 years ago where educational questions were coming up with reference to 
 the Negro in the South. There was a proposal to turn over to white people 
 more and more the means for the higher education of the Negro in the 
 colleges of the South. A southern white man, whose opinion was asked—I 
 niight call his name; he is now gone to his reward—a man who did excellent 
 service, a man named Snedeker, said: “I would not advise it; my people 
 down south are not particularly interested in higher education. In fact,” 
 he said, “seventy-five per cent of my people are not interested in any kind 
 of education for colored people.” 
 
 Now, this sentiment has been recognized by Dr. Dillard and a number of 
 other men thinking as he thinks, until there is a better outlook. The out- 
 look is so much better, that there was a group of white people in Atlanta 
 who walked up to the powers that be, several years ago, after the Negroes 
 had defeated a bond issue for public schools on two occasions, and said, 
 “We do not blame Negroes for doing it; we ourselves will not work for the 
 bond issue until you guarantee the Negroes better elementary schools and 
 high schools.” The bonds were voted and we have the schools. Now 
 those things are due really to interracial relations of a really high order, 
 when you consider the circumstances. 
 
 There are some things I might say about the situation in the border 
 states, and in the northern states, that seem very disquieting to me, some 
 things colored people in the South do not enjoy at all and are looking at 
 with a great deal of apprehension. I hope you people up here, white and 
 colored, will realize what is going on and what the probable results may 
 be. But that large factor is for you yourselves to handle. 
 
 However, the very biggest thing we have seen lately in interracial 
 relations has been the meeting together in conferences of young college 
 people, white and colored, in different parts of the country. I know of 
 nothing that has happened lately that has been of a higher order than 
 that. We older people, with few exceptions, pretty well have decided what 
 we are going to think. That makes me think of an old lady that used 
 to be at Spellman College, Atlanta. The girls used to tease her, and she 
 said, “Go on, girls, I done made my character; you got your character to 
 make.” A lot of us have made our character; but these young people are 
 making their character, and the character they make will answer the question, 
 what will be the condition of the Negroes in the United States, and to a 
 certain extent what will be the condition of the white people in the United 
 States. So, when I find your white and colored people meeting together, 
 not only here but in several states of the South, I say we do now have an 
 interracial relationship that has not before come to pass in this country. 
 
 I have known young white men and young white women in the last 
 fifteen or twenty years to take a stand in favor of higher education and 
 better things for Negroes and I note that almost none of them have gone 
 back to the flesh pots of Egypt, but have continued to stand up even where 
 their public position and_ local surroundings might have kept them from 
 voicing their expressions. When they were brought to the test they stood true. 
 
 My friends, education is a colossal idea. It does not matter perhaps 
 how it comes, just so it comes; but when it does come it is something more 
 than books; something more than the use of funds; something more than 
 the mere mechanics of thought and logic as we see argument. Education 
 is a spirit and I am wondering whether a great country like this, that has 
 
158 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 been able to do everything that it has attempted to do, is going finally to 
 give us a system of education that will have the spirit that is necessary and 
 essential to the permanence of our country. 
 
 Now we say this is an interracial conference of Christian people. Jesus 
 Christ: Whatever your opinion may be about what His name was or how 
 He came to be, I think all of us will agree that His principles are funda- 
 mentally proper and not only that, but they are vital; His principles are 
 aggressive. They are not something a man simply reads about, but they 
 are something that simply get into a man and make him perform. 
 
 I wonder whether, my young friends (and rather to you than to the 
 rest), white and colored, as you think about this great question of the 
 education of the people, are you willing to go just as far as your honest 
 thinking will let you? That is what we are needing today, downright 
 honesty in thinking. Thinking just as honestly as you can, and being brave 
 enough to let that carry you wherever it will. If you think with Jesus Christ, 
 your thinking will carry us into higher and finer places. And who knows, 
 in the years to come, maybe neither George E. Haynes nor anybody else will 
 have to call any conference in the United States to discuss the righteousness 
 or unrighteousness existing between Negro and white people because we will 
 have put that behind us and will be prepared in body, mind and soul, to be 
 citizens in Jesus Christ. 
 
 Chairman: We are ready now for the report of the Discussion 
 Committee. 
 
 REPORT OF DISCUSSION COMMITTEE ON SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES 
 
 Professor Eubank: Before making this report, I would like to 
 ask all the students who are here from the various colleges and 
 universities to stand for a moment to see how many are in Conference 
 at this time. (Twenty-five representatives from colleges arose.) 
 I thought the Conference did not appreciate the size of the contribu- 
 tion you are making to this Conference. The student group also 
 wishes to express to the Conference its appreciation of the opportunity 
 given them to take a part in this Conference. 
 
 Necessarily, our report is lmited. I shall go through it as 
 quickly as I can. It boils down to a few fundamental things, whether 
 we discuss schools or colleges or what. : 
 
 This Committee believes: 
 
 1. That the causes of racial antagonism arise fundamentally from social 
 conditions; and that as such they are remediable through social changes. 
 
 2. That the major factor to be utilized in bringing about social changes 
 in this, as in any other realm of life, is Hducation. 
 
 3. That the educational institutions of this country, from kindergarten 
 up, therefore, constitute the strategic centers of approach in developing 
 constructive interracial attitudes. 
 
 The Committee recognized that the average cultural level of the Negro 
 in the United States is distinctly below that of the white population. This 
 in itself is a condition which militates against equality of recognition as 
 inevitably as it does in the case of any two groups of different cultural 
 levels. It believes, however, that the reasons for this reside largely in the 
 
 & 
 EE 
 

 
 SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES AND RACE RELATIONS 159 
 
 fact that the same educational opportunities have not been available to the 
 two races. 
 
 The Committee, therefore, recommends: 
 
 1. To all persons who have any part in directing the educational policies 
 of this country: That everywhere Negroes be provided with educational 
 facilities and opportunities equal to those extended to white students; and 
 that where separate schools now exist equal standards of education be 
 adhered to in all respects. 
 
 2. To leaders of the colored people: That every encouragement be given 
 and legitimate means be employed to induce the Negro people everywhere, 
 to avail themselves of the maximum educational opportunity, to the end 
 that the difference in cultural level between the two races be reduced as 
 rapidly as possible. 
 
 The Committee further expresses its conviction that a large part of the 
 interracial prejudice manifested is due to the failure of the two groups to 
 have an adequate understanding of each other. It therefore recommends: 
 
 3. To educational authorities and to student bodies, both of public schools 
 and of institutions of higher learning throughout the country: That oppor- 
 tunities for sympathetic interracial contact and first-hand knowledge of 
 each other be made possible and encouraged in every reasonable way. 
 
 It suggests specifically: 
 
 1. The presentation of materials and courses which will give a fair inter- 
 pretation of each race to the other; in particular, that meritorious materials 
 of Negro origin be as freely used as any other. 
 
 2. hat competent representatives of the two races be interchanged. 
 
 3. That Negro students in mixed schools be admitted to representation in 
 the general student organizations as rapidly as favorable student opinion 
 can be developed. 
 
 4. That the method of interracial conference, which this and many other 
 conferences have shown to be psychologically sound as a means to better 
 understanding, be used as fully possible by the student bodies of the 
 country. 
 
 Mr. Robson: I rise to make a motion. After listening to a 
 fine program on the schools and colleges I rise to make a motion 
 that the report with the recommendations be adopted. (It was 
 seconded. ) : 
 
 Mr. Brown: I would like to amend that motion, that the Dis- 
 cussion Committee and Dr. Hope be given a vote of thanks. 
 
 Chairman: It has been moved and seconded that we adopt the 
 report with recommendations of the Committee, expressing our thanks 
 to the presiding officer, President Hope, and to the Discussion 
 Committee. Those ready for the motion will lift their hands. (The 
 motion was carried.) 
 
 SUMMARY OF THE DISCUSSION ON 
 IX. SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES AND RACE RELATIONS * 
 A. PROBLEMS AND DIFFICULTIES . ; 
 1. When schools are separate the Negro does not get his proper share 
 of facilities. 
 
 * Prepared by Professor Earle Edward Eubank, Department of Sociology, Univer- 
 sity of Cincinnati. 
 
160 
 
 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 When schools are mixed the Negro does not receive recognition and 
 representation in general affairs. Various discriminations are practiced. 
 
 3. Lethargy and indifference of the Negro in taking advantage of what 
 
 opportunities he has, so that his comparative showing is unfavorable. 
 
 B. EVIDENCE OF PROGRESS 
 
 ae a 02 ab be 
 
 The rapid increase of interracial progress in colleges and universities. 
 The increase in courses in college curriculum dealing fairly and intelli- 
 gently with the Negro. 
 
 The increase in interchange of white and Negro representatives be- 
 tween schools. 
 
 Negro representation on athletic, debating and other representative 
 teams is increasing. 
 
 Much larger numbers of Negro college students now than in the past. 
 Up to 1912 a total of only 5,000 Negro college graduates but over 5,000 
 from 1913 to 1925. 
 
 ‘> tee}, he 
 

 
 EXCERPTS FROM 
 ADDRESSES OF GENERAL SESSIONS 
 
 By 
 
 DR. C. V. ROMAN 
 
 DR. WILL W. ALEXANDER 
 
 DR. GEORGE EDMUND HAYNES 
 DR. SHERWOOD EDDY 
 
 ADDRESS OF DR. C. V. ROMAN * 
 
 MOTIVE 
 
 Motive forms character and determines personality. Conduct is 
 but the fruition of motive or the reaction to environment. Motive 
 may be so ingrained and habitual that it will not rise above the horizon 
 of consciousness in the performance of many important deeds. Men 
 seldom correctly evaluate their own motives, much less those of other 
 men. 
 
 Group conduct is apt to be higher in motive but lower in intelli- 
 gence than individual conduct. This applies more particularly to 
 stable and orderly groups but with certain limitations is as true of the 
 mob as it is of the state. Cruelty as a national characteristic is 
 harbinger of decay. The history of Spain in relation to the Moors, 
 the Jews and the Indians illustrates this. 
 
 Two things stand out in the history of American morals: 
 
 1. Our ability to dodge and procrastinate. We will not willingly 
 meet a moral issue squarely. We embrace every opportunity to 
 detour from the highway of righteousness. This nation was “con- 
 
 * Dxcerpts from address delivered, Thursday, March 26, 8:00 P.M. 
 161 
 
162 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 ceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are 
 created equal.” Yet it took nearly a hundred years of national 
 existence to bring us face to face with the rightness or the wrongness 
 of slavery and then we martyred the man that did it. We will do 
 nothing as long as we can avoid the yea and nay form of a public 
 question. 
 
 2. When forced to a decision we decide right. The Civil War 
 was the unfinished business of the Revolution and the war amend- 
 ments to the Constitution were postscripts to the Declaration of 
 Independence. We finally decided slavery was wrong. 
 
 The motive behind the act is often more revealed by the conse- 
 quences of the act than by the act itself. Much of our interracial 
 talk and conduct does not bear the spiritual fruit expected because 
 of hypocrisy—unconscious slave-psychology—white man seeking to 
 boss and Negro seeking to dodge. These meetings will wear away the 
 masks of hidden motive. Only the souls of the sincere shall be 
 satisfied. 
 
 IT 
 
 MATTER 
 
 There is a purposeful evolution of things; things happen in the 
 fullness of time. 
 
 Slavery is a phase of economic development. It has definite 
 limitations as well as definite uses. The effort to fix that condition 
 as a permanent group status must fail. The limitation of Negro 
 citizenship has served its purpose and fulfilled its destiny. It must 
 pass. There are but two places where civic status in a republic 
 comes to static equilibrium: full citizenship with every right conceded 
 and abject slavery with every right denied. There is no middle 
 ground. There is no compromise between tyranny and liberty. One 
 or the other must rule. The proper matter for interracial con- 
 ference is the establishment of justice and fair play by mutual 
 understanding and goodwill. 
 
 IIl 
 
 METHOD 
 
 Next to pure motives and a righteous cause, tactful methods are 
 necessary to success. Whatever your motive, it is hard to make a 
 man happy by getting on his toes. If his toes be sore the most 
 

 
 
 
 MOTIVES AND METHOD IN INTERRACIAL WORK 163 
 
 peaceful intention may bring on a fight. The white man has been 
 obeyed so much until he regards legitimate questions as unnecessary 
 controversy and non-acquiescence in his decision as open declaration 
 of war. He mistakes dictation for arbitration and condescension for 
 kindness. The colored man has been coddled and kicked so much until 
 it is hard for him to recognize or be satisfied with a square deal. 
 
 The finest fruit of racial conference thus far has been the discovery 
 of workable methods by which the races may peaceably approach each 
 other to their mutual advantage. We must establish a new code of 
 interracial ethics—the code of master and man will not work between 
 man and man. Freedman and ex-slaveholder are one thing and 
 freemen are another. “Massa’s in de col’, col’ ground’—The gentle 
 voices have called “Old Black Joe.” If we do not evolve a sound 
 creed of interracial confidence, then “My old Kentucky Home, good 
 night.” 
 
 LY; 
 
 THE CURE 
 
 When we contemplate the cure of racial friction in the light of 
 all the diagnostic data, two things stand out: 
 
 1. The unchanging nature of tyranny and injustice. 
 
 2. The identity and constancy of human problems. 
 
 They change names and shift places but remain the same. Whip- 
 ping women to death in England, denying French women admission to 
 high schools and lynching Negroes in the United States are supported 
 by identical arguments. Benjamin Franklin fitted the arguments 
 of a Georgia slaveholder of thé eighteenth century into the philosophy 
 of a Mohammedan pirate of the ninth. Tyranny has but one 
 tongue, though it speaks many languages. 
 
 Nature seems to delight in mystery and the children of men 
 learn her secrets slowly. For many thousands of years men believed 
 in the rising and setting of the sun. The ancient nomenclature 
 still preserves the memory of the ancient ignorance. It is as difficult 
 to get clear-headedness into speech as it is to get kind-heartedness 
 into conduct. 
 
 By alias, alibi, masquerade and camouflage, injustice and tyranny 
 manage to hide their identity and gloss their character from age 
 to age and from locality to locality. Their multiform personality 
 is so baffling that few recognize them. Race purity is another camou- 
 flage of male lust to oppress one set of women and debauch another. 
 One of the remedies of race friction is entirely in the hands of white 
 
164 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 women. ‘They could defend themselves by helping to protect colored 
 women. A single standard of sex morals would make for racial 
 peace as well as national righteousness. 
 
 It is a question if race prejudice and injustice have not rendered 
 the so-called Nordics incapable of sound ratiocination. We have 
 seen in our own day a great scholar and leader die rather than permit 
 a reservation to a political pact negotiated by himself. At the same 
 time he made reservations to the Declaration of Independence that 
 excluded the majority of mankind from the self-evident truths apply- 
 ing to all men and excluding from the guaranteed rights of the 
 Constitution ten per cent of his own fellow citizens. No wonder 
 the stout heart failed and the great brain broke under the load! 
 
 One of the high lights reflected from childhood’s happy days is 
 the neighborhood sensation caused by my maternal grandfather 
 holding a drunken man to physical accountability for abusive and 
 slanderous language. They were members of the same church and 
 brought to the bar for unbecoming conduct, one for drunkenness 
 and the other for fighting. The bibulous brother sought and obtained 
 forgiveness for his weakness, but he of the fisticuff was obdurate 
 and sought to justify his conduct by a line of reasoning that divided 
 the church and the neighborhood for many moons: “A drunken 
 man’s words are a sober man’s thoughts,” he said. “I did not fight 
 him for what he said when drunk but for what he thought when 
 sober.” No verdict was ever rendered but grandfather’s philosophy 
 crystallized into a local maxim of proverbial wisdom of wide accep- 
 tance. Apparently irresponsible action is the result of responsible 
 thought. Our conduct is the fruit of our philosophy. Men must 
 think straight before they will act right. Race friction cannot cease 
 while religion qualifies the Ten Commandments and philosophy 
 teaches morals with ethnic reservations, 
 
 ADDRESS OF DR. WILL W. ALEXANDER * 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Friends: Occasionally one runs across a 
 person who thinks that all of the people south of the Mason-Dixon 
 line have a wrong attitude on racial questions, and that all of those 
 north of the Mason-Dixon line live up in thought, word, and deed 
 to the very highest ideals in matters racial. While there are peculiar 
 difficulties connected with the racial situation in the South, and 
 traditions that make it difficult for the realization of many of the 
 things that obviously should be done both by individuals and com- 
 
 * Excerpts from address delivered Friday, March 27, 8:00 P.M. 
 
 + er — . Wee 
 

 
 MOTIVES AND METHOD IN INTERRACIAL WORK 165 
 
 munities, there are also a growing number of courageous people who 
 are determined that these handicaps shall be overcome and that 
 justice shall be done to all citizens, regardless of race or color. The 
 spirit that characterizes friends of racial goodwill in the South could 
 be extended with very great profit to many other communities outside 
 the South for it is becoming more and more evident that racial prej- 
 udice and discrimination in this country is not geographic, and 
 with the shift of Negro population to sections of the country outside 
 the South, we have already had many demonstrations of the ease 
 with which communities become hysterical and unreasonable and the 
 difficulty of eliminating discrimination and securing justice. 
 
 Race prejudice is a very subtle and deceptive thing. I have a 
 friend who is prominent in missionary work among Negroes in the 
 South. His son, a very brilliant student of one of the graduate 
 schools of Harvard, approves of his father’s work in the South, and is 
 greatly interested in what I am doing. He has no prejudice against 
 Negroes, but becomes most unreasonable when Jews are mentioned. 
 In one southern community is a school, founded and developed by a 
 very brilliant Negro woman, who has a remarkable personality. Not 
 long ago she was telling me of the development of her institution. 
 Among other things she told me of a recent trip she took in an 
 automobile with a group of her students. Illustrating the difficulty 
 of travel for Negroes in the South, she told of being refused food 
 in a restaurant in a small southern town and closed her remarks 
 by saying, “The good for-nothing Greek, who kept that restaurant had 
 no business in America, anyway.” Hach of these persons would have 
 condemned race prejudice in the abstract, but were the unconscious 
 victims of a peculiar race prejudice that they nurtured almost as a 
 virtue. 
 
 Most of us are ready to condemn race prejudice in the abstract. 
 However, more energy has been spent in the condemnation of race 
 prejudice in the abstract than in finding ways by which race prejudice 
 can be supplanted by racial appreciation and goodwill. 
 
 The hour has come when the friends of tolerance and goodwill 
 must show themselves social engineers with sufficient skill to build 
 new racial attitudes, based upon the high principles that are being 
 given expression on every hand. The majority of Americans are 
 capable of tolerance and can be made to believe and support justice. 
 What we need is a method by which this can be done, and there is 
 very much more value in experimenting for the discovery of such 
 methods than in denouncing racial intolerance and injustice. 
 
 A small group of men and women in the South have been really 
 trying to experiment in changing the racial attitudes of individuals, 
 
166 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 organizations, and communities. One thing, however, seems to have 
 been made clearer by these efforts and that is the closer you get to 
 the situation with which you are dealing, the more effective will be 
 your dealing with it. Very little can be done with a situation of this 
 sort by absent treatment however skillful and officially important the 
 absentee doctor may be. Human brotherhood is very much closer 
 between men who live together in the same community than between 
 any other groups in the world. There is more in common between 
 white men and colored men living together in Mississippi than 
 between the white men who live in Mississippi and Negroes who 
 live elsewhere. Christian statesmen may well give themselves to 
 developing the Christian community as the next unit in enlarging the 
 Kingdom of God in the world. 
 
 Our task is to reach back into the thousands of isolated com- 
 munities and dig into their tough soil and begin to sow there in the 
 terms of the life of that community the seeds of tolerance and good- 
 will. I wish there were some magic process by which some national 
 organization or some national leader could by saying a magical word 
 or touching an electric switch in an office in New York or Washington 
 flood the nation with understanding and tolerance. This can never 
 be—so we must go back to our own communities, and to the men 
 and women in other communities, and inspire them to the rather 
 drab and commonplace task of building brotherhood in the local 
 communities where they live. 
 
 We go about from state to state and community to community, 
 exhorting people to solve the race problem. An expert, you know, 
 is an ordinary man a long way from home. In a sense, the experts 
 in this task are the least important persons connected with it. What 
 we need is a larger number of intelligent men and women, whose 
 tasks confine them to a single community and who will patiently and 
 determinedly seek to build racial brotherhood in that community. 
 An ounce of demonstration is worth a train load of exhortation. 
 
 We have held many interracial meetings in a great many com- 
 munities, and with a great many different types of people. Very 
 early we discovered that this is a question capable of calling out more 
 types of emotional response than perhaps any other question in the 
 country. Lying back of it is a tremendous background of tragedy 
 that appeals to one’s feelings. There are persons with whom one 
 comes in contact at these meetings who stir one’s feelings to the 
 very depths. There are always stirring reports of injustice and heroic 
 resistance. I have on my staff a very keen, young, college man} 
 whose insight into racial attitudes and their causes is as sure as any 
 I have ever known. This young man used to watch the people who 
 

 
 MOTIVES AND METHOD IN INTERRACIAL WORK 167 
 
 came into the meetings and say of a very large number of them that 
 “they came to have their emotions tweaked.” They were hardly 
 ever disappointed, and we discovered that the more positive were the 
 reactions to the “tweaking,” the less we could expect from them when 
 they left the meeting. 
 
 Of course, we need to kindle in America a burning fire of resent- 
 ment against intolerance and injustice, but we need something 
 more. It is very much easier to “tweak” one’s emotions than it is to 
 do the patient laboratory work necessary to find a way out. Most 
 anyone can run for a while and not be weary. In this task of 
 building racial understanding we need a great many people who can 
 walk through long and laborious days and not faint. In fact, we need 
 some who can stand still and do the patient thinking which is so 
 very difficult for Americans, who are so much more capable of solving 
 problems with their feet than with their heads. This task calls for 
 some foot work, but for a great deal of patient, honest thinking. 
 
 In the South we have been encouraged by the enthusiastic response 
 of the students to an appeal for a better order of things in that 
 section of the country. The students have never failed to meet the 
 appeal with a ready, enthusiastic response. This emotion has the 
 greatest value, but its efficiency will be measured in part by the 
 thoroughness of the training they get in college in social theory and 
 social engineering. We have just finished a study of the teaching 
 of social science in the southern colleges, and with a few exceptions, 
 it amounts to a little or nothing. So long as this is true, the fine 
 enthusiasm of these young students is pretty largely run to waste. 
 These tasks call for high social engineers, as well as moral crusaders. 
 
 The question of segregation and housing is a good illustration. 
 Everyone in this room could tell stirring stories of hardships and 
 injustices which are wrought by segregation, but I doubt, if any 
 one in this room, can tell accurately how the present segregation 
 system has been brought about or what are the forces that keep 
 it alive. It is very easy to say that prejudice and meanness are 
 responsible for it, and, yet, we need to get closer to the economic, 
 political, and social facts. We shall not get very far until we develop 
 the wisdom necessary to recognize and deal effectively with these 
 various contributing and complicating aspects of segregation. To 
 that end, our Commission will begin early in the fall, in codperation 
 with others, a nation-wide study of housing and segregation. We 
 hope to make it as dispassionate and scientific as such a study can 
 be made. We have faith that in picking the thing up in its entirety 
 and studying it, we are taking the first step toward doing something 
 about it. 
 
168 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 May I say in closing that it is very much easier to lead a crusade 
 of denunciation than it is to do this hard and difficult work of study 
 and understanding which must be the foundation of any effective 
 dealing with this question. The success of this conference will 
 depend not upon the amount of “tweaks” which our emotions have 
 received, but upon the amount of determination that has been stirred 
 within us to do not only the moral heroics but the patient study which 
 alone can bring the light we need to find our way. 
 
 ADDRESS OF DR. GEORGE EDMUND HAYNES * 
 
 It always helps me in my thinking, and it certainly helps to give me 
 poise as I face these tangled and difficult race problems of today 
 to realize that we are working out things that have come down from 
 the past, and to realize that we are not going to settle all of them, 
 and that whatever we do about them is going to hand them on either 
 harder or easier for the generation that comes after us. And it 
 seems to me it is very important for us in dealing with the present 
 situation to realize some of the efforts that have been made towards 
 its solution in the past. They may save us from some mistakes. 
 
 If you will look back a little historically at the relation of 
 white to Negro peoples in America, and some of you doubtless have, 
 you will discover many panaceas have been proposed, and many of 
 them tried at one time or another. I want to mention two or three 
 in order to bring up a little historical perspective to the problems 
 that we have been considering during these last two or three days. 
 
 About four months ago a writer in the Current History magazine 
 of the New York Times published an article on the racial situation 
 and proposed as a solution that we should find some haven, some 
 asylum either in the West Indies or in Africa, and we should offer 
 all the Negroes who would go over there free transportation and 
 help in getting their foothold; that we should use social pressure 
 to force those who did not choose to go. I suppose he wrote that 
 article and made that proposition with the idea that he was proposing 
 something new that was going to solve the situation. 
 
 If, however, he had gone back a hundred years he would have 
 found that was one of the most favored propositions on the race 
 question in America, that we had a national colonization society headed 
 by Henry Clay, one of the leading statesmen, with large funds and 
 branch organizations in many states. They actually did transport 
 some manumitted slaves to the west coast of Africa. We have the 
 
 * Excerpts from address delivered, Friday, March 27, 8:30 P.M. 
 
 wed Mi 
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 sbi & 
 

 
 MOTIVES AND METHOD IN INTERRACIAL WORK 169 
 
 little Republic of Liberia as a result now struggling for its existence, 
 only kept intact by the friendly interest and help of the United 
 States. There are about thirty thousand Americo-Liberians, the de- 
 scendants of those who were sent over there by the American Coloniza- 
 tion Society. This historical fact may help us to realize that colon- 
 ization of the Negro will not solve the situation. Booker T. Wash- 
 ington once said if you got the Negroes to go off and colonize in that 
 way, you would have to have two walls around the territory, one to 
 keep the Negroes in and one to keep the white people out. 
 
 One of our university professors has proposed that in our democ- 
 racy, with its great Negro population, there is only one solution: 
 To have a class of serf-citizens, a sort of class that would never have 
 the full privilege of franchise of American citizens. I can best answer 
 that professor by paraphrasing the statement of Abraham Lincoln 
 that shook the very foundation of slavery. In a memorable speech 
 he said that a house divided against itself cannot stand, that American 
 democracy cannot continue half slave and half free; it must be the 
 one thing or the other. No more can it be half serf and half citizen. 
 Whenever a college professor brings up that proposition, or anybody 
 else brings it up, he should be reminded that we fought a civil 
 war; we spent a river of blood and a mountain of treasure to settle 
 that issue of citizenship in America once and forever. 
 
 Dr. Alexander spoke a moment ago about segregation. The 
 segregation policy started about 1890; that is within the lifetime 
 of a great many of us younger people here. It started first with the 
 disfranchisement laws in Mississippi. The last disfranchisement 
 laws were enacted in Oklahoma about 1910. In the wake of the 
 disfranchisement laws followed legislation for “Jim Crow” railroad 
 cars and street cars. With the growth of intelligence and with the 
 growth of self-respect, and with the growth of race-consciousness, 
 Negroes have gradually withdrawn unto themselves and have gradually 
 built up a Negro world more or less within the larger world. Espe- 
 cially in our large cities where there is a large population of Negroes 
 that is very true. And these city Negro populations are largely 
 segregated from other parts of the population. 
 
 I am one of those who believe, like Dr. Alexander, that we awoke 
 to some of the possibilities of this segregation, some of its sad trage- 
 dies, during the World War. It separates American citizens who are 
 living in the same communities, into two great groups that have very 
 little commerce one with the other. A Negro child may be born, 
 may grow up in a separate neighborhood, may go to a separate school, 
 may ride on Jim Crow street cars and railroad trains, may have its 
 life insured in a colored company, may get sick and go to a separate 
 
170 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 colored hospital, may go to a Negro church, and may die and be buried 
 in a separate cemetery. Through it all the segregated life keeps 
 him separated from the great other half of the world in which he 
 lives. The same may be true of the white child that may grow up 
 in ignorance of the real life of large groups of his fellow citizens. 
 We are trying to build in communities in a common territory an 
 American democratic life with that kind of segregated arrangement. 
 
 As long as two peoples live in the same territory they cannot 
 separate their interests and maintain such a segregated life. If 
 over in John Street in Cincinnati or in the “Black Bottom” of Nash- 
 ville typhoid fever or tuberculosis becomes rampant, it does not heed 
 any segregation. If vice is allowed to flourish, and if the red light 
 district, as is true in many of our cities as shown by actual investiga- 
 tion, 1s allowed to flourish in the Negro district or on the border of it, 
 it is going to spread and contaminate the whole community. I 
 think our communities and our nation have not yet begun to realize 
 and awaken to this truth. We need to give attention to this segrega- 
 tion policy that has grown up in our midst during the present 
 generation. | 
 
 You hear people talking about the housing and segregation of 
 Negroes as though it had been a fixed policy for all time. If you 
 go back into the history of cities like Memphis or Nashville, Tennessee, 
 or Atlanta, Ga., or Louisville, Ky., or many of the smaller places, you 
 will find that thirty years ago white and Negro populations were no 
 more segregated then they are in Minneapolis, Minnesota, where we 
 found in a study last November that the colored people were dis- 
 tributed practically in all the principal residential sections of the city. 
 
 Let me mention, however, some of the other things that have gone 
 on during preceding generations reaching clear back to the eighteenth 
 century, even back to the constitutional convention of the framing of 
 the Constitution, even back to the Declaration of Independence. 
 There have been a few men and women, increasing in number as the 
 years have come and gone, who have seen the larger vision of democ- 
 racy and the coming of the Kingdom of God in America; men and 
 women who dreamed a dream no mortals ever dared dream before; 
 men and women who saw beyond the years in which they lived, and 
 who believed that in fact as well as in theory on this free soil, in 
 this free land of America, there would and should be in reality a 
 brotherhood of men that included all men, black as well as white, red 
 as well as brown. These men and women comprised a little handful 
 of Quakers as non-conformists at first; their numbers have grown; 
 they have spread to other church congregations, and today they are 
 found in nearly all the churches of America. In the course of their 
 
MOTIVES AND METHOD IN INTERRACIAL WORK 171 
 
 growth several of our Protestant denominations have split over that 
 issue. 
 
 Every time there is a resurgence of the idea of force and violence 
 and exploitation of one kind or another, either the issue of slavery or 
 emancipation—or the question of shoving these people off into a corner 
 segregated to themselves, or pushing them away by some coloniza- 
 tion scheme to themselves, or pressing them down into a lower state 
 of citizenship; every time such a proposition has been put forward 
 to use either the social pressure or the economic pressure, or the 
 brutal force and violence to subjugate and exploit, people of such 
 vision have stepped forward and said: “No, there is a different way, 
 there is a better way, there is an ideal way, the way of faith, the way 
 of understanding, the way of goodwill. We can go that way toward 
 adjustment and peace and prosperity.” 
 
 From the days of Benjamin Lundy, a Kentuckian, the first aboli- 
 tionist who was one of the spiritual fathers of William Lloyd Garrison, 
 down to John J. Hagan and Will W. Alexander, there have been 
 men and women who have seen the vision and responded to it with 
 enthusiasm and with assurance. They have thrown themselves into 
 the task of leading other men and women to see it and to live it out 
 in the hard rugged days of our common life. 
 
 It was a little group of such men, led by John J. Eagan, who in 
 1919—just after the signing of the Armistice, when again the red, 
 gory fingers of violence were reaching out and gripping our com- 
 munities, not only in the South but in the North where Chicago and 
 Omaha and Washington and other places had their riots and mobs— 
 who with prayer and faith stood up and said, “Men and brothers, we 
 can find a way out through conciliation and codperation.” 
 
 At that time I happened to be a government official in the United 
 States Department of Labor. There came to the Secretary’s desk one 
 day a telegram from the Governor of one of the southern states 
 asking that some officials be sent down for counsel because of a 
 situation that was getting beyond his control. One of the other 
 officials and I were sent down. We spent a day in consultation with 
 the Governor and his staff. This was the situation. A battalion of 
 Negro soldiers, just back from France, had been mustered out in 
 front of the state house just a few days before. One of the speakers, 
 a Negro minister, had said something about their having learned 
 to shoot and now being prepared to protect their liberties. A report 
 of this speech spread like wild fire among white men of that state. 
 The “home guards” of white men were reorganized in three or four of 
 the principal cities. In one of those cities they had plans set to 
 attack colored people, especially the men, because they thought these 
 
172 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 soldiers were about to organize the colored people to attack the whites. 
 The Governor told us that if anything like that started in the city 
 he knew he did not have power to protect colored citizens. This is 
 just one illustration of tense conditions in many places. 
 
 In the face of a southwide situation similar to that these men met 
 in Atlanta for a day of prayer and counsel on what they might do 
 to meet it in such local communities. They called in the war work 
 secretaries of the Y. M. C. A. in that region. The Y. M.C. A. and the 
 Y.W.C.A. had been pioneers in a good deal of interracial work. 
 Out of such prayer and deliberations grew the plan of visits to the 
 local communities of the South with request to the strong white and 
 colored citizens of each community to get together and try to do the 
 something to deal with their local situations. 
 
 They suggested two principles: First, that each side had a right 
 to come into the council and plan together where their mutual inter- 
 ests were involved; that the white men should confer with colored 
 men about their mutual interests. This was just the reverse of 
 what one white man said about my work in the Department of Labor 
 during the World War: “We tell Negroes what to do; we don’t confer 
 with them.” Second, that if these leaders with sincerity and frank- 
 ness and the determination of goodwill believed in each other and 
 faced their situation squarely they could at least grapple with it if 
 anything occurred. 
 
 Now, we have never said, and never felt, and never believed that 
 this method was going to do away with all the problems. We do not 
 look for any general panacea. These problems are going to be just as 
 difficult. Prejudices are going to be just as strong, misunderstandings 
 will still have to be faced, slums will still be there, conflicts of inter- 
 ests will not disappear. The difference, however, has been that a 
 great asset has come from the agreement to face the situation together 
 in a friendly spirit and with open minds. This is illustrated by a 
 true story of the thing that happened in Atlanta, when, in the early 
 days of the interracial movement a committee of white men asked 
 a group of colored men to come and meet with them. These colored 
 men came, rather suspicious, and not knowing what the white men 
 wanted. When one of those white men said they had come to ask 
 what they could join hands with the Negro men in doing to help the 
 racial situation in their community, one of those Negro men arose 
 and with tears running down his cheeks, said, “Gentlemen, you have 
 done already the greatest thing that you could do in helping this 
 situation. You have come to confer with us as men and ask us to 
 join hands with you in meeting it.” That did mark a new day in 
 their attack upon their problem. 
 
MOTIVES AND METHOD ININTERRACIAL WORK 173 
 
 Out of this effort, ladies and gentlemen, we are going gradually 
 to come to see a new day because this movement recognizes that 
 both races are integral parts of the community, that the problems 
 that confront us are common, that our interests are interdependent, 
 and that, for better or for worse, we face the future together for the 
 destiny of both races is involved in the outcome. 
 
 ADDRESS OF DR. SHERWOOD EDDY * 
 
 Friends: I feel highly honored to be invited to speak at the 
 first conference that I think may mark a milestone of advance in the 
 better relations between these two great races. During the last 
 thirty years, the first year in this country and the next twenty-nine 
 years abroad, my work in traveling has taken me through the different 
 countries and among the different races of the world. I spent the 
 first fifteen years abroad in India, then as secretary for Asia, working 
 among the populations of that great continent, then in the World 
 War zone with the different races there. Thus I have seen something 
 of the world situation in Asia, in Europe and in America. Every- 
 where I traveled I found the gravity of this race problem. It cannot 
 be escaped. 
 
 Roughly, about one-third of the human race is white, about one- 
 third is yellow, and about one-third is black or brown. Some two- 
 thirds of humanity are in some sense colored people. Do we believe 
 that humanity is only in one favored color, or class, or clique, or creed, 
 or race, or religion? I believe that humanity is one, created of one 
 blood, of all men on the face of the earth, to dwell together in unity. 
 And I believe that this world was created not for a battle ground 
 but for a brotherhood; not for a warring battlefield of races, of 
 classes and of nations, dragging the world back again and again into 
 war, but as a codperative human family, bound together in ties of one 
 great love. 
 
 The rapid increase of population, bringing pressure to bear upon 
 the means of subsistence, has crowded us together. If the population 
 increases steadily at the present rate of increase, this world will be 
 filled 120 years from now. Who is to populate the world? What 
 method of birth control, or race control, of cooperation, or of strife, is 
 to solve this problem? In South Africa, on their own soil, where the 
 whites are outnumbered four to one, in town after town, the African 
 is not allowed to walk on the sidewalk; he must walk in the streets 
 with the cattle. Everywhere I find a growing African racial con- 
 
 * Excerpts from address delivered, Friday, March 27, 9:00 P.M, 
 
174. TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 sciousness. Everywhere the tides of democracy are sweeping around 
 the world; races are coming into a new aspiration in which the sense 
 of wounded self-respect and of thwarted manhood is making them 
 demand their rightful place. One of the great political leaders of 
 India said that “In a matter of honor we prefer death to anything 
 else.” I find the race problem very acute in India. 
 
 I find it acute also in Japan. I was there after the Washington 
 Disarmament Conference—every cloud was rolled away; there was 
 the clear sunshine of friendship; America was considered Japan’s 
 best friend. Then came the great earthquake, when, in forty-eight 
 hours Japan lost more than she lost in the whole Russian-Japanese 
 war. Again America came to her aid and was her best friend. And 
 then later, in a day, by the particular form of a section of our recent 
 Immigration Act we undid it all and made a deep and lasting wound 
 in the heart of that great friendly people. Even if we had permitted 
 them to enter on the basis of other nations on the 1890 quota, it 
 would have meant only 150 a year. Or if we did not even want the 
 150, if we had permitted President Coolidge to negotiate a friendly 
 round-table agreement with that great sister nation, how gladly they 
 would have reached such an agreement. They would not have felt 
 humiliated. They do not want their people to come here. They 
 want them in Korea, in Manchuria, in Formosa, in those places where 
 they are expanding, where their future lies. 
 
 But, would we permit President Coolidge to make such a round- 
 table agreement? No! We insisted on a form of words, on an 
 invidious distinction and exclusion which made a deep wound in the 
 heart of that great friendly power. We would not even permit the 
 Japanese minister, well within the truth, with the greatest courtesy, 
 to express the fear that it might lead to serious consequences. Any 
 one who knows the Far Hast would say that it would almost certainly 
 lead to serious consequences. Japan, having been rejected by America, 
 has already been driven into an alliance with Russia. 
 
 There is another domestic aspect of this race problem. I come 
 back to America, and I find this sad tale of lynching. Thank God 
 it has improved in the last four years, for reasons I shall mention 
 presently. Nevertheless, I come back to my own country to find that 
 we are the only country that descends to this disgraceful, this pathetic 
 barbarism. I find little or no color or race prejudice as I move among 
 the great Russian and Slavic peoples; I find little or no race prejudice 
 among the Latin races. 
 
 Four peoples suffer most from this disease of race prejudice. 
 The four peoples that suffer most may be mentioned in this order: 
 First and foremost, the people of this country. America leads the 
 
MOTIVES AND METHOD IN INTERRACIAL WORK 175 
 
 world in race prejudice. Second, our friends, the British; third, 
 the Germans; fourth, the high caste people of India in their treatment 
 of the outcasts and the low castes. In other words, it is the Anglo- 
 Saxon and the Teutonic peoples, not the Latins, not the Slavs, that 
 are suffering most from this race prejudice. 
 
 I came back to my country from my last journey around the 
 world, where I saw the hindrance that lynching has proved in mis- 
 sionary work in Japan. I not only saw in the papers there the account 
 of the last lynching, but the very photograph of the deed, where our 
 people are held up and pitied before the seventy millions of Japan. 
 I found in China also the account of the last lynching. I found 
 it not only in the daily press of India, but in the Christian press, 
 where we are pitied as the only people who descend to this barbarism. 
 It is proving a very real hindrance to our missionary work. 
 
 I come back to America to find deep race prejudice, suspicion, 
 hatred and propaganda. I found prejudice against the Jew, that 
 race to which we owe so much. Much we owe to the Greek, much to 
 the Roman but more to that great race of prophets that gave us the 
 Christian basis of our civilization. And to one member of that race 
 I owe more than to all the rest of humanity combined, Jesus Christ, 
 my Lord and my God, according to the flesh. I would cut off my hand 
 before I would take any part in any propaganda of race prejudice 
 against the Jew or against the Catholic, the brother for whom 
 Christ died. And, yet, I have just come from a city, where I found 
 well-meaning Protestants handing out in front of their churches 
 a false oath attributed to the Knights of Columbus, an allegation to 
 foment suspicion, hatred and division. The allegation has been 
 proven false in court after court in the United States, and is so 
 registered on the records of Congress. We know it has been testi- 
 fied to as false by representative committees of Masons and by repre- 
 sentative Protestant business men of America. To propagate such 
 hatred and falsehood in the name of the lowly Jesus of Nazareth is 
 pathetic. I have just come from another city where I found poor 
 Negroes, armed with cheap revolvers, in deadly terror of these same 
 followers of the lowly Jesus, and again I hang my head in shame. 
 It was the very Mayflower, that brought the Pilgrim Fathers to liberty 
 that went on its second voyage for a cargo of slaves, and Hawkins, 
 knighted by Queen Elizabeth, plied his slave trade in his ship “Jesus.” 
 
 Our present race prejudice may be traced in part to economic 
 causes, or to political causes where, as in India, one race is trying 
 to rule another. It may be traced also to difference in customs and 
 manners; it may be traced at times to fear of inter-marriage; but 
 
176 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 it is traceable usually, I believe, to the sense of racial superiority and 
 the corresponding notion of inferiority of other races. 
 
 What is the cure? Some would point to racial domination, with 
 one race claiming superiority; always their own race. Some would 
 look to segregation; some to amalgamation; some to eugenics; all 
 kinds of panaceas are held out. For myself, I can see no hope save 
 as we come back to those eternal principles taught by Jesus Christ 
 and actually practice them. There is first the principle of God as 
 the Father of all men; second, the principle of the equal worth of 
 each human soul, each priceless personality, with incalculable possi- 
 bilities of development; third, the equal brotherhood of all; and, 
 fourth, the great principle of love, not as an idle sentiment or passing 
 emotion, but the full sharing of life in indomitable goodwill. Jesus 
 practiced these principles. He not only taught them, but he prac- 
 ticed them. He went out as the Good Samaritan of humanity and 
 ministered to the needy, regardless of rank, race or religion. 
 
 And, yet, not only can Mr. H. G. Wells say that race prejudice 
 today is the most evil thing in the world, that it holds more abomina- 
 tion and cruelty than any other thing, but the great writer, Mr. 
 Graham Wallas, can say that Christianity has harbored more of 
 race prejudice and brutality than Mohammedanism ; that Christianity 
 has not been able to arrive even at a temporary working compromise 
 on the race problem. 
 
 Let me mention an illustration where professing Christians failed 
 to practice these principles of Jesus. The son of a prominent Christian 
 leader in Asia came to study in this country. I saw him before he 
 left. I asked him how he was going back. He said, “I am going 
 back as an atheist. I could never accept the religion of people who 
 treated me like a dog in this country.” 
 
 I saw my friend John J. Eagan, after the war, with Will Alexander, 
 gather together a little group of white men in Atlanta, and a group 
 of colored men, to study these racial problems, economic, social, moral 
 and religious, in their city. I stood in that city in a new colored 
 school that cost a quarter of a million dollars; I visited the new 
 colored bank; I saw new and better paved streets, better racial con- 
 ditions, better moral conditions and more friendship. I saw the 
 problem at least being considered and solutions sought through con- 
 ciliation because a little group of men of the two races got together 
 in indomitable goodwill, men who have a determination and under- 
 stand each other, and who came together as friends, equals, and 
 brothers, by codperation, trying to study the problem and solve it. 
 I do believe that real codperation and indomitable goodwill will lead 
 us to a solution. 
 
MOTIVES AND METHOD ININTERRACIAL WORK 17? 
 
 In one of the addresses of Booker T. Washington, he said, “I 
 will permit no man to degrade my soul by making me hate him.” 
 The Negro people may be called a great cross-bearing race, and may 
 be said to follow Jesus of Nazareth. I stood on the spot where 
 Booker Washington built up his great institution on an old hill at 
 Tuskegee. I stood on that hill which he bought at fifty cents an 
 acre, waste land, nothing on it but sand and clay. I saw there 111 
 great stone and brick buildings, a plant with an endowment of six 
 to eight millions of dollars. It is rising rapidly every year. I saw 
 2,000 students, who, in addition to their academic studies, were 
 learning a score of useful trades. I stood there beside Professor 
 Carver, whom Booker Washington found as a student of chemistry, 
 and said to him, “We can’t give you any laboratory but tackle that 
 old hill and see what you can make out of it.” That Negro chemist 
 went out to that hill and produced eighty-five commercial products 
 out of the clay; over two hundred out of the peanut and over one 
 hundred and twelve out of the sweet potato. 
 
 Within one generation, within the life-time of men sitting here 
 tonight since 1866 after the Civil War, the Negro population has 
 increased nearly three-fold; their literacy has increased seven-fold, 
 raised from ten per cent to eighty per cent; their farms owned 
 increased twenty-fold; their homes owned over fifty-fold; their 
 business operated thirty-five-fold, from 2,000 to over 70,000; the 
 value of their church property over seventy-fold; their estimated 
 wealth has risen from twenty millions to twenty hundred millions. 
 In spite of the inequality of opportunity, inequality of education, 
 inequality of development, there is in these facts proof of the under- 
 lying truth of a great and abiding spiritual quality of fellow mem- 
 bers of one great brotherhood of humanity ; that each race contributes 
 its own peculiar gifts. 
 
 I believe in full equality of race treatment; I believe in one 
 unbroken brotherhood, and I see no solution for our problem save in 
 the passion of love, a love that can suffer, a love than can bear, a love 
 that can die but rise again. For only love will win and can win, 
 and bridge these great gulfs that separate us in race prejudice and 
 passion. 
 
 I was told a story that in South Africa in the war between the 
 Julus and the British, when the Zulus came forward with a flag of 
 truce, by some terrible mistake the British soldiers shot down that 
 bearer of the flag of truce. The British officer, feeling ashamed, 
 determined, if necessary, to forfeit his own life. He went forward 
 empty handed to apologize, and if necessary, to lay down his life 
 
gigabit TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 for that misdeed. The Zulu chief met him, and he said, “You are 
 a man, we also are men, let us make peace.” And they made peace. 
 
 One, in the advancement of humanity, bearing its wrongs and its 
 shame, has gone out to make peace, reconciling us in the blood of 
 His cross. Shall we follow Him, bearing His reproach, bearing His 
 shame, determined to understand, and as one unbroken brotherhood, 
 small though our numbers be, work on and on until we shall bring 
 these divided races together in one love, where there shall be neither 
 Jew nor Greek, neither bond nor free, neither Catholic nor Protestant, 
 neither white nor black, neither East nor West, but all shall be one 
 in Christ ? 
 
 SUMMARY OF 
 LEADING SUGGESTIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS * 
 
 GROWING OUT OF THE CONFERENCE 
 I. To NEWSPAPERS 
 
 1. That the word “Negro” be capitalized wherever used in the press. 
 
 2. That when crimes are committed by Negroes the racial designation of 
 the offender be omitted, especially from the headlines. 
 
 3. That a point be made of featuring items which reflect credit upon the 
 Negro race, and that place be more largely given to affairs and events 
 of importance of them, and that in general Negro news be written up 
 so as not to provoke unfavorable reaction on the part of the reader. 
 
 II. To EmMpLoyrers 
 
 1. That wherever Negroes are employed they shall receive payment equal 
 to that received by white labor for the same work. 
 
 2. That larger opportunity be given for Negroes to occupy positions of 
 skill and responsibility. 
 
 III. To Trape Unions 
 
 1. That there shall be no disbarment from membership on account of race 
 or color. 
 
 IV. To SocraL AGENCIES 
 
 1. That as far as possible social service be carried on with reference to 
 Negroes not as a separate racial group, but as fellow citizens of a 
 common community. 
 
 2. That Negroes be placed upon the employed staffs and governing boards 
 of agencies which have a considerable amount of work with Negroes. 
 
 3. That effort shall be made to adjust Negro migrants to their new local- 
 ities so that there may not arise through ignorance any violation of 
 law. 
 
 V. To Locat ComMMUNITIES 
 
 1, That local interracial committees be formed for the purpose of study- 
 ing local interracial needs, and organizing the community for intelli- 
 gent action. These local committees should contain representatives of 
 all interests most closely involved in local interracial matters. 
 That adequate police protection and vice regulation be accorded Negro 
 district and population. 
 That housing and health standards be rigidly enforced in Negro districts. 
 That compulsory segregation ofNegroes be abolished. 
 To Courts oF JUSTICE 
 That where the number of Negroes involved is large there be provided 
 Negro members of juries, and Negro police and probation officers. 
 
 * Prepared by Professor Harle Edward Eubank, Department of Sociology, Univer- 
 sity of Cincinnati. 
 
 mim oo bo 
 
MOTIVES AND METHOD ININTERRACIAL WORK 179 
 
 2. That the Negro be given “white man’s justice” in every court where 
 he appears. 
 
 3. That the Negro be given his Constitutional rights—especially that of 
 franchise—in every community where it is denied him. 
 
 VII. To CHurcHES 
 
 1, That groups be organized under religious auspices for the study of racial 
 questions. 
 
 2. That wherever possible there be interchange of pulpits. 
 
 3. That official church boards be asked to consider racial problems as of 
 crucial importance. 
 
 VIII. To ScHoot AUTHORITIES AND STUDENT BopiEs 
 
 1. That everywhere Negroes be provided with educational facilities and 
 opportunities equal to those extended to white students, and that where 
 separate schools now exist equal standards of education be adhered to 
 in all respects. (This particularly needed in regard to medical edu- 
 cation. ) 
 
 2. That opportunities for sympathetic interracial contact, and first hand 
 knowledge of students of different races be made possible and encouraged 
 in every reasonable way, especially by conference and interchange of 
 competent representatives. 
 
 3. That materials and courses be presented which will give a fair inter- 
 pretation of each race to the other, and in particular that meritorious 
 materials of Negro origin be as freely used as any other. 
 
 4, That in mixed schools Negro students be admitted to representation 
 in the general student organizations as rapidly as favorable student 
 opinion can be developed. 
 
 IX. To LEADERS oF THE NEGRO PEOPLE 
 
 1, That every encouragement be given and every legitimate means be 
 employed to induce Negroes everywhere to avail themselves of the 
 maximum of every educational opportunity afforded, to the end that 
 differences in cultural level between the two races may be reduced 
 as rapidly as possible. 
 
 X. IN GENERAL 
 
 Throughout the Conference it was recognized that open-minded study of 
 conditions and mutual facing of the facts must be the bases for better under- 
 standing and interracial cooperation. 
 
 In conclusion the Conference adopted the statement of the Committee 
 on Schools and Colleges as follows: 
 
 We believe 
 That racial antagonism arises fundamentally from social conditions, 
 and that as such it is remediable through changes in those conditions, 
 which will lead to revised social attitudes. 
 
 LIST OF SUGGESTIVE QUESTIONS AND POINTS SENT TO DELEGATES 
 PRECEDING CONFERENCE 
 
 PLAN OF OPEN FORUM DISCUSSION AND SUGGESTIVE QUESTIONS AND POINTS FOR 
 PREPARATION OF DELEGATES: EACH DELEGATE IS URGED TO STUDY 
 HIS OWN COMMUNITY ALONG LINES OF THESE SUGGESTIONS 
 BEFORE COMING TO THE CONFERENCE 
 
 NATIONAL INTERRACIAL CONFERENCE 
 Cincinnati, Ohio—March 25-27, 1925. 
 
 PLAN OF OPEN FORUM DISCUSSION OF TOPICS 
 
 For each topic a definite amount of time on the program will be allotted. 
 A part of that time will be taken by the delegates in stating (1) the most 
 pressing problems that confront them in their localities; (2) what solutions 
 they have attempted; and (3) experience in getting results. 
 
180 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 When the time for this part of the open forum discussion on each topic 
 is used up, the discussion committee, in charge of the topic, who have listened 
 to the reports, will retire for a few minutes to sift out the main points that 
 need further consideration. 
 
 While the discussion committee is deliberating an address will be given 
 on the topic under consideration by some one competent to speak upon it. 
 The discussion committee will bring in the main points presented by the 
 delegates and other points considered worth while by the committee. The 
 open forum discussion will then continue for the balance of the time allotted 
 to the topic with the members of the committee adding such information and 
 giving such guidance as will make the discussion fruitful. 
 
 To help the delegates in preparation for the discussion before they come 
 to the conference, suggestions and questions for their guidance in studying 
 their own local situation have been prepared and are given in the following 
 
 paragraphs: | 
 IN. PREPARATION FOR DISCUSSION ON HEALTH AND RACE RELATIONS 
 
 1. What are some of the health problems of your community? 
 
 a. Tuberculosis 
 b. Infant death. 
 ce. Social diseases. 
 
 What are the facilities for handling of health conditions of colored 
 people in your community? 
 
 What interest is manifested by the health authorities of your local 
 government in health of the Negro population? 
 
 To what extent do agencies that carry health educational campaigns 
 include the colored people? 
 
 What hospital and clinical facilities are open to colored people? 
 
 What share do Negro citizens have in the Public Health Nursing 
 
 Service? 
 
 An PB oo 
 
 IN PREPARATION FOR DISCUSSION ON HOUSING AND RACE RELATIONS 
 
 1. What are the conditions of sanitation in the Negro neighborhoods of 
 your community? 
 
 In what ways do Negroes themselves affect interracial attitudes on 
 housing? | 
 
 What are some of the Negro’s difficulties in trying to obtain mortgage 
 money? 
 
 Difficulties in renting and buying property? 
 
 What efforts are being made, and what further efforts are possible to 
 improve housing conditions for Negroes? 
 
 What efforts are being made for better housing? 
 
 Oo PR w 
 
 IN PREPARATION FOR DISCUSSION ON INDUSTRY AND RACE RELATIONS 
 
 1. What are the proportions of white and colored workers in the total 
 wage earning population of your community ? 
 
 2. What are the proportions of white and colored workers in the prin- 
 cipal occupations in which colored workers are employed in your 
 community ? 
 
 3. Can you give instances of new occupations opened to colored workers 
 in the last few years, describing the circumstances of their opening? 
 
 4, Can you give illustrations of personnel policies in the industries of 
 your community with reference to the employment of colored workers? 
 Tf so, can you give facts about the results of these policies? 
 
 5. What are your schools doing by way of guiding colored children in the 
 
 choice of their first positions? 
 
MOTIVES AND METHOD ININTERRACIAL WORK 181 
 
 6. Formulate the two most difficult problems in race relations in industry 
 in your community. 
 
 7. Give instances of success in dealing with employment problems of race 
 relations in your community which might be of service to other com- 
 munities. 
 
 8. What part do Negro workers have in labor organizations? 
 
 9. Secure any other facts which will help you discuss such problems in 
 your community. 
 
 IN PREPARATION FOR DISCUSSION ON PUBLICITY AND RACE RELATIONS 
 
 1. In what ways are interracial misunderstandings nurtured, goodwill 
 fostered? 
 2. How do the following publicity agencies affect race relations?— 
 
 a. The press. b. Motion pictures. c. Fiction. d. Magazines. 
 
 IN PREPARATION FOR DISCUSSION ON CHURCH AND RACE RELATIONS 
 
 1, In what ways are the churches of your community and your denomina- 
 tion serving as a medium of interracial understanding? 
 
 2. Do your ministers, unions or associations include white and colored 
 members; if not, is there some other interracial contact between 
 ministerial organizations? 
 
 3. Have your churches observed Race Relations Sunday? What sugges- 
 tions for its improvement would you make? 
 
 4, What are the Sunday Schools doing to foster interracial understand- 
 ing and goodwill? 
 
 5. What other practical measures have the churches of your community 
 or denomination promoted to increase friendly contact and _ inter- 
 racial codperation? What has been the result? 
 
 6. How may the church auxiliaries, young people’s societies, mission 
 boards, be used more effectively for interracial understanding? 
 
 7, What has been the experience of your local YMCA and YWCA 
 with interracial committees in their work? 
 
 IN PREPARATION FOR DISCUSSION ON BUSINESS AND RACE RELATIONS 
 
 1. Is lack of opportunity for experience in business in your locality a 
 barrier to young Negro business men? In what definite ways? Get 
 definite cases. 
 
 2. Does race identity relate itself to securing credit? 
 
 3. What is the relation of white business organizations of your community 
 to Negro men and women in business? 
 
 4, Are executive and clerical positions in business establishments in your 
 community occupied by colored men without racial friction? Could they 
 
 be so occupied? 
 
 IN PREPARATION FOR DISCUSSION ON SOCIAL AGENCIES AND RACE RELATIONS 
 
 Are the social agencies of your community serving as a medium of inter- 
 racial codperation through— 
 
 Honest and wise leadership? 
 
 Working WITH instead of FOR Negroes? 
 
 Assisting Negroes to choose their own leadership? 
 
 ‘Giving white and Negro workers of a similar rank the same basis 
 
 of remuneration? ae 
 Equitable apportionment of positions of trust and responsibility on 
 
 boards and staffs? 
 Efforts of a constructive character in securing adjustment of per- 
 
 manent value rather than of palliative almsgiving type. 
 
 2 pete 
 
 
 
182 
 
 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 IN PREPARATION FOR DISCUSSION ON THE COURTS AND RACE RELATIONS 
 
 PS 
 
 How nearly are the courts in your community giving impartial 
 treatment to white and colored people, in 
 
 a. Protection of person and _ property? 
 b. Service on juries? 
 ce. Matters of arrests, etc. 
 
 What provision is made in your community for juvenile court and 
 juvenile probation? How do Negroes share in whatever is provided? 
 What legal aid, if any, is given in your community to Negro clients? 
 To white clients? 
 
 Does race identity determine chance of citizens to serve on juries? 
 Do Negro citizens so serve? 
 
 IN PREPARATION FOR DISCUSSION ON INTERRACIAL MOVEMENT 
 
 What organizations or agencies of interracial type have been devel- 
 oped in your community? 
 
 How are members that compose these organizations or agencies chosen? 
 What are some of the policies that have been adopted to guide the 
 activities of the particular interracial organizations or agencies in 
 which you are active? 
 
 Have any of these organizations or agencies written constitutions? If 
 so, study them and inquire into the results of their operation. 
 
 What efforts have been made to correlate the organization and activity 
 of several organizations or agencies dealing with interracial interests? 
 How far are racial or national groups besides white and Negro in- 
 cluded in local interracial plans and policies? 
 
 IN PREPARATION FOR DISCUSSION ON SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES AND RACE 
 
 RELATIONS 
 
 What is the situation in the public schools of your community relative 
 to interracial codperation ? 
 
 What use is made of textbooks and library facilities that might in- 
 crease each race’s appreciation of the other? 
 
 What friendly contact and codperation has been developed between 
 Negro and white college students? 
 
DELEGATES 
 
 NATIONAL INTERRACIAL CONFERENCE 
 CINCINNATI, OHIO, MARCH 25-27, 1925 
 
 Ackley, Ernest L., Vanderbilt University, 111 Kissam Hall, Nashville, Tenn., 
 Y. M.C. A. Student Department. 
 
 Adams, Mrs. Will H., Indianapolis, Ind.—Chr. Interracial Committee, 
 YW s Gna, 
 
 Alexander, Dr. Will W., 409 Palmer Bldg., Atlanta, Ga.—Commission on 
 Interracial Cooperation. 
 
 Allen, Mrs. Bessie L., Louisville, Ky.—Interracial Committee of Kentucky. 
 
 Allen, N. B., 675 E. Long St., Columbus, Ohio—Columbus Urban League. 
 
 Allen, S. A., 119 Camden St., Boston 18, Mass.—Boston Urban League & 
 Boston Church Fed. ; 
 
 Anderson, Rev. D. H., Paducah, Ky.—TInterracial Committee of Kentucky. 
 
 Anderson, Rev. D. S., W. Kentucky Industrial College, Paducah, Ky. 
 
 Anderson, Mrs. N. A., 721 W. 5th St., Dayton, Ohio—Interracial Comm. 
 Yow. ©. A; 
 
 Anderson, Mrs. T. L., 609 High St., Frankfort, Ky.—Interracial Comm. of 
 Kentucky. 
 
 Arnold, Anna M., 134 Clark St., Springfield, Ohio—Secy. Clark St. Y. W. C. A. 
 
 Arthur, George R., Sec’y Wabash Avenue Y. M. C. A., Chicago, Ill. 
 
 Atkins, H. P., Dr., 516 Union Central Building, Cincinnati, Ohio—Church 
 Federation of Cincinnati. 
 
 Atkins, Russell C., Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio—Interracial Forum. 
 
 Attwell, Ernest T., 501 So. 16th St., Philadelphia, Pa.—Playground & 
 Recre. Asso. of America. 
 
 Atwater, Charleston W., 465 Considine Avenue, Cincinnati, Ohio—Fed. of 
 Churches. 
 
 Baker, Paul E., 920 17th Ave., N., Nashville, Tenn.—Fisk University. 
 
 Barnes, Miss Dora M.—Commission on the Church and Race Relations, 289 
 Fourth Ave., New York City. 
 
 Barr, C. D., American Cast Iron Pipe Co., Birmingham, Ala.—Ala. Interracial 
 Committee. 
 
 Barrick, James, Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio—Interracial Forum. 
 
 Beamon, Dr. R. E., 438 W. 5th St., Cincinnati, Ohio—Cin. Medical Association. 
 
 Belcher, Miss May B., 601 North West St., Indianapolis, Ind._-Y. W.C. A. 
 Interracial Committee. 
 
 Belboder, Rev. J. Samuel, Dayton, Ohio—N. A. A.C. P. 
 
 Bell, W. A., 362 Terry St., Atlanta, Ga.—Committee on Church Cooperation. 
 
 Blinn, Mrs. Chas. L., Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 Bond, Mrs. Clementine, 140 Elm Street, New Castle, Pa.—Interracial Comm. 
 Wee. Ay 
 
 Bond, Dr. James, 214 Pythian Temple, Louisville, Ky.—Interracial Comm. 
 of Kentucky. 
 
 Brady, Miss Mabel S., 800 W. Fifth St., Dayton, Ohio—Secy. Interracial 
 Comm. Y. W. C. A. 
 
 Brascher, Nahum D., Associated Negro Press, 3423 Indiana Ave., Chicago, Tl. 
 
 Brashares, Charles W., Dayton, Interracial Council, Dayton, Ohio. 
 
 Brent, Mrs. L., 1205 So. Campbell St., Hopkinsville, Ky.—State Inter. 
 Commission of Ky. 
 
 * Made by Professor Earle Edward Eubank, Department of Sociology, Univer- 
 sity of Cincinnati. 
 183 
 
184 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 Bryson, Miss Gladys, National Student Council Y.W.C.A., 600 Lexington 
 Avenue, New York City. 
 
 Brown, Rey. R. L., Cleveland, Ohio. 
 
 Brown, Atty. S. Joe., 515 Mulberry St., Des Moines, Iowa.—Interracial 
 Commission. 
 
 Bowles, Miss Eva D., National Board Y. W. C. A., 600 Lexington Ave., New 
 York City. 
 
 Borst, H. W., Indianapolis, Ind.—Interracial Commission. 
 
 Burton, Rev. Charles W., Pastor, Lincoln Memorial Congregational Church, 
 Chicago, Il1l—Comm. on Interracial Relations of Chicago. 
 
 Butler, Mrs. D. F., 1333 Lincoln Ave., Walnut Hill, Cincinnati, Ohio—Pres. 
 City Fed. Women’s Clubs. 
 
 Campbell, Miss M. Edith, 25 E. 9th St., Cincinnati, Ohio—Board of Education. 
 
 Castellini, Mr. J. J., Cincinnati, Ohio—Delegate-at-large. 
 
 Cater, Prof. J. T., Talladega College, Talladega, Ala. 
 
 Chapman, Rev. W. P., 1329 Lincoln Avenue, Cincinnati, Ohio—Bapt. Ministers 
 Conference. 
 
 Chase, Mr. J. H., 14 E. Rayen Avenue, Youngstown, Ohio—Interracial Com- 
 mittee. 
 
 Childs, Rev. P. C., 507 Perry St., Erie, Pa.—Erie Ministerial Association. 
 
 Clarke, Dr. R. E., 623 Cutter St., Cincinnati, Ohio—Cin. Medical Association. 
 
 
 
 Clay, Miss , Cincinnati Better Housing League, Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 Clement, Bishop George C., 1633 Jefferson St., Louisville, Ky.—Race Relations 
 Commission. 
 
 Cleaves, Bishop N. C., St. Louis, Mo.—Community Council. 
 
 Corbett, Miss Mildred, National Board Y. W. C. A., Town Department, 600 
 Lexington Avenue, New York City. 
 
 Cox, Dr. Gilbert S., Columbus, Ohio—Columbus Urban League. 
 
 Culbreth, Mr. J. Marion, 810 Broadway, Nashville, Tenn.—Board of Educa- 
 tion, M. E. Church, So. 
 
 Curry, Rev. E, W. B., Second Baptist Church, Springfield, Ohio—Pres. 
 The Curry Institute. 
 
 Dabney, W. P., Cincinnati, Ohio—N. A. A. C. P. 
 
 David, Rev. G. F., Lexington, Ky., Interracial Committee of Ky. 
 Davis, Mrs. Estella R., 3046 Gilbert Avenue, W. Hill, Cincinnati, Ohio, 
 Federation of Churches, Pres. State Fed. of Colored Women’s Clubs. 
 Davis, Miss Helen A., National Board Y.W.C.A., 600 Lexington Avenue, 
 New York City. 
 
 Davis, R. H., Cincinnati, Ohio—Church Federation. 
 
 DeFrantz, F. E., Indianapolis, Ind., Interracial Committee Y.M.C. A. 
 
 Derricotte, Miss Juliette, National Board Y. W. C. A., 600 Lexington Ave., New 
 York City. 
 
 Dickerson, Spaulding, Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio—Interracial 
 Forum. 
 
 Dix, Miss Blanche C., Northwestern University, c/o Y. W.C. A.—Evanston, 
 Ill.—Natl. Student Council Y. W. C.A. 
 
 Dix, Philo C., 345 Association Bldg., Louisville, Ky., State Interracial Comm. 
 
 Dyer, T. W., Columbus, Ohio—Columbus Council of Churches. 
 
 Eddy, Dr. Sherwood, 347 Madison Avenue, N. Y. C.—Secy. National Council 
 Y.M.C. A. 
 
 Edwards, Miss Thyra J., 232 Gary Bldg., Gary, Ind.—Interracial Comm. of 
 Gary. 
 
 Wledece! Robert B., 412 Palmer Bldg., Atlanta, Ga.—Comm. on Interracial 
 Cooperation. 
 
 Elliott, Mrs. Elizabeth N., Y.W.C.A., 702 W. 8th St., Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 Emery, John J., 115 E. 4th St., Cincinnati, Ohio—Negro Civic Welfare 
 Association. 
 
 Eubank, (Prof.) Earle E., Dept. of Sociology, University of Cincinnati, 
 Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 ate ae 
 
DELEGATES AND VISITORS 185 
 
 cecrthad, EK. J., 937 2nd Natl. Bk. Bldg., Akron, Ohio—Better Akron Federa- 
 
 ion. 
 
 Feger, Miss H. V., Alpha Kappa Alpha—Omuran Chapter, Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 Ficken, Rev. R. O., 3744 Glenway Avenue, Cincinnati, Ohio—Natl. Council of 
 the Cong. Churches. 
 
 Fielding, John 8., Fraternal League, Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 Fisher, Miss Constance C., 2160 E. 86th St., Cleveland, Ohio—Natl. Student 
 Council Y. W. C. A. 
 
 Fitzwater, P. B., 153 Institute Place, Chicago, Ill.—Moody Bible Institute. 
 
 Flack, Rev. P. R., 1958 Catherine St., Detroit, Mich—Mich. Conference, 
 A. M. E. Zion Church. 
 
 Foote, Rev. James P., 628 W. 8th St., Cincinnati, Ohio—Fed. of Churches. 
 
 Forte, Mrs. Etta C., 702 W. 8th St., Cincinnati, Ohio—Y. W. C. A. 
 
 Foster, A. L., 809 8th Street S. E., Canton, Ohio. 
 
 Fouse, Mrs. W. H., 219 N. Upper St., Lexington, Ky. 
 
 Fowler, W. H. (Rev.), 85-16th Avenue, Columbus, Ohio—Interracial Forum, 
 Ohio State University. 
 
 Fowler, Mrs. Wilbur, 85-16th Avenue, Columbus, Ohio—Kappa Phi, Methodist 
 Club, Ohio State Univ. 
 
 Frazier, E. Franklin, 36 Chestnut St., Atlanta, Ga.—Atlanta School of 
 Social Work. 
 
 Freeman, Mrs. J. H., Delaware, Ohio—Woman’s Home Missionary Society, 
 M. E. Church. 
 
 Frey, John P., Box 699, Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 Frye, Mrs. Curtis Wm., 304 N. 4th St., Newark, Ohio—Presbyterian Church. 
 
 Gates, Miss Louise, Y. W.C. A., Toledo, Ohio. 
 
 Gilbert, Mrs. Levi, 420 Plum St., Cincinnati, Ohio—Woman’s Home Mis- 
 sionary Society, M. E. Church. 
 
 Ginberg, Harris, 4th and Plum St., Cincinnati Model Homes Co., Cincinnati, 
 Ohio. 
 
 Glenn, John M., Russell Sage Foundation, New York City. 
 
 Goode, Mrs. W. H. C., Sidney, Ohio. 
 
 Gordon, Mrs. Lena Trent, Public Welfare Department, Philadelphia, Pa.— 
 Interracial Committee. 
 
 Greene, Mr. Cyrus T., Westinghouse Electric & Mfg. Co., E. Pittsburgh, Pa.— 
 Employment Dept. 
 
 Green, J. A., Fifth St. Branch Y.M.C.A., Dayton, Ohio. 
 
 Griffith, Mrs. J. A., 1505 Race St., Philadelphia, Pa.—Interracial Committee. 
 
 Groves, Miss Josephine A., Bethlehem Center, Nashville, Tenn.—Nashville 
 Student Forum. 
 
 Hager, Judge J., Ashland, Ky.—Interracial Committee. 
 
 Harris, Rev. E. G., 1626 W. Chestnut St., Louisville, Ky. 
 
 Harris, Mrs. Lydia, 241 Bunton Avenue, Springfield, Ohio—Y. W.C. A. 
 
 Hartzell, Bishop J. C., Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 Haynes, Dr. George E., Commission on the Church and Race Relations, 105 
 E, 22nd St., New York. 
 
 Herod, Rev. S. Henry, 2738 Boulevard Place, Indianapolis, Ind.—Interracial 
 Comm. 
 
 Hirsch, Max, Cincinnati, Ohio—Delegate-at-large. 
 
 Holloway, Miss Mary K., Cincinnati, Ohio—Delta Sigma Theta Natl. 
 Association. 
 Hope, Miss Anna, Y.W.C.A., 248 Belmont Avenue, Youngstown, Ohio— 
 
 Interracial Comm. 
 
 Hope, Pres. John, Morehouse College, Atlanta, Ga. 
 Howell, Miss Bertha B., 2221 Locust St., St. Louis, Mo.—Community Council 
 of St. Louis. : 
 Howsare, Mrs. Athella M., 1535 N. Euclid St., Dayton, Ohio—Interracial 
 
 Council. 
 Hungerford, Arthur E., 809 N. Charles St., Baltimore, Md.—Federal Council. 
 
186 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 Hunt, Mrs. H. A., High & Industrial School, Fort Valley, Ga.—Woman’s 
 Aux. to Natl. Council of the P. E. Church. 
 
 Hutcherson, W. L., Wichita, Kansas—Council of Churches. 
 
 Ideson, Miss Ethel, Negro Civie Welfare Association, Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 Ingraham, Rev. L. H., Federation of Churches, Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 Isom, Rev. Charles T., 106 Lexington Ave., Columbus, Ohio.—Ohio Baptist 
 General Association. 
 
 Jackson, Rev. A. W., 636 W. 9th St., Cincinnati, Ohio—Fed. of Churches. 
 
 James, C. H., Charleston, W. Va. 
 
 Jernagin, Rev. W. H., Washington, D. C.—National Race Congress. 
 
 Jetton, Atty. J. P., Dayton, Ohio—Interracial Council. 
 
 Johnson, C. H., Wilberforce, Ohio—Laymen’s Movement of the A. M. BE. 
 Church. 
 
 Johnson, Charles L., Center St. Y.M.C. A.—Springfield, Ohio. 
 
 Johnson, Sully, 962 W. Federal St., Youngstown, Ohio—Interracia] Comm. 
 
 Johnston, Miss Emogene, Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio—Interracial 
 Forum. 
 
 Johnston, Miss Esther, Carnegie Tech., Pittsburg, Pa.—Natl. Student Council 
 Y. W.C. A. : 
 
 Jones, G. H. (Pres. Wilberforce University), Wilberforce, Ohio. 
 
 Jones, Mrs. Ada, Springfield, Ohio. 
 
 Jones, David D., 409 Palmer Bldg., Atlanta, Ga.—TInterracial Commission. 
 
 Jones, Mrs. T. D., 1024 EB. McMillan Ave., Cincinnati, Ohio—Woman’s Home 
 Miss. Soc. M. E. Church. 
 
 Keller, Dr. William S., Pres. Cin. Social Hygiene Society, Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 Kingsley, Rev. Harold M., 2225 E. 93rd St., Cleveland, Ohio—Cong. Home 
 Missionary Society, New York. 
 
 Kleinschmidt, Dr. H. E., Toledo Public Health Ass’n, Toledo, Ohio. 
 
 Lawson, Miss Isobel C., 702 W. 8th St., Y. W.C. A., Cincinnati, Ohio—Alpha 
 Kappa Alpha Sorority. 
 
 Lawson, Mrs. Lula E., Y. W.C. A., 3541 Indiana Avenue, Chicago, III. 
 
 Lee, Charles O., Flanner House, Indianapolis, Ind. 
 
 Lee, Mrs. Charles O., 802 N. West St., Indianapolis, Ind. 
 
 Leigh, James W., Springfield, Ohio. Y.M.C. A. 
 
 Leiper, Rev. Henry Smith, 287 4th Ave., New York City—Amer. Missionary 
 Association. 
 
 Lewis, Grant K., 425 DeBaliviere Ave., St. Louis, Mo.—United Christian 
 Miss. Society (Disciples of Christ). 
 
 Littel, Miss Frances, Oberlin College—Shurtleff Cottage, Oberlin, Ohio. 
 
 Locust, Rev. F. C., Covington, Ky.—Interracial Comm. of Kentucky. 
 
 McGranahan, Dr. R. W., 209 9th St., Pittsburg, Pa. 
 
 McKim, Judson J., General Secy. Y.M.C.A., Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 McWilliams, Rev. B. F., Toledo, Ohio—Toledo Council of Churches. 
 
 Maloney, Prof. A. H., Wilberforce, Ohio—Y. M. C. A. Wilberforce University. 
 
 Manuel, Harley, Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio—Interracial Forum. 
 
 Marquette, Bleecker, 25 E. 9th St., Cincinnati, Ohio—Better Housing League. 
 
 Martin, Alexander H. (Atty.), 2392 E. 40th St., 529 Erie Bldg., Cleveland, 
 Ohio—Church Fed. 
 
 Martin, Dr. Arba, Federation of Churches, Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 Marx, Mrs. August, 3280 Observatory Rd., Cincinnati, Ohio—Y. W. C. A. 
 
 Matthews, Miss Elizabeth, Cincinnati, Ohio—Woman’s Aux. Natl. Council 
 Episcopal Church. 
 
 Mayer, A. L. 
 
 Miller, Dr. Herbert A., Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio—Urban 
 League. 
 
 Mount, Mr.—Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio. 
 
 you Miss Sarah, Peabody College, Nashville, Tenn.—Nat]. Student Council 
 
 .W.C.A. 
 Nelson, Dr. W. T., Cincinnati, Ohio—Y. M. C0. A. 
 
DELEGATES AND VISITORS 187 
 
 Nichols, Franklin O., 370 Seventh Ave., New York City—Amer. Social 
 Hygiene Association. 
 
 Nolcox, Matthias, School 26, Indianapolis, Ind. 
 
 Norcom, Mrs. Josephine M., Y.W.C.A., 702 W. 8th St., Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 Orton, Rev. W. C., 1820 W. Chestnut St., Louisville, Ky. 
 
 Owen, Chandler, 2305 7th Ave., New York City—The Messenger Press. 
 
 Oxley, Dr. Edward N., Cincinnati, Ohio—Christian Social Service of Epis. 
 Church. 
 
 Paine, Rev. George L., 4 Park St., Boston, Mass.—Boston Fed. of 
 Churches. 
 
 Parrish, Dr. C. H., Simmons University, Louisville, Ky.—Interracial Com- 
 mittee. 
 
 Paul, Tom D., University of Chicago, Chicago, Ill.—Y.M.C. A. 
 
 Peters, Dr William H., Health Commissioner, Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 Phillips, Bishop C. H., Cleveland, Ohio—C. M. E. Church. 
 
 Pius, Rev. J. B., 229 N. 17th St., Columbus, Ohio—Delegate-at-large. 
 
 Plaskett, Rev. G. M., Church of the Epiphany, Orange, N. J.—Dept. Christian 
 Social Service, Epis. Church. 
 
 Porter, Miss Jennie D., H. B. Stowe School, Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 Pronko, Stephen, Youngstown, Ohio—Interracial Committee. 
 
 Ridley, Lendell Charles, Wilberforce University, Wilberforce, Ohio. 
 
 Robinson, James H., 520 W. Fifth St., Cincinnati—Negro Civic Welfare 
 Asso. Council of Social Agencies. 
 
 Robinson, Rev. J. W., 458 Water St., Clarksburg, W. Va.—Community 
 Service of Clarksburg. 
 
 Roman, Dr. C. V., 13803 Church St., Nashville, Tenn. 
 
 Ross, Dr. B. A., Dayton, Ohio—Interracial Council. 
 
 Ross, Miss Martha Hall, Douglass School, Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 Russack, 8S. J., St. Louis, Mo.—Community Council. 
 
 Routzahn, E. G., 130 E. 22nd St., N. Y. C.—Director, Division of Publicity, 
 Russell Sage Foundation. 
 
 Ryan, Miss, Cincinnati, Ohio—Vocational Bureau. 
 
 Smith, Mrs. Henry Francis, 14 Beacon St., Boston, Mass.—Cong. Woman’s 
 Home Miss. Federation. 
 
 Smith, Kirke, Lincoln Ridge, Louisville, Ky. 
 
 Smith, Mrs. T. J., 830 W. 5th St., Dayton, Ohio—Interracial Committee, 
 Y. W. C. A. 
 
 Smith, Woodford, S., 209 So. Center St., Springfield, Ohio—Center St. 
 Wem CA: 
 
 Sneed, Mrs. Lavinia B., 818 So. 6th St., Louisville, Ky. 
 
 Sanders, H. L., 218 Indiana Avenue, Indianapolis, Ind. 
 
 Steeper, H. T., Prin. West High School, Des Moines, Iowa—Interracial 
 Commission. 
 
 Steele, Edward, Fraternal League, Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 Steinmetz, Clyde, Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio Y. M.C. A. 
 
 Steward, Mrs. Mamie E., 621 E. 8th St., Louisville, Ky.—Interracial Com- 
 mittee. 
 
 Steward, W. H., 621 So. 8th St., Louisville, Ky.—Editor, American Baptist. 
 
 Sudduth, H., Y.M.C.A., Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 Swartz, Rev. Charles B., 4108 Grand Boulevard, Chicago, Ill—Comm. on 
 Interracial Relations. 
 
 Tawney, Mrs. Guy, Cincinnati, Ohio-—Fed. of Churches. : 
 
 Taylor, Dr. Alva W., 821 Occidental Bldg., Indianapolis, Ind.—Interracial 
 Commission. 
 
 Thomas, Jesse O., 200 Auburn Avenue, Atlanta, Ga.—Urban League. 
 
 Thompson, George W., 328 Arch St., Akron, Ohio—Better Akron Federation. 
 
 Thomson, Rev. A. E., Lincoln Ridge, Ky.—Interracial Comm. of Ky. 
 
 Timberlake, Rev. T., 1023 W. Madison St., Louisville, Ky.—Genl. Missionary 
 and Cor. Secy. General Asso. of Ky. Baptists. 
 
188 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 Turner, Miss Angie, West Virginia Collegiate Institute, Institute, W. Va.— 
 Natl. Student Council, Y. W.C. A. 
 
 Van Kleeck, Miss Mary, Russell Sage Foundation, 130 E. 22nd St., New 
 York City. 
 
 Vanvoorhis, Mrs. T., Oxford, Ohio. 
 
 Walker, D. H., 912 W. Liberty St., Springfield, Ohio. 
 
 Walls, Bishop W. J., Charlotte, N. C.—Delegate-at-large. 
 
 Ward, C. W., Springfield, Ohio.—Y. M. GC. A. 
 
 Wareing, E. D., Editor, Western Christian Advocate, Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 Warner, Miss Elizabeth, Y. W.C. A., Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 Washington, Mr. Forrester B., 1434 Lombard St., Philadelphia, Pa.—TInter- 
 racial Committee—Armstrong Association. 
 
 Waters, Mrs. Minnie Moore, 1338 Lincoln Avenue, Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 Watkins, Dr. 8. J., Covington, Ky.—Interracial Committee. 
 
 Webb, Miss Elizabeth, So. Division Student Council, Y. W.C. A., Shelby, N. C. 
 
 Weber, Miss Matilda C., 1412 U. B. Bldg., Dayton, Ohio—Women’s Missionary 
 Association of the United Brethren in Christ. 
 
 Wells, Rev. B. Clayton, 1626 N. Holyoke Ave., Wichita, Kans.—Council of 
 Churches. ; 
 
 Weston, Dr. W. J., 424 So. 8th St, Paducah, Ky.—State Interracial Com- 
 mittee. 
 
 White, Mrs. J. O., Cincinnati, Ohio—Y. W. C. A. 
 
 White, Prof. George N., Burrell Normal School, Florence, Ala.—Amer. Mis- 
 sionary Association. 
 
 Whitman, R. C., Springfield, Ohio—Y. M.C. A. 
 
 Willette, Miss Myrtle D., 641 W. 4th St., Cincinnati, Ohio—Woman’s Mis- 
 sionary Soc. of M. E. Church. 
 
 Williams, Miss Frances, National Board Y.W.C. A., 600 Lexington Ave., 
 New York City. 
 
 William, L. C., Columbus, Ohio. 
 
 Wilson, Mrs. H. A., Federation of Churches (Woman’s Dept.), Cincinnati, 
 Ohio. 
 
 Winsborough, Mrs. W. C., St. Louis, Mo.—Presbyterian Church of the U. S. 
 
 Woodruff, Mrs. May Leonard, Allendale, N. J.—Woman’s Home Miss. Soe. of 
 the M. E. Church. 
 
 Woofter, Dr. T. J., Jr., 412 Palmer Bldg., Atlanta, Ga.—Ga. Interracial 
 Commission. 
 
 Work, Prof. Monroe N., Tuskegee Institute, Ala. 
 
 Young, Miss Laura H., Y. W.C. A., Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 Yarbrough, Miss Hileen, Associated Charities, Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 VISITORS 
 
 Briscoe, Miss Louise, University of Cincinnati, Cincinnati, Ohio—Interracial 
 Club, Student Movement. 
 
 Burbridge, Miss Mary C., 705 Barr St., Cincinnati, Ohio—Student of As- 
 sociated Charities. 
 
 Busch, Mrs. Ella, 3255 Gaff Ave., W. Hills, Cincinnati, Ohio—Vol. Worker 
 with Asso. Charities. 
 
 Caldwell, Miss Ruth, 304 Broadway, Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 Crook, Rev. John W., 635 So. Center St., Springfield, Ohio. 
 
 Duncan, A. E., 305 Longworth St., Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 Floyd, Rev. G. W., 310 W. 15th St., Connersville, Ind. 
 
 Gray, Rev. L. W., 1226 Myrtle Ave., W. Hills, Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 Greene, Verna Parker, 304 Broadway, Cincinnati, Ohio—Associated Charities. 
 
 Haithcox, Rev. J. C., Cincinnati, Ohio—Inter-Denominational Association. 
 
 Herget, Rev. John F., Ninth St. Baptist Church, Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 Hicks, Miss Mary L., Public Health Fed., 25 E. 9th St., Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 McClain, Mrs. Alice E., 912 W. 7th St., Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 on a ae hy Le ae oe ee ee 
 
PROGRAM AND COMMITTEES 189 
 
 Mitchell, L. R., 520 W. Spring St., Lima, Ohio. 
 
 Neilson, Miss Louise, 325 Broadway, Cincinnati, Ohio. (Social Worker). 
 
 Ramseur, Miss Essie, 853 Hathaway St., Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 Smith, Mrs. Laura L., 750 W. 7th St., Cincinnati, Ohio—Associated Charities. 
 
 Smith, Rev. B. F., Park St. M. E. Church, Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 Speedy, Mrs. Nettie George, 4824 Prairie Avenue, Chicago, Ill—Feature 
 Writer Chicago Defender. 
 
 Steele, Mrs. Katie C., 2126 Auburn Ave., Cincinnati, Ohio—Vol. Visitor 
 Associated Charities. 
 
 Walker, Rev. J. Franklin, Pastor, Metropolitan Baptist Church, 3240 Beres- 
 ford Ave., Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 Williams, Rev. W. H., Pres. Cincinnati Bap. Ministers Conf., Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 Woode, Miss Adella M., State Public Health Nurse, Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 PROGRAM 
 OF THE 
 NATIONAL INTERRACIAL CONFERENCE, CINCINNATI, OHI0, Marcu 25-27, 1925 
 
 Honorary Chairman—Dr. S. Parkes Cadman, President, Federal Council of 
 Churches—Dr. M. Ashby Jones,.Chairman Commission Interracial Coopera- 
 tion—Bishop George C. Clement, Chairman Commission on the Church 
 and Race Relations. ; 
 
 George E. Haynes, Secretary, Commission on the Church and Race Relations, 
 Federal Council of Churches. 
 
 Will W. Alexander, Director, Commission on Interracial Codperation. 
 
 Mr. Max Hirsch, Chairman Executive Committee of Conference. 
 
 Prof. Monroe N. Work, Statistician of Conference. 
 
 Presiding: Bishop George C. Clement, Louisville, Ky. 
 :30—Singing. 
 Opening Prayer: Rev. R. E. Scully, Goodwill M. E. Church. 
 :45—Statement of Aims of the Conference. 
 :00—Report on Committees. 
 :15—Topic: Publicity and Race Relations: 
 Open Forum Discussion. 
 Mr. E. G. Routzahn, Director, Division of Publicity, Russell 
 ‘ Sage Foundation, Chairman of Discussion Committee. 
 8:45—Address (During deliberation of Discussion Committee) : 
 Mr. Arthur E. Hungerford, Publicity Director, Federal Council 
 of Churches. 
 9:05—Report of Discussion Committee and Open Forum Discussion con- 
 tinued. 
 9:45—Adjournment. 
 
 womon “I 
 
 THURSDAY, MARCH 26, 9:00 A.M. 
 
 Presiding: Miss M. Edith Campbell, Director of Vocation Bureau, 
 Board of Education, Cincinnati. 
 Opening Prayer: Rev. W. H. Williams, President, Cincinnati Baptist 
 Ministers’. Conference. 
 Summary of preceding discussion. 
 9:10—Topic: Health and Race Relations: 
 Open Forum Discussion. 
 Mr. Franklin O. Nichols, Associate Educational Director, Ameri- 
 can Social Hygiene Association, Chairman, Discussion Com- 
 mittee. 
 
190 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 10: 
 
 10:20—-Report of Discussion Committee—Discussion Continued. 
 
 :00—Topic: Housing and Race Relations: 
 
 11 
 
 11 
 
 11 
 12 
 
 00—Address: Dr. William H. Peters, Health Commissioner, Cincinnati. 
 (During deliberation of Discussion Committee.) 
 
 Open Forum Discussion. 
 Mr. Forrester B. Washington, Executive Secretary, Armstrong 
 Association, Philadelphia, Chairman of Discussion Committee. 
 
 :35—Address: 
 Mr. Bleecker Marquette, Secretary, Cincinnati Better Housing 
 League. ' 
 (During deliberation of Discussion Committee.) 
 :55—Report of Discussion Committee—Discussion Continued. 
 
 :35—Adjournment. 
 
 THURSDAY, MARCH 26, 2:00 P.M. 
 
 Presiding: Miss Mary Van Kleeck, Director, Division of Industrial 
 Studies, Russell Sage Foundation. 
 
 Opening Prayer: Rev. B. F. Smith, Park St. M. E. Church. 
 
 :00—Summary of preceding discussions. 
 
 Topic: Growth of the Interracial Movement: 
 Open Forum Discussion. 
 Dr. James Bond, Director, Kentucky Interracial Commission, 
 Chairman of Discussion Committee. 
 1. Methods of Organization. 
 2. Policies: Local and National. 
 Leaders of Discussion: Miss Gladys Bryson, Miss Eva Bowles, 
 Secretaries, National Board, Y.W.C.A., Dr. Will W. Alex- 
 ander, Mr. P. C. Dix. 
 
 :35—Address: 
 
 Dr. Herbert A. Miller, Professor of Sociology, Ohio State Uni- 
 versity, Columbus. 
 (During deliberation of Discussion Committee.) 
 
 :05—Report of Discussion Committee—Discussion Continued. 
 :45—Topic: Social Agencies and Race Relations: 
 
 Open Forum Discussion. 
 
 Dr. T. J. Woofter, Jr., Secretary, Georgia Commission on Inter- 
 racial Codperation, Chairman of Discussion Committee. 
 
 :15—Address: 
 Mr. James H. Robinson, Cincinnati, Ohio, Executive Secretary, 
 Negro Civic Welfare Association, Department of Council of 
 Social Agencies. 
 (During deliberation of Discussion Committee.) 
 :35—Report of Discussion Committee—Discussion Continued. 
 
 : 15—Adjournment. 
 
 THURSDAY, MARCH 26, 7:00 P.M. 
 
 Presiding: Rev. W. T. Paterson, D.D., Moderator-elect, Presbytery 
 of Cincinnati. 
 
 :00—Opening Prayer: Rev. E. H. Oxley, St. Andrews Episcopal Church. 
 
 Summary of Preceding Discussion. 
 
 :10—Topic: The Church and Race Relations: 
 
 Open Forum Discussion. 
 Mr. Judson J. McKim, Genl. Secy. Y. M. 0. A., Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 :40—Address: 
 Dr. Alva W. Taylor, Secretary, Board of Temperance and 
 Social Welfare, Church of Christ (Disciples), Indianapolis, 
 Ind. 
 (During deliberation of Discussion Committee.) 
 :00—Report of Discussion Committee—Discussion Continued. 
 
© 
 
 10: 
 
 10 
 11 
 
 wow mo Nd 
 
 PROGRAM AND COMMITTEES 191 
 
 PUBLIC PLATFORM MEETING 
 
 (Arranged by Negro Civic Welfare Association, Dept. Council of 
 Social Agencies, Cincinnati.) 
 Presiding: Mr. Philo C. Dix, State Secretary, Y. M.C. A. of Kentucky, 
 pease Chairman, Kentucky Commission on Interracial Codperation. 
 inging. 
 Prayer: Rev. John F. Herget, Ninth Street Baptist Church. 
 Address: Dr. Alva W. ‘taylor, Indianapolis, Ind. 
 Music: “Pilgrim Chorus” from Tannhiuser (Wagner) : 
 N. W. Ryder, Cincinnati Community Service. 
 Address: Dr. C. V. Roman, Lecturer on Public Health, Fisk Uni- 
 versity and Meharry Medical College. 
 Music: Selected. 
 
 FRIDAY, MARCH 27, 9:00 A. M. 
 
 Presiding: Bishop C. H. Phillips, Cleveland, Ohio. 
 Opening Prayer: Rev. S. E. Grannan, Mt. Zion M. E. Church. 
 
 :15—Summary of Preceding Discussion. 
 :25—Topic: Industry and Race Relations: 
 
 Open Forum Discussion. 
 Miss Mary Van Kleeck, Chairman of Discussion Committee. 
 Leaders of Discussion: Mrs. Elizabeth Elliott, Y. W.C. A., Cincinnatt; 
 Cyrus T. Greene, Westinghouse Electric Co., Pittsburg, Pa. 
 20—Address: 
 Mr. Forrester B. Washington, Executive Secretary, Armstrong 
 Assn., Philadelphia, Pa. 
 (During deliberation of Discussion Committee.) 
 
 :50—Report of Discussion Committee—Discussion Continued. 
 :45—Business Session. 
 12: 
 
 15—Adjournment. 
 
 FRIDAY, MARCH 27, 2:00 P.M. 
 
 Presiding: Dr. Gilbert H. Jones, Pres. Wilberforce University, Wilber- 
 foree, Ohio. 
 Opening Prayer. 
 
 :00—Report of Preceding Discussion. 
 :10—Topic: The Courts and Race Relations: 
 
 Open Forum Discussion. 
 
 :45—Address: Judge John F. Aager, Ashland, Kentucky. 
 
 (During deliberation of Discussion Committee.) 
 
 :05—Report of Discussion Committee—Discussion Continued. 
 :30—Topic: Schools and Colleges and Race Relations: 
 
 Open Forum Discussion. 
 Earle E. Eubank, Professor Sociology, University of Cincinnati, 
 Chairman of Discussion Committee. 
 
 :00—Address: 
 President John Hope, Morehouse College, Atlanta, Ga, 
 (During deliberation of Discussion Committee.) 
 :20—Report of Discussion Committee—Discussion Continued. 
 
 :00—Adjournment. 
 
 FRIDAY, MARCH 27, 7:30 P.M. 
 
 PUBLIC MASS MEETING 
 
 (Arranged by Cincinnati Federation of Churches.) 
 Presiding: Bishop George C. Clement. 
 
 Singing. 
 
 Prayer. 
 
192 TOWARD INTERRACIAL COOPERATION 
 
 Address: Dr. Will W. Alexander, Director, Commission on Interracial 
 Coodperation, Atlanta, Ga. 
 
 Address: Dr. George E. Haynes, Secretary, Commission on the Church 
 and Race Relations, Federal Council of Churches, New York. 
 
 Singing. 
 
 Address: Dr. Sherwood Eddy, Secretary, National Council, Young 
 Men’s Christian Association. 
 
 CONFERENCE COMMITTEES 
 
 EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE ON CONFERENCE. Max Hirsch, Cineinnati, Ohio, Chatr- 
 man; J. H. Robinson, Cincinnati, Ohio, Dr. H. P. Atkins, Cincinnati, 
 Qhio, ex-officio; Bishop George C. Clement, Louisville, Ky.; Dr. George 
 EK. Haynes, New York City; Dr. W. W. Alexander, Atlanta, Ga.; W. P. 
 Dabney, Cincinnati, Ohio; Miss M. Edith Campbell, Cincinnati, Ohio; Dr. 
 R. P. McClain, Cincinnati, Ohio; Mrs. Guy Tawney, Cincinnati, Ohio; 
 Jesse O. Thomas, Atlanta, Ga. 
 
 CuHuRCcH AND RAcE RELATIONS. Judson J. McKim, Cincinnati, Ohio, Chairman; 
 Dr. A. M. Townsend, Nashville, Tenn.; Bishop W. J. Walls, Charlotte, 
 N. C.; Rev. Charies N. Lathrop, New York City; Mrs. John Ferguson, 
 New York City; Mrs. J. W. Downs, Nashville, Tenn.; Mrs. Charles A. 
 Blinn, Cincinnati, Ohio; Rev. George M. Plaskett, Orange, N. J. 
 
 Housing AND RAcE RELATIONS. Forrester B. Washington, Philadelphia, Pa., 
 Chairman; N. B. Allen, Columbus, Ohio; Harris Ginberg, Cincinnati, 
 Ohio; J. B. Pius, Columbus, Ohio; Horace Sudduth, Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 PUBLICITY AND Race RELATIONS. E. G. Routzahn, New York, Chairman; 
 R. B. Eleazer, Atlanta, Ga.; Nahum D. Brascher, Chicago, Ill.; William 
 N. Jones, Baltimore, Md. 
 
 HEALTH AND RAce Renatrons. Franklin O. Nichols, New York, Chairman; 
 Dr. H. E. Kleinschmidt, Toledo, Ohio; R. E. Beamon, Cincinnati, Ohio; 
 R. E. Clarke, Cincinnati, Ohio; Dr. William H. Peters, Cincinnati, Ohio. 
 
 ScHOOLS AND COLLEGES AND Race RewatTions. Prof. Earle E. Eubank, Cin- 
 cinnati, Ohio, Chairman; Jennie Porter, Cincinnati, Ohio; F. M. 
 Russell, Cincinnati, Ohio; John A. Green, Dayton, Ohio; Sarah Neblett, 
 Nashville, Tenn.; Blanche Dix, Evanston, Ill.; Ernest Ackley, Nashville, 
 Tenn.; H. S. Manuel, Columbus, Ohio; R. W. McGranahan, Pittsburg, Pa.; 
 H. T. Steeper, Des Moines, Iowa. 
 
 InpustRY AND Race Revations. Miss Mary Van Kleek, New York, Chair- 
 man; Forrester B. Washington, Philadelphia, Pa.; Miss M. Edith Campbell, 
 Cincinnati, Ohio; C. D. Barr, Birmingham, Ala.; John P. Frey, Cincin- 
 nati, Ohio; Mrs. Josephine M. Norcom, Cincinnati, Ohio; Cyrus T. Greene, 
 Pittsburg, Pa. 
 
 Courts AND Race Revations. Rev. Gilbert S. Cox, Columbus, Ohio, 
 Chairman; Judge John F. Hager, Ashland, Ky.; A. Lee Beatty, Cin- 
 einnati, Ohio; Dr. Charles W. Burton, Chicago, Ill.; Alexander H. 
 Martin, Cleveland, Ohio; D. H. Walker, Springfield, Ohio. 
 
 SoclAL AGENCIES AND RAcE RELATIONS. T. J. Woofter, Jr., Atlanta, Ga., 
 Chairman; Charles O. Lee, Indianapolis, Ind.; Mrs. Lena Trent Gordon, 
 Philadelphia, Pa.; George R. Arthur, Chicago, Ill.; John H. Chase, Youngs- 
 town, Ohio. 
 
 GrowtH oF INTERRACIAL MoveMENT. Dr. James Bond, Louisville, Ky., 
 Chairman; Dr. Charles B. Swartz, Chicago, Ill.; S. Joe Brown, Des Moines, 
 Iowa; George E. Haynes, New York City; W. W. Alexander, Atlanta, Ga. 
 
 EprrortAL CoMMITTEE: Miss Mary Van Kleeck, Chairman; E. G. Routzahn, 
 Forrester B. Washington, R. W. McGranahan, Will W. Alexander, W. J. 
 
 Walls, George E. Haynes, B. F. McWilliams. 
 
 THE END 
 
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