RA Wo YAY Wy AK AWW XW A AYA AVG AWW AS TY A SN . t ~ . pS SS YY Ea WS SF AF ee SERS ESN SS we aa AWK WAY SY \ \ ~~ AGG AQ AK A \\ \ ~~ ~ WY WY AV K AQ \\ \ Sf LAN s RY 4 ~ ~~ To \ SN . SAA RAG \ . \\ AN \ . 2 SOOO SO NY LOSS Re SN SS Sy AN NN hy SN RAY AX RQ » . \ WAN SS ASS I ARS Yu PART - the Chealogiry, aged = “Ny, At % ay PRINCETON, N. J. Uy Purchased by the Mary Cheves Dulles Fund. i ee sf) ted Division...~4..4M A Lb 7) RG ; tea) ae mi 5 a" THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND com, A STUDY IN ETHNOLOGY ( , JAN 21 1927, <<) SS LOGICAL SEW BY MAX “SCHMIDT DR. JUR. ET PHIL. PROFESSOR AT THE UNIVERSITY OF BERLIN TRANSLATED BY ALEXANDER K. DALLAS LECTURER IN GERMAN IN HERIOT-WATT COLLEGE GEORGE G. HARRAP & CO. LTD. LONDON GAL CU LIA SYDNEY Published 1926 by GEoRGE G. Harrap & Co. LTD. 39-41 Parker Street, Kingsway, London, W.C. 2 Printed in Great Britain at THE BALLANTYNE PRESS by SPOTTISWOODE, BALLANTYNE & Co. LTD. Colchester, London & Eton PREFACE T is now a considerable time since a number of universities J evotece ethnology as a separate subject of study, but till now there has been no real text-book of this science. The main reason for this is that ethnology came into existence from the most varied sources, with the result that very diverse currents have influenced its development. The lack of a definite system was an additional obstacle to any attempt to gather into systematic order all the material of ethnology, and that is, after all, the main task of a manual. A definite plan had first to be drawn up, and then the separate parts of this plan had to be filled in as uniformly as possible with the material available. The great difficulty here was that the separate parts of ethnology have till now been very un- equally worked. In the case of some parts of the system, chiefly in certain parts of special ethnology, fundamental and compre- hensive preliminary work has already been done. For example, Ankermann in his work Der gegenwartige Stand der Ethnographte der Siidhdlfte Africas, in the Archiv ftir Anthropologie (iv, 1906), has given such an excellent account of the civilization of the Bantu negroes that a manual of ethnology can do nothing but follow what he has done in that part of its subject. With equal excellence the American tribes have been dealt with by Krickeberg in his Illustrierte Vélkerkunde, edited by Buschan. The greatest gaps were those left in general ethnology, and in large sections of the material economy. In the section dealing with social economy I have fallen back on my own Grundriss der ethnologischen Volks- wirthschaftslehre, and from it I have taken over into this text-book the arrangement of the material. The purpose of the present book is to bring to the knowledge, not only of students, but also of a wider circle of readers, the main problems of ethnology, and to describe and illustrate the most S THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND important relevant facts. I trust the book may help to promote an interest in ethnology, and to correct mistaken views of the manner of life of the races outside Europe, so that that portion of mankind may have their due share of attention. This manual, both in its form and its contents, will find its justification in the degree in which it attains this purpose. MAX SCHMIDT BERLIN 1924 CONTENTS CHAPTER INTRODUCTION THE MEANING AND TASK OF ETHNOLOGY THE HIstorRY OF ETHNOLOGY THE RELATION OF ETHNOLOGY TO THE OTHER SCIENCES Anthropology, p. 21. Archeology, p. 23. Geography, p. 23. - Geology, ~. 24. Mineralogy, ~. 24. Botany and Zoology, p. 24. Physics, Chemistry, and Technology, p. 24. Medicine, p. 25. History, especially the History of Civilization, p. 26. Jurisprudence, p. 27. Political Economy, ~. 27. Socio- logy, p. 28. Psychology, especially Racial, . 28. Philo- logy, ~. 29. History of Art, p. 30. Science of Religion, p. 30. THE LITERATURE OF ETHNOLOGY THE METHOD OF ETHNOLOGY The Ethnological Material, #. 39. The Supply of Ethnological Material, ~. 42. The Determination of Ethnological Facts from the Raw Material, ~. 46. The Working-up of Ethno- logical Facts, p. 47. THE ETHNOLOGICAL SYSTEM feetdeed hdl GENERAL OR SYSTEMATIC ETHNOLOGY SECTION I VOLUNTARY HUMAN ACTIVITIES IN RELATION TO THE HUMAN INDIVIDUAL I, THE NATURE OF HUMAN ACTIVITIES II. THE SATISFACTION OF WANTS AS THE AIM OF HUMAN ACTIVITIES III. ACTIVITIES IMMEDIATELY DIRECTED TOWARD PER- SONAL SATISFACTION PAGE 15 15 18 20 31 34 49 51 54 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND CHAPTER PERSONAL CONSUMPTION The Taking of Food, ~. 61. Treatment of the Body (Care of the Body, Clothing, Physical Training, Physical Relaxation, Sick-treatment, Treatment of the Body after Death), p. 66. Sexual Satisfaction, p. 80. Play, p. 80. Religious Cere- monies, p. 83. SECTION II VOLUNTARY HUMAN ACTIVITIES AS AFFECTED BY NATURAL ENVIRONMENT I. THE PROBLEM OF MAN’S RELATION TO NATURE Climate, . 95. Varying Forms of the Surface of the Earth, p. 96. Animal and Vegetable Worlds, p. 98. Influence of the Variability of Nature on the Human Manifestations of Life, p. 100. Il. THE MATERIAL ECONOMY Meaning and Classification of Material Economy, ~. 102. The Technical Process of Production of Commodities, p. 102. The Things thus produced, Commodities, p. 104. Primitive Pro- duction (Raw Materials from the Vegetable World, from the Animal World, and from Inanimate Nature), #.106. Transfor- mation of Material, or Industrial Production (Fire as a Means of Production, The Various Kinds of Transformation of Material, The Use of Mechanical Forces, The Use of Chemical Forces), p. 122. Transport of Commodities, p. 138. Preservation of Commodities, ~, 142. III. VOLUNTARY HUMAN ACTIVITIES IN RELATION TO OTHER MEN THE SoctaL LIMITATIONS OF THE SATISFACTION OF HuMAN WANTS THE ORGANIZATION OF ECONOMIC INTERCOURSE The Nature of Economic Intercourse, . 148. Means of Inter- course (Means of Communication, Mutual Understanding, . Human Speech, Visible Means, News Service, Place and Time, Numbers, Weight and Measurement, Money, Hostile Inter- course, Weapons, the Principles of Organization, Communal Economy, Rules of Intercourse, Various Forms of Organization of Communal Economy, Differences of Rank, Differences of Calling), p. 151. THE SocraL Economic Process Production of Commodities (Commodities, Prerequisites of Production, Forms of Production), p.174. Conveyance of Com- modities (Varieties of Conveyance), p.178. Hostile Conveyance PAGE 61 89 I02 144 144 148 174 CONTENTS CHAPTER of Commodities, p. 179. Economic External Conveyance, p. 179. Peaceful Communal Conveyance, p. 182. Economic Internal Conveyance, p. 182. THE DISTRIBUTION OF LABOUR AND COMMODITIES AMONG MANKIND THE EVOLUTION OF THE SOCIAL ECONOMY IV. VOLUNTARY HUMAN ACTIVITIES IN RELATION TO THE INTELLECTUAL ENVIRONMENT THE LIMITATIONS OF VOLUNTARY ACTIVITIES BY THE IN- TELLECTUAL ENVIRONMENT THE INTELLECTUAL CIVILIZATION OF MANKIND Custom, p. 192. Art, p. 193. Religion, p. 199. PART II SPECIAL OR DESCRIPTIVE ETHNOLOGY (ETHNOGRAPHY) 1. INTRODUCTORY Il, THE PEOPLES OF THE EARTH THE PEOPLES OF AMERICA The Tribes of North America 1. The Arctic Region, p. 210. 2. Canadian Collectors and Hunters, p. 211. 3. The Atlantic Region, p. 211. 4. The Prairie Tribes, p. 214. 5. The North-west Americans, p. 215. 6. The Tribes of Oregon and California, p. 217. 7. The Tribes of the Pueblo Region, p.217. 8. The South-west Tribes, p. 220. The Tribes of Central America 1. The Civilization of Ancient Mexico, p.222. 2. Tribes under the Influence of Maya Civilization, p. 231. 3. The most Southerly Tribes of Central America, p. 233. The Tribes of South America 1. The Tribes that have no Tillage (Fuegians, Patagonians, Pampas Indians, Araucans, Chacos, Guato Indians, Indian Tribes without Tillage in the Northern Forest Area of South America), p. 234. 2. The Tillage Tribes in the Northern Forest Areas, p. 245. 3. The Ancient Inhabitants of the Antilles and Bahamas, p. 254. 4. The Civilized Peoples of the Andean Area (Columbian Civilization, Peruvian Civilization), p. 255. PAGE 184 186 189 189 190 203 206 206 209 221 233 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND THE TRIBES OF THE SOUTH SEAS a 1. The Australians, p. 266. 2. The Tasmanians, ~. 269. 3. The Tribes of Melanesia, p. 270. 4. The Tribes of Micro- nesia, p. 276. 5. The Tribes of Polynesia, p. 278. THE TRIBES OF AFRICA 287 The Racial Elements in the Population of Africa 287 African Antiquities 289 The Native Groups of Africa 290 1. The Fair-skinned South Africans and the Pygmies (Bushmen, Hottentots, Pygmies), p. 290. 2. The Bantu Tribes, p. 296. 3. The Peoples of the Western Sudan, ~. 312. 4. The Peoples of the Eastern Sudan, p. 321. 5. The Peoples of the North-east (the Inhabitants of Egypt, Abyssinia, the East Horn of Africa), p. .324.° 6. Ihe Sahara Tribes, p. 329. -7:, The. Littoral Tribes of North Africa, p. 330. 8. The Population of Madagascar, p. 332. THE PEOPLES OF EURASIA 333 The Peoples in the Asiatic-European Zone 333 The Mongolian Race, p. 333. The Mediterranean or Indo- Atlantic Race, p. 334. The Great Religious Communities of the Asiatic-European Civilization, p. 335. Eurasian Peoples outside the Asiatic-European Zone 342 1. The Malayan Tribes, p. 342. 2. The Dravidians, p. 344. 3. The Negritos and Indo-Australians, p. 345. 4. Pale- Asiatics, p. 345. SUBJECT INDEX 347 INDEX OF GEOGRAPHICAL AND TRIBAL NAMES 355 MAPS PEOPLES OF NorTH AMERICA 212 PEOPLES OF CENTRAL AMERICA 222 PEOPLES OF SOUTH AMERICA 240 PEOPLES OF THE SOUTH SEAS 266 PEOPLES OF AFRICA 290 PEOPLES OF EURASIA 334 10 ILLUSTRATIONS PLATES PLATE Ls TUKANO INDIAN WITH LARGE CIGAR. TUYUKA INDIAN TAKING SNUFF . ARTIFICIAL BATHING-PLACE OF THE PARESSI INDIANS MAKONDA WOMAN WITH DEFORMATION OF Lip. Masart YOUTH WITH EAR ORNAMENT ‘CONSTRICTION OF THE ARM MUSCLES IN A YEKUANA INDIAN. SCAR-TATTOOING ON A FEMALE NEGRO . KAYAPO INDIAN WITH FEATHERS PASTED ON HIS Bopy. PIRoO INDIAN WITH PAINTED PONCHO ANCIENT PERUVIAN HEADDRESS WITH FEATHER MOSAIC AND GOLD ORNAMENTATION. ANCIENT PERUVIAN PONCHO WITH RAY-FISH PATTERN SIB-HOUSE OF THE PARESSI INDIANS PILE-VILLAGE OF THE MOANAS (ADMIRALTY ISLANDS) HOUSE-INTERIOR OF THE MAKUNA INDIANS MOSQUITO-NET OF THE GUATO INDIANS. SLEEPING-MAT OF THE GUATO INDIANS SCRAPING INSTRUMENTS OF COWHORN USED BY THE TOGO NEGROES. SHAVING THE HEAD AMONG SUDAN NEGROES . ANCIENT PERUVIAN MUMMIES, FROM CHANCAY AND PACHA- CAMAC . PARESSI INDIANS PLAYING HEAD-BALL AUSTRALIAN RELIGIOUS CEREMONY . ARTIFICIAL PLANTATION-MOUND OF THE GUATO INDIANS. FLOATING GARDENS (CHINAMPAS) IN MEXICO . FOREST-CLEARING FOR MANIOC PLANTATION (PARESSI INDIANS) . FISHERMEN OF THE GAZELLE PENINSULA WITH HAND-NETS. FISHERMEN OF THE GAZELLE PENINSULA WITH TACKLE FISH-TRAP OF Rio NEGRO INDIANS . BLOWING-TUBE IN USE (Kava INDIANS). MELANESIAN SPEAR- ING FISH PAGE 66 67 68 69 7O 71 74 75 76 Fh 78 79 80 81 96 97 114 II5 T16 Be THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND PLATE 20. HUNTING-SCREEN OF THE PARESSI INDIANS. SAME READY PAGE FOR USE 1 21. PRESSING OUT THE JUICE OF THE MANIOc (KOBEUA INDIANS). MAKING EARTHENWARE (KOBEUA INDIANS) 124 22. FURNACES FOR SMELTING IRON IN BANYELI, TOGOLAND. SMITHS OF THE BARI 125 23. MILLING FLouR (GUINEA Coast) 130 24. SOUTH AMERICAN BASKETRY 131 25. AFRICAN MAT-WEAVING. GREENWICH ISLANDER AT THE LOOM 136 26. PRINTING CoTTON MATERIALS (GOLD Coast). WOMAN DOING BATIK (JAVA) 137 27. ASCENT TO A SUSPENSION BRIDGE BETWEEN TINTO AND TALE, AFRICA 142 28. WAGANDA BoaT ON LAKE VICTORIA. OUTRIGGER BOAT AT PRINCE FREDERICK HENRY ISLAND 143 29. SIGNAL AND DANCE DRUM OF TUKANO INDIANS. SIGNAL DRUM OF THE BANSSA (CAMEROONS) 146 30. PICTORIAL WRITING OF S10UX INDIANS ON BUFFALO-HIDE 147 31. DUELLING AMONG THE BOTOCUDO, ON THE RIO GRANDE DE BELLMONTE 158 32. REPRESENTATION OF BRAVES WITH PRISONERS ON AN ANCIENT PERUVIAN CLAY BowL 159 33. TAMBERMA CASTLE, TOGOLAND, WESTERN SUDAN. ROOF OF TAMBERMA CASTLE 160 34. CAVE-DWELLINGS IN COLORADO. ZUNI INDIAN SETTLEMENT 161 35. BUSHMAN DRAWING. PENCIL DRAWING BY PARESSI INDIANS, REPRESENTING THE AUTHOR’S ARRIVAL ON HORSEBACK IN THE VILLAGE 194 36. PAINTINGS ON ANCIENT PERUVIAN TEXTILES 195 37. Dance Masks oF TRUMAI AND MEHINAKU INDIANS (UPPER XINGU, CENTRAL BRAZIL) 196 38. Woop-cARVING FROM NEw MECKLENBURG. Maori CARVING ON A WOODEN Box 197 39. Maort CarvING 198 40. BRonzE Cast FROM BENIN, NIGERIA: KING AND RETINUE 199 41. ANCIENT MEXICAN STONE-RELIEF: THE ‘ CALENDAR STONE’ 202 42. ANCIENT MEXICAN STONE FIGURE: THE EARTH-GODDESS, COATLICUE 203 43. MasKED MEDICINE-MAN OF THE KWIKPAGMIUT (ALASKAN EsKIMO) 204 ILLUSTRATIONS PLATE 44. 45. 46. 47- 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53: 54: 55: 56. 57: 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. “ae Mask COSTUME OF THE KWAKIUTL, WORN BY MEMBERS OF THE HAMETZ SECRET SOCIETY BONE-CARVING OF THE KWIKPAGMIUT DANCE BLANKET OF THE TLINKIT INDIANS. CHIEFTAIN FIGURES OF THE KWAKIUTL HERALDIC PosTsS OF THE HAIDA INDIANS ARAPAHO INDIAN WOMAN. SIoux INDIAN WooDEN DOLL (TIHU) OF THE MOKI (PUEBLO INDIANS). SHIELD OF THE ZUNI (PUEBLO INDIANS) WITH SYMBOLIC PAINTING TEMPLE-PYRAMID OF CHICHEN-ITZA. TEMPLE RUINS OF UXMAL PAINTED EARTHENWARE FROM CHAMAR, GUATEMALA, FUMI- GATING VESSEL FROM QUEEN SANTO, GUATEMALA TALAMANCA INDIANS ARAUCANS WITH Loom (SouTH AMERICA). YAGAN INDIANS (TIERRA DEL FUEGO) CHAMACOCO INDIAN WoMAN. CADIUCO INDIAN WOMAN GUATO INDIAN. PARESSI INDIAN GIRL AND Boy, PARESSI INDIANS FIGURE IN GOLD OF THE CHIBCHA: A RAFT. STONE FIGURE FROM SAN AGUSTIN, COLUMBIA ANCIENT PERUVIAN EARTHENWARE FROM CHIMU QUEENSLANDER WITH FEATHERS GUMMED ON HIS Bopy. WoMAN FROM NEw SouTH WALES Boy FROM NEW POMERANIA. MAN FROM PRINCE FREDERICK HENRY ISLAND CHIEF FROM COLLINGWOOD Bay, NEW GUINEA, IN DANCE DRESs. GIRL FROM COLLINGWOOD BAY MeEn’s House IN DALLMANNHASEN, MELANESIA FLUTE ORCHESTRA, BOUGAINVILLE ISLAND, MELANESIA PILE-DWELLING IN NEW GUINEA HovusE oF Fiji ISLANDERS HOUSE IN THE NEW HEBRIDES VILLAGE SCENE IN NISSAN, MELANESIA MAN AND WOMAN FROM Nauru ISLAND, MICRONESIA Maori WoMAN AND MAN SAMOAN CHIEF. SAMOAN GIRL BUSHMEN IN FRONT OF THEIR Hut. BUSHMAN PAGE 205 206 207 214 215 218 219 226 227 238 239 240 241 256 257 260 261 268 269 270 271 272 273 276 277 284 285 292 13 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND PLATE PAGE 72. OVAMBO WoMEN (SOUTH-WEST AFRICA). HERERO WOMEN (SOUTH-WEST AFRICA) 293 73. KAFIR ‘ KRAAL’ 300 74. ZULU BRAVE AND GIRL 301 75, ANCESTRAL FIGURE OF THE BAwILI (LoANGO Coast) 304 76. WAHUMA SULTAN (East AFRICA). HAusA WOMAN (WESTERN SUDAN) 305 77, NOBLEMAN’S HousE IN ADAMAWA, WESTERN SUDAN. CAVE- DWELLINGS IN Las PALMAS 320 78. MEen’s HovusE oF THE BAMUM (WESTERN SUDAN). COURT- YARD IN DAHOMEY 321 79. NEWLY WED DyAk COUPLE 342 80. CHIEF’s HouUSE IN THE PHILIPPINES. MEN’S CLUBHOUSE AT PADANG, SUMATRA 343 FIG. 1. A SHELTER OF THE GUATO INDIANS re 2. DIAGRAMS SHOWING HOW THE ‘STEPS-AND-STAIRS’ PATTERN IN BASKETRY IS PRODUCED 128 3. DIAGRAMS SHOWING HOW THE ‘STEPS-AND-STAIRS’ PATTERN IN BASKETRY IS PRODUCED 129 4. THE ‘DOUBLE-THREAD’ PLAIT 132 5. THE ‘CANE-CHAIR’ PLAIT 133 6. COURSE OF THE THREADS IN WARP AND WEFT PATTERNS 135 7. SCHEME TO ILLUSTRATE ‘ CLASSIFICATORY KINSHIP’ 166 8. DIAGRAM TO SHOW THE POSITION OF THE DIAGONAL STRIPES IN THE RHOMB AND MEANDERING PATTERNS 195 g. SKETCHES OF A BIRD, A MAN, AND FISHES DONE BY BAKAIRI INDIANS. SAND DRAWINGS By AUETO INDIANS 197 10. TRIANGLES OF BAST, WITH PAINTED PATTERNS, WORN BY BAKAIRI WOMEN (UPPER XINGU, SOUTH AMERICA) 198 11. MEXICAN PICTURE-WRITING FROM THE CODEX BOTURINI REPRE- SENTING THE EMIGRATION OF THE AZTECS FROM THEIR ORIGINAL HOME 227 14 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND INTRODUCTION THE MEANING AND TASK OF ETHNOLOGY OWN to the present day there still prevails, even among ethnologists themselves, much uncertainty and difference of opinion with regard to the nature and scope of the science. One of the main difficulties in the way of a clear demarcation of the tasks of this science is the want of a recognized nomenclature. The words ‘anthropology,’ ‘ethnology,’ and ‘ethnography’ are frequently used as if they were really synonymous. Friedrich Miiller, for example, uses them in this manner in his manual Allgemeine Ethnographie. Our first business, therefore, must be to determine the true meaning of these three terms. The word ‘anthropology’ has been used in very varied senses. Some writers have restricted it to the purely physical side of the study of mankind—that is, to what we call by the specific name ‘physical anthropology.’ Others, again, have given the word a much more general meaning, understanding by it all that bears on the study of mankind, including ethnology. This latter meaning is found in the very title of the well-known work of Theodor Waitz, Die Anthropologie der Naturvélker, published in 1858, This usage has been maintained in England and in North America down to the present time, whereas in other countries, especially in Germany, ‘anthropology,’ without any qualifying adjunct, is now usually employed in the narrower sense, and means physical anthropology. The word ‘ethnology,’ like the independent science that now bears that name, is comparatively recent. Its first public appear- ance was in the name of the Société d’Ethnologie at Paris in 1839. The word ‘ethnography’ is a little older. It appeared first at the end of the eighteenth century in the Danish scholar Niebuhr’s work Beschreibung der Vélker. From the very first these two names, ethnography and ethnology, were used to denote two quite 15 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND distinct things. Ethnography was a science of classification, dealing with the relationships between the races of mankind, and about the middle of the nineteenth century it gradually came to be a science with the task of describing each of the various races ; whereas ethnology had a more comprehensive meaning, and denoted a more reasoned science of the races of mankind. It is thus in keeping with historical development if we here use the word ethno- graphy to denote that special or descriptive ethnology which will be treated in the second part of this book, so that ethnography is only a special part of the wider idea, ethnology.1 It should be added that this use of the words is not followed by certain French scholars. They use ethnography in the wide, comprehensive meaning that we here give to ethnology. This French usage is seen in the name of the Société d’Ethnographie de Paris, consti- tuted in 1859. Every demarcation between a separate branch of study and the general science that forms a natural unit is bound to be more or less artificial, and it is by purely practical considerations that we must be guided in defining in greater detail the nature and scope of ethnology. This is especially true in connexion with the funda- mental question whether the scope of this science should comprise all the races of mankind, or whether it should be restricted to that portion of mankind which is not included among historical peoples. For purely practical reasons it seems better to follow the two most outstanding ethnologists of Germany, and to exclude from our science that portion of mankind the study of which has already been taken in hand by other sciences. This means that ethnology is to be restricted to the study of mankind outside the circle of Asiatic and European civilization.2, The chief argument against 1 Similarly Ratzel contrasts ethnology as a science of exploration with ethno- graphy as ‘‘descriptive ethnology.’ Others, like Heinrich Schurtz and A. H. Keane, drawa distinction between ethnology as “‘ comparative’ and ethnography as ‘descriptive.’ According to Keane, ethnography describes separate groups independently of each other. Waitz uses the names ‘ethnology’ and ‘ ethno- graphy’ in the same meaning, but Gerland, who continuedand completed Waitz’s great work, Die Anthropologie der Naturvélker, calls ethnology the science of the nature of peoples and ethnography the science of the present distribution of mankind, the method of their distribution, and their probable numbers. * According to Bastian, the centre of gravity of ethnology lies among the native races or peoples who have no writing. ‘‘ The museums are their docu- ments.’ He says that the “‘ historical peoples,” among whom he includes the Egyptians, Assyrians and Babylonians, Greeks, Romans, and the Germanic nations, only come within the scope of ethnology in as far as there are “‘ archaic remnants ”’ of them for which there are parallels among native races. Ratzel 16 INTRODUCTION such restriction is that the study of this portion of mankind can- not be detached from an intimate knowledge of the conditions of life of civilized peoples. But this cannot be considered a sound argument for including these civilized peoples in the sphere of ethnology. Ethnology has very close associations with all kinds of sciences. The ethnologist must be more or less familiar with them all, and it goes without saying that an intimate knowledge of the conditions of life among the civilized peoples of Asia and Europe is indispensable to ethnological study. But that is no reason why these should be included among the subjects of ethnological investi- gation. The same is to be said about what is now regarded as the sphere of archeological study. Here, too, ethnology must be con- tent to leave that field of research, so far as it concerns the civili- zations of Asia and Europe, to the separate science of archeology. On the other hand, it is legitimate to include in ethnology all that lies outside these civilizations and which has not yet been worked, at least in a systematic way, by the archeologist. Of course, an exact knowledge of the methods of work and of the results of archeology is indispensable to anyone who undertakes the study of archeological ethnology. On the other hand, while we maintain that this restriction of ethnology is justified, its scope must not be unduly limited. It is impossible to enter here into a detailed discussion of the divergent views that are held with regard to the proper sphere of ethnology.? It is a narrow view that would limit that sphere to the study of the intellectual life of mankind.? This would lead to a regrettable neglect of the economic aspect of that life. The correct point of view is that stated by Steinthal, the psychologist and philologist, maintains that ethnology should study the native and half-civilized races, because till now attention has been given mainly to civilized peoples. Others, including the more modern ethnologists, like P. W. Schmidt, Winternitz, and Schurtz, do not accept this limitation, and claim for ethnology the whole range of mankind. 1 The same objection to the restriction of ethnology to the study of the life of people outside the zones of Asiatic and European civilization has been made by P. W. Schmidt. See ‘‘ Die moderne Ethnologie,” in Anthropos, vol. i (1906), p. 982. * A collection of the different opinions of the foremost ethnologists is given by M. Winternitz in his paper “‘ Vélkerkunde, Volkskunde und Philologie,’”’in Globus, vol. 78, p. 345 ff. 3 F.g., P. W. Schmidt, ‘‘ Die moderne Ethnologie,’”’ in Globus, vol. 78, p. 972. Emil Schmidt in Zentralblatt fiiv Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urge- schichte (1897), pp. 97-102. Steinmetz, in his Ethnologische Studien zur ersten Entwickelung der Strafe (1894), vol. i, p. 11, says, ‘‘ Ethnology is the comparative study of all the social phenomena in the life of non-Aryan peoples,” but this is only the social side of the task of ethnology. B 17 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND when he says that ethnology, as contrasted with philosophy and history, is the science that studies the lfe of the races that have no history... Or, as Ratzel puts it, it is the task of ethnology “to study the life of mankind in all its aspects.” 2 This word ‘life’ best sums up all that has hitherto formed the actual basis of ethno- logical study. But, being a purely inductive science, ethnology — can only study the life of mankind so far as that life has taken an external form and has left traces from which it can be deciphered. — Therefore, it is only the manifestations of human life—z.e., human activities—that can be the subject of ethnological study ; and even these, so far as they are involuntary and conditioned only by man’s physical nature, belong to the sphere of physical anthropology. The conception of ethnology which has been indicated in the preceding pages may be summed up in a short definition: Ethnology is the study of the voluntary manifestations of human life outside the zones of Asiatic and European civilization.® THE -HISTORY OR ETHNOLOGY We can only speak of the history of a science when it has attained such a stage that it can be said actually to exist as such. It is, therefore, absurd to pretend, as some have done, to follow back to remote antiquity the history of a science so young as ethnology. Of course, the phenomena that now form the subject-matter of ethnology have long been dealt with from many other points of view. The ancient Chinese, Egyptians, Greeks, and Romans included the ways of life of foreign peoples among their scientific studies. Excellent descriptions of foreign peoples can be found in writers like Herodotus, Polybius, Cesar, and Tacitus. These early stages of our science belong mainly to the science of geo- graphy, and that science still continues, in its branch of anthropo- 1 See H. Steinthal, Philologie, Geschichte und Psychologie in th ti Beziehungen (Berlin, 1864), Ae 28 ff. ‘ wma hal 2h it i 2 See Friedrich Ratzel, V dlkerkunde (Leipzig and Vienna, 1894), vol. i 3 The literature of the subject includes the following: P. W. ane moderne Ethnologie,”’ in Anthropos, vol. i (1906). Bastian, Die Vorgeschichte dey Ethnologie (Berlin, 1881). Max Schmidt, Grundriss der ethnologischen Volks- ahead ieee 1920), vol.i, p. 1 ff. M. Winternitz, ‘“‘ Vélkerkunde olkskunde un ilologie,’”’ in Globus, vol. 78, p. ne. Bisa Yap i 4 S Braue et Vexpansion civilisatrice, pees Nee iterature: A good sketch of the history of the science is given by P. W Schmidt in Die moderne Vélkerkunde. Gollier and Bastian als siete space to it in their works quoted above. Ae See es ee 18 INTRODUCTION geography, to deal with many matters that properly belong to ethnology. None of these efforts, however, can be said to belong to the history of ethnology. The foundation of ethnology as an independent science goes back to French scholars in the beginning of the nineteenth century. The initial impetus came from the notable letter which the famous natural philosopher Edward addressed to Amedée Thierry. Along with his brother, Thierry had founded a new School of History, which was intended to study more attentively than hitherto the character and aptitudes of the races of mankind. The deep impression produced by this letter led in 1839 to the formation of the first distinctively ethnological society, the Société d’Ethnologie de Paris. Its first president was Edward, and, before many years had passed, it had done much to promote ethnological science by the publication of a number of excellent special works written by its members. It wasin Paris also that the first Ethnographical Museum was established. As early as 1842 England followed the French lead and founded the Ethnological Society in London; and a few years later the third Ethnological Society was instituted in New York. Thus, to begin with, it was the great colonial empires of the time that were impelled by their practical interest in the conditions of life among foreign peoples to undertake a more intensive study of these conditions. And it was only when Germany had joined the ranks of colonial powers that the need was increasingly felt in Germany of a better-organized study of the lives of foreign races. Germany had begun late to build up a colonial empire after the manner of other great powers, and it had great leeway to make up before it could reduce the handicap held by its rivals. But that very fact proved to be a special incentive to German scholars to devote themselves whole-heartedly to ethnological studies. Bastian was indefatigable in his exhortations to collect ethnological material before the levelling influence of European civilization, which was rapidly spreading everywhere, should make it too late to begin. The foundation of the Berliner Museum fiir Vélkerkunde was his work. Adolf Bastian and Friedrich Ratzel are the two pioneers of German ethnology, and it is due to the labours of these two men that for many years past the claim that France held the leading place in this field of study could no longer be made. Indeed, the results of German ethnological study can claim a place alongside those of the ethnologists of any other country. 19 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND The attempt had already been made to bring about some co- ordination in the work of scholars in Germany, Austria, and German Switzerland, not only in the field of ethnology, but also in those of the sister-sciences of anthropology and archeology. It took a considerable time, however, before ethnology was able to assert itself and maintain its ground in face of the odds in favour of the - other two sciences. The actual union of German ethnologists took place on April 1, 1870, when a number of German scholars met in Mainz, and founded the Deutsche Gesellschaft fiir Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte, usually abbreviated to the Deutsche Anthropologische Gesellschaft. The publications of the Society are the monthly Korrespondenzblatt and the quarterly Archi fur Anthropologie. In immediate connexion with this society, and provided for in its constitution, are local associations, of which the most important is the Berliner Gesellschaft fiir Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte. The publication of this latter society is the Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologie. Among the scholars who have held the office of president are Bastian, Karl von den Steinen, and Seler. THE RELATION OF ETHNOLOGY TO THE OTHER SCIENCES! There is a very close connexion between the course of develop- ment through which ethnology has passed and the relation in 1 Literature : (a) GENERAL. Richard Andree, ‘‘ Uber den Wert der Ethnologie fir andere Wissenschaften,” in Korrespondenzblatt (1908), p. 66 ff. (b) ETHNOLOGY AND ANTHROPOLOGY. Some sections of Johannes Ranke’s Der Mensch are important—e.g., in vol. i the ethnic importance of food and of lack of food, the effect of extreme heat and cold on the animal organism and on man; in vol. ii the relation between the social organism and bodily stature. (c) ETHNOLOGY AND GEOGRAPHY. Fr. Ratzel, Anthropogeographie (1st ed., Stuttgart, 1882 ; 2nd ed., 1899). The same author’s vol. ii, Die geographische Verbreitung des Menschen (Stuttgart, 1891, 1912). Hermann Wagner’s Lehrbuch dev Geographie, vol.i, has an excellent chapter on this subject. _(d) ETHNOLOGY AND MINERALOGY, Botany, AND ZooLocy. There is a good bibliography in E, Friedrich’s Geographisches Jahrbuch, xxxi (1908). A. de Candolle S Origines des plantes cultivées (1883) is a standard book on its subject. H. Semler’s Die tropische Agrikultur (1897, 1903). Ed. Hahn’s Die Haustiere und thre Beziehungen zur Wirtschaft der Menschen. (ec) ETHNOLOGY AND Puysics, CHEMISTRY, AND TECHNOLOGY. Karl Weule, Kosmos (1921 and 1922). (f) ETHNOLOGY AND MEDICINE. Max Bartels, Die Medizin der Naturvélker (Leipzig, 1893). (g) ETHNOLOGY AND JURISPRUDENCE. See Post’s Einleitung in eine Natur- wissenschaft des Rechts (Oldenburg, 1872). See also Post’s Grundriss der ethno- ne Jurisprudeng (1894), and Kohler’s Zeitschrift fiir vergleichende Rechts- INTRODUCTION which it stands to other sciences. When, in the early years of last century, ethnology began to develop from small. beginnings and to attain increasing importance it was no new, unworked field in which the infant science began its work. What we now call the subject-matter of ethnology had been parcelled out among a number of.other sciences, the lion’s share falling to anthropology and geography ; and, therefore, the gradual consolidation of eth- nology as an independent science was accompanied by a gradual detachment of its special subject-matter from the realm of other sciences. Unfortunately, this process has not yet been completely carried out, and there are still portions of the field of ethnology which are claimed and worked by older sciences. Among these frontier-zones are anthropo-geography, ethnical jurisprudence, comparative religion, and, more recently, ethnological political economy, and others, to which more detailed reference will be made in the following pages. Besides being an independent science, ethnology has now come to be an indispensable auxiliary to a large number of other sciences, and, when its system and method have been perfected, it will cer- tainly become even more important in this respect. Being the science that deals with the manifestations of human life outside the circles of Asiatic and European civilization, ethnology has become indispensable to all those sciences which treat of the con- ditions of life within these zones, because the nature and develop- ment of these conditions—whether they concern jurisprudence or economy or religion or language—can only be understood in con- nexion with the conditions of life among the rest of mankind. A history of civilization that left out of account all the peoples outside Asiatic and European civilization would not satisfy our modern views of what such a scientific history should be. We have seen that the boundary line between anthropology and wissenschaft; also Kohler’s Lehrbuch der Rechtsphilosophie (Berlin and Leipzig, 1917); Paul Wilutzky’s Vorgeschichte des Rechts; Max Schmidt’s Die Bedeutung der vergleichenden Rechtswissenschaft fir die Ethnologie (1919). (hk) ETHNOLOGY AND POLITICAL Economy. See my Grundriss, vol. ii, and Karl Biicher, Die Entstehung der Volkswirtschaft (Tibingen, 1867) and Arbeit und Rhythmus (Leipzig, 1902). ({) ETHNOLOGY AND PsycHoLocy. Wilhelm Wundt, V6lkerspsychologie. Fritz Schultze, Psychologie der Naturvélker (1900). (k) ETHNOLOGY AND PHILOLOGY. Fr. Miller, Grundriss der Sprachwissenschaft. (1) ETHNOLOGY AND ART. Ernst Grosse, Die Anfainge der Kunst (1894). (m) ETHNOLOGY AND RELIGION. Magazines are Jean Réville’s Revue de Vhistoive des religions and Albrecht Dietrich’s Archiv fiir Religionswissenschaft. Th. Preuss, Die geistige Kultur der Naturvolker (1914). 21 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND ethnology is still so vague and ill-defined that even the names of these two sciences are frequently used as if they were interchange- able. At the time when the great work of Theodor Waitz, Anthro- pologie der Naturvélker, introduced the study of ethnology into Germany ethnological study in England and France had been over- whelmed by the steady advance of the study of anthropology. In | comparison with the Société d’Anthropologie de Paris, which was then under the leadership of Broca, the Société d’Ethnographie led a struggling existence; and in England the old Ethnographical Society, founded in 1842, was unable to hold its own with the sudden, rapid spread of anthropology, and had to yield place to the Anthropological Society, which was afterward reconstituted as the Anthropological Society of Great Britain and Ireland. It is not surprising, therefore, that when Germany and Austria took up the study they too felt the prevailing ascendancy of anthropology, and it was only slowly that ethnology regained its ground. Its champion was Adolf Bastian, who, along with R. Hartmann, founded in 1869 the Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologie, and thus restored the balance between anthropology and ethnology. As we have seen, it is the task of ethnology to study the mani- . festations of life among a definite portion of mankind, whereas that of anthropology is the study of the human organism. We seem to have here a perfectly clear principle of division between the two. The study of the human organism is always a matter for anthro- pology, even when the races concerned lie outside the cultures of Asia and Europe. But there is a sphere common to the two sciences, first, because the manifestations of human life have their source in the human organism, and, secondly, because they ulti- mately react on the human organism. All human impulses have as their ultimate aim self-preservation and the preservation of the species. But, as we shall see later, the manifestations of human life are conditioned, not only by the human organism, but also by the milieu. Even when the human organism is the same, a change of milieu produces a change in the manifestations of life: and these in turn react on the human organism. There are thus far-reaching reciprocal relations between the manifestations of human life and the human organism, and therefore between ethnology and anthro- pology. The science of these reciprocal relations, for which the most suitable name would be ethnological anthropology, would thus be part both of ethnology and of anthropology. This ethnological 22 INTRODUCTION anthropology, as a special branch of ethnological study, requires to be further developed. Up till now practically no systematic work has been done in this field. With regard to the relation between ethnology and archeology —the latter including prehistoric and classical archeology—we have already seen that, on purely practical grounds, we include under ethnology that part of archeology which deals with bygone generations of men outside the circle of Asiatic and European civilization. This forms a very extensive borderland of our science, and the most suitable name for it is archeological ethnology, because purely archeological methods of research must be employed. This branch of ethnology has acquired great importance in con- nexion with America. Men like Seler, Holmes, and others have done so much important work in this field that we can now speak of the archeology of America asa special branch of ethnological science. A glance at past history shows that since ancient days the science of geography has always had a dual character. Its subject has always included, besides the structure of the earth, its influence on its human inhabitants. This second aspect, which has come to be called anthropo-geography, in French géographie humaine, is now taken over by ethnology, and is best called ethnological geography. The close relation which thus exists between these two lines of study in virtue of their subject-matter has been made even closer by the course of their development. Ethnology, of which till recently there have been very few university chairs, has found its best ally in geography, and the geographical publications are still the sole vehicles for ethnological papers intended for a wider circle of readers. The frequent occurrence of the double title ‘ Geography and Ethnology’ in magazines and books is clear evidence of the close connexion that exists, even outwardly, between the two sciences. Although the influence of the earth’s surface on the manifes- tations of life of the various races of mankind is of far-reaching importance for ethnology, especially on the economic side of human life, very little attention has been paid to it by ethnology. Perhaps this neglect is mainly due to the fact that this material has till now been worked up by geography. Indeed, up till quite recent times general geography itself has paid but slight attention to its anthropo-geographical aspect, although the earth, as the dwelling- place of man, has from ancient times been the subject of its study. It was Friedrich Ratzel who filled up this gap in geographical 23 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND science. His outstanding gifts, both as geographer and as ethno- logist, qualified him in a unique way for working up this sphere on the confines between the two sciences. Ethnology has numerous points of contact with geology, because there are many special studies in which ethnology finds it of great service. This is specially the case in connexion with questions that | deal with the nature of the soil, Geology is also of great assistance in archeological ethnology, when it is a question of deducing from the strata of the earth the age of the man-made commodities found in them. Ethnology has also connexions with mineralogy, because the geographical distribution of the various stones and metals from which mankind has made commodities has had an important bearing upon the economic life of mankind. Besides, the ethno- logist must call in the aid of mineralogy for a thorough examination of the material, stone or metal, from which commodities have been made. There are also important reciprocal relations between ethnology and botany and zoology. Not only is human life profoundly influ- enced by the rest of the animate world—plants and animals—but the voluntary interference of man with the ways of the animate world has also affected both the development and the geographical distribution of plants and animals. These important spheres on the confines between these sciences are best called ethnological botany and zoology. In spite of their importance for a knowledge of the economic life of man, however, these two sciences have not been made use of as they should have been by ethnology. Like mineralogy, botany and zoology are important aids to the ethnologist in his examination of the materials, vegetable and animal, that have been used by mankind in the manufacture of commodities. Despite numerous points of contact, ethnology has till now taken little interest in physics and chemistry and the closely allied science of technology. ‘The only explanation of this is that the ethnologist has hitherto devoted very little attention even to that aspect of his science where these points of contact are most numerous. Physics and chemistry are both mature sciences which have been developed with splendid system and method. And technology, the science that studies the means and methods by which the raw products of nature are transformed into commodities, has been a4 INTRODUCTION taught in universities since 1772—at first as a part of fiscal studies. Ethnology would certainly have been saved from much dilettantism if it had made more use of the results of these three sciences. For example, technology divides technique into mechanical and chemi- cal technique, according as material is transformed by a change of external form in accordance with the laws of mechanics, or by a change of substance, in accordance with the laws of chemistry. There is no good reason why this useful distinction should be left out of account in ethnological technology. An acquaintance with general or comparative technology is of special importance for the ethnologist. In contrast to special technology, it treats in a com- parative way all similar forms of labour which occur in the different industries, such as grinding, heating, and drying. Chemistry is also useful to the ethnologist, both for determining the material of which commodities are made or the nature of the soil and for the preservation of the ethnological collections in our _ museums. The science of medicine, now so systematic and perfect, has, of course, a complete history behind it. To follow up the early his- tory of medicine involves, inter alia, the study of the relevant ethnological material. From the side of medicine there has thus arisen a sphere bordering on ethnology. It deserves the attention of ethnologists, and the most suitable name for it is ethnological medicine. Long before ethnology had attained the status of an independent science, France, which was the centre of the culture of the eighteenth century, had already included in its study of the history of civili- zation the conditions of life among native races. The excrescences produced by the civilization of Europe constituted a challenge to the more profound thinkers of that time to compare these con- ditions with those of other times and other peoples. The accounts of travellers like Cook and Forster, and of missionaries like Lafitau, Loskiel, and Dobrizhoffer, helped greatly to arouse enthusiasm for the study of native life. The defective knowledge that then prevailed left considerable room for the play of imagination, and those who had conceived a distaste for the modern conquests of civilization saw in native life a kind of paradise, which they longed to regain. Alexander von Humboldt confesses in his Kosmos that it was Forster’s descriptions that roused his own enthusiasm for life in distant lands. ) THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND The important result was that the conditions of life among peoples outside of Asia and Europe were brought increasingly within the scope of students of human civilization. Two of Rousseau’s works should be mentioned here—his Discours sur l’origine et les fonde- ments de Vinégalité parmi les hommes, and his famous book, Le con- trat social. Ever since, the study of human civilization has retained its universal character. The ten-volume work of G. Klemm (Leipzig, 1843) is a comprehensive encyclopedia of the anthropo- logical and historical knowledge of its time. In 1877 appeared Die allgemeine Kulturgeschichte of Otto Henne am Rhyn, and in 1886— 1887 Julius Lippert’s two-volume Kulturgeschichte der Menschheitt, and in more recent times Fr. v. Hellwald’s Kulturgeschichte in threr natirlichen Entwickelung bis zur Gegenwart (4th ed., 1896-98). All these attempts on the part of historians to produce on a merely speculative basis, and without any feeling for scientific ethnological method, a history of the world from the beginning of human civili- zation have done little to promote ethnological study. The same must be said of more modern attempts in the same field, like that of Lamprecht. The ethnological part of Helmolt’s Weltgeschichte is of more value, because that part of the work was entrusted to professional ethnologists. | The result of these endeavours to include under history the study of the life of mankind outside Asia and Europe was that some ethnologists began to put their knowledge entirely at the service of the history of civilization, and gradually deserted the strictly scientific method of ethnology. The main representatives of this school are Foy and Graebner in Cologne, and the whole movement is usually called the ‘ Cologne School.’ | Foy’s point of view with regard to the relation between ethnology and the history of civilization is given in the preface to the first, and so far the only, volume of his projected Kulturgeschichtliche Bib- otek, According to Foy, ethnology is a branch of the general history of civilization. Its sole task is to explain the actual causal connexions of the facts of civilization, and its method should, he says, be that which is applied in all those periods of European civilization where the sources are not already chronologically fixed. He goes on to say: “ Given this task, ethnology receives a firm basis, and takes its place among recognized sciences.” Our defi- nition of ethnology at the beginning of this book suggests how one- oe is Foy’s view of the task of ethnology. 2 INTRODUCTION Ratzel demanded, and Weule has recently reiterated the demand, that ethnology should follow out the course and the development of the civilization of mankind among the peoples outside the civili- zation of Asia and Europe. This would form a very important point of contact between ethnology and history. At a comparatively early period jurisprudence branched off into a separate subject with the task of studying the conditions among foreign peoples from its own point of view. This branch was founded by Hermann Post, and was greatly developed by Joseph Kohler, who laid great stress on the conditions found among the peoples outside the influence of Asia and Europe. Unfortunately, this branch, which is usually called the science of comparative law, and which Post calls ethnological jurisprudence, has not received due attention from ethnologists. Of course, ethnology must confine itself to jurisprudence as practised among the peoples who come within its own sphere. The sphere of comparative law is wider. In order to keep clear the distinction between the two, it seems desirable to restrict the name used by Post, ethnological juris- prudence, to this narrower sphere of law outside the limits of Asiatic and European civilization. No less strongly than jurisprudence, the modern science of political economy feels the need of pursuing its studies into all times and places, and including economic conditions in the most distant times among the most distant peoples. Even the older economists made frequent references to the statements of travellers and ex- plorers. In particular, early socialistic writers spoke much of the social conditions in the ancient Inca state of Peru, of which we have a highly idealistic account by Garcilaso de la Vega, himself a descendant on his mother’s side of the ancient ruler of the Incas. It would have been natural for the so-called Historical School of political economy to bring about a closer connexion between that science and ethnology, and Wilhelm Roscher in his writings has given us a comprehensive account of the economic conditions among native races. In modern times Karl Biicher has done most in this direction, but there has been no systematic working-up of the relevant ethnological literature, such as would found a special branch of political economy. To fill up this gap, which modern movements have brought into prominence, I have collected the relevant material in my Grundriss der ethnologischen V olkswirtschaftslehre, and have attempted to lay the foundation of 27 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND ethnological political economy, as a special branch covering the ground common to political economy and ethnology. A similar relation has existed between our science and sociology. Ethnologists have paid greater attention to the sociological than to the economic aspect of their study. Both sciences have pursued their way side by side, sociology reaching its results by a more speculative method and supporting them by examples from native conditions, while ethnology seeks to fit the social phenomena of native life into the framework supplied by sociology. Seeing that economic motives are very prominent in the social organization of primitive humanity, and as the task of ethnological political economy is to study social conditions that rest on a purely economic basis, the social conditions among mankind out- side the influence of Asia and Europe would naturally fall to that branch of ethnological study. There seems, therefore, to be no good reason for instituting a branch of ethnological sociology to cover the boundary region between ethnology and sociology. At first the sole task of psychology was to describe the actual contents of the individual consciousness and to explain its elements and its stages of development. At a later stage, however, it was seen to be necessary to subject to a genetic and causal examination those facts whose development presupposed reciprocal intellectual relations between men. Thus arose a second part of psychology, called by Lazarus and Steinthal race-psychology, to distinguish it from individual psychology. To prevent misunderstanding, how- ever, it should be emphasized that the name race-psychology does not mean the study of psychological phenomena among the different races—t.e., psychical differences from the point of view of race—but rather the study of the ‘racial soul’ as such. The name race-psychology has been so widely adopted that it seems better to retain it. Wundt uses it in the title of his great work, and expressly assigns to ethnology this concrete side of the science—i.e., the study of the separate, actually existing race-minds and their separate development. Unlike Wundt, Lazarus and Steinthal claim this concrete side for psychology ; and they contrast it with the abstract side, which deals, as they say, with the general con- ditions and laws of the race-mind, apart altogether from the separate peoples and their history. Being a purely empirical science, ethnology has points of contact tad with that type of psychology which, like itself, takes its stand 2 INTRODUCTION upon facts. With the psychology that is based upon metaphysical hypotheses, with its impracticable idea of ‘soul’ and its implied fiction of ‘laws,’ ethnology can have nothing todo. If, on the other hand, we understand with Wundt by ‘soul’ merely the sum total of psychical experiences, then it is clear that in this sense ‘soul’ is closely connected with those human manifestations of life which form the subject of ethnological study. Just as the contents of these human psychical experiences can only be known, apart from introspection, from their manifestations, so the limitations and laws of these manifestations, including those of mankind outside Asia and Europe, can only be exhaustively treated when they are taken in connexion with the contents of the psychical experiences of the races in question. It is, therefore, not surprising that the relations between ethnology and psychology have always been very close. The two sciences have a common basis. Many scientific investigations, like those of Tylor and Frazer, belong both to eth- nology and psychology; and the programme which Lazarus and Steinthal printed in the Preface of the Zeztschrift fiir V dlkerpsycho- logie und Sprachwissenschaft, founded by them in 1860, is so com- prehensive that large portions of the field of ethnology are included in this magazine, which is intended to be a collection of papers on race-psychology. The manifestations of human life outside Asiatic and European civilization, so far as they are the outcome of psychical experiences, will be treated in a special section of this book. The contents of that section cover the wide region on the confines between ethnology and psychology, and the best name for it is psychological ethnology. Philology is now an old science with a perfected system and method. Hitherto it has not been possible to bring it into a suffi- ciently close connexion with ethnology. Misled by what may be called an exaggerated historical sense, philologists long restricted their linguistic studies to a very definite circle of peoples. The Indo-Germanic scholar was inclined to exclude all other languages except the Semitic family, and it was not till much later that the languages of Eastern Asia were accorded a place in linguistic study. The languages of native races were considered beneath notice, because they ‘had no history.’ But in the meantime the lan- guages of many peoples outside Asia and Europe had become known through the work of missionaries, and many studies in this field, such as Meinhof’s, and D. Westermann’s on the Ewe language 29 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND or the Ful, are hardly inferior to works of the same kind in the Indo-Germanic sphere. In any case, it is now admitted that philology and ethnology can no longer dispense with each other. If answers are to be given to questions concerning the relationship of languages, changes of language, the rise of special business lan- guages, or languages for women and special callings, if indeed any real historical work is to be done in this sphere, philology and ethnology must work hand in hand. There has hitherto been little outward connexion between ethnology and the history of art. Both sciences have taken up a ~ distant attitude toward each other. This is all the more strange because the subject of ornament among peoples outside Asia and Europe has been treated with great thoroughness by ethnologists, and the historians of art have also discussed the art-productions of these peoples. If it must be said that the numerous works on the history of art have been utterly useless to the ethnologist, owing to the absence of any ethnological basis, it must also be admitted that © many ethnological works dealing with ornament have been marked by caprice and want of method. We need only refer to the frequent exhibition of arbitrarily chosen specimens professing to show the course of development in ornament, to the attempts that have been made to trace back to human or animal models the simplest geo- metrical patterns, and also to the mania that attributes to all ornament a religious meaning. All this may have had some influence in preventing the history of art from showing any great interest in the doings of ethnology. The modern trend of the science of religion, whose founder was Hermann Usener, is to find its main task in the investigation of race-religion—1.e., the lower stratum of religious ideas as manifested in identical or similar forms. The appearance of this tendency made it inevitable that race-religion should be studied as a whole, and that the results of ethnological research should be introduced into this study, although it took some time before this broad point of view commended itself to students of the science of religion. The first beginnings of a real comparative study of religion were closely associated with comparative philology. It was by a lin- guistic path and a comparative method that scholars first tried to reach a bygone religion lying behind the several religions. These Studies could hardly bring them into the sphere of ethnology, because, at the time, linguistic study began with Sanskrit and did 30 INTRODUCTION not go outside the limits of Asia and Europe. But now the impor- tant sphere on the confines of ethnology and the science of religion is being worked up by both sciences, and a far-reaching co-operation is now taking place. THE LITERATURE OF ETHNOLOGY Only a brief account can here be given of the important literature of our science, and the literature here mentioned either covers the whole field of ethnology or deals with large portions of it. Unfortunately, ethnology still lacks a general text-book, nor is there in existence a really useful bibliography. Steinmetz’s book, Versuch einer systematischen Bibliographie der Ethnologie bis zum Fahre I9II, is so incomplete and inaccurate that it cannot be recommended. Of more general ethnological works, we have first Moderne V élkerkunde (1896), by Achelis. Its full title is Moderne Vélker- kunde, deren Entwickelung und Aufgaben, nach dem heutigen Stande der Wissenschaft gemeinverstindlich dargestellt. The book, however, is anything but modern, and, indeed, this charge might have been levelled against it even in the year when it appeared. A work of an entirely different kind is the well-known V élker- kunde of Friedrich Ratzel (3 vols., 1887, 1888). It is written in a popular style, and can be recommended as an excellent introduction to the science. It is, however, a descriptive ethnology—z.e., an ethnography—trather than a general ethnology. A more recent work is Georg Buschan’s Jllustrierte V dlkerkunde (1910). It has been widely read, and it appeared in a greatly en- larged second edition intwo volumes in 1922 and 1923. Thesection on America, by W. Krickeberg, in the second edition givesan excellent account of the races of America and their civilization. Apart from a succinct introduction to comparative ethnology, which in fifty-one pages deals with the races of the world grouped according to con- tinents, Buschan’s book is an ethnographical work. The same is true of Karl Weule’s Leztfaden der Vélkerkunde (1912), which is written mainly for senior school classes and students. By far the largest part of the book is devoted to the description of the separate races of the various continents. It has 120 illustrations. Mention may also be made here of Michael Haberland’s Vélkerkunde in the Géschen series. The first volume deals with general ethnology, and KP! THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND the second with descriptive ethnology—z.e., what we here call ethnography. We come now to a work which, like Ratzel’s, is published by the Bibliographisches Institut in Leipzig, and which is also popularly written—Urgeschichte der Kultur (1900), by Heinrich Schurtz. This book is a history of civilization. It is unfortunate that this accom- plished scholar has drawn his wide knowledge almost solely from books, and has had little practical experience of natives and little knowledge of the material available in ethnological museums. A book which has been widely read, and which did pioneer work for ethnology in Germany, is Anthropologie der Naturvélker, by Theodor Waitz. The first volume, Uber die Einheit des Menschen- geschlechts und den Naturzustand des Menschen, appeared in Marburg in 1858. The sixth part of the work, dealing with the peoples of the South Sea, was not finished by Waitz himself. It was written by Georg Gerland in 1872 as a continuation of Waitz’s work. Gerland’s Allas der Vélkerkunde (1892), published by Perthes in Gotha, should also be mentioned. It contains fifteen maps, en- eraved in colour, not only showing the distribution of the different races over the world, but also illustrating other matters, such as dress, food, housing, occupations, religious customs, etc. Of general works, mention should also be made of Anthropology: an Introduction to the Study of Man and Civilization, by the English ethnologist E. B. Tylor. This book is avowedly an introduction to the study of ethnology, and is meant to be a text-book for English students. It is compressed into 538 pages. Like Tylor’s other works, it is written more from the psychological than from the ethnological point of view. We come now to the numerous works on general ethnology from the hand of the great ethnologist Adolf Bastian. Notwithstanding the high esteem in which this great pioneer of our science is held, students should be warned against reading his books as an intro- duction to ethnological study. His abstruse style, the frequent disconnectedness of his thought, the capriciousness and incon- siderate jumbling of the philosophies of all times and countries, render the reading of his works neither an easy nor a pleasant task. In his later years his style of writing became so unintelligible that it 1s simply impossible to make out his meaning. One of his best- known works is Der Mensch in der Geschichte: Zur Begriindung eter psychologischen Weltanschauung (3 vols., 1860). This is one of 32 INTRODUCTION his earlier works, and the defects mentioned above are not so pronounced. Two other works of his are Allgemeine Grundziige der Ethnologie (1885) and Die Vorgeschichte der LEthnologie (1881). Of older comprehensive treatises on ethnological subjects, mention may be made of two works that appeared almost simultaneously, Allgemeine Ethnographie (1873), by Friedrich Miiller, and O. Peschel’s Vélkerkunde (1874). Then there is the work in two volumes by Hoernes, Natur- und Urgeschichte des Menschen (1909). It is devoted to physical anthro- pology and primitive history, but it is a serviceable introduction to our science. Besides these books, there are also collections of ethnological material in the form of periodical literature. Comparatively few of these are professedly devoted to ethnology. Most of them include, in addition to our science, papers on anthropology, primi- tive history and geography. First place should perhaps be given to the Zeztschrift fur Ethno- logie, the organ of the Berliner Gesellschaft fiir Anthropologie, Eth- nologie und Urgeschichte. It was founded in 1869. A similar magazine is published in Vienna as the organ of the corresponding society there. In France we have L’ Anthropologie, Matériaux pour histoire de ’' homme, which incorporates the earlier magazines Revue d’ Anthropologie and Revue d’Ethnographie. In England there is the FYournal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, begun in 1871. This magazine contains nothing but papers on ethnological subjects. It has neither reviews of books nor accounts of society meetings, but this gap is filled by another magazine, founded in 1901, Man, a Monthly Record of Anthro- pological Science. It contains short reports of meetings and short reviews of books. Other German magazines are the Korrespondenzblatt der deut- schen Gesellschaft frir Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte, and the Archiv fiir Anthropologie und Urgeschichte des Menschen, Both of these are organs of the Deutsche Anthropologische Gesellschaft. Further, there are various publications of the Berliner Museum fiir Vélkerkunde. There is, first, the Veréffentlichungen aus dem Kgl..Museum fur Volkerkunde, vol. 1 of which appeared in 1889. The Ethnologisches Notizblatt of the Berlin Museum only lived a short time. A very important magazine is the Baessler C 48. THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND Archiv. Beitrige zur Volkerkunde, called after its founder. The first volume of this excellent magazine appeared in IQI0. We come next to a number of international magazines. First, there is the Internationale Archiv fiir Ethnographie, founded in 1888 and edited in Leyden. Then there is the Revue d’ Eithnographie et de Sociologie, published in Paris. Thirdly, there is L’Anthropos, Revue internationale d’ Ethnologie et de Linguistique, edited by P. W. Schmidt, and, fourthly, Buschan’s Centralblatt fiir Anthropologie, Ethnographie und Urgeschichte (1896-1912, Breslau). It contains reviews of the newer books. | The principal American magazines are the American Anthropolo- gist, Annual Reports of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, and Bulletin of the Bureau of Ethnology, of which Vols. 30 and 31 contain an excellent manual of the ethnology of North America. Of a more popular character is the Globus (1862-1910). The Ausland, founded in 1828, was incorporated with the Globus in 1893. There is at present no popular magazine dealing with this subject. In Petermann’s Mitteilungen gecfraphy is very prominent, and ethnology takes a very subordinate place, so that the magazine is very far from providing a substitute for the defunct Globus. THE METHOD OF ETHNOLOGY? Down to the present day there are great differences of opinion among ethnologists as to the interpretation of ethnological data, and there are still great difficulties in the way of co-operation between the various branches of the science. These differences and diffi- culties are largely due to the lack of a uniformly recognized method. The seeds of this want of harmony on the question of method were sown at the birth of the science. Ethnology attained the rank of an independent science from very numerous starting-points, and 1 There are many books dealing with the subject of method. Graebner dis- cusses it at great length in the first (and only) volume of Kultuygeschichtliche Bibliothek (Heidelberg, 1911). In keeping with his view of the nature and task of ethnology, Graebner urges the claims of the historical method and follows Bernheim’s Lehrbuch der historischen Methode (1909). Other works on the subject are: Ginther: Ziele, Richtbunkte wnd Methoden der Volkerkunde (1904), Achelis, Methode und Aufgabe der Ethnologie (1885), Bastian, Uber Methoden in dey Ethnologie (1894), Steinmetz, Ethnologische Studien (Einleitung, 1894), Max Schmidt, Grundriss (Stuttgart, 1920). 34 INTRODUCTION has all along stood in close relation with other sciences of the most varied kinds. From the very beginning, however, it has kept true to its character as a branch of natural science. It came into exist- ence at the time when Darwin was writing his great work on natural selection, which awakened natural science to new life and sent it forth on its conquering career throughout all Europe. Lamarck’s theory of transformism, as laid down in his Philosophie zoologique, attributing the transformation of organic forms to the influence of the conditions of life, was finding general support at the time. But when Darwin in 1871, in The Descent of Man and Selection in Relation to Sex, applied to mankind the results of his theory of descent, and thus made the idea of evolution the starting-point of all future anthropological study, these new ideas naturally exercised a powerful influence on the infant science of ethnology. Theodor Waitz, the pioneer of ethnological science in Germany, maintained that man must be studied in exactly the same way as all other natural objects. He decided, that is to say, in favour of the empirical method, and thus from the beginning placed ethnological study in Germany among the other branches of natural science. This trend toward evolution was greatly strengthened when the young science came into closer touch with the science of history, which was also at the time under the influence of the same evolu- tionary spirit. Seeing that its chief study was the less developed conditions of human life, ethnology became an indispensable auxiliary to all those sciences which dealt with any aspect of human civilization, e.g., the science of law, political economy, religion, or philology. In its early days ethnology, being thus strongly influenced by the idea of evolution, did not escape altogether the errors arising from the temptation to transfer simply to human conditions the results of the laws of evolution reached inductively in other spheres. This was to neglect a very important fact. Just because man is able, in a degree far beyond the power of other living beings, arti- ficially to create conditions to suit his needs, we have an entirely new setting for the evolutionary process, and theories of evolution founded on the facts provided by zoology and botany cannot simply be carried over to man and his civilization. On the assumption that there is a physical and psychical identity and that there has been a uniform development of the human race, each of the manifold manifestations of human life could be fitted into 35 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND a definite stage of the progressive evolution of mankind. And some recent historians of civilization have attempted, with the aid of this method, to arrange in order these artificial stages of civilization, and so to give as finished a picture as possible of it as a whole. Closely connected with these excrescences of the theory of evolu-_ tion among ethnologists, there are three methods that have been and are frequently followed. These are, first, the making of so- called ‘ evolution series,’ second, drawing inferences from what Tylor calls ‘ survivals,’ and, third, the application of the “ phylo- genetic principle’ to the manifestations of human life. Now, although the making of such evolution series, 1.e., arranging related phenomena of civilization according to the amount of agreement they exhibit, may be of great assistance in the task of classification, it is dangerous to draw from such series inferences as to the course that evolution has followed. The illegitimacy of this method is clear from the fact that every evolution series involves a fourfold possibility in the choice of a starting-point for evolution. In the first place, each of the two extremes of the series might be taken as the starting-point, and already this gives two possibilities. Thirdly, both extremes may be taken as two different starting- points, and the intermediate forms as the result of the counter- reactions of these two extremes. And, fourthly, the two extremes might be taken as having arisen from an evolution in opposite directions from an original form common to both. With regard to Tylor’s ‘survivals,’ it frequently happens that, in a complex of institutions and ideas, there are elements that are entirely unconnected with the complex and are completely unin- telligible in the setting it provides. Applying the law of evolution, these were interpreted as being the inorganic and inexplicable sur- vivals of former institutions and ideas, and inferences were drawn as to the order of succession of the various stages of civilization. By the “phylogenetic principle’ is meant the theory that the evolution of the species is repeated in the evolution of the single individual. Carried over to the manifestations of human life, this biological law would mean that the evolution apparent in the human manifestations as a whole must be repeated in the gradual evolution of the life of the individual from youth upward. There- 1 Instead of Tylor’s word ‘ survivals,’ Maclennan’s word ‘ symbolism’ is often used. 36 INTRODUCTION fore, the manifestations of the life of the child would correspond to those of that part of mankind which has remained at a low stage of civilization, and we should thus, for example, be justified in com- paring the drawings made by children with those done by native races:* We now pass to those tendencies of ethnological thinking which take up an attitude of opposition to the theory of evolution and its results, and which start from entirely different assumptions. First, there is the theory of degeneration. It takes up an attitude directly opposed to the theory of evolution, and seeks to explain the condition of native races as a descent from a higher to a lower level of civilization. At bottom this theory is perhaps chiefly due to the religious movement in ethnological science. It has found its main support there down to our own time, but even ethnologists like Martius based their views on this theory of degeneration. Another theory, put forward in opposition to the theory of evolution, is the theory of culture-zones. It takes as its starting- point the fact that there are far-reaching agreements and con- formities in the civilizations of population units which are widely separated in space and time. The supporters of evolution found no difficulty in explaining these conformities, which are usually called by ethnologists ‘ ethnological parallels,’ and this view, which Bastian expounded in his doctrine of elementary ideas, was for long the prevailing one. Assuming a uniform human development, then similarity of human natural and mental endowments must, it was held, necessarily be accompanied by similar conditions of civilization, ceteris paribus. Bastian’s doctrine of elementary ideas was later modified, and to some extent supplemented, by the conception of convergence, which Thilenius first brought over from biology and which Ehrenreich afterward developed. This doctrine of convergence includes those phenomena whose homogeneousness has been brought about by the influence of similar natural and mental environment on pheno- mena which were originally different. It was Ratzel who first put prominently forward, in opposition to one-sided views of independent evolution, the influence of migrations and borrowings in producing conformities of civilization 1 With regard to children’s drawings and their relation to those of native races, see Levinstein’s book Kinderzeichnungen bis zum 14. Lebensjahre, mit Parallelen aus dev Urgeschichte, Kulturgeschichte und Volkerkunde. 37 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND among races separated by space and time. He maintained that there were no limits to the possibility of the migration and borrowing of parts and complexes of civilization. This difference of opinion, which thus goes back to the two great pioneers of ethnology in Germany, Bastian and Ratzel, led to the formation of two schools of ethnologists—the one maintaining that the various civilizations are not unrelated, the other insisting on independent — evolution. Since Graebner and Ankermann, in their lectures to the Berliner Anthropologischen Gesellschaft, expounded their theory based on Ratzel’s doctrine, this question of similarities in civiliza- tion has become one of the chief problems of ethnology. The main lines of the theory of culture-zones are given by Graebner in his book Methode der Ethnologie. We cannot enter into it in detail here, but it seeks to show, from the existence of similar phenomena in civilization, some of which are established by mere external comparison of the shape of certain manufactured articles, that there are spheres of homogeneous civilization, or, to use the phrase that has given the theory its name, culture-zones. The theory has recently been carried to an extreme by Graebner and P. W. Schmidt. They maintain that even the agreements between the civilizations of the Old and New Worlds are to be attributed in almost every case to borrowings from the Old World, and on the basis of this assumption they proceed to draw the vaguest conclusions as to the immigrations that have taken place from the Old World.t In trying to answer the question of how ethnological study must be carried on in order to produce the best results, we must first recur to the definition of the science given in our opening pages. We said there that ethnology is the science of the voluntary manifes- tations of life among mankind outside the circle of Asiatic and European civilization. As these voluntary manifestations are external and perceptible by the senses, ethnology is essentially a branch of natural science, and only ethnological data established by sensuous perception can be the basis for ethnological deductions.? 1 Cf. Graebner, ‘‘ Die melanesische Bogenkultur und ihre Verwandten,” in A nthropos (1909); P. W. Schmidt, Kulturkreise und Kulturschichten in Siid- america (1913). * This subject is discussed by Neumayer in his Anleitung zu wissenschaftlichen Beobachtungen auf Reisen; by von Luschan, Anleitung fiiy ethnographische Beobachtungen und Sammlungen in Afrika und Ozeanien (1904). See also Congrés intern, a’ expansion économique mondiale, Mons, 1905. With regard to the requirements for archeological investigation, I refer readers to the small Merkbuch, Altertiimer auszugraben und aufzubewahren (Berlin, 38 INTRODUCTION These data can be obtained either by direct observation of the actual manifestations of human life, or by observation of their effects on the surrounding world. All hypotheses based on deduction must be taken for what they really are, viz., guiding lines for further study. They must never be used as established positions from which other ethnological inferences may be drawn. The best short answer to the question as to how far ethnological research should be deductive or inductive is to say that the results of the deductive sciences give it its form, while its contents must be based solely on facts established by observation. We have just seen that the determination of ethnological facts rests on actual observation of the manifestations of human life ; therefore, a prime requirement for ethnological study is to obtain the material necessary for such observation of what may be called, briefly, ethnological material. This ethnological material may be of two kinds. First, it may be direct material, permitting direct observation—e.g., the inhabitants of a village, among whom a traveller resides; or, second, it may be indirect material, which allows human activities to be studied only in their effects—e.g., some article made by human hands, from which inferences may be drawn as to the method of its manufacture and its purpose. But direct ethnological material may, again, be of two essentially different kinds. It may consist of manifestations of human life which can only be observed at the moment of their occurrence, and which cannot be perpetuated either in drawing or in writing ; or it may consist of manifestations which can be thus fixed, so that we are independent of the narrow time-limits to which we are confined in obtaining the other kind of direct material. This fixation of the manifestations of life may be of very different kinds. It may be due to the natives who are themselves the sub- jects of study, and, where the art of writing is lacking, it may take any of the varied forms of pictorial representation, from the Bushmen’s simple rock-drawings, depicting scenes from life, to the 1894, Mittler und Sohn). The handbooks of the Berlin Museums contain instruc- tions for the preservation of antiquities. See Rathgen’s Die Konservierung von Altertumsfunden, There are numerous questionnaives for ethnologists. Schoolcraft gives one in the appendix to his Historical and Statistical Information respecting the History, Conditions and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of U.S.A. Thereis also the “‘ Ques- tionnaire de sociologie et d’ethnographie ”’ in Bulletin de la Société d’ Anthropologie de Paris (1883). There are many others. 39 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND pictorial writing of the ancient Mexicans or of the Maya races. But again—and this is commoner—the fixation may be done by some one other than the people themselves. In most cases such material consists of drawings or descriptions of a lower race by some one belonging to a higher race, most frequently by people of Asiatic or European civilization. The special value of such fixed — ethnological material lies in the fact that, by its means, we are enabled to get direct information about human life belonging to a nearer or more remote past. Special importance attaches to the first or earliest accounts brought home by European discoverers from distant lands; in fact, such accounts are in many cases the oldest direct ethnological material we possess regarding these regions. Since the time of the discoveries, and especially within the last decades, when European civilization has penetrated farther and farther into the countries outside of Europe (there have even been official statistical inquiries into native conditions), the literature dealing with native races has become enormous. This must, of course, be distinguished from actual ethnological literature, but to master it is a large part of the task which the ethnologist of to-day is called upon to undertake. Unfortunately, this part of his task has hitherto been done very unsystematically. Each worker has to begin for himself at the beginning. There is not even a properly arranged catalogue of the chief literature containing such material. We come now to the second kind of ethnologicai material. We have called it ‘indirect’ because it enables us to study human activities only in their effects. Like the direct material, this indirect material is of two kinds. In the one case, it is man himself on whom his activities leave their mark ; in the other, it is changes in nature caused by human agency—changes which supply an almost inexhaustible store of ethnologically important facts. That the activities of life produce a reflex effect both on the body and on the mind of the man who is the subject of them is beyond all doubt. But the great difficulty that besets the drawing of inferences from these effects to the activities that produced them is this, that it is only when these activities have been frequently repeated that they leave perceptible traces on the human body. Besides, they are usually of a complex kind. In most cases, all that we can deduce from an individual’s bedily habitus is a few broad facts regarding his method of life—e.g., his food, some of his 40 INTRODUCTION diseases or ailments, his musculature, his callosities and traces left on his skin by work he has done, the state of his nails, and things of that kind. But with greater co-operation between anthropology and ethnology it should be possible to secure many more specific facts of this kind, and we should be able to deduce from specific features of the skeleton, inferences as to certain habitual activities. To make clear what is meant, and to indicate the kind of problems that still await solution, I would mention the knock-knees and flat feet of the Guato Indians. The only explanation of these is the attitude adopted by the Guato during their long rowing expeditions in their round canoes. From the shape of the leg-bones of prehis- toric skeletons found in these regions we ought to be able to deter- mine whether the earlier inhabitants were as addicted to life on the water as are the Guato of to-day. Other material throwing light on the activities of life is found in the traces which such activities usually leave on the conceptions of man, and on his intellectual faculties, especially on his speech, his myths, and his artistic representations. We must, of course, leave out of account those cases in which we have an intentional or deliberate representation or account of the activities. An example will make clear what is meant. During my stay among the Guato Indians, an Indian woman, in unconscious imitation of the Homeric question tig mo0ev cic &vdpdév; desired to know whence [had come. Her question took the form of ‘‘Diruadé 1okaguahe nitoavi?’’ (What are things like on your shore?) She asked further, ‘‘Are there many people on your shore? Are there many houses there?” Her question as to the length of my journey was put thus: ‘‘Was the river large when you travelled? Was your road clear of brushwood?” Even these few words give us a peep into the life of these Guato, and reveal how deeply the river enters into their thoughts. Another rich source for ethnological facts bearing on the external conditions of life is found in myths. Ethnologists have paid far too little attention to these. Among the mythological figures we find, for example, references to the relations between a man and his mother-in-law, and to the services which the wooer must render to his father-in-law before or after his marriage, etc. We now come to the last, and the most important, kind of indirect ethnological material—the changes in nature caused by human agency. Among these, articles made by man are specially 41 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND important. How valuable such articles may be as indirect ethno- logical material may be seen in the growth of our museums during the last decades. To be sure, these contain only articles that can be transported. Things like houses and plantations must, of course, be studied on the spot. Having thus explained as clearly as possible the nature of the material which must form the basis of ethnological study, we now ~ come to the question as to how this material is to be procured. Strictly speaking, the only first-class material consists of ethno- logical facts determined by scientific observation on the spot ; therefore, the ideal method of obtaining material is that compe- tent ethnologists should go and live for a time among natives, in places which have been affected as little as possible by European civilization, sharing the life of the people and becoming intimately acquainted with them and their conditions. Every young ethno- logist must surely have the desire to undertake in person such a journey of exploration among the natives of some region outside Europe, leaving European conditions and leading another life for a time among strange men. To be sure, the life of such natives and their conditions can only be understood in comparison with Euro- pean conditions; but, in order to be able correctly and impartially to make such a comparison, we must, as far as possible, lay aside all the prejudices which European civilization and education have bred in us. Only then can the native and his ways of life be properly understood, and only then can we be in a position to receive and give a fair account of them. What renders the European so detested by most natives is the conceit, sometimes bordering on megalomania, which marks his conduct toward them. It is a decided mistake if the European imagines that he can impress the natives in their primeval forests by his imposing appearance. The name macaco branco (the white ape), usually given to the white man by the dusky peoples of the more distant Brazilian settlements, is a clear proof that the impression he makes is by no means always an imposing one. The European may perhaps succeed in imposing respect by autocratic methods on a few wretched negroes whom he has bought as slaves from some negro chief, but the free native will only respect him if he knows how to adapt himself to the simple native ways and enter into the entirely different ideas which he finds among them. The free native will despise the white man if he tries, out of base desire for gain, to enslave him. The native 42 INTRODUCTION often avoids the European out of fear of syphilis or similar dangers, which often threaten his family at the hands of the callous intruder. This is not the place to enumerate all the horrors which Europeans have brought upon native races, especially in lands colonized by Europeans. The literature of ethnology is full of them, and it would be an interesting task thoroughly to explore this frequently discussed question. Suffice it to say that anyone who is destitute of regard for native peoples outside the bounds of Asiatic and European civilization, and who is unable to respect the native in his domestic and economic life, is unlikely to be a successful ethno- logist. The utmost self-control and respect for the native as such are the first requirements of the ethnological explorer. He should also be a trained ethnologist, with special knowledge of the region in which he is working, and he should, above all, have a healthy physical constitution, capable of resisting illness and fatigue. In order to discover the best method of ethnological observation, we shall consider first the various sources of error, and the mistakes which may arise, and have often arisen, in connexion with such observation. The first and most important point is to secure material which is, as far as possible, untouched by European civilization. It is in our day very rarely possible to find natives who have remained untouched, directly or indirectly, by European influences. In nearly every case the ethnologist will find himself dealing with natives who have already been more or less affected by European civilization, and he has to face the difficult task of eliminating all that has been affected by these outside influences. Only a trained ethnologist can do this. It is very seldom that European civiliza- tion, when it first comes into contact with native civilization, simply ousts the latter and takes its place. In most cases the first result of such contact is something that is neither European nor native, but a mixed product ; and the disintegration of the native civilization is as noteworthy as the introduction of the European type. Itis, therefore, often very difficult for the observer, set down suddenly in an entirely new environment, to recognize accurately the foreign element in the civilization around him. The amount of this foreign element has frequently been underestimated, and this has given rise to a large number of erroneous opinions, especially on matters relating to mythology and social conditions. Even the effects produced on the natives by the mere stay of an expeditionary 43 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND party among them must not be underestimated. One who has seen the native only in the excited condition produced by the arrival of an exploring party, when his actions are influenced by fear or greed or suspicion, will be apt to form a very erroneous opinion of native conditions. Reliable ethnological observation is only possible when the excitement has died down and normal life has been resumed. Many an error has arisen from generalizing something which was largely due to the presence of an expeditionary party. For example, it has been repeatedly asserted by Eduard Hahn and others that among native races most of the work is left to the women, while the men laze about, doing nothing. Such astatement may possibly be a correct record of facts observed at a special time, but to generalize it is fundamentally wrong. It stands to reason that most of the tasks usually done by men are suspended as long as the exploring party is in the village. For one thing, the men may think it necessary to guard their property and their women from the strangers. Or, again, they may try to make the most of such an opportunity to acquire products of European civilization. On the other hand, the daily tasks of the women are usually of a kind that cannot be suspended. They are even increased by the arrival of strangers requiring food, which often cannot be prepared before- hand. That is why the passing traveller is struck by the fact that the women do all the work and fails to appreciate properly the amount of work for which the men are actually responsible. This unintended result of the presence of travellers has frequently been overlooked in connexion with the drawings—chiefly in pencil— which the natives are asked to make, The traveller shows the native a picture-book, teaches him how to use a pencil, and draws a few pictures in his presence. All these things create entirely new impulses to practise the art, and such productions done by request cannot be considered original and are therefore destitute of real ethnological value. Another common mistake arises from an excessive generalization of isolated phenomena of native life which are not typical. Ethno- logical study aims at determining the usual, legitimate features of native life, and therefore only those things which are typical and form part of the ordinary routine of life are ethnological material. Isolated, unusual happenings, like some horrible deed done by an intoxicated native, are ethnologically unimportant, and must cer- tainly not be made the basis of ethnological generalization. 44 INTRODUCTION There is an easy psychological explanation of another common mistake. The explorer is tempted to look upon the conditions which he finds among the natives he is visiting as being something specially original, and toseein them the starting-point and origin of everything of the same kind. One man easily believes that he has discovered the original home of some widely distributed race; another thinks he has discovered the very beginnings of art ; and a third claims to have found the original dialect of a language that is now widespread. It is only too easy for a man who is having his first experience of life among primitive people and who is under the impressions of an environment that is to him quite new to fall into the mistake of imagining that conditions which are the most original that he has ever seen are absolutely original. The small group of people that he is studying becomes for him the starting-point of all further ethnological conceptions. Involuntarily he connects all others with his own experiences, and thinks that the starting- point of his own observations must be the starting-point of all ethnological development. 7 Having now mentioned the chief sources of error that beset ethno- logical study in foreign lands, we pass to consider the actual work that is expected from the explorer. It may be summed up under these four heads: (1) Direct observation of facts that are of ethno- logical importance ; (2) inquiry for such facts among the natives; (3) fixation of such facts by description, and, if possible, by illus- tration ; (4) bringing home important objects as specimens for more detailed scientific study. Of these four tasks, the first is by far the most important. It is the only unexceptionable way of procuring ethnological material, and the questioning of natives should only be used as a secondary method, when direct observation is not possible Direct observation is the sole method that yields a picture that really corresponds with actual conditions—how the natives use their commodities, the meaning of their religious customs, how they actually use their language, and how they enjoy themselves. One has to be specially careful with the so-called ‘serviceable’ men among the natives, those men who prove to be best at answering the questions put to them and who seem to enter most completely into the purposes of the explorer, These are usually men of experience who have come previously under the influence of European civilization. And, besides, the likelihood is great that, being unconscious of what 45 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND depends upon their replies, they will answer the questions in the manner that seems to be most profitablefor themselves. Very great care should be taken with the good narrators of myths, the men who profess to be able to tell of things from far-distant times. It is easy to accumulate a vast amount of material from such people, but it is often of very doubtful ethnological value. The ethnological observer is, therefore, following a wrong method if he starts with one of those questionnaires which have been drawn up for his use. The only legitimate use that can be made of such lists of questions is for gathering information from some native who is well informed regarding local conditions, and for bringing the material thus received to a scientific central institution for further examination. Such lists supply a special method for bringing into the ethnologist’s workroom at home work which should be done on the spot. Of course, the questionnaire has its uses. It makes it possible to bring together at one time a large amount of material from the most varied regions, but it should not be forgotten that ethnological material acquired by questioning can never be more than second-class material and cannot be compared with what is obtained by direct observation on the spot. The work of filling up the schedule of questions by interrogation of the natives should, therefore, be left to those members of the expedition who are not ethnologists, who can in this way be of great service to ethnology. An ethnological explorer is, of course, expected to be able to sift ethnologically important facts from other things that he sees ; and it will be one of his own chief tasks to extract ethnological facts from the raw material at his disposal. The case is different with the material supplied by other travellers. In that case, the first task is to sift out all that is ethnologically valueless from their descriptions and drawings and get at the kernel of important ethnological material. Of course, this is a task that can only be done by expert ethnologists. Besides the material provided directly by travellers, such as sketches, reports, and photographs, there are data of two other kinds from which ethnological facts can be deduced. These are (I) printed literature, which we have called the ‘ literature of the sources ’ and which provides raw material for the ethnologist, and (2) the objects in our museums. Unfortunately, very little has yet been done to work up in a systematic way the raw material con- ee in this literature. Every young ethnologist who starts out 4 INTRODUCTION to study any ethnological question is faced, like his predecessors, by the immense double task of finding his way through the enormous literature and through the large amount of material in museums. At the present moment one of the most urgent desiderata is that this literature and the contents of our museums should be once for all systematically searched, to get out the important ethnological facts contained in them, and that the results should in some form be made available for all students. This is, of course, another task which only a trained professional ethnologist can perform. Merely to extract certain passages from books will never lead to the desired result, and will only serve to increase the already enormous literature that has to be waded through. To provide a merely mechanical description of objects in the museums will be equally valueless. All possible means, examination of the technique and of the material, as well as chemical analysis, references in the literature, etc., must be used to determine once for all the ethnologically important facts, with regard to the more important parts of the subject at least, and to make them accessible to all interested. We come now to the last part of the ethnologist’s task, the ethno- logical study of the individual ethnological facts. The manifestations of human life, and therefore the ethnological facts which are our subject of study, are usually very complex in their nature. Like everything else, they are related to time and place. But, in addition to that, they are composed of a greater or lesser number of single elements, whose extremely complicated interrelations are only seen in the concrete fact itself. Further, the various manifestations of human life are dependent on other conditions of the most varied kind—on the nature of the individuals to whom they belong, on surrounding nature, on the surrounding humanity, and, finally, on the state of civilization in which the individuals in question live and move. It is clear that a comparison of phenomena so complex cannot possibly lead to any satisfactory solution of ethnological problems, even if such a comparison could be carried out. To solve these problems we must go back to the separate, constituent elements of which the concrete facts are composed. The first step, therefore, is to determine these separate constituent elements by an exact, scientific analysis of the ethnological facts. Only after this has been done can the homogeneous values be, brought together ; only then can the ultimate aim of all ethnological study, vzz., the 47 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND construction of a universal ethnological system, be attained. Analysis and synthesis—these are the two functions by means of which the solution of the ethnological problems is to be obtained from the given values, i.e., the ethnological facts. These two functions are our only means of exploiting scientifically the ethnological material. In order to illustrate this connexion between scientific analysis and synthesis, I may take the actual facts revealed in the process of forest-clearing among the Bakairi Indians on the Upper Xingu in Brazil. I was able to study it in detail during my stay there in 1901. On the preceding evening and in the morning before the work of clearing the forest was begun the young men danced and sang together. They then marched in a compact body, singing and dancing, in front of the houses of the village, and with outstretched hands demanded from the housewives gifts of food for the period during which the work would last. Their songs enumerated and emphasized the great services the young men were about to render, and contained numerous directions regarding the future treatment of the plantation that was to be made. Then they marched, singing, to the scene of operations. A piece of ground was to be cleared for a householder ; in this case it was for the chief medicine- man of the village.. He was not only the leader of the whole party, but also the organizer of the attendant festivities. The work of clearing the forest was carried out on a definite plan. The trees were merely chipped with the axe to an extent sufficient to deter- mine the direction of their fall. The one exception was one large tree at the edge of the space to be cleared. It was completely felled, whereas the others were only chipped ; this tree was felled by the leader himself. When it was just about to fall a signal was given, and all the workmen retired to a distance. With a resounding crash the whole section of the forest fell simultaneously, each tree in its fall dragging along with it the trees adjacent to it. A day’s work lasted about six or seven hours. Singing their songs, they went to a convenient bathing-place, and then marched back in close order, singing and dancing, to the village square. In this particular case the work was brought to an end with a social festivity on the evening of the third day. I have here recalled only the chief features of what was in itself a very simple matter, but it is clear from what has been said that very many heterogeneous ethnological phenomena can be conjoined in one concrete case. We find economic and social and purely 48 INTRODUCTION intellectual elements all conjoined, and it is only after these single elements have been disentangled from the whole that comparisons can be made with corresponding elements among other races. These separate elements, therefore, must first be disentangled and then fitted into their place among the similar elements of our system. For example, the felling of the trees would find its place under the rubric ‘material economy,’ or culture of the soil; the presence of the entire population of young men would come under “social economy,’ or division of labour; the fact that the planting was done for a single individual would come under ‘distribution of commodities’ and ‘jurisprudence’; and the nature of the axes employed would fall under ‘commodities,’ or ‘manufactures.’ THE ETHNOLOGICAL SYSTEM From the time when ethnology began, attempts have been made to draw up a well-founded classification of the human race, and to construct a natural system of it. Of course, any principle of classi- fication, whether based on physical, anthropological, or linguistic differences among men, can only be applied in one department of ethnology—that which undertakes the description of the activities of the various population-units—and which is usually called special ethnology, or ethnography. In the matter of a suitable classification for general or systematic ethnology, practically no preliminary work has yet been done. We must therefore try to make a system for ourselves which will pro- vide a framework for the treatment of all the questions that concern our science. Such a system, or classification, of the entire subject- matter of ethnology will take very different forms according to the principle of classification that is chosen; and any system that is here suggested will, of course, be capable of improvement when all details have been more fully worked out. Meantime, it seems desirable to retain the distinction now generally accepted between general or systematic ethnology and special or descriptive ethnology, sometimes called ethnography. General or systematic ethnology treats comparatively the various elements contained in the economic facts regarding the manifestations of life among humanity outside of Asia and Europe. Special or descriptive ethnology describes the manifestations of life within the separate population-units, In order to form a D 49 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND uniform whole, special ethnology must be based on the principles of general ethnology empirically determined. Its task must not be confused with the mere determination and description of ethno- logical facts from the raw material available. This part of ethnological study is an indispensable preliminary for all ethno- logical deductions, both in general and in special ethnology. In keeping with the fourfold limitation of human action, the entire subject-matter of general ethnology may best be divided into four subdivisions. These regard human actions from four different aspects : (1) as related to the human individual ; (2) as related to surrounding nature ; (3) as related to surrounding humanity ; (4) as related to the intellectual side of human nature. The first subdivision, after giving a general account of the nature of human actions and the object at which they aim, viz., satis- faction of needs, deals with those actions which aim directly at satisfying the needs of the human individual. That is to say, all actions which are directly connected with the taking of food, treat- ment of the body, sexual satisfaction, amusement and worship, and which may be summed up under the name of pleasurable activities, belong to this subdivision. The next two subdivisions are chiefly concerned with the eco- nomic aspect of human life ; the second deals with the material side of it, and the third with its social side. The fourth subdivision comprises all that is connected with the mental or intellectual aspect of human activity; the chief pheno- mena here are manners and customs, art and religion. The most suitable classification for ethnography, or descriptive ethnology, is a threefold one: (1) A general part, dealing with the questions that concern the classification of the human race. (2) A descriptive account of human activities as found among the various groups of humanity. (3) An account of the geographical distribution of the various ethnological phenomena. This should also form a part of special ethnology; but it is not dealt with in this treatise. Ete) PART I GENERAL OR SYSTEMATIC ETHNOLOGY SC RiOy Na VOLUNTARY HUMAN ACTIVITIES IN RELATION TO THE HUMAN INDIVIDUAL CEA ein THE NATURE OF HUMAN ACTIVITIES CCORDING to the dictum of Herbert Spencer, life is ‘the A erricses adjustment of internal relations to external relations.”” Even if we express this differently and say that in the lower creatures life is metabolism and in the higher creatures life is the maintenance of the balance of energy the word ‘life’ in both cases implies a process ; and so far as this process assumes an external form, thus becoming perceptible by the senses, we can speak correctly of ‘manifestations of life’ or ‘activities.’ By “human activities,’ therefore, we mean this process in man. These activities may be of two kinds. They may be purely physical functions, solely determined by unchangeable natural law, or they may be activities which are more or less under the control of the human will. According to the definition of ethnology with which we started, it is only with this second kind of human activities, the ‘voluntary activities,’ that our science deals. From the standpoint of natural science, of which in the fullest, strictest sense ethnology is a branch, it is only the human individual that ‘lives.’ Therefore, all human activities, no matter whether they are voluntary or involuntary, can only proceed from the human individual. Even if the human will, which controls the voluntary activities, is itself affected by a great many causes lying outside the human personality, such as natural environment, human environment, or intellectual environment, still the starting-point of the activities directed by the will can only be the human individual Ly! THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND as such. Various attempts have been made from the side of racial psychology, by men like Lichtenberg and Gumplowicz, to detach the actual life functions from the human individual and to transfer them to human society. But all such attempts, for which the high- sounding name of supraorganism has been invented, are to be rejected as incompatible with the spirit of natural science. When we compare the activities of man with those of other living beings the chief difference between them is found to consist in this: whereas all the activities of the members of one and the same species of animals are uniform in their nature, human voluntary activities exhibit greater or less differences. Of course, speaking generally, there is also a certain amount of uniformity in human activities. Were it not so, all ethnological study, whose chief object is to ascertain these uniformities, would be hopeless. But there is always a certain amount of room left for the free play of individual choice, and this involves the possibility of variation from the general rule and, consequently, the possibility of a gradual change in the activities of any given group of human beings. It is this possibility of variation in human action, and the accompanying great power of adjustment possessed by man, that explain the large variety of human activities. These are, indeed, the prime requisites of any advance in civilization. It is this possibility of variation that rendered it possible for some portions of mankind to take the lead in the gradual development of human activities, while other portions were left behind at a lower stage of civilization. From this it is clear that their somatic and racial differences do not explain the differences that characterize the activities of the various portions of mankind. This is confirmed by the fact that, when we take the individual as the starting-point of human activity, there can be equally large or even larger differences between the activities of members of one and the same race than between those of individuals belonging to entirely different races. In comparison with the differences that exist between human activities, racial differences are far too slight to be looked upon as the causes of the former. Assuming that humanity forms one species, human acti- vities would exhibit as much uniformity as those of one and the same animal species, unless special forces, acting on the individual from without, produced differences. Therefore, when we compare man with other animals, conformity of activities is to be taken as the normal element and difference of activities as the special element §2 Bake NALOURE- OF HUMAN ACTIVITIES which distinguishes man from other animals, and it is of this that ethnology has to supply the explanation and proof. Remembering that humanity forms one species, we can only speak of heterogeneity in connexion with those activities which are controlled by the human will, z.e., the ‘voluntary’ activities. It is the human will that directs human action into various paths, according as it is determined by forces acting upon it from outside. Such forces can only affect human action through the agency of the human will. There are three kinds of forces which can thus influence human action, either in co-operation or in opposition to each other. There is, firstly, the natural environment of the human individual; secondly, the human environment; and, thirdly, the intellectual or mental environment. Inthe measure in which these three forces continuously exercise their joint simultaneous influence on the human will and produce differences among the various sections of humanity, the corresponding human activities will necessarily also vary. Ultimately, therefore, it is in the different nature of the milieu, geographical, social, and intellectual, that we must look for the cause of the differences between human activities. The ensuing chapters on general ethnology are to be devoted to a more detailed examination of these geographical, social, and cultural limitations of human activities. 53 CHAP LT ei THE SATISFACTION OF WANTS AS THE AIM OF HUMAN ACTIVITIES PEAKING quite generally, the object aimed at in the satis- faction of human wants is the satisfaction of the wants of human life. This is equivalent to saying that, just as human activities have their origin in the human individual, so they are directed toward man as an individual. As we have already said, from the point of view of natural science it is only the individual man that can be conscious of wants, and it is only the individual that can experience the satisfaction of them. It is by no means necessary, however, that a given human activity should always originate in the same individual toward whose satisfaction it is directed ; it can just as readily be directed to the satisfaction of the wants of other individuals. According as the former or the latter is the case, we call it egoism or altruism. These are the two motive powers that produce human activities. It should be said, however, that these two conceptions are not necessarily always opposed to each other. Frequently they are so opposed, and egoism may involve injury to others; we shall have to return to this point when we come to discuss hostile intercourse between men. But the two can also be in close co-operation, and altruism can be practised in order to achieve the satisfaction of personal wants, or, vice versa, activities directed toward self-preservation may also secure the satisfaction of the wants of others. In such cases it is sometimes very difficult to decide whether some act of altruism is to be con- sidered as a means of self-preservation, or whether some act of self-preservation should be adjudged to be merely a means for securing the well-being of others. This is a matter on which, up till now, ethnologists have been able to throw little light, but it is closely bound up with important problems of social economy. Altruism can only be practised when there is a suitable object on which it can be exercised. A superabundance in one direction must result in a lack on the other side. The contrast which appears almost everywhere, in a more or less pronounced form, between 54 Vik SATISFACTION OF WANTS those who have and those who have not, between the ruling class and the dependent class, can only be understood and appraised in one way. We must look at this contrast both from the standpoint of the giver and from that of the recipient and try to understand it in its relations both to egoism and altruism. It is only from this same standpoint that we can understand the peculiar relations which frequently exist between adjacent groups of mankind. They make war upon each other, seek to inflict loss on each other, and snatch economic advantages from each other, without, however, aiming at that complete destruction of their adversary which would bring with it political and economic results that cannot be estimated. The wants, to the satisfaction of which human activities are directed, can be of many kinds. They may be purely physical, like the need of food, of rest, of sexual satisfaction ; or they may be purely intellectual, such as artistic or religious satisfaction. But, further, the nature of all these types of want may vary among different races. Some races prefer vegetable food, others must have animal food ; some have a desire for certain means of enjoy- ment, like alcoholic liquors, tobacco, salt ; while other races reject these, even when they are available. One race likes to adorn its articles of use with various kinds of ornament, whereas among other races hardly anything of the kind is found. Clearly, therefore, if we again assume that all mankind belongs to one species, external conditions affect the wants, just as they affect the activities of mankind. A change in human wants can be brought about by a great variety of causes. For example, a different kind of natural environ- ment demands a different form of activity, calling for an entirely different display of physical and mental powers, and involving a different expenditure of human energy. Increased labour means an increased need of food, and the great desire of the polar races for fatty food is directly due to the low temperature of their country. Again, men’s wants and needs are greatly affected by their habits of life, and these in turn are closely connected with the external conditions of life. To the man who is accustomed to a roaming life, a roaming life becomes a necessity. The man who is in the habit of using alcoholic liquors or tobacco finds it a deprivation when these are denied him, whereas other men and other races have no desire for them. 55 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND Even although the history of development and anatomy reveal a close relationship between man and the other vertebrates, the differences in somatic details are still important enough to give man, in respect of his mode of life, a position apart from all other living beings. In comparison with other animals, important parts of the human body exhibit so great an inferiority that he is at a serious disadvantage. For example, his upright posture has reduced the number of his organs of locomotion, with the result that man is far inferior to most animals in speed of movement. The small size of the skeleton of his face, together with the smallness and close position of his teeth, disadvantageously affect the most important functions, the taking of food and the power of defence. His com- plement of hair is so scanty that it no longer serves its original purpose of protecting him against climatic influences, and numerous races remove it as an unnecessary or troublesome adjunct. All these defects make it impossible for man to satisfy his wants exclusively, like the animals, from the materials placed at his dis- posal by nature. On the contrary, he finds it necessary by artificial methods to procure special aids to enable him to satisfy his wants. In the case of man, therefore, as contrasted with the animals, the process of satisfying his wants, whether purely physical or mental, is predominantly of an indirect kind; and for this indirect satis- faction of his wants nature has provided him with important advantages over other animals, even over the anthropoids. Above all, nature has given him a comparatively large brain with a pro- portionately large cranium. It is this advantage in brain develop- ment which man possesses over animals that provides the somatic conditions necessary for the free play of his mental functions as against his other life functions, and it is on this that his superiority in the animal kingdom rests. In his upright posture man finds a further special qualification for the indirect satisfaction of his wants. lhis, it is true, limits his locomotive activity to his hind extremities, but, on the other hand, it sets free his hands as prehensile organs, | and this provides the somatic condition necessary for the power man possesses of using tools. Thus, the physical difference between man and animal rests chiefly on his differentiation as a creature with hands and brain, a “ tool-making animal,” as Franklin called him. This has made man’s relation to surrounding nature entirely different from that which is found among animals. He is obliged to procure indirectly 56 PHE SATISHACTIONZORVWANTS the natural materials required for his support—that is, he requires to work, and for this purpose nature has given him, in his hands and in his brain, the somatic requisites in a far higher measure than to any other creature. The name usually given to all the processes and BPrane erent which aim at providing man with the commodities required for the satisfaction of his wants is ‘economy.’ Even the physical nature of man, we have seen, renders him dependent on economy. Where- ever man is or has ever been, there has been an economy of one kind or another. Indeed, without such economy, human life is simply impossible. It would be a hopeless task to try to investigate the first beginnings of economy in human history. As soon as men came into existence economy of some kind became a preliminary and necessary condition of human life. We have now seen that, even by his physical constitution, man is rendered dependent on an indirect satisfaction of his wants—that is tosay, onthe ‘economic process.’ But there is a further question, whether there is still any room, and if so how much, in human life for that direct satisfaction of wants which man has in common with the animal. To answer this question, we must first define and distinguish more clearly the words ‘direct’ and ‘indirect’ satisfaction of wants. We speak of ‘direct’ satisfaction of wants when any human activity procures the immediate satisfaction of man’s needs from the materials supplied by nature. For example, the Indian plucks with his own hand a fruit from a wild tree and forthwith eats it ; or he gathers with his own hands twigs or small branches and makes a soft couch for himself. Even in this latter case his activity is as immediately directed to the satisfaction of his wants as is that of the bird building its nest. We have ‘indirect’ satisfaction of wants when the satisfaction is brought about by the use of means which must first be produced or procured by human activity. For example, the Indian plants a tree whose fruits he at a later time plucks and eats; or he makes a special flat club with which he knocks down the fruits from the tree. In these cases the human activity is first directed to the manufacture of definite means for procuring satisfaction—+.e., it is in the first instance work, and as such stands in contrast to that kind of activity which aims directly at the immediate satisfaction of want and which is called ‘pleasur- able activity,’ or ‘consumption activity’ ; but the whole process of 57 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND satisfaction always concludes with ‘pleasurable activity.’ There- fore, whereas in the case of indirect satisfaction of want—1.e., in an “economy ’—we have both work and pleasurable activity, in the case of direct satisfaction, there is only pleasurable activity. Thus, the question how far there is direct as well as indirect satisfaction of wants in human life is another form of the question as to what extent there is pleasurable activity without preliminary work. A complete answer to this question could only be given after all the various kinds of pleasurable activity among the different races had been examined with this in view; but it may be said here and now that, even among the most primitive races, pleasurable activity is almost always found conjoined with previous work of some kind, either the manufacture of a simple digging stick for lifting bulbous roots, or of some simple tool for hunting or fishing, or the manufacture of a simple mat for a couch, or a ball to play with, or an instrument with which to accompany the dance, or a fetish or an altar for the performance of religious rites. In all such cases we are dealing with indirect satisfaction of wants—that is to say, with economy; and it would seem as if direct satisfaction of want were almost as rare among primitive races as it is among peoples of developed civilization, Of course, among these latter, wants have become much more subtle and the means for their gratification have become more elaborate. The process of direct satisfaction of wants—e.g., the direct satis- faction of hunger, of the sexual appetite, of the desire for play, or even of religious need—is usually conjoined with pleasurable feelings in the individual concerned. On the other hand, in the case of indirect gratification, the expenditure of physical energy, 1.e., work, is conjoined with feelings of distaste, and is therefore felt to be a burden. As a natural result, man seeks to reduce to a mini- mum this unpleasant element, this ‘economic’ activity; and, therefore, in his economic activities he tries to attain the greatest possible economic result from the natural materials at his disposal with the least possible amount of labour. His economic activities are therefore determined by this purpose. This is what is usually called the ‘economic principle,’ or the ‘principle of the smallest means.’ The attempt to reduce the amount of labour necessary for the production of the aids required for the satisfaction of wants can be made in various ways. It can be achieved by a better knowledge 58 LAE SSATISEFACTION-OF WANTS of the suitable materials provided by nature and by a constantly improved exploitation of the powers of nature. It can also be attained by a division of labour and a distribution of commodities among the separate economic groups, and among the individuals who compose these. The economic principle thus exercises a decisive influence both on the material economy and on the social economy of man, and is, therefore, one of the most important factors in the economic history of mankind, and consequently in the history of the world. We have seen that nature only very rarely provides mankind with the means for a direct satisfaction of his wants, so that he is mostly compelled to provide himself with such means artificially, by labour, in the economic process. The sole aim of this latter process is to provide the individual with such means as will directly aid in the satisfaction of his wants. For example, it gives him food ready for consumption, articles of adornment, and so forth. Goods of this kind, so far as they are of a material nature, are called “pleasurable goods,’ in contrast to ‘productive goods.’ These latter do not directly provide enjoyment, but, like the stone axe, are used as means to manufacture pleasurable goods. Of course, there are numerous cases in which one and the same commodity, or class of commodities, can be both pleasurable and productive goods. For example, a house not only protects the human body against the inclemencies of the weather, but also performs the important function of protecting goods against wet. So also the fire-place serves not only to banish the feeling of cold, but also to cook food. Special interest attaches to those cases in which commodities that were originally productive goods became at a later time mere orna- ments; e.g., the claw of the armadillo, which the Indians on the Upper Xingu use as a digging tool, is used among the Bororo Indians as a neck ornament ; and the tribes on the Upper Xingu wear a dibble, specially ornamented, as an adornment for the back. Pleasurable goods are subdivided into ‘consumption goods’ and “goods for use.’ The former are intended for immediate consump- tion, like prepared food; and the latter are meant for use, like clothing and ornaments. This distinction is of great importance. In the case of pleasurable-consumption goods the consumption involves the loss of the commodity in question, and therefore no special importance is attached by the producer to its shape. The shape of manufactured consumption goods, therefore, usually 59 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND represents the simple result of the process of production. It has no connexion with the purpose which the article is to serve, nor is it the result of any special intention on the part of the producer. The shape of the flat flour cakes, which are the commonest vegetable food of the inhabitants of the forest areas in Brazil, is entirely due to the manner and method of their manufacture, and chiefly to the size of the pan in which they are made. There are, of course, some exceptional cases in which even consumption goods are shaped in a special way. Even races outside of Europe, such as the Huichol, frequently make cakes in all manner of shapes. But in such cases there is always some religious or other motive, apart from the actual purpose for which such pleasurable-consumption goods are intended. On the other hand, in the case of goods for use, the shape is the really characteristic element, and the material of which they are made is comparatively of subordinate importance. 60 CHAPTER III ACTIVITIES IMMEDIATELY DIRECTED TOWARD PERSONAL SATISFACTION PERSONAL CONSUMPTION A S we have already seen, every satisfaction of want as such involves pleasurable activity—that is to say, activity that affords pleasure to the individual whose want is gratified. But, whereas the direct satisfaction of wants finds its end in this pleasurable activity, in the case of indirect satisfaction of want the pleasurable activity is merely the last phase of the whole pro- cess of satisfaction; the other phases involve labour—that is to say, an activity which is in direct contrast to pleasurable activity. We must, therefore, draw a distinction between the pleasurable activity of direct satisfaction of wants and that of indirect satisfaction. In order to mark this distinction, it is usual to call the latter kind of pleasurable activity “personal consumption,’ or simply ‘consump- tion.’ This personal consumption, therefore, as the last phase of indirect satisfaction of wants, is a part of the economic process as a whole. Being a pleasurable activity, however, it is in sharp con- trast to the other parts of the economic process, to productive or industrial activity, which is the production of commodities by means of labour. Owing to the close connexion between personal consumption and the human individual, it will be better to discuss the various forms of this last phase of indirect satisfaction of wants at this early stage of our course. We turn first to the taking of food. The fact that man is omni- vorous lightens, it is true, his struggle for existence, because the animal and the vegetable kingdoms supplement each other in pro- viding him with food. But, on the other hand, the same fact makes it necessary that his place of abode should be able to supply him with both vegetable and animal food. The proportion between the amount of animal and vegetable food eaten may, of course, vary greatly. In all continents there are races whose animal food is reduced to a minimum, while others live chiefly on meat or milk. 61 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND The distribution of the various food stuffs in nature is, of course, of decisive importance for this proportion. But the extent to which, even in those regions where animal food is abundant, the need for vegetable food is felt is shown by the fact that some Eskimo races, whose vegetable food is scanty, endeavour to make good this defect by eating the contents of the stomach and intestines of the reindeer. On the other hand, the desire for animal food is in some cases strong enough to cause men to eat the flesh of their own species. . Leaving out of account the mania for eating certain kinds o clay, the so-called geophagy, the only mineral substance that is extensively used with food is salt. One other mineral used in some regions with food is lime. Indians of the South American plateau add lime to coca, and in the Malayan Archipelago and in a large part of Oceania it is mixed with areca-nut and pepper-leaf and chewed as betel. Another indispensable substance obtained from inanimate nature is water, and it is only in special cases that a substitute for it can be found. Such substitutes are plant juices—the juice of the agave, of various species of cactus—or animal liquids—milk or blood. Just as some races prefer vegetable food and others prefer animal food, so they also differ as to the plants or animals which they choose for this purpose. A food popular with one race may be re- jected by another. Some races even eat indigestible substances like the bark of trees, bast, and seaweed. And there are even greater differences with regard to the species of animals that are eaten, apart altogether from the numerous prohibitions which exclude certain species, either because they are looked upon as totem animals or for some other reason. The choice of the species which may be eaten is occasionally quite arbitrary. In many parts of South Africa where fish are abundant some negro races eat no fish ; others, like the Indians in the Brazilian forest-lands, eat only certain kinds. Among the ancient Mexicans and the Polynesians dog-flesh was considered a delicacy, while other races, including the peoples within the bounds of European civilization, reject it. Similar contrasts are found with regard to the eating of horseflesh. Numerous tribes, like the Bushmen, eat almost every species of animal, not excepting the lowest orders, snakes, frogs, and worms, even the intestinal worms found in the stomachs of cattle. When 62 PERSONAL SATISFACTION an Indian on the Upper Xingu finds a louse on his companion’s head, he forthwith eats it—with evident relish, Among the Guato Indians the same word means head-louse and honey. The most striking difference, however, in connexion with the use of animal food is that, while many tribes eat human flesh, others decisively reject it. While it is possible that the unjust accusations brought against each other by adjacent peoples have given rise to exaggerated ideas with regard to the prevalence of cannibalism among uncivilized peoples, there can be no doubt that it plays a not inconsiderable part in the economy of certain parts of the world. The existence of cannibalism seems to have no connexion whatever with the general stage of civilization of the races who practise it. In many cases peoples with a fair degree of civilization practise or have practised it; for example, the Aztecs in ancient Mexico, the Nyam-Nyam, the Fang races in Africa, and the Mangbattu on the Upper Welle, of whose cannibalistic propensities Georg Schweinfurth gives such a vivid description in his book Im Herzen von Afrika. Cannibalism used to be very common in Melanesia, among the natives of New Zealand and other Polynesians, as well as on the continent of Australia. In the New Hebrides there was an actual trade in human flesh carried on between the various islands ; and the Fiji Islanders not only ate captives taken in war, but compelled certain neighbouring tribes to pay an annual tribute of human flesh. On the American continent cannibalism was common in North, Central, and South America, and the Toncava and the Iroquois are said to have practised it very extensively. There are accounts of it in South America among the Botocudo, the Apiaka, and the Miranha. Among the Botocudo of Ingreknung young war captives were fattened before being eaten. The Apiaka kept and reared children taken in war till they were twelve years old, and held a great festivity when the time came for killing them. Young women were sometimes kept five or six years before they were killed ; and it is said that among the Miranha people in South America and the Mangbattu people in Africa human flesh was dried and preserved, in order that it might be used as occasion demanded. — Even if the practice was frequently due to the idea that a dead enemy's bravery or other good qualities passed over into the man who ate a portion of his body, there can be no doubt that the 63 THE PRIMVTFIVE RACES GH MANKIND chief cause of it was nothing other than a liking for human flesh as such. This striking phenomenon, cannibalism, has, of course, been frequently discussed in ethnological literature. A distinction has been drawn between endo-cannibalism and exo-cannibalism, the former being the eating of members of one’s own tribe, and the latter the eating of members of other tribes. In exo-cannibalism the victims were mostly captives taken in war; in endo-cannibalism they were chiefly deceased relatives. Only a brief reference can be made here to the various methods of preparing foodfor use. The only vegetable substances which are eaten raw, without any preparation whatever, are the fruits of certain plants which have been expressly cultivated by man and brought to the point of yielding an abundance of palatable fruit. Most other vegetable stuffs require preparation before they can be eaten by man. The same holds good of animal food. Some primitive races, it is true, are said to eat flesh raw, and indeed that practice is not unknown among the most highly civilized peoples. The ancient Peruvians are said to have eaten both flesh and fish raw. But in all such cases there must have been some kind of preparation of the raw flesh. The cutting-up of the slain animal with the help of special tools was of itself an important item of preparation. The means which nature has given man would be absolutely insufficient to enable him to make direct use of a large mammal to satisfy his hunger. Speaking generally, animal food and vegetable food are either boiled or grilled or steamed before being eaten; only in rare cases is it roasted in fat. The ancient Mexicans are said to have roasted their flesh food in dog-fat. Some African tribes are said to eat meat that is already half decomposed, and I have myself seen members of the Indian races of Brazil eat addled eggs, and even lizards’ eggs in an advanced stage of incubation. The races of mankind exhibit a similar variety in their ways of eating and drinking, and also in the utensils employed. Like the peoples of higher civilization, native races have their fixed customs, which they follow with the utmost strictness. . Solid foods, especially grilled meat, are mostly eaten with the fingers. One exception must be mentioned—the practice among the Fiji Islanders of eating human flesh with the aid of special wooden forks. Foods boiled in water—for example, the dish consisting of bananas boiled 64 PERSONAL SATISFACTION along with fish, which is popular among the Guato Indians—are eaten by means of flattish shells. Spoons proper, with handles, are limited to definite areas, and even in these areas to a special class. Among the Guato Indians only the men eat the banana dish mentioned above with large wooden spoons, while the women convey it to the mouth with shells. Spoons are also made of clay, or, as among the North American Indians, of horn. Water and other beverages are drunk sometimes with and sometimes without a special utensil. The South African Bushman drinks in a standing posture, throwing the water into his mouth with his hand; while the Senoi in Malacca convey it to the mouth in a folded leaf. Other races regularly use the skins of pumpkins or coconut as drinking vessels. Among the ancient Peruvians and Mexicans drinking vessels, cleverly made and ornamented, were in use, as well as cups of clay, wood, and metal. The Peruvian aristocrats used to drink from valuable cups of silver and gold. It is also well attested that many peoples used drinking cups made of skulls. This practice was widespread throughout large areas of the American continent, especially among the Araucans. The Chaco tribe of Mataco are said to make cups from the scalps of their slain enemies. Mention should also be made of the suction-pipe used by various tribes. The Eskimos use small tubes of this kind to suck up the melted water underneath the snow. The natives of Queensland use a similar utensil to suck the contents of eggs. The Waganda in East Africa regularly use tubes of this kind, and the Guato Indians use them to suck the palm-wine from holes made in the trunk of the akuri-palm. We cannot here enter into the numerous drinking customs prac- tised on festive occasions. Native races, like others more advanced, have a high opinion of good drinking powers. Among the Paressi Indians in Central South America I have myself seen each guest compelled to empty at one draught a large cucumber-skin, handed to him by the chief, filled to the brim with the intoxicating chitshag liquor, even although he was unable to retain for any length of time such an enormous quantity of liquid. Among utensils used in connexion with other forms of gratifi- cation, special mention should be made of the tobacco-pipe. Cere- monial importance is frequently attached to the pipe, as well as to the smoking of tobacco. These pipes vary greatly both in material and in shape. They are of wood, clay, or stone, and the Caraya E 65 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND Indians of South America simply use the fruit-cases of the jaquitiba- tree as tobacco-pipes. The Prairie Indians use a special form of pipe, carved out of red pipestone and attached to a long round or flat wooden stem. The pipes of the inhabitants of the north-west coast of North America surpass in richness of carving those of all other native races. Larger or smaller wooden pipes of simple tube form, or with pipe heads set at right angles to the stem, are used throughout large areas of South America; whereas other tribes, such as those in the Xingu area, do not use pipes of any kind, but smoke the tobacco in cigar form. This was also the practice among the ancient Mexicans, the outside leaf of the cigars being replaced by atube. The negro tribes of Rio smoke extremely long, thick cigars, which require to be supported by a wooden holder shaped like a fork. In Africa, where the smoking of dacha, a species of hemp, had long been known, the tobacco-pipe and tobacco itself were introduced soon after the discovery of America and extensively adopted. Pipes of all shapes were used, some being quite simple, like empty banana-skins, on which a poke of leaves was placed. Or, again, holes were made in the ground and the tobacco was burned in these, the smoke being inhaled through an opening. But there are also some extremely clever forms, especi- ally those used by the Bali in the Cameroon hinterland. Dacha, or bang, 1.e., the dried leaves of Cannabis indica, a species of hemp, | is usually smoked in a special kind of hookah, provided with a water-container, through which the smoke is drawn into the mouth. This dacha-smoking is practised chiefly in the eastern and southern areas of Africa. The powdered pepper-leaf, already mentioned, is used in two ways. It is blown into one’s own nose or into a neighbour’s nose by means of a double tube, consisting of two fowl-bones joined at an acute angle ; and it is also used as an enema. We may also mention the small, spatula-shaped instruments with which the Malays and Polynesians convey to their mouths their betel-lime, lifting it out of the small, beautifully ornamented boxes of wood or bamboo. Under the subject of treatment of the body may be gathered together a number of consumption activities which have directly in view the welfare of the human body. These concern not only the actual treatment of the body, but also such matters as costume, athletic exercise, and recreation for the healthy body, treatment during illness, and the burial or disposal of the dead body. 66 BAIQUNAD) -YIO SM 0J0Y TI ROLIBUIY YNOS SIONS ONINVL NVIGN] VYNANL SAIQUNAD) -YIO YY 0704 OIS9N ORT UVOID ADAVT HLIM NVIGNT ONVAOL I AaLV Id Lo 4oymny O40Y evolu YNOS SNVIGN]J ISSHUYVd AHL HO HOVWId-ONIHIVA IVIOMILAVY ALY id PERSONAL SATISFACTION By care of the body we mean all those consumption activities which are occupied with the care of the skin and the hair. They include the activities that aim at keeping the body clear of dirt and vermin, and they involve the use of all kinds of pleasurable-con- sumption goods. Speaking generally, it may be said that cleanli- ness is found in very different degrees among different races, but this does not mean that greater cleanliness always accompanies higher civilization. Among the races that go almost naked we find some that are among the cleanliest sections of mankind—such as the majority of Polynesians and many of the Indians of the forest area of South America. Some of these bathe regularly several times a day. The Bakairi Indians of the Xingu area invariably bathed before they returned home from their work in the forests. And among the Paressi Indians special bathing-places close to each settlement were made by enlarging the small, narrow streams, and these were constantly used by both old and young. Almost all races pay particular attention to the care of their hair, especially to the removal of the head-lice that are common among them. The comb is found among every people in the world, and appears in numerous forms. Among the Indians of the Upper ‘Xingu river the lice are carefully combed out every morning and immediately eaten. Many races also use special hairbrushes made of animal bristles. Treating the hair with butter or vegetable oils is a widespread practice, and so is rubbing it with earth or lime as a protection against insects. Another common custom is that of removing the hair of the head; in some cases it is simply pulled out by the roots. This is done by means of small hair-tongs, and some of these, like the dainty instruments used by the ancient Peruvians, were made of gold, silver, or copper. Small mirrors made of polished pyrites were also used by the Peruvians and Mexicans. Mirrors and hair-tongs are also said to be much used by the Dyaks in Borneo. Like the hair, the skin of the body is also frequently greased with oil mixed with dye-stuffs. In most cases the purpose of the practice is to secure protection against troublesome insects. Numerous negro tribes in Africa are noted for the care with which they keep their teeth clean, using for this purpose tooth-brushes made of wood that has been teased out or fibrillated. Closely connected with actual care of the body are the various means used by mankind to improve the outward appearance, and 67 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND which may be briefly called dress. The style of dressing is determined not only by taste and fashion, but also by numerous external circumstances, and it has taken manifold forms among the various sections of mankind. Keeping in view the purpose to be served, we may distinguish two main forms of dress: first, ornament, which is worn for the esthetic purpose of beautifying the outward appearance, and, second, protective dress, worn to protect the body against external influences, such as cold, wet, rough ground, thorns, and attacks of men or animals. Besides these two main kinds, there are others, such as masks, badges of rank, dress worn for decency. Although these do not directly serve either of the purposes mentioned above, they are indirectly closely connected with them. The means used by mankind to beautify the person are very numerous. Some tribes artificially modify the shape of the body itself. Such modifications are called deformations. They are of many kinds, such as the following : 1. Deformation of the Skull. Either the skull is forced into a turban-like shape by means of cords tied tightly round the heads of children, as among the ancient Peruvians and certain Maya races, or the heads of the children are so compressed by a flat piece of wood tightly tied to the head that the skull is flattened at the temples or at the back of the head. 2. Deformation of the face, 1.e., either the nose, ears, lips, or cheeks. Some Australian tribes forcibly compress the nasal bones of their children, in order to flatten still further the naturally flat bridge of the nose. Various parts of the face are perforated for the wearing of ornaments. For example, the septum of the nose is perforated, and small stone cylinders or ornamental feathers are inserted ; and some civilized races of America wear large disks of precious metal attached pendant-wise to the perforated septum, Others, again, perforate the sides of the nose or cheeks and wear similar ornaments there. The wearing of rings or pegs in the per- forated upper or lower lip is a widespread custom, and occasionally, - as among the Botocudo in South America and some African races, these deformations are very grotesque. The hole in the lip is gradually enlarged to such a size that only a narrow edging of lip is left to surround a large flat disk. In the same manner ear-pegs of gigantic dimensions are worn, requiring large holes in the lobes. Some tribes enlarge the perforation in the ear to such an extent that the edging of ear-lobe can be drawn over the head. 68 Gjomdwuag ojoygd fjomduag ojoyd VoLpY SPY eoLyy seq 89 INAWVNUOC AVA HLIIM HLNOZ IVSVIN dIJ 40 NOILVWYOAAC HIIM NVWOAA YONONVIN BAIQUNAY -YIOW 0F0NT osuo) POLIOULY YZUOS 69 OUDAN FZIVNAT V NO ONIOOLLIVI-AVOS NVIGN]I VNVOMGA V NI SATOSNIN WAY FHL AO NOILOINLSNO’D) oe Tor | | Pik ON ARS hablo AC ETON 3. Deformation of the Teeth. This takes two forms. The teeth are filed to a sharp point, or some of the front teeth are knocked out altogether. 4. Hacking off Fingers and Toes. This is practised by the Hotten- tots and South Sea races, for example, to mark special events, such as the death of near relatives. 5. Deformation of the Male or Female Pudenda. This is widely practised in the form of circumcision or the removal of a testicle. 6. Constriction of Parts of the Body, such as the lacing of the waist by some tribes in New Guinea, or constriction of the arm or leg muscles by means of tight bandages, as practised by some tribes of the South American forest Indians. 7. Deformation of the Skin. There are two types: either scars are induced by repeated incisions in the epidermis, and even in the subcutaneous cell-structures, or the skin is tattooed—.e., dye- stuffs are introduced under the epidermis, after the skin has been pricked with needles, or with a special, small, rake-like instrument. Of the numerous forms of adornment of the body only a few can be mentioned here. They are: Dressing the hair so as to make it assume special shapes. Many races devote great care to this form of personal adornment. Painting the body. Gumming ornamental feathers on the body, a practice very common among the most primitive races. The above-mentioned practice of wearing ornaments on parts of the face perforated for the purpose. The wearing of rings on arms, legs, fingers, and toes. Necklets, pendants, girdles of stringed beads. Ornaments worn on the body itself, such as ornamented dibbles, worn on the back by the Indians on the Upper Xingu. Covering the body, or parts of it, with various material, which can be put on or off at will. In contrast to the affixing of feathers, this is a form of genuine ornamental dress. The mention of this last type of ornament, ornamental dress, brings us at once to the subject of clothing. By clothing we mean 1 The definitions in the text and the classification of clothing are taken from O. Mau’s dissertation on Die Kleidung bei den Naturvilkern Stidamerikas. 69 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND all those commodities which form an extended cover for the body, or parts of it, and which can be put on or off at will. According to this definition, clothing is a part of our present subject, dress, because it has in view the embellishment of the outward appearance. Clothing is indeed a very complex conception, which has more in common with our modern civilization than with the conditions among primitive races, and there is hardly a suitable word for it in any of the native languages. The commodities falling under this head exhibit great variety, not only in the purpose they serve and the material of which they are made, but also in the method of manufacture and the shape they assume. From the point of view of their purpose, the following kinds of clothing can be distinguished : (1) Protective Clothing. Clothing of this kind serves as a means of protection against all manner of external influences. Clothing made of hides, cloaks of wool, or rubber are used as protection against climatic influences like cold and wet ; hats and protective glasses, like snow-glasses, against the sun’s rays; sandals, shoes, the moccasins of the North American Indians, against the rough- ness of the ground; sandals, shoes, leggings, leather breeches, against thorns and the bites of dangerous animals, like snakes, fishes, scorpions; wristlets, against the stroke of the bowstring; also forms of protective armour like helmets, mail, and greaves against hostile weapons of attack. (2) Ornamental Clothing. This has already been dealt with (p. 68). | (3) Masks, intended to render the wearer unrecognizable, or to cause him to be taken for other than he is. (4) Clothing worn from Motives of Decency. Only when arrange- ments of this nature assume an extended form do they become clothing. Neither the cover for the penis, nor the loin-cord, worn by many native tribes of Africa and South America, can properly be called clothing, nor can the small triangle of bast, the uluri worn by the women of the Upper Xingu to cover the private parts. (5) Clothing of rank, reserved for special classes as insignia of rank, like the leopard-skin worn by the chiefs of various African races, or the yellow head-bandage of the rulers in ancient Peru. (6) Clothing for the dead, the covering of the dead body and the cerements of mummies. 79 91943] OJON YJAIQuasst Y OJOY eoLlowy YNOS eOMoWYy YINOS ol OHINOdT GaALNIVd HILIM NVIGNT OUWIdq AdOqd SIH NO GadiSVd SYAHLVA HLIM NVIGNT OdVAVY £¢ ALVId ul[Jog “uIhasnyy [Lorso[ouY} | oY} UI [eUIsIIQ ‘ed ulfisg ‘UINosny [BOLso[ouy}Yy oY} UI [PUISUQ ‘eoT 1Z NUYALLVd HSIM-AVY NOILVINANVNAQ AIOL) AGNV OIVSOJ HIIM OHONOd NVIANNEd INAIONY YHHLVAY HLIM SSHACAVaAH NVIANUMAd INAIONY i 9 ALVW Id PERSONAE SALISBFACTION A second classification of clothing is based on the material of which it is composed. It is as follows : Clothing made of skin or leather. Clothing made of bast or bark. Clothing made of material artificially made by basketry, weaving, knitting, or netting. Clothing made of metal, such as helmets, mail, greaves, or of small wooden rods or fillets, ‘rod-mail.’ Most peoples attach great importance to physical training. ‘This is due to the important place in the economic process occupied by the individual as a source of working power. Among many races, e.g., the North American Indians and the Zulu Kafirs of South Africa, the entire education of the youth aims at the best possible training of first-rate warriors. Among the Zulus this martial training involved such severe physical hardening that a proportion of the boys succumbed to their exertions. Among the activities aiming chiefly at the promotion of bodily strength and agility are athletic exercises, like racing, wrestling, ball games, and similar competitive sports. These will be dealt with in detail in a later section (p. 80). The early attainment of the requisite bodily strength is promoted among most native races by making the children take part at an early age in the pro- ductive labour of their parents. The boy helps his father in his work, and the girls bear their share of domestic labour under the superintendence of their mothers. This inurement of the youth was also the aim of many of the customs attending the attainment of theageofpuberty. Itwasalso promoted by theclassification of the young people according to ageand by the system of secret societies. These involved for the boys and girls concerned severe chastisements and the undergoing of various tests of their bodily robustness. We must also include in this connexion the provisions made for physical relaxation. Even among primitive tribes this involves the use of many special means and methods. These include not only houses, which afford shelter so that men can enjoy rest and protection against the inclemencies of the weather and hostile attacks, but also such provisions for rest and sleep as couches, bedsteads, hammocks, sleeping-mats, stools, chairs, and headrests. There are, besides, other auxiliaries, like coverings or blankets, and special protections against troublesome insects, like mosquito-nets. 71 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND Let us take first the house, in its character asashelter. It should be noted that we are here dealing with only one of its various utilities. The conception ‘house,’ which we may define as a structure shut in above by a roof, is a very complex one. Like clothing, it may fulfil numerous and varied purposes, be composed of various materials, and assume numerous shapes. For example, the large ‘sib-house,’ in the South American forest area, may, as a place where economic activity is carried on, be classed as a pro- ductive commodity, but, on the other hand, as a place of sleep for its inhabitants, it is also a pleasurable commodity. This latter ‘ WS | nies Te OS NIN UWWENN AGE AN SN Sa een ‘ aay). \\\ =e =) (=) Pe WS —_ = Fig.1. A SHELTER OF THE GUATO INDIANS (SOUTH AMERICA) a, b, c, skeleton poles; d and e, cross-poles to bear the roof-covering of palm-leaves. aspect, however, is often a subordinate one. The Guato Indian usually sleeps in the open, beside or in front of his cabin, which is used as a storeroom for his property or as a refuge from heavy rain. Other Indian tribes have, in addition to their large work- rooms, separate sleeping quarters at places more or less distant and specially protected against mosquitoes. Ina later chapter we shall see that the house is also sometimes used as a place for festivities, or as a means of defence against hostile attacks. Taking the house as a shelter, we can distinguish three main types, according to the purpose in view. There is, first, the easily portable tent used by nomadic peoples. It consists of a framework of poles, covered with skins or leather or other materials; second, the house used by more settled peoples and suited for a more lengthy stay; and, third, the shelter cabin, usually of very simple con- struction and meant for temporary use. We shall not here enter 72 PERSONAE SSA IS PAG LION upon a detailed description of the various forms of the house which is at the same time a place for economic activity and a means of defence. But it may be well at this stage to point out what has hitherto received little attention, viz., the significance of the shelter cabins, which are usually erected on the main routes of traffic. Shelters of this kind, meant to provide night quarters for the passing traveller, I found in all the Indian areas of Matto Grosso—among the Bakairi Indians of the Upper Xingu, among the Paressi on the Upper Cabagal, on the Yauru and the Yuruena, as well as among the Guato Indians in the marshes of the Upper Paraguay. In all cases they were small cabins with gabled roofs reaching to the ground and leaving the gable-ends open. Among nearly all tribes special arrangements are made to provide a comfortable couch for the human body. There are very few races, and these are all at a low stage of civilization, who employ no special commodities in the making of their sleeping places. Even the Bushman of South Africa, who simply makes his bed in the sand, lies close to a fire and enjoys its warmth. The Fuegians lie at night closely huddled together on grass or rushes spread round the fire which burns in a depression of the small half-conical cabin. They sleep naked under one common cover of sealskin. Some Indians of the South American forest area sleep on the ground, lying on mats or skins, as do also the Caraya Indians; and the Guatos use large mats plaited from the pinnate leaves of the akuri- palm. Many races, especially those who have made some progress in civilization, do not sleep on the level ground, but on a raised surface variously prepared. In some cases it is a sleeping bench of clay, running round the inside of the house wall. This is a very common form of couch among African races, especially in the Sudan, and among the tribes of the north-west coast of North America. Another form of raised couch, common both in the Old World and in the New, is the four-cornered bedstead. In its usual form it is a wooden frame standing on four feet, with wooden slats or leather thongs laid transversely. Similar bedsteads are used by numerous negro races, as well as by American tribes like the Chaco and the ancient civilized races of Central America. The use of hammocks is confined to distinctly limited areas, but they are the regular form of couch among the settled Indians of the eastern forest area of South America and in New Guinea. The coverings used during sleep include blankets of all kinds and, 73 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND in rare cases, there are special arrangements to secure protection against mosquitoes and other insects. The Guato Indians use a kind of mosquito-net shaped like a large inverted bag, made of thickly plaited fibres of the tucum leaf. This is hung over the couch with the open end downward. The style of its manufacture proves that it is an ancient indigenous commodity. The head or neck is sometimes supported on a headrest, among the native races of Central America and Melanesia, for example. Its chief purpose is apparently to prevent the disarrangement of the sleeper’s cotffure. Brief mention may also be made here of the arrangements used to support the body in a sitting position. Such arrangements are by no means universal among mankind. If no natural support, like a large stone or a fallen tree-trunk, is available many races simply squat or sit on the ground with their legs crossed beneath them. The simplest arrangement is a four-cornered block of wood. It is often hollowed out underneath, to be easier to carry, and looks like an inverted trough. The two smaller sides may then be removed; hence the sledge-like stool, common in South America. A further improvement is to remove the middle portion of the two longer sides, and then we have the four-legged stool with a four- cornered seat. All these stages in the evolution of the stool are found among the Guato Indians to this day. The wooden stool with round seat is very common in Africa. It is, however, reserved for privileged ranks, for chiefs or magicians ; and the same is true of the chair, which is merely a stool with a back. It is usually reserved as the chief’s chair, or as the throne-seat of even higher dignitaries. All races of mankind have some specific forms of sick-treatment. Most of them are directed to the cure of disease, but in numerous cases they are employed to hasten death when illness has made it imminent. There are two main kinds of treatment used to cure the patient. Sick-treatment is either magical and seeks to remove the cause of the trouble, which is ascribed to supernatural powers, or it follows actual medicinal methods; but the two are sometimes so inter- mingled that it is hardly possible to say in a particular case where the one ends and the other begins. Among peoples of low civilization illness is rarely attributed toa natural cause, but is referred to the mysterious action of hostile, 74 AoyIN PY 070YT eolloury YING SNVIGN] ISSHUVG FHL 10 ASNOH-AIS VL i } s i i i 4 ALVWId [46 *d aaS] *urieg ‘wmesny [eosoouyy| oy} ur ydeisojyoyd e& wo1g spurysy AqeIrupy cL SVNVOJW HHL 40 ADVTTIA-ATIg 8 ALVId PERSONAL SATISFACTION supernatural powers. Naturally, therefore, magic plays a large part in the healing of disease among such peoples. The sole source of help is believed to lie with those who have acquired supernatural powers, and their aid is sought to discover the invisible, hostile demons, with a view either of appeasing them, or of driving them away. Hence the great importance attached to the magician or priest in his character of medicine-man. We need not here describe in detail the varied and often extremely complicated magical cures accomplished by the medicine-man. His equipment includes a special style of dress. Among North American Indians this is a complete costume of a very fantastic kind. A special stool is indispensable, and he makes use of rattles and talismans or charms, and various medicines which he keeps in a special bag. Very frequently, after the patient has been subjected to a tedious process of kneading or sucking or blowing or fumigating, some minute foreign body, such as a small root or animal’s claw, or even a small animal, is sucked by the medicine-man out of some part of the patient’s body and declared to have been the cause of the illness. Even in these magical cures various forms of treatment are employed, which, like the kneading or massage mentioned above, constitute actual medical treatment. These are found even among uncivilized peoples. There are cold-water cures and hot- water cures. The perspiration cure, which is used even by those who have no illness, is found among tribes in Central and North America, where small ‘ perspiration houses’ are built for the purpose. A large number of actual medicines are also used. ‘These are mostly vegetable substances, some of which have been adopted into our own pharmacopeeia, but materials of animal origin are also used as medicines, including boiled human flesh and human blood. The practice of blood-letting is so widespread that it can almost be said to be universal. Sometimes it is done without breaking the skin; sometimes incisions are made, or the skin is scarified. There are cases, too, of actual bleeding, and of operations akin to our Own cupping. Various instruments are used—knives, shell splinters, flint, obsidian, thorns, or fish-bones. The South American Indians employ a special scarification instrument, a piece of pump- kin rind studded with sharp fish teeth. Actual lancing was done by North American Indians, and by the ancient Peruvians, with small lancets, consisting of stone splinters set in a handle of wood. Another common method, found in many parts of the world, is to 75 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND shoot small arrows from a bow into various parts of the patient’s body until a large blood-vessel is hit. The usual cupping instru- ment is the upper end of an ox (or buffalo) horn, perforated at the point. The wide end is placed on the skin, and the small hole at the point is vigorously sucked so as to create a vacuum. Then the small orifice is quickly closed by means of a small piece of wax. Of major operations performed in regions outside of all contact with Europe and Asia, two have long been known, v7z., trepanning and Cesarean section. Skulls have been found which leave no room for doubt that trepanning was practised in ancient Peru, and there are interesting parallels from the South Seas. The inhabi- tants of Uvea, one of the Loyalty Islands, frequently perform this operation in cases of headache, neuralgia, and other affections of the brain. The soft parts of the head are severed with a cut, and then a hole is carefully scraped through the bone of the skull to the dura mater with a shark’s tooth or, in more recent times, with a piece of glass. Cesarean section is attested both among the Chipewayan Indians in North America and the Waganda in Central America. Felkin has described the method of operation as practised by the latter tribe. The woman was drugged with banana wine, and the wall of the abdomen was laid open by a quick cut extending from a little above the pudenda to a little under the navel. We now come to the treatment of the body after death.1_ We shall deal later with the religious ideas here involved, especially those regarding the souls of the dead. Here we are mainly concerned with two characteristic differences between the dead and the living body, which largely dictated the special treatment of the former. These are its liability to decay, and its defencelessness against external influences. The perishable nature of the dead body compels the relatives to part with it soon after death, unless special measures are taken to check decay and its unpleasant results. On the other hand, natural affection or actual religious ideas forbid that the dead body should simply be put away and abandoned to speedy destruction by wild beasts. Thus all the numerous forms of disposal of the dead have the purpose either of evading the unpleasant results of decay by a suitable treatment of the dead body or of preventing * Cf. Theodor Preuss, Die Begrabnisarten der Amevikaner und Nordostasiaten (K6nigsberg, 1894). 76 S1aqundéY -YIOM 070Yd voLIoUly YNOS ‘O1daN OY SNVIGN] VWNOMNVIN AHL AO MOIMALNI-ASNOY PLATE t0 MOSQUITO-NET OF THE GUATO INDIANS South America. Original in the Ethnological Museum, Berlin SLEEPING-MAT OF THE GUATO INDIANS a9 South America. Original in the Ethnological Museum, Berlin PERSONAE SSA LISEACTION its destruction by wild animals, at least for a time. There are exceptions. In some cases the relatives keep the dead body in the dwelling or carry it with them wherever they go; in other cases they deliberately take measures to hasten its destruction by wild beasts. This latter custom is found in its most pronounced form among the Parsees of Near India. They deposit their dead in the “Towers of Silence,’ pits surrounded with walls, to be devoured by the vultures. The Tibetans load the corpse with a stone and cast it into the river, or place it in a boat and abandon it to the waves. The following are some of the methods adopted with a view of avoiding the unpleasant effects of the decomposition of the corpse: burying it in the ground, drying it in the air (2.¢., it is placed ona platform, or onatree, at some distance from the ground), cremating, embalming, skeletonizing, and, lastly, eating it. Some of these methods may be followed successively. The body may first be buried, and after a time exhumed ; the bones are cleanly separated from the decayed flesh, and then again buried orretained. Similarly, bodies may first be embalmed and then buried. These various methods of disposing of the dead are carried through by different tribes in different ways. The following are the chief varieties of actual burial in the ground. The body is buried in the clothing and with the ornaments which were worn in life, but sometimes special grave clothes are used. Only in very rare cases is a body put into the ground without enwrapment of some kind. In almost all cases some covering is used, in order to prevent direct contact with the earth. The body is wrapped in skins or mats, securely tied with cords, or it is placed in a coffin of wood or stone, or put into an urn, or the head is covered with an earthen bowl. Or, again, it may be simply covered with brushwood. Covering may be omitted if the body be laid in a subterranean vault. The vault is sometimes a mere cave in the earth, a lateral niche in a vault, or it may be lined with stone slabs or masonry. Burial in natural caves is another variety of this method. The posture of the body in its resting-place may also vary. In some cases it is laid at full length, lying on the back or on the side, or, as is frequently the case among American native tribes, it may be placed head downward, or it may be buried in a huddled attitude. Graves also vary in depth. Among some tribes the grave is so shallow that the earth above the corpse is hardly sufficient to 19] THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND protect it from wild beasts. There are also cases where the corpse is simply laid on the ground and covered with stones or merely with brushwood. This last-mentioned method brings us to the various arrange- ments made over or near the place of burial. These include mounds of earth, stones, or masonry, stone enclosures, cabins, and grave monuments of all kinds. All over the world the most amazing structures in existence are such erections in memory of the dead. It is sufficient to mention here the huge grave mounds of the North American Indians, and the ancient Mexican pyramids, which are hardly less magnificent than those of Egypt, and the mighty ancestral figures of stone and wood which are found in various parts of the world. With regard to the situation of the resting-places of the dead, in some cases there is one burial-place for all the inhabitants of a community; in others, again, the dead are buried separately. Sometimes the grave is in the house where the deceased lived ; sometimes the house continues to be inhabited by those left ; some- times it is abandoned. In other cases, again, the dead are buried in the village square, close to the dwellings of the community, or, lastly, they may be laid to rest at a place more or less distant from the village. In the case of air burial the corpse is placed at some distance from the ground, dressed or swathed exactly as for ordinary burial in the earth. A suitable tree is chosen, or a suitable platform or stage is erected for the purpose. In many cases this air burial is merely temporary, and when the soft parts of the body have disappeared, the bones are either buried or preserved. Usually, while the corpse is so placed as to be safe from quadruped beasts of prey, it is left to be devoured by birds of prey. There are also various methods of cremation. The body may be placed on a funeral pile and burned with or without the addition of combustible materials, like oil or fat; or, as among the Mongols, it may be cremated in large furnaces specially built for the purpose, or, as among the Yama, in pits dug in the earth. The cremation may be entire or only partial, the bones being left. It may be carried out either before or after decomposition has set in; the whole may be burned, or only the soft parts, or only what has remained from one or other of the temporary methods of burial. The resultant ashes are simply left where they lie, or they may be 78 PLATE rt SCRAPING INSTRUMENTS OF COWHORN USED BY THE To0GO NEGROES Western Sudan Photo Klose SHAVING THE HEAD AMONG SUDAN NEGROES uljiog ‘UIMesny Teorso[ouy}y 9Y} UT STeULsLIG 6L OVNVOVHOVd GNV AVONVH) WO ‘SHINWOAY NVIANYAG INAIONY sd el ULV Id PERSONAL SATISFACTION buried or preserved, usually in special urns. In some places the ashes are powdered and mixed with some liquid and drunk at a special celebration, or they are mixed with some other substance and smeared on the face in sign of mourning. The embalming of dead bodies, a custom which was extensively practised by the ancient Egyptians and Peruvians, is still common among many tribes in South America, in North and Central America, in the Aleutian Islands, in East Asia among the Ainu, and, lastly, in many parts of Oceania. Embalming may be either natural or artificial. In the former case it takes place altogether without human intervention, as a result of natural conditions, like dryness of the air or special qualities of the earth. It is still uncertain how far the ancient Peruvians artificially assisted the natural process. But the dry soil and the presence of saltpetre were the chief agents in the process. The artificial means used are of various kinds. Sometimes the body is first eviscerated in order to make it more capable of preservation. In Virginia the skin was removed, the flesh cut or scraped from the skeleton, and the skin drawn back again over it. In other places the corpse is simply dried out over a fire or grilled. The purpose of this mummification is to make it possible for those concerned to keep the body for a longer or shorter period. In ancient Peru solicitude for the mummies of the departed rulers went so far that their palaces and their servants and the rest of their property were left for their use. Banquets even were given in the name of a deceased ruler, and his mummy was brought to the banquet halltorepresent the host. Usually, sooner or later there was a burial service, and the mummy, specially attired and enveloped in numerous tissues and provided with numerous other articles, was definitively buried. The skeletonizing of the dead body may be either a natural pro- cess, in which the soft tissues are disintegrated during temporary burial in the earth or in the air, or an artificial process, in which these tissues are separated from the skeleton either before or after decay has set in. Among the Choctaw Indians the tissues were removed by the finger-nails of a specially appointed operator from two to four months after death. In South America the Warrau threw the corpses into the Orinoco to be reduced to the skeleton condition by the piranha fish, and the Xingu Indians placed the bodies where the tissues would be devoured by ants. 79 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND The purpose in view is to enable the relatives to retain at least a portion of the dead person in their dwellings ; and in many cases this is done. The Iroquois keep them in a small house close to their own cabins. North American Indians subsequently burn them or bury them in the earth, either when the time of the next commemoration festival comes round, or when the bone-house is full. Other tribes, again, carry the bones about with them where- ever they go, until a suitable burial-place is found. The same process of skeletonizing is resorted to when it is desired to reduce the remains to proportions which will permit them to be bestowed in an urn too small to contain the whole body. Lastly, the dead body is disposed of by being eaten. The con- queror eats his conquered foe, or a dead man is eaten by his nearest relatives. Old people are frequently killed and eaten. The Botocudo in South America did this, and among the Samoyedes old, frail people actually begged their children to kill them. A baptized Mayoruna Indian is said to have bewailed the fact that, when he died, he would be eaten by worms, instead of by his relatives ! In such cases either all the flesh or only certain parts, such as the marrow of the bones, are eaten by the relatives. In a modified form of the practice the pulverized bones, or the ashes of the cremated body or skeleton, are mixed with food or drink. We are dealing here only with those pleasurable activities which are personal-consumption activities, and which therefore constitute the last phase of the productive process, and for this reason we allude here to only those aspects of sexual satisfaction which involve the use of means which are the result of economic process. We have already mentioned the various forms of artificial deformation of the male and female sexual organs, and have also enumerated various articles of apparel which are at least indirectly connected with this subject. Other means and methods used for this purpose the ethnologist will find described in the relevant literature. By ‘play ’ we mean all those activities which have no definite ulterior purpose, and which are done merely for their own sake. They are thus essentially different from productive and industrial activity (7.e., from labour), the object of which is to produce or procure the things required for the satisfaction of wants. The desire to play can quite well find gratification in the direct satisfaction of wants, and in that sense even an animal can ‘play.’ 80 AOYINY 0JOYd eolloury Y}NOS TIvd-dvap{ ONIAVWId SNVIGN]J ISSHAVd ' €1 ALWId PLATE 14 AUSTRALIAN RELIGIOUS CEREMONY a photo in Berl ’ graph in the Ethnological Museum rom. F Pack SONAL SATISPACTION But human play very often involves the use of special means which can only be produced or procured through the economic process—a ball, a chess-board, or dice—and to that extent the play-activity of mankind, like other consumption activities, may be regarded as the final phase of an economic process that produces or procures them. Notwithstanding this contrast between play, even when it is a consumption activity, and actual work, there is frequently a link of connexion between these two kinds of bodily activity among primitive peoples, especially among their young children. Bodily fitness and capacity for work are often acquired by playful activity in the years of youth. For example, small boys will shoot at some- thing with small arrows, or construct diminutive fish-traps to catch small, useless fish, or try in other ways to imitate the productive activity of adults. Or, again, real practice for subsequent produc- tive activity is found in all sorts of sports or games like racing, wrestling, boxing, and ball games. These playful activities are far from being useless in perfecting the bodily strength and agility so necessary for the productive process. Still, when such activities are indulged in merely for their own sake, and not for any economic purpose, they are play and not work. Among some uncivilized peoples there is another point of connexion between playing and economicactivity. Actual labour is frequently preceded or followed by dancing and singing. Among the Bakairi Indians on the Upper Xingu the work of forest-clearing is preceded by several evenings of dancing and singing. They dance and sing on their way to the scene of their labour, and, after working six hours, they dance and sing on their way home. We shall see in a later section of this chapter that religious conceptions also sometimes enter into various forms of productive activity. These external points of contact between play and work among primitive peoples have been strongly emphasized by economists in their discussions of the general question of the origin of the pro- ductive process among mankind. Biicher, for example, maintains that play is older than work. Technique is acquired in play, he says, and is only gradually turned from mere amusement to useful employment. In my opinion, this theory is founded on a complete misunderstanding of the foundation on which the economic activity of primitive man rests. By his bodily constitution man is depen- dent on an indirect satisfaction of his wants—that is to say, on work—and this of itself settles the question of whether play is F 8 I THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND anterior to work. No doubt in man, as in other animals, physical power to supply his needs by work is matured and developed by play, especially in youth; but, whereas in the case of animals bodily capacities are applied exclusively to the direct satisfaction of wants, in the case of man they are chiefly applied to indirect satisfaction—that is, to work. And work is, for man, as truly one of the conditions of existence as direct satisfaction of wants, or the mere search for food, is a condition of existence for the animal. Therefore, play can no more be anterior to work in the life of man, than it can be anterior to the search for food in the life of animals. The various forms of play can be divided into three groups : (1) Games of imitation. (2) Games of movement, such as sports and dancing. (3) Games of skill and chance. We have already mentioned those games of imitation in which children copy the productive activities of their elders. Even among primitive peoples there is hardly any form of labour that is not imitated by the children, and almost every article of production is found in miniature form as a toy. Bows and arrows, clubs, stools, earthen vessels, oars, sleeping-mats, baskets, etc., all too diminutive to be of practical use, have been found. Children are, of course, strongly attracted by anything that is new to them. The children of the Paressi Indians took special delight in playing horses, or rather mules, when my visit gave them their first opportunity of seeing a mounted man. A biggish boy was saddled with a small blanket and crawled around on all fours with a smaller boy on his back. Such imitative games are sometimes of special interest, inasmuch as they keep alive, in the form of toys, articles which are no longer used in ordinary life. When I visited the Bakairi Indians on the Paranatinga River bows and arrows were still common toys with the children, although all grown men had rifles. Among many peoples both old and young play imitative games which copy the characteristic activities of various animals. The Bushmen of South Africa are said to possess outstanding gifts of imitation. Ability to imitate the movements and the voices of animals, and cleverness in assuming suitable disguises, are econo- mically important, because they are useful in hunting, and, therefore, it is not always easy to distinguish between play and productive activity. And, again, it is sometimes hardly possible to distinguish 82 PERSONAL SA i ShAG LION these two kinds of activity from the religious ceremonies which include dances where the dancers are disguised as animals. Some of the games of movement have no connexion with the pro- ductive process, because they are carried on without any special material aids, and are, therefore, examples of direct satisfaction of wants. This is the case with simple competitive wrestling and running, and we must include in this category all those dances in which there is no special adornment of the dancers, nor any of the instruments used in ceremonial dances. Of sportive games involving special equipment one of the most important and one of the most widespread is the ball game, which takes so many forms. The material of which the ball is made and the method of play show great variations. The natives of the Upper Xingu use a ball made of solid rubber, the Paressi Indians use a hollow rubber ball. The Araucans and numerous North American Indians play hockey with wooden balls. A ball of feathers is used by the Bororo Indians and by many other tribes. We may also mention here the small boards, 6 ft. long and 18 in. wide, used by the Hawaiian islanders in their surf-swimming. We can only allude to the numerous games which go under the name of games of skill and chance. Some of them are purely children’s games, like the humming-top and small percussion-caps and other noisy instruments. Some of them are games for adults. The most important, and the commonest, of these involve the use of dice, playing-boards, rods, counters, and so on, and presuppose all sorts of rules of play. This relation between productive activity and playing and dancing is repeated in the case of those activities which are the outcome of religious conceptions, and which can best be described as religious ceremonies. Being the direct satisfaction of religious wants, such ceremonies are neither productive nor industrial activities. They are pleasurable activities, whether they are associated with feelings of pleasure or with feelings of pain, as in penances and self-chastisements. Like the satisfaction of the need of play, the satisfaction of religious want in most cases involves the use of special aids which are themselves the products of economic process, and therefore, speaking generally, religious ceremonies are consumption activities and represent the final phase of economic process, and are themselves economic activities. These aids to religious ceremonies are manifold; indeed, many 83 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND of the most magnificent achievements of mankind have been pro- duced for this purpose. At a low stage of civilization religion and art are closely connected, and it is just in these aids that art is most intensively displayed. This is evident not only in ceremonial dress, but also in many of the other auxiliaries used in religious ceremonies, and it is very apparent in the place of worship—be it — tent or, as at later stages of civilization, temple. How much productive work can go to the making of things meant for religious use is shown by the economic conditions among the ancient Peruvians. One-third of the lands under tillage, as well as a large part of the llama herds, was reserved for the priesthood, in order to enable them to meet the requirements of their religious office. The auxiliaries of religious cultus may be divided into four main groups: (1) Ceremonial dress. (2) Ceremonial utensils and implements. (3) A place of worship, a temple. (4) Commodities required for sacrificial purposes. There are now numerous specimens of ceremonial dress and orna- ment in our museums, but most of it is of a kind worn only on religious occasions and at the actual celebration of certain ceremonies.. The ordinary dress of primitive man, like all the rest of his belong- ings, is extremely simple. For religious celebrations he adorns himself both by painting his body and by wearing special dress. Where the ceremonies are conducted by specially appointed functionaries, such as magic-men or regular priests, ceremonial — dress often comes to assume the character of a recognized official dress. Ceremonial dress comes to have a special importance when it is used as a disguise, to hide the identity of the wearer, or to give him the appearance of a supernatural, demonic being. Only the main articles of equipment can be mentioned here. We have to distinguish between those used by ordinary worshippers and those specially reserved for the use of magic-men or priests. An important class of the former kind is that of musical instruments, or instruments of noise. These play a prominent part in the cere- monies. In many cases the sight of certain instruments and of certain disguises is forbidden to the women, and this ordinance is so strictly observed by some primitive peoples that any trans- 84 PERSONAL SATISFACTION gression of it involves the death of the woman concerned. Among the Paressi Indians the large trumpet and the flute—the former of which represents the male and the latter the female serpent-god— are carefully kept in the place of worship, which no woman may enter, and when these are used in night celebrations in the centre of the village the women are warned by special signs to retire into their houses, and the houses are then stringently shut. The com- monest and most widespread noise instruments are the rattle and the whirr, or ‘bull-roarer.’ Next in importance comes the equipment for the ceremonial dances. These items are carried in the hand, and those who carry them wear mask dress. For the most part this equipment consists of articles similar to those used as means of production, such as axes, javelins, clubs, fish clubs, wooden mortars, mattocks. The only difference is that these articles are specially made for this purpose and are usually specially decorated. Only brief mention can be made here of the special outfit of the priests and magic-men. It includes the ceremonial stool, medicine bag, containing medicines and charms, fumigating utensils, and all the appurtenances of magic and soothsaying. At a higher stage of civilization, when a regular form of worship has been evolved, together with an official priesthood, the number of these religious articles is gradually increased. They include all the paraphernalia of sacrifice, altar, fumigating apparatus, and sacrificial knife. This last, like the ancient Mexican flint knife, is made for the purpose and has a special shape. Another group of ceremonial articles are themselves the objects of worship. In a later chapter (p. 200) we shall find that almost all natural objects and natural phenomena, from a small pebble up to the sun and the constellations, may be the objects of religious worship. We are concerned here only with things produced by the ordinary productive process as articles of use and as pleasurable objects used in the satisfaction of religious wants. The close relation which we have already noticed between art and religion at a low stage of culture becomes very apparent in the manufacture of those articles which are meant to be objects of religious worship. In all cases these latter are symbols of religious conceptions, and, clumsy and unattractive as they may seem to our modern taste, they are always in their own way creations of art. 8 5 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND Such symbols are of three kinds, although it is not always possible to draw a clear line of distinction.between them : (1) Fetish figures. (2) Ancestral figures. (3) Representations of the various deities. In some cases religious ceremonies are held at any convenient place, but sometimes quite definite places are provided, and these latter are actually places of worship. They may be in the open air at places which are, or which are considered to be, specially suitable for worship, because they are sacred places, e.g., groves, caves, or sites beneath certain trees. Frequently, however, special places of worship are erected, and these may be of many forms, from the small hut of primitive tribes up to the temple, or, at a later stage, the mosque or the church. Again, the large communal house is in some cases used, not only as a place of economic activity and as a shelter, but also as a place of worship. The majority of the Rio Negro tribes of South America keep the religious masks and other equipment in the house itself, and the religious ceremonies are con- ducted either there or in the village square in front of the communal house. In many other parts of the South American forest area there is a special small hut for religious gatherings adjoining the house, and this serves both as a lodging for passing male guests and as a meeting-place for the male inhabitants of the village. As has been already said, the Paressi Indians keep in these huts the musical instruments which are looked upon as the embodiments of certain serpent demons, so that these huts are the initial stages of built places of worship in which actual fetishes, or representations of deities, are set up as objects of worship. Even beyond the con- fines of Asia and Europe such places of worship may attain an added importance, owing to the special sanctity of the images or relics which they house. In ancient Peru worshippers came to certain places of worship from regions far distant. One such place was the Temple-complex, situated on the coast of Peru, which contained an image of the chief deity of these regions, the creator god Pachacamac. We have placed last the appurtenances of sacrifice. We shall discuss in a later chapter the meaning of this rite. Here we are concerned only with the commodities employed in sacrificial ceremonies. It is an important fact that the things offered in 86 PERSONAL SATISFACTION sacrifice are always things that play a part in ordinary economic life. The predominant idea seems to be that the wants of the deities coincide in the main with human wants, and therefore men offer to their deities mainly those things which are valuable for the satis- faction of human wants. Therefore, among tribes that till the soil it is principally agricultural products that are offered; among peoples who raise cattle it is the products of that industry that men offer to the gods. Some scholars have suggested that the origin of cattle-breeding and of agriculture are connected with the offering of sacrifices or with gifts to the dead, but the true view is that these things were offered because, being the products of cattle-breeding or agriculture, they represented an economic value. They were not first produced for the purpose of being used as sacrificial offerings. Some sacrifices involve an actual renunciation of the offerings in favour of the deities to whom they are given. Food and other pleasurable commodities are placed where they will be eaten by the deities, or the images of the deities are directly fed. This latter process is found in drastic form in Hawaii, where the food is simply poured into the open maws of large, wooden idols. In other cases the offerings are left for the priests who are responsible for the services, or they are destroyed in some way—they are burned or sunk in a lake sacred to the deity. There are many cases, however, in which the materials offered in sacrifice are retained to satisfy the wants of men. They are either eaten at a subsequent sacrificial feast held in honour of the deity— this is what usually happens with animals killed for sacrifice—or they are replaced by votive offerings to the deities, or again, the sacrifice is carried through in symbolic form. By this means materials may be offered to the gods and yet not withdrawn from their original purpose of satisfying human wants. Lastly, some mention must be made of those human sacrifices frequently found at certain stages of civilization. In many parts of the world —e.g., in ancient Dahomey and in Ashanti, and especially in ancient Mexico—this practice assumed terrible proportions. Even if there is exaggeration in the ancient accounts which declare that King Ahuizotl at the dedication of the great teocalli, the temple which he had built to the gods, slew 20,000 to 80,000 war captives, there must have been huge numbers of human victims sacrificed on such occasions in ancient Mexico. 87 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND At certain stages of civilization human life, even on its economic side, is frequently dominated, down to its smallest details, by religious ideas, and religious ceremonies occupy a prominent place in the lives of such peoples and exercise a powerful influence on their economic conditions. In such cases productive and pleasur- able activity are closely associated with religious cultus, and this cultus sometimes attains such an importance that almost every form of economic process is, to some extent and in some way, influenced by it. There are religious ceremonies at seed-time, at harvest, and when an animal is killed; there are ceremonies con- nected with hunting, fishing, trading expeditions, and especially before expeditions of war; and even pleasurable activities, like eating, playing, and dancing, treatment of the sick and the bestowal of the dead, are brought into association with religious ceremonies —nay, these themselves may be religious acts. This fact has led several scholars to take the view that many economic acts had their origin in religious ceremonies of some kind, and that it was only in course of time that they ceased to be purely religious and assumed an economic character. This view has been put forward in its extremest form by Eduard Hahn. He maintains that cattle- breeding and agriculture both began in religious ceremonies or death customs, and that even important economic implements like ploughs and carts were originally connected with religion. In reply it must be strongly emphasized that the prominence of religious ceremonies is only one aspect of human economy, and only became prominent under the influence of comparatively high religious views of the world. It could, of course, be transferred, along with other influences of civilization, to more primitive peoples. This retroactive effect of religious ideas which were born at a higher stage of civilization must be kept in view in estimating the con- ditions of life among primitive tribes. There can be no question of any steady, uninterrupted progress of evolution in this regard, nor is it possible to maintain that the economic life of mankind in its initial stages consisted mainly of religious observances. 88 SECTIONS VOLUNTARY HUMAN ACTIVITIES AS AFFECTED BY NATURAL ENVIRONMENT CHAPTER?! THE PROBLEM OF MAN’S RELATION TO NATURE! HE problem of man’s relation to nature has long been discussed ; indeed, it was being discussed long before _ methodical study of the relevant facts had prepared the way for its solution. While some thinkers attributed all differences among men to differences in talents and gifts, others asserted that man was simply the product of his natural environment. The general question of the relation of man to his natural environment was first raised by the speculative sciences. Herder put the question on a broader basis, and since he wrote the problem has been taken up by many other sciences. Herder’s [deen was adopted by the French Positivists, and by philosophers like Taine and Herbert Spencer, and others. Auguste Comte, the founder of modern Positivism, introduced the doctrine of the influence of external nature on man, and especially on his social development, into the science of sociology, and the problem was then taken up by: the science of history, especially in its application to the history of single peoples. But, seeing that no real attempts have been made, either then or since, to make an exact study of the facts and to investigate the actual influence of nature on man speculative science has done little to help in the solution of this problem. Natural science had long recognized the enormous influence of nature on the history of the evolution of organisms, About the middle of the nineteenth century Darwin brought forward his theory of descent, and twenty or thirty years earlier Jean de Lamarck 1 Literature: Ratzel, Anthropogeographie, I and II; Karl Ritter, Die Erd- kunde im Verhdltnis zur Natur und zur Geschichte des Menschen (Berlin,1817) ; Uber das historische Element in der geographischen Wissenschaft (1833) ; Ernst Kapp, Philosophische Evdkunde (Braunschweig, 1845). 89 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND had published his theory of transformism—1.e., the doctrine of the transformation of organic forms by the conditions of life. But as both Darwin and Lamarck had based their work mainly on a study of animals and plants under domestication, and had simply carried over their results, first to the sphere of animals and plants in general, and then to mankind, natural science did not at first subject the question of man’s relation to nature to a systematic study. The scholars concerned had overlooked the fact that, owing to man’s indirect satisfaction of his wants, his relation to natural environment is quite different from that of all other living beings. Considering the strong influence that the theory of evolution, although mainly based on zoological study, has had all along on ethnology, it is not surprising that this latter science was content to accept the inferences of that theory as valid and looked upon the influence of nature on man as an ascertained fact, without examining or testing itforitself. Inthis way the thorough examina- tion of the relation of nature to man was reserved for geography. Karl Ritter was the first to point out the desirability of testing the theory of evolution by an actual study of the facts. It was he who directed the study of the problem into inductive paths. But neither he nor his pupils, of whom Ernst Kapp was the most dis- tinguished, actually undertook this task. It was first undertaken by Friedrich Ratzel, and this great ethnologist made the study of the influence of nature on man a separate branch of general geography, under the name of anthropo-geography. There is a twofold relation between human activities and natural environment. In the first place it is man’s natural environment that supplies him with the raw material he requires for the satis- faction of his wants ; in the second place, it forms the scene of the activities that are directed toward that satisfaction. These two aspects of this relation are closely connected, because the formation and production of the raw materials that man can use are affected by the same influences, e.g., heat and moisture, which are directly important for human life; but it is better to take them separately, because when we proceed from lower to higher stages of culture, where the means of transport and communication become more perfect, the two tend to become more independent of each other. Of all the materials required by man, there is not one which nature continuously and everywhere supplies in a form adequate to go WEAN Sr REUVASIONSLOSNALURE support life. This is true even of the air. The highest elevations on the earth’s surface, e.g., the Andes and the mountains of Central Asia, rise up to strata of the air where there is no longer sufficient oxygen. Breathing is difficult, and the climber ultimately falls a victim to ‘mountain sickness.’ Seeing that the air is the only material which both animal and man can use for the direct satisfaction of wants, a lengthy stay in such elevated regions is impossible. It is true that such boundary lines are being gradually driven back. Man’s body can to some -extent adapt itself even to the lack of oxygen, and it is said that the inhabitants of the plateaux of Peru have an unusually broad thorax. A second natural material which is indispensable for human existence is water—fresh water as opposed to sea-water. While at certain places and at certain times it is so abundant that it is not included among the things whose value is assessed, at other places and at other seasons water is of the highest value and necessitates all sorts of measures to secure it. This variability in the amount of water at man’s disposal from time to time has all along been highly important for human development. It is an important fact that the distribution of the useful minerals and metals over the earth is almost independent of climatic con- ditions. Gold is found in nearly all climes, and silver is found in the most desolate territories—deserts and highlands, like the Andes and the desert of Atacama; and iron ores are found practically everywhere. The very circumstance that the useful minerals and metals most desired by men are scattered indiscriminately over the surface of the world, and yet are found only in limited areas, has contributed much to the development of human intercourse. Thus, owing to their local distribution, the mineral salts have always played an important part in the trade life of mankind. Many important kinds of stone occur only in limited regions. Obsidian, so important for edged tools because of its hardness and brittle- ness, is only found in certain volcanic regions. Pipestone, a popular material among North American Indians for tobacco- pipe heads, is confined to a few places in North America; and nephrite, valued for its hardness, is found in very few districts. It is a specially important fact that some valuable kinds of stone and metal are found in places which are destitute of other natural materials required by man. In order to make OI THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND these natural treasures available, many prerequisites—social and cultural—are necessary. Very important also for man’s economic life are those loose masses which at most places on the earth’s surface cover the solid stone core with a layer of varying thickness, and which geologists | call ‘deposit,’ or ‘débris.’ Seeing that all plant life—at least all that grows on terra firma—is dependent on this fertile layer of earth, this layer is indispensable for the plant food of mankind. The only exceptions are a few seaweeds which, for lack of other vegetable food, are eaten by the Eskimo. The nature of the soil becomes especially important when man begins to interfere with the struggle for existence that goes on in the vegetable world, and provides what certain plants need for their growth, or diverts their development into paths that serve his purposes—in other words, when he tills the ground. The main difficulty in providing a suitable soil for what he wishes to grow is the fact that all the soil suitable for culti- vation is usually covered by nature with luxuriant vegetation—in the tropics with dense forest and jungle. Where there is no such natural vegetation the natural conditions are such that, for one reason or another—lack of water, superabundance of water, infer- tility of the soil—the soil is unsuitable for vegetation, and is a fortiori still more unsuitable for domesticated plants whose demands are greater. The various means by which man endeavours to overcome such difficulties will be dealt with when we come to speak of tillage. An important part in economic life is played by some argillaceous earths, or clays, which provide material for pottery and bricks for building purposes. The usefulness of earthenware depends largely on the composition of the raw material available. Besides these clays, there are various colour-earths, some of which are found only here and there, and long journeys must be undertaken to procure them. There are comparatively few wild plants which provide material that man can use for the direct satisfaction of his wants, 7.e., without previous preparation. Apart from a few species of fruits, there are really only a few sap-yielding plants, which in dry regions provide some substitute for water. It is these alone that make it possible for man to penetrate these dry regions. On the other hand, there is a great variety of growing things which supply man with raw material which he can use for the indirect satisfaction of his wants. Indeed, most plants, including those that are poisonous, can be thus 92 MAN’S RELATION. TO \NATURE used in one way oranother. Poisonous plants are occasionally very useful. They provide poison for arrows, medicines, and even, as in the case of Mandtioca brava, the chief food throughout large areas. The fact that the ash left after the burning of vegetable growths and the matter produced by their decomposition are good agents for improving the soil, and the further fact that the timber of trees and bushes provides a valuable fuel, are sufficient to suggest how extremely useful vegetation can be to man. Compared with the large number of plants which can thus in some way be utilized by man, there are very few actual food plants. The tropical forest is extremely poor in plants of this kind. Only the treeless plain, the steppe, supplies them in any quantity. There nature seeks to store up food materials in the perennial parts of plants, ¢.g., in roots, bulbs, or tubers, in order to rescue the plants themselves from destruction. Thus, so far as the possibility of obtaining vegetable food is concerned, if man were dependent for food on wild plants, the steppe would be the most suitable place for human life, in spite of all its other disadvantages and in spite of the great distances over which the food-bearing plants are but thinly distributed. Asa matter of fact, nature has endowed several of these food plants of the steppe with a special capacity for acclimatization, so that, after suitable conditions have been provided for them, they can be transplanted into other kinds of soil and into other climates. Besides, many of these same plants possess a great organic power of adaptation to their new way of life, and this makes it possible to guide this power along certain lines, so as to improve those qualities that render them more useful to man. The plant is thus improved and becomes a domesticated plant. Maize is an example of a plant of this kind possessing great powers of acclimatization and adaptation. It is a native of the torrid zone, but it can be and is grown in North America as far as 51° latitude, which is almost the farthest limit of fruit-culture. The well-known Cuzco maize is even grown at a height of 3500 metres above sea-level, in a region where there is only four months’ summer. In addition to this remarkable power of adaptation, it also possesses great variability. At the present time more than 300 varieties of it have been classified, and some of these differ more from one another than the varieties of any other species of grain. These capabilities of being easily improved and acclimatized are 93 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND very variously distributed in the vegetable world. The natural qualities of wild vegetation are of decisive importance for agri- culture, because they determine whether it is possible to bring the plants under domestication. Practically all the useful plants whose capacity for adaptation and variation render them suitable for artificial cultivation have already been long cultivated by man, and it is very seldom that we can now see the transition of a wild species into a cultivated plant actually taking place. Some experiments have been made in modern times with the systematic cultivation of the rubber-tree and the mate-shrub in Paraguay; but of actual food plants hardly a new species has been cultivated within his- torical time. And even the most important domesticated plants which have come to us from America had already been previously domesticated by the natives. The direct satisfaction of human wants in the matter of animal stuffs is even rarer than in the case of the vegetable world. One reason is that most animals excel man in powers of locomotion, so that it is only indirectly and by employing special means, that man can catch them. Apart from eggs and some small creatures like the larve of beetles, ants, locusts, and shellfish, which can simply be gathered, man can only catch animals without the em- ployment of special means when they have betaken themselves too far from their own element, as in the case of turtles, which crawl upon sandbanks to lay their eggs, or fish that have been left stranded in the shallows of receding water. Another reason for the rarity of direct satisfaction of wants in the case of animal materials is that in by far the majority of cases these require preliminary preparation to render them suitable for the supply = human wants. With few exceptions, such as seaweed and a few tuberous, aquatic plants (in China), man is restricted to dry land in his efforts to procure vegetable material. But there are many regions where the largest amount of animal food is taken from the water. To the forest Indians of Brazil the supply of aquatic animals is far more important than that of land animals. In the polar regions, where for the most of the year the land is covered with ice and snow, the sea is almost the only source of animal food. And it is only for a short part of the year that the Eskimo can hunt the musk-ox or the reindeer or the birds that resort to these high latitudes. They are for the most part restricted to the hunting of whales and seals, and 94 MAN’S RELATION TO NATURE to the catching of crabs and shell-fish. As the sphere of distri- bution of aquatic animals extends polewards far beyond the limits of even the scantiest vegetable growths, and as there is an extensive fauna in the regions around the Arctic Ocean, where vegetation comes to an end in a few mosses and lichens, this absence of vege- table food sets the boundary to human life on any large scale in the North. We shall return in a later chapter to the part played by animals in the domesticated state. Meantime, it may be said that com- paratively few animals are fitted for such close association with man that he is able to affect their powers of adaptation to varying conditions and breed from one species numerous varieties to suit his own purposes. Asa matter of fact, in the course of long periods, very few new species of domestic animal have been added to those already existing, and in the majority of cases it is impossible to say with certainty whence they originated. Turning now to the effects of climate on human activities, we have first to point out that, when we speak of climate, we are dealing with a strict meteorological conception. The word ‘climate,’ which means literally ‘inclination,’ 7.e., the inclination of the celestial equator toward the horizon, is used to denote the mean condition of the surrounding atmosphere peculiar to any place on the surface of the globe. This mean condition is determined, first, by the temperature of the lower strata of the air, and, secondly, by the degree of moisture they contain, the form and quantity of their precipitations, and their distribution throughout the year. This climatic quality of a place is affected, on the one hand, by the intensity and the yearly alternation of solar irradiation (solar or mathematical climate), and, on the other hand, by the distribution of land and water, by the altitude of the place, and by its exposure in respect of the prevailing winds (physical climate). Seeing that the growth of plants and animals is greatly influenced by climate, climate has an indirect effect on all human activities that are concerned with the production of vegetable and animal raw materials, But there are also’many important respects in which climate affects man directly. The great importance of heat and moisture for mankind is clearly seen in the large number of commodities which man needs in order to produce them artificially. Apart from the latest achievements of European civilization, man 95 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND can do nothing to alter the composition of the air he breathes, but, on the other hand, he has made use of all sorts of means to impart to the air around him the amount of heat and dryness which he finds suitable. Asa result of these artificial means of modifying climatic effects—such as the use of fire to warm the air around him, or the use of protective shelter or protective clothing to exclude cold air or moisture—man is in a position to withstand any climate in the whole world. The regions still inhabited by human beings include both the coldest and the hottest places in the world. Werchojansk, the place where the lowest temperatures are recorded, is to this day an important city in Siberia, with a mean January temperature of 50° below zero ; and Massowah, which is situated in one of the hottest regions of the world, is the capital of the Italian colony of Eritrea. It is entirely owing to his ability to modify by artificial means the effects of climate on his organism and on his possessions that man can spread himself over almost the whole world. But this ability lies in his power of adapting his external conditions to the climate, not, as in the case of animals, in adapting his own organism to the climate. Without these artificial means, man would, for purely climatic reasons and apart altogether from con- sideration of the natural materials which he requires for his existence in view of the organism with which he has been endowed, be ex- cluded from inhabiting more than a very small part of the earth’s surface. Again, human activities are affected in a very large number of ways by the varying forms of the surface of the earth. Indeed, there is a close connexion between many of the natural limitations of which we have already spoken and the heights and depths of the earth’s surface, climatic conditions, and the distribution of animals and plants that man can use. At this stage we are con- cerned only with the direct effects of these conditions of the earth’s surface, especially those that affect the accessibility of a place and thus determine the possibilities of human movement and intercourse. One of the main respects in which the character of the earth’s surface and difference of altitude are specially important is that they determine the boundaries between land and water. If man had no means of traversing water surfaces his physical equipment would restrict him to contiguous land areas. All territory separated by large stretches of water from the land in which he originated 96 PLATE 15 ARTIFICIAL PLANTATION-MOUND OF GUATO INDIANS South America. [See p. 108] Photo Author FLOATING GARDENS (CHINAMPAS) IN MEXICO 96 Central America From a photograph in the Ethnological Museum, Berlin. [See p. 109] bee tg MS cit oval cscs Ik & , [111 *¢ aS] ‘eorauTy YyQNOS (SNVIGN] ISSHUVq) SNOILVINVIg SOINVI YOT ONINVAIO-LSANO 91 ALV Id MAN’S RELATION TO NATURE would remain closed to him; nor would he be able to obtain the raw materials which he gets from the sea by means of navigation— and, in many regions, these constitute the greatest part of the raw materials available for supplying his needs. It is navigation that enables man to traverse the stretches of water that divide land from land and to utilize the materials they contain. In the course of his development, indeed, the original relation between land and water in respect of communication has been actually reversed, and water surfaces have become in many cases the main highways of communication in regions inaccessible in any other way. But it is not only as a channel of communication that water surfaces have come to be of service to man. In many regions they are his place of abode—temporary or permanent. Some tribes, like the Guato of Central Brazil, spend a great part of their lives in their boats onthe water. The Arrua and the Paumari on the Purus build their dwellings on rafts on the river. In China a not incon- siderable part of the population live on broad rafts or in old boats. Even at the present day, in many parts of the world, pile-dwellings are built over water stretches, especially in the Malayan Archipelago and in Melanesia, in tropical Africaandin America. This is another example of how man can artificially enlarge the sphere where life is possible for him. It is only when man thus succeeds in utilizing expanses of water, and even the sea itself, as a means for the indirect satisfaction of his wants that the boundary between land and sea loses the significance it would otherwise have as a mere restriction of the theatre of human life. With the development of traffic by water, stretches of water begin to be means of communication, and it depends on the course followed by the boundary edge, which we call the coast, whether it will be a hindrance or a help to traffic. The configuration of the earth’s surface is important in another way. According as it is of a kind that promotes or prevents inter- communication, it determines whether definite roads of communi- cation are possible. Communication between extensive plains is sometimes restricted to a few passes through the mountains that separate them, and large parts of entire continents become available for traffic owing to the existence of mighty navigable rivers like the Amazon and La Plata. The favourable or unfavourable effects of the varied configuration of the earth’s surface on human activities make themselves felt in G: 97 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND many ways. On the one hand, it is this configuration that deter- mines the possibility of the spread of mankind, physically, socially, and culturally ; on it also depends the possibility of exchange of commodities and of division of labour. On the other hand, those features that are unfavourable to intercommunication constitute an important natural protection for weaker groups of men against stronger groups. We have already seen that the animal and vegetable worlds supply a large part of man’s needs, and, further, that there are several species of animals and plants which are suitable for being domesti- cated or artificially raised. At present we are dealing with animals and plants only in as far as they form part of man’s natural environ- ment; but even in that aspect they exercise in many ways great influence on his conditions of life. In the first place, many living creatures are a direct danger to man’s life or well-being. Among the large vertebrate animals there are many for which man, without artificial aids, is no match in open combat, and from which he could not escape by flight. Without any doubt, the necessity of warding off these beasts of prey which surpass man in physical strength has decisive effects on his manner of life. It determines, for example, his weapons, the site and arrangement of his dwelling-place, and also the social conditions which are connected with these protective measures. Nor must we underrate the part played by the vegetable and animal parasites, which penetrate or attach themselves to the human organism, and live at its expense. The most dangerous of these are the invisible disease germs, which live and multiply within the human organism, and, seeing that they may be conveyed from one individual to another, render large tracts of the earth almost uninhabitable. While it is true that man outside the civilization of Europe and Asia is ignorant of the real cause of these infectious diseases, still he makes use of various more or less efficacious preventive measures against them. Among the parasites which are perceptible to the naked eye there are various parasitic worms and a large number of very troublesome insects. Many human arrangements are dictated by the necessity of defensive measures against these. The mosquito pest, which attains such proportions in tropical Africa, is a source of serious trouble even to the natives of these regions. The solid construc- tion of the native houses, the continual fire on their hearths, the 98 MAN’S RELATION TO NATURE mosquito-whisk and mosquito-net, the need of clothing even in countries of high temperatures, the smearing and painting of their bodies, are all in great measure the result of the presence of mos- quitoes and other insects. The presence of lice also is largely responsible for the treatment of the hair with fat or lime and for the use of combs. In addition to these direct effects on the human organism, the animal and vegetable worlds affect human life conditions in another way. They intensify the universal struggle for existence by com- peting with man for the same materials of life and thus diminishing the available supply of the things he needs. Nor is this all. The commodities he wins from nature or transforms for his own use are also exposed to the depredations of these injurious animals. Swarms of locusts attack his crops and meadowlands, and in a brief space destroy the economic equipoise. The travelling ants, the leaf-cutting ants, wood worms, boring beetles, grain worms, which in many places make it difficult to store grain, the bacteria of decomposition, which threaten his stores of organic materials, all these are forms of attack to which man is exposed and which compel him to take strong measures to protect himself. Once more, wild vegetation is frequently a great obstacle to human undertakings. After man has prepared the ground for his own purposes, wild vegetation springs up with redoubled luxuriance and threatens to choke his crops. Every stretch of ground which might bear rich crops is overgrown by rank vegetation—in the tropics mostly forest and jungle—and this must first be laboriously cleared before it is possible to plant any crop whatever. There are regions in Central America where the natives prefer to grow their maize on ground of low fertility, because on more fertile soil they are unable to cope with the quick-growing weeds. Again, the vegetable world frequently renders whole regions inaccessible. The natural waterways—river and lake—are obstructed by aquatic growths; bush and forest render movement difficult and slow, because numerous plants are equipped with thorns and prickles. In such regions roads are a prerequisite to intercommunication, and these have to be made by man through this rank and trouble- some vegetation. Over against all these disadvantages, however, we must set the numerous undoubted advantages which man derives from the presence of plants and animals in the world in which he lives. In 99 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND hot lands the shade afforded by vegetation is very important. The trees protect his crops not only from the burning rays of the sun, but also from the wind. The forest and jungle form an almost impassable barrier against hostile attack, as well as against civilizing influences which, if the way were more open, would penetrate his country and destroy all too quickly the native qualities. Forest and jungle also serve to conceal the hunter from view as he stealthily stalks his prey Even more helpful relations than these exist between man and the animal world. Striking illustration of this is found in the part played by animals in the myths and general conceptions of native races. Many animals aid man by destroying the vegetable and animal pests that injure him and his belongings. Indeed, there has come to be a kind of symbiosis between man and many of the animals. Myths frequently enlarge on the ways in which animals have been helpful to man, but there are also numerous examples of animals, other than those that have been domesticated, being utilized for man’s purposes. In Eastern Asia cormorants catch fish for him; in Cuba tortoises do the same, and falcons are utilized to secure herons. To all appearance, man has learnt many of his activities directly from animals. Many animal parts are used by man as tools in the same manner in which animals themselves use them. For example, he employs the great claws of the armadillo as digging tools, and the sharp teeth of the piranha fish as cutting instruments. Thus far, we have been considering the influences exerted by nature on man merely from a static point of view, but great im- portance attaches also to the various ways in which nature can be changed. Unlike most animals, the human organism cannot adapt itself to the changes of nature, either physically or physio- logically. When winter approaches many animals change their hair or their plumage. Others have an organism adapted for hibernation. In the majority of cases the propagation of the species is restricted to the seasons that are most favourable for that purpose. In the case of man it is entirely different, and he is obliged to meet the changes of nature by various artifices designed to secure indirectly the Arians of his life and well-being. There are two ways in which changes may be Decent about in man’s natural environment. On the one hand, man can change his 100 INUAUN Go 0 REE AS LO Nei Os eN ATED RE, place of residence and enter into a different natural environment ; on the other, his environment itself may change: This latter case may take place in four different ways. First, the changes may take the form of sudden, unforeseen events, like earthquakes, volcanic eruptions, sudden inundations, or floods. Secondly (and these are probably the most important for human life), there are the periodic changes of day and night and season. Thirdly, the gradual geo- logical and morphological shiftings in the earth’s surface. Fourthly, the results produced on the earth by man’s own activities. We cannot dwell here on these questions, closely related as they are to the history of human development, and constituting, as they do, some of the most important problems of ethnology. IOI GHAPTER Il THE MATERIAL ECONOMY Y the word ‘economy’ we mean all those arrangements and Bree which have in view the indirect satisfaction of wants, 7.e., those processes which seek to supply man with the things he needs. But, over against these economic activities which seek to provide for the indirect satisfaction of wants, there are non-economic activities which bring direct satisfaction— activities which are common to man and to animals. Looked at from its material side, 7.e., as dependent on natural environment, this process of the indirect satisfaction of wants constitutes the material economy of human life; looked at from its social side, 7.e., as influenced by man’s fellow-men, it con- stitutes the social economy of human life. The material economy thus comprises the production of commodities in the technical sense. Production of commodities may be of four kinds: I. Primitive production—simple gathering or collecting of materials supplied by nature, tilling of the soil, cattle-breeding, and activities of that kind. 7 2. Transformation of materials, or industrial production—the transformation of materials provided by nature, or of materials previously treated. 3. Transport of commodities. 4. The preservation of commodities—keeping them in a condition fit for use. Man alone can be the agent in the technical process of production of commodities. In virtue of his equipment with hands and brain, he is the only living creature who produces commodities by labour. The activity of the domestic animals used by man in this process is never consciously aimed at indirect satisfaction of wants, and therefore these animals can never rank as agents of production. So far as the human process of production is concerned, they are never more than mere instruments of production, even although, as in the case of the horse in the stable, their wants can only be 102 Le MATERIAL CECONOM:Y satished by commodities that have resulted from the productive process. Three things are absolutely indispensable to any possible pro- duction—(I) an area of suitable soil, (2) the necessary labour power, (3) the possibility of procuring the requisite material means of production. When we come in a later chapter to deal with the social economy we shall enter in greater detail into the prerequisites of production and the problems connected with them. Here it is only their material aspect that concerns us. With regard to the soil, in this material aspect, the properties which it must possess before it can be a suitable prerequisite for production may vary greatly both qualitatively and quantitatively, according to the form and the kind of production in question. In the case of hunting, or in that kind of primitive production that consists merely in gathering or col- lecting, larger areas are essential than in the case of tillage; and similarly each different kind of tillage calls for special qualities in the soil. In order to appreciate the importance of the second prerequisite of production, a sufficiency of available labour, we must first be clear in our minds as to how much labour is needed to supply the wants of primitive men. Erroneous views are still current on this subject. Some modern writers seem to be of opinion that primitive peoples can find with little or no effort all that they need, and they declare that the work required of the men falls far below that which is demanded of the women. It seems to be almost universally thought that most of the agricultural labour falls upon the women. Even Eduard Hahn rates very low the amount of labour required —it is exclusively male work—in clearing the forest-land. In his book, Das Alter der wirthschaftlichen Kultur der Menschheit (p. 33) he says: “‘It is only occasionally that this labour calls for great exertion, and it is not without its attractions. It is not lonely work; many are engaged in it together—indeed, it has in some ways a festive character. What is more, it is a work of destruction, a kind of work in which man takes delight.”’ Anyone who has seen the large stretches of forest which have been cleared by the forest Indians ef South America with their primitive stone axes will be astounded at the enormous expenditure of human labour involved. It is, in fact, in work of this kind that we can most easily see the amount of labour actually expended, because it is work of this kind 103 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND that leaves the clearest traces behind it. But the other branches of primitive production—the transformation and transport and preservation of commodities—also make great demands on the labour of native peoples, in order to make steady provision for the support of life. We must also take into account the circumstances and conditions under which native peoples have to work, the heat and the cold, rain and drought, hunger and thirst, long marches, vermin, and so on. The question of how far the material means of production are to be considered as separate prerequisites of production—in spite of the fact that, like all commodities, they have their origin in the materials supplied by nature conjoined with human labour—will be discussed in the section on the social economy (p. 175). Only brief reference can be made here to the special position occupied by cultivated plants and domesticated animals. Their special position among the other materials supplied by nature is due to the fact that these plants and animals represent new forms, the results of human interference with natural conditions, and they have thus come to form an entirely separate class of means of production. Seeing that production signifies the creation of the material means for the indirect satisfaction of wants, these material means, usually called in one word commodities, are the object of production, the things produced. As important problems are involved in the definition of ‘commodity,’ it is absolutely necessary to make quite clear what we mean by it. In my Grundriss der ethnologischen V olkswirtschaftslehre I have explained that by commodities we mean all those separate parts of nature which form independent units apart by themselves, and which are used as means for the indirect satisfaction of wants. According to this definition, the soil, as such, is not a commodity, because it does not in its entirety minister to the indirect satisfaction of wants. The name ‘com- modity’ would be more properly applied to such portions of the soil as in their entirety are the object of the human economic process, and which might be called ‘plots of land.’ And seeing that man himself can be the subject of barter, or, as happens in parts of Africa, be used as a general measure of value, as money, or be killed for the sake of his flesh or of his scalp as a trophy of victory, and be thus a means of indirect satisfaction of wants, he also can be a ‘commodity’ and an article of production. Turning now to the various kinds of commodities, and following 104 OED. VAR WEA © ONO MY the legal classification into things movable and immovable, we must first distinguish between immovable and movable commodities. We mean by the former ‘plots’ of land with their appurtenances, such as permanent houses, terraces, water-supply, and by the latter those commodities which can be transported from place to place. We have already had occasion to refer to two other distinctions. We have spoken of productive goods and pleasurable goods and of consumption goods and goods for use. We shall now combine these two principles of classification, and we thus obtain the fol- lowing fourfold classification of commodities : (1) Pleasurable-consumption goods, e.g., food ready for use. (2) Productive-consumption goods—all raw materials. (3) Pleasurable goods for use, e.g., clothing and ornament. (4) Productive goods for use, e.g., a loom. This fourfold classification of commodities becomes very impor- tant in connexion with the relation between the form and the purpose of commodities. In the case of consumption goods their shape or form, generally speaking, is of little moment, because their purpose implies the destruction of their form, and their form 1s, therefore, usually the simple result of the process of their production. But, in the case of goods for use, the shape of the commodity has an essential connexion with the purpose for which it was made. A serviceable classification based on outward form is therefore possible only in the case of goods for use, and in view of the reciprocal connexion between the form and the purpose of such goods a classification based on outward form is also a classification based on purpose. There are two main groups of these goods for use, differing both in form and purpose: (1) those of a wrapping, containing, or pro- tecting character, and (2) those whose purpose is to pierce into, or break up, or even destroy other things. For want of better names, we shall meantime call these two kinds of goods for use ‘containers’ and ‘disintegrators.’ 1 A feature common to all ‘container’ goods for use is that they in one way or another shut off man or his belongings from the external world. A roof, protecting man or his possessions from the weather, would be one example. A layer of anything that separates man 1 Schmidt’s terms are stofferhaltende and _ stofftrennende Gebrauchsgiiter.— TRANSLATOR. 105 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND or his possessions from the earth would be another example—a sleeping mat, a hammock, a bridge, a sledge, a boat or other means of transport, or any vessel for holding liquids or other easily separable materials, baskets or receptacles of all kinds. It depends on the nature of the material in the receptacle whether it must have higher or lower sides. Other articles of this class are used to effect lateral separation or protection—things like clothing and ornament, the various forms of defensive armour, a coat of mail, a shield, masks and disguises, hunting-screens, etc. The second group of goods for use, the ‘disintegrators,’ has two subdivisions: (1) those whose chief function it is to make good man’s defective locomotion activity, and (2) those which increase or add to the strength of human limbs or organs. To the former class belong all the instruments or tools intended to take effect at a distance, slings, javelins, bows and arrows ; and the second class includes all striking and hammering tools, all tools for boring, pressing, cutting, filing, etc. A remarkable feature in this classification is that the two classes of goods for use are frequently found paired together, as it were, in the productive process, e.g., the mortar and the pestle, the boat and the oar. These ‘pairs’ must not be confused with composite goods for use. The difference between them is that in the composite goods the separate parts are not independent entities. Examples of such composite goods are dart and thrower, bow and arrow, sling and stone, etc. That form of productive activity which aims at the provision of raw material is called primitive production. There are three kinds of it, according as the raw material is obtained (1) from the vege- table world, (2) from the animal world, or (3) from inanimate nature, Raw materials are obtained from the vegetable world by two methods, gathering and tillage. In the former man searches for and gathers the materials at the place where nature provides them ; in the latter he seeks to rear cultivated plants and to pro- mote their growth by interfering with the natural conditions of the soil. Among primitive peoples these two methods of primary pro- duction are frequently found existing side by side. Even those primitive peoples who carry on tillage usually employ the method of gathering to procure the raw materials which are not used for 106 THE MATERIAL ECONOMY food, e.g., timber, textile fibres, etc. The two methods are so frequently found together that a distinction between races based on these two types of economy would hardly serve any useful purpose, especially as both methods are found in developed and undeveloped forms. Besides, there are numerous transition forms of both methods, so that it is sometimes not easy to say where the one ends and the other begins. The North American Indian, it is true, puts the seed of wild rice into lakes and swamps where this plant has never grown before, and thus artificially increases the area of its distribution; but this can hardly be called ‘tillage,’ because the rice thus sown in a new place is left to itself and con- tinues to grow wild. We can only speak of tillage when actual changes are wrought on the soil that is to be planted, 7.e., when the soil is treated for the express purpose of improving the conditions in favour of the plant that is to be grown. It is only when this is done that the wild plant becomes a cultivated plant. We have, on the other hand, the beginnings of actual tillage when the Indians in these rice districts weed out other growths that spring up among the rice and retard its progress. By the process of gathering, vegetable raw materials are obtained from wild plants. The things gathered may be any part of the plants—the fruits, the fruit seeds, the farinaceous bulbs or tubers of certain plants, to be used as food, the wood of trees, to be used as fuel or as raw material for the manufacture of goods for use, the bark of trees for boats, leaves and stalks for roofing purposes or for basketry, threads and strings of all kinds, fruit-cases for use as receptables, resin, the sap of rubber and oils, various dyestuffs, and even flowers, seeds, and fruits for decorative purposes. The process itself may take many forms. Perhaps the simplest form is that in which certain species of animals which lay up a store of vegetable food are robbed of their stores, as when the Bushmen collect the grain that has been gathered by certain species of ants. We find a somewhat highly developed form of it in the manner in which the North American Indians obtain wild rice. At a given time before the rice is ripe the stalks are raked together with a stick bent into sickle form and tied together in bundles. When the grain is ripe the Indians go in boats and, with their hands or with sticks, beat these bunches so that the rice grains fall into the boats. We have already mentioned that these Indians sow rice on swampy ground where it has not previously grown. 107 THE PRIMIGCLYE *RA CES (© ain Nie Notwithstanding all this variety of method, this gathering process has given rise to very few means of production. The only tool of any importance in general use is the ‘digging stick.’ It is a fairly large, pointed, flat stick and is used for all sorts of purposes—for digging up roots or striking down tree-fruit. Tillage may be briefly defined as the raising of cultivated plants by means of artificial interference with the natural conditions of the soil for the purpose of promoting their growth. It is better to avoid in this connexion the use of the word ‘agriculture.’ That is now the technical name for the special kind of tillage which is carried on by means of the plough. According to the various ways in which such interference with the natural conditions of the soil is carried out, numerous types of tillage may be distinguished. Two essentially different types arise, owing to the fact, already mentioned, that all soil in which, apart from outside interference, the necessary conditions for the growth of cultivated plants are present is usually covered with luxuriant vegetation—in the tropics, with dense jungle. Thus, there are only two possible methods for obtaining cultivated plants: either to clear away the wild vegetation and use the good soil thus freed for raising the desired crops, or by artificial means to give fertility to soil that is in itself unfertile. In view of the enormous labour necessary for the first-named method of tillage, the clearing of forest-land, it is a legitimate assumption that this method only came into existence when civilization had attained a fairly high stage of development, and that the second method is the more primitive one. We, therefore, deal with the latter kind first, and here again we have to distinguish several subdivisions, according to the various means used to bestow fertility on soil that is in itself unfertile. Probably one of the most primitive methods of making unfertile soil fertile is to put fertile soil on the top of soil that is unfertile and therefore unencumbered by dense natural vegetation. For this type of tillage I have chosen the name mound-culture, because the repeated addition of fertile soil has produced artificial hillocks of earth, and in North America the common name for these is mounds. It is only in recent times that the nature of these mounds has been understood. In the swamp areas of ancient Paraguay artificial heaps of earth, atterrados, have been discovered and investigated. They are used to this day by the Guato Indians for their original 108 pp) VCACE Pe Ar GON OMY: purpose of growing akuri-palms.!_ For these atterrados the highest parts of the swamp were chosen, and covered with a layer of humus soil, eighteen inches thick, taken from the lower parts of the swamp. These mounds, which are now of considerable size, have been raised to their present height by repeated additions of new humus. This is the only explanation of the layered arrangement of the soil composing them. To this day the Guato Indians live on these atterrados at the season when the sap of the akuri-palm is ripe. They bury their dead there still, and this explains the presence of the numerous human skeletons and relics of ancient civilization that have been found in them. Similar hillocks have been found in other swampy regions of South America—in Moyos in North Bolivia, in the island of Marayo and in the La Plata delta, and there are many indications that most of the mounds discovered in North and Central America were ori- ginally plantation grounds. The so-called chinampas, the ‘floating gardens’ in Mexico, which were and still are used by the dwellers round Lake Chalco and Xochimilco, are also mound plantations, and resemble the others in all essential respects. These floating gardens are simply stretches of swamp that have been raised to their present height by the addition of mud, brought from the bottom of the canals by means of large bags attached to long poles. To all appearance, this mound-tillage has been practised for long periods over large stretches of the American continent. With regard to mound-culture in the Old World, in the absence of exploration we can meantime only adduce a few parallels. The Nubians still cover their lands with a thin layer of fertile soil brought from the depressions in the steppe; and the inhabitants of Micronesia obtain good soil for their diminutive atolls by excavating the rotten coral soil and filling in the excavations with decayed vegetable matter and other organic substances. _ While on the subject of mound-culture we may refer briefly to the still unsettled problem as to whether there is any connexion between the mounds of shells found all over the Old and the New Worlds (the kjékkenméddings or ‘kitchen-middens,’ as they are called) and similar plantations. As a matter of fact, lime is one of the best foods for certain cultivated plants—although many kinds of soil are deficient in it—and it is also a fact that both the 1 Cf. Max Schmidt, ‘‘Die Guaté und ihr Gebiet,’’ in Baessley Archiv (1914), Heft 6, p. 253. IOg THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND North American Indians and the inhabitants of the South Seas manure their plantations with lime shells. The second type of tillage is in sharp contrast to mound-tillage. The only known examples of it belong to ancient Peru. It consisted in removing the upper layer of soil, mostly sterile sand, until fertile, moist earth was reached. The crops were raised in these depressed surfaces. The third method of obtaining fertile soil is hoeing or digging, so as to bring to the surface the deeper, fertile layers of soil, in place of the layers that have been exhausted by vegetation or rendered unfertile by deposits of salt. This method is confined to certain districts, mainly in Africa and in the South Seas. The name “hoe- culture’ should properly be applied only to this form of tillage, and it is illegitimate to use that term in a more general sense and apply it to all the forms of tillage practised by primitive peoples, as contrasted with the agriculture and horticulture of civilized nations. The peoples that carry on forest-clearing throughout the South American forest areas do not hoe or dig the cleared spaces at all. Turning up the soil with the plough, 7z.e., agriculture in the strict sense, is for the most part confined to European and Asiatic civilization, and therefore lies outside our subject. But it may be mentioned here that the Batta in the highlands of Sumatra use a plough, and many ethnologists consider that implement to be an independent invention of that people. The fourth type of tillage consists in the addition of manure to unfertile or exhausted soil, in order to supply the food necessary for the growth of cultivated crops. Although the use of manure is principally found in Europe and Asia, and in association with agri- culture proper, it is also found in all parts of the world and unasso- ciated with the use of the plough. All sorts of manure were used by the ancient Peruvians. They made lavish use of the guano found on the islands off their coast. It was distributed according to fixed regulations among the coast provinces and among the various landholders. They also used the dung of the llama and of other species of Auchenia, dried and pulverized human dung and dried fish. The North American Indians are also said to have manured their plantations with shells and fish, and the mulberry plantations of the Society Islanders were manured with broken shells and corals. IIo THE MATERIAL ECONOMY The fifth and last type of tillage consists in regulating the moisture necessary for growing crops. It includes irrigation, 1.e., supplying water where it is lacking, and drainage, 2.e., the removal of super- fluous water. There are various forms of irrigation culture. In one form of it terraces are laid out, chiefly on mountain slopes; in another form the land under cultivation is flooded with water. This second form is met with mainly on the low lands at the mouths of rivers, and the flooding is caused by the periodic rise and fall of the water of the river. Terrace-culture, combined with artificial arrangements for irri- gation, is found all over the world, and it was even commoner in earlier times than itis now. In Africa it is practised by the Berber tribes. It is also a common form of tillage among the Malays and in the Sunda Islands. In Polynesiathere are numerous remains of ancient terraces, and also in wide areas of Central America and Mexico, and even as far north as Arizona. It reached its highest development in ancient Peru, where extensive tracts of sterile land were thus brought under tillage. The steeper the mountain slopes, the higher and narrower were the individual terraces. They were supported by stone walls of gigantic dimensions. Higher up the mountain side, sometimes up to the snow-line, the terraces were simply made of earth. An enormous expenditure of labour was involved, not only in the masonry, but also in the filling of the terraces with suitable soil and in the arrangements for supplying water to the crops. The ancient Peruvians displayed great skill and ingenuity in arranging for a suitable water-supply. In some places the aqueducts, the azequias, were supported on high masonry ; in others they were hewn out in the rock. Some of them are covered channels, others are tunnels carrying the water through the mountains. The water was brought from artificial ponds high up on the mountain sides, or from stone reservoirs built for the purpose, and the supply was regulated by being dammed back or let through according to need. The second main method of tillage, ‘forest-clearing,’ is still the commonest type among the native races of the tropical and sub- tropical regions. It is carried on throughout the South American forest areas, in many parts of Central America, in Africa and Melanesia, and in former times it was the usual method followed by many native tribes of the Atlanticarea. Thechief labour involved III THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND is that of clearing away the trees and jungle of the area to be brought under tillage. While among the Bakairi Indians on the Upper Xingu I was a witness of the method pursued. First of all, the undergrowth and low thicket were cut down. Then the individual trees were notched so as to determine the direction in which they would fall. Lastly, one large tree on the edge of the area was felled. In its fall this tree knocked down the trees immediately adjacent to it; these in turn brought down those next to them, so that the whole section fell together with one prolonged crash. The fallen trees are left for months in the dry season, and when they have dried up fire is kindled throughout the area. All the brushwood and the smaller branches are burned, and the charred trunks are left onthe ground. The soil is neither hoed nor worked in any way, but at the beginning of the rainy season holes for the seeds or cuttings are made, and the earth surrounding them is slightly loosened with a pointed ‘planting stick’ or dibble. The tools used in tillage, of course, vary with the circumstances of the case. Hoeing is practised in restricted areas, and the hoe is therefore used only by a few native races. To speak of tillage as ‘hoe-culture’-—as Eduard Hahn has done, and taught others to do—is misleading, and this use of the word should be avoided. In ‘forest-clearing’ the most important tool is the axe. The axe- blade of the Africans is usually of iron, but all the other forest- clearing tribes use a ground stone axe with a wooden handle. This is the typical tool, and, therefore, the polished stone axe and forest-clearing are closely associated all through the history of both. The question of whether this holds good for prehistoric European civilization, and whether there is a connexion between the distri- bution of the neolithic polished stone axe and the practice of forest- clearing can only be answered after archeology has carried out further researches. In comparison with the stone axe, tillage tools are rare among the forest-clearing tribes. In place of the ‘digging stick,’ which is the universal tool of the tribes that pursue the ‘gathering’ process of production, the forest-clearers use the small, pointed ‘planting stick’ or ‘dibble.’ It is used to make holes in the soil to receive the seed or the cuttings to be planted. A special form of it, in use among the Indians on the Upper Xingu, is the claw of the great armadillo. Terrace-culture and mound-culture require tools for I12 GH MA TERIALSECONOMY shifting soil. The pictorial writings of the ancient Mexicans suggest that they must have used a wooden tool, the cauacatl or uictlt, both for tilling the soil and for lifting soil and lime and other similar materials into their wicker-baskets. It was flat-shaped, broadening toward the point, with one side sharpened. Other spade-shaped wooden tools, with lateral attachments to receive the pressure of the foot, were used by the Aymara on the Peruvian plateau and by the Pueblo Indians in Arizona. With regard to the plants grown in these various forms of tillage, I must refer my readers to the relevant chapters of my book Die matertelle Wirthschaft bet den Naturvélkern (Leipzig, 1923). The following is a list of the chief plants grown. They are arranged in two columns to show the sharp difference between the plants of America and those of the Old World. I. AMERICAN I. GRAIN PLANTS Maize (Zea mays) Quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa) Sunflower (Helianthus) Bean (Phaseolus) Peanut (Avachis hypogea) 2. BULBS OR TUBERS Mandioca, manioc, or yuca (Man- dioca utilissima and aipr) Batata ([pomea batatas) Potato (Solanum tuberosum) Oca (Oxalis crenata) Maca or Maxua (Tvopeolum tuber- osum) 3. TREES Akuri-palm Pupanha-palm (Bactris speciosa) Pikeitree (Caryocar batyrosum) Mangave (Hancornia speciosa) Cocoa-tree (Theobroma cacao) II. OLD WORLD I. GRAIN PLANTS Oats (Avena sativa) Rye (Secale cereale) Wheat (Triticum vulgare) Barley (Hordeum vulgare) Rice (Oryza sativa) Sorghum (Sorghum vulgare) Millet (Panicum) Eleusine Buckwheat (Polygonum fagopyrum) 2. BULBS OR TUBERS Taro or calo (Caladium esculentum) Yam (Dioscorea alata) 3. TREES Oil-palm (El@is guineensis) Date-palm (Phenix dactylifera) Cocos-palm (Cocos nucifera) Sago-palm (Sagus rumphit) (Sagus levis) Banana or pisana (Musa sapientum) Breadfruit-tree (Artocarpus incisa) I1f3 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND 3. PLEASURABLE PLANTS 3. PLEASURABLE PLANTS Coca (Evythroxylum coca) Sugar-cane (Saccharum officinarum Tobacco (Nicotiana) Tea plant (Thea chinensis) Cava or yacova (Piper methysticum) Areca-palm (Areca catecha) Guru- or kola-nut (Cola acuminata) Hemp (Cannabis indica) 5. MISCELLANEOUS 5. MISCELLANEOUS Uruku (Bixa orellana), a dyestuff Cotton (Gossypium) plant Paper mulberry tree (Boussonetia) Cotton (Gossypium) Animal raw materials, like vegetable raw materials, can be obtained in two ways—taking such animals as nature provides, or systematically rearing such animals as are available and suitable for that purpose. Leaving out of account the mere gathering of animal eggs and of animals with slight locomotive powers, such as beetle larve, ants, and so on, the first method includes fishing and hunting. Bythe usage of language ‘fishing’ means the catching of fishes and the lowlier aquatic creatures, and ‘hunting’ means the capture of all land animals and higher genera of aquatic animals. The second method of obtaining animal raw material is called stock-farming. We turn first to fishing. Fishing peoples, like the Eskimo, the Indians of the North American north-west coast, and most inhabi- tants of Oceania, are usually also good boatmen. But there are other tribes, like the Botocudo and the Bororo Indians in Brazil and the coast Hottentots of South Africa, who are unacquainted with navigation of any kind, and who nevertheless obtain most of their food by fishing. Such tribes must needs catch their fish by wading or swimming. There are numerous methods, and several of these are found among one and the same people. 1. Net-fishing is practised almost everywhere, although some races who depend largely on fishing do not employ this method. The Guato Indians, who are distinctly a fishing people, do not use nets, and there are some Australian coast tribes to whom this method is unknown. Among the various kinds of nets in common use there are the smaller hand-nets which can be worked by one person, and place- nets and drag-nets, which involve the co-operation of several persons. The hand-nets are of various kinds. According to Dobrizhoffer, II4 PLATE 17 FISHERMEN OF THE GAZELLE PENINSULA WITH HAND-NETS Melanesia Photo Parkinson FISHERMEN OF THE GAZELLE PENINSULA WITH TACKLE 114 Melanesia Photo Parkinson BAIQUNAD -YIOM 070YT eolIawy YyNOS Cri . SNVIGN] OUDAN OL AO dVuL-HSIy 81 ALV Id THE MATERIAL ECONOMY the missionary, the Payagua and the Villela, on the river Paraguay, tied small nets round their abdomen like aprons, and swam after the fish. There are also larger hand-nets of a less primitive kind, bag-shaped and attached to wooden poles or rods and provided with an arrangement for opening and closing the net. There are also shallow nets, fixed in a circular frame, with which the fish are lifted from the bottom of shallow water and thrown on to the land. Large place-nets and drag-nets are widely used by the peoples of the South Seas, by the Caraya of South America, who employ them to stop the entrances of the lakes, and they were also used by the ancient Peruvians on the coast and on the Titicaca lake. The practice was to stretch them between rafts of rushes. 2. Fish-traps are also widely used. Some are fixed on the bottom of the water. Some are movable pots or baskets. The fixed, stationary traps are of all kinds. They may be simple banks of earth or dikes of stone, used to dam shallow and narrow streams, or barricades of tree branches to prevent the escape of the fish. A common arrangement consists of wattled fences fitted together in an angular fashion, allowing the fish an easy ingress, but making egress difficult. A different principle is applied in those traps in which the fish, on touching a bait or spring, are thrown on tothe land. Inthe case of movable traps, pots, or baskets, the fish can enter easily but find escape difficult, or their fins are caught in the meshes of the basket. 3. Line-fishing is, properly speaking, merely a species of trapping, and there are several methods of catching fish which are transition stages between the two. Nooses fixed to handles are used by the inhabitants of the Gilbert Islands for catching eels, and large nooses attached to a float are used by the Fiji Islanders for catching sharks. Line-fishing proper consists of a hook attached to a line. Some- times the hook itself is the bait, and sometimes a bait is attached to it. Again, a stone sinker, or a float, made of a palm-leaf, may be added. The hook itself may be single or double, or even three may be used together. Three are used by the Indians of the north-west coast of North America for catching halibut andsalmon. A better hook has a barb added at a short distance from the point. The hook is made either of some flexible material, such as metal, flexible wood, or of some rigid substance, like shell, bone, horn, tortoise- shell, or even stone. When the hook consists of several parts the II§ THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND actual substance of which it is made may also be the bait, but in other cases the bait may be a decoy fish or an insect larva attached to the hook shank. A curious method of fishing is found among Melanesian peoples. Palm-leaves are bent and twisted into dragon shape, and this dragon pulls behind it in the water a bait in the shape of the silvery web of a spider. 4. There are several ways of catching fish by using pozsonous materials. The stalks or leaves of a poisonous plant are cut up and crushed to pulp and thrown into the water where the fish resort ; or the poisonous plants are dragged through the water in the wake of a boat; or the water is poisoned by being whipped with the plants; or, finally, poisoned bait may be used. These methods of stupefying the fish can, of course, only be used in still water or in small streams that have been previously dammed back. 5. Fish are also caught by means of fire-arms and thrusting weapons, but these are not quite the same as those used in hunting. They include the harpoon and the harpoon arrow, which is dis- charged from a bow. In both these weapons the sharp point 1s loosely set in the shaft, but is attached to it by a line wound round and round it. When the fish is struck it dives, carrying the point with it, but the line unwinds while the shaft floats, and in this manner the fish can be drawn from the water. The spears and arrows differ from those used in hunting. They have several sharp points or barbs side by side. 6. Some tribes use animals for the purpose of catching fish. In China the cormorant is trained forthe purpose. A ring is put round its neck to prevent it from swallowing its catch. To judge from ancient Peruvian textile fabrics, this cormorant fishing seems to have been known, at least at one period, in ancient Peru. Passing now to hunting, five different methods are pursued, varying according to the habits of the animals that are hunted. 1. Drives are carried out on a great scale. A large number of hunters co-operate and drive together those species of game animals which are numerous. Large place-nets and long converging fences are used, and the animals are driven toward these from all sides. Both fire and water are utilized in these drives. Grassland and brushwood are set on fire to prevent the escape of the game, and herds of wild animals which, like wild pigs, are more or less helpless in water are driven into the water and easily secured. 2. Actual hunting by pursuit is chiefly carried out on level 116 BAIQUNAD -YIOM OJON Aauo yy df 010Ug [611 ‘d gag] “vortety YyNOS ‘oISaN ONY OII HSI. DONINVAdS NVISANVITE]Y (SNVIGNJ VOV3) ASA NI AGNI-ONIMOTY 61 ALVId PLATE 20 Lefi : HUNTING-SCREEN OF THE PareEssI INDIANS. fight: SAME READY FOR USE ay, South America. Originals in the Ethnological Museum, Berlin THE MATERIAL ECONOMY stretches of steppe and grassland. It is, of course, most in evidence among peoples who ride horses. The Abipone of Chaco, in South America, hunt on horseback and simply despatch the quarry with a hunting-knife. The Bushmen on foot course their game to death. But there are many special instruments of the chase—lances, spears, bolas, lassos, clubs, and various missile weapons. Bows and arrows, which can only be used when the archer is standing still, are, of course, not used in this form of hunting. 3. Stalking game and killing it from ambush. This is probably the most widespread form of hunting. A necessary preliminary is the tracking of the game, and here the native races are greatly assisted by their exact knowledge of the country and their fami- liarity with the habits of the animals concerned. In order to get within shooting distance, the hunter endeavours to steal up unob- served, or lies in wait at the places where the animals drink or feed, or even seeks in various ways to lure the animal toward him. ‘Hunting-screen’ is perhaps the best name for the arrangement used by the hunter to conceal himself when stalking or lying in wait for his quarry. These screens may be either permanent erections, on the ground or in the branches of a tree, close to the animals’ feeding-place, or they may be movable screens, which the hunter carries about with him. The Paressi Indians used a frame, about a yard high, made of wooden rods or canes. Before being used, it was filled with palm-leaves or other foliage, and held in front of himself by the hunter when stalking. The Vedda hides himself with branches. The civilized Vedda creeps up to his prey behind his tame buffalo. Others are said to clothe themselves in animal skins. The North American Indian, when hunting stags, disguises himself by deerhide, or, when hunting the buffalo, in wolfskin ; and the Bushman of South Africa, when hunting ostriches, hides himself inside an ostrich-skin. All over the world animals are lured by imitating the cries by which they call each other, and, as a rule, native races are expert in this art. The Eskimo even entice seals out of the ice-holes by scratching on the ice with imitation claws. Large meadowlands are set on fire for the purpose of attracting game to the young grass that springs up. Another method is to frighten the animal by imitating the sounds of birds of prey and thus divert its attention from the stalker, or to imitate the wing-beat of birds of prey by means of the whirring-stick. 117 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND The method of killing the stalked animal depends, of course, on the kind of hunting weapon employed. The following are the chief methods : Bow and arrows—perhaps the commonest hunting weapon of all. There are three different types of bow: the simple wand bow, with various subspecies, according to the nature of the transverse section of the wood of which the bow is composed; the pieced bow, used by the Arctic peoples ; and the composite bow, in which the various parts are made of different materials. The length varies from thirty inches up to nine feet, and it is remarkable that the longest bows are used by the races that are lowest in the scale of civilization, by the Vedda in Ceylon, the Papuans in New Guinea, the Botocudo, Siriono, and the Guato in South America. The bowstring may con- sist of vegetable material, strips of seaweed, bamboo, twisted cords of vegetable fibre, or of animal material, like strips of leather or sinew twisted into a cord. Since C. S. Morse in his book Ancient and Modern Methods of Arrow-release pointed out various ways of bending the bow, much attention has been given to the subject. Several of these ways necessitate the use of special artifices, like tenter-rings, thumb-rings, leather gloves, straps of wood or iron stretching across the back of the hand, like those employed by the Wute and other African tribes. Again, the left wrist is frequently protected against the recoil of the bowstring by armlets of leather or cotton strips, or by rings of leather or ivory. The Vedda and some South American tribes are said to have used their feet as an aid in bending their bows. Arrows are of various kinds. Some are simply pointed rods of wood or cane. Others are more ingeniously constructed and con- sist of a cane shaft, an intermediate section made of wood, and a special end-piece. Some are winged with feathers, others are bare. Some are notched at the lower end of the shaft, in others this is lacking. A rarer form has the lower end thickened into bludgeon- shape. It is a widespread custom to smear the arrow-point with some poisonous substance. The poisoned point is frequently loosely attached to the rest of the arrow, so as to break off in the body of the animal that is hit.1_ Poisoned arrows are usually kept ina special quiver, and each single arrow is provided with a special cover for . oe L. Lewin, Die Pfeilgifte : Historische und experimentelle Untersuchungen. II THE MATERIAL ECONOMY the point, to safeguard the hunter himself from injury. Some- times several arrows are put together into the cover. The crossbow, which is really only an improved bow, belongs to the civilization of Europe and Asia, but it has been copied and adopted by many of the Indian tribes of Hindu Kush and of Africa. The spear-thrower is both a weapon of war and an instrument of the chase, and has the advantage over the bow that its use requires only one hand, and can thus be used while the hunter is actually pursuing the quarry. It is a stick on which lies a projectile held steady by a projecting stud at the rear end. It is held over the right shoulder and is swung forward in a vertical arc, so that the projectile is sped quickly forward. The stick is usually narrow. It is used by the Eskimo and the Australian tribes. The South American form is shaped like a stick, flattened at the front end only. The blowing-tube, in its common form, is a piece of a suitable kind of cane or palm wand, three or four yards long. It is either pierced from end to end, or cut longitudinally in halves ; the pith is removed and the rind is carefully stuck together again. These tubes have often a mouthpiece of wood, and a sort of vizor made of wax or of rodents’ teeth. A bunch of small poisoned arrows as thin as needles is held together with vegetable fibres and exactly fills the hollow of the tube at the lowerend. These arrows are then blown out with all the lung power that the hunter can command. Other hunting weapons are the bola (a sling for throwing stones), the lance and the spear, various kinds of missile weapons, like the boomerang and the round club, and, lastly, the club itself. 4. The laying or setting of traps of all kinds is found among all peoples. The most outstanding form is the pitfall, used by the Australians for catching kangaroos. 5. Game is also hunted and caught with the aid of animals, including the cheetah or Indian leopard (Cynelurus), and, of domesticated animals, the dog. The former inhabitants of Cuba used to catch turtles by using fishes attached to a line, but this should perhaps be considered a form of fishing rather than hunting. Stock-farming! may be defined as an artificial interference with the natural process of development of an animal species, by changing at will the conditions of life, and by natural selection. By ‘domes- ticated’ animals we mean the new species thus produced from the 1 Cf. Eduard Hahn, Die Haustieve und ihre Beziehungen zur Wirtschaft des Menschen (Leipzig, 1896). IIg THE PRIMITIVE RACE S*@ne ean ITN wild original species, so long as they and their course of development are under the controlof man. The purpose is to improve the desir- able qualities of certain animals by breeding, in order to obtain in an enhanced form the raw materials or other advantages which the animals can provide. The number of animals which are capable of being thus improved is comparatively small, and the number of actual domestic animals which are economically of any importance is not more than thirty. In the course of the many centuries for which data are available, very few new apes have been added to the list of domesticated arin The question of what led men to take up the practice of stock- farming has been discussed by Eduard Hahn in his already-men- tioned work. Hahn maintains that its original purpose was to provide material for religious cultus. This view cannot be sub- stantiated. The raising of domestic animals is a purely economic function, and economic motives cannot be ignored in the explana- tion of its origin. In fact, the raising of domestic animals, and in particular cattle-breeding, was primarily a purely economic opera- tion, and its religious significance was both later and subsidiary. The relevant facts connected with this subject are numerous enough and clear enough to refute all such ingenious hypotheses as those of Hahn. In the first place, the mere taming of certain wild animals cannot be considered to be the starting-point of cattle-breeding, for this — alone would never produce domesticated animals. The mere fact that the cattle on a large stock-farm are not tame, but are collected like wild animals by driving and caught by a lasso, is sufficient to show that tameness is not a necessary quality in domestic animals. We can only speak of stock-raising when human control extends to the whole of a species, or at least to that portion of it comprised within a given district. Transition stages, illustrating the course of its development, are known from ancient Peru. The Auchenia species were mainly bred there, and they are found only there and in the adjacent regions. Guanaco and vicufia are wild species, llama and alpaca are domesticated ; indeed, the latter is probably a hybrid form between the llama and the wild vicufia. But some attention was also paid to the wild guanaco and the vicufia. Not only were heavy punishments in force for any transgressions of the strict hunting laws, but great drives of these animals were from time to time arranged by the Inca himself or his representatives, at I20 THE MATERIAL ECONOMY which the animals were gathered into folds and separated from each other. Only part of the animals thus captured were used as food at the great communal feasts, and the vicufias were shorn of their valuable wool and thereafter liberated. This ancient Peruvian method of dealing with the wild species of Auchenia produced the llama as a specific domestic animal with the characteristic marks of artificial breeding, v7z., leucodermia and melanism. Exactly similar transition stages to the breeding of domestic animals are exemplified in the relation in which the mishmi and the kaki in Assam stand to the wild herds of gayal. These animals are liberally provided with salt and encouraged to associate with tame animals, and are in this way gradually brought under the control of man. Lack of space forbids our entering into greater detail regarding the various species of animals that have been domesticated. The following list is intended to indicate the small number of species of American animals that have been domesticated in comparison with those in the Old World. American species of domestic animals: (1) dog; (2) llama; (3) alpaca; (4) guinea-pig; (5) turkey; (6) musk duck. Domestic animals of the Old World: (1) dog; (2) cat ; (3) horse ; (4) ass and mule, hybrid between the male ass and the mare (horse) ; (5) double-humped camel; (6) dromedary ; (7) ox; (8) buffalo ; (9) gayal; (10) yak; (11) reindeer; (12) goat ; (13) sheep; (14) pig; (15) rabbit; (16) ferret; (17) fowl; (18) guinea-fowl; (19) pea- cock; (20) pigeon; (21) duck; (22) goose; (23) swan; (24) carp; (25) honey-bee, actually raised and bred only in comparatively recent times; (26) silkworm. Ostrich-raising has been adopted from European civilization only in recent decades, The elephant and the cormorant cannot be classed with these animals. The former is as a rule caught wild and thereafter tamed, but it is not raised. The cormorant’s eggs are taken from the wild birds and hatched out by domestic fowls. Raw material is procured from inanimate nature as follows: certain soils are obtained for plantation purposes ; clay is used in the production of bricks and pottery wares ; it is also used to satisfy the disastrous mania of some races for geophagy, the eating of clay ; lime is used as a condiment with certain foods. Apart from these, the following four materials are obtained from inanimate nature— water, stone, metals, and salt. When water is available in unlimited quantity and within easy I21I THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND reach of human habitation it cannot be included among economic values. In dry regions, however, it becomes one of the most valuable commodities, and special measures must be taken to procure it. It is an important consideration in this connexion that the possibility of procuring water is frequently restricted, not only by local conditions, as is the case with the other raw materials derived from inanimate nature, but also by periodic variations of time and season. There are three ways of procuring water artificially in dry regions : 1. By diverting water flowing on the surface of the earth, that is, by some arrangement of water-pipes connected with artificial reservoirs. The object is sometimes merely to provide the inhabi- tants with drinking water, but this method is also used in the irrigation of growing crops. 2. By digging a hole in the ground to collect the ground water. This is the origin of what is perhaps the oldest of all the methods of procuring water—the digging of wells. 3. By catching rain-water in special reservoirs. There are also three methods of obtaining stone: gathering it from the surface of the earth, breaking it from the bare outcrop of rock, and, thirdly, taking it from beneath the superincumbent strata of earth by means of pits or mines. Metals are either provided by nature in a pure state, or they are found as ores, from which the metals are obtained by smelting. The most important metal of all, iron, is found pure only in the form of meteoric iron. In the main, however, the methods of obtaining iron and ore follow the same principles, and there are three different ways in which they may be obtained. The metal or ore is simply collected where it lies on the earth’s surface ; the ore or metal is separated from the sand or other sediment by the use of water or in some other way ; or, finally, it is obtained by the process of mining. Salt can be obtained from vegetable materials, but that method does not concern us here. Apart from that, there are three ways by which it is obtained: it may be taken from the beds of salt provided by nature ; it may be lixiviated from salt water ; it may be obtained from saliferous clay, by treating the latter with water, filtering the solution and thereafter evaporating the filtrate. By the transformation of material or industrial production is meant the transformation of agiven substance into certain products, I22 TE NPAPE RTA CEE C.ON ONGY and it therefore includes all the activities by which materials are thus worked up and utilized. Of the various means of production employed in the transfor- mation of materials, we can deal here only with one, viz., fire. It is one of the most important, apart from its connexion with any given type of production. It is not only a means of production in all kinds of activities by which material is worked up, but, as we have seen, it is also used as an agent in some forms of primary production. Owing to its three chief properties, producing heat, giving light, and giving rise to changes in natural materials by chemical or physical action, fire has come to be an indispensable element in human civilization. The possession of fire is thus a prerequisite of the economic life of man as a whole, and therefore indispensable to human life itself. The question, therefore, as to how man came to be possessed of it lies outside the sphere of ethnology. Among the various methods! used by mankind outside the civilization of Asia and Europe for producing fire are the fol- lowing four: 1. By drilling or friction by means of wood in wood. (a) By the fire-drill. A stick of wood, the ‘spindle,’ is held upright, and twirled in a depression in a piece of wood lying hori- zontally, ‘the hearth.’ The fire-drill is either (a) a simple fire-drill, in which case the spindle is twirled with the hands ; (f) a cord-drill, the twirling motion being produced by means of a cord encircling the spindle, and the necessary pressure being secured by an abut- ment in which the spindle revolves; (y) a bow drill, in which, instead of a simple cord, the string of a small bow is put round the spindle and the rotary movement is produced by moving the bow to and fro; (8) a pump-drill (not to be confused with the fire- pump, mentioned below), in which the rotary motion is brought about, after the manner of an endless screw, by a double cord, the free lower ends of which are attached to a cross stick. (b) By the fire-plough. A stick held at an angle is rubbed vigorously to and fro in a longitudinal slit of a horizontal piece of wood. (c) By the fire-saw. A stick is drawn to and fro on rotten 1 See Dixon, Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist. (1903) ; Hough, Rep. Nat. Mus. (1888, 1890) ; Max Schmidt, ‘‘ Das Feuerbohren nach indianischer Weise,” in Zeitschrift fir Ethnologie (1903), Heft tr. 123 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND wood, or a rod of rotang is drawn to and fro ona stick placed diagonally, with a cleft in the end of it filled with tinder. 2. By percussion. Stone is struck on stone, or stone is struck on metal, so as to produce sparks. 3. By the fire-pump. Thisis used only in parts of Upper India and Borneo. Suitable tinder is powerfully compressed in a ate closed at the bottom and fire is generated. 4. By the burning-glass, used only in one region of Tibet. The transformation of material may consist either in a mere alteration of the external form of the material, or in a change in its material qualities. The two main kinds of it are, therefore, those which are due to physical or mechanical forces, and those which are brought about by chemical forces. There are four chief types of the process of transforming materials by means of mechanical forces: (1) The transformation of plastic materials, (2) transformation by dividing, or breaking up, the materials, (3) the conjoining of different materials to form compo- site wholes, and (4) changing the external nature of the materials by mechanical process. The transformation of plastic materials includes the utilization of wax, resin, rubber, and similar materials, but the chief Ox e of it are pottery and metalwork. Notwithstanding its great economic importance, pottery is by no means universal among mankind. There are large regions where it is unknown, and it is striking to find that many of these regions are inhabited by peoples of a comparatively high civilization, such as the Indians on the north-west coast of America and most inhabitants of Polynesia. All kinds of commodities for use are made by the plastic manipulation of clay—pipes, spinning-whorls, beads, loopsand chains, and figures of men and animals; but by far the most important articles thus manufactured are vessels and pots, and it is therefore usually the production of these that is meant by ‘pottery,’ or ‘ceramics.’ The use of the potter’s wheel is unknown to most races outside of Europe and Asia, but by other methods they were able to make vessels of almost any desired kind. As these methods were entirely different from each other, the beginnings of pottery-work must be sought in directions which are altogether independent of and unconnected with each other. The methods practised outside of Europe and Asia are as follows : 124 go Ssaqunss)-y90 M 0704q BAIQUNAY -YIOM OJOU Poe UlY YNOS POLMIOUY YNOS ( SNVIGN] VWoadoyT) vz1 (SNVIGN] VNaAdOY) AUVMNAHLUVY ONINVIL OOINVIN AFL 40 AOIN{ AHL LAO ONISSaUg I¢ ULV Id 4 2 Sees FURNACES FOR SMELTING IRON IN BANYELI, TOGOLAND SMITHS OF THE BARI 125 Upper Nile THE MATERIAL ECONOMY 1. The vessel is shaped from a lump of clay with the hands alone, or with the aid of a flat tool made of wood or metal. 2. The clay is applied round the outside of a basket or aint skin, which thus serves as an inside frame or core. 3. The vessel is built up from the bottom to the rim by rolls of clay laid spirally one over another, round by round. 4. The vessel is shaped with the help of a clay mould. The subsequent process of firing gives the vessel the necessary hardness, and makes it capable of resisting both fire and water. The great importance of metalworking in the economic life of mankind is evidenced by the fact that archeology still speaks of the successive periods of human civilization as the Stone Age and the Age of Metals, emphasizing the Iron Age as a separate period. Many of the native races of the present day are living at a stage of civilization that is destitute of metals, and before European civili- zation reached them most of the native races of the American continent and of the South Seas were ignorant of the process of working in metal. The simplest form of metalworking, beyond which many races, like the North American Indians, have not passed, is simply hammering into the desired shape the pieces of pure metal found in nature. It marked a great step forward when the process of obtaining metals from their ores by smelting was discovered. The process of casting was, of course, an inevitable deduction, and this art of pouring molten metal into clay moulds led to a much greater variety and range in the shapes of metal tools. The same art made it further possible to mix various metals together, and so produce alloys combining the useful properties of the metals thus mixed. Thus the combination of copper, which is soft and therefore easily malleable, with the harder metal, tin, produced bronze, which, on account of its more attractive colour, is preferable to copper as a material for ornaments, and, on account of its greater hardness, is better than copper for utensils. We have evidence of such a tran- sition from the Copper Age to the Bronze Age in the New World (among the ancient Peruvians), as well as in the Old World. Seeing that iron, apart from isolated examples of meteoric iron, is never found pure in nature, working in iron was only possible when men had learned how to obtain metals from their ores.+ In 1 See Stuhlmann, Handwerk und Industrie in Ostafrika, and von Luschan, ‘* Eisentechnik in Africa,” in Zeitschr. f. Ethnol. (1909). 125 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND the economic life of the native races of Africa working in iron has played an important part for ages, and some men who know Africa well consider that the smith’s art is indigenous there. All the same, the ironwork of most African races, both as regards the smelting of iron ore and the technique of smithy work, is of a very primitive kind. Their smelting furnace is a mere shallow pit in clayey soil, with lateral holes to admit air. In more developed forms of furnace this pit is surrounded with a circular rim of clay, and actual blast- furnaces are made by raising the pit walls up to six feet high. The tools used are equally primitive. The hammers are made of stone, or prism-shaped pieces of iron, and a simple piece of rock is the invariable anvil. The bellows are specially remarkable. They are of two kinds—the so-called vascular bellows and the so-called bag-bellows. Transformation of material by disintegration is of two kinds— either breaking it up into smaller portions, e.g., pounding the grain of maize, or separating some part for use from those parts of the whole mass which are not to be used, e.g., breaking out the flint knife from the ‘nucleus.’ The simple process of breaking up a whole into smaller parts may, again, take three different forms: (1) Pounding more or less hard materials with a wooden pounder in a mortar of wood, or a hollowed-out piece of a tree stem ; (2) crushing the raw material by means of a millstone (this is almost universally used for crushing grain, the grain being crushed by means of a stone cylinder on a flat netherstone) ; (3) grating the raw material, usually of a soft nature, like bulbs of manioc, by means of a grater. The grater used by the South American forest Indians is usually a board studded with palm-spikes or small, sharp stones. Examples of the transformation of material by separating some parts of it from the rest are the hewing of stone, the cutting of wood or bark, the carving of shells or bones, the stoning of fruits, and the peeling of roots. Stone, when it is of a kind that is easily broken, like flint or obsidian, can be worked up by being hammered or compressed so as to detach flakes of it from the nucleus. The stone to be hammered is supported on another stone, and a flake from a definite part of the surface is detached by a vigorous stroke with a stone hammer, which is mostly round. A special instrument is used to detach flakes of stone by pressure. It is a stick with a cross-piece, or a 126 EEE WATER ar eONOM,. piece of reindeer’s antler with a handle, or a chisel of bone, and is struck with a wooden mallet or hammer. In the third method of stoneworking the surface of the stone is gradually worn away by being hewn with a hammer; and in the fourth method the softer species of stone, like soapstone, pipestone, and limestone, are cut by means of knives, chisels, and similar sharp instruments. A fifth method is grinding. It is used to polish or smooth a stone tool, or to sharpen its edge, or to work those kinds of stone which are too hard to be broken by hammer or compression. One example is nephrite. A sixth method of working in stone is the perforation of stone tools or other objects. This is done by drills similar to those used in producing fire. It is used to perforate stone beads and the lugs of ornaments, and the North American Indians use it in making their long tobacco-pipes. As native races have as a rule ample material out of which to manufacture their wooden utensils, and do not make them out of odd pieces of wood, they first sever from a suitable tree-trunk a piece of convenient size for the implement in view. They next hollow out the log, to make a large signal drum or a mortar, or split it, for flat instruments like oars, etc. The hollowing-out process is usually carried out by means of fire. The splitting process is used in the case of larger logs, and for this purpose wedges made of horn or other hard material are employed. Much depends on whether the workers have metal tools or whether they are confined to other kinds. Those races which have no metal implements must do the best they can with the stone hatchet, and do the coarser work with tools made of bone, teeth, and shell. While many kinds of fairly competent work in wood can be done with these tools, including well-made chisels of rodent teeth and business-like planes made of shell with a sharp-edged hole in the centre, such as are used by the Indians on the Upper Xingu, good carving is restricted to those regions where, as in ancient Peru and Mexico and among most African races, metal tools were available. An exception must be made in the case of the artistic carving done by the natives of Oceania without metal tools. We can only refer to barkwork here so far as it involves the separa- tion of the bark from the tree-trunk and its division into pieces of suitable size. The most important manufacture is that of boats of bark. The Xingu Indians proceed as follows: A scaffolding of Ta Fig. 2. - 3 = id b4 = ——— ——————— ——————— DIAGRAM SHOWING HOW THE ‘ STEPS-AND-STAIRS’ PATTERN IN BASKETRY IS PRODUCED Fig. 3. DIAGRAM SHOWING HOW THE ‘ STEPS-AND-STAIRS’ PATTERN IN BASKETRY IS PRODUCED THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND several stories is built round the selected tree. Working from this scaffold, the Indians slit with axes pieces of bark sufficient for two boats, each boat consisting of a half-round of bark. Cane rods are then driven in between the bark and the wood of the tree, and the boat pieces are gradually loosened from the tree in two complete halves. Many forms of technique are used in the process of combining different materials into one composite whole. The following are the most outstanding types: cording or strapping, sewing, basketry, weaving, network, gluing, and, lastly, using the force of gravitation. The extensive use by all native races of the process of cording or strapping things together is explained by the fact that the use of nails and screws is for the most part unknown among them.1 All manner of animal and vegetable materials are employed for this purpose—strips of hide or leather, sinews, stems of climbing plants, pliant twigs, bast, strips of bark. Use is also made of twisted cords and threads of vegetable fibre or animal sinews. These, like fire, seem to be universally used among all native tribes. The spindle is mainly used to make threads of cotton and wool. In the process of sewing or stitching, a needle, or an awl, or, in the case of harder material, a drill, is used to pierce the edges of the material and to sew them together. Seeing, however, that most native races have ample material available, this process is of com- paratively small importance to many of them. A classification of the various types of basketry, if it is to include all the leading types, must be based not so much on the external structure as on the original plan of the work and the whole method of its construction. Looked at from this latter point of view, there are four essentially different types of plaited work, or basketry.? The first is as follows: Two sets of strips, at right angles to each other, are plaited together in such a way that the strips of the one set pass over a certain number of strips of the other set, so that the meshes running in the same direction project one above another in the form of steps. Usually, the number of strips thus crossed is 1 Mention should be made, however, of the ‘ screw’ with which some Eskimo tribes attach the bone points to their arrow-shafts. 2 See Mason, Aboriginal American Basketry; Max Schmidt, Indianerstudien tn Zentralbrasilien (Berlin, 1905), also Ableitung stidamerikanischer Geflechts- muster aus der Technik des Flechtens (1904). 130 ulfiog ‘tunesny [eorsojouy}yy oy} ur Ydeirsojyoyd e WOT *}seOD voTIIN®) ofl UnNOTY ONITIIP €@ ALV Id — ssnaneerecemnenatens treperecmameaeycn tan top tQtedy eanaanen eee SoutTH AMERICAN BASKETRY Above, ‘steps-and-stairs’ pattern (left, Nahakua; right, Guato). Below, on the left, ‘spiral-roll’ (Fuegians) ; on the right, ‘cane-chair’ pattern (Purus) rere a 131 HE MATERIALS E CONOM Y. two or three. Sometimes, however, only one is crossed, and it is this style which Mason, in his classification of the American weaves, makes a separate group under the name of ‘chequerwork,’ or chess- board pattern. But, seeing that the difference between the one- mesh and the two- or three-mesh style is solely a difference of external structure, it is better to classify all three as one type. A suitable name would be the ‘steps-and-stairs’ style. But this ‘ steps-and-stairs’ style includes two kinds of basketry which differ essentially in their whole technique, and this distinction is of fundamental importance for understanding the ornamentation in basketry. In previous works, dealing specially with the basketry of the South American Indians, I have named these two subdivisions “pinnate-leaf’ and ‘fan-leaf’ basketwork, because these Indians frequently use for their steps-and-stairs plaitwork either palm- leaves entire, ribs and all, or the single petioles of the palm-leaves. The difference in shape of the two kinds of palm-leaves, the pinnate leaves and the fan leaves, makes a decisive difference in the design of the steps-and-stairs weaves. The points of essential difference between the above-named two subdivisions of the stepped basket- work are these : In the pinnate-leaf style the two sets of strips both start from the same edge of the piece. In baskets and mats plaited with the entire pinnate leaf the weave is formed by the leaf-rib, the two pinnate groups branching out from it in opposite directions. In the case of baskets the leaf-rib is usually at the top edge, and it is from this edge, therefore, that the plait begins, so that the final fastening in of the free ends must run along the bottom of the basket. In these weaves the strips run at an angle of 45° to the edge—that is, diagonally if the piece is a square, and the pattern therefore runs either parallel with or at right angles to the top edge. On the other hand, in the ‘fan-leaf’ style, the two sets of strips start from two different points and converge, so as to run parallel with the edges of the piece, and the pattern shows in a diagonal direction. In baskets plaited in this way the work starts from the bottom, and the fastening-in of the free ends is at the top rim of the basket. Both pinnate-leaf and fan-leaf basketry possess a quality that is of great importance for ornamentation. From the very start they show, and must show, a pattern or design, formed by the parallel rows of meshes. In both types there is one and only one possible 131 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND variation of pattern, because the strips forming the pattern may run at right angles to each other in two different directions. But there is a great difference between the pattern in the pinnate-leaf and that in the fan-leaf styles, because the mutually perpendicular pattern strips of the adjacent units meet quite differently. Whereas in the pinnate-leaf style the pattern strips of the second unit all stand perpendicularly on the last pattern strip of the first, in the fan-leaf style the mutually perpendicular strips run in such a way that the pattern strips which end at the sides where the adjacent plaits touch each other always meet in twos at right angles (see Figs. 2 and 3). In the fan-leaf style, therefore, much greater variety of pattern is possible than in the pinnate-leaf style. In the fan-leaf style the original plait unit is always a rectangle (or square) at an angle of 45° to the edge, and the stripe runs either from below upward from left to right or, vice versa, from above downward from right to left. When we come to speak of ornamentation, we shall see how, by a combination of these two styles, which differ only in the direction of the stripe, and which are most simply described as “plait Fig. 4. Tue‘ Douste- quadrangles,’ a great variety of patterns, reenter e: zigzag lines, concentric rhombs, and mean- dering patterns can be produced, and we shall also see how these patterns are, in part at least, directly due to the technique of this steps-and-stairs type of basketry. In the second style of basketwork a number of rods, leaf-stems, wisps of grass, palm-fibres, or bunches of threads are laid parallel and fastened together in such a way that a double, or even sometimes a triple, thread is run continuously or repeatedly through the whole, so that the two strands of the double thread at each turn encircle one of the rods or wisps (see Fig. 4). As the double thread is the most important feature in this style of plaiting, we may call it the ‘double-thread’ basketry. This style, which is very widely distri- buted over the world, is mainly used in making mats of all kinds, as well as hammocks, baskets, mosquito-nets, and numerous other articles of that sort. A third style of basketry is that in which two sets of strips cross each other in various directions, and are interplaited with a third set G32 oo yA THE MATERIAL ECONOMY running in a different direction, so that they are conjoined both with each other and with this last set. The best name for this is the ‘cane-chair’ style. Baskets are frequently plaited in this way, but it is mostly used to make wicker cases for other objects, such as pumpkin-skins. The fourth style of basketry is frequently used, especially in North America, in making baskets. The coils of a spiral of bast, strips of cane, or other similar material start from the centre of the basket- bottom and are joined together by a plaiting strip. This strip is coiled con- tinuously round two successive coils of the spiral. This style, which is used in all the types that Mason includes under the name of coiled work, is usually called “spiral-roll’ work, and has many points of resemblance to network. Weaving is closely akin to basketry— indeed, properly speaking, it is only another form of it. Therefore, it is first of all necessary to understand clearly the principle that distinguishes the two techniques from each other.1 The word “weaving’ should not be understood in a too narrow sense, as if its characteristic feature were the arrangement by which a simultaneous raising and lowering of the even or odd numbers of the warp Fig. 5. ees Conv nicae threads is produced by mechanical means. Such an interpretation would exclude a large number of ancient Peruvian materials which would otherwise be classified as woven tissues. They were demonstrably not manufactured by mechanical process. It is better, therefore, not to consider this as an essential feature, and to apply the name “woven tissue’ to any material produced when a number of warp threads are stretched side by side and the so-called weft thread is passed through them alternately from right to left and from left to right. The intermediate stages between weaving and basketry are not, 1 Cf. Hugo Ephraim, Uber die Entwickelung der Webetechnik und thre Ver- breitung ausserhalb Europas. 133 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND as might be supposed from a comparison of the purely external structure of pieces taken at random, to be found in the one-mesh steps-and-stairs basketry, but in certain types of the double-thread style, in which the double thread of the basketwork, like the weft thread in weaving, runs alternately from left to right and from right to left through the series of plaiting strips, which corresponds to the Warp in weaving. The details of the technique of weaving are somewhat compli- cated, and we can only refer to the chief features of the process. In the first place, a number of threads, called the ‘warp,’ are stretched parallel to each other on an apparatus called a loom. There are two varieties of loom, a vertical and a horizontal. In the simplest arrangement of the warp a thread is wound continuously round two fixed rods at some distance apart, so that a row of parallel threads is formed on the front side and another row on the rear side between the rods. The actual weaving process is as follows: By means of a shuttle, the weft thread is taken alternately from left to right and from right to left through the series of warp threads stretched on the loom. In the commonest type of woven tissue the weft thread is carried by one stroke of the shuttle so that the even numbers of the warp threads are under, and the odd numbers are over the weft, and at the next stroke the odd numbers of the warp are under and the even numbers are over the weft. It is, of course, animportant step in advance when the loom can be so constructed that all the even or all the odd warp threads can be simultaneously raised and lowered by mechanical means. The weft thread need not then be laboriously threaded with a needle through the warp threads, but can be shot through the ‘set’ thus mechanically opened. Such a ‘set’ can be produced in several ways. In one very simple method either the odd or the even warp threads have loops which are all connected to a rod, so that the whole series of odd or even threads can be raised by one motion of the hand. In another common form the even warp threads are drawn through the interstices of a wooden lattice, and the odd threads through small holes in the middle of the lattice slats ; or two lattices are used, which can be raised or lowered alternately by a treadle arrangement. It is quite obvious that, if the warp and weft threads be dyed different colours, it is possible to produce a certain amount of I 34 AWS N | ale DUEL m : $y Sy YLT Ss a MEL, LN DOTPLE: Y aa Lt il” ee y 4, \) ie (fn) ZL Le | eaerscaee: Se seek = ee = ass sla sayz Sree sf Sane ‘ \ WARP PATTERNS AND (6 AND c) WEFT PATTERNS Fig. 6. CouRSE OF THE THREADS IN (a) THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND design in the woven tissue. By itself, however, this can only produce a simple stripe pattern. More elaborate patterns can only be produced by combining this difference of colour with variations of the warp ‘sets’—that is to say, by varying the way in which the weft thread is led through the warp. It makes an essential dif- ference, whether the design is formed by the warp or the weft threads. In ordinary weaves either the warp threads are closer together and cover up the weft threads which are wider apart, or, vice versa, the weft threads are closer together than the warp threads and cover them up. In the one case only meshes of the warp threads are visible on the surface of the woven tissue; in the other case only meshes of the weft can be seen. Thus only the warp threads or only the weft threads can have anything to do with the pattern. Seeing that, as a rule, the warp threads run through the whole tissue, while each weft can be of any desired colour, there is naturally much more room for weft patterns than for warp patterns. The scenic representations done in coloured threads in the tissues woven in ancient Peru are therefore a]l weft patterns. As contrasted with basketry and weaving, the process of netting or network uses only one continuous thread. A small stick or a small rectangular slab is continuously wound round with a thread. The next row of meshes is made round a second stick or slab with a netting-needle. The first stick is then pulled out of the first row of meshes and placed in front of the second row, and the third row of meshes is netted round it. In the same way the second stick is pulled out of the second row of meshes and placed in front of the first. The width of the two sticks, or slats, of course, determines the width of the mesh of the net. Two different styles of netting are produced according as the continuous thread is knotted or simply looped round the netting stick, Considerations of space forbid any description of the various other kinds of similar work, knitting, crochet, and embroidery. The principal materials used by native races for gumming and gluing things together are the various kinds of resin and wax. The Guato Indians of South America make fish-glue from the swimming- bladder of fishes. Peoples of higher civilization, like the ancient Peruvians, used various mortars to hold together the stones of their Masonry—lime or gypsum, claymarl or asphalt mixed with small stones. Among native races, however, gluing is not much used by 136 AFRICAN MAT-WEAVING Photo W. Straschewski GREENWICH ISLANDER AT THE LOOM 136 Micronesia. From a photograph in the Ethnological Museum, Berlin PALI 226 PRINTING COTTON MATERIALS Gold Coast, West Africa Photo Misstonary Society of Basle WOMAN DOING BATIK 137 Java. [See p. 343] Photo Otto Haeckel THE MATERIAL ECONOMY itself. It is mostly combined with tying or sewing—for fastening the axe-blade to the handle or for attaching the feathers to the arrow-shaft. The force of gravitation is mainly used in housebuilding, both in the simple wooden huts of native races, where the cross-beams of the roof are supported by vertical posts, and in the stone structures of tribes of a higher civilization. Alteration by mechanical means of the external character of materials is exemplified in beating or pounding and in fulling, steeping, or soaking in liquids or in fat, and finally in heating. The making of commodities from bark, tapa, as the Polynesians call it, is found all over the world. The bark is beaten with a grooved mallet of wood or ivory until the required degree of thinness and flexibility is produced. The process of fulling is used by North American and South American Indians for curing skins. The skins are pulled to and fro across a wooden stake, until they become flexible. Soaking or steeping materials in liquids or in fat is a preliminary to other kinds of treatment. Bark is steeped before it is beaten, and skins are treated with fat or brain matter before they are fulled. , Heat is another important agent for changing the character of various materials. It is used in boat-building to make the timber or the bark more tractable, and in bow-making to give the wood of the bow the necessary curve. When metals are heated, they become more pliable, and besides they can be thus melted and poured into a mould of suitable shape. There are three different processes by which chemical powers can be utilized to change the internal qualities of raw materials—heating, fermentation, and the addition of other substances. Chemical change produced by heat plays an important part in the preparation of food-stuffs, for even the native races eat their food boiled or grilled. Roasting meat with fat, on the other hand, is very rare. The commonest method of cooking food is that of boiling it in clay vessels over a fire. Some tribes, like the Botocudo in South America, use pieces of the stems of the larger kinds of bamboo. An entirely different method of boiling water is to place hot stones in the vessel containing the water. The vessel may be of wood, leather, buffalo-horn, or water-tight basketwork. 137 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND Vegetable food or flesh is grilled either by being placed in hot ashes, on hot stones, in pits in the ground, or on rectangular or pyramidal wooden stands. Another frequent method is simply to pierce the game or fish with a spit and lay it aslant over a fire in the earth. Fermentation—that is, the natural decomposition of liquids con- taining sugar—is met with among most native races only in the form of spontaneous fermentation. Under certain conditions sac- charine liquids ferment spontaneously. But artifical fermentation, produced by introducing certain fungi, was practised by the ancient Mexicans. They added sour pelque to the agave juice which was to be fermented. Other races hasten fermentation in another way. Materials are boiled or grilled and thoroughly masticated by women (sometimes also by men), who then drop them into the mass that is to be fermented. Fermentation is, of course, largely used in the manufacture of the various kinds of intoxicating liquors, like the kashirt or tshitsha of the South Americans and the kava of the Polynesians, Very few races outside of Asiatic and European civilization know how to produce chemical changes by the addition of other materials. But the ancient Mexicans softened maize by adding quicklime before using the grain to make their principal daily food, the tortillas. And some processes of treating skins which look like the first beginnings of tanning should be mentioned here—the practice of rubbing skins with the bark of certain trees or with the urine of the buffalo. It is only very seldom that the raw material is found in the same place where the commodities manufactured from it are to be ulti- mately utilized: therefore, the process of production practically always involves manifold changes of the locality of the commodities. These changes are summed up under the designation transport of commodities. There are four principal cases in which such trans- port is necessary : I. When the place where the raw material is obtained is at a distance from the place where it is transformed. 2. When the place where the material is transformed is at a distance from the place where it is to be stored. 3. When the owner of the commodity changes his place of resi- dence. The transport occasioned by the constant change of residence on the part of nomadic tribes is often continuous, and 138 THE MATERIAL ECONOMY transport of commodities therefore plays a very important part in their economic life. 4. When the commodity passes to another owner whose place of residence is other than that of its former owner. Transport is thus a necessary concomitant of exchange or sale of commodities. The method of transport is determined (1) by the nature of the commodities concerned (liquid materials, for example, call for measures different from those required in the transport of solids) ; (2) by the nature of the locality where the operation of removal is to be carried out. This second consideration brings up the two main types of transport, vzz., transport by land and transport by water. Transport by land is carried out in three different ways: (1) by simply dragging or pushing along the ground the object to be removed; (2) by placing the goods on some base, such as a dray or sledge, to facilitate haulage; (3) by porterage either by men or by beasts of burden. Among the feats performed by the first method of land transport the removal of huge building-stones from the site of the rock whence they were quarried to the site where they were utilized, has in all ages aroused the greatest admiration. The largest stones used by » the ancient Peruvians in the building of the fortress of Sacsa- huaman near Cuzco have been estimated to weigh more than 360 tons. The chief means used to accomplish these feats of transporta- tion, both in letting the heavy stones roll down into the valley and in raising them to their appointed place in the building, was the inclined plane. A method of transport, intermediate between simple dragging along the ground and the use of a transportable base, is exemplified in the transport of tent materials among the Prairie Indians of North America. The tent poles were attached to dogs, or, at a later time, to horses by means of a belt or strap, so that one end dragged on the ground. These poles were fastened together by cross-rods, and thus served as a base for other baggage and an additional means of transport. A better method of the same type is the sledge. There are three varieties of it: the sledge of the Eskimo with two runners, that of the Laplander with one runner, and the simple toboggan of the Canadian Indians, consisting of a board curved high up in front. The cart of European and Asiatic civilization is only an improved type of this method of haulage. 139 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND Porterage of goods is done either by man himself or by beasts of burden. In the former case, apart from the carrying of light articles in the hand, or over the shoulder, or in the girdle, there are three methods of human porterage : I. By means of a strap passing across the forehead. This distributes the weight between head and back. 2. By means of a belt passing across the chest and upper- arm. Here the weight rests on the back. 3. On the head. All kinds of domesticated animals are used as beasts of burden. In the New World the principal animal thus used in Peru was the llama; the Prairie Indians used the dog, loading him with small leather bags, “parfleches.’ Similar bags were carried by human beings, and in more recent times by horses. There are two main varieties of transport by water,+ according as the waterways are mere obstacles to land transport or are them- selves means of transport. In the former case the means used are for the most part of a very primitive kind, e.g., tree-trunks, on which numerous American peoples ferry their belongings across rivers. The Prairie Indians of North America used for this purpose the ‘ bullboat,’ or coracle, a circular structure of thick willow rods covered with buffalo-hide and propelled by floats or paddles. A contrast to this is found in the ‘pelota’ of the South American Chacos. Another method was that used by the ancient Peruvians and Mexicans. The latter enclosed a number of empty fruit-cases of the calabash-tree in a framework of cane, adding a layer of twigs and grass which they made as watertight as possible. The second type of transport by water utilizes the waterways as actual means of transport, and the means employed are on the whole of a less primitive kind. In contrast to those already described, these are actual ‘vessels.’ They are of two kinds, based on entirely different principles, the raft and the boat. The raft or float is based on the principle that certain materials, with a specific weight less than that of water, float ; and, as they possess a surplus of buoyancy that varies with their volume, they can carry a certain weight of cargo or of passengers. Rafts are made of three different materials. | 1 See the comprehensive work on the vessels of America by Friederici, Die _ Schiffahrt der Indianer. 140 THE MATERIAL ECONOMY 1. The rush raft (or balsa, as it is universally called in Peru) con- sists of three bundles of rushes, flags, or reeds, so fastened together that the centre bunch is lower than the two lateral bunches and forms a sort of keel. 2. The raft of wood, composed of logs of light timber. This is the most seaworthy kind of raft. 3. The skin raft, in which a platform of poles is supported by floats of animal skins fastened together. The ancient Peruvians used the skins of the sea-lion. The second chief variety of vessel, which is a boat rather than a raft, rests on the principle that all materials float when they are hollowed out and left closed underneath. ‘Boats,’ therefore, are hollow vessels with the under-surface left entire ; and they float on water, not because of any special quality in the material of which they are made, but because of their special shape. Schurtz draws a distinction between two kinds of boat—those which consist of a solid body hollowed out, and those which are made of extended parts so joined as to form a solid body. But this principle of distinction is open to objection. In many cases, and in almost all plank boats, these two conditions coexist. The only clear, sharp basis of distinction is the nature of the materials used, and on this basis three varieties can be distinguished. 1. The boat or canoe of bark. This is either taken in one piece from a suitable tree, or several pieces of bark are sewn together, and are strengthened and held in position by a framework of poles. 2. The boat of skin. This is the Eskimo vessel. It is either a kayak or an umiak, but only the latter can be used for transport. It is much larger than the other, and can take from fifteen to twenty people along with household utensils, tents, and other belongings. 3. The boat of wood. The simplest form of it is the monoxyle, one-tree, or ‘dug-out,’ a hollowed-out tree-stem. It is used both on the sea and on inland lakes, and is found all over the world. The more developed wooden boat may be one of three varieties : (1) The double boat, used by the Polynesians and in Africa. Two boats are laid side by side and tied firmly together. (2) A simpli- fied form of the double boat, in which a simple beam connects the two, and (3) the plank boat, a monoxyle or dug-out, with its sides artificially heightened by planks. This latter arrangement is fre- quently found also in the second variety, so that both (2) and (3) are types of plank boats. | I41 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND The methods of propulsion are mainly three, punting with long poles, paddling, and the use of sails. Just as transport is rendered necessary by the distance between the place where the raw material is obtained and the place where it is consumed or used, so the difference in time between the obtaining of the material and the consumption of it necessitates a preservation of commodities. This deserves to be treated as an independent part of the process of production. It includes all the activities which aim at the preservation of goods, and the functions it per- forms are three in number—preservation, storage, and protection of commodities. By preservation is meant the artificial checking of the process of decomposition to which most vegetable and animal materials are liable as soon as life ceases and the power of the organism to main- tain itself disappears. Goods may be preserved (1) by fermentation. Alcoholic liquors made from vegetable materials can be kept in a fermented condition for a very long time. (2) By freezing. The ancient Peruvians kept the potato (chuvia) and other bulbs and tubers by freezing and drying them. (3) By grilling or toasting. This method was used to preserve meat and the larger species of fish. By repeating this process several times meat can be kept even in the tropics in an eatable condition. (4) By desiccating. This is used to preserve meat and fish. Ona larger scale this method was used by the North American buffalo-hunters. They made their “‘pemmican,’ as it was called, by cutting the buffalo-meat into narrow strips. These were dried and pounded to powder and worked up with buffalo-fat into a homogeneous mass. (5) By pickling in salt. This was chiefly used to preserve fish, and was known to the ancient Cueva in Columbia. But commodities must also be protected against external dangers, like rain, flood, sun heat, and against the damage that would be caused by the various larger and smaller animal pests. All measures used to effect this purpose are included under storage of commodities. A very inconvenient method is to carry the commodity in question about with one. But the most important place of storage is the house. As tillage and agriculture develop, this aspect of the service- ableness of the house becomes more and more important. The Guato Indians use their houses less as resting-places for the night, or as places of work, than as storage quarters for their various com- modities. This is by far the most prominent utility of the house 142 zhi HIV], NV LYySMaYISY]S OJ0Yg Poly OLNIT NaaMlad aodIaqd NOISNHdSNS V OL INHDSV ft ALW1d PLATE 28 WAGANDA BOAT ON LAKE VICTORIA East Africa Photo M. Weiss OUTRIGGER BOAT AT PRINCE FREDERICK HENRY ISLAND 143 Melanesia Photo H. Schmidt THE MATERIAL ECONOMY among such tribes, and had, no doubt, a decisive influence in deter- mining the first inception of the dwelling. In many cases the actual houses are used as places of storage; but in other cases separate store-rooms are built contiguous to the dwellings. On the main roads of traffic shelter cabins are built, containing indispen- sable stores for passing travellers. Among the Bakairi Indians on the Upper Xingu these cabins contain not only necessary fuel, but also cakes made of manioc flour for the general use of the members of the tribe. Similar arrangements, but on a greater scale, were made by the ancient Peruvians. Their shelters, tambos, as they called them, were even stored with food and other necessaries for passing armies. As the third function of protection of commodities, vzz., their defence against hostile neighbours, deals mainly with the relation of man to his human environment, we shall discuss that function in the next chapter when we come to deal with hostile intercourse between human beings. 143 GHAR Die Ratit VOLUNTARY HUMAN ACTIVITIES IN RELATION TO OTHER MEN THE SOCIAL LIMITATIONS OF THE SATISFACTION OF HUMAN WANTS ' , Y E have seen that man, alone of all living beings, is depend- ent on the indirect satisfaction of his wants—that is, on consumption goods which are the final result of the pro- duction of commodities. The question arises as to whether man, as a single individual, is able to command the necessary pre- requisites of production to an extent sufficient to ensure a con- tinuous supply of the consumption goods which he requires for his existence. Let us take these in order. The first prerequisite of production is the possession of a piece of territory sufficient to allow of the productive process. But the power of an individual man is not sufficient, apart from intercourse with his fellows, to ensure the continuous command of this prerequisite in face of hostile powers of nature, including detrimental animals and plants, and in face of the attacks of hostile fellow-men. Still more patent is the inability of the individual man to secure the second prerequisite of production, the command of the necessary working power. In the first place, among all the creatures that come near him in the scale of life, man requires the longest time to reach maturity, and, secondly, in normal cases, death does not inter- vene till long after he has attained an age when his powers of work | are increasingly restricted. But even when he is in full possession of his strength the individual man is not always in a position to utilize it for his own wants. He may be deprived of liberty so to use it by any fellow-man stronger than himself, and be forced to use his strength in his captor’s service. Nor is that all. A man’s own productive activity, his own labour, is not an entity apart from the production of his fellow-men. His work has to be learned. He does not bring with him into the world an already perfect capacity for labour in the same way as he brings with him the capacity to 144 RELATIONS TO OTHER MEN satisfy his wants directly from nature; nor can he acquire such capacity from his own experience alone. The case is similar with regard to the third prerequisite of pro- duction—command of the necessary production commodities. The individual is not independent, and cannot be, of intercourse with his fellow-men. In the first place, the initial productive activity of any individual! always presupposes the existence of productive commodities, and these must, of course, have been produced by others. And, secondly, in this respect as in the other two, the individual is ever liable to be deprived of the use of his commodities at any time by one who is stronger than himself. Seeing, then, that the prerequisites for the production of com- modities are secured to the individual only on condition that he lives in intercourse with his fellow-men, whereas the production of commodities is unconditionally essential for the satisfaction of his wants, and therefore absolutely essential for human life itself, it follows that, by reason of his physical nature alone, man, as an agent in the economic process is conceivable only as a member of some form of social community. This inability of the human individual to exist except as a member of a community proves the inaccuracy of the comparison often drawn between primitive man and the gregarious animals. On the one hand, the conception ‘herd,’ or ‘flock,’ does not imply the social union of the separate animals composing it; and, on the other hand, the social limitations of human existence by no means imply that men must always live together after the manner of gregarious animals. Seeing that the human individual, as such, is incapable of sus- taining life, we cannot look upon him as the given, natural starting- point of organized human intercourse. This was the view held by the philosophers of the eighteenth and of the beginning of the nineteenth centuries. No one enunciated it more clearly than Rousseau in his Contrat social. Separate individuals, as such, can never establish a social community, because, if they are to continue to sustain life, they cannot abandon their original economic com- munity before the new one has been established. The foundation of a new community can only be achieved by the individual as member of a community and using the resources of that community —in other words, by that community itself. Just as little as we can make the individual the starting-point of K 145 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND organized human society can we start from the conception of a ‘people ’—that is, a population-unit forming together a state—as a fixed entity. A ‘state’ is only one special form of human organiza- tion, although it is, at least at the present day, a widespread form of it. The only given entity from which we must start is mankind as a whole, and, further, mankind in Ratzel’s hologeic, 1.e., world- wide, meaning. Our question is, How is this world-wide humanity organized socially and economically—that is, into what kinds of social communities is it divided, and how are these related to each other? In order to get a solid basis for our study of world-wide humanity, we are bound to include the whole of the earth so far as it is inhabited by man. This inhabited world is usually called the cecumene, a name derived from Greek antiquity. As ethnology, according to our definition of it, is only concerned with that portion of mankind that is outside the zone of Asiatic and European civilization, we must, of course, take our cecumene at a stage when it was untouched by Asiatic and European civilization. Therefore, following Ratzel, we must distinguish between the present cecumene and one with narrower frontiers. Our cecumene will include all the regions which were inhabited before European civilization began to spread over the whole earth. This restricted cecumene, which we may call the ethnological cecumene, apart from a very few exceptions on the extreme north coasts of Asia and North America, included all the contiguous land masses of the five continents, and even at the time of the discoveries, it was only in the islands that inhabitable, but uninhabited, lands werefound. These areimportant facts. In the Atlantic Ocean, all down the coast of Africa, only the Canary Islands were inhabited. As this ratio of the ethnological cecumene to mankind (all the mainlands being inhabited, and any possibility of extension or restriction of the cecumene being confined to the islands) has remained unchanged as far back as we can go, all move- ments of peoples can only be considered migrations or mutual shiftings within a humanity that was more or less complete in itself. Ethnology cannot admit that it was possible for population-units, complete in themselves, to migrate to regions on the mainlands that had previously been uninhabited though habitable; nor can it accept such a possibility as a solution of the problem of the origin of the aborigines of America. If, therefore, we have to choose the cecumene—that is, that 146 SIGNAL AND DANCE DRUM OF TUKANO INDIANS Rio Tiquié. [See p. 154] Photo Koch- Grinberg SIGNAL DRUM OF THE BANSSA 140 Cameroons, West Africa. Original in the Ethnological Museum, Berlin. [Sez p. 154] [SS1 gd gag] “UlfIeg “UInesny [eorsojouy}y oy} Ul TeUIsIIQ = ‘eoLIoUTY YION 5 LVI a@dIH-OTvVaing NO SNVIGNJ XNOIS dO ONILINAA TVINOLOIG allied of ALV Id RELATIONS TOCO THER MEN portion of the earth’s surface inhabited by mankind as a whole—as the starting-point of our investigations into the social economy of mankind, our position is strengthened when we take along with it the conception of the number or density of population. The doctrine of Malthus that population tends to increase along with an increase of the means of subsistence, and, vice versa, that increase of population is necessarily held in check by the means of subsist- ence, rests on a purely deductive basis. But, apart from that, ethnology cannot admit that the doctrine is universally valid. To affirm that, with the exception of a few islands, all the habitable parts of the cecumene are inhabited, does not mean that all these regions are fully populated. But that is what Malthus’ law of population assumes. Among native races the opposite is much more frequently the case. The population is insufficient, and, as under-population can affect the satisfaction of wants as adversely as over-population, there can be little doubt that in many parts of the world each individual’s share of pleasurable commodities would be greater than it actually is if the population were denser. Two economically important facts have a bearing on this point. The first is that native races almost always endeavour to supplement | their own numbers from another tribe, either by peaceful means, such as marriage, or by violent means, such as the capture of women and children. The second fact is that all attempts ab extra to lessen their density of population is felt as an injury, and is opposed by every possible means. There is a close connexion between this fact and the widespread custom of blood-vengeance. Any loss which one community has suffered by the slaying of one of its members is balanced by making the community to which the slayer belongs suffer an equivalent loss of man-power. In connexion with the question of how the human individual feels the effects of his social limitations, it is important to remember that the individual cannot freely choose beforehand the place he is to occupy in the total organization of humanity. His birth and the course of his development determine to some extent what his position is to be, and this position largely determines who are to be his friends and who are to be his enemies, as well as what share he is to have of commodities and of the labour necessary for supplying the needs of mankind. 1 See Max Schmidt, Grundriss, vol. i, p. 38. 147 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND THE ORGANIZATION OF ECONOMIC INTERCOURSE In its ordinary meaning the term ‘economy’ denotes all those — arrangements and transactions whose purpose is to provide man with the commodities that are necessary to supply his essential needs. So far as this provision involves social means, means which result from the reciprocal relations of men, we have the social economy as distinguished from the material economy. The subject-matter of ‘ethnological political economy,’ which deals with the social economy of mankind outside the civilization of Asia and Europe, is most conveniently divided into three parts: (1) the organization of human intercourse ; (2) the social economic process; and (3) developments within the social economy. By ‘economic intercourse’ is meant the consociation of a number of human individuals, or communities, with a view to the joint division of the labour necessary for the supply of commodities, and the distribution of these commodities themselves. Put briefly, therefore, economic intercourse means the division of labour and the distribution of commodities. Intercourse between human individuals or communities may, of course, be sought and cultivated from various motives. There is the intercourse between man and woman, based on the sexual impulse ; the intercourse which has for its object the exchange of intellectual ideas or joint amusement. But economists usually employ the word ‘intercourse’ in the economic sense, that is, meaning economic intercourse. The real nature of economic intercourse will be best understood if we take a conjunct view of human intercourse and see how the various forms of it are related or opposed to each other. First of all, economic intercourse may be confined within narrower or wider limits. While on the one hand, relations of economic intercourse, like those that have their starting-point in modern European civilization, can be traced over large parts of the cecu- mene, there are also examples of such relations which persist within strikingly narrow limits. This isolation can be found even in the case of peoples at a comparatively high stage of civilization like the ancient Peruvians. Their country, thanks to its natural situation, was able to supply all the raw materials that were needed to satisfy the wants of its inhabitants. In most cases, however, it is small communities living at a primitive stage who obstinately 148 RELATIONS TO OTHER MEN seek to ward off all infiltration of those waves of intercourse that tend to pour over the cecumene. In the second place, relations of intercourse may last for longer or shorter periods of time. In some instances, both in communi- ties based on blood kinship and in communities where the tie is territorial contiguity, the duration of intercourse varies greatly. Economic consociation based on blood—z.e., the ‘family’ in the narrower sense—is in some cases restricted to the years necessary to rear the children to economic independence. Economic con- sociation between men and women based on marriage, even among native races, continues, at least in many cases, till the death of one of the spouses. Sometimes, however, as among the Bakairi on the Upper Xingu, it may be interrupted from time to time. A man may have a wife in various places, and, according to his pleasure, share the economic life now of one of them and now of another. In other cases, again, economic consociation based on consanguinity may cover several generations, in the form of the ‘family,’ in the larger sense, or of the sib, and may in this way, through the constant enrolment of new generations, develop into an economic consocia- tion of indefinite duration. Although, on the whole, economic consociation based on terri- torial contiguity lasts longest, it frequently happens that house communities combine temporarily into village communities, and these again link themselves into a kind of state organization on a larger or smaller scale. Frequently, population-units, who usually live together in house or village communities, find it necessary at certain seasons to scatter as families to their separate plantations, in order to tillthese. Where a nomad population, living in spacious regions, depend chiefly on what they can find by hunting or by the economy of gathering, they frequently combine into larger or smaller economic communities, which are merely temporary and due to the immediate economic situation, A typical example of this is found among the Tehuelche in the south of South America. They form temporary economic communities of this kind; they include population-units which at other times live in bitter feud, and which, when the larger association has been dissolved, resume their former hostile relations. Thirdly, we must distinguish between direct intercourse, in which there is personal intercourse between the members of the economies concerned, and indirect intercourse, in which each of two economies 149 THE PRIMIEFIVE RACES-@ baNviAN REND enters independently into economic relations with a third, which undertakes the réle of middleman in the mutual exchange of wares. This distinction is specially important in connexion with the question as to how civilization spreads. Through long-continued indirect intercourse of this kind, various elements of civilization have spread over large parts of the world, so that peoples living far apart, and knowing nothing of each others’ existence, have indirect economic intercourse with each other. | Fourthly, economic intercourse may be of two essentially dif- ferent kinds. It may either take place between individuals or betweencommunities. Among the various grades of economic con- sociation, of which the economic organization of mankind in general is built up, only the lowest in the series is composed of individuals as such. Fifthly, the nature of any given kind of intercourse largely depends on whether the population-elements by whom the relations are sustained are homogeneous or otherwise. The family, which is founded on the difference between the two sexes, has an entirely different character from that of associations of men or associations of women, which are based on sameness of sex; and the sib- association, comprising members of all ages, is entirely different from those associations whose membership is restricted to old men. Similarly, in the case of associations founded on territorial conti- guity, it is sometimes the heterogeneous elements, the strong and the weak, the rich and the poor, the more intelligent and the less intelligent, and sometimes the homogeneous elements that find reasons to combine for economic purposes. Sixthly, one of the most important distinctions is that between peaceful and hostile intercourse. It is on this distinction that the principal differences between the forms of economic association are based. The dualism that arises from the fact that individuals or communities are, on the one hand, dependent on mutual support, and may, on the other hand, meet as dangerous rivals, finds expres- sion in the two contrasted forms of intercourse between men, v7z., communal economy, based on community of interest, and hostile intercourse, based on rivalry of interest, in which men meet as dan- gerous rivals and fight, not only for the things provided by nature, but for commodities and for the free disposal of their powers of labour. It is only gradually that an equipoise is reached. It is brought about mainly by the so-called principle of economic inter- 150 RELATIONS TO OTHER MEN course, which finds clearer and clearer expression as human develop- ment proceeds. Like the principle of communal economy, this principle of economic intercourse not only operates by peaceful means, but also affords the widest scope for free rivalry between men within limits fixed by law. Means of intercourse, in the economic sense, are the expedi- ents used to bring about economic intercourse, that is, to secure division of labour and distribution of commodities among groups of human beings. The two principal kinds of intercourse, peaceful and hostile, have, of course, each their own special ex- pedients. Peaceful intercourse has its various means for securing mutual understanding, its ways of indicating place and computing time, its numbers, weights and measures, its methods of fixing values ; hostile intercourse has its weapons, using that word in the most comprehensive sense. Common to both are the means of communication. The term ‘means of communication’ + denotes all the technical expedients used to overcome the obstacles to intercourse that are caused by distance. The means for his own locomotion with which nature supplies man are usually called natural means of communi- cation. The purpose of the means of communication is to facilitate the transport of persons and wares, to enable them to be moved with the least possible expenditure of labour over the greatest possible distance in the shortest possible time. According to the manner in which this is accomplished, these are of two kinds: those which aim at the removal of the hindrances which the earth’s surface offers to locomotion, and those special measures for in- creasing man’s capacity for locomotion or for the better transport of commodities. Among the means of communication of the first kind are roads, both land roads and waterways. ‘These are not only important as means of communication furthering human intercourse ; they are also themselves the result of that intercourse. They are created through the habitual use by man of the same lines of direction. Following the economic principle, man endeavours to connect two places separated by distance along the path of least resistance, and therefore a road has two essential functions—(I) it indicates by special marks the path that has been thus discovered, and (2) it 1 See Mason, Primitive Travel and Tvansportation (Annual Reports to the Smithsonian Institute, 1896) ; also Friederici, Die Schiffahrt der Indianer. Ifi THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND facilitates as much as possible movement along that road. Even native races frequently find obstacles in their way that require special measures for their removal, so that the beginnings of road- making, in the cases both of land roads and of waterways, can be traced far back. They include fascine roads through marshy ground, bridges for the crossing of watercourses, such bridges being very im- portant for the most primitive races who have no knowledge of boats. The two main types of bridges among primitive races are (1) solid bridges, the simplest form being a felled tree placed so as to form a connexion between the two banks of the watercourse, and (2) the ‘suspension’ bridge, which attained considerable develop- ment in ancient Peru. Waterways, although it was not till the development of civilization had brought about the invention of special agencies that they ceased to be troublesome obstacles to intercourse and became important paths of intercourse, are for native races natural ways of communication ; but even these races had at an early time to take special measures to render them more passable. They removed the vegetation that obstructed the channel, the fallen trees that blocked the river, and even made artificial waterways in the form of canals. Another aid to intercourse is found in the places of halt and rest. Their origin is to be sought in the frequently repeated halts at con- venient places. These places were rendered more suitable for their purpose by the erection of shelter huts, in which passing travellers can find not only shelter and fuel, but also a supply of the most necessary food. The second kind of means of communication consists of special arrangements for increasing man’s own capacity for locomotion. Many of these, like sledges, carts, and boats, have already been dealt with in the chapter on material economy and the transport of commodities. This second kind includes also those which are attached to the human foot in order to increase man’s power of locomotion. (1) Shoes or sandals, if these can be considered more than mere articles of clothing. (2) Snowshoes, the use of which is, of course, confined to certain climates. There are two kinds of snow- shoe. One is restricted to the Old World, and is used for gliding over snow surfaces ; the other, found chiefly in America, although it is also used in the Old World, serves to prevent the wearer from sinking in deep snow. It is a wooden hoop, circular or pear-shaped, the space inside the circumference being filled with plaited strips of 152 RELATIONS TO OTHER MEN hide. (3) The ice-shoe, or skate, intended to prevent slipping on smooth ice. The great development of means to enable men to understand each other is in keeping with the growth of economic interdepend- ence. These are of two kinds, of which one appeals to the sense of hearing, the other to the sense of sight. The most important means of the former kind are those which make use of human sounds, above all, human speech. Human speech, like roads of communication, is the result of the intercourse of man with man, and as soon as it came into existence it became one of the most important means of intercourse. Seeing that human intercourse is not at all confined to those between whom there is a relationship by blood or race, neither of these relationships can be inferred from community of speech. The only inference that can be drawn from linguistic affinities between peoples is that there are, or have at some time been, direct or indirect relations between them. The constant change to which all forms of speech are liable only concerns us here so far as it is due to continuous social changes. The evolution of languages, in the sense of phonetic change due to linguistic usage, belongs to the sphere of philology. What we have to consider here is, in the first place, those cases where population- units adopt another language than that which they have hitherto spoken. Some of these are merely changes of related dialects; others concern languages which belong to entirely different groups. Inone case in South America a native tribe, the Kaua, changed its language twice within a brief period. Of course, when a tribe thus ceases to use its own language and adopts that of another tribe changes in the language itself are involved, and there can be no doubt that the multiplicity of dialects found in some linguistic groups, the Arawak languages of South America, for example, is largely due to one and the same language having been adopted by several tribes that originally spoke different languages. Much depends, therefore, on whether it is an Indian tribe speaking a Tupi dialect or one speak- ing a Ges dialect that adopts the Arawak language. In both cases there will be extensive dialectical differences. Again, the development of languages is also powerfully affected by the bilingualism or multi-lingualism which is economically impor- tant in those regions where disintegration of languages goes on, and where, indeed, close intercourse between different communities is 153 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND only rendered possible by such disintegration. It is also this multi- lingualism that explains the rise of argots or lingos within one and the same economic community, e.g., argots used by women, by | special classes, or by secret societies. The same is true of the rise and development of universal languages among tribes which have each a language of its own. We have examples of this in some Tupi dialects, like the Guarani in Paraguay, or the Lingoa geral on the Amazons, or the Malay language in the Indian Archipelago. But there are other means of achieving mutual understanding, based on the sense of hearing, beside language. There is the utter- ance of notes or noises for signalling purposes. These may be merely human sounds, or they may be notes produced by means of special instruments, such as whistles, horns, or drums. Important in- struments of this kind are large drums, made of hollowed-out wooden cylinders, perforated with two holes. The signals made by the negroes of West Africa with these instruments have led to the formation of an actual ‘ drum language,’ in which words are indi- cated by various combinations of a lower and a higher note. Such combinations can also be imitated with the mouth.? The means for achieving mutual understanding based on the sense of sight are of two kinds—(1) the language of signs and ges- tures, and (2) objectifying an idea by means of some natural material. The supreme form of the latter is writing. Of other ways of thus indicating one’s meaning, fire-signalling perhaps comes nearest to the language of signs and gestures. Ideas can be objectified in many ways. The distinctive outward signs may either be actual pictures of the objects indicated, or, like notched sticks or knotted strings, they may be something which is only indirectly associated with the objects. The chief methods are the following : 1. Place marks, These are used to call attention to something, or to convey information, and they may be of the simplest kind, such as a green twig bent or doubled to indicate a route, and so on. 2. Marks of ownership affixed to articles. Among tribes who raise cattle the commonest form is to mark the cattle with incisions or brands in proof of ownership. 3. Badges or marks, indicating the social position of a person. 1 See Dr R. Lasch, Uber Sondersprachen und ihre Entstehung (Vienna, 1897); Max Schmidt, Die Aruaken; R. Betz, Die Trommelsprache der Duala (Berlin, 1898). 154 KEEA TIONS: EO°(OLHER* MEN These consist of special ways of painting the body, tattooing, wearing special dress, or wearing trophies. 4. Notched sticks, very common among primitive tribes, and some- times used for counting. 5. Knotted strings, used in many regions. In ancient Peru they were called quipu, and were apparently chiefly used for statistical purposes. Writing, which has attained its highest perfection among the civilised peoples of Asia and Europe, is found among primitive races only in the form of pictorial writing. In the wider sense, pictorial writing denotes any form of communication by means of pictorial representation. Such representation may be of almost any kind and be done with almost any material. It may be made by paint- ing or engraving. It may be done on almost any materiai, but preferably on some smooth surface. The Australians use smooth plaques of wood; the South American Indians use the inside of buffalo-hides or pieces of bark. Drawings on sand, in the form of sketch-maps, were discovered by Karl von den Steinen, and rock- drawings, both in caves and on open rocks or boulders, have been found. Andrée and, at a later time, Koch-Griinberg and Danzel, have expressed the opinion that the numerous rock-drawings made by the primitive peoples of South America are merely the sportive expressions of a naive artistic sense, and that they rarely or never have any deeper meaning. This opinion cannot be maintained. There can be no doubt that they were meant to convey definite ideas to others, and are therefore genuine examples of pictorial writing in the wider sense of that term. If, however, we use the term pictorial writing in the narrower sense, and mean by it the rendering of definite sounds in a pictorial Way, 2.e., using the pictures, without reference to their original meaning, to indicate a definite sound, that is a form of communi- cation unknown among primitive peoples. It should be added, however, that the period of the discoveries found the ancient Mexicans and the Maya tribes at an interesting stage of transition toward a pictorial writing of that kind. The combination of means of communication and means of mutual understanding provides all that is needed for the develop- ment of a news service, and this means much in the economic life even of native races. In the larger negro empires the chieftains have their messengers. In ancient Mexico, and in Peru at the time 155 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND of the Inca dominion, there was a well-organized intelligence service. Runners, called charquis, specially trained for the work and re- lieving each other at comparatively short distances, are said to have - carried intelligence throughout the wide Inca empire at a speed of 180 English miles per day. Every act of economic intercourse is definitely related to place and time. The very conception of a market implies the existence of a fixed place and time for the exchange of commodities. Even in the economic life of native races some such indications of place and time are necessary, although they are given in other ways than by the numerical computations familiar to us. We have already seen how native races indicate the position of a place. Language itself provides a suitable means of conveying such indications ; the places in question can be called by special names. Among native races almost every rapid, every projecting rock, every habitation, every plantation has its own name. Indeed, it is the separate parts of a locality that receive names first, and there is often no name for larger islands and greater rivers as wholes. Other methods of indicating places, without the use of numbers or measurements, are the place marks of which we have already spoken and naming the path or road that leads to a place. There is no need, therefore, as yet to indicate the exact situation of a place by direction and distance. This is the meaning of the sketch-maps, drawn or scratched on a flat surface of wood or bark or sand. The peculiar sea-charts, made of latticed cane, used by the Marshall Islanders, do not profess to give the situation and distance of the various islands, but only to indicate the course of the sea-currents which mean so much for the islanders when sailing. In the same way the indications of time, which also appear far back in the economic life of primitive races, do not, at first, involve actual time-measurements, although, of course, the day, as a natural time-unit, seems to have been so used at a very primitive stage. When an Indian is asked how much time a certain journey will take, and replies by describing with his hand an arc corresponding to a day’s course of the sun in the sky, and then makes the gesture of sleep, repeating these gestures as many times as days are required for the journey, we must not straightway infer that he means to indicate the number of days. It is far more in keeping with the Indian’s concrete way of thinking that he should connect with his gestures actual representations of the course of the journey and be 156 RELATIONS TO OTHER MEN seeking to express these. The fact that the majority of primitive men are unable to tell their age proves that they cannot compute time. For the most part they employ natural phenomena, or events of other kinds, to indicate points of time. The successive seasons, marked off from each other by differences of climate and vegetation, supplied a starting-point for indicating times, and, by and by, for computing time and dividing it. All natural pheno- mena—the arrival of the rainy season, the song-time of the birds, the budding of the trees, the changes in the firmament—were used for fixing the seasons, with the result that the number of the seasons is not always the same among different races. Before men could divide time arithmetically, or connect the course of the moon with the path of the sun, or conceive of the months as parts of the year, and of the days as parts of the month, a higher knowledge of numbers and a better acquaintance with their use were necessary, especially as the lunar year does not correspond exactly with the solar year. The construction of a calendar presupposes a fairly high degree of civilization, and when we find it among races low in the scale we must conclude that it has been adopted from peoples at a higher stage. Although arithmetic plays a very small part in the material side of the collective life of primitive peoples, even their intercourse requires some method of reaching a mutual understanding regarding actual numbers of persons and things. To this extent, therefore, the ability to count must be looked upon as a universal possession of mankind, although in many cases it is very low. It is a mistake to infer from a people’s vocabulary of numbers the degree of their skill in figures. In connexion with counting, native races make far more use of signs and gestures than of articulate speech, and make great use of their fingers and toes. The Bakairi Indians on the Upper Xingu employ their fingers even when dealing with small numbers. In addition to this gesture language, these Indians actually use only two articulate numeral words, tokali (one) and ahdge (two). The number 3 is then 2 + I, ahdge tokali, although the word ahewao is also used for three. Four is 2 + 2, ahdge ahdge ; 5is2+2-+1 ahdge ahdge tokali ; and 6 is 2 + 2 + 2, ahdge ahdge ahdge. There are no numerals beyond 6, and calculation is con- tinued by using the other fingers and thereafter the toes. That this method of counting on fingers and toes must have been the usual method among primitive peoples is proved by the wide distribution 157 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND of the quinary system, and the special importance of the numbers 5, 10, 20 as units to form smaller groups of days or weeks, and the division of the year into months. It is also significant that the words for § and 10 are frequently identical with the words for hand and foot. Among other means of counting may be mentioned the counting-sticks of the North-west American Indians, and the notched tallies and knotted strings already mentioned (p. 155). The practical use of units of weight and measurement presupposes a somewhat advanced degree of arithmetical knowledge, and is, therefore, not found till a comparatively late stage. Units of measurement are found in various values—the pace, arm-length, spear-length, the span, the finger-length; for smaller measures the nail-length, and, for measure of capacity, a handful. Of larger units of measurement we may name here the bucha of some Amur tribes, meaning the distance at which the horns of an ox cannot be separately distinguished. Solid weights seem to have been first used in connexion with the weighing of the precious metals, after these had come to be used as money. Considerations of space forbid a detailed description of the various forms of scale used, but mention may be made of the gold balance used by the Ashanti negroes with its metal weights in the shape of figures, the very dainty small balances used in ancient Peru, and the so-called Roman balance found in many regions. The character of money ! is acquired by all the commodities used as mediums of exchange in connexion with the transport of com- modities and also, at the same time, as measures of value. Money, in the strict sense, only comes to be used when exchange trade has been organized and private business develops, and therefore we postpone discussion of its origin and its real nature till a later chapter. We are concerned here only with the various kinds of goods which gradually come to be used by various peoples as universal measures of value and media of exchange. Schurtz divides money into two kinds—the money used in home transac- tions and that used in dealing with other peoples. This classifi- cation is irrelevant, because, in the first place, the narrower and wider economic communities are so intermingled among primitive peoples that it is impossible to draw a sharp distinction between ‘home’ 1 See Schurtz, Grundriss einer Entstehungsgeschichte des Geldes (Weimar, 1898). Thilenius, ‘‘ Primitives Geld,” in Archiv fiir Anthropologie, vol. xviii. 158 PLATE 31 DUELLING AMONG THE BoOTOCUDO, ON THE R10 GRANDE DE BELLMONTE il , vol 1éen il oO a ed in Bra By en von VV Od reise des Prin From PLATE 32 fi ; | ; ee ‘3 4 @ i REPRESENTATION OF BRAVES WITH PRISONERS ON AN ANCIENT PERUVIAN CLAY BOWL 159 Chimbote. Original in the Ethnological Museum, Berlin RELATIONS -TO OTHER MEN and ‘foreign’ money; and, secondly, many peoples use the very same commodities in the very same way for both purposes. Of the numerous kinds of money, differing in the material of which they are made, we mention first the many kinds of shells. These are sometimes used in their natural form, like the ‘ cowries’ which were originally exported from the Maldive Islands, and some- times in the form of polished beads. European beads of coloured glass have long been adopted as money by many native races. The ancient Venetian glass beads, the “Agri beads,’ found their way in great numbers to Africa. Metal money is also used by many peoples outside of Asiatic and European civilization. Copper money, in the form of small knives, was in circulation in ancient Mexico. Cattle area common form of money among nomad peoples, and other commodities, such as salt, slaves, hides, cotton-stuffs, cocoa-beans, are also employed as media of exchange and as measures of value. It has already been pointed out that all means of communication serve alike the purposes of peaceful and hostile intercourse. Special importance attaches both to the horse, which is useful for war as well as for peace, and to boats, which are used by seafaring peoples as means of fighting when enemies are met at sea. Specific means of hostile intercourse are of two kinds—(1) movable, z.e., weapons in the widest sense, and (2) immovable, such as fortification works. Despite the essential difference of purpose between weapons of warfare and the tools used in the production of commodities, there is frequently great similarity between the two. The only explanation of this is that the commodities which were originally used only as means of production were also used as weapons when they were suitable for that purpose. According to the purpose they are meant to serve, weapons are divided into two classes: weapons of attack and weapons of defence ; but there are also weapons which are intermediate between the two. Weapons of attack, again, are divided into distance weapons, or missiles, and hand-to-hand weapons; and the former may be either simple weapons, 7.e., hurled by the hand or arm, or compound weapons, hurled by the aid of some contrivance. The principal missile weapons are : The throwing-club, usually a short, round stick, thickened at one end into a knob or cup-shape. The throwing-stick. The best-known form of this is the Australian ee THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND boomerang, shaped so as to return toward the thrower, if it misses its mark, or to rebound with accelerated speed when it hits the ground. The throwing-knife or tron. This is an improved throwing-stick made of a different material, and is often grotesquely shaped. The javelin. This is either a simple weapon, 7.e., thrown from the hand, or a compound weapon, 2.e., discharged with the aid of some contrivance, having a small loop attached to it, or a specially shaped stick like the “spear-thrower.’ This has already been described among the hunting implements (p. 119). Bow and arrow—probably the weapon most widely distributed among native races. The sling, which hurls a stone or stone bullet. The bola. The difference between this and the simple sling is that the stone bullets, from one to three in number, are attached to the thong or string. The principal hand-to-hand weapons are these : The club. It is asimple wooden weapon, either flat or round. It often strongly resembles other wooden tools. The flat variety is sometimes like a paddle or a digging stick or a spear-thrower ; the round type resembles a pestle or a bast-beater. To increase its striking power, the head is sometimes loaded with a stone ring, of “morning-star,’ shape, or a stone is wedged into it; or, again, its edge is studded with shark teeth (in Oceania), or with splinters of obsidian (in ancient Mexico). The axe. The best-known form of this is the North American tomahawk. The sword. ‘This is the result of a gradual transition from the club, especially the edged club. It is only found, of course, among peoples familiar with the working of metals. Thrusting weapons, 1.e., the lance and the dagger. The gora of the Melanesians has a special strap arrangement, under which the hand is inserted to give a more secure hold. The principal weapons of defence are the shield, coat of mail, and helmet. As the function of defensive armour is to ward off the blows of offensive weapons, its form and character vary with the nature of the latter. But, as hostile encounters frequently take place between races who use different kinds of weapons, this corre- spondence between defensive and offensive weapons does not result from the kinds of weapons used within one tribe, but is 160 , TAMBERMA CASTLE Togoland, Western Sudan Photo Preil Be tee er eee RoOoF OF TAMBERMA CASTLE 160 Photo Priel PLATE 34 CAVE-DWELLINGS IN COLORADO From a photograph in the Ethnological Museum, Berlin ZUNI INDIAN SETTLEMENT I6I North America, From a photograph in the Ethnological Museum, Berlin RELATIONS TO OTHER MEN usually determined by the type of offensive weapons used by hostile tribes. | Mention should also be made here of the use of domesticated animals for fighting purposes. The Hottentots used to have specially trained animals, which they let loose at the proper moment on theenemy. We have already mentioned the use of the horse as a charger. In addition to these means of defence against hostile attack, there are the fortification works. These are intended either to defend the actual dwelling-place, or to be places of refuge in case of hostile attack. The latter include the various kinds of tree fortresses. A dwelling-place may already be fortified by its natural position. The well-known cliff dwellings in the deep cafions of New Mexico and Arizona, and the settlements built on the dome-shaped peaks of almost inaccessible hills in various parts of Africa, are examples of this kind of natural defence. But fortification may also be due to the method of constructing the dwelling-place. This is the case with the dwellings of the Pueblo Indians. These are combined into one large group of buildings, with outside walls several stories in height falling away precipitously, and scalable only with the aid of ladders. Similar to these are the tembe in Africa. In heir simplest form these are simple quadrilaterals. Again, fortification may consist of a protective rampart and moat surrounding the settle- ment, with palisade fences, or, where the civilization is higher, with stone walls. Gigantic works of this kind were built by the ancient Peruvians for defensive purposes. Two of the most outstanding are the fortress of Sacsahuaman, near Cuzco, and the even more magnificent fortress of Ollantay-tambo. In the section on economic intercourse we have already men- tioned the three principles of organization, on whose interconnexion human intercourse is based—the communal economy, the hostile economy, and the trade economy. The communal economy is based on the tendency of a given population-unit to live peacefully together, avoiding any hostile disturbance of the economic process. Being based on a community of interests, this type is in direct contrast to hostile intercourse, involving the use of means of violence. Indeed, the contrast is so complete that where the one ends the other begins, and vice versa. Between these two comes the third form of intercourse, the trading L 161 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND economy. It is intermediate in character, bridging the contrasts between the other two. Like hostile intercourse, it is based on mutual rivalry of individuals or communities, but it also shares the peaceful character of consociation, because it is based on principles that are valid for the whole community, and, operating by legal means, carries on rival intercourse without having recourse to acts of violence. Peaceful economic life, such as that now described, is only possible in a community when the intercourse of its members has been brought under some kind of regulation. Elsewhere I have endea- voured to show that all the rules actually underlying human inter- course are legal rules, which, when taken together, constitute the conception of law in the economic sense, as distinguished from law in the sense of jurisprudence, which works in a wider field. The rules that govern the life of a community are, therefore, legal maxims, and the economic community is at the same time a legal community. How such rules arise, and how they are maintained, are questions that are irrelevant for the conception of law and of communal life based on law. Within a community law has two functions to fulfil, (1) to frame rules for the regulation of the peace- ful life of its own members, and (2) to lay down rules for the regu- lation of economic intercourse between its own members and those of other communities, and, at a higher stage of civilization, for the similar regulation of the rival interests of its own members. In the former case we have what is called public law, 7us publicum ; in the latter, we have civil law, jus privatum. The ultimate aim of public law, from the economic point of view, is to secure a distribution of control over labour and commodities that shall be independent of the will of the parties concerned. Of course, at higher stages of civilization, it also seeks to regulate by law the means necessary to guarantee this distribution, and involves what is called procedure and criminal jurisprudence. In considering the manner in which control over labour is dis- tributed in communal life, we must begin with the fact that the individual is not, as a matter of course, entitled to the right of control over his own labour. In communal life there is always someone who, in virtue of his acknowledged position of authority in the community, has the right of control over the labour of his subordinates. For example, the head of a family controls the labour of the members of the family. This person, in turn, may be 162 RECA LIONS TO; OLHER: MEN subordinate to the head of another consociation superior to his own, and he, again, may be subordinate to a still higher authority. The head of a family is subordinate to the head of the ‘house,’ and he to the head of the village, and he, again, to the supreme head. Even in cases where in ordinary circumstances the control of labour is determined by the principle of economic intercourse, this aggre- gate form of organization of labour is frequently still maintained in the conjoint use of armed forces, as being a natural organization of the conjunct fighting power. In considering the distribution of control over commodities we have to distinguish between pleasurable commodities and produc- tive commodities. With regard to the former, it may be laid down as the prevalent principle among native races living for the most part in communal life that the person who has control over the labour of others is also responsible for seeing that these others are supplied with the pleasurable commodities required for their sup- port. But, on the other hand, every person in such a community who draws his sustenance from the commodities of the community must bear his shareinits labours. Thus, the distribution of control over pleasurable commodities corresponds on the whole with the distribution of control over labour, and the hierarchy of control is accompanied by a hierarchy of responsibility. Coming to the distribution of control over productive com- modities, we have to draw a distinction between cases where it is a question of land and those in which movable productive goods, like implements or raw materials, are concerned. In the former case, distribution is so regulated that each family receives from consti- tuted authority the land that it has to till. In the case of movable goods, the constituted authority has to supply his people with these, so far as they are unable to supply themselves. But it should be noticed that the distribution of goods for use is, even at a primitive stage and far back in time, carried out on the principle of economic intercourse or trade. The ultimate aim of legal enactments regulating economic trade relations is, in like manner, the distribution of control over labour and commodities. But, in contrast to the distribution in communal life, this distribution is voluntary on the part of those concerned, and is not regulated by any communal authority. The assumption underlying all such voluntary economic relations—all trading—is that a given member of the legal community controls, by virtue of 163 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND his recognized authority, some amount or kind of goods or labour. This assumption holds good, of course, for the community as such, so that it is at liberty to enter into trade relations, through its head or representative, with other similar communities. But trade relations within the community are not on the same footing as trade relations with outsiders. For trading within the community, special regulations—1z.e., legal enactments—are necessary, and in obedience to these the supreme communal authority waives its right of control over some part of its commodities—and, at a higher stage, over some part of its labour—and hands it over to subordinate members or subordinate consociations. In so doing it creates the conception of property. Property, therefore, is purely a creation of civil law, and cannot be carried over, as is.often done, into com- munal life. Property, as such, is created when a community lays down certain principles, allowing to certain individuals unfettered control over some amount and kind of commodities, and, at a later stage, of labour. The right of property is, therefore, guaranteed by an authority derived from the community, whereas possession only means the tenancy of a commodity recognized and guaranteed by communal authority. What persons shall be allowed to have control over commodities, and which commodities shall be free for traffic or trade, 7.¢., shall be res in commercio, are matters that have to be decided by communal trade regulations. Among most native races who have attained this stage of economic intercourse, part of the population is excluded from this privilege, because it isnot free: they areslaves. Similarly, among native races, the range of commodities which are left free for trade is still very limited—land and other immovable goods are reserved. It is only at a higher stage that these also are made available for trade, but it is usually only a very clearly defined class of the population who are allowed this control over immovable commodities. To understand clearly how life is organized in the communal stage of civilization, we must leave out of account all the effects—and such effects are never altogether absent—that are in any degree due to the principle of economic intercourse. Among the communal features that remain, after the deduction of all those that are due to the free will of the individuals concerned, two are of special import- ance—(I) that which is based on blood-relationship and (2) that which is based on territorial contiguity. There are also other 164. RELATIONS TO OTHER MEN matters, such as the equality of the sexes, grades of age, succession of generations, ranks, and callings.1 In connexion with the principle of organization that is based on blood-relationship, it is important to notice that in purely communal life, intercourse between man and woman which creates con- sanguinity is not the result of free determination of the parties. On the contrary, it is based on communal principles which lay down beforehand fixed rules as to which members of the community are to enter upon this relation. Therefore, marriage, in the sense of an institution based on the voluntary agreement of the parties con- cerned, has no existence at the stage with which we are dealing. In communal life sexual intercourse is altogether based on principles that have their origin in the organization of communal life, whereas economic marriage gives rise to economic communities based on consanguinity. In order to distinguish it from what is called the ‘individual- istic’ relationship based on economic marriage, the special type of relationship that is based on communal organization is usually called ‘classificatory.’ Within this classificatory type, which is, or was, widely current among the aborigines of North America and Australia, Kohler distinguishes three systems of kinship, which he calls (1) the pure form, (2) the Ostel form, and (3) the Choctaw form. The first of these three is shown in the accompanying scheme, which has been drawn up on the basis of the facts that are known, in order to illustrate what is meant by ‘classificatory kin- ship’ (see Fig. 7). The scheme shows five successive generations. Each generation is divided into an A group and a B group, the males being denoted by A or B, and the females by a or b. In communal life, in each generation, the women of group A, 12.e., aaa, marry the men of group B, 2.e, BBB, and, vice versa, the women bbb marry the men AAA. In accordance with the principle of descent in the maternal line that prevails in communal life, all the children of AAA men and 1 On organization based on kinship see Morgan, Consanguinity and Affinity ; Joseph Kohler, Zuy Urgeschichte dey Ehe. Totemismus, Gruppenehe und Mutterrecht ; Westermarck, The History of Human Marriage (London) ; Grosse, Die Formen der Familie und der Wirtschaft ; Dorsey, Omaha Sociology (Washing- ton). For totemism see J. G. Frazer, Totemism and Exogamy (London, 1910), 4 vols. ; Ankermann, Verbreitung und Formen des Totemismus in Afrika (1915). On theories of the state see Kohler, Lehrbuch der Rechtsphilosophie (1917) ; Max Schmidt, Grundriss, vol. i, p. 166. 165 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND bbb women belong to group B, and similarly the children of BBB men and aaa women are members of group A in the next generation. As this process is repeated from generation to generation, the groups A and B are related to each other as cousins. The essential difference between this ‘classificatory’ form of kinship and the ‘individualistic’ form is that, in relationship, and therefore also in name, all the children of the same group in the same generation are looked upon as a unit, apart from distinctions A,A; "a o,o; a, Lb, b, b, 8,8, 8, Generation I 8, B, 8, b,b, b, 33 92a A, Az 4, Generation I A; A,A; 929392 b,b, 5, | 6;8; 8; Generation If | By, B, af bd, b, O4 D4 Py A,A, A, Generation A, A.A. 959595 be be bs B; say Generation V Fig. 7. SCHEME TO ILLUSTRATE ‘CLASSIFICATORY KINSHIP’ ofsex. For example, the children of group A of the third generation stand in the same relation to all the male members of one of the other groups, to B,, Ag, B,, and Ay, and similarly to all the female members of one of the other groups, Dg, ay, D4, and a4. If, in order to avoid the kinship names used in the individualistic form of marriage, which are inapplicable here, we take the names used in the Omaha language, we have, starting with A,As;Az, the following relationships: AsA;Az, call each other zice (brother), they call a,a,a, itange (sister), B,B,B, idadi (father), a,a,a, inaha (mother), A,A,A, imegi (maternal uncle), dybyb, ittimi (paternal aunt), B,B,B, winge (son), b4b,b, yange (daughter), A,A,A, ttacka (nephew), and a,a,4a, itija (niece). As the groups A and B are 166 RELATIONS TO OTHER MEN distinguished only within three generations As;AsA, call both A,A,A, and B,B,B, by the same name ztaga (grandfather or ancestor), and they similarly call a,a,a, and b,b,b, tka (grandmother). Both A;A;A, and B;B;B; they call ttakpa (grandchild). In connexion with Morgan’s researches and the copious materials collected in “‘Morgan’s tables,” this system of classificatory kinship has led many to infer that totemistic group-marriage was the starting-point of all subsequent development. ‘Group-marriage’ means that two groups intermarry in such a way that all the men of one group have all the women of the other group promiscuously. The main objection to this hypothesis, which is supported by Kohler and contested by Westermarck and Grosse, is that at the present day no people is known among whom such a system of marriage prevails, and that we have no direct evidence that any such system ever existed anywhere. The hypothesis of ‘group- marriage,’ in fact, is merely an interpretation put upon a form of marriage and is founded on incorrect inferences from the kinship names used in the classificatory system. The mere fact that the classificatory system determines the circle of women whom the men of another circle are to have as the mothers of their children tells us nothing of the form of sexual intercourse between the members of the two circles thus destined for each other. Even in communal life sexual intercourse could be regulated on the same lines as are followed in economic marriage. This sexual intercourse might be either monogamous or polygamous or even polyandrous, and the upbringing of the children might, even at that level, be the appointed work of one pair of parents. No sound arguments, therefore, can be drawn from classificatory kinship for the existence of Morgan’s “sroup-marriage.’ The scheme of the classificatory system given above clearly rests on a principle that is very important for communal life based on blood-kinship, viz., that the members of a sib-group do not inter- marry with the members of the same sib-group, but with those of a different one. This principle of exogamy, which is sometimes carried so far as to forbid marriage between members of the same tribe, is contrasted with endogamy, the most outstanding example of which is found in the intermarriage of brothers and sisters, prac- tised amongst the ancient Persians and Egyptians, as well as by the ancient rulers of Peru, but which is found hardly anywhere else. The principle of exogamy involves the necessity of determining 167 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND by regulation to whom the offspring shall belong, 1.e., whether the children are to belong to the fathers or to the mothers. A priori either way is possible, and even although mother-right is by far the most prevalent form of organization in communal life, there are kinship groups among the Australians which are based on father- right. Since Bachofen pointed out the wide distribution of mother-right, there has been considerable discussion as to the priority of mother-right and father-right. Two points are of great importance here: (1) What is called matriarchate, 7.e., the pre- dominance of the wife, has nothing to do with the question of mother-right ; and (2) although the history of mankind reveals cases of transition from mother-right to father-right, and no example of transition from the latter to the former, it must not be inferred that the priority always and everywhere lies with mother-right. At the stage of economic marriage the free will of the husband has always come into operation much earlier than that of the wife, and wherever economic marriage became stronger within communal life and increasingly determined the kinship relations, father-right gained in importance. Therefore, wherever mother-right was formerly predominant, the appearance of economic marriage was bound to be followed by a transition to father-right. That does not mean, however, that there may not have been cases in which early communal life was governed on the system of father-right. Another matter, closely connected with the organization based on kinship, must be here briefly referred to, v2z., what is called totemism. This term was first introduced in 1869 by the Scottish scholar McLennan.! Frazer and Ankermann both define totemism as the belief in an intimate relationship between a sib-group on the one hand and some natural object or commodity on the other. In most cases this object is an animal ; sometimes it is a plant ; more rarely an inanimate object.2 Totemism is widely distributed throughout the world, and its chief social significance lies in this, that the members of a totem community believe that they are descended from their totem and call themselves by its name. For the members of a community based on consanguinity, indirect 1 The word ‘‘totemism’”’ is derived from the Ojibway word totem, which means the badges or ‘‘ arms ”’ of the Ojibway groups based on consanguinity. 2 In this sense totem refers to only one of the three kinds of totems dis- tinguished by Frazer, and is called clan-totem to distinguish it from the other two kinds, sex-totem, which applies either to all the males or all the females of a community, and individual-totem, which is restricted to one single person. 168 RELATIONS TO OTHER MEN satisfaction of wants, t.e., an economy, is only possible when they have in one form or another a portion of land for their support. But by no means every blood-kin group has its own separate domain. On the contrary, several such consanguineous groups usually manage a domain in common, or, again, the members of the same consanguineous group, e.g., of the same totem, are distributed over several non-contiguous domains. There is, therefore, a second principle of organization, different from that of consan- guinity. It is independent of blood-ties and rests on a territorial basis. The best name for it is the ‘territorial principle.’ All organized communal life is based on the co-operation of these two principles, and it depends on the nature of the material economy of the community whether the one or the other is to predominate. The territorial principle becomes predominant only in communities that engage in tillage. Of the types of communal life based on territoriality, three are specially important : the house community, the village community, and the state community, or, more shortly, the state. The house community may at the same time be a village community, 2.e., the village may consist of only one house; and, similarly, the village community, when it is the supreme community of a population- unit, may at the same time be a state community. The three types are, therefore, not necessarily mutually exclusive. A frequent form of house community is the sib-house community. A consanguineous group, a ‘sib,’ or ‘family’ in the large sense, live under one roof. By a village community is meant a population- unit which lives together and cultivates a definite territory ; and the name ‘state,’ in the economic sense, means the supreme economic or legal unit in a community based on territory. Seeing that a state is an economic community based on territory, and therefore involves a definite state domain, communities based on blood-relationship can never in themselves form a state. On the other hand, because the state is a supreme economic community, and is therefore sovereign, only a community that is supreme among several subordinate communities can be called a state. Where several village communities exist independently side by side, each separate one is a state, but when they unite to form one sovereign whole they lose their character as states in favour of the new creation. We cannot here enter into the various theories of the state. Some of them go back to ancient times. Those 169 THE PRIMITIVE RACES#O ER WiEAINIC LNG interested are referred to my Grundriss, vol. i, p. 166, where a short sketch of them is given. It is an indispensable prerequisite of any economic trading that communal authority should guarantee to a legal member free control over some amount of commodities or labour. Therefore economic trading always implies the existence of communal life. Of course, trading can extend beyond the frontiers of the com- munities engaging in it, and either the communities as such, or individual members of them, can enter into trade relations with each other. When this is the case we speak of foreign trade, while trade carried on between the legal members of one and the same community is called home trade. | Like all forms of economic intercourse, economic trade has for its ultimate purpose the distribution of labour and of commodities. Foreign economic trade is the peaceful exchange between different economic communities of those commodities of which either has an excess; home economic trade is the exchange between indi- vidual legal members of the same community of commodities and labour power. Just as not all acts of human intercourse are acts of economic intercourse, 7.é., aim at the distribution of labour and commodities, so rival economic trade does not cover all forms of hostile economic intercourse between men. ‘Thus, all the forms of contest which Knabenhans, in his book Der Krieg bei den Naturvélkern, enumerates under the name of war, in particular, the mass-duel common among the most primitive tribes, have in themselves apparently nothing to do with the violent appropriation of labour power and commo- dities. Seeing, however, that the loss of human life, which these contests involve, means also loss of labour power, contests, which are not in themselves economic acts, may nevertheless be economically very important for the community affected by them. Similarly, the principle of blood-vengeance, practised so extensively by native races, is probably in the main a reaction against the economic damage caused by acts of violence, its purpose being to restore the equipoise of labour power, which has been disturbed by the loss of life suffered. This also is the best explanation of the fact that the rela- tives of the slain man are not only allowed to take blood-vengeance, but are in many cases required by their own community to do so. In the same way, even war, as such, is not to be included among economic hostile acts proper, because the violent appropriation of 170 RELATIONS TO OTHER MEN labour power and commodities, although it is usually an accom- paniment of warlike actions among native races, is not the real object of war. Unfortunately, ethnologists have too often over- looked the fact that war as such is entirely a conception of inter- national law, and certain prerequisites are necessary before human contests can be called war. According to the usual view of international law, war is the self- defence by arms of states for the vindication of rights which cannot be defended by peaceful means. According to this defi- nition, the name war can only be given to contests which are carried on by a state assuch, and which—we must here supplement the definition—are directed against a state as such. The frequent vendettas or feuds between family groups among native races cannot therefore be called war. Again, according to the definition, war must be waged with the purpose of vindicating rights. This means that war can take place only between states between whom in time of peace there are legally regulated economic relations, because, otherwise, there would be no ‘rights’ that could be injured. The important task of war (and its economic significance) is to guarantee these laws of economic intercourse, and thus indirectly to confirm intercourse between states. So long as, at low levels of civilization, the mutual economic cohesion of separate states is not sufficiently strong to dispense with special means to vindicate the principles of international law, war has an economic justification. But when international intercourse has become more firmly con- solidated among nations at a higher level the function of war in the history of the world has been fulfilled. Its destructive effects so far outweigh its constructive results that war between such peoples has lost all economic justification. In contrast to those forms of rivalry already dealt with, there are others that aim at the violent acquisition of labour power and com- modities, and which are, therefore, properly speaking, hostile inter- course. A frequent form of the violent acquisition of labour power is the capture of women and children by a native tribe from con- tiguous tribes. When, with the development of economic trading, there also developed among native races a right of property in man himself, z.e., slavery, not only women and children, but also adult men were brought back in great numbers after such raids to be used as labour power. Where commodities are very unequally distributed between 171 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND adjacent tribes, where, for example, on one side there is a super- abundance of vegetable food and on the other an excess of animal food, reciprocal raids are common, unless economic relations make peaceable exchange possible. As such acts of violence are not con- fined to open hostilities, but can also be carried out by stealth or sudden attack, the attacking side is not always necessarily the stronger. There are, of course, numerous cases in which robber bands at a low level of civilization attack communities at a higher level, but there are also cases in which native races are assailed by peoples higher in the scale. Indeed, it is between tribes of entirely different political power and at an entirely different stage of civi- lization that such reciprocal hostilities are most frequent. They have at all times played a regrettable part in the history of European civilization, but they are just as frequent in the colonial expansion of native races themselves. The differences between the rights and duties of the separate population-groups of one economic community are called differences ofrank. Contrasted with these ‘ranks,’ who have special rights and duties, cther members, whose economic conditions are identical with and whose rights and duties do not differ from those of all other members of the community, are best called ‘classes.’ In human development it is by no means always homogeneous, but rather heterogeneous, elements that combine to form social units, and therefore the economic community is ab initio composed of heterogeneous elements. The inequality of power, on which its whole organization is based is, therefore, inherent in its nature. Hence it is an error, in trying to explain the origin of differences in rank, to start from the idea that there was originally equality among the members of the community, and that differences of rank were a subsequent development. Besides, we cannot understand the nature of differences in rank if we look only at the privileges and overlook the duties by which the privileges were normally accompanied. Only where the fulfilment of these duties offers an economic equivalent to that part of the population which has fewer privileges, where, that is, the elevation of a given rank to special privileges is really in the economic interest of the rest of the population, can there be any economic justification for such privileges. Differences of rank which merely mean privileges for certain groups among the population are nothing but noxious excrescences of social evolution. 172 RELATIONS TO OTHER MEN The reason why differences of rank are rarely prominent among native communities is that the nature and range of the satisfaction of wants are for the most part equal for all. On the other hand, there is often considerable inequality in the distribution of the burden of labour. A part of the population, the governing class, is set free from most of the heavy bodily toil, and that toil falls entirely upon that section of the population that is economically, and often politically, dependent on the governing class. Differences in rank come more clearly into view when the perfecting of the economic principle leads to the development of private property, of the economic form of marriage and of slavery. To begin with, it 1s only a few privileged individuals who receive from the community the right to acquire property. And, even at earlier stages of civilization, it is often only a very small section of the people who are entitled to own land; so that we frequently find a ‘nobility’ of large landowners created by such privileges. Differences of rank become most pronounced when communal authority coexists with private property. This is the case among many negro communities in Africa. There the chief owns all the land and most of the means of production, and the ordinary subject stands to his chief in a relation of dependence that resembles slavery. It was only gradually, after a long development, that differences of calling appeared among native races. These, like differences of rank, arose when two or more communities, of different economic type, combined to form one community. When we find, for example, among many African tribes the smiths forming a class by themselves (an honoured class in some regions and a despised class in others) the explanation is that population-elements with special skill in blacksmith work have at some time attached themselves to, or been subjugated by, the tribes among whom they live. Much importance attaches also to the distinctions which are based on difference of sex, and of age, and to that between married and single persons. Not only among native races, dst also up into higher stages of civilization, there are certain differences between the rights and the duties of the sexes. Here the difference chiefly concerns the dis- tribution of labour, but in many instances that is accompanied by differences in dress and in eating. It is a mistake to infer from the existence of mother-right among native tribes that gynocracy prevailed, 7.e., that the women dominated the men ; but it is also 173 THES PRIMTTIVE RA CESSO BeaivisN ita a mistake to imagine that the native woman is merely a pitiable beast of burden on whom falls almost all field toil. We have already seen that it is the men, and the men alone, who bear the chief burden of the work of forest-clearing. Speaking generally, work is divided between men and women on the principle that those tasks which call for least physical exertion, but which last longer, fall to the women ; while those which demand great strength and resolution are done by the men. | Rights and duties are also affected to some extent by age. Asa rule, it is only after they have reached puberty—an attainment which is accompanied by special ceremonies and tests of endurance —that young people are admitted into the ranks of mature men and women. Certain forms of labour are also reserved for young unmarried men, and, to that extent, married men are a class apart. Among the Zulu Kafirs this distinction is carried so far that only unmarried men are called to serve in war. THE SOCIAL ECONOMIG PROCESS The term ‘social economy’ means all those social operations which are concerned in supplying mankind with the commodities necessary to satisfy their needs, in providing, that is, for the indirect satis- faction of wants. As the chief object of all economic intercourse is the distribution of labour and commodities, our first question in discussing the social economy is how labour and commodities are distributed within organized humanity, 7.e., within the various economic communities of the 1,700 million inhabitants of the world. Although all winning of commodities ultimately resolves itself into the production of them by labour, it by no means involves such production for all individuals and all groups. Commodities can be obtained from other men and other groups who own them by means of what is called conveyance. Therefore we must first consider the social observances in the productive process, then the conveyance of commodities, then, in the third place, we shall pass to the prin- ciples that regulate the distribution of labour and commodities within humanity. | The production of commodities, 7.e., their manufacture by labour, is only possible under certain conditions, and these conditions are themselves to a large extent the result of human activities. We have, therefore, to distinguish between productive acts proper and 174 RELATIONS? TOFOTHERY MEN those which bring about or maintain the conditions that are essential to production, e.g., all activities that are meant to assure the common weal or the provision of suitable labour. Both promote the indirect satisfaction of wants and are therefore labour. The generic name for every product of the economic process is commodity. The German word for commodities is Sachgititer, a compound word made up of Sache, a thing, and Guiter, goods. According to this etymology, before they can be ‘commodities,’ ‘things ’1 must also be ‘goods’ in the economic sense, 7.e., means for the indirect satisfaction of wants. Two important questions arise here—(1) to what extent the ground as such is a commodity, and therefore an object of the economic process, and (2) how far man himself is a commodity. Every part of the earth’s surface, divided by natural or artificial boundaries from the rest of the world, is a ‘thing,’ including the cecumene (see p. 146), which is also a separate part of the total surface of the earth. But such separate parts of the earth only become commodities when as wholes they subserve the indirect satisfaction of wants, and this is just as little true of the cecumene as such as it is of the parts of the earth that are under the authority of the various communities. In order to make a clear distinction between those parts of the ground which cannot be considered commodities from those which as wholes are the object of human economy and which, therefore, are commodities, we shall call the former ‘areas’ (Gebiete) and the latter ‘domains’ (Grundstticke). These two terms should be strictly adhered to. The question as to whether man as such is a commodity has been answered by modern jurisprudence in the negative on the ground that only separate parts of irrational nature can be called ‘things.’ But, seeing that among many tribes man is, in fact, the object of legal relations and of economic process, that he is exchanged as a commodity and is even used as a measure of value, 7.e., as money, there can be no doubt from the ethnological point of view that man sometimes is a commodity, however repugnant the fact may be to our modern ethical views. Just as from the standpoint of the material economy the ground is one of the prerequisites of production, so from the standpoint of the social economy we must inquire how many of the ways in which 1“ Things’ are separate parts of nature, independent entities, apart from the rest of the world. 175 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND man is related to the ground can be considered prerequisites of production. As the productive process is possible only within a community that guarantees a peaceful life and is dependent on exploiting the ground, these two factors must be present together if production is to be possible. Therefore, it is only members of a community that can be producers, and only members of a com- munity that has command of a definite area, which can be the - peaceful theatre of production and is able to supply the producers with the necessary means of production. From the standpoint of the social economy, therefore, the economic process involves in the first place the presence of a definite area or areas. The second prerequisite of production is the necessary labour power. As the only labour power is that of human individuals, the community must contain a certain number of individuals who satisfy the conditions under which man can be a source of labour power. These conditions are: I. The man must be physically and mentally fit for the work in question; in particular, he must have reached the needful age, possess the needful health and strength, and further he must have acquired the necessary bodily and mental capacities. 2. He must be sure of having the time and the means for the satisfaction of his needs. 3. There must be the necessary powers to secure willingness to work. These powers are of two kinds—(a) the community may make it less desirable for the individual not to work than to work ; (b) the satisfaction of the individual’s needs within the community may be made conditional on his bearing his share in the work that has to be done. The third prerequisite of production is the existence of certain productive commodities and of a certain amount of pleasurable commodities to meet the needs of the producers. As the productive process always presupposes peaceful inter- course, there are only two chief forms of production, the communal andtheeconomic. It is communal production when the productive process is determined solely by the common interests of the indi- viduals forming the community, and is, therefore, directed solely to the production of the commodities required to supply their needs. In this case, the labour power of the individual is determined by the general purpose of the productive process and must be applied in accordance with the orders of the recognized leader of the 176 RELATIONS TO OTHER MEN community. In economic production, on the other hand, the productive process is based on mutual rivalry or competition, and in this case the individual is free, in virtue of his right guaranteed by law or by the community, to dispose as he likes of his own labour, or even, as the case may be, the labour of others. As, however, even among primitive races, the productive process is sometimes distributed among various authorities, so that certain functions, such as the maintenance of legal authority or the winning of certain raw materials, are reserved for a supreme authority, the separate phases of the productive process may be partly communal and partly economic. Thus, we frequently find several groups sepa- rately organized for production, such as the family, the sept, the house community. Communal production is by far the most common form of pro- duction among native races, and it is often continued even when conveyance of commodities has come to be regulated by economic principles. The conditions of production among the ancient Peruvians are specially important for the study of communal production, because of their pronounced communal character, although that people had reached a comparatively high standard of civilization. Peruvian conditions are frequently referred to in the literature of economics, especially on the Socialist side, in the dis-~ cussion of communal production, and much is made of the recurrent distribution of agricultural land. The important question of how economic production arose within communal life has been discussed in detail in my Grundriss (vol. 11, p. 102 ff.). Briefly, it arose in this way. Supreme communities, originally independent, each producing for itself in its own way in rivalry with the others, combined to form one supreme community which took over the task of regulating the peaceful development of competitive production. The first emergence of the individual as an independent producer came about in this way. The leaders of the separate producing communities, acting in a representative capacity, gradually came to be recognized as independent economic units, and to them, in their representative capacity, fell the control of their several districts, as well as of the labour power and the means of production. As against the corresponding leaders of other communities, this right of control became a civil right and included control of land, labour, and means of production. This provided them with all the three necessary prerequisites of economic M La, THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND production. This explains why, at first, only certain individuals enjoyed the privilege of economic independence within a supreme community. It was at first only these representative individuals who controlled the means of production, labour power, and a definite territorial district. By conveyance of commodities is meant that economic operation by which commodities pass from one owner to another. This must not be confused with transport of commodities, their transference from one place to another. The task of conveyance is threefold. (1) It supplements to some extent the productive process by providing those commodities which cannot be produced within a community owing to the lack of the prerequisites of production. (2) It supplies those concerned with the means of production essential for special types and forms of production. (3) It is a means of distributing to the consumers the commodities produced. Whereas the productive process requires the peaceful co-operation of a number of individuals within a community, conveyance of commodities extends into the spheres of other communities. It may follow either peaceful or hostile methods. Thus, taking into account external and internal conveyance, and peaceful and hostile conveyance, we have the following four different varteties of it: (1) Hostile external conveyance. (2) Peaceful economic external conveyance. (3) Peaceful communal internal conveyance. (4) Peaceful economic internal conveyance. Hostile conveyance is always external ; communal conveyance is always internal; economic conveyance can either be external or internal. As the name ‘conveyance of commodities’ implies, conveyance always concerns commodities. As ‘areas’ (Gebiete) are not com- modities, cessions of these do not come within the meaning of the term, whereas the transferences of ‘domains’ (Grundstticke) and of human beings to other owners are included. A special position is occupied by those conveyable commodities which have become universal media of exchange and measures of value, that is, money. As conveyance means the transference of commodities from one owner to another, the existence of commodities is an essential pre- requisite of it. And, again, as commodities, being means for the 178 RE EA TIONS .bO7 GAGE ER VEEN indirect satisfaction of wants, presuppose the productive process, this latter is also an indirect prerequisite. A third prerequisite to conveyance is control over the commodity on the part of the conveyer. Where the transference of commodities is effected by violence, the process is not conveyance; the new control is founded on violence. Where the conveyance is peaceful, the new owner's possession is founded on legal right. Commodities can only be ‘conveyed’ by a person who is legally entitled to convey them, either on principles of public law or of civil law. We have hostile conveyance of commodities in its pure form, when one economic community violently appropriates from other communities a portion of the commodities it requires. At lower economic stages, where as yet external economic trading does not relieve the situation, hostile conveyance is frequent, especially when non-agricultural tribes live alongside agricultural tribes, or when cattle-raising tribes have as neighbours tribes who rear no cattle. The fortification works of many agricultural tribes, like those of the Pueblo Indians in Arizona and New Mexico, are largely due to the desire to protect their property against the recurrent thieving raids of hostile adjacent tribes. Transition stages between hostile intercourse and peaceful eco- nomic external trade are represented in two cases, where we find, not actual hostile operations, but a conveyance which results from a temporary possession of superior power. These are the paying of tribute by one community to another, and the remarkable custom that is found among the Indians on the Upper Xingu. A guest, when visiting among another tribe, has to hand over to his host all he has with him beyond what he requires at the moment. As such visits are reciprocal, and the man who has lost his possessions can count on suitable compensation when the visit is returned, it amounts to little else than a brisk mutual exchange of commodities. We now come to economic external conveyance. Seeing that all economic conveyance implies the voluntary transference of com- modities, and seeing that a man is, for the most part, disposed to agree to such transference only when he sees a prospect of obtaining in this way something else that he desires, economic transference or conveyance of commodities usually takes the form of mutual agree- ment, 7.e., exchange of commodities. ‘Exchange of commodities’ thus means their transference by mutualagreement. When the parties concerned belong to different 179 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND communities it is essential that they should have an opportunity of peacefully exchanging their views at a given place and at a given time. When this is not possible within the territory of either party the practice arises of meeting for this purpose at the ‘frontier,’ 2.e., the neutral zone between the two adjacent territories. All the able- bodied men on both sides meet for the purpose of exchange, and not rarely the proceedings end with fighting. It is only when economic. external exchange, which in this form is barter, in the literal sense, has actually come into existence that economic relations can gradually be consolidated. As time goes on, it becomes safe even for outsiders to be present, conscious of certain rights and sure of inviolability for their persons and their wares. Then gradually the meeting-places, ‘markets,’ are no longer confined to the frontier neutral zones, but can be held within the territory of one of the parties. The markets are held on appointed days, or on the occasion of certain festivities, and are attended by people from the various communities. It becomes no longer necessary for all the able-bodied men to attend. A representative from one side is sent into the territory of the other to conduct the barter on behalf of his side, and the barter is sometimes carried on by such a representative even when peaceful relations between the communities have been temporarily interrupted by war. When once internal exchange has been developed and is thus accompanied by external barter, the representatives no longer appear merely in their representative capacity, but bring to the market wares of their own of which they wish to dispose ; and even the women find it possible to take part. As a matter of fact, among many races it is the women who are the chief actors in the business. It is clear that the communities concerned in these dealings must be nearly equal in strength ; otherwise there would be no guarantee that the weaker side could maintain control over their commodities. Barter may be urgently necessary between two parties, but if they are unequal in strength, a meeting even on neutral territory may be difficult to arrange, because the weaker side cannot feel reasonably secure. A method of meeting this difficulty is found in what is often called ‘dumb trading.’ The name is inaccurate, because it is not ‘trade,’ but ‘barter,’ exchange of goods, and it should be called “dumb barter.’ In this case the exchange of goods is carried through without the parties meeting each other at all. It is carried 180 RELATIONS TO OTHER MEN out by the Malays and the Kuba as follows: The Malay announces his presence by a signal and withdraws. Then the Kuba appear, deposit such wares as they mean to exchange, announce by signal that this has been done, and withdraw. Now the Malay deposits beside the Kuba wares as many of his wares as he intends to offer for what has been deposited by the Kuba. If both sides are satis- fied each in turn takes away its goods. When the way has been prepared for relations between communities that are unequal in strength, peoples of higher civilization have an opportunity of under- taking regular barter-expeditions, and of bringing their manu- factured goods to the notice of neighbouring peoples who are of lower civilization. Expeditions of this kind on a large scale were equipped by the ancient Mexicans. They are also found in the form of armed caravans among the Hausa in Africa, and distant expeditions by water were carried out by the larger armed com- munities of Malay and Polynesia. Ethnologists often speak of this exchange of goods as trade, but it is a complete misuse of the word. In economics, trade has a well-established, clearly defined meaning. Exchange or purchase of commodities can only be called trade when the commodity exchanged or purchased has in its turn been acquired by way of exchange or purchase of commodities. External exchange of com- modities in this form of actual barter is found even among many communities where economic conditions are undeveloped. Its early development between different communities is, perhaps, chiefly due to their unwillingness to permit transit of goods through their territories. On the West Coast of Africa, and also in the South Seas, the peoples on the coast claim the monopoly of the exchange of goods with the traders of civilized countries who land there. They themselves then dispose of the goods thus received from the foreign traders to the peoples of the hinterland. From the ethnological point of view, it is only a special variety of economic dealing when the equivalent for goods transferred is demanded in the form of special commodities that serve the purpose of universal mediums of exchange and measures of value, 12.e., money. In my Grundriss I have endeavoured to explain in detail how money arose. I have there shown that it was due neither to invention nor to any psychological fact, but that it arose spontane- ously as economic life developed. Money only attains its full eco- nomic meaning when internal and external trade co-exist. Buying 181 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND and selling are spontaneous developments of economic internal trading, and only appear in external trade at a later stage, when international civil law has reached some degree of development. The actual starting-point of internal conveyance of commodities is peaceful communal conveyance. But, in course of time, this latter meets with restrictions from the side of economic conveyance. It is essentially involved in communal conveyance of commodities that the act of conveyance is done independently of the will of the persons concerned in it. Either the authority who holds control by the will of the community distributes the available commodities directly in his own way, or they are distributed according to fixed rules, accepted by the whole community as the established norm, and recognized as ‘common law.’ This ‘official’ distribution of commodities plays an important part at early economic stages. In this way are distributed the booty of the chase among heads of families, ready prepared food among households, and even the means of production. This is still done even among tribes who have reached a comparatively advanced stage, and in the commonest form of distribution the land allot- ments are periodically redistributed among the households. For information regarding the communal rules regulating the distribution, we must call in the aid of ethnological jurisprudence. But, although much material on this subject has been collected, the distinction has not been kept sufficiently clear between public law and civillaw. In particular, possession under public law has been frequently confused with property held under civil law. Besides, in the communal distribution of commodities the person who makes them frequently decides their destination. The manufacture of tools or pleasurable goods for personal use is frequently left to the person who desires them. Similarly the share taken by individuals in the labour of the chase is sometimes allowed to weigh heavily when the booty is distributed. In other cases—for example, in tillage—the crops are distributed on entirely different lines. Among the Bakairi Indians the forest-clearing is done by all the men in the village, but the produce may go to one single family. And in other regions, as in ancient Peru, the actual tillage of the fields that have been officially allotted to the various families is either done by all the members of the village community or by the labours of persons other than the actual owners. Even although the economic internal conveyance of commodities 182 RELATIONS TO OTHER MEN had its origin in economic external conveyance, there is at least one essential difierence between the two. In the former those con- cerned, whether communities or individuals, are under subordina- tion to one common authority, with the result that their mutual relations are communally controlled and hostilities are excluded. All the special measures necessary to ensure peaceful external trading—the arranged meeting in a neutral zone, or the ceremonies attending “dumb barter’—are, of course, unnecessary in internal trading, because the rights of both parties are safeguarded by the community. Further, in internal conveyance of goods the trans- ference of a commodity into the absolute control of another is only effective when it is accompanied by the transference of the rights to it. There are thus two kinds of internal conveyance of com- modities—(1) when the commodity is transferred, but the right to it is reserved, 2.e., when it is only the bare possession that is trans- ferred, and (2) when the transference of the commodity includes the transference of the right to it to another person in the community. The most important example of the mere transference of possession is when a commodity is handed over to another person with per- mission to use it, but under an obligation to return it when the purpose has been served. When this is done without an equivalent it is called a loan. If it is done on condition that some other com- modity is given as an equivalent, it is what is best called temporary transference of possession, because the term ‘hire’ (Miete) is specially restricted in jurisprudence to those cases in which the equivalent given is money, and the term ‘rent’ (Pacht) is used for what is given in return for the temporary possession of crop-bearing land, and may sometimes be money plus some proportion of the produce of the land in question. Other examples of conveyance of commodities, where possession alone is conveyed, are found in the mortgaging of commodities (depositum) and the transference of a commodity into the possession of another person as security for the fulfilment of some demand. The latter case is called ‘dead pledging.’ The receiver of such pledge may be entitled merely to use the pledge should his debtor delay to pay, or to retain it outright as his own. There are two kinds of conveyance in which the transference of a commodity is conjoined with transference of full rights to it, and where, therefore, property actually changes hands, according as the transference is mutual or only on one side. To the first kind belong exchange and purchase of goods. The second kind includes 183 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND making gifts or presents, which implies permanent ownership to the recipient, and making advances, 7.e. lending, in which the transference of property 1s merely temporary. THE DISTRIBUTION OF LABOUR AND COMMODITIES AMONG MANKIND In the foregoing we have studied the distribution of labour and commodities in its two aspects of production and conveyance. We have still to see how labour and commodities are actually distributed among mankind, or, in other words, what share of human toil and of commodities falls to individuals. The share of indi- viduals in the total amount of labour and commodities is deter- mined by two considerations—(1) the economic position occupied in the productive process by the supreme community to which the individual belongs, and (2) the social position of the individual within his community. With regard to the former, much depends on whether the amount of labour that falls to a community corresponds to the amount of commodities available or whether it is greater or less. Where contiguous territories are occupied by communities very unequal in strength and civilization, one is very likely to obtain some of its commodities at the expense of the other’s labour. This is what happens when weak tribes of low civilization are pushed by their stronger neighbours into districts so unfertile that they cannot obtain the raw materials necessary for the production of the com- modities they require, and are thus compelled to take these com- modities from their neighbours by robbery and theft—by hostile conveyance. ‘The Bushmen, who have been thus pushed into the barren wastes of South Africa, are a typical example of such peoples. On the other hand, stronger communities are apt to use their superior strength to take by force from weaker neighbours some of the results of their production, or to compel them to pay tribute. The ancient Mexicans derived a not inconsiderable part of their requirements from the tribute of tribes they had subjugated. Of course, there are communities where the amount of commodities available surpasses the amount of labour expended in their pro- duction, but there are others among whom the reverse is the case. Further, external economic trade sometimes introduces dispropor- tion in the distribution of labour and commodities, when it is carried 184 RELATIONS TO OTHER MEN on between peoples at very different levels of civilization, because uncivilized peoples often lack ability to estimate aright the value of the manufactured articles offered to them by civilized peoples. The most telling example of this is the destructive effect produced by the trade relations of European nations on the economic con- ditions of the natives of other continents. On the other hand, there are economic communities where distri- bution is in keeping with the labour expended. This is usually the case with contiguous communities, who are approximately equal in strength and civilization, so that the economic advantages and dis- advantages of external intercourse, peaceful or hostile, are from time to time redressed. There may bea similar ratio between work and supply when the territories of large empires, like those of ancient Peru and of China, are so vast and so varied that they cannot only provide their inhabitants with all they need, but are also safe from attack by hostile neighbours. But, even apart from the question as to how far the labours of an economic community exclusively benefit its own members, dis- proportionate distribution may arise, because the means of pro- duction necessarily vary with the situation of the territory, the degree of perfection in technical skill, and with the manner in which the productive process is socially organized. Seeing that the measure of labour and of commodities falling to the individuals of an economic community constitutes a certain fraction of the total available, this measure must be very greatly affected by any disproportion in the different communities between the amount of labour and the amount of commodities produced. Among native races there is little of the liberty to move from place to place that is so familiar to us. For the most part the individual is tied down to membership in one community, and transition to another is only possible under conditions outside his own control, such as his capture by enemies or marriage. Similarly, his social position in his community is determined ab initio by matters outside his own control, by his birth or sex, his marriage or his age; and this social position determines his share both of labour and of supply. We have already seen that the individual’s share of these is greatly affected by his social position and rank. And it should be added that distribution can be as unequal in a communal community as in one on an economic basis. In the ancient Inca state, which was pronouncedly communal in character, there was the most glaring 185 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND contrast between the labouring class and the governing class, which, of course, included the numerous members of the Inca’s family. The greatest contrasts between the labouring, poor class and the governing class, who are more or less free from actual productive labour and superabundantly provided with commodities, are found just at the transition stage from communal to economic life. The leaders of the various communities have the opportunity of ex- ploiting their command over communal labour and commodities and using them in economic intercourse with outsiders. Thisis still common among negro rulers in Africa. THE EVOLUTION OF THE SOCIAL ECONOMY Economists have frequently endeavoured to distinguish stages of development within the human economy, but they have not yet reached results which correspond with the inttial stage of the social economy as we find it among native races. Friedrich List marked off the stages of the evolution according to the method of material production. All peoples, he says, must needs pass through these stages—(I) the period of hunting and fishing; (2) the period of cattle-breeding ; (3) the period of agriculture; (4) the period of agriculture conjoined with industry; (5) the period of agriculture conjoined with industry and commerce. This last he declares to be the highest stage attainable. This gradation is contradicted by ethnological facts: cattle-breeding by no means always precedes agriculture. But there is another reason why we cannot accept it : it is made solely from the standpoint of the material economy, and leaves the social economy out of account altogether. Hildebrand’s differentiation of the stages of the social economy into natural economy (economy in kind), money economy, and credit economy, is also ethnologically inadmissible, because it is made exclusively from the standpoint of economic intercourse, and takes no account of the communal economy which is so important for the initial stages. Biicher’s scheme, based on the different ways in which intercourse is organized, is house economy, town ecomomy, and national economy. Schmoller’s, based on the difference in political organization, is village economy, town economy, territorial economy, and state economy. Both of these follow too closely the economic conditions of European civilization to be adopted by ethnology. Biicher, it is true, admits that his three stages were 186 RELATIONS TO OTHER MEN preceded by the original condition, the stage when each individual sought and found his own supplies, but even then it is not recon- cilable with ethnological facts. Any demarcation of the stages of development which will really exhibit all the forms of the social economy of all peoples in their historical order must begin at what we have called the hologeic standpoint and take in the whole of mankind. It is only by doing so that we can obtain an accurate standard for an answer to the important question of whether the evolution of the human economy exhibits a progression or a retrogression of the social element, 1.é.. Whether mankind originally lived in a wider or a narrower sociality than now. From the hologeic point of view, the extension of intercourse is as important as its zntension, and, in the case of native tribes, like the Australians, who originally lived in small communities that comprised only a few individuals, we cannot speak of an extensive social life. The members of the separate communities were not only restricted to a narrow sphere of inter- course among themselves, but had hardly any dealings with the outside world at all. We have already seen that man’s physical constitution alone makes some amount of social life necessary, and that wherever and whenever we find him he lives and has lived and moved in an economic community of some kind. In my Grundrtss (vol. i, p. 47) I have shown in detail that it is merely due to the action of the ‘economic principle,’ z.e., the principle of attain- ing the greatest possible economic result with the least possible expenditure of energy, that the socializing of life has been pushed beyond the amount necessary for man’s existence, because the specializing of work greatly diminishes the labour required to obtain the commodities that are necessary. Therefore, there is an inherent tendency in the human race toward progressive socialization of work. In seeking to mark off the separate economic stages, we are therefore merely concerned with the separate phases of this development of the human economy that is ever tending toward more and more perfect socialization. Seeing that man, on the one hand, in his struggle for existence is dependent on the support of his fellow-men, and, on the other hand, finds his fellow-men to be dangerous rivals in his endeavour to satisfy his needs, there is in the history of the social economy an inherent dualism ; and it is to this that, as a last resort, all the currents of human life are to be traced. 187 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND According to the latest results of ethnological investigation, tribes actually exist without any economic intercourse. Therefore, we must take, as the beginning of all economic development, that form of economic organization in which there is nothing but hostile external intercourse and peaceful communal internal intercourse, with no opportunity for the economic intercourse that would bridge the gulf between the competitive and socializing tendencies. A suitable brief name for this initial stage is the ‘ period without economic intercourse.’ It is followed by the ‘period of economic external intercourse,’ in which peaceful economic external inter- course, in the form of exchange of commodities, co-exists with hostile external intercourse, while internal intercourse is still regu- lated on exclusively communal lines. The beginnings of actual bargaining belong to this period. In the third period, which may be called the “ period of economic in- ternal intercourse,’ economic principles invade internal intercourse, so that we have hostile and economic external intercourse alongside of communal and economic internal intercourse. In this third period development gradually leads to the recognition of the individual as a fit agent for economic life, to the rise of private property, the use of money, the purchase of commodities, and, finally, mercantile trade. The progressive socialization of the human economic process is thus an inherent tendency of human nature, which the economic principle steadily promotes. But the mere widening and enlarging of economic communities on communal lines cannot enable this tendency to do more than come within a distance of its goal. The main force that enables it to attain its goal is the efficiency of the economic type of life, and, from our hologeic standpoint, the pro- gressive perfecting of this is one of the chief evidences of progress in the development of the human economy. 188 CHAPTER IV VOLUNTARY HUMAN ACTIVITIES IN RELATION TO THE INTELLECTUAL ENVIRONMENT THE LIMITATIONS OF VOLUNTARY ACTIVITIES BY THE INTELLECTUAL ENVIRONMENT HILE, like allother living things, man comes into the world W with the ability to satisfy his needs directly from nature, or can acquire that ability by experience, all capacities for satisfying his needs indirectly, 7.e., for work, have to be learned. What he derives from his own experience would not qualify him to take his part in any economic process that had already attained some complexity. He finds it necessary to supplement his own experience from the ideas of his fellow-men; and these, in turn, represent the sum of their own experience plus ideas which they have adopted from others. The sum total of a man’s ideas, which constitute his qualifications for economic life—what Wundt calls his ‘soul’ (Seele)—is thus to a very large extent gathered from his intellectual environment. Just as the human being grows into his social position, so he grows from youth onward into a definite circle of psychical (seelisch) phenomena. This circle varies with his age and with every change in his surroundings, so that in the course of his life he is affected by intellectual influences from all sides. Even among primitive races it is the parents—and in the very earliest times the mothers—who exert the greatest influence on the mind of the individual. The ceremonial reception of the young lad or young girl at puberty into the ranks of adult men and women usually means the widening of the intellectual horizon, and this intellectual enlargement is repeated at each transference into a new age-class. Without doubt all these intellectual spheres that suc- cessively surround the individual in the course of his life conjointly affect his circle of ideas. The question—very important ethno- logically, although it has hitherto been neglected—arises here of how far these various circles through which the individual passes ultimately coalesce into a unity, or to what extent they successively displace each other, or even continue to exist side by side as two 189 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND unrelated circles, ‘two souls in one breast,’”’ as Goethe says. That a human being, when he reaches manhood, or when he is admitted into a higher age-class, does consciously enter into a new circle of ideas, is clear from the fact that such change is frequently accom- panied by a change of name, as if to put it on record that the individual has thus become ‘another man.’ On the other hand, during my travels in Brazil [had repeated opportunities of observing individuals who had lived for a considerable time among Europeans and had become familiar with European ways of thinking. When they returned home and resumed their native language they reverted completely to their former Indian circle of ideas. With a passing European traveller they behaved as Brazilians, and, although they spoke Portuguese in their intercourse with him, their mental tone was purely Brazilian. In these individuals the sum total of all the ideas they had learned had certainly not coalesced into a unity. No doubt, in course of time, both circles of ideas more or less interact on each other. Such an individual will never be able entirely to put off the Indian, and yet he will doubtless carry over into his Indian life a great deal of European mentality that will be useful to him. It is, in fact, a common practice among many Indian tribes to send their young men for some years to a European settlement, with the express purpose of acquiring European knowledge and conveying it to their fellow-tribesmen. THE INTELLECTUAL CIVILIZATION OF MANKIND By the intellectual civilization of mankind we mean the sum total of all the psychical (seelisch) experiences of mankind at a given time. The expression is, therefore, synonymous with what—to coin an ex- pression on the analogy of Wundt’s word Volksseele—may be called » the “soul of humanity’ (Seele der Menschheit). From the ethno- logical standpoint, our first question is how this total content of soul-experiences, in all its forms, is distributed among mankind, and what share separate individuals have in it. The second question will be how and by what means this distribution is carried out, and how we are to conceive the manner in which the various commodi- ties of civilization are spread over the different parts of mankind. After these two questions have been discussed we shall glance at the course of the development of the intellectual civilization of mankind. 190 INTELLECTUAL ENVIRONMENT To recall the statement made in our opening sentences, the subject-matter of ethnology is the manzfestations of human life outside the civilization of Asia and Europe. In keeping with this, we are here concerned with the content of the psychical experiences of mankind only so far as these find expression, and appear in the external world as something perceptible by the senses. The perceptible means of expressing psychical operations are the same as those we have already studied as means of attaining mutual understanding, so we need not enlarge on them here. We distin- guished between those which appeal to the sense of hearing and those which appeal to the sense of sight. Of the former, speech is one of the most important means of expressing mental operations. There is, further, the production of sounds, either by the human voice, in song, or by special musical instruments. Among those means of expression that appeal to the sense of sight, we must again distinguish between gesture, which attains its most perfect artistic expression in mimic representation, and the objectifying of ideas by pictorial representation on some natural material. Among native races, even more than among others, thought- content as manifested in life is usually of a very complex kind. We must, therefore, keep in mind that the various kinds of psychical operations which are now to engage our attention are often inter- mingled and that they often coalesce. At the early stages of de- velopment art and religion are very closely related, so that art productions are often only intelligible through religion; on the other hand, art is frequently the principal form of expression for religious conceptions. Ina given case it is therefore often difficult to decide whether an artistic motif should be understood as the outcome of religious ideas. In the same way the norms of custom are often closely connected with religious ideas, and at certain stages of development this dependence is so great that almost all the acts of economic life are connected with ceremonial of some kind. Although native races possess an amazing knowledge of the pro- perties of natural materials and of natural phenomena, and to some extent even of the forces of nature, we can hardly say that actual science exists among them, because their knowledge is merely the result of practical experience which individuals have gathered in their multifarious relations with nature. At primitive economic stages man does not investigate or learn the properties of the things IgI THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND around him, or the interconnexion of nature’s forces, in order to arrange his life thereby. He merely learns how he must act on a given occasion, and thus gets to know nature’s powers from his own attitude toward them. Because some species of fish is not eaten, it is, he concludes, inedible or dangerous ; because certain measures of caution must be observed in dealing with the rapacious piranha fish, it is a dangerous animal. It is thus the norms of custom which dictate the manifestations of life of the individual, rather than free acts of will based on his own deductions. And just as primitive man’s knowledge of nature is not based on personal knowledge, so when he seeks to explain to himself the inner connexions of natural phenomena, or the reasons and causes of things, he does not reach scientific results by logical thinking; he merely attains to a belief in certain powers that are present in his life—that is to say, it is religion, inits widest sense, not science. We shall not enter farther here into the question as to when and where science first appears in the history of mankind, but we now turn to the three remaining aspects of mental culture, viz., custom, art, and religion. Under the name of custom are included all the norms recognized by a community as rules of conduct. As we have already pointed out, man does not come into the world with innate ability to pro- vide for the indirect satisfaction of his wants, nor can he acquire it from his own experience ; and yet, in contrast to the animals, he depends on indirect satisfaction in his struggle for existence. He is therefore compelled to learn from his fellow-men. In youth he copies the ways of those around him, or he is constrained by authority to obey the recognized ways of life—in other words, he is trained to observe the rules of custom. In this way the custom that prevails in any community gradually invades almost the entire life of each individual in it. Whether it be a question of how to treat his own body, a question of clothing or ornament, or of how he is to act in the presence of nature and her powers, or, finally, how he is to behave toward his fellow-men—the individual finds a model for all these activities in the behaviour of his fellows, and he only deviates from this in presence of some compelling reason. At the lower stages of civilization, therefore, it is only things that lie outside the intellectual sphere that can cause a deviation from the prevailing norm of life, although it is just such deviation that alone makes progress of human civilization possible. 192 INTELLECTUAL ENVIRONMENT Among primitive races the norms of life are for the most part also decisive for the behaviour of man toward his fellow-men. It is custom that mainly determines the economic intercourse of men with each other. We must not, however, allow ourselves to be misled into thinking that custom must, therefore, be considered a first step toward law. Most emphatically it must be said that custom and law are two essentially different conceptions, and no gradual transition from the one to the other is possible. Custom always means rules underlying the activities of the individual ; law, on the other hand, means rules that underlie peaceful economic intercourse. Such rules of intercourse, law, may, of course, be based on the fact that individuals in their peaceful intercourse all follow the same instructions, and rules of law may, in the actual form which they by and by assume, be determined by custom, but they are never the result of custom as such. By art ! in the widest sense we understand any representation of ideas that serves as an outlet for human emotions. Although the word ‘art,’ in this sense, often implies the communication of ideas to others, and although the productions of art are frequently meant for some group of hearers or spectators, this is not necessarily always the case, and it must not be considered essential. The best proof of this is found in the music which the Bushman draws out of his simple music-bow. Holding one end of the instrument between his teeth, he strikes the string with a small rod, producing notes that are audible to himself alone. Among the means used in artistic production we include all the means of expression by which psychical (seelisch) operations can be communicated to others. As we have already said, these are the same as the means used to secure mutual understanding. We dis- tinguished between those that appeal to the sense of hearing and those that appeal to the sense of sight, and we shall retain the same distinction between the two methods of producing artistic works. For our ethnological purpose, it is best to divide these also into those which are perceptible by the sense of hearing and those which are perceptible by the sense of sight. It should be said that this is not the principle of classification that is usually adopted in the science of art. The classification used there is into artistic expression of rest and of movement. The chief difference between 1 See Ernst Grosse, Die Anfdnge dey Kunst (Leipzig, 1894), and Karl Bicher, Arbeit und Rhythmus (Leipzig, 1902). N 193 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND the two classifications is that the first includes dancing among the plastic arts, while the second groups dancing with music. According to the definition we have given, every representation of ideas, so far as it expresses human emotions, is art; but this must not be taken to mean that religious ideas necessarily underlie all the artistic work of native races. At the same time it must be admitted that among native races religious ideas very frequently find ex- pression in artistic form. Music and dancing may be used to express the primitive man’s ideas of his demons and their voices, just as they may be used to express any feelings roused by joyous or sad events. Both in plastic art and in painting the mottfs may be either secular or sacred, and the two may sometimes be so closely conjoined that in many cases no clear line of division can be drawn between them. The same is the case at higher stages of civilization. Many of the drawings on the figure vases of the ancient Peruvians are simple scenes of daily life—the rower on his raft of rushes, hunting scenes, or actual men and women, animals, fruits, or implements—while on other vessels, to all appearance exactly like those just mentioned, the drawings are decidedly mythological in character. In any case, even among peoples outside of Asia and Europe, the secular subjects of art work are just as important as the religious ones, and there is no reason to imagine that every figure drawing must have a religious significance. From these genuine art-expressions—that is, these genuine examples of emotion finding an outlet in pictorial form, we have to distinguish those which are found on manufactured articles, and which we may call artistic industrial production. It is only in goods for use that outward form or appearance has any importance ; in goods for consumption it plays practically no part at all, and so we find artistic industrial production only in the manufacture of goods for use. Whether in any given instance the result is merely due to the process of manufacture or whether art is involved is, of course, a question not to be decided merely on the ground that it is pleasing or displeasing to our artistic sense. An outward appearance that is merely due to the purpose for which the article was made can arouse thoughts which quicken the emotional nature of man; but where there was no direct intention of expressing emotion the result cannot be considered a work of art, whatever be the effect it produces on the spectator. It is easily possible, however, that, owing to this effect on the mind and the emotions of the spectator, such an article 194 PLATE 35 BUSHMAN DRAWING South Africa. After Randall-Maciver, Medizval Rhodesia venue Menten er aa pg en OR Rene MOC NTE Le Ea | PENCIL DRAWING BY PARESSI INDIANS, REPRESENTING THE AUTHOR’S ARRIVAL ON HORSEBACK IN THE VILLAGE 194 South America. Original in the Ethnological Museum, Berlin . - Le ae es PLATE 36 ae i PAINTING ON ANCIENT PERUVIAN TEXTILE Pachacamac. Original in the Ethnological Museum, Berlin PAINTING ON ANCIENT PERUVIAN TEXTILE: FISHERMEN ON RusH RAFtTs 195 Original in the Ethnological Museum, Berlin INTELLECTUAL ENVIRONMENT may serve as a model for future artistic work, and this is what frequently happens among both native races and peoples of higher civilization. The geometrical patterns in some kinds of basketry— the ‘steps-and-stairs’ pattern, the zigzag lines, the rhomb pattern Fig. 8. DIAGRAM SHOWING THE POSITION OF THE DIAGONAL STRIPES IN THE RHOMB AND MEANDERING PATTERNS with the dot or small cross or diamond in the centre, and particu- larly the meandering pattern—which are entirely due to the method of manufacture, are not art work ; they are solely the result of the way in which the plaiting is done. But, even so, they may arouse artistic feelings in the mind of the person who made them or sees them, and thus become suggestions for artistic designs and them- selves be further developed and perfected. It is in this way that new patterns for basketry are created—by the varied combination of elements that are due to the method of manufacture. And then 195 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND these new wickerwork patterns, when once they have aroused suggestions, come to be used as patterns for other forms of artistic work—in painting, branding, scratching, on the plane surfaces of wooden implements, fruit-cases, or earthenware vessels, or in weaving, embroidery, and so on. Of course, the use of these basketry patterns, which often appear in the ornament work of peoples of higher culture, may be conjoined with the representation of otherideas. It is this that gives rise to the various intermediate forms between figure representation and pure geometrical plane ornament. Fig. 9 (a—d) shows how the Indians on the Upper Xingu conjoin one and the same wickerwork pattern—in this case the rhomb standing on end, with the fish and the bird and the human figure. Among many tribes this geometrical ornamentation, which had its origin in basketry, has become so popular that plane (extended) ornament is hardly ever found. All figures which the artist desires to draw on the plane surface of his articles for use are, as it were, forced into the dominant geometrical pattern, and appear in an artificial, touched-up form, and, in competition with them, free, natural figure-drawing has no chance to develop. This explains the striking fact that the free, natural style of drawing reaches great perfection among peoples who are at the lowest stage of civilization, and who have been entirely unaffected by basketry patterns. We may mention, as examples of this, the well-known drawings of the Bushmen, of the Australians and the Eskimos, and also the free drawings from the Paleolithic Age of Europe. Up to comparatively recent times most ethnologists believed that the geometrical patterns were figure-drawings decorated and touched up, that the rhombs stood for fishes (mereschu fishes on the Upper Xingu), and that the triangles stood for pendent bats, or for the small triangles of bast (the so-called uluri) worn by the women on the Upper Xingu (Figs. 9 and 10). To support this view, series claiming to show the order of development were arranged, and further corroboration was believed to be found in the names given by the natives to their geometrical ornamentation. We have already seen that no such inferences can be drawn from series so arbitrarily chosen ; and the fact that the commonest forms of the geometrical patterns in question are found distributed over nearly the whole world proves that the names which the natives give to their ornaments have no bearing on the origin of the latter. A close study of South American basketry enabled me to show that 196 PEATE. 37 DANCE MASKS OF TRUMAI AND MEHINAKU INDIANS 196 Upper Xingu, Central Brazil. Originals in the Ethnological Museum, Berlin PLATE 38 Pp Vas eeasaias yf, MAORI CARVING 197 ght: Ri NEw, MECKLENBURG. ON A WOODEN Box 7ROM -CARVING I Woop . Leta unst der Naturvolker c r, Die I From Sydow zeit und der Vor Zealand. ago and New Archipel Bismarck Fig.9. a-d, SKETCHES OF A BirpD, A MAN, AND FISHES DONE BY BAKAiIRI INDIANS; e AND f, SAND DRAWINGS BY AUETO INDIANS. UPPER XINGU, SOUTH AMERICA THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND some of the commonest geometrical patterns in the ‘steps-and- stairs’ style are wholly due to the process of manufacture, so that there is no longer any room for doubt that these patterns are an independent starting-point for further ornamentation, and that all intermediate types between them and figure representation are due to the combination of their mental effects with other ideas. In exactly the same way a connexion between method of manu- facture and art can be seen in plastic work, in utility goods like earthenware vessels, stools, and similar articles. It is worthy of Fig. 10. TRIANGLES OF BAST, WITH PAINTED PATTERNS, WORN BY BAKAiIRI WOMEN ON THE UPPER XINGU, SOUTH AMERICA notice that the manufacture of these articles can itself suggest to the workman ideas that cover both the purpose of the article and the shape which it necessarily assumes. Hence the digger-wasp (Sphex) on the end of the handle of the planting-stick of the Indians on the Upper Xingu, and their small earthenware bowls in the form of pumpkin-skins or like armadillos, tortoises, bats, and many other animals. In any case there is more than one motif in these works of industrial art, and one of them is always determined by the purpose of the article in question. Unfortunately, space forbids more than a brief mention of the various kinds of art-expression. (1) Those which appeal to the sense of hearing : (a) Those which find expression in speech, including mythical narrative and poetry. Among native races poetry is usually sung, and belongs also to the class next mentioned. (b) Those expressed by measured sounds—music. 198 198 Maori CARVING t Kunst der Naturvolker und der Vorzet vé D dow, From Sy New Zealand. PLATE 40 BRONZE CAST FROM BENIN, NIGERIA (KING AND RETINUE) Original in the Ethnological Museum, Berlin INTELLECTUAL ENVIRONMENT (2) Those that appeal to the sense of sight : (a) Gesture: mimicry, usually conjoined with dance and song, gradually leading up to dramatic representa- tion. Among native races mimicry frequently takes the form of masked dancing. (6) The so-called plastic or graphic arts—in which emotions are objectified in some material—in actual plastic work, or in painting, woven patterns, or other form of plane (extended) representation. In order to be able to include in our ethnological system the religion of mankind outside the civilization of Asia and Europe, we must first group under one joint definition all the phases of human life that we should call religious. Of course, in so doing we must not take as our starting-point those specific phenomena which have been matured in the great systems of religion in Asia and Europe and look upon the others as being to some extent stages of religious development, if not of degeneration. Our definition ought to embrace all manifestations of religion, and this practical aim will be best secured if we take as our general definition of religion the belief in certain powers which to the emotional life of man are the causes of all existence and of all that happens in nature and in human life. According to this definition, religion is essentially different from science. The task of science is to investigate the inner connexions of natural phenomena and of human history by impartial logical method and solely on the basis of observed facts. So far as belief fetters men’s thoughts to certain dogmas that depend on the emotions, free development of science is impossible. If all attempts of primitive men to explain all that is and all that happens are based on religious dogmas, we cannot properly speak of them as science. We must, of course, expect to find that primitive man’s religious conceptions exercise a strong influence on his activities, but the effect of these religious influences on economic life among men at the very lowest stage of civilization has, in my opinion, been greatly exaggerated. For our ethnological purpose we are concerned with the religious conceptions of mankind only so far as they find expression in out- wardform, Leaving out of account the religious systems of modern Asia and Europe, religious conceptions are expressed (1) in cultus and (2) in art. 199 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND By ‘cultus’ we mean all those acts by which men believe them- selves to be brought into touch with the powers that are the objects of their religious faith. These powers are of various kinds, and the cultus, so far as it is not merely a direct means for the satisfaction of religious wants, is performed for various ends, including some that are economic; cultus, therefore, may take many forms, upon which we cannot here enlarge. We have already seen that every representation of ideas that affords an outlet for human emotion is art; consequently all representations of religious ideas come under this head ; and, as cultus or worship largely involves such represen- tations, art occupies a large place there also. Mimicry, dancing, - and music play an important part in worship, and the paraphernalia of worship already described provide room for the display of the plastic arts also. The powers to whose mysterious working faith ascribes the out- ward events that affect human life, sometimes favourably and some- times unfavourably, are of many kinds. They include the spirits of the dead, and this gives rise to worship of the dead and to ancestor- worship—manism. A somewhat similar belief in spirits is found in animalism, in which such powers are ascribed to animals, who are considered to be equal or even superior to man. This leads to a universal animal-worship, or a special veneration of certain species of animals as guardian spirits and ancestor-animals—totemism. Further, various portions of inanimate nature are looked upon either as possessing power to affect human fate, or as being the dwelling- place of beings to whom such powers are ascribed. These include the sun, the moon, and the stars, and to them many peoples pay worship. This leads directly to demonism. This is a belief in ‘spirits,’ properly so-called, and ascribes controlling power over events and human fate to independent beings, demons, who take up their abode in certain natural objects, although they are not necessarily confined to them. This belief is in some regions so widespread that almost every part of nature is conceived to be thus animated. This stage of religious faith, usually called animism, is considered by some scholars, perhaps following Tylor, to be the initial stage of all religion. A subspecies of demonism is fetishism, in which the various demons are conceived as being confined to certain objects, places, or figures, or even any trifling thing, such as a stone or piece of wood. Another direction of thought, often closely connected with these 200 INTELLECTUAL ENVIRONMENT religious conceptions, starts from the dynamical effects which mani- fest themselves in events for the weal or woe of mankind. The good and the evil that befall men, the success or failure of their efforts, are ascribed to the influence of certain invisible powers, to whom, in as far as the influence is conceived to be due to their own will, some degree of personality is attributed. The various kinds of activities and passivities, field toil, hunting, fishing, dancing, play, illness, famine, death, are. connected with definite powers of this kind. Between these powers, these‘ deities’ and ‘spirits’ or demons, already mentioned, there are, of course, various relationships. The deities of agriculture are believed to be closely related to the natural phenomena that affect agriculture—the sun and the rain—and are therefore conceived as sun and rain deities. To some of these out- standing importance is ascribed; they are made the authors of existence, creators, and the creation of man by such creator deities is a frequent subject of myth. Man’s behaviour must, of course, be in keeping with these con- ceptions regarding the nature of the invisible, controlling powers that influence his fate. Where spirits and demons are in question man is chiefly concerned with precautions against the evil influences of these powers ; in the case of the deities he is chiefly anxious to propitiate their favour and to secure their aid in the satisfaction of those needs that lie within the sphere of their influence. He seeks to keep the evil spirits at a distance, or to prevent their malign influence. Even among primitive peoples this task of warding off evil spirits by certain manipulations—acts of magic—falls to specially appointed persons, usually called, in ethnological literature, magicians or medicine-men. The attitude of the magician toward the spirits is variously interpreted among different peoples. Some- times he is credited with the power of transforming himself for a time into a being with supernatural power, so that spirit meets spirit. Thence arises the conception that he in turn can exploit this power for men’s undoing. Distinctions are drawn between good and evil magicians, and among some tribes the view prevails that many forms of misfortune—death, illness, drought—are due to the evil working of these men, who are believed either to be in league with evil spirits, or to be practising their malign influence independently. I cannot here enter into the various forms of cultus which are intended to dispose the deities in favour of men. For this purpose 201 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND men pray, flagellate themselves, offer sacrifices, including human sacrifices. Even among native races special importance attaches to efforts to discover the will of the gods, so that men may be able to make their arrangements in accordance with that will. Important enterprises, like war, are undertaken only when favourable oracles or omens have given the assurance that the deities concerned look favourably upon them and that certain success may be expected. Here also the conduct of the ceremonies is in the hands of special persons—priests. These men are frequently associated in heredi- tary priesthoods, which enjoy special privileges and are usually closely associated with the heads or leaders of the community. In addition to superintending the cultus, these men are also the cus- todians of tribal traditions, and among primitive races they often exercise an important influence on intellectual civilization. 202 PLATE 41 ANCIENT MEXICAN STONE-RELIEF: THE ‘ CALENDAR STONE’ Original in the Ethnological Museum, Berlin PLATE 42 ANCIENT MEXICAN STONE FIGURE: THE EARTH-GODDESS, CoATLICUE 203 After Sydow, Die Kunst der Naturvolker und der V orzeit PAR haa SPECIAL OR DESCRIPTIVE ETHNO- LOGY (ETHNOGRAPHY) CHAPTERS! INTRODUCTORY CIENTIFIC men have long busied themselves with the task of drawing up a suitable classification of mankind into races. Greek and Roman thinkers and, even earlier than they, the ancient Egyptians assumed that their own people were the actual centre, and they distinguished four other main groups, according to the four chief points of the compass. Even Leibniz (1646-1716) followed this method and divided mankind into four groups, according to the four directions—the Laplanders in the north, Ethiopians in the south, Mongols in the east, and Europeans in the west. Another classification—into three original races—was based on the Biblical narrative, and found supporters, even in the nine- teenth century, in Cuvier and de Quatrefages, who divided mankind into white men, red men (including mongols), and black men. Shem was the ancestor of the red races, Ham of the black, and Japhet of the white. Of the numerous systems which have been drawn up from time to time, we shall mention only the most important, in order to show the very different ideas that have been the basis of classification.* The system of Linneus is interesting, as it shows how elementary was the knowledge of the human race that had been attained in 1735, the year in which this system was drawn up. Linneus divides the genus homo into three chief species, as follows: 1 See Moritz Hiérnes, Natur und Urgeschichte des Menschen (Leipzig, 1909), vol. i; Linnzus, Systema Nature (1735); F. Miller, Allgemeine Ethnographie (1879) ; T. H. Huxley, Man’s Place in Nature (London, 1863); T. H. Huxley, “On the Geographical Distribution of the Chief Modifications of Mankind,” in Journ. Ethnol. Soc. (1870); Quatrefages, Histoive générale des vaces humaines (Paris, 1885-89) ; Topinard, L’ Anthropologie (1876); A. H. Keane, Ethnology (Cambridge, 1896) ; Johannes Ranke, Der Mensch ; Cr: Stratz, Naturgeschichte des Menschen. 203 THE PREMITIVE RACES OR @NEAN KEN (1) Homo sapiens, the normal European, Asiatic, African, and American. (2) Homo ferus, human tribes very low in the scale, and some savage men who have been heard of. Homo ferus has no articulate language, is covered with hair, and goes on all fours. (3) Homo monstruosus, abnormal men, such as giants, dwarfs, macrocephalics, microcephalics, cretins, etc., who have been heard of from various quarters. Homo sapiens is then ingeniously classified into four subdivisions, on the basis of temperamental differences : (1) The American with ruddy complexion and choleric tempera- ment. He is obstinate, self-satisfied, a lover of liberty ; paints himself with an intricate maze of lines and is largely governed by habit. (2) The European, with white complexion and sanguine tempera- ment; he is easily moved, keen, and inventive; and loves close-fitting garments and government by law. (3) The Asiatic, with yellow complexion and melancholic tem- perament ; he is cruel, ostentatious, and greedy; loves to wear loose clothing and is governed by opinion. (4) The African, with black complexion and phlegmatic tem- perament; he iscunning, indolent, and indifferent; anoints himself with fat and is governed by caprice. Blumenbach’s classification into five races long enjoyed great favour: (1) Caucasians ; (2) Mongols; (3) Ethiopians ; (4) Ameri- cans; (5) Malays. Later a sixth was added—by Ehrenreich, among others—Australians. Other classifications were based on the shape of the cranium, the quality of the hair, and difference of language. These involve problems and questions which have till now only been studied either from the purely anthropological or from the linguistic point of view, and, as these results have not yet been sufficiently sifted from the ethnological side, we cannot enter upon any detailed discussion of them. The remarkable differences that are revealed by these attempts to classify mankind are in strong contrast to the clear principles of division that govern the classification of the animal and vegetable 204. MASKED MEDICINE-MAN OF THE KWIKPAGMIUT (ALASKAN ESKIMO) Original in the Ethnological Museum, Berlin 204 PLATE 44 Mask COSTUME OF THE KWAKIUTL, WORN BY MEMBERS OF THE HAMETZ SECRET SOCIETY 205 North America. Original in the Ethnological Museum, Berlin CEASSIETCA LION OHS MANKIND kingdoms. They are due to the difficulty of drawing a sharp line between the various human types and of recognizing intermediate forms when they occur. Asa matter of fact, there is an enormous diversity of human types, and it is subject to constant change. This constant change is, no doubt, largely due to frequent crossing, but part of the cause also lies in change of environment, of social con- ditions, and of mental culture. In our attempt to learn something of mankind in all its variety, we shall, for want of a better principle of classification, start from the purely geographical standpoint. We shall first study the inhabitants of the various continents and the islands that belong to them, and then try to differentiate as far as possible the units that are culturally connected with each other. We begin with the American continent, because the indigenous population there, owing to its situation apart from the rest of the world, constitutes a natural unit. 205 GH Aste Raa THE PEOPUCES9Os 20H tence THE PEOPLES OF AMERICA HEN, after the discovery of America, it was realized that © 4 N that land was an independent continent, there was forced uponmen’s mindsthe great questionas tohowthe ancestors of its inhabitants had come thither, and how the ancient American civilizations were to be accounted for. The surprising fact that on that continent, surrounded on all sides by the sea, human beings similar to those in the Old World were found, had to be harmonized with the views that prevailed regarding the world. Under the in- fluence of the Biblical account of creation, it was assumed that the human race had had one common home, and that this was in the Old World. Thesole problem, therefore, was to explain how the | peoples in America had come from the Old World to their present places of abode. Founding their opinions on supposed similarities of physiognomy, some assumed that the Mongols, and others that the Caucasians were the source of the American race. Others, again, arguing from an alleged likeness between some American types and the Jews, maintained that an immigration of Phcenicians and Egyptians had taken place (did not Solomon send expeditions to Ophir ?), and still others saw in the Americans the descendants of the Canaanites or of the Jews whom Shalmaneser had deported. These fantastic attempts to account for the presence of the Ameri- can peoples need not detain us, but there are other views that we must examine more closely, because they seemed to provide ground for the assumption that the peoples of America came from the Old World. For example, it has been assumed that, even in ancient times, people in East Asia knew of the existence of the New World. The ancient Chinese annals mention a land, Fusang, lying far away in the east, and some have identified this land with ancient Mexico. It is clear, however, from the descriptions that are given of the pro- ducts and customs of Fusang that it was some country of East Asia, in one of the islands north of East Asia. 206 (OWIMNSH ‘ ulp[Iegq NVMSVIV ) LOINDV uInasnyy [POLcO[OUY} A oY} UT S[TRUISTIGQ dMIMY AHL AO ONIAUVO-AN Od S¥ ALV Id PLATE 46 DANCE BLANKET OF THE TLINKIT INDIANS North America. Original in the Ethnological Museum, Berlin Pe I a Died see paar FT Reo Ca CHIEFTAIN FIGURES OF THE KWAKIUTL 207 North America. Originals in the Ethnological Museum, Berlin THE PEOPLES’ GE THE BARTH Again, it has been claimed that the ancient migration sagas of Mexico and Peru contain proofs of the foreign origin of these an- cient civilizations. According to the traditions of the Aztecs, their original home was an island in the sea, and Sahagun says that the Toltecs came originally over the sea and landed on the north coast near Panuco. The story in the Inca saga of the god Viracocha, who when his life on earth was done disappeared across the sea, gave rise to the idea that he was of foreign origin. The isolated scraps of information that a whole nation on rafts had come by sea to the coast town of Lambazeque, that a foreign race had landed on the coast of Ecuador, and that these new-comers had founded dynasties have also been adduced as evidence of immigration from oversea. But all these statements either are mere mythological traditions without any historical basis, or, at best, indicate migrations or movements of a purely local nature. Once more, it has been claimed that the numerous identities between the cultures of the Old and the New Worlds prove the existence of close relations between them. But if we are to esti- mate aright the connexion between the American race and the inhabitants of the Old World we must keep in view not only the identities, but also the palpable differences between the two civiliza- tions. In the case of the former it is difficult to say whether they are due to national interrelations or to independent parallel de- velopment, while some of the differences are of a kind that exclude close relations for any length of time. Asa matter of fact, there are two important points of decisive difference between the inhabitants of the Old and the New Worlds. In the first place, no affinity has yet been shown to exist between American languages and those of the Old World ; and, secondly, the cultivated plants of the American agricultural peoples are entirely different from those of the Old World. With the exception of the coco-palm, whose wide distri- bution is due to the power of resistance against seawater possessed by its fruits, the cultivated plants of America were not known in other parts of the world at the time when America was discovered. But that period of the discovery provides the best proof of the rapidity with which intercourse between two different civilizations is followed by an exchange of their cultivated plants. As far back as a century ago the dividing lines between the plants of the Old and the New Worlds had been so obliterated over the whole world that close and detailed scientific study was necessary in order to 207 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND determine which species of domesticated plants were of American, and which were of Old World origin ;. and indeed the European banana spread with such rapidity in America that it has frequently been considered as indigenous there. All this makes it clear that, if we are to reach a common origin for the American race and the inhabitants of the Old World, we must go back to times far more remote than those mentioned in these theories. It is, of course, indisputable that there existed both ethnological and anthropological relations at the frontiers between the American continent and the adjacent countries. There is proof that these existed between East Asia and the north-west of America, and it is possible that the link of connexion was wrecked vessels or something of that kind. But no decisive influence on American civilization as a whole, nor on the economic conditions of its peoples, can be attributed either to such frontier relations, or to such chance happenings as those suggested. It has been proved that, even in recent geological periods, there was a connexion between the mainland of America and Asia and Europe, and there is no reason why we should not assume the ex- istence at that time of a more or less homogeneous population in this continuous land-mass. The discoveries of antiquities in America do not at all exclude such a remote origin of the American race, although the inferences which have been drawn from these antiquities are still so disputable that no positive assertions about the age of man in America can be founded on them. Fantastic theories, like those of Ameghino and Hauthal, regarding the original home of Tertiary man in the pampas, and his life with the armadillo (then already long extinct !) and the megatherium | (Hauthal even declares that Tertiary man kept a fossil species, the grypotherium, as a domesticated animal) are of course to be at once rejected. We are taken back into far remote times by the discoveries made in the numerous, artificially constructed shell- heaps—the sambakis—corresponding to our ‘kitchen-middens,’ which are found up and down the coasts of North and South America. In seeking for points of connexion between the inhabitants of the Old and the New Worlds, we have thus every reason for going back to very remote times. The gradual’separation of the American race, aS an independent unit, from the rest of mankind is to be explained by morphological and climatic changes of the 208 Bele PE ORTH s7.@ Heer oak TE earth’s surface, brought about by great ruptures of the land and by the Ice Age. Apart from the Eskimos, who are Mongoloids and occupy a position by themselves, somatically and culturally, all differences in the population of America at the time of the discovery are to be considered as merely varieties of one and the same basal type, marked by numerous features common to the majority of the tribes. The impression which the external appearance of the Indian makes on a European is on the whole far from a disagreeable one, although the facial features of the South Americans are often dis- figured by extremely large ‘ornaments’ in ears, lips, ornose. Among South Americans the Patagonians are outstandingly tall—many of them are 6 ft. 3-4 in. in height, while other tribes, like the Fue- gians, Botocudos, and Trumai, are distinctly short in stature. The complexion of the Americans is most correctly described as various shades of brown, mostly lighter shades. In the south and south- east of North America, evidently owing to the influence of the strong sunshine, very dark types are found, but the complexion of the South Americans is, on the whole, fairer, especially among the tribes that live chiefly in the shades of the primeval forests. The name ‘Redskin’ is based on an erroneous conception, and is due to the common practice of smearing the body with red dye. Straight hair is common in South America, but more frequently than in North America—one finds there fine, wavy hair, and, very often, frizzy and curly hair, as among the Bakairi and Tukano tribes. The beard is in most cases entirely removed by being plucked out, and seems scantier than it really is. Bearded Indians are found mostly in the north-west and west of North America, and among a very few tribes of South America, e.g., the Guato. THE TRIBES OF NORTH AMERICA How erroneous it is, ethnographically, to base the classification of peoples merely on the fact that they belong to different linguistic stocks is specially apparent in connexion with the tribes of North America. Tribes which belong to one and the same linguistic family are found here at quite a different level of civilization, and, of course, for our ethnographical purpose, it is only the cultural identities that count. Nevertheless, we give here a brief conspectus of the chief O 209 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND linguistic stocks and their distribution, before turning to the eight separate provinces of civilization. (1) The Eskimoan, linguistically a very uniform group, scattered along the shores of the Arctic Ocean as far as the east coast of Greenland. (2) The Athapascan or Tinneh, adjoining the above on the south- west, interspersed along the west coast among other lin- guistic stocks and extending, with the Navahos and the Apaches, as far as Arizona and North Mexico. (3) The Algonquian stocks, adjoining the Eskimo on the east, and extending well down the east coast. (4) The Iroquoian-Huron group, in the valley of the River St. Law- rence and inthe territory round Lake Ontario and Lake Erie. (5) The Siouan or Dakotan group, adjoining (3) on the south- west. (6) The Muskhogean group, adjoining the Iroquioan on the south- west and extending to the Gulf of Mexico (Creek and others). (7 and 8) The Kaioweh and Caddoan (Pawnee and others) ; aborigines of the Grass steppes, adjoining the Siouan group on the south-west. (9) The Shoshonean stocks (Comanche and Hopi in Arizona and others). from the Great Basin southward. To these belong also the Sonorish peoples, including the Aztecs. Besides these larger linguistic stocks there are numerous smaller ones, of which no fewer than twenty-one are to be found in Cali- fornia and Oregon alone. Also, on the steep north-west coast and on the dry plateaux of Arizona and New Mexico there is great linguistic divergence. We now turn to the separate provinces of civilization, and here we have eight different racial groups : I. The Arctic Region. This coincides for the most part with the first linguistic group, that of the Eskimo, but some Athapascan tribes have adopted the Eskimo civilization. Being the inhabitants of the Farthest North—the Smith Sound Eskimos have penetrated up to 82° north latitude—the Eskimos live mainly on animal food. Some amount of vegetable food is, © however, necessary, and this they find in the form of various grasses and seaweeds, and in the contents of the stomach and intestines of the reindeer. Their only forms of production are fishing and 210 rtd EO PISA} Hata Eby A R&T TH hunting. Their apparatus for these purposes is far from primitive —several kinds of harpoons and spears, bows and arrows, and the “spear-thrower,’ with which they hurl the harpoon projectiles. They use various kinds of snares. The reindeer, which the Eskimo —unlike the North Asiatic—has never domesticated, is caught in nets, nooses, and pits. For hunting water-animals the Eskimo uses the kayak, which is roofed in, while the larger umiak, used by the women and for transport purposes, is uncovered. The dog is domesticated and is used mainly to drag the sledge, but it is also of assistance in hunting the musk-ox, the bear, etc. | In summer the Eskimo lives the hunter’s roving life, living in tents of skin, but in winter he betakes himself to a solid dwelling, built either of wood, partly sunk in the ground and covered with earth, or of stone, with a roof of whalebone, or of snow, dome- shaped, Light and heat are both provided by lamps, carved out of soapstone (steatite) and fed with blubber oil. In keeping with their climate, the Eskimos are among the most completely dressed primitive races. The manufacture of hides is the main type of transformation of commodities practised among them. When indoors the Eskimo prefers to go about naked. 2. Canadian Collectors and Hunters. To this group belong the more northerly Athapascans, like the well-known Chippewayan, Dog-rib, and Beaver Indians, as well as a portion of the Algonquins. The outstanding characteristic of the Indians of this group is that they have no agriculture and depend on what vegetable food they can gather, together with hunting and fishing. They live a roving life, with little civilization. They live mainly in conical or dome- shaped tents, made of poles covered with hides. Their clothing is of leather—hose and shoes (moccasins) forming one garment. They move about in canoes of bark, or with the Canadian sledge or toboggan, a board curved well upward in front. In winter they go on snow-shoes. 3. The Atlantic Region. Of the former Indian inhabitants of the great region between the shore of the Gulf of Mexico, the great lakes, and the Mississippi there now remain a few remnants, living in separate ‘reservations.’ When, in 1682, the powerful Algonquian tribe Delaware ceded to William Penn by treaty what is now Pennsylvania, these Indians lost the whole coast region and found themselves obliged gradually to give way westward before the whites. In 1811 their last attempt to resist the steady advance of PAV KG THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND the Europeans was crushed in the decisive battle of Tippecanoe, and the remainder of the Algonquian tribes were gradually pushed back across the Mississippi. Similarly, the Cherokees, farther south, were driven out of their well-filled territory as a result of the dis- covery of gold in the southern Alleghenies. In spite of vigorous resistance, the Indians in the Gulf States also were practically cleared out before the middle of last century. Among the heroic fights waged by these Indians before they succumbed in defence of their liberty, that of the Seminole under. their great chief Osceola in the years 1835-42 is the most famous. An important part in the history of the settlement of North America was also played by the well-known Iroquoian league, which, according to the saga, was founded in 1570 by Hiawatha and included the five tribes, Onondaga, Oneida, Mohawk, Cayuga, and Seneca, and later the Tuscarora. Their-warlike efficiency made the Indians of this league a terror to all their neighbours, especially as they had at an early stage learned to shoot with muskets. Their chief foes were their own kin, the Huron, and against them they waged a cruel war of extermination that lasted more than a hundred years. They were also a constant danger to the French settlers, whose bitter enemies they had always been. Their cruel war customs, their scalping and torturing of prisoners, are well known. In contrast to the two preceding groups of Indians, these Atlantic tribes were more or less settled, and agriculture formed an impor- tant part of their economic life. They raised beans, sunflowers, and maize, and, in the south, sweet potatoes. In many districts their tillage took the form of forest-clearing, but, judging from the numerous earth mounds which still exist in the Ohio valley and in the Gulf States, ‘mound-culture’ must also have played an im- portant part. Along with the crops thus raised, wild rice (Zizania aquatica), which grew abundantly in the marshy lake districts, was an important source of vegetable food. Great quantities of the seeds of this plant were gathered in a special way that has already been described (see p. 107). The buffalo, stag, and elk were diligently hunted in the winter months, and the southern waters, which abounded in fish, were exploited in many ways. Inthe north the boat of bark, and in the south the ‘dug-out’ (monoxyle) were used. In keeping with the more settled life of these Indians, their house-construction was comparatively solid. Among the Algonquins 212 PEOPLES OF NORTH AMERICA ---Boundary line between the groups Distrib on of dfebtiine efbes” The names ‘erlined denote the linguistic groups $00 71000 1608 Lnglish Miles “y fe) Algan Klay [ibe See ao Shucron ‘Muskhogean Seminole ee 2 212 Pe OPE SiO ba rhe AR CEL of the north coast, the house, the “wigwam,’ was a dome- shaped tent made of poles bent to meet at the top and covered with bark. In other parts of the north the house was quadri- lateral, and its most developed form was the large ‘long houses’ of the Iroquois and the Huron. The houses in the south were different. The villages were often laid out in entrenched form, surrounded by a defensive palisade, especially among the tribes just mentioned. In the marshy, flooded districts on the coast of the Gulf of Mexico the houses, especially the chiefs’ dwellings and the houses of assembly, were usually built on a terraced under- structure of earth, and many of the artificial hillocks found scattered all over these districts owe their origin to this practice. In other cases, however, these hills or mounds certainly served defensive purposes. The clothing of the northern tribes was of leather, that of the southern tribes was of woven materials. A characteristic article of clothing was the ‘leggings,’ moccasins ; many of their garments were embroidered with pearls of shell, ‘wampum,’ which were also used as money. With regard to transformation of material, or manufacture, among these tribes, it should be emphasized that, in addition to stone implements, they also possessed implements of copper. They did not understand the process of getting this metal out of the ore, but merely cold-hammered the raw copper they found. Morgan’s researches led to a close study of the social conditions of the Atlantic tribes, and a clearly marked social organization is proved to have existed on a totemistic basis. The so-called mother- right was the only valid authority. A brisk trade between these tribes and outside communities must have existed, because in the mounds have been discovered articles of copper and obsidian, the material of which must have been brought into these districts from a great distance. We have already mentioned the use of wampum, shell pearls, as money. Pictorial writing had been brought to a comparatively high degree of development, especially among the Algonquian Delawares and Chippeways. ‘The figures were scratched on smooth pieces of bark. By this means the Delawares have left behind them re- cords of their whole tribal tradition. The Cherokee Sequoya tribe actually invented, with some European aid, a system of syllabic writing. 213 THE PRIMITIVE RACES ORGNUAN ENG Among these tribes religious conceptions had also attained some development. Belief in the souls of the departed was widespread among them, and this gave great significance to feasts for the dead. Among the Huron the dead were temporarily laid to rest on a frame- work of stakes, and finally buried in one common grave on the occasion of a great death-festival, held once every eight or ten years. Natural phenomena were believed to possess souls. The Iroquois and the Huron believed in a kind of magical power that lived in nature. The Iroquois called it Orenda, the Algonquins called it Manitu. There were special celebrations at harvest-time and in spring, and the conduct of these ceremonies was undertaken by a special priesthood. 4. The Prairie Tribes. These include the tribes living between the Mississippi and the Rocky Mountains, as far north as the Canadian forest region. They belong to different linguistic stocks, and include all the tribes in the Siouan linguistic group—Assiniboin, Dakota, Winnebago, Crow, Mandan, Omaha, and others. Several Algonquian tribes have also adopted prairie life—the Blackfeet, Cheyenne, Shoshone, Kaioweh, and Caddo. There are two features that are important for the economic life of this group—the great part played by buffalo-hunting, and the fact that most of them have taken to the use of the horse, and have become typical horsemen. This explains their roving manner of life. The usual dwelling was an easily portable, conical tent of leather (‘teepee’), both for summer and winter. The transport of the tents was carried out with the aid of dogs, and, later, of horses. The tent-poles were attached to a belt passing over the animal’s back, so that one end of the poles trailed on the ground. The poles were held together by cross sticks, and thus became an apparatus for the transport of children and baggage. In winter the chief form of vehicle was the toboggan drawn by dogs. Snow-shoes were universally used, especially for hunting in winter. Boats, in the proper sense of the word, these prairie tribes did not possess. They crossed streams and lakes in circular ‘pontoons,’ made of buffalo- hide stretched over a flexible frame. Of course, this roving, hunting life was increasingly affected by the tillage that continued to spread westwards, and, in course of time, the dwelling became more substantial, and was built of earth or turf. Their hunting weapons were bows and arrows, but the use of the flint-lock continued to spread. The original weapon of war was 214 HERALDIC Posts OF THE HAIDA INDIANS 214 North America. From Sydow, Die Kunst der Naturvolker und der Vorzeit uljiog ‘umoasnyy Teorsojouuy | ul[log ‘winosnyy [eorsojouyy a oy} ut ydeisojoyd ve WOT ‘*eOLIeuly Y}10 ay} ur ydersojoyd e WoL, ‘eoLioUTy YION cic NVIGNJ XQOIS NVWOM NVIGN] OHVdvVuy gv ALV Id Toh PEOPLES OF THE EARTH the battle-hammer or club, an oval stone hammer with a sharp edge—the tomahawk. The defensive weapon was the round shield. Leather and its manufacture filled a large place in their economic life. Tents, clothing, and utensils and receptacles of all kinds were allofleather. Moccasins, leggings, and a sleeved doublet of leather were their chief articles of dress. Over these was worn a large cloak of buffalo-hide, on the inside of which the exploits of the wearer were recorded in pictorial writing. For ornament they wore feathers, bird-bones, bear-claws, and embroideries done with dyed bristles of the porcupine. Characteristic also was the tobacco-pipe with its T-shaped head made of red soapstone. Men’s leagues and clubs were numerous and filled an important place in their social life. These leagues were based on age, and each had its own badges and dances. Among the festivals was one held in honour of the sun, when they danced round a sacred pole. Many of the dances involved cruel torture for the dancers. The worst forms of torture were practised by the Mandan tribe at the festivals at which youths were received into the ranks of mature men. The dead were laid to rest on platforms or on the branches of tall trees. 5. The North-west Americans. This is another extensive group of Indian tribes, marked off from their neighbours by pecu- liar forms of civilization. Their territory is the indented north- west coast of North America with its numerous islands. These tribes, too, belong to a number of different linguistic families. In the north are the Tlinkit; in the Queen Charlotte Islands the Haida; farther south, the Wakashan tribes, including the Nutka and the Kwakiutl at Vancouver, and finally the Salish tribes, including the Bellacoola Indians or the Bilchala. These Indians have risen to a fairly high level of civilization. It is remarkable, however, that they are ignorant of tillage, and fishing is their chief source of food. They are typical fishing peoples. In summer the salmon ascending the rivers are hunted with spears and snared with all sorts of traps and bag-shaped hand-nets; the cat- sharks and seals and other sea mammals are killed with harpoons ; fish of all kinds, including cod and halibut, are fished up from the sea-bottom with fishing tackle that is sometimes of enormous size. Dried salmon and fish-oil form the staple winterfood. For vegetable food they depend entirely on what the women are able to gather, ate THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND In summer they spend most of their time in fishing expeditions. They use splendidly made ‘dug-outs’ (monoxyles), constructed from the stem of the red cedar-tree. In winter they live in large houses made of planks. These extend in long rows along the coast, and are organized into village communities. Their clothing consists of furs and capes plaited from the bast of the cedar-tree. They also use beautifully patterned blankets made from the hair of mountain goats and dogs. Gradually, however, these are being displaced by blankets of European manufacture. Their workmanship is fairly well developed in several directions. These Indians, especially the Haida, excel all other North American Indians in woodcarving. Their boats, their house-gables, and the large posts adorned with heraldic figures, all display a highly developed artistic sense. Both stone and copper are used for implements and tools, and copper daggers were among their weapons. Many of the tribes, especially the Chilcat, were famous for their textile manufactures. There are many features of interest in the social life of these tribes. In the south the commonest form of organization is the village community on a territorial basis. Among the more northerly tribes the population is divided into clans, based on blood-relation- ship and totemism. In the winter months, however, these normal forms of organization are completely suspended, and their place is taken by a system of grouping into secret leagues and alliances. There was also a strictly observed distinction between the various classes. Nobility, commoners, and slaves were sharply distin- guished. Nobility and chieftainship were on a purely plutocratic basis. Great distinction was attached to the ability to provide festive entertainment, ‘potlatch,’ and to display lavish hospitality at these celebrations. Trade, especially maritime trade, was well developed. The chief measures of value, or media of exchange, were dancing robes, blankets, and large ornamented copper slabs. The tribes of the North-west were fond of fighting, and their armour was of a serviceable kind. They used long lances, and large swordlike clubs of stone and bone. Some tribes, like the Tlinkit and Haida, had good defensive armour in the form of leather capes, coats of mail made of wooden slats fastened together, and wooden helmets. The religious festivities were closely associated with totemism and 216 Pott PROP ROPOe Tih abA REE the system of secret leagues. These celebrations were accompanied by masked dancing, the masks being cleverly carved and lavishly painted. 6. The Tribes of Oregon and California. As already mentioned, these comprise a number of distinct tribes, the best known being the Klamath, the Pomo, the Maidu, and the Wintun. There are also isolated Athapascan tribes, like the Hupa, and, in the south, some Shoshone tribes. In spite of these linguistic differences, the civilization of these tribes is fairly uniform, except that in the north and among the extremely clever seafaring inhabitants of the Santa Barbara Islands there is distinct evidence of the influence of the North-west tribes. On the whole, the civilization is low. The simple gathering of vegetable food is practically the only activity on that side of their economic life. There is no tillage of any kind, and very little hunting and fishing. Their chief food is the wild acorn. It is pounded to flour and then roasted on hot stones in pits, or is put into watertight wicker-baskets and boiled. The water is boiled by having hot stones put into it. The houses are mostly circular. North of San Francisco they are built over a depression in the ground. The clothing is mainly of hides and leather. The women wear a fringed apron, and over that a skirt of stag-leather fastened round the loins: the men wear an apron of stag-leather, leggings, and moccasins. Basketry is highly developed. The baskets of these Indians, with their large range of patterns, and with dainty coloured feathers - worked into them (among the Pomo), are one of the most remarkable products of civilization. Obsidian is found in this region, and is worked into knife-blades, arrow-points, and other articles. Simple rafts made of bundles of rushes are used, even on the sea. The Klamath use marsh-shoes, hoops filled in with a network of straps, which prevent the wearer from sinking into the marshy eround. Among the Hupa, Pomo, and other tribes the men meet in roofed pits. As in California, however, these same places are also used for sudorific purposes. 7. The Tribes of the Pueblo Region. Owing to the special manner in which the agricultural Indians of the plateaux of New Mexico, Arizona, Southern Utah, and Colorado construct their villages or, as they call them, pueblos, this whole region has come to be called by that name. In this district there are two entirely 217 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND different strata of population—the settled Indians, whose peculiar style of village-construction has given the whole district its name, and a number of nomadic tribes, who have no tillage, and who live, or at least used to live, at bitter enmity with the former. The most important of these latter are the Shoshone tribe, the Yute, the Athapascan tribes of Apaches, who forced their way in from the north, and the Navaho, who have latterly settled down to the peaceful, pastoral life of shepherds. The descendants of the ancient Pueblo Indians belong to different linguistic stocks. They are the Shoshone tribe of Hopi, the Zuni, the Keres, and the Tano. They still retain many of their original characteristic features, although many have disappeared owing to missionary influence and other causes. But we are fortunately able to supplement our knowledge of the ancient inhabitants of these districts from the ruined sites which still survive, and from the remains of ancient civilization which have been discovered there. Tillage is the very centre of the economic life of the Pueblo Indians. In contrast to the form of it pursued by the Indians of the Atlantic region, the tillage of the Pueblos is that which is best called terrace-cultivation. Its most important feature is artificial irrigation, and there can still be seen the ancient canals, dams, and reservoirs which point to a former more intensive cultivation and a much better utilization of the scanty water-supply on that high and dry plateau. The principal crop was maize, but they also grew melons, pumpkins, beans, and cotton. In view of the small part played by stock-farming all over America, it is worthy of notice that these Pueblos bred turkeys. Closely connected with their agricultural activities is the peculiar style of pueblo-building. Most striking are the ‘cliff-dwellings’ constructed by the earlier inhabitants of these districts. They are spacious, complicated stone structures, built in the cliffs and fissures of the steep sides of the cafion of the mesa, and are often accessible only by extremely difficult footpaths which lead up to them from the bottom of the cafion. The construction of the other houses also was intended to provide the best possible protection against sudden attacks from raiding nomadic tribes. The large village dwellings of the Pueblos were, and are, first and foremost fortresses, meant to defend the inhabitants and their crops against their enemies. Throughout the whole district, the style of construction 218 Ul Jog ‘UInosNny] Ul[Jog ‘UINasNyy [VOTso[ouYyyy oY} Ur [CUISI7O [eolsO[OUY}A YY} Ul [PUISIIQ, =“eOTIOUTy Y}ION QIzZ ONILNIV OIIOGWAS (SNVIGN] OTaanq) HLIM (SNVIGN] OITdaNg) INQ7Z AHL JO A1HIHS IMOJ{ HHL AO (NHIL) TIOG NAGOOM RRA Ret tere , oo” aes ee Sia | } \ oF ALWId PLATE 50 TEMPLE-PYRAMID OF CHICHEN-ITZA Central America. From a photograph in the Ethnological Museum, Berlin TEMPLE RUINS OF UXMAL 219 Central America. From Sydow, Die Kunst der Naturvolker und der V orzeit Mbt PO PLES Ome hh E AR EH hardly ever varies, whether the houses are in the valley or on the tops of the numerous mesas that rise up on the plateau. The whole structure is composed of separate quadrangular apartments, like cells, built of stone slabs or air-dried bricks, in such a way that the single-apartment dwellings of the separate families are ranged in terraced fashion one above another. The roof is flat, made of beams, spars, branches, and earth, and provided with chimneys and gutters of clay. In order to make approach more difficult, the lower cells have no doors or windows in the sides, but can only be reached by means of ladders and trap-doors in the roof. In addition to these defensive village dwellings, there were also simple family dwellings scattered about on the plantation grounds. Hunting is carried on with bows and arrows, and rabbits are killed by means of a sort of boomerang. Clothing is comparatively good. At festivities the men still wear the ancient loin-cloth of white cotton embroidered with coloured braid, and the women wear a dark-blue coat that leaves the left shoulder bare and is fastened round the body with an embroidered sash. The women also wear a cape, leather puttees, and moccasins. Manufacture (transformation of material) was on a fairly high level, although axes, hammers, and similar tools were chiefly of stone. Ceramic work is still well developed among them, Various kinds of wickerwork were made, the best articles being bowls of basketwork, showing numerous beautiful patterns. Even in ancient times weaving was also carried on. Social conditions are somewhat complicated, because the terri- torial and the blood-tie principles of organization are intermingled. The most important economic unit is the village community. This has a purely territorial basis, and is quite independent of any of the other tribal consociations that are based on blood-kinship. As a result, in a village community members of several kinship con- sociations live together, and, vice versa, the members of one and the same kinship consociation are sometimes distributed throughout various villages. These kinship consociations are of a narrower and a wider type, the former is a kind of brotherhood, the latter a kind of clan. For example, at the present day the Hopi are divided into sixty clans based on totemism. The totems are animals, plants, natural phenomena like the sun or the lightning, and ordinary articles of use, like bows or pipes. The clans are sub- divided into twelve ‘fratries,’ or brotherhoods, each of which has its 219 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND own forms of worship and its own sagas of origin and migration. They seem to be actually separate ethnic units. Clans, like the Antelope and the Snake clans of the Hopi, often have their own religious societies, but at the present day the large religious societies are composed of men of the same age and contain members from all the clans. Besides all these, and independent of the clan organization, there are also leagues of men’s societies. As among the Indians of the north-west coast, these leagues play a special part in connexion with the mask dances, the ‘katshina’ dances of the Hopi. Before being received into these societies, the youths have to undergo ceremonies of initiation ; znter alia, these include their being soundly whipped by the masked dancers. The religious conceptions of the Pueblos are as complicated as their social organization, and seem to be a mixture of the most heterogeneous elements. Owing to the dryness of the region, the dangers threatening the crops make the withholding of the needful rain the chief anxiety of these Indians, and so rain-magic plays a special part in their worship. Smoke from the sacred tobacco-pipes symbolizes the rain-clouds ; their bodies are painted with symbols of lightning and rain; by means of special instruments—a sort of stretching shears and a ‘bull-roarer,’ or whirring stick—thunder and lightning areimitated. The serpent, as the symbol of the lightning, is prominent in these functions, and phallic dances, imitating the act of fecundation, are performed in order to ensure the success of the crops. Certain divinities, among them a supreme god of heaven, a sun- god and his wife, the earth-goddess, a god of the rain, and a god of maize, dominate the cultus of these Indians, and are represented at the masked dancings. Some of their religious ceremonies are held in special subterranean places which are only accessible through a hatchway in the roof. These places are called ‘kivas,’ and contain an altar, which usually consists of a painted back wall and a sand- picture made up of various kinds of sand. It occupies the space in front of the altar. 7 8. The South-west Tribes. This group comprises a number of culturally homogeneous tribes, having as neighbours on the north- west the Californian tribes, on the north-east the Pueblos, and the ancient Mexican civilization on the south. The tribes in this ex- tremely hot and dry region belong mainly to two linguistic stocks. 220 ioertee PORE ES {Oe EEE DAK Et In the north, and spread over the Californian peninsula, are the Yuma tribes—Yuma, Mohave, Maricopa, and others ; in the south a number of Sonoran tribes—Pima, Tarahumara, Cora, Huichol, and others. There is also a small tribe, living in the island of Tiburon and the adjacent mainland, the Seri, occupying a position apart. Their civilization is low ; their vegetable food is simply what they can gather. Culturally they are thus more akin to the Californian tribes. The Indians of this district exhibit a mixture of the cultures of the three regions that meet here. The primitive gathering economy of the Californian tribes and the terrace-culture of the Pueblos are both used to provide vegetable food. The so-called mescal, ob- tained from the pulpy juice of certain agaves, and the same crops as are raised by the Pueblos, provide important foods. A species of cactus, too, the peyote, is gathered in large quantities by various tribes, who prepare from it an intoxicating liquor used at the cele- brations. The north tribes, like their Californian neighbours, use the rush-raft. The houses are also of a kind that recalls those used in California—e.g., the beehive-shaped straw huts, with the lower walls of stone, in which the Pima live during the rainy season ; but in the very same districts are found the remains of houses exactly like those that the Pueblos still build ; and the Tarahumara still live in cave and cliff-dwellings like the ancient Pueblos. Like their neighbours on the north-west and north-east, these tribes are clever at basketry. | In their intellectual development and religious customs there is clear evidence of Mexican influence. Among the Cora and the Huichol, as inancient Mexico, the fire-god isthe centre of the worship. Here, too, are the ancient earth-goddess, the sun-god, and others. Worship is conducted in special temples, which, like the houses, are circular, with walls of stone and earth and a roof of straw. THE TRIBES OF CENTRAL AMERICA With regard to the distribution of the tribes, Central America may be divided into three great regions—the Northern, under the influence of the civilization of ancient Mexico; the Central, under the influence of Maya culture; and the Southern, containing a number of civilized and uncivilized tribes, who, both in language and in culture, are nearer to the tribes of South America. 221 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND I. The Civilization of Ancient Mexico. This collective name in- cludes all the tribes that adjoin the south-west tribes of North America on the south, occupy the southern region of the present state of Mexico, and extend into the region of Maya civilization, and through Guatemala as far as Nicaragua. Like the Pacific Coast areas of North America, this whole region is divided into a large number of tribal groups which have little linguistic connexion with each other. The most important group is that of the Nahua peoples, to which the Aztecs, the inhabitants of the ancient capital city, Tenochtit- lan—Mexico—belonged. Tlaxcala and Cholula were other centres of their civilization in the eastern territories. Apart from the points of contact between these Nahua tongues and the Sonoran linguistic group, the migration sagas of the ancient Aztecs point to ancient relations between that tribe and those farther north. In any case, it was not till later days that the Nahua tribes migrated into the plateaux lying around the city of Mexico, and from that centre they gradually spread as far as the Atlantic in the east, the Pacific in the west, and as far as Nicaragua in the south. The aborigines of the highlands occupied later by the Mexicans, and of the district formerly occupied by the Toltecs, near Tollan, the renowned seat of the Toltecs, were the linguistically isolated Otomi, of whom there are still numerous remnants pushed back into the mountains. In the west the Mexican uplands adjoined the territories of the Tarasco, which is now Michoacan. These were also an isolated linguistic group, and succeeded in defending themselves against the Mexican superiority. According to their migration sagas, they seem to have spread from the coast of the present state of Vera Cruz. In the present state of Oajaca, south of the tribes who speak the Nahuan language, there is another considerable linguistic group, including the Miztecs, who inhabit the western part of Oajaca, and the Zapotecs, who occupy the southern portion of that state. The marginal zone of the Gulf of Mexico was originally inhabited by a considerable number of different tribes, who gradually suc- cumbed, both in language and in civilization, to those of Nahua. Only the linguistically isolated Totonacs succeeded in maintaining their own language and culture down to historic time. Curiously enough, the Huaxtecs, who adjoined these Totonacs on the north, spoke a language akin to that of the Mayas. The basis of the economic life of the ancient Mexican tribes was 222 (a4 sanry 481} buZ (eae RY SERENE RE RTE RR TE Os? 0 es $3999) paurny +s 5 osngP ny << 01) PZ7J}A72 SN rApy Jo aouanjjur ay? Lapun segi4s TT Syn ovUy>iny UONPZIIAID UPIINAY JUa}IUP Jo PAL T snoLh SNOMuPA Uaan)ag aul) ALPPUNOG-=-= own SS TD P2437 PIU? VYOININY IVYLNG) 10 SATIOTa SVHNGNOH 1270242 ¥2) WIVNSLYNY HsvaviHo\ \ 14 SOG7L) PAPW\ ~301° 3JNON3IWVd oyovt : rs +1 din vi aa ‘* ah , a joven eyoy ‘4 ‘ Lal Pn a ers te a ala i * “ia it idlibatiialel iniaiited fab alr yte pO hee ab ate - - PotwehOPUES OF THE EARTH tillage, in all the three chief forms of it that are found in the Ameri- can continent. Forest-clearing was, of course, restricted to the damp lowlands covered with primeval forest. But, as the economic centre of Aztec civilization was in closer touch with the plateaux, forest-clearing in the actual centre of Nahuan civilization seems to have been of subordinate importance. The ancient Mexican pictorial writing, therefore, does not give as the symbol of tillage the stone axe or the pointed planting-stick, but a shovel-like wooden imple- ment, the hutctl1, and a basket into which earth or lime was shovelled —implements neither of which has anything to do with forest- clearing, but which were no doubt both used in terrace- and mound- culture. Two things at least are certain. Terrace-culture with artificial irrigation had a great vogue over large regions where Mexican civilization prevailed, and mound-culture was extensively practised in the low, marshy districts, Mounds similar to those which were raised in South America for plantation purposes are found in many parts of this region, and similar plantations in the form of ‘chinampas’—floating gardens—are still laid out by the people on the shores of Lake Tezcuco and Xochimilco. The chief crop was maize, but manioc, batata and beans, Spanish pepper (used as spice), tobacco, and cotton weregrown. After the crops had been gathered in they were stored in huge barns, or blockhouses, built close to the dwellings, or in huge earthenware receptacles roofed with straw. Vegetable food was prepared in many ways, and numerous beverages were made from vegetable material. Maize was boiled into a thick porridge, and a fermented liquor was produced from the juice of the stalks. Cocoa, with various additions, was much drunk by the aristocratic class, and pulque, an intoxicating liquor derived from the fermented sap of the agave plant, was con- sumed at the celebrations. The tobacco-leaf was smoked in stalks of cane, and it was also chewed by the priests in the form of pills, in order to rouse themselves to ecstasy. Animal food was used far less than vegetable food, but on festive occasions it was not lacking. It was got by hunting and fishing, but animals were also bred for this purpose. The hunters used bow and arrows, spears, spear-throwers, blowing-tubes, traps, and nets. Hares, stags, musk-pigs, various beasts of prey, forest-birds and sea- birds were hunted, as well as quails, which were used in sacrifice. At-certain seasons official battues were got up, in order to provide 223 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND the game needed at the great sacrificial feasts. On the lakes fishing was pursued on a large scale with the use of nets, lines, and harpoons. Dogs, rabbits, pigeons, and turkeys were reared for the sake of their flesh. The turkeys were kept in cages made of staves. Human flesh was also highly esteemed as food by the ancient Mexicans, but only the flesh of the persons who had been the victims at religious celebrations was thus eaten. In the Mexican civilization each house lodged only one family ; it had only one fire-place, but included several subsidiary buildings —maize barns, sudatoria, etc. The style of house-building was dictated by the climate, and in particular by the frequency of earth- quakes. Inthe low grounds huts of twigs and matting, with a high roof of palm-leaves, were the rule; but on the cool uplands the houses were usually built of air-dried bricks (adobe). Stone was used only for temples and palaces. The ordinary house-furniture was very simple. Rush mats covered the floor, the bed was an erection with four posts, over which mats or hides were stretched. Stools of wood and seats of wickerwork were also common. The men wore a piece of cotton stuff, drawn through between the legs and hanging down in long lappets before and behind. The Tarascos and the Huaxtecs, who did not wear this garment, were considered indecent. The women wore a covering tied round the waist. In the hot low regions both men and women were naked as to the upper part of the body, but on the uplands the men wore a cape, knotted over the left shoulder, and the women a sleeveless jacket, or, on the Atlantic coast, a poncho-like garment. The feet were shod with sandals. The women all painted their bodies, using small, patterned stamps made of clay. Tattooing was confined for the most part to the Atlantic coast. Everyone wore lip, ear, and nose ornaments. These were made of various kinds of stone or shell, and all sorts of feathers were used as personal ornaments. With regard to manufactures, almost all branches of industry were fairly well developed. Though they had no potter’s wheel, the ancient Mexicans produced splendid ceramic and pottery work. Specially fine was the polychrome earthenware of Cholula with its brilliantly coloured surface and its inscriptions in pictorial writing. Even in ancient times it was exported to great distances. Vessels and receptacles, modelled into figure form and adorned with flourishes, were characteristic productions of their plastic art. Earthenware articles of every shape, from shallow plates to narrow- 224 foo PREOPUES VOB SLH Bey ART H necked goblets, were manufactured, as well as fumigating spoons and basins, rattles, whistles, and pipes, modelled heads and full figures, representing the entire pantheon of the ancient Mexicans. As to metalwork, it must be emphasized that in Mexico, as in the rest of America, the production of iron was unknown. Besides gold and silver, the only other metals employed were tin and copper. Gold was cast, chased, and beautifully polished and grained. Copper was worked into axes, chisels, hammers, and into the characteristic small, T-shaped knives, with half-moon blades, of Oajaca. Owing to the perishable nature of the material, few samples of woodwork have come down to us. But the spear-throwers were beautifully carved and the wooden drums were covered with richly sculptured ornament. Stone was used for numerous implements, like flint knives, obsidian knives, and many kinds of ornaments, as well as for the large, finely sculptured masonry of which outstanding examples are found in the buildings of Mitlain the Zapotec territories. The wall- decorations, pillars, and crypts are wonderful. Stone idols, large and small, have also been found in great numbers, and bear witness to high skill in stonework. In textile manufacture weaving was perhaps better developed than any other form of industry. They used a simple loom with a mechanical heddle, which seems to have resembled the loom used in ancient Peru. Cotton and agave fibre provided the threads, which were spun by means of a simple hand-spindle. Special mention should be made of the featherwork, in which the feathers were either fastened into a framework of net, or were gummed on to a substructure of bast. With regard to the social conditions in Mexican civilization, we must keep in mind that it was not one great political unit like ancient Peru, but a plurality of more or less independent, separate, economic communities. Even a century’s struggle failed to unify the small uplands of Mexico. It comprised the three states of Tenochtitlan, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan, which had formed a con- federation for offence and defence. Even the conquering expedi- tions of the last rulers of the Aztec state, Montezuma I, Axayacatl, Ahuizotl, and Montezuma II, did not achieve annexation, but only the occupation of the Boncuered territories by Mexican garrisons and the imposition of tribute. A king (tlato) was at the head of the separate supreme economic Pp 225 THESPRIMITIVE RACESSORSIVUAN Kl communities, and these consisted of several separate gentes (clans), each having a province of its own. In each province the land to be tilled was from time to time divided among the families belonging to the gens. In the Aztec state this arrangement was broken up, because the kings invested higher and lower officials with conquered estates. This created a class of nobles alongside of the clan consti- tution, and a serf class entirely dependent on the nobles. These serfs, of course, had no possessions. At the time of the Spanish conquest the Aztec state was in process of development from a clan state to a feudal state. The gentes had become guilds, in which certain trades were native and hereditary, and which had definite quarters in the cities, Justice was well administered by a special body of judges. The punishments were severe. Even minor crimes were sometimes punished by death, or the culprits were sold as slaves. Trading was briskly carried on, and had developed into actual commerce. The larger cities had their market-places surrounded by business premises. Payments were made by means of money in various forms—cocoa-beans, feather-quills, with gold dust and woven goods. Among the Aztecs an actual merchant class had arisen, occupying a privileged position in the state, and performing not only purely commercial but also political functions by the great commercial expeditions which they sent to distant lands. With regard to means of communication in the larger sense, they had not only the fixed media of exchange already mentioned, but also their pictorial writing and an elaborate system of computing time. Fortunately for us, a considerable number of examples of the ancient Mexican pictorial writing have been preserved. These are done in colour on stag-hide and on a sort of paper, made of the bast of the fig-tree or of agave-leaf fibres. Most of them are merely pictorial renderings of mythological conceptions, of a calendaric and augural character. These pictures consist of groups of mythical figures, regularly associated with definite signs for the days, so that the connexion between the pictures and definite portions of the calendar could be determined. There is very little that can be called ‘writing’ in the narrower sense, 1.e., a representation of phonetic sounds, although something approaching to it is found in a few codices dealing with historical and legal subjects. In these codices proper names of persons and places are rendered in the form of ideograms, or in groups of pictures put together in rebus form. 225 [rez * gas] “UlfAog ‘UIMesNy [eo1s0TouY}_ oy} Ur [eULsTIG [1€c ‘Gd aas] *ulpiog ‘wunosny Teorsofouy}y oy} UT [eUIsTIG Qzz VIVWALVOA VIVWALVOS ‘OLINVS NAGA() WONT TaASSHA DNILVOINOAY ‘UVNVHD WOUT AUVMNAHLUVY CAALNIVG LSPA LV 1d [€€e -G gas] ‘ulfieg ‘umoesny [eorsofouyyy oy} ut ydersojoyd ve Wor ‘eotIouTY [eryUaD ‘Por eySOD ree SNVIGN]J VONVNVIV], cS ALWId AWO}] IVNIDIUQ YITHL WOU SOMLZYW AHL AO NOILVASING AHL ONILNASTNGTA ININALOG XAGOD AHL WONT ONILIMM-AUNLOIG NVOIXAW “II “BY THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND One and the same method of dividing time was employed by all the tribes comprised in the circle of Mexican civilization. The basal unit of the calendar was the tonalamatl, a unit of 260 (20 X 13) days, each day having its own specific pictorial representation. This was found by a successive combination of twenty day signs taken from concrete things, like flint, house, rabbit, cane, etc., with thirteen figures. Seeing, however, that this unit of time does not agree with the solar year, and as the 365 days of the solar year cannot be divided either by twenty or by thirteen, each solar year had to begin with a different sign, and from this it took its name. After fifty-two years the same combination of day signs and numbers recurred as on the first day of the first year, and this was the reason why special significance was attached to this period of fifty-two years. In ancient Mexico not only all intellectual culture, but also all economic life, was dominated by religion; and this religion had been reduced to a rigid system by an organized priesthood. In view of the large part played by agriculture in their economic life, it is not surprising that religious conceptions and ceremonies of worship were closely bound up with that aspect of economic life. Further, because a due amount of rain was essential for suc- cessful crops, magical ceremonies, meant to secure the needed rainfall, filled a large place in the worship. A striking feature in Mexican worship, and one which con- trasts strongly with their comparatively high civilization, was the numerous human sacrifices, with their attendant cannibalistic banquets. Thousands of prisoners of war are said to have been sacrificed at the great services of dedication of the temples. The sources speak, no doubt with some exaggeration, of 20,000 or even 80,000 prisoners who were sacrificed by King Ahuizotl at the consecration of a great temple. Expeditions were frequently undertaken against neighbouring tribes merely for the purpose of obtaining the requisite number of prisoners for forthcoming celebrations, and the sources declare that Mexico and its allies made a treaty with Tlaxcala, Huexotzinco, and Cholula to the effect that on the first day of every month battles should be fought for this purpose. Nor was it prisoners of war alone who were thus dealt with; slaves and infants were similarly sacrificed. Human sacri- fices were offered at all the agricultural celebrations and at other seasonal feasts. At the Feast of Toxcatl, in the month of May, 228 | Etter ROPGHS Ouse Mh WAR DE when the sun was in the zenith over the city of Mexico, they sacri- ficed a youth who had for a whole year represented the deity Tezcatlipoca, and had been worshipped as such. The sacrifice usually took place on the platform of the temple-pyramid. The victim was laid backward over a cylindrical stone and held down by five acolytes, while the high priest in person cut his breast open with a broad-bladed flint knife and tore out his heart. His body was boiled with maize and eaten at a subsequent feast. Animals were also sacrificed, especially dogs and quails, and self- mutilations were not uncommon. Worshippers pierced their ears or tongue, or, in some districts, their genitals, with a bone dagger, and, to increase the pain, drew a string with cross-bars or thorns through the wound. The blood thus shed was considered to have magical power. Worship was also associated with votive offerings and libations, prayer, confession, and fasting. Almost all services were accompanied by fumigations, which were performed by means of fumigating spoons and basins. The worship took place in the temples, and these were for the most part everywhere of the same type. They were truncated pyramids, rising in steps. On the top was a sanctuary with stone images of the deities. Round the temple lay a spacious court, containing all the subsidiary buildings, a platform for the skulls of slain foes, and a field for ball-play. In front of the pyramid itself stood a large sacrificial vessel to receive the blood and the hearts of the victims. The priests were not only the depositaries of the old religious traditions, powerfully influencing the development of Mexican forms of worship ; they were also the actual executive in all the more important acts of worship. In attendance at all the temples were priests to carry through the sacrifices. These included sooth- saying priests, masters of ceremonies, hymnists, singers, and musicians, as well as temple-cleaners. At the head of the priesthood were two high priests, equal in rank, the Totec Tlamacazqui and the Tlaloc Tlamacazqui. One of these was in the service of the deity Uitzilopochtli, and the other in that of the rain-god Tlalocantecutli. They bore the title of Quetzalcoatl, and were considered to be the successors of that divine hero. Priests received their training in special seminaries, and they entered on their training in early manhood. The ancient Mexican pantheon, as found among the Aztecs, is 229 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND not of one common origin, but arose from the subsequent fusion of various local deities. While the sun-god, Uitzilopochtli, was the acknowledged national deity of the Aztec capital city, Tenochtitlan —Mexico—the wind-god, Quetzalcoatl, came originally from the east, from the shore of the Gulf of Mexico; and several of the agrarian deities belonged originally to the same locality. Cosmic powers were represented by three divinities. The first was the national god of the Aztecs, Uitzilopochtli, a sun-god. At his birth he sprang in full panoply from the womb of his mother, Earth, to drive away the stars, the army of his brothers, who hated — him. The second deity, Quetzalcoatl, has distinctly lunar features, although he seems to combine various elements. He was originally the great hero of the legendary aborigines, the Toltecs. Driven forth by his enemies, he travels ever eastward to meet the sun, and finally, when he reaches the Eastern Sea, he is consumed in fire. His heart becomes the morning star. Evidently, this is a description of the course of the moon. But Quetzalcoatl is also the wind-god, who prepares the way for the rain-god. Hence he is represented on the monuments and in the pictorial writing with his lips in the attitude of blowing. The cosmic character of the third deity is not quite so clear. He is Tezcatlipoca, the “smoking mirror,’ the youthful deity of the warrior. He is also the god of night and of avenging punishment. Among the agrarian deities are the earth-goddess, Tlatolzeotl, and her son, the maize-deity, Centeotl. The sowing of the maize took place under the auspices of the deity Xipe Totec. His feast was celebrated in spring, and was marked by rites of exceptional cruelty. The stone images of this deity were wrapped in human skin—the skin that had been flayed from the victim sacrificed in his stead. One of the ceremonies at his feast was the flaying of the victims, and the worshippers dressed themselves in the skins. Then there was the rain-god, Tlaloc, who lives on the hill-tops and pours the rain on the earth out of jars. The ancient Mexican methods of disposing of the dead were dictated by their religious conceptions. The manner in which a person died determined his fate in the Beyond. Those who had fallen in battle, or been sacrificed by the enemy as captives, became attendants of the sun; and the same lot befell women who had died in childbed. Effigies of those who died thus were mummified and burned. Those who had died of fever or leprosy, those who 230 Web PROPER S. Obes bebe WARK DEL were struck by lightning, and those who had met their death by drowning passed into the realm of the rain-god. Their bodies were buried. Those who died an ordinary death passed into the deep netherworld, into Mictlan. They were enwrapped in a crouching posture and burned. The ashes, along with a precious stone, representing the heart, were laid away in a stone casket. 2. Tribes under the Influence of Maya Civilization. This region includes the three districts occupying the south-east part of the present Mexico, viz., Tabasco, Chiapas, and Yucatan, and the region that is now Guatemala. It should be noted, however, that this territory is intersected by a long strip dominated by Aztec influence. The Maya group of tribes comprises several subgroups speaking different dialects. The most important are the Yucatecs, in the chalk district of Yucatan, poorly watered, containing much jungle and steppe, the Chiche and Cachiquel, on the volcanic plateaux of Guatemala, the Chol in the tropical forest areas of Tabasco. The material civilization of these areas is, in its main features, similar to that of the tribes in the Mexican area. Vegetable food predominates, and tillage forms the chief part of economic life. There seems, however, to have been no terrace-culture with its artificial irrigation—the lack of water made that impossible. The chief crop was maize. It was harvested twice a year. Other crops included beans, yuca, cocoa, various species of tree fruit, pepper, tobacco, and cotton. As in Mexico, dogs and turkeys were bred. Bee-keeping, too, was largely practised. Hunting and fishing sup- plied the animal food, which was mainly consumed in connexion with the celebrations. The hunting was carried on by large battues, and the hunters used spear-throwers, bows and arrows, and traps. In Guatemala they also used the blowing-tube. Fish were taken by means of nets and by poisoning the waters. The houses in Yucatan were usually of wood or stone or air-dried bricks, with steep roofs of straw or palm-leaves. A wall running lengthwise in the middle with two door openings divided the house into two apartments. One of these was the guest-room ; the other was the store-room and sleeping apartment. ‘The houses were built on a foundation of stone, or on wooden piles. Several families lived ineach. In Guatemala the houses, which were simple huts thatched with straw, had also two apartments. The clothing of the Maya tribes was made of cotton materials, daintily ornamented with figure patterns. Only in Guatemala 231 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND neque and agave fibres were used. Up to five years of age the children went naked ; at that age boys began to wear a small apron round the middle, and girls aloinskirtlet. Tattooing was universal both among men and women. Sandals were made of leather or of agave fibre. As to social conditions, each gens had its own district, and each family of the clan had its own allotment, which belonged to it from generation to generation. This distribution, however, referred merely to the produce of the soil—the work of tillage was done conjointly by all members of the gens. The allotment of the head — of the gens was tilled in the same way. There were no lands specially set apart for the priests. Politically, the population was divided into numerous separate communities. Yucatan was occupied by no fewer than seven small states of this kind, and the various village-heads were sub- ordinate to the leaders of these states. Temple architecture in these areas was even more highly de- veloped than in Mexico. The temple ruins of Palenque, Uxmal, and Chichen-Itza, of which beautiful models in relief have been preserved, are worthy of special mention. The religious festivals were Closely associated with agriculture, and dramatic performances by masked dancers formed an important part of the ceremonies. The Maya tribes also possessed a highly developed pictorial writing and an elaborate calendar. The Maya picture-writing consists of pictorial representations of conceptions, not of sounds. Each picture is regularly accompanied by signs explaining the meaning, and the original representation, simplified down to essen- tials, is sketched in small, unvarying oval or rectangular fields. The writing of figures is well developed—there is even a special sign for zero—and the figures themselves have special digital values. In all essentials the calendar resembled that of the Mexican area. Among the religious conceptions of the Maya the splendid sagas of the creation of the world and the tribal legends are specially re- markable. We have two books of the legends of the upland tribes —the Popul Vu of the Chiche and the Annals of the Cachiquel. We are told of a series of creations of man. The earlier ones, made of clay and wood, were successively destroyed by catastrophes ; the last creation was from maize spikes and still continues. The creative gods were two in number and have many of the features of Quetzalcoatl and Tezcatlipoca. 230 NEES PROP ES) © RAR EARS RET 3. The Most Southerly Tribes of Central America. Inthesouth- west part of Central America, comprising the modern states of Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and Panama, we have two groups of tribes of very different civilization. First, on the Pacific side of this area, up to the north frontier of Panama, there are tribes of a fairly advanced civilization, and on the Atlantic slope from Honduras southward tribes at a very primitive stage. The aborigines of Nicaragua were the Mangue, but the immigra- tion of Nahua elements split them into two completely separate parts. In Costa Rica the most intelligent people were the Guetaru, whose chief settlements were in the neighbourhood of the modern cities of San José and Cartago. Rich finds of antiquities, in clay, stone, and gold—the latter chiefly from the Chiriqui area—bear witness to the high civilization of these peoples. Specially note- worthy are stone chairs of state, four-legged stone boundary-marks in animal shapes and the black gold breastplates shaped like eagles, spiders, and other creatures. Honduras is inhabited by a considerable number of tribes, speaking different languages, Xinca, Lenca, and others, who are more akin in civilization to the Mayas than the more southerly tribes. Tillage forms a large part of their economic life. Con- trasted with these, the tribes who inhabit the forest river-areas of Nicaragua, the Sumo and the Mosquito and the Costa Rica tribes belonging to the Talamanca linguistic group, are more on a level with the South American tribes. Hunting and fishing are more pro- minent among them, and tillage is limited to the culture of certain species of palm and, more recently, of the banana. The square house is replaced by the house on a round or oval base, with roof reaching to the ground. Instead of cotton clothing, they wear clothing made of bark. THE TRIBES OF SOUTH AMERICA These fall into two great divisions strongly contrasted in civiliza- tion—the more cultured tribes inhabiting the high ground of the Andes, and those primitive tribes who inhabit the large area east of these mountains. This latter area includes the Southern Andes and the southern part of modern Chili. The civilization of the Andean tribes did to some extent affect the neighbouring areas, especially the immediately adjacent Chaco 233 THE PRIMITIV-E (RACES “OR@YVLAN KENae and the northern part of Chili, but there has always been a very clear line of division between their culture and that of the forest tribes of Bolivia and Brazil. The civilization of ancient Peru centred almost entirely round the breeding of the llama, therefore it could never take root for any length of time in the wet forest areas east of the. Andes, in which it was impossible for the Auchenia species of animals to find a living. Ethnographically, the South American tribes east of the Andes fall into two main groups. In the one tillage, in the form of forest- clearing, is the pivot on which all economic life turns ; the other - lives on hunting and fishing and primitive gathering. It is perhaps worth while to repeat here that the primitive races of South America have never carried on stock-raising in any form. In connexion with our division of these tribes into two ethnographical groups, it should be specially noticed that in this part of South America, east of the Andes, which is largely covered with jungle, the forest Indians who practise tillage hold the predominant position both politically and economically, whereas the tribes that roam about are either looked upon by them as bitter enemies and kept at a distance, or are reduced either peacefully or by force to a position of economic dependence. In the southern part of the continent, bounded by the northern and eastern frontier of the Gran Chaco, the country is for the most part steppe, and therefore there is either no tillage at all, or the peoples who do till the soil in the scattered forest areas are dependent on the tribes that hunt. This is very clearly seen in the manner in which the Guanas are dependent on the Mbaya tribes. We have thus, from the ethnographical point of view, these four groups of the South American tribes : (1) Those who have no tillage, first, in the area lying to the east of the Andes and south of the northern frontier of the Chaco, but crossing the Andes in the southern part of Chili ; and, second, scattered over the northern forest area among the tilling tribes. (2) The tillage tribes in the northern forest area. (3) The ancient inhabitants of the Antilles and the Bahamas. (4) The civilized peoples of the Andean area. I. The Tribes that have no Tillage. “Fuegians’ isthe name given toanumber of tribes inhabiting the south point of South America, They are so called because Magalhaes, when he went through the 234 Ite PEOPLES OF THE EARTH strait that bears his name (Magellan Strait) in 1520, noticed the numerous fires of the natives and called the country Tierra de los Fuegos (Fireland). The Fuegians proper comprise two tribes, linguistically distinct, but resembling each other in many ways culturally. They are the Yagan, inhabiting the most southerly part of the archipelago at the south end of South America, and the Alakaluf, or Peshere, who are spread over the western islands off the south coast of Chili. The Tshono, who adjoin the latter on the north up to the island of Chiloé, have exactly the same civilization, although they belong linguistically to the Araucans. The Fuegians are culturally of a very low type. They are water nomads, spending a great part of their life on the water in their boats. The boats are made of pieces of tree-bark sewn to- gether. The people exist chiefly on fishing, living on the shellfish and crabs and other lowly animals of that kind. During the short intervals that they spend ashore they live in primitive houses made of large branches covered with brushwood, moss, and bark. Their chief hunting implements are the spear-thrower, with which they kill guanacos, otters, and sea-fowl, and the harpoon, for hunting seals and even whales. They also use bows and arrows, and slings, which latter they probably borrowed from the neighbouring Ona. Sea- fowl are also caught by means of nooses made of fish-bone. Their clothing is very scanty, considering the raw climate, es- pecially in the cold winter months. A small triangular apron of leather is the chief female garment, and the men wear a small piece of hide over their shoulder. Even their ornaments are of a very simple kind, for they have few tools with which to make anything. Stone axes are unknown. They have hardly anything of the kind except small awls made of horn or bone and chisels made of shell. They have no earthenware vessels ; their simple pails are made of bark, and they use a curious kind of basket made by coilwork. They make fire, not by perforating wood like other Indians, but by striking together flints or pieces of iron. Socially, the Yagan and Alakaluf live in families, but, as polygamy prevails, a family sometimes consists of a considerable number of persons. On reaching puberty, Yagan boys pass through certain ceremonial rites. In former times the boys were confined in a special hut and compelled to do certain tasks. Their religious conceptions are of a very simple kind. Nature is 235 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND believed to be animated by a number of demons, who send storms and other misfortunes, and have to be entreated by priests. The dead were wrapped in skins and buried in the heaps of shell refuse close to their huts. The Ona tribe, who inhabit the east islands of Tierra del Fuego, are usually classed with the Fuegians, but linguistically they are akin to the Patagonians, the Tehuelche, and are distinct from the other Fuegians. Culturally, also, they have little in common with them—they have no boats, and they live exclusively on land. They are a wretched people, hunting merely with bow and arrow; . unlike their northern kin, they have not evenadoptedthehorse. At the present time this tribe, which was formerly far more numerous, has been reduced to a few individuals by the ruthless war of exter- mination waged against them by gold-seekers and sheep-breeders. The Patagonians, Tehuelche or Tsoneka, are Indians living a roving, nomadic life on the Patagonian plateau. As has been already said, this tribe is linguistically akin to the Ona, but there is this economic difference between them, that, after coming into contact with the Spaniards, they adopted the use of the horse and became good horsemen. Almost their only food is guanacos and ostriches, which they hunt on horseback and dispatch with lance and bolas. Horse-flesh is eaten only at special celebrations. Wild fruits and tuberous roots are their only vegetable food. The dwelling is a movable tent of hide, and the horse is the beast of burden when they change their place of abode. Their clothing is made from raw hide, leather, or woven material. The chief garment, both for men and women, is a large cloak of hide, underneath which the women wear a large skirt reaching from shoulders to ankles, and the men an apron round the middle. Their silver ornaments resemble those of the Araucans, and are probably imitated from them. The most striking item is a large silver pin, used to fasten the female skirt. Socially, the most remarkable feature is the manner in which several small communities temporarily combine to form larger ones, under a head chief. But these soon break up again into their original units. Blood-vengeance leads to frequent feuds and quarrels between the separate units. At birth or at death, or when girls reach a marriageable age, or at marriages, there are festivities at which men perform dances and horses are sacrificed. Illnesses are believed to be due to evil spirits, and, as in most other parts of South America, magical incantations 236 miue PROPEHS = OH? LHEVRAR TH are performed by medicine-men. The dead are buried, and cairns of stones are erected over the graves. The Pampas Indians are now practically extinct. As a result of European immigration, the tribes on the lower reaches of the Rio dela Plata that were strongest at the time of the Spanish Con- quest—the Charrua in the north and the Querendi in the south— soon died out, and we have little detailed information about their linguistic connexion, or their manner of life. The other tribes were so completely cleared out by the Argentine Government under General Roca in 1880 that very few of them are left, and even these live in a state of miserable subjection. The Puelche, also, who were formerly a numerous people, the ‘Easterners,’ and whose manner of life resembled that of the Patagonians, are now practically extinct. The civilization of the Araucans, or Moluche, has undergone many changes in the course of time. The Empire of the Incas, under its last rulers, extended its dominion as far as Rio Maule in northern Chili, and, of course, the ancient Peruvian civilization strongly affected the Araucans. When the Spaniards first entered the country they found a people here with a comparatively ad- vanced civilization, tilling the ground and breeding llamas. Maize, sweet potatoes, and quinoa millet were their chief crops. Pottery, weaving, and metalwork had attained a fairly advanced stage. The people lived in scattered blockhouses under the government of an aristocracy of several grades. From 1550 onward, when the Spaniards, under Almagro and Pedro de Valdivia, had gained a firm footing, there were several centuries of almost continuous warfare between the newcomers and the Araucans; until, in 1882, a last campaign finally broke the Araucan power, and the last independent Araucan region was occupied by the Chilians. At an early stage of these hostile encounters the contact with the Spaniards caused great changes in Araucan civilization. The Araucans, who were still left in the country, had become splen- did horsemen and cattle-breeders ; and they are still living in the province of Arauco as a Christian people under Chilian rule. A large number of them, however, had trekked from their territory, crossed the Cordilleras eastward, and spread over the pampas area. These tribes, among whom the Ranqueles were the chief, gradually intermingled with the tribes in the pampas, the Puelche and the Patagonians, adopted their manner of life, and became nomadic hunters. 237 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND In battle the Araucans wielded heavy clubs, but lances were also common weapons. The Araucans in Chili use large, carved, wooden digging sticks, and their clothing recalls that of the ancient Peruvians. Silver ornaments are largely worn, and the large ear- plates and the pins for fastening the clothing have retained many of the ancient shapes. The Gran Chaco, that extensive area of steppe, jungle, palm- groves, and marshy land, lying between 17° and 30° lat., on the one side, and between the Andes and the River Paraguay on the other, is inhabited by tribes belonging to quite a number of linguistic — families found only in this area. The Tshiriguano, in the extreme west, belong to the Tupi linguistic family, and the Guana, an in- dependent Arawak tribe, living an agricultural life among the Mbaya tribes, belong to linguistic families whose only other re- presentatives are found in the large forest areas north and east of the Chaco. Apart from these exceptional tribes, there are four great linguistic families of Chaco tribes—the Guaicuru group, the Mascoi, or Muscovi, group, the Mataco group, and the Tshamacoco, or Samuco, group. To the Guaicuru group, whose warlike qualities and first-rate organization gave the Spaniards a great deal of trouble, belong the Guaicuru or Mbaya proper, whom the Spaniards found in the middle of the sixteenth century in the neighbourhood of the modern Asunc¢ion. They lived originally in Northern Chaco, but crossed to the left bank of the Paraguay River. The Cadiuco, near Miranda in Matto Grosso, are the only representatives left out of all their hordes. The most important tribe of the Guaicuru group to-day, the Toba, roams about as a robber nomadic people, in the wide area between Rio Salado and Rio Pilcomayo, up to the Bolivian frontier and deep into Northern Chaco. They still enjoy complete independence. The Pilaga, on the middle reaches of the Pilcomaga, are a subdivision of the Toba. To the same Guaicuru group belongs also the Abiponi tribe, now almost extinct. As late as the eighteenth century they rendered the wide areas on the Rio Bermezo as far as Cordoba unsafe. They are well known from the classical description of them by the Jesuit father Dobrizhoffer. Lastly, the Guaicuru group also comprises the Payagua, who are exceptional among the Chaco tribes in possessing good dug-outs. 238 ARAUCANS WITH LOOM South America. From a photograph in the Ethnological Museum, Berlin YAGAN INDIANS, TIERRA DEL FUEGO 238 South America. From Deneker and Hyades WUvI1S8OG OJOYT wMoiss0g 0704 BOLIOULY YNOS eollauly YyNOS 6€z NVNOM NVIGNJ OONIAGVD NVYWOMA NVIGNJ OOOOVNVHD Monee OPER SOR WE BAR EH At the time of the conquest they joined the Guato in a piracy that made river traffic on the Upper Paraguay dangerous. For a long time a small remnant of them lived a peaceful life in a separate quarter of the city of Asuncion, but some years ago they were expelled for alleged sanitary reasons, and they have disappeared in the wilds of the Chaco. The tribes belonging to the Mascot or Muscovi group (they used to be classed under the collective name of Lengua) are the Lengua proper, the Angaite, the Sanapana, and the Guana del Chaco, who must not be confused with the Araucan Guana. They live in an uninterrupted strip on the right bank of the Paraguay, north-west of Concepcion between 24° and 21° south latitude. The Mataco group consists of the Mataco tribes who adjoin the Toba on the middle and upper course of the Bermezo. With the exception of the Tshorote, they have gradually fallen under the subjection of the whites. The so-called ‘tame Tshamacoco’ have been subdued by the Paraguayans and live on the River Paraguay, but their kindred, the Tumanaha, have maintained their independence and inhabit the little-known wilds in the north-west. In connexion with this brief conspectus of the Chaco tribes, it must be clearly understood that at the present time, as in the time before the discoveries, there is much migration and intermingling among the various tribes. The outstanding feature in the economic life of these Chaco tribes is that there is practically no tillage. On the other hand, the region supplies a very large number of wild food plants, like the algarroba (Prosopis horrida), whose fruits are so extremely nourishing. From these fruits and from honey an intoxicating liquor is made. There are also some species of the Bromeliacee, which yield a kind of carob-bean, and all sorts of palms, including the Caranday or wax- palm. The Chaco tribes are first and foremost hunters and fisher- men. Fish are caught in nets and traps and with bows and arrows. In hunting the tribesmen use bows and arrows, a bow that pro- pels earthenware bullets, and a short round wooden club with a thickened end. The economic life of the tribes has been materially changed by their adoption of the horse, and the majority of them, like their neighbours to the south, are expert horsemen. The northern tribes, the Tshamacoco and the Tshorote, have not done so, and do all their hunting on foot. 239 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND Many of the Chaco tribes do not sail at all. They have no boats, and cross the rivers in a pelota, made of raw hide. Others, like the Lengua and the Cadiuco, have dug-outs, and the Payagua used to be both well known and greatly feared as sailors on the Alto Paraguay. In keeping with their unsettled life, their dwellings are simple and lightly constructed. The Mataco live in very primitive huts made of branches bent together. Others make huts of grass, like bee- skeps, or shelters made of rush mats fastened to trees or poles (Tshamacoco). Others again, like the Toba on the Paraguay, erect . their shelters as one long continuous hall, in which several families live together, sleeping on wooden platforms. The winter villages of the Cadiuco are more strongly built, but they too consist of one long continuous row of huts with similar arrangements for sleep. The original clothing of the men seems to have been a fringed belt of leather, but to-day they wear a woven cotton loin-cloth. Their ornaments are of a simple kind—strings of European glass beads, seed kernels, teeth, pieces of reed, and unique plates of shell. Many of them wear ornaments in their ears and lips. The ear-pegs of the Pilaga and the Tshorote are large, and the lip-pegs worn by the Lengua Indians have caused them to be so named. Painting of the body and tattooing are very common. The Cadiuco paint large portions of the body with patterns, using wooden stamps for the purpose. The Tshamacoco are specially distinguished for their beautiful feather ornaments. Their tools are also simple. The Chaco territory, as a whole, is poor in stone, and, therefore, stone tools are rare, with the excep- tion of grindstones and stones for milling. These are frequently brought from great distances. The Tshamacoco are unique in having at the end of their large, heavy digging sticks a small stone axe-blade, this blade being used in gathering honey. Wooden tobacco-pipes are much used, and many of them are beautifully carved. There are several interesting points in connexion with the social conditions of the Chaco tribes. Various social grades have grown up. The warlike Guaicuru had not only common warriors or braves, but also a kind of war nobility, who enjoyed special honours and used a special style of address in conversing with each other. Out of this nobility arose the rank of chief. A portion of the popu- lation is to all intents and purposes in slavery. Among the Mbaya 240 SMa, =) rt | ‘a f “a 2& : Kage 5 eS Guts Sacghufs Bee eG Re, Wipishanall 2 CGR ESMERAL I Plarocatoe Maen tarayo(A) Ad per(() son (PAY BB - Pa (As, OFX es -ContboPk: 7 UcAYAsl a’ be anni sured é( 4 ooh 7 nga’ . VA MARSHES BZ se AOA ZZ ros WI 2ibes without tillage in the tropical - forest area Wgrecultural tribes in the tropial O forest area KK Glionbian culture zone CHILOE X Peruvian cuclticre zone Tstonee A Belonging to Arawak linguistic fmily ‘g B sbi to Betoya linguistictumily , C Belonging to rib linguistic farnily P Belonging to Pano linguistic hmily T Belonging to Tapi lenguistic amily o £00 English Mules » ye i ean = re olipnga ok a ug a’ ‘ - aie ve pie vet ai eas 04 A iat tl ia ‘ TR Ph, : y PR eo - y as oa : \ NE - be } : ' t pe a i meer | 4 3 ¥ H : ‘ el P 1 : ik : 4 : \ : ‘ ; Qt ATS ; sana i 4 thy bi ‘ PN he A a MJ ' ete " y ” ‘ ( i * ¥ « . ‘es we I vi) Sd y , | ee - ia Wt 4) var iwi j with a f ; , ie oie mit , 4 ] A ee ; ; ‘i ae, a f gi ‘ e , er ee | / f 5 i aN 1 b Sof aa &. : 5 y ‘ F + } d r ’ ¥ Mi hid Oi ; Res { ey i at 7 in F (a : $ > ‘ aay, a phy WLAne i 1953 6g levee igh N ‘ny nt > re op vr ? ® - ~" . ' GuATO INDIAN PARESSI INDIAN 240 South America South America Photo Author Photo Author PLATE 56 GIRL AND Boy, PAREssI INDIANS 241 South America Photos Author Pou PROPGES lO heEH rok AR DE whole sections of the Guana population were in this condition. The Mataco and the Guaicuru cut off the heads of their slain foes and scalped them. The ‘wild’ Tshamacoco, the Tumanaha, have sub- tribes under one common head-chief, who resides in turn with the subordinate chiefs. Their festivities are determined by the ripening of the food crops, especially that of the algarroba. Many of the tribes have a great dread of the souls of the departed. The Abiponi endeavoured to prevent the soul escaping at death by stifling the dying person under a thick, heavy hide and the Tshiriguano forced the dying person into a large earthenware urn. For the same reason the Toba buried alive people who had grown infirm with age. In the extensive marshy areas where the San Lorenzo flows into the Paraguay there now live the few survivors of a tribe so unlike any of the other South American Indians that they cannot be classed with any of them. These are the Guato Indians. They are aquatic in habit to a degree beyond any other Indian tribe and spend a large part of their life on long journeys in their well-con- structed dug-outs. Their physical appearance, the long bushy beards of the men, their strange monosyllabic speech, all tend to distinguish them from all other Indian tribes, and their economic life is entirely different from that of any other Indian tribe hitherto known. Their chief sources of food are fishing, hunting, and gathering what nature provides. Curiously enough, the only implements used in fishing are bows and arrows. The arrow frequently takes the form of a harpoon with detachable point. Nets and baskets they never use, probably because the waters are so full of fish. Their chief hunting weapon is again bow and arrow, but of a larger kind. Blunt-pointed arrows are used for shooting birds and for shooting down fruit from trees, and they also use for these purposes the clay bullets of the Chaco tribes. Jaguars and crocodiles are hunted with long lances of wood. Formerly these were provided with a point of jaguar-bone, but the lances now used are pointed with iron. The food they gather is chiefly bananas, which grow wild in these parts, the grains of a wild species of rice, and the fruit of the akuri-palm. They do no forest-clearing, but they grow some crops by means of mound-culture. The marshy ground is under water for most of the year, and here and there rise the mounds of earth, the atterrados, which were constructed by the predecessors Q 241 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND of the modern Guatos for the growing of akuri-palms and other crops, and which are still used for that purpose. The actual dwellings of the Guato are always near a stream. They are only inhabited during the short season when the palm- wine is available, and, as a rule, each family lives apart from all neighbours. This, of course, means that the houses are single dwellings. When the rise of the water in spring opens up larger waterways the Guato brave takes his wife and children and most of his belongings, abandons his solitary dwelling, and proceeds to hunt in his long dug-out. The typical Guato house consists of a gable-shaped structure of poles, with two roof-sides of palm-leaf meeting at the top and reaching to the ground. The two gable- ends are open. The floor is roughly rectangular. Close to the inside of the slanting roof is an erection of poles, on which are kept the utensils which would be injured by the wet. There the Guato keeps his arrows. Many Indians sleep in hammocks, but the Guato tribe does not use them. They sleep on the ground, on large wicker mats covered with animal skins. In dry weather they sleep in the open, in front of the house. Over the couch is hung a large net made of the leaf fibres of the tucan-palm to keep off the mosquitoes which swarm in incredible numbers in these regions. At some distance from the houses, either in the jungle or on the mounds, are the plantations of akuri-palm, from which a potent intoxicating liquor is made. High up on the palm-stem a hole is bored downward. Here the palm-wine collects and ferments in twenty-four hours. ‘The entire family sits up aloft in the crown of the trees, and drinks the sap through asmallreed. Men and women wend their way home in the evening, heavy with their potations. Ground stone tools are absolutely unknown. Rough stones are used to pound the kernels of the akuri-palm. In contrast to the usual practice among South American Indians, most of the food is boiled, and large cooking pots, roughly fashioned from clay, are used. Larger clay jars are used for holding water. Basketry is of the most primitive kind imaginable, The whole ménage has a dreary appearance. Altogether, the civilization can only be com- pared with that of European man of the earlier Stone Age. Lhe Indian Tribes without Tillage in the Northern Forest Area of South America, The region here in view is the extensive area east of the Andes and north of the Gran Chaco and eastward as far as 242 GEE PEOPEES © OR} PHE KAR TH the state of Rio Grande do Sul. In many places it includes exten- sive areas of enclosed ground and of savannas broken by very few trees. Taken as a whole, the inhabitants of this area form two strata of population more or less sharply divided from each other in civilization. The larger stratum carries on forest-clearing; the other has no tillage of any kind, and their sole vegetable food is what they can gather. We take the latter first. These people either live scattered in small groups among the tribes that till the soil, or inhabit larger compact areas in the east. These are the various so-called Ges tribes. It is only these latter tribes in the eastern Brazilian plateau and the territory that slopes from that plateau to the sea that can be said to form a linguistic family, the Ges linguistic family, while each of the others speaks a language of its own. The language of the Guayaci, who roam over Paraguay and the adjacent parts of Brazil, belongs to the Tupi linguistic family, one of the principal linguistic families of the forest tribes that till the soil. Compared with the forest Indians who till the soil, all these tribes are at an extremely low level of civilization. They do not even have hammocks. Their house-construction is very primitive, and their industries are of the most elementary kind. Most of them are entirely ignorant of navigation. Almost the only exception are the Mura, who inhabit the low marshy ground on the Madeira and the Purus, and who were once greatly dreaded as river-pirates. All these either live in bitter enmity with the more civilized forest Indians and are mercilessly hunted down and killed by them, or they are subjugated by them and are employed in field work. This, of course, familiarizes the captives with the processes. A typical example of this latter condition is presented by the Trumai Indians on the Upper Xingu, who live as dependants of this kind among the Mehinaku. Other tribes, scattered among the tilling Indians, are the Macu on both banks of the lower Rio Negro, the Guahibo on the Upper Orinoco, and the Warrau, or Guarauno, on the Orinoco delta. There are also the western Ges tribes, chief among whom are the Chavantes and Cherentes, often called the ‘Central Ges,’ In two districts the lower types of Indian tribes have succeeded in maintaining against the higher tribes their ground in compact settlements. On the slopes of the eastern Brazilian plateau there are the tribes of the ‘East Ges,’ and in the centre of Matto Grosso, 243 THE PRIMITIVE RA GESTOEPANTANE UNG the Bororo, who have a language of their own. The ‘East Ges,’ then known as Tapuya, were once the bitter enemies of the Tupi tribes on the east coast of Brazil, and, at a later time, of the settlers, and the Bororo were for long the terror of the inhabitants of Matto Grosso. The classical account of Prince Maximilian of Wied has made the Botocudo the best known of the East Ges. Originally they in- habited all the forest region on the east coast of Brazil, but they are now confined to one district. Like the rest of the Ges tribes, the Botocudo are nomad hunters, without tillage, pottery, or weaving. They do not sail. They live in primitive huts and sleep on the ground. Apart from hunting and fishing, for both of which they use large bows and arrows, they only dig up roots and gather fruits of various kinds. They wear no clothing at all, but both men and women wore large lip-disks and large ear-pegs, and the men wore the penis-holder. Other orna- ments were necklets of animal teeth and claws. They painted their bodies in a very inartistic fashion. Their meat is roasted on spits or toasted in earth-pits or over hot stones. They boil water in the internodes of a large species of bamboo, or in folded palm-leaves. Cannibalism is common among them, although it is rare among the other Ges tribes. Disputes between groups are usually fought out in duels under special rules, which have been described by the Prince of Wied. The dead are buried in shallow pits inside the huts or under a covering. Lest the spirit of the dead should return, the dead bodies are put in chains, or the earth above the grave is stamped as hard as pos- sible. Another tribe of East Ges, notorious for their attacks on the colonists, was the Bugre or Shokleng in the state of Santa Catharina. The Bororo Indians are essentially similar to the Central Ges, especially to the Cayapo. They too wear the penis-holder, and, like the Cayapo, they are distinguished for the feather ornamenta- tion worn at their festivities, especially for the large rayed wheel of arara-feathers worn on the head. At the festivities feathers are stuck all over their bodies. Karl von den Steinen has given an interesting account of the social life of the Bororo, The men in the men’s house form the pivot around which their communal life turns. Only the older men live in families in small huts grouped round the large men’s 244 ot PHRORLES? © hr WARE house. Monogamy is the usual rule. The unmarried men sleep in the men’s house, and even the married men spend a large part of the day there. The dances and song-festivals, which usher in the hunting expeditions, take place there. Young girls are dragged into the men’s house, and are enjoyed there for a time by small groups of men. The Bororo have the custom of ‘after-burial.’ After the corpse has lain a fortnight in the earth it is exhumed, and the decayed flesh is separated from the bones. It is at this stage that the real death-rites are performed, and the skeleton is adorned and prepared for burial. It is packed into a shroud of wickerwork, along with offerings, and buried a second time. 2. The Tillage Tribes in the Northern Forest Areas. We come now to the second stratum of population, among whom tillage, in the form of forest-clearing, is the basis of economic life, and who, as has been said, include the large majority of the Indian tribes who inhabit this area. Although the tropical forest area of South America is inhabited by a very large number of tribes linguistically different from each other, careful comparative study of the languages has shown that by far the most of these tribes belong to a comparatively small number of linguistic families scattered over the whole area. A glance at the linguistic map shows that all the Indian tribes east of the line Orinoco—Rio Negro—Madeira belong to one of the three great linguistic families, Tupi, Arawak, and Carib. The sole ex- ception are the Caraya Indians on the Araguaya. Forest-clearing plays a very subordinate part in their life, so that they occupy an intermediate place between the tilling and the non-tilling tribes. Other exceptions are tribes like the Suya on the Upper Xingu, and the Came, or Caingang, on the eastern tributaries of the Parana. These are Ges tribes who at a comparatively late period adopted the tilling activities of their neighbours. West of the line Orinoco—Rio Negro—Madeira linguistic con- ditions are much less uniform. Here we find representatives of the three great linguistic families already named, Tupi, Arawak, and Carib, and also two other great families, the Betoya, between the Uaupes, Yapura, and Rio Negro, and the Pano, on the Ucayali and further eastward. Besides, there are a large number of tribes or tribal groups who do not belong to any of these great families—the Otomacs on the western tributaries of the Orinoco, the Zaparo, and 245 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND Jivaro (comprising numerous sub-tribes) between the Rio Napo and the Andes, the Catukina and the Tacana tribes on the Madre de Dios and Beni, and finally the Tshikito on the Mamore up to the Upper Paraguay. Of the numerous tribes belonging to the five great linguistic families of this area, only the most important can be mentioned here. We take first the tribes of the Tupi family. At the time of the discoveries the two most important centres were on the upland region between the Upper Parana and the Paraguay, and on the east coast of Brazil from the Amazon delta southward. But it is just in these two areas that least is left of the peculiar features of the original inhabitants. The life of the Guarani in the first region has been entirely transformed by the missionary activity of the Jesuits, who in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries turned the Guarani people into a theocratic communal state. The only inde- pendent Guarani tribe in these parts to-day is the Caingua. The once powerful tribes on the east coast of Brazil, the Tamoyo in the district where Rio de Janeiro now stands, the Tupinikin behind Santos and the Tupinamba around Rio, Porto Seguro, and Bahia, were compelled to take sides in the contests between the European colonizing powers, and were completely lost in the intermingling of population that subsequently took place. A third centre of the Tupi tribes was in the area watered by the Xingu and the Tapajos. On the Xingu were the Yuruna, Camayura, and the Aueté; on the Tapajos were the Munduruku and the Apiaca. Farther west were the Guarayo and, in the Northern Chaco, the later arrivals, the Tshiriguano. Apart by themselves on the Upper Marafion, were the Tupi tribes, the Omagua and the Cokama. The most widely distributed tribes in this tropical forest area are those of the Arawak linguistic family. At the time of the dis- coveries Arawak tribes were settled on the east coast of Guiana and Brazil down to the Amazon delta, where the Aruans in the island of Marajo became extinct not so long ago. These coast tribes were called Arawak, and this name came to be applied to the whole linguistic family. It was Arawak tribes also that the first dis- coverers found on the Greater Antilles. Theirlanguage, Taino, has given several well-known words to European vocabularies—tabako (tobacco), hamaka (hammock), kanua (canoe), mahiz (maize). On the Lesser Antilles they bore the name Allouages, but the Carib tribes drove them out. The area to the west of the Arawak is 246 Ht, PEOPLES OH EEE EA RCE inhabited chiefly by Carib tribes, with a slight intermixture of Arawaks, like the Wapishana; but on the Upper Orinoco and on the Amazon Arawak tribes are more numerous—the Maipure and Baniva on the Orinoco, the Tariana on the Uaupes, and the now almost extinct Manao at the confluence of the Rio Negro and the Amazon. Outlying on the north-west are the Goajiro, on the peninsula of that name in Venezuela, who under European in- fluence have become stock-farmers. From the middle Amazon upward there is a broad strip inhabited by Arawak tribes, up the Jurua and the Purus and south-west to the Cordilleras. The most important of these are the Paumari and Yamamadi on the Purus, the Ipurina and the Arauna on the Jurua; and in the Peruvian area there are the Anti (also called Campa or Matshiganga) and the now almost negligible Piro. From this point there runs in an eastward direction another strip of Arawak tribes. It crosses the Moxo in Bolivia and the Paressi at the sources of the Cabacal, Jauru, and Juruena, joining the Arawak tribes of the Upper Xingu. This strip contains the Mehinaku and the Yaulapiti, and comprises in its southern extent the Guana and the Tereno, close to the Northern Chaco. When they discovered the Greater Antilles the Spaniards heard of the raids of the cannibal Caribs, or Callinao, as they called them- selves. These came from the coast of the mainland and the Lesser Antilles, and plundered the islands of the West Indian Archipelago, which were occupied by Arawak tribes. Their chief object was to get wives. These Caribs have given their name to the third great linguistic group of the forest area. It is the main language of the hinterland of Guiana, between the Arawaks of the coast and those of the Upper Orinoco, but it formerly extended up to the north coast of Venezuela, and was spoken by the Tshaima and the Cumanagoto. The most important of these Carib tribes are the Galibi in French Guiana; the Macusi and Arecuna in British Guiana; farther south in Brazilian Guiana proper the Rucuyenne and Apalai, first described by Crevaux ; westward from these the Pianocoto ; and, in the extreme west, touching the Orinoco area, the Makirifare ; and, lastly, the Yauaperi, on the tributary of that name of the Rio Negro. In recent times Caribs (the Umaua) have settled in the area between the Upper Uaupes and the Yapura. A few Carib tribes even made their appearance in the forest areas south of the Amazon, the best known being the Bakairi and the 24.7 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND Nahukua, who live on the Upper Xingu among Tupi and Arawak tribes. Of the Indian tribes belonging to the Betoya linguistic family, which is distributed over the territory between the Uaupes, Yapura, and Rio Negro, intermixed with Arawak tribes, we shall mention only the Tukano and the Kobéua. Of the numerous tribes in the Ucayali area who belong to the Pano linguistic family (named after the small tribe of Pano) we shall only mention the Conibo, Cashibo, and Shipibo. The pivot of the economic life of all these tribes of the tropical — forest area of South America is, as has been said, forest-clearing. The polished stone hatchet, the usual accompaniment of this primi- tive form of tillage, is the original and characteristic implement of all these tribes, although it has now been largely displaced by the European steel axe. The chief crop is the mandioca brava (Manthot utilissima of the family of Euphorbiacee). It is grown from cuttings. Maize is also grown, chiefly inthe west. It becomes rarer and rarer as one proceeds eastward. ‘They also grow sweet potatoes, beans, tobacco, and, to a less extent, cotton, the uruku, and some species of cane, which provides arrow-shafts ; several kinds of palm, especi- ally the pupunha-palm, some other fruit-trees, and, more recently, the banana, which was introduced into America by Europeans. Fishing and hunting provide the animal food. Cattle-raising is entirely unknown. Fishing is far more prominent than hunting. Hunting implements are bows and arrows. The bowstrings are made of vegetable fibre, and the bows are long and well made. The same is true of the arrows. The shaft is of cane, with an insertion of wood and a point of bone or of a sharpened piece of bamboo, or a ray of spikes. All over the western parts for smaller game they use the blowing-tube, into which they insert poisoned arrows from their quiver. The spear-thrower is only used on the Upper Ama- zon among the Yivaro, Cocama, Tekuna, and Conibo. Poisoned arrows are universally used with the blowing-tube. The poison is the extremely effective urari, or curare, obtained from the bark of the Strychnos toxifera, one of the creeping plants of the Strychnos species. None of the Indians of the forest area use lines for fishing, but bows and arrows, fish-spears, fish-nets, pots and traps of various kinds. Avery common method is to dam back the water at suitable places and to poison the water with the leaves and branches of the timbo-liane. 248 fra EOP WE Sy Oia Ere Reid In keeping with their comparatively settled life, these Indians expend some care on the construction of their houses. In some cases, é.g., in the Uaupes region, the entire village consists of one large sib-house. It is, therefore, very large, and may contain as many as a hundred persons. Most of the tribes lay out their village in such a way that two or three houses stand round a village square. There is also usually a separate men’s house, which is used as a meeting-place for festivities. The only exception is the Caraya, who build their villages in lines of from twenty to thirty houses. The houses are either circular or square or intermediate between these two. The framework, and, where they exist, the side walls, consist of plain, wooden posts, and the roof, which comes down to the ground, is covered with palm-leaves or reeds. All along the north coast, and especially around Lake Maracaibo, the conditions necessitate ‘lake-dwellings.’ Except among the western tribes, close to the Andes, the house furniture includes the hammock. It is a characteristic article among tillage tribes as opposed to tribes who do not till the soil. It is usually made of corded palm-fibres or of cotton-threads or of both together, and is manufactured on the principle of the ‘double-thread’ wickerwork. In Guiana it is sometimes woven, or made of running loops. Carved stools of wood are used by chiefs and by medicine men. In the evenings the in- terior of the house is lit up by wood fires, over which are various wooden erections for toasting the food. A host of domestic animals contribute their share to the animated life that prevails in the houses. In spite of their fairly advanced civilization, the clothing of these forest Indians is very scanty. Still, the women usually wear some covering, however small, and the men have always some sort of arrangement which at least serves to conceal erection. Among the tribes on the Upper Xingu and among the Paressi this arrangement consists of a string tied somewhat tightly round the body, so that the penis is caught up and held by the foreskin in between the string and the body. Other tribes, including most of those on the Rio Negro, wear an apron that passes between the legs and hangs down in front. Others again, like the Yuruna and Munduruku, wear a penis-holder like that used by the Ges. Many of the women dress very scantily. Those on the Upper Xingu wear a small triangle of bast, about 3 cm. long, which lies close to the body and compresses the vagina. The Paressi women wear a waist-cloth that encircles 249 THE PRIMITIVE: RA CHS: @ BaaVicAaN er Ne the body and the hips, and other tribes wear the apron of palm- leaves. More adequate clothing is found only among the Ucayali tribes, like the Conibo, Piro, and Campa. These wear sleeveless shirts, blankets, and ponchos, garments which are probably imitated from those of the Andean tribes. The ornaments of the forest Indians are numerous and varied. They wear ear-shells; and the underlip, the septum of the nose, and the corners of the mouth are pierced to facilitate the wearing of wooden disks, feathers, pegs, and small cylinders of wood or even of stone. The under-lip pegs are often of considerable size. The Miranha and Mayoruna used to expand their nostrils with large disks of shell. Many tribes tattoo themselves, and indicate in this way the tribe to which they belong (e.g., Apiaca), while the Munduruku cover large portions of their bodies with artistic markings. Many of them paint the body with the beautiful uruku red or the blue-black of the jenipapo fruit, and the painting is often splendidly done in the usual geometric patterns. Feathers are the chief ornaments at festivities, and striking ex- amples can be seen among the Caraya on the Araguaya, the Rucu- © yenne and Macusi in Guiana, and among the Rio Negro tribes. There are also all kinds of necklets and breast chains, bracelets, and leglets of stone, shell, seeds, teeth, claws, and beetles’ wings. Many Carib tribes wear cotton bandages on the upper arm and below the knee, so tightly tied as to cut into the muscles. The Umana wear broad bandages of tree bark round the body up to the armpits. Owing to the lack of metals, they are, of course, reduced to primitive tools of stone, shell, bone, animal teeth and claws, and wood. The sharp teeth of the piranha fish do duty for knife and scissors ; those of rodent animals are made into chisels; sharp fish teeth are made into awls ; shells are shaped into scrapers and planes ; and on the Upper Xingu the large claws of the armadillo are made into picks. Most tribes make good pottery and wickerwork, and the Arawaks are exceptionally clever in these arts. Most of the things thus made are used in the preparation of food from the tubers of the manioc. Long wicker tubes and filters are used in extracting the poisonous sap of the same plant, and finely plaited shallow bowls and colanders are employed to sift the flour produced fromit. The cakes of manioc flour are toasted on shallow earthen- ware dishes, and the sap of the tuber is boiled in large earthen pots. The poisonous matter is thus evaporated, and a popular beverage is produced. The manioc porridge is thoroughly masticated by the 250 rs PROPGES OF VRE E BAR LEH women and put into similar pots, where it ferments and yields a more or less potent intoxicating liquor, cashiri or tshitsha, which is drunk in great quantities at the festivities. All these Indians make free use of tobacco, and it is an indispensable part of the medicine man’s outfit. It is either smoked in the form of cigars, or in wooden pipes, or it is used as snuff. The snuff-spoon is tube-shaped. Cocca also is widely used by the western tribes. Only a few of these tribes use the loom with mechanical heddle. Originally it seems to have been used only by the Pano and Arawak tribes, and the perpendicular or vertical loom seems to have been almost indigenousthere. The western tribes, in the Rio Negro area, in Bolivia, and in eastern Peru are clever in working up bark into armlets and leglets, dancers’ masks, etc. The artistic gifts of the tropical forest Indians find expression chiefly in the frequent ornamentation of all kinds of articles, as well as in the tattooing and painting of their skins. The best specimens are geometrical patterns. Figure-drawing is rarely found, even in their plastic work, although some approach to it is found in the earthenware vessels of the Xingu tribes. On the other hand, geo- metrical designs, rhombs, and wavy patterns are found on earthen- ware vessels, masks, wooden stools, and graters. With regard to their social organization, the prominent place occupied by tillage in their economic life brings the territorial principle well to the front. By far the most important economic unit is the village community, and this may either be the supreme community over others, or, where the village consists of only one large sib-house, a house community. Where the latter is not the case, the house community plays an important economic part along with the village community. The sib-house community, which rests on a basis combining the principles of blood-kinship and terri- toriality, is usually composed of several monogamic families. In the village community the chief authority is usually in the hands of one village-head, but sometimes there are more than one. This village-head is one of the house-heads. In some cases several village communities have combined politically under the authority of a supreme chief. Some accounts say that the Paressi Indians were once organized as one large state. In other districts, just as in North America, there are actual confederations of states, eg, the Manaos Confederation on the middle reaches of the Amazon, Owing to the prevalence of the territorial principle in the social 251 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND organization, totemism is not prominent. It has been found only among the Guiana tribes, where numerous sibs bear the names of animals and plants. The principles of mother-right are strictly followed, especially in the position which the husband occupies in respect to his father-in-law, and they are also prominently seen in the important position held by the mother’s brother. The peculiar custom of couvade, ‘the husband brought to bed,’ is found among various tribes, and in a very coarse form on the Upper Xingu. The puberty rites for boys frequently include tests of physical endurance. _ These assume grotesque forms among the Carib tribes of Guiana. The boys are exposed to the painful bites of ants and the stings of wasps, the insects being imprisoned in the meshes of wicker cases tied on the backs of the boys. Among some tribes the boys are whipped till the blood comes. | Intercourse between the various economic communities 1s fairly close, and, of course, hostile encounters are frequent. In addition to bows and arrows, several tribes use the spear-thrower, and it was evidently in more frequent use formerly than it is now. For hand- to-hand combat they have long thrust lances, all kinds of wooden clubs, and dagger-like knives of bamboo. Defensive armour is rarer. Shields are used only by the Yuri and Yivaro, some Pano tribes, and in earlier times by the Baure and the Moxo. Village fortifications are also rare. Several tribes keep their enemies’ heads as trophies. The Munduruku preserve the skulls of the enemies they have slain, and the Yivaro have the quaint custom of removing the bone part of the heads and toasting the soft parts till they contract into small bulk. Cannibalism is practised in several districts, among the Cashibo, Miranha, and Apiaca. Among the Apiaca the captured brave is well treated for a time and is even provided with a wife from the tribe, but one day he is knocked on the head with a club and eaten. Knotted strings are used in Guiana, and signal drums are made by hollowing out tree-stems. A kind of ‘drum-language’ has been evolved and is used to convey messages. Barter of commodities is carried out by some tribes who under- take extensive expeditions for this purpose through adjacent areas, and almost every tribe has its own speciality of manufacture. But, as the economic life is largely communal, external economic intercourse is, on the whole, restricted within narrow limits, and on the Upper Xingu it is confined to hostile intercourse. The expedi- 252 Hee PROP RS TOP MEE Ry RATE tions just mentioned travel by water. The smaller streams are navigated in boats of bark, and the larger rivers in dug-outs. In addition to these, the eastern Tupi on the east coast of Brazil used large rafts of strong beams—the precursors of the present-day Brazilian jangada—and with these they carried on considerable traffic. These tropical forest Indians also possess a kind of pictorial writing. The Paressi Indians still cover their large palisades with all kinds of figures, which express definite ideas, and at certain festivals young people eagerly try their hand at this kind of self-expression. This is undoubtedly the meaning of the ‘rock- drawings’ which are found all over the forest area, and which were done by the ancestors of the Indians of to-day. Religious life seldom reveals more than a primitive belief in magic and a pri- mitive animism. Nature is everywhere conceived to be animated by demons, to appease whom is one of the chief functions of the magician, or medicine-man, who is an important personage in almost every tribe. He has also to heal the sick by freeing the patient from the evil demons who have attacked him. Masked dances, which are in great part mimic imitations of animals, are common among numerous tribes all through the Rio Negro area, on the middle Amazon (among the Yahua, Pehua, and Tekuna), and on the Upper Xingu. A secret society or federation exists among the Arawak tribes on the Ica and farther north on the Orinoco. It comes into action when the palm fruit ripens, and seeks to promote good crops by the blowing of large wooden flutes. The spirits of the dead are greatly feared, and numerous means are employed to prevent their return. The treatment of the dying and the burial customs are dictated by these fears. Among the Uaupes tribes, the Munduruku, and Yuruna the dead are buried in the house ; among the Puru tribes and the Caraya a special hut is built over the grave. The wild maquarri dance of the Arawaks in British Guiana, in which the dancers whip each other till the blood comes, is meant to appease the vengeance of the dead person. The Tupi tribes—the Tshiriguano on the eastern slopes of the Cordilleras and the Guarani—bury the dead in large urns. The Bororo method of ‘after-burial’ is also practised. The eating of the dead tribes- man, which was common among the Pano tribes (Mayoruna and Cashibo), has survived in a modified form among the Uaupes tribes. At the death feast the bones are burned and reduced to powder and 253 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND drunk in the liquor cashiri. Only very rarely, among the Rucuyenne in Guiana, for example, is the corpse cremated. 3. The Ancient Inhabitants of the Antilles and Bahamas. We have already had occasion, when speaking of the Arawak and Carib linguistic families, to mention the original inhabitants of the Cen- tral American Archipelago. We saw that the population of these islands consisted mainly of Arawak tribes, who were usually called Taino in the Greater Antilles, and Cibuni in Cuba and the Bahamas. In the Lesser Antilles the Arawaks, who at the time of the European invasion had been largely ousted by Caribs from the mainland, were called Allouages, and the few Arawak tribes who had remained in the mountains bore the distinguishing name of Inyeri. The European invasion and the ruthless exploitation due to the system of vepartimientos had such a disastrous effect on the native island population that, by the middle of the sixteenth century, there was no indigenous population left on the Greater Antilles. The insular Caribs managed to hold out a little longer—till the seventeenth century. The few survivors, with a strong infusion of negro blood, were later transplanted to British Honduras, Both linguistically and culturally these tribes are akin to the tilling tribes of tropical South America. ‘Tillage, in the form of forest-clearing, was the economic basis of their life, but whereas fishing was an important activity, hunting, probably because of the absence of large quadrupeds, played a very subordinate part. We are told that they hunted ducks by swimming up to them concealed by hollow pumpkin-skins, and that they caught the larger fish and turtles by means of a small suctorial fish which was tied to a cord and set among them. The inhabitants of the Antilles i outstripped their linguistic kin on the mainland in stonework and wood-carving. They also knew the rudiments of metalworking. This was probably due to the influence of Central American civilization, and to the brisk exchange of commodities which they carried on with that part of the main- land. It is said that a busy trade was carried on between Jamaica and Yucatan. Socially, the inhabitants of the Antilles differed from their tribal kinsmen by the extraordinary development of chieftainship among them. The ceremonial connected with this feature of their social life almost recalls the conditions in Polynesia. It has led to the rise of a kind of feudal nobility. 254 (UP PL OPTS @ Hes bE bob AR EH They had large seaworthy dug-outs. Some of these were very large, perhaps the largest vessels in all South America. The only weapons of the Arawaks on the islands were spears and spear- throwers, while the Caribs used bows and poisoned arrows, and heavy clubs for hand-to-hand combat. Ancestor-worship was one of the most prominent features of their religion. Ancestral figures were made of stone, clay, and even of gold; in Cuba and Haiti the skulls of the dead were carefully dressed and preserved. 4. The Civilized Peoples of the Andean Area. Here we have to distinguish two chief zones, largely independent of each other—the Columbian and the Peruvian. Geographically, the Columbian zone of civilization is almost entirely confined to the high ground and the great river valleys of the Magdalena and the Cauca. The whole coast area and the lower districts round Lake Maracaibo were inhabited by a large number of linguistically separate peoples, who were, speaking generally, on a par in civilization with the tillage tribes of the tropical forest area. Some of them, like the Caribs of the Motilones, are connected linguistically with one of the large families ; some of them form independent linguistic groups. The Columbian zone comprises a western and an eastern group of civilizations. The tribes belonging to the west group occupied the Middle and Upper Cauca Valley. The former Indian population of this district, who have long since been lost in the mixed population, consisted of a number of tribes speaking different languages, who grew maize, made fine cotton textiles, washed gold in the numerous gold-diggings, and worked up the metal with great skill into brooches and ear and nose ornaments. The Quimbaya were famous goldsmiths. They lived in the neighbourhood of the modern Cartago, and must have possessed an enormous amount of gold treasure. The villages were surrounded by palisades, and the houses were built of cane and palm-leaves, Only the tribes in the Upper Cauca Valley had houses containing several families. Each village had its square devoted to festivals and discussions, surrounded by posts on which hung the heads of enemies that had been killed and eaten. The tribes were headed by chiefs, who kept great state, ruled despotically, and lived in constant feud with each other. 255 THE PRIMITIVE RACESVORRNUAN KIDNAD They had no bows and arrows, and their only weapons were spear- throwers, lances, and clubs. The dead were buried with all their belongings, with numerous earthenware vessels and valuable gold treasures, either under grave mounds or in deep pits that branched off into vaults or galleries. Closely connected with this west group were the ancient Cueva or Coiba. They inhabited the district of Panama up to Rio Chagres, and seem to have had many features in common with the Nicaraguan tribes and the Chibcha, and a language like that of the Chibcha. The eastern group also comprised a large number of tribes inhabiting the plateaux, the deep wooded river-valleys, and the slopes down to the llanos of the Orinoco. In this case, however, a nation had gained the hegemony and founded a great empire. This was the Chibcha nation, often called Muysca by Spanish writers. The centre of their dominion was the plateau of Bogota. When the Spaniards came in 1538 they found two dynasties at feud with each other. In the south, in Muiquita, the modern Funza, resided the Zipa, the secular king, and a priest-king, the Kazike of Guatavita, the famous sacred lake on the east Cordillera. In the north, on the other hand, in Hunsa, the modern Tunja, ruled another dynasty, the Zaqué, who claimed to be older. The northern ruler had also along with him a priest-king, who lived in Suamoz, the modern Sogamoso. From this plateau civilization radiated in all directions. Related in language to the Chibcha were the ancient Arhuacos in Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta. Their descendants are the present inhabitants of these districts, the Kéggaba. Agriculture was the central feature of the economic life both of the Chibcha and their neighbours of the east group. They raised potatoes, maize, sweet potatoes, quinoa, and, in the hot valleys, manioc and cotton. Gold was found in the rivers and made into jewellery. Weaving was carried on, and the cotton cloth thus pro- duced furnished the clothing of both sexes. Men and women wore two garments, one round the loins and one round the shoulders. The villages were enclosed within palisades, and the round huts of bamboo and straw were irregularly dotted about the enclosure. The huts were, it is said, furnished with fine mats, and the door- ways were covered with gold leaf. These tribes used no bows and 256 SSNIAI OJOYT eiquinjo) erquin[o) gz NILISQDOY NVS WOUA ANNI] ANOLS L4VYV : VHOdIHD AHL AO dGI05) NI aAYNDIY 48 ALWId Ulpiog “tunosny [POLsO[OUY}y 9} UT S[eUursiIO AUVMNAHLUVYA NVIANYEG LINAIONY “HUY ici acts incall | §$ ALVI1d Peis PE OPER S SOR RELE (Bh ARsl H arrows. Their sole weapons were spear-throwers, lances, clubs, and slings for throwing stones. Despotism was even more pronounced among the Chibcha chiefs than among those of the western group. No one dared to look at the princes, and every one who approached a prince brought presents and turned his eyes away. It was the chief’s exclusive privilege to be carried in a litter, and he alone was entitled to pronounce judgment. Barter was briskly carried on with the adjacent tribes. The Chibcha arranged distant trading expeditions, and salt, gold, and woven stuffs were freely exchanged for the products of hot districts. Chibcha traders went as far as Santa Marta in the north and Quito in the south, and it was their tales that tempted their listeners to come and conquer their country. There are many resemblances between the religious ideas of the Chibcha and those of the ancient Mexicans. The worship of the sun was accompanied by human sacrifices. The blood of the victims was believed to be devoured by the sun. Ona mountain- top they decapitated a boy with a bamboo knife and smeared the blood on stones which caught the sun’s earliest beams. Or, again, a boy of fifteen who had been carefully educated in the priests’ seminary was placed on a special altar and killed with spear-thrusts. Human sacrifices also attended the erection of the palisade posts, each post being rammed home over a child’s dead body. The dead bodies of the Kazikes (the priest-kings) and their wives and servants were mummified by the removal of the intestines and the insertion of resin, and were then buried in grave vaults. The chief places of worship were the sacred lagoons. There were several of these on the plateau. That of Guatavita is the most famous, and many legends are connected with it. It was here that worship was conducted by the priest-king. His whole body was powdered with gold-dust before he bathed in the sacred waters of the lagoon. Small figures of gold were thrown into the waters while worship was performed. Many creation myths were current, one of the most popular being that of Bachue, the great mother of the gods. From the waters of the lake she arose, bringing with her a boy. When he had grown to man’s estate she became his wife, and brought forth human beings. Then, changing herself into a serpent, she disappeared with the father of her children into the lake from which she came. In contrast to these Columbian and Central American civilizations R 257 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND the ancient Peruvian Empire presents the picture—at the time of the discoveries—of a large unified political state. Round the peri- phery of that gigantic empire there were indeed a few peoples politically separate from it, but their civilization was so coloured by that of Peru that it need not be specially treated. These boundary tribes included the Coconuco and the Paez in the Central Cordilleras, the ancient tribes on the coast of Ecuador, e.g., the Cayapo, Esmeraldas, and Colorado, who once possessed a fairly high civilization, and the now extinct Diaguita or Calchaqui, who used to inhabit the ‘Calchaquita valleys’ on the east slope of the Andes in North Argentine. These Calchaqui had their settle- ments on plateaux difficult of access. In some respects they had a civilization of their own, but in many eae it revealed the influence of Peru. The remnants of an uncultured fishing people are found in the ancient Peruvian area—the Uru on Lake Titicaca and the streams that enter it, and the inhabitants of the arid portions of Atacama (the Lican-antai and Chango). At a time not long before the Spanish invasion the ancient Peruvian Empire had grown to such a gigantic size that no neigh- bouring state could compete with it in political power. The fifteenth century was half finished before the Inca Tupac Yupanqui, the grandfather of the hapless Atahualpa, had pushed his conquests in the south to the Rio Maule in Chile, and it was his son Huayna Capac who advanced north beyond the Equator and annexed the mighty empire of Quito. The subjugated populations were sys- tematically incorporated with the great empire. The language of the conquerors, Khechua, was made the official language, and sun- worship was made the statereligion. As time went on the civiliza- tion of the whole empire became more and more uniform. All the same, even in the time of the later Inca dominion, there were various groups corresponding generally to the formerly independent popula- tions. These groups, however, do not correspond to the linguistic differences that existed within the empire. The reason is that the Khechua tribe of the Incas at an early stage chose as their capital Cuzco, which was situated in the region where the language was Colyan or Aymaran. These Colya-Aymara had their centre on the Titicaca Lake, where can still be seen the ruins of Tiahuanacu, with their famous stone figures and the great monolith gate adorned with reliefs, the temple buildings on the islands of Titicaca and Coati, 258 (ettitel OP CR StOhe GE Bak AR IGE and the circular grave towers (challpas) on the peninsula of Sillustani. These all date from a time anterior to the Inca dominion, and reveal in all probability a civilization that belonged to the ancestors of the Colya-speaking Indians. In any case, the systematic explorations of Uhle have shown that this Aymara civilization, if we may so call it, extended in former times much farther northward, and as far asthe coast. In the older strata of the ruins of Pachacamac various articles have been dug up which resemble those found in the Aymaran territory. , ONVISNIIND SUPITPLISIY ie) SUPIUPLUSP Re “7 >: % ou beat ns he aN J 4 4 . Ao al hy x - 7 ie ‘ \ U] 5 * : = ro) : “ | $370M HInOsS WAN 4 5 i ®eo 8 ° LLIHVL * Sf HOOD “9 9 * ” 2 zNu> VINYS -- o ; ee b& - wer ee ewe Ke, - a - SIP YSITBUZ Oos/ coo) ©. 0 = 1! | WAAVH ; ~ er eee een er" owt mama e ese eae aeeee @ awcecece ee” \ SVISHLNOS 2 ee FHL JO SATAOFd aos rEES9 : ° zy mi Rite i ir ? A Fed come oe Fa 4% PED : ’ * Lp it bapa er) pre. 4 eed see ‘. he | re “% < ed 3 nal . c is j y 9 ; \ : Ms wide “> e Wig rf 7 * ‘ 28 F Se eee ee , 4 | ' Md 2 7 . t “ a: 7 : Wd nite ee = 1 ’ t : ‘ ¥ a2 2 244 v! % ' , o ae ad : % iF ue * ’ e 4 . é ‘ ‘ 4 o . - ‘ . 7 ; : ‘ ' . I é 4 ‘ « ® a {> ; Ly Prat, oR . ; . stp ey : f * . “4 “ j i j ” j Fi 5 . | 7 et See ; ' + ‘ 7 ? : , tanip “Fr lee + { ji @4 } » . i: F 7 . ~_< / } ‘ . ‘ y 4 . a Se » 1 . al) . ' , 4 f ‘ oo it . Fe « t ° —_ \ ' . r t 4 4 > ys YW : : : ‘ ‘ : - ’ 4 a Oo ot ‘ < © pene ere ewan bane a te , IGS 2,0 final SAHA ECE BC mite cea itis Lye ODER PTs ganna AF Dts ISAO A I RS cam rete & vy renee - 7 es . j < . ee eran moet la hee \ ¢ ” Li Cad ea i i nH) whe } -. i ts tes an 4 ve ee j ' i j wa ~e ‘ sal 4 rz Pe — A . im," "Ry 4 } ed “* 7 , : Mihhecc & *; ¢ : . : P i = t ~ a oe 4 fae : - J ; / of j , i 4 5 H € ‘ : ; y sda j / f 0 ' : : : ‘ ym “ae ‘ ra Cad —— — } 7 . k OM toe aay an : ys aps ONY oA ATS ; 1 ‘ , f . < Ys ~~, “ “ 7 ¢ i! | s ‘3 : a . . ; Ree eh tng eo mn ag fora seared neice napa ta nine agit ap eg np oo? ee 3 ' i, ow a a 7 -#., al ad LOLA ALOE ON AA A OEE AP LOL LE LEAS Ge te HO Dh es : ‘ Ani @ Aetas, & Pe 5 - - ; a Ware PHOPE Roe Ole hhh EAR EE young and very carefully reared—so carefully that it is often actually suckled by the women. For vegetable food the Australian depends on wild fruits, mushrooms, and lichens, and the women dig up roots with their digging sticks. In addition to the animal food gained by hunting and fishing, they eat larve, beetles, ants, and worms. The chief occupation of the men is hunting the various species of marsupials. Except in a few parts of the extreme north-east, bows and arrows are unknown. The chief hunting weapon is the spear- thrower, but the throwing club is also used to kill the smaller birds. Various artifices are used to get within killing distance of the game. Some southern tribes cover themselves with mud, in order to prevent | the game from getting wind of them; others use hunting-screens made of branches with their leaves. When hunting aquatic birds they wade up to the neck into the water and cover their heads with reeds and flags. In shallow water fish are simply caught with the hands, or thrown ashore with flat trays or plates of wood or other suitable material. In deeper water-the fish are netted in drag-nets or place-nets, or snared in crawls. In some parts of South Australia rod-fishing is carried on, the rods being made of wood or bone. Pottery is unknown, and, owing to the lack of watertight vessels of any kind, food cannot be boiled. It is grilled or broiled in hot ashes or over the fire, or it is put into large pits along with hot stones and burning fuel. Houses are simple in construction, but the shape varies. Where natural caves exist these are turned into dwellings. When moving about from place to place the Australians use simple windbreakers, or screens of bark or branches. When they have temporarily settled they build primitive huts, which consist merely of a sloping roof reaching to the ground with the sides open, but some are half conical in shape like bee-skeps. As a rule, the Australian goes naked, but where the climate is changeable he wears a cloak of kangaroo-skin or opossum-skin, or of plaited matwork. The belt worn round the middle, made of human hair or strands of bark, is more for ornament than for clothing. Tattooing and painting of the body are universally practised, but tattooing is also a sign of mourning or an indication of age or rank. The hair is sometimes left in its natural condition, and sometimes smeared with ochre. Some tribes cut it short, or tear it out by the roots, while others fashion it into peculiar forms of cozffure with 267 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND the aid of ornaments. Nose jewellery is worn—pegs, feathers, or chased bone—and necklets of hair, seeds, teeth, and so on. Some tribes deform their children’s noses in earliest infancy by flattening them to an even greater extent than they are naturally. The technical capacities of the Australians are very undeveloped. Like all the South Sea peoples, they are ignorant of metalwork, and, as has been already said, they have no pottery. They have two ways of making fire—by using the ordinary wooden fire-drill and by filling the cavity of a rotten tree-stem with dry grass and then drawing a wooden saw across a stick laid over the cavity. Their implements and tools are all of the most primitive kind— of stone, bone, shell, and wood, and their stone tools, rough-hewn and rarely polished, resemble those of the Paleolithic Age of Europe. The only wicker articles used are simple rush baskets and cloaks of matwork. Very few of them use boats of any kind. Here and there are found poorly made boats of bark, and it is only in New South Wales that they have even progressed to the extent of dug-outs. On the other hand, their weapons are very varied, and hostile encounters are frequent. Much of their fighting takes the form of the duel. Bows and arrows are used only in the extreme north-east, where the influence of New Guinea has been strongest. They have, however, all kinds of clubs, both for striking and throwing. The best-known throwing club is the boomerang. The Queenslanders used to have long wooden swords, studded at the edges with stone chips, The spear is mostly hurled with the help of the spear-thrower. A very narrow wooden shield is almost the only defensive armour, and is used to ward off both club-strokes and spears. ‘Message sticks,’ flat or circular slabs of wood marked with figures and signs, are used to send declarations of war from one tribe to another. Thus, even the Australians have their own type of pictorial writing, and in former times they made use also of knotted strings. They have also a very highly developed form of gesture language. Special attention has been paid to the social and family life of the Australians, because it was long believed to represent the primeval form of human social and family life. It is impossible to enter here upon a detailed discussion of Morgan’s theory of original group- marriage. Suffice it to say that totemism prevails in a very pro- nounced form among the Australians and cuts deep even into their economic life. The animal regarded by a tribe as its totem animal 268 Aauo py 004g Aauo py ojoygy PISOUL I, PISOUPTOT, SSauq FONVG NI 89z AVd GOOMONITION Wo TaI5N ‘VANINS) MAN ‘Avg COOMONITION Wows AAIHD ESou. LV let UOSULYADY 0J0YT eISOUPTOT 69z NUSVHNNVWTIVC NI ASNOP S,NaAN Ba Wa 1 DAA Ek DHS PEOLERS OL DH BARTH and tribal ancestor must not be killed by any member of that tribe. The members of each totem are divided into age-classes, and thus there arises a somewhat complicated system of division of the whole population, which determines the regulations for marriage. These regulations decide to what group the girl who becomes the wife of a young man must belong, and marriages between members of the same group are forbidden. The dominating principle is that of mother-right, and the totem of the child and the place of residence of the family are both determined by the totem of the mother. The Australians have a remarkable gift for naturalistic drawing, which can only be compared with that of the Bushmen of South Africa, who, like the Australians, are at a very low level of civilization. Great importance is attached to the ceremonies that attend the initiation of the young men into the ranks of manhood. These are carried through by different tribes in different ways, but some features are common tothem all. The women are strictly excluded, and before being admitted the young men receive certain instruc- tions, including advice on sexual matters, and have to undergo tests of endurance. They are circumcised, and some of their teeth are knocked out. The bull-roarer, or whirring-stick, is used to warn women and children not to come near the place where these rites are being performed. ‘Corroboree’ dances are performed by the men, who are fantastically painted for the occasion, adorned with feathers, and disguised by masks. These dances are gentle rhythmic movements and mimic representations of the act of fecundation, and are supposed to influence the fertility of nature. Belief in magic and fear of the spirits of the departed are prevalent. [Illness and death are attributed to the influence of some evil magician. Protection against the spirits of the dead is found in a special fetish, tshuringa—an oval slab of wood or stone inscribed with all kinds of figures, and handed down from generation to generation. The burial of the dead is carried out by different tribes in different ways. Some bury the corpse immediately ; some place it in a tree ; some, again, practise ‘after-burial,’ others cremate the corpse or mummify it ; and there are some who eat it. 2. The Tasmanians. At the time of its discovery the island of Tasmania, south of the mainland of Australia, was inhabited by a population of very low civilization, differing in many ways from the Australians, and related anthropologically to the Papuans of 269 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND New Guinea. In 1804 the number of Tasmanians was estimated at 8000 ; in 1876 the last representative of this people died. The economic life of the Tasmanians turned on fishing. Their chief food was fish and shellfish. Their huts and windscreens resembled those of the Australians, but they also lived in hollow trees. Both sexes went naked. Children were carried about in strips of hide, and similar strips, along with shells, bones, and teeth, were worn as ornaments. Sandals of hide were worn. MHatchets . and knives of hewn stone were the chief implements. Like the Australians, they were ignorant of pottery. They had primitive boats made of bark, stretched hide, or strong canes, and were punted about by means of spears. They had neither spear-thrower nor boomerang. They fought with the stone axes already mentioned, with long wooden lances, throwing sticks eighteen inches long, and wooden clubs. 3. The Tribes of Melanesia. Melanesia, as the name implies, comprises that part of Oceania whose inhabitants are distinguished from those of the other South Sea islands by their specially black complexion. The largest and the most important part of this area is New Guinea and the Bismarck Archipelago (New Pomerania, New Mecklenburg,! the Admiralty Islands, andsome others). Then come, southward, the Solomon Islands, Santa Cruz, the New Hebrides, Loyalty Islands, and New Caledonia. The Fiji Islands to the east are also included in Melanesia, although there is a clear trace of Polynesian influence in the population there. As has been already mentioned, this dark-skinned, frizzy-haired population (apart from a few remnants of a dwarf race in New Guinea) includes two different elements: one with undersized bodies and broad, flat noses; the other, with thin, lean figures,. long, narrow heads, and curved noses. There has been much con- fusion between the names Papuan and Melanesian, and it is not easy to fix on definitive names for the two elements of the population now before us. Some ethnologists use the name Papuans for the inhabitants of New Guinea as a whole, in contradistinction to the inhabitants of the rest of Melanesia ; whereas Grebner goes further and distinguishes between a West Papuan and an East Papuan section, against the first of which he sets the Negritic, and against the second, the Melanesian civilization. In order not to increase the confusion, we shall not adopt Grebner’s nomenclature. We 1 Now New Ireland. 270 FLUTE ORCHESTRA, BOUGAINVILLE ISLAND Melanesia Photo Parkinson ulpiog ‘umnesnyq{ Teorsofouy}y 94} ur ydess0joyd v worg *eISOULlOT, 1Lz VHNIN®) MAN NI ONITIEMC-ATIG 69 ALWI1d Pee PORTE SOL nk ART H shall follow Weule, and use the name Papuans to mean the under- sized, flat-nosed population who are found, so far as the still incom- plete exploration of the islands enables us to say, in the interior of New Guinea and on some parts of the coast, and in New Pomerania (the Sulka and the Baining tribes) ; and we mean by Melanesians the rest of the populations of Melanesia. The Fiji Islands and the island groups south-east of the Solomon Islands contain a large admixture of Polynesians and of Polynesian civilization. Leaving out of account the primitive peoples in the interior of New Guinea, of whom little is known, the material civilization of most of Melanesia, both of Papuans and of Melanesians, is distin- guished by fairly good agriculture and by stock-breeding—chiefly pigs, dogs, and poultry. So far as is known, the typical agriculture in Melanesia is forest-clearing and jungle-clearing. This is the case in the New Hebrides, New Mecklenburg, and New Guinea. The usual process is followed. The forest is first cleared, with the aid of the polished stone axe and knife of shell. Iron axes were known in Melanesia even before the days of European immigration. After the trees have been felled the timber is burned, and the ground, fertilized by the ashes, is loosened with the pointed planting-stick at the places where the plants are to be inserted. The principal crops are taro, yams, and cocco. Bananas and the breadfruit-tree are rarer; indeed, the latter is not grown in New Guinea or in New Caledonia at all. The kava plant, the roots of which, after being chewed, produce the intoxicating kava liquor, occurs in Eastern Melanesia, especially in Fiji. The sago-palm has also reached Melanesia. It is the chief food of the bulk of the people of New Guinea, but there are some districts of that island where it is not grown at all. The areca-palm is raised all over the western part of New Guinea, and the areca-nut provides betel, the universal chewing material. Irrigation is also practised in Melanesia. Many of the Fijians grow the taro on dry ground, but the commonest method is to raise it in beds traversed by deep furrows and irrigated. The plantations are in many cases surrounded by fences for pro- tection against the wild pigs. | There is more hunting in Melanesia than in Polynesia, because land game is more abundant, especially in the west. Many tribes in New Guinea find the bulk of their food in this way. Wild pigs and a species of tree kangaroo are perhaps the chief kinds of game. Bows and arrows are used in many parts of the area, but in others— 271 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND New Pomerania, New Mecklenburg, and some parts of New Guinea, for example—they are unknown. In New Guinea a kind of spear- thrower is used. Fishing is an even more important source of food. Large co-operative fishing expeditions are undertaken under the superintendence of outstanding men, and on many of the islands the fishing is carried on in shifts, one team relieving another. The more important chiefs on Fiji employ a considerable number of expert, professional fishermen. All methods of fishing are used— spears, darts, nets, and crawls. In some places there is some rod- fishing, and the Solomon Islanders use rods of tortoise-shell or mother-of-pearl. Vegetable poisons are also used to render the fish insensible, and special nooses are used to take sharks. In connexion with certain ceremonials and festivals, there are concerted battues of tortoises, the creatures being driven into large nets. Cannibalism prevails in many parts of Melanesia, in some more than in others. In the New Hebrides there is an actual trade in human flesh between the islands. It was specially common in the Fiji Islands, where human flesh was eaten with very long forks. The Fijians not only ate captives taken in war, but certain tribes were obliged to pay a yearly tribute of victims for the cannibal feasts. In other parts deceased relatives were eaten. Houses in Melanesia are of two quite different types—houses on the ground and pile-dwellings. The former are mostly of a very simple kind, with roofs reaching to the ground, while the latter, which are far more numerous not only on the coast but also in the interior, are often of considerable size. This is specially the case in Dutch New Guinea, where there are entire villages of pile-dwellings. A third type of house, frequent in New Guinea, is the tree-house, which is meant as a defence against attack. During the day the people live on the ground, and at night they ascend by rope-ladders to the tree-house. In Fiji the houses are of the type usually found in Polynesia. They are square structures of wood on a stone foundation. The skirtlets worn by the women are made of grass or fibre, and the men wear girdles of dyed bark. In both cases the garments are ornament rather than clothing, and there are some tribes that -go quite naked. The tapa clothing of the Fijians is not so scanty, but it is more Polynesian than Melanesian. The articles of jewellery worn round the chest, neck, arms, and legs are too numerous to be described here in detail. They are made chiefly of shells (Trzdacna 272 Ul|Jog ‘wihosny Teorsojouyyy oy} ur ydersozoyd ev uo ‘eIsoueypayy Abed SUAGNVIS] If a0 ASNOY $9 ALVI1d ul[iog ‘tinoesny [eorsofouy}y 9q} ur ydessojoyd & WoT, = ‘eIsoURTOT Le SHAINGAY] MAN AHL NI ASNOFT ~ 99 ALV Id etek HOPI BS Ota RE Be ok AR TE gigas), tortoise-shell, and boars’ teeth. Body-painting is universal, and the entire body, including the hair, is smeared with a mixture of palm oil and ochre. Pegs and teeth are worn in the nose, and the ear-lobes are perforated and lengthened for earrings of tortoise- shell. The natives of Dutch New Guinea file their teeth to a point, and those of the New Hebrides and of New Pomerania deform their heads into high turban shape. Trepanation is practised in New Pomerania and New Mecklenburg. The skull is cut with a piece of shell to remove foreign matters that have entered through a wound, or to cure headache and insanity. The men of various tribes in New Guinea lace themselves tightly with a girdle of bark. There are frequent feuds between the tribes, and the Malayan practice of “head-hunting’ is common in New Guinea and among the Alfuri of Dutch New Guinea. They set out deliberately in order to bring home in triumph the heads of their slain enemies. The principal weapons are bows and arrows, but, as has been said, there are tribes in the south-east of New Guinea who do not use these. The spear-thrower is another common weapon. Wooden swords, lances, and maces are used occasionally in New Guinea, whereas the mace is the common weapon in the Bismarck Archipelago, in New Caledonia, and in Fiji. The maces of the New Pomeranians are spiked, and those of the New Caledonians and of the Fijians are exceptionally large and heavy. The spears of the natives of the Admiralty Islands are tipped with obsidian. They also use slings, the missiles being polished oval stones with pointed ends. Shields of various kinds are used, and are carried on the left shoulder or slung in a net round the neck, so as not to impede the use of the bow and arrow. The Melanesians excel the Australians and the Polynesians in pottery-work, and this, of course, implies a different way of cooking. Pottery-work, however, is not found among all the tribes, and, as some tribes excel in this art, there is an extensive barter in these wares. Even the Fijians, who in other respects have been greatly influenced by the Polynesians, have retained this art, and this seems to indicate that pottery is indigenous to Melanesia. The method of manufacture is very simple. The lump of clay is shaped with the help of a stone and a wooden beater, whereas in South America the article is constructed by coiling the clay in thin spirals. Clever work is done in wood-carving and in shellwork. The numerous wooden ancestral figures, the house-posts and boat-stems, the large S 273 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND wooden drums with their fine carving, and the incredible variety of wooden masks of the natives of New Mecklenburg are in their own way real works of art. Wickerwork in mats and baskets and the manufacture of articles from bark are also widely practised. The grotesque style which characterises all Melanesian work of this kind is greatly heightened by the dyestuff they use on nearly all their articles. Red, white, and black are the favourite colours. The chief means of transport of the Melanesians are boats, and these are of various kinds—rafts, dug-outs, and well-made out- rigger-boats, with a rectangular box of bamboo resting on the cross- poles and roofed with leaves as a protection against wind and sun. The large war-boats are beautifully carved and ornamented. There is brisk barter between the tribes, and with the Malayans in the west and with the Polynesians in the east. There is not only barter but trade. Tribes on the coast negotiate the exchange of Malay goods for the productions of the tribes of the interior, and various articles, especially shells, have assumed the character of money. The social organization of the Melanesians is extremely compli- cated, and our knowledge of it is still so incomplete that no detailed account of it can be given here. Socrety is organized on various principles, and these overlap in various ways. The territorial system is at the basis of the village community, but consanguinity also plays an important part. Several village communities com- bine to form a supreme economic community, and there are even examples of larger state organizations. In Fiji the area under one chieftain consisted of several villages, each of which was controlled by an underchief. Some of these villages had to serve in war, and others had to provide the chieftain and the fighting men with sus- tenance. The chieftain’s power varied in the different tribes. In some cases he was surrounded with a nimbus of divinity. In the . Solomons, for example, whoever came into the shadow of the chief must die. Among other tribes the chief is more of a primus inter pares, and he has colleagues in the elders of the tribe, whose in- fluence is far from negligible. All over Melanesia society includes a dominant free class and a subordinate class who are more or less slaves, and the women occupy a very dependent position. These social distinctions and the authority of the chief find strong support in the duk-duk system, which prevails in New Pomerania. It is half secret society and half state institution, and it controls life to a degree that amounts to tyranny. The members of this secret 274 io PEOPLES ORaLHE EARTH society are masked ; they collect fines and inflict punishments ; on occasion they can sentence to death or order a person’s house to be burnt. Side by side with this territorial organization there is another, based on consanguinity. This rests on totemism, and, being bound up with exogamy and mother-right, deeply affects family life. As members of certain groups must not intermarry, the circle of possible wives is limited. There are various forms of marriage—marriage by capture, or numerous modifications of it, and marriage by agree- ment, the girls being betrothed from birth and reared from their youth in the houses of their future husbands. Many men marry two wives and even more, but in other districts monogamy is general. There are examples of polyandry in the New Hebrides— two widowers marry one widow. The Fijians practise the couvade —when a child has been born both parents refrain from certain foods, and for a month after the birth of his first child the father must do no hard work. The Melanesians frequently kill or drive away their own children, and the Solomon Islanders are said to kill all their own children and to buy others to replace them. The puberty rites constitute an important part of education. At that time most boys are circumcised. After reaching puberty the young lad no longer sleeps in his parents’ house, but in the bachelors’ joint-house. For some months after reaching puberty the girls on the Solomon Islands are locked into a hut to which only elderly women are admitted. The spirits of the dead are believed to have an influence—an evil influence—on those that survive them. Ancestor-worship is universal, The remains of the dead are dried and kept entire by many tribes, but the majority only preserve the skulls. Wooden effigies of the dead are made and beautifully adorned, and in these the spirits of the departed may dwell, instead of roaming restlessly. In New Guinea large effigies of wood and stone are made, and the head is scooped out in order to provide a place for the skull of the departed. The custom of taboo is widespread. Intimation is given by some sign that a certain path is forbidden, or that some fruit must not be plucked. Fear of the consequences of transgressing this taboo ensures implicit obedience. Secret societies, to which members are admitted only on certain terms, play a great part in the cultus. These societies are confined to males above the age of puberty. 275 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND Women are rigidly excluded from taking any part in their cele- brations, and the sound of the bull-roarer, or whirring stick, which represents the voices of spirits, is an intimation to the women that they must keep away from the place where the society is meeting. The ceremonies include masked dances, and the masks are some- times of enormous size. In New Pomerania masks are made of the fore-part of a human skull and worn on a cross-stick held in the mouth of the wearer. Masks like human and animal faces are made of wood in New Mecklenburg. In the north-west of New Mecklen- burg these mask ceremonies are understood to be in honour of the dead. 4. The Tribes of Micronesia. Micronesia includes the island groups, Mariana, Pelew, Caroline, Marshall, and Gilbert. As the name indicates, these are all small islands, but they once carried a considerable population. These people, it has been generally assumed, are a mixture of different elements. Some ethnologists consider them a cross between Polynesians and Melanesians, by others they are looked upon as a cross between Malayans and Melanesians ; still others consider them across between all three. The ancient stone structures, which were already in ruins at the time of their discovery, and whose origin and meaning even the natives of that day did not know, prove that the islands of Micronesia must once have been inhabited by people of high civilization. Special interest has long been attached to an ancient structure in the island of Ponape, one of the Carolines. It consists of a range of buildings, built on the coral-reef on the shore, the buildings being separated by canals. The buildings are cyclopean squares, parallelograms, and trapeziums, and consist of large pentagonal and hexagonal pillars and blocks piled one above another. From Kubary’s investigations they seem to have been well-defended terrace-dwellings ; a few were apparently royal graves. The best preserved royal tomb is that of Nan Tauatsh. Inthe Mariana Islands have been discovered huge square pillars of coral, with half-conical capitals, every five or six of which are built in parallel rows. Recent investigations go to show that they were the foundations of pile-dwellings. The material civilization of Micronesia is centred in fishing. Wherever the soil allows, taro, the chief vegetable food, is grown, and artificial means are used to increase the fertility of the soil. The small size of the islands excludes the type of tillage that we have called forest-clearing. On higher, larger islands, like Pelew, 276 ulzog ‘umnasnyy yeorsojouyyy oy} ut ydersojoyd ve WoIy “eIseUelayY olz NVSSIN NI ANHOS FOVTTIIA £9 ALV Id PLATE 68 MAN AND WOMAN FROM Naura ISLAND 255 Micronesia. From photographs in the Ethnological Museum, Berlin Protea bP wORUV ES iOn br he BAR TCH swamps are irrigated and drained, and on the small atolls, where there is no natural humus, good soil is produced by removing the rotten coral and filling the cavities with decaying vegetable and animal matter. The vegetable food includes taro roots and the fruit of the breadfruit-tree, coconuts, and bananas. Palm-wine is the popular intoxicating liquor. Kava, which the Polynesians make by mastication, is obtained here by pulverizing the roots. Owing to the absence of large game in Micronesia, hunting plays little part, but the Gilbert Islanders hunt the frigate-bird, using a kind of bola and walnut-sized bullet of tridacna or coral tied to a string. Fishing is much more important, both economically and socially. The chiefs issue orders for several localities to join in the manipulation of large nets in which great quantities of fish are taken. Fishing on a smaller scale is done with rod or fish-spear. The Pelew Islanders are very expert in the use of the spear. Shellfish are gathered by the boys. There are two types of houses—the family-house and the club- house for unmarried men. The latter is called baz. On the Carolines there are also club-houses for old men. Both types are of similar construction. They are built of strong beams and pillars with projecting roofs, and with the eaves running outward at an obtuse angle to meet them. The houses in Pelew have the gable- ends covered with pictorial writing in colour, and the architects are professionally trained men. The ancient clothing in Micronesia was a voluminous double apron of hibiscus fibre worn by the men, and beautifully patterned mats made of strips of pandanus leaves. Jewellery of all kinds is worn, made of shells, whelks, coconut, whalebone, etc. It is an important fact that pottery, although unknown to other Micronesians and Polynesians, was known to the ancient Chamorro on the Mariana Islands. In many parts of Micronesia the weaving of vegetable fibre is of a fairly high order. Wickerwork in mats and baskets is also well done. The Micronesians, like the Polynesians, use neither shield nor bows and arrows. In former times their characteristic weapons were sharks’ teeth. The Gilbert Islanders had their spears and swords studded thickly with rows of sharks’ teeth, and they hada - special tearing weapon, similarly studded, with which they tortured their prisoners. Their defensive armour was a kind of body mail made of coconut fibre thickly plaited. The lower body was 277 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND protected by a thick pad of rayfish skin, and they wore a helmet made of the skin of the hedgehog-fish. Speaking generally, the Micronesians are good sailors. They use rafts and outrigger-boats, and propulsion is either by oar or sail. The Marshall Islanders use a curious kind of nautical chart. These charts are made of thin short rods, some straight and some curved, which intersect and cross each other, and small stones or shells are affixed to the rods at various places. They are used for teaching young navigators. The rods represent the chief sandbanks, the points of intersection indicate the fairways, and the chips of stone and shell stand for the various islands. In addition to the ordinary shell money, they use stone ‘coins,’ large discs, like grindstones, perforated in the centre. There is a strict division of social grades among the Micronesians. Among the Marshall Islanders there are four grades—the head- chiefs, chiefs, land-owning freemen, and a dependent, tributary population. In Yap there was an upper class, mostly of lighter complexion, and a lower class, mostly dark-skinned, and the dis- tinction was so strongly marked that the lower class lived in special villages by themselves, and could not marry out of their own class. Separation of the sexes was strictly carried out in Pelew. Just as the occupants of the bai, the bachelors’ house, formed a close corporation, so there were also female societies and corporations. The distinction was retained even in political organization, and side by side with, and independent of, the government of males, there was a government of women. The men sleep in the bats, and spend the day at their work and with their kindred. Every unmarried girl of twelve years goes to the baz of a district other than her own, and cohabits with all its occupants. In Pelew there is a hereditary monarchy, supreme over the various village chieftains. 5. The Tribes of Polynesia. Polynesia includes all the islands in the Pacific east of Micronesia. Its extreme limits are New Zealand in the south-west, Hawaii in the north, and Easter Island far to the east. These three are the frontiers of the ethnological cecumene, and therefore the Polynesians have neighbours only on the west, v7z., Micronesia and Melanesia. Numerous islands lie scattered within these limits, but the most important are the Samoan group, the Tonga, or Friendly, Islands with Tahiti. In spite of the numerous ethnological differences between the various island groups—differences due to the long distances that 278 rhe OP i tot. O he LEE) EAR TE separate them and the variety of the physical features of the islands —the Polynesians are, on the whole, a fairly uniform population somatically, linguistically, and culturally. It is, therefore, possible to take a conjunct view of the people scattered over this wide area. We have already seen numerous features of Polynesian civilization in dealing with their neighbours, the Micronesians, and we have also seen clear marks of Polynesian influence in the eastern part of Melanesia, especially in Fiji. The most important physical features of the Polynesians are a short head, often deliberately shortened by deformation, and a low but well-shaped forehead, which, along with the curved nose, gives the Polynesian a more or less European look. The mouth is well shaped, although the lips are thick. The com- plexion is light brown. The hair ranges from black to auburn, It is much finer in texture than the hair of the Mongols, and it is inclined to be wavy, or even curly. The Polynesians, even the Maoris of New Zealand, who are the strongest-looking of them all, cannot be called a robust race. They are of medium size. The inhabitants of Easter Island, who live in miserable conditions, are of poorer physique than any other Polynesians. The material economy of the Polynesians is chiefly based on tillage and fishing, but there is also some stock-raising. Their tillage was of a fairly advanced kind, and included terrace-culture andirrigation. To this day there can be seen on many of the islands great terraced works, where soil has been artificially heaped up, and in Hawaii the remains of irrigation works for the raising of taro are said to extend for miles. On many of the islands, like Hawaii, Tahiti, the Marquesas, and Tongatabu, there are huge terraces, many yards in length and breadth, formed of stone blocks weigh- ing many tons and built without ‘mortar. On the Society Islands were found mulberry plantations that had been weeded and drained and manured with chips of shell and coral, and even on poverty- stricken Easter Island every single pisang plant had been sur- rounded with an irrigation trench. The chief crop in Polynesia is taro, but the breadfruit-tree, coconut, bananas, yams, sweet potatoes, sugar-cane, Piper methysticum, which yields the liquor called kava, and the paper-mulberry, from which tapa is made, are also grown. There is also a considerable number of wild plants that are of great economic importance—the Pandanus and various trees, like the iron-wood tree, useful for their timber. In Hawaii there is the tacca, from which starch is made, and in the interior of 279 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND New Zealand there are two extremely important plants that are widely distributed—a fern with edible roots, rarauhe (Pieris esculenta), and the New Zealand flax, a fibrous grass, harakeke (Phormium tenax). There is practically no hunting in Polynesia, and therefore bows and arrows and spear-throwers are seldom seen. In former times, however, bows and arrows must have been known there, for Captain Cook expressly says the inhabitants of Tahitihad them. But even then they were only used for amusement and for shooting small animals like rats, and they had, therefore, little economic import- ance. In New Zealand there was one large bird, the moa, which was twelve feet in height, and which the natives are said to have hunted; but it became extinct long ago, and there is no other species of large game. Smaller game is caught or killed in traps and snares. The kivikivi was allured by night fires or by imitations of its call, and was then killed with sticks. Fishing, on the other hand, was eagerly pursued, and the appliances used for this purpose were among the most perfect of Polynesian tools. The New Zealanders made nets a thousand yards long, requiring hundreds of men for their manipulation. Rod- and line-fishing were universal. The hooks were of all sizes and made of bone, shell, and hard wood, and were baited with feathers or bright shells. The largest were used for catching sharks, the flesh of which is an important food item all over Polynesia. The Hawaiians are experts in catching dolphins, and go far out to sea for this purpose, even in stormy weather. Pig-breeding is the most prominent form of stock-raising in Polynesia, and unusual care is devoted to it. The young pigs are often suckled by women who have lost their children. In most of the larger islands, e.g., in New Zealand, Samoa, and the Society Islands, dogs are bredin great numbers. As early as Captain Cook’s time poultry was widely distributed. In Easter Island it was the sole domestic livestock. There is also much artificial rearing of fish—especially in Hawaii, where fish were reared in artificial ponds of different saline strength, and where the taro marshes were also utilized for the same purpose. The Polynesians were also fond of taming wild animals. The Easter Islanders had sea-swallows so tame that they perched on people’s shoulders, and the natives of Tongatabu went about carrying sticks on which tame pigeons and parrots were perched. The Polynesians were also very skilful in the art of preserving 280 tibet OPiS. Obl THE BAR TE food, and this enabled them to undertake sea voyages of some length. A form of food that is still popular among them is poz, a sort of porridge. The dough made from taro-flour is allowed to ferment, and it becomes a food that keeps for a long time. Bread- fruit was similarly preserved, and various preparations of the same useful kind were made from fish. The fat and blood of the pig were great dainties, but it was only the well-to-do who ate pork and dog-flesh. The New Zealanders even ate the decaying carcases of stranded whales. Another dainty is found only in Samoa and the Fiji Islands. It is the palolo worm (Eunice viridis), which appears on the surface of the sea for one day every year, and is caught in great numbers. In connexion with the cooking of food it must be remembered that the Polynesians have practically no earthenware vessels. Like the North American Indians, they boil water in wooden vessels by putting hot stones into the water, but this water is only used to facilitate the opening of shell-fish. The only people who really boil food are those who live near hot springs, and the process is the simple one of throwing the animal that is to be boiled into the hot water. Elsewhere the usual method of cooking food is to steam it in earthen pits over hot stones. The only beverage that is almost universal in Polynesia is kava, a moderately intoxi- cating liquor, dirty-grey in colour and bitter in taste, made from the root of Piper methysticum. Women and girls and, on the Marquesas, boys thoroughly masticate the dried root and drop it into a large wooden vessel, usually a tripod. This mass is mixed with water and left to ferment. The ordinary Polynesian dwelling is long and low, usually on a rectangular foundation. In the Friendly Islands it is pentagonal. A long roof of palm-leaves, reeds, or branches, shaped like an upturned boat, is supported laterally by short posts. The roof-tree is supported on tall, richly carved posts. The resemblance to a boat is increased by the bow shape of the sides. The side walls rest on a stone foundation. In the Marquesas and the Society Islands this foundation is broadened and raised so as to form a platform. This is the usual type of Polynesian house, although there are other varieties. In Hawaii the boat-shaped frame was covered with a thick roofing of thatch that reached to the ground, so that the house when finished looked like a grass hut. The New Zealand Maoris improved on the Polynesian style by giving their houses substantial walls of wood, with a small door and 281 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND narrow windows in front. The front always faced the east, and a kind of vestibule was frequently added. The woodwork was richly carved. In the colder districts the people live in half- subterranean winter-houses, which are constructed so as to exclude the outside air as much as possible. The interior of the Polynesian house is divided into apartments by mats stretched from wall to wall. Every house has at least one such apartment as a sleeping-place. The interior, with its carved planks and posts and its wall tapestry, has a very pleasing appearance. The centre post is the place of honour. Close to it sleeps the master of the house with his chief wife, and here are kept the weapons and the utensils. Here, too, is the scooped-out depression for the fire. When lying down most Polynesians use a support for the head—a block of hard wood finely carved, or a piece of bamboo standing on short legs. The villages are usually situated near the seashore, at a point where a stream of fresh water flows into the sea. But, judging from the numerous ruinous buildings found farther inland, there must once have been a numerous population in the hills. On the whole, the Polynesians are well clad, but there are great differences in this respect between the various districts. The inhabitants of the eastern islands, especially those of Easter Island, wear nothing but ascanty apron. The usual material used is bark, tastefully ornamented, and wicker matwork. In Hawaii the people wear clothing trimmed with coloured feathers. The usual garment is the loin-cloth. The women of Tahiti wore a poncho-shaped gar- ment, through the middle of which the head was inserted. On great occasions matwork of plaited fibres is worn. Both sexes wore a turban—the men in Hawaii wore beautiful crowns made of gaily coloured feathers. The New Zealanders wore mats plaited from the fibres of a species of flax, but these were left off when the men were working or fighting. Some New Zealand tribes wore sandals of flax. The Polynesian coiffureissimple. They either let their hair hang down as it will, or they cut it off. Dyeing and powdering are very common. Disfigurements of various kinds are practised. The natives of Tahiti, Samoa, and Hawaii flatten the back of the cranium, and squeeze the crown of the head so as to form a point. In Tahiti the nose is squeezed flat, asin Micronesia. The septum of the nose and the external ear are perforated for jewellery, and the Faster Islanders wear heavy ear-pegs that greatly elongate the 282 Po baPROPEES ORO THE EARTH lobes. In many districts a testicle is removed to prevent disease, and the foreskin is divided. The body is smeared with coconut oil and dye. Tattooing is extremely common among the Maoris, the Samoans, and the natives of the Marquesas. The wonderful patterns with which the Maoris tattooed their heads and faces are well known. The process frequently took a whole year. The operator used a small instrument like a rake, the small teeth of which were driven into the skin with a flat wooden mallet. The colouring matter used by the Maoris was the soot of the dammar- pine. In many cases the tattooing was so complete as to include the eyelids, lips, gums, and even the private parts. In contrast to most other native races, the Polynesians are fond of adorning themselves with flowers. They wear them in their hair, in their ears, and in the septum of the nose. They are also very fond of feather-ornament, especially in Hawaii, and the splendid feather cloaks of the kings, chiefs, and priests used to be marvellous creations. Shells, bones, teeth, even human teeth, and tortoise- shell are fashioned into ornaments of all kinds, and the Polynesian is frequently found going about laden with this finery. In view of their comparatively high culture, it is remarkable that the Polynesians are ignorant of many important technical processes. They have practically no weaving and no pottery. The only weaving in Polynesia is that done in New Zealand, where mats are produced by an elementary process of weaving that is closely akin to wickerwork. The Easter Islanders used to make earthenware, but that was probably a relic of an old civilization far removed from that of later Polynesian culture. Large pots were also made in the Tonga Islands, but that was probably due to the extensive inter- course that was carried on between the natives of Tonga and the Melanesian inhabitants of Fiji. The chief stone industry is the making of stone axes. Most of these are finely polished, and are usually tied to a knee-shaped wooden handle. Simple axes with blades of obsidian were used on Easter Island, and spears with a cutting edge of obsidian. The most admirable stonework is that seen in the swords and other weapons made by the New Zealanders from hard nephritic rock. The Polynesians make good wicker- work, and produce fine matting and baskets. Matwork was used for sails, and the sailmakers, like the boatbuilders, were held in high esteem. The most highly developed technique is, however, wood- carving, and the most splendid examples of the Polynesian artistic 283 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND sense are to be found in this art. It is sufficient to refer to the beautiful carving done by the Maoris, the finely carved wooden maces of the people of Tonga and the Marquesas, the wooden bowls of the Hawaiians, resting on human figures, and the finely designed patterns on their house-posts and boats. Another important industry was the manufacture of articles from bark, tapa, in which the Samoans did and do fine work. Certain kinds of bark are steeped till they are soft and are then beaten with grooved wooden mallets into sheets as thin as paper. These are dyed, and, by using leaves as matrices, they are impressed with all sorts of patterns. The chief weapons of offence used by the Polynesians in their frequent feuds and wars were wooden spears and wooden clubs. The points of the long wooden spears were either hardened by being charred, or reinforced by stone, or spine, or bone, or shark’s tooth. They were more than twelve feet long. Their swords or clubs were mostly of heavy oak and were very beautifully carved, the best being the oar-shaped clubs of the men of Tonga, the Marquesans, and the Hervey Islanders. Thick cudgels were also used for hand- to-hand fighting. Weapons were frequently made of sharks’ teeth, and the forked swords, thickly studded with such teeth, of the Society Islanders and the Gilbert Islanders were terrible weapons. Defensive armour took the form of wooden mail, and travellers speak of ‘rod-mail.’ Other means of defence were provided in the fortifications with which the settlements were surrounded. This form of defence was specially common in Hawaii, and in Samoa the defensive walls were prolonged into the forests. Social conditions in Polynesia are so complicated that it is hardly possible to give a brief, comprehensive description of them, and we can only allude to the leading points that regulate the social organization of the economiccommunities. First, there is a sharply drawn distinction between a privileged, governing class and a dependent, governed class, the latter including not only men, but practically all women. In the island of Rapa the only line of division is that of sex; all males belong to the privileged, sacred class, and all women to the dependent class. Below these two classes there is a third, war captives, who are complete slaves. There are differences of rank also, and a high rank is given to artisans ‘who show special skill in certain industries. A very effective means of maintaining these social differences is the so-called taboo. It 284 ) uljiog ‘tunesnyy Teorsojouy}yy oy} ur sydeisoyoyd wor. “*ersoudjog GNVIV4AZ MAN ‘NVI. GNV NVWOM IYMOVIN 69 ALW Id ulpiog . 129499V FT 0710, 0704 ‘unesnyy Teorsofouyyy oy} ui yders0j,0yd e& Ggz TaIN NVOWVS AHIHQ NVONVS of ALVId BHbepROPE ES, OFTHE EAR TE belongs to certain persons and confers certain privileges, but it can also be transferred to other persons and even to things. The object thus tabooed cannot be used by other people. The efficacy of the taboo varies. In many parts of Polynesia the taboo of the chiefs is so powerful that anything they happen to touch cannot be used by others. These chiefs must therefore be carried about by their servants, lest their feet touch the ground and make it taboo for others. In former days the chiefs in Tahiti had to be fed, so that they need not touch the food and make it taboo for the rest of the people. Another peculiar feature of the social organization in Polynesia is the small importance of the family in the narrow sense, compared with the numerous other forms of organization. This is the explanation of the prevalence of infanticide and the adoption of children from other districts. The economic units are based partly on consanguinity and partly on territoriality, but the former are the more important. There is a social unit, based on consanguinity and mother-right, composed of single families, and forming a sort of gens or clan, whose members are very numerous, although they may live far apart. This clan organization is not the same as that based on village territoriality, for, just as members of different clans may live together in the same village, so the members of a clan may be scattered throughout several villages. The connecting link between the clan members is the house of the supreme head of the clan. The tutelary deity of the clan-head belongs to this house, and therefore all members of the clan are named after it. When the clan-head dies, his successor, usually his brother, or, failing him, the eldest son of a former head, takes possession, and the widow with her children must remove to another house provided for the purpose by the clan-head before he dies. Side by side with this division into clans, there are other divisions based on other principles. The Maoris are classified in accordance with an ancient tradition of immigration. A unit, called iwi, comprises the descendants of those who came originally to the land in the same boat. In most of the islands the units were combined on territorial principles to form larger political units, and these larger units were controlled by a supreme chief. In New Zealand the various heads of the Rangatira tribe acknowledged as their supreme head a Rangatira nui, who had as a colleague for war purposes a Rangatira toa. Similarly, on the Marquesas, each tribe is headed by a hacatki, with a colleague toa who leads the tribe 235 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND in war. In consolidated empires like the Camehameas and its successors in Hawaii European influences were at work. In keeping with the despotic power of the supreme head are the numerous ceremonies that surround his person, and even the divine honours paid him by his subjects. Certain external badges were worn by him alone. In Hawaiia certain kind of feather robe could be worn only by monarchs. In Hawaii and in Samoa there was a special court language spoken by the royal entourage, of which others were kept in ignorance. Whoever met the monarch had to cast himself to the ground, bare his shoulders, or even remove all clothing, and do homage by smelling at the monarch’s hands and feet. The monarch could only be addressed when he was seated, and what he had to say was conveyed through aspokesman. Next to him in importance was a Prime Minister, whose duty it was to see that the monarch’s orders were obeyed. In Hawaii this import- ant office was sometimes held by a priest, who was then Kahuna nut (supreme priest). The interregnum between the death of a reigning monarch and the accession of his successor was usually a time of anarchy, during which ordinary peaceful intercourse was replaced by hostilities. In Tahiti the death of a ruler was the signal for the outbreak of bitter feuds between the tribal chieftains. The Polynesians had large boats of splendid workmanship. Their large double boats are still characteristic, but they have also simple dug-outs, which they use for local traffic and for fishing. Their large double boats, whose keel consists of several large dug- outs, have their sides heightened with planks, and are finely carved at stem and stern. In New Zealand these boats were sometimes sixty or seventy yards long and nearly five feet wide, and are said to have carried from eighty to a hundred people. The large wicker sails were manufactured by special tradesmen. The Polynesians were fond of all kinds of competitive games. In Hawaii wrestling matches, boxing matches, and races were common. Other popular forms of sport were tobogganing on smooth planks down steep inclines, and the well-known surf- swimming, in which the swimmer had to show his skill in gliding through and over the surf on a plank about six feet long. They have a well-filled pantheon. The supreme deities are the creator gods, Tongaloa and Maui. These deities are common to the whole of Polynesia, and are the central figures of numerous 286 ttiberp PORE bssOr THE BARTH cycles of legends. In New Zealand Maui is the creator of the world, who raised out of the sea with his fishing-rod the North Island, which they call ‘‘Maui’s fish.”’ Besides these two there is a large number of lesser deities, demons, and giants, who are the servants of the supreme deities, and another group, consisting of deified men. There was also a special priestly class, those in Hawaii being very powerful. The Hawaiian religious ceremonies were conducted in large temples surrounded by imposing walls. In the temple courts stood large images of wood with gaping mouths, into which the food offerings were poured. Sacrifices of animals, and sometimes of human beings, were offered on the altar. THE TRIBES OF AFRICA THE RACIAL ELEMENTS IN THE POPULATION OF AFRICA The population of Africa includes six different elements. Four of them are found only in this continent. The Semites, who immi- grated into North Africa in historical time, and the Malay popula- tion of the eastern half of Madagascar, who are usually called Hova, belong to Asia. The chief groups found only in Africa are these four : (1) The comparatively light-skinned inhabitants of South Africa and the pygmies of Central Africa. (2) The Bantu, who, with the above, occupy the southern half of Africa—up to the equator. (3) The Sudan negroes, from the equator to the southern border of the Sahara. (4) The light-skinned Berber, in the Sahara and along the north edge of Africa, including the Nile region. These six groups are distinct from each other linguistically, somatically, and culturally, although there are, of course, also inter- mediate types found in various parts of the continent. The light-skinned inhabitants of South Africa are distinguished from the other groups by their languages, with their click sounds, and by their manifestly low civilization. The Hottentots, whom many ethnologists now consider to be a mixed people, combining Hamitic and Bushman elements, speak an inflectional dialect like the Hamitic languages. The Bantus speak languages that are more 287 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND or less akin to each other ; the negroes of the Sudan speak isolating languages. Several attempts have been made in modern times to account for the origin of these mutually encroaching and interpenetrating strata of population, and to clear up their chronological relations. As in the similar attempts made to explain the origin of the American population, the error was committed of referring nearly everything in Africa, both the people and their culture, to immi- grations from outside, and admitting an African origin only for the Bushmen and their kin. As Asia has always been considered the original scene of human life and the source from which the world has been peopled, it was held that the various strata of population in Africa came in successive waves from Asia, finding entrance by the Isthmus of Suez. The clearest statement of such theories of immigration into large spaces that were empty is that of Stuhl- mann in his work Handwerk und Industrie in Afrika (1910). He explains the variety of the population of Africa by the following immigrations : I. The first wave was that of the Negritos or Sudanese, who came from South Asia in the Pluvial Age, which corresponds to the Ice Age of Europe. They brought with them, zvter alia, hoe-tillage, the banana, bows and arrows, drum language, masked dances, and secret societies. 2. The second wave of immigration consisted of the ‘Proto- Hamites.’ They came in the latter half of the Pluvial Age from more northern and more westerly areas of Asia than the Negritos. From a miscegenation of these with the Negritos came the Bantus in East Africa, who spread thence toward the south and south- west. They brought with them sorgham (millet) and some domestic animals—the goat, fowls (?), and the dog. 3. The third wave came into North Africa from the steppes of Western Asia at a time “infinitely prior’ to 6000 B.c. They were the light-skinned Hamites, the ancestors of the Egyptians, and the Berber. They tilled their fields, and brought with them long- horned cattle, the zebu, the fat-tailed sheep, and the greyhound. Pressing southward into Africa, they intermixed with the dark- skinned Bisharin, Dinka, Shilluk, Hausa, Fulah, Somali, Galla, Masai, and Watusi, and even with the Hottentots of the extreme south. 4. In several waves, from 5000 B.c. onward, came the Semites 288 fe OO PEE Sy Ober Be by ARTE from the East, the Hyksos about 1800 B.c., the Geez about 300 B.c., and lastly the Arabs in the seventh and eighth centuries of our era. All such theories are to be rejected, unless they can be proved to have a historical basis, and the only immigrations that stand this test. are those of the successive waves of Semites mentioned above. Until further light is shed upon the subject, we must consider the Negritos or Sudanese, the Proto-Hamites, and the fair-skinned Hamites as typical and genuine African races. AFRICAN ANTIQUITIES The numerous megalithic graves, dolmens, and stone circles dis- covered in Africa go back to the ancient Berber people, and they will be best discussed when we come to deal with the Berber and the culture of ancient Egypt. But we must mention here the numerous antiquities in stone, bone, and ivory which have been discovered, the stone finds being distributed over wide areas of Africa. Large numbers of ancient stone tools have been found in caves and rubbish heaps in Cape Colony and along the east coast and farther north. The coast region of Upper Guinea, from Cape Verde to the mouth of the Niger, has also yielded numerous stone finds. Thousands of stone axes, called by the natives “axes of God” or thunderbolts, have been found here, as well as round, perforated stone disks, on which the negroes swear their oaths, ‘so-stones.’ None of these discoveries fit in with the present iron- working stage of culture attained by the population of these areas, and we cannot include them in our separate treatment of the great population-groups of Africa. Mention should also be made of the ancient structures found in Mashonaland. The best-known of these is the ruined Simbabye. The ruins consist of two separate portions, one of which is on the top and the other at the foot of a granite hill about 150 feet high. The whole is enclosed by low walls, now overgrown with grass and brushwood. The building on the hill-top has walls 30 feet high, constructed of hewn stones fitted together without mortar. The circular structure in the valley is traversed by a labyrinth of walls. It is 210 feet in diameter, and the enclosing wall is 24 feet high. Several other ruined structures of this kind have been discovered in more recent times, such as the ruins of Matindela, Chilonga, and Fura; and in Matabeleland and Mashonaland there are numerous ay 289 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND stone terraces and walls of masonry which are supposed to have been fortifications. It is certain that these structures, which are not more than a few hundred years old, were not built by African peoples, but by outsiders. Numerous remains of mines and forges indicate that these unknown strangers were looking for gold. This fact has led many scholars to identify these ruins with the ancient land of Ophir, from which Hiram of Tyre and Solomon of Jerusalem derived their wealth. More probably Ophir must be looked for in South Arabia, but in any case no one can say with certainty where these metalworkers came from. There is no doubt, however, that foreign influences radiated from the sites of these ruins, and their traces can be followed among the Bantu as far as the west coast of Africa. THE NATIVE GROUPS OF AFRICA I. The Fair-skinned South Africans and the Pygmies. The fair-skinned South Africans include two tribes who have several somatic features in common, and who belong to an entirely different stratum of civilization from that of the other African races, but who, at the same time, differ considerably from each other in their material economy. They are the Bushmen and the Hottentots. Centuries ago they occupied a much larger area than they do to-day, and they and the pygmies may rightly be looked upon as the last representatives of a stratum of civilization that preceded negro culture proper. From the anthropological point of view, the two races have in common a sallow complexion, hair inclined to curl into spirals so as to assume a bushy appearance, and a skin that is inclined to wrinkle. In the women, especially the Hottentot women, there is a tendency to accumulate adipose tissue at the posterior, 7.¢., steatopygy. There is a difference, on the other hand, between the two tribes in the size of the head. Like the pygmies, the Bushmen are almost dwarfish in size—the men are seldom taller than 4 ft. 8-10 in., and the women are even shorter—but the Hottentots are of normal height. The languages of the Hottentots and Bushmen are entirely different from the Bantu tongues, but there is little resemblance between the two. The only real resemblance is the ‘click’ that is characteristic of both. That the Bushmen in former times occupied a far more extensive area than the districts to which they are now confined is proved by 290 AS MEMPHIS=} (LAKEMG@ 2-7 > TIMBUCTOO a ~ h ; by, ee ee nes 9 cA sf Sonrha Ganent aes ae ’ wee ree - foe” STOMA ae A +p “38 Wadshagga Ailiméerygaro JMoMBASA ZANZIBAR, Lear sumer “Longa on caione Wahehe ; Macendec.ce.Gapo * ‘TLD AN Yoon eG ashona, im PEOPLES OF AFRICA a0 No Mambundash sn omotiy " MADAGASCAR " is e ‘ 3 =--Boundary sine between the groups ~< a Macololoarath sha esl fhate Matabere Me I Light-coloured South Africans Il Santu peoples Ol Peoples of the Western Sudan IU Peoples of the Eastern Sudan YV Peoples of the North-East Mi Sahara tribes MI Margina/ tribes of North America W/opulation of Madagascar @ §00 1008 Lnglish Miles 290 Ad Meee" My giv ie MRS ay Bh AE ose tee, ‘ ras Pies x f 4 x ‘ ‘ , 4 r § ae | Fa My # % ' ey! MM > % my Z ‘ he j . * i 4 J / - ¥ Pal ; CP REA RY ay i 4 sf < « mmm on wf , - id a , ‘ - ' ot at ' : F) ' { pera s - : a ld ME ee 4 ; “ rd ‘ J 7 ? r : ya 1% ; : ‘ Bhs j : a ir , F Dp P Pe + a , - . ut * i i 4 « - eae f ~ wine tee le a wee me Pl ow tee wh ha rene | i j i * ft ‘ é i : } -¥ ‘ ‘ ‘ ‘ 4 ; F ¥. * ‘fk? b : f + ~ i oi ta { f¥ a! eA os 7 As _ 7 fan Mp — a oy Z 7 j s an p ot tt @ ay, 7 Te. RA eT rd ¢ “ee Ww HSI Sixes ( J nie Teh * At ae re Hs Hs Tu * fw , F I ie ne ie ae ft peat et ‘ ' ai . 4 - i 7 ' t 9 er Oe RAN) Oe > ¥ * , | Mores aa 4 rend ‘nf was C4 DHE PEOPLES OF THE EARTH the remains of ancient Bushman culture in the shape of rock drawings found in the extreme east of Africa. In historical time hordes of Bushmen lived in the hill country and waged constant war with the Kafirs, and many thousands of them were killed by the Boers as late as the nineteenth century. The chief Bushman territory to-day is Middle Kalahari. Considerable communities of this race live there still in independence, whereas the Bushmen in adjacent regions are dependent upon Bantu tribes. Again, separated from these Kalahari Bushmen by tribes of Hottentots, and with a considerable admixture of Hottentot blood, there are Bushmen on the inaccessible plateaux of western Great Namaqua- land and in the desert of Namib. Although the pure Bushmen are anthropologically a fairly com- pact unit, there are differences of language between the various groups, the most important being that between the Caucau Bush- men and the Ngami Bushmen, who both live in Middle Kalahari. All Bushmen tribes who have not yet been affected by outside influences are characterized by the total absence of agriculture and stock-raising. Their animal food is entirely derived from hunting, and their vegetable food consists of what they can gather from wild plants. They are typical hunters and collectors. The game is simply hunted down. For days on end the Bushman pursues his quarry, allowing it no opportunity to rest or eat or drink, until he can strike it down. His hunting weapons are the bow and small poisoned arrows with detachable points, throwing-club, pitfalls, traps of all kinds, and large game-enclosures into which the game is driven. Remains of ancient enclosures of this kind still exist. They extend for miles, and represent an amount of labour which the Bushman could have accomplished only under more favourable conditions than those now obtaining. When the game decreased in the Bushman area, the yield of the chase, of course, diminished, and the present-day Bushman depends very largely for sustenance on gathered roots and tubers. Both men and women dig these up with a digging stick, whose weight is increased by the addition of a stone ring. The Bushman’s nomadic life explains the simple nature of his dwelling. In the dry season he is confined to places well supplied with water-holes, but when the rainy season comes he moves out to the extensive veld, where each family has its own gathering and hunting ground. At times, however, he has very great difficulty 291 THE PRIMITIVE RACES*OF MANKIND in obtaining water, and, although he finds a kind of substitute in some species of melons that are available at the beginning of the dry season, he has to find water somehow. He rams a hole into the hard ground, and with a suction tube, provided with a filter of grass, he sucks drop by drop the water that collects there and stores it in the shell of an ostrich-egg. When he is roaming about a quantity of brushwood is tied together to form a house. On the veld he erects windbreakers of a more solid kind, but these are always placed at a considerable distance from water, firstly, for his own safety, and, secondly, in order not to scare the game. Considering the climate, his clothing is very scanty. The man usually wears merely a triangular piece of hide, which is drawn through between his legs and fastened round his waist. The woman’s garment is usually larger, and is provided with fringes. Both sexes wear a cloak of skins sewn together, and women find the cloak helpful for carrying their children about. Their tools and implements are of the simplest kind. They have no pottery. Their only industry is the manufacture of necklets made of perforated disks of ostrich-eggshells. They make fire by means of the fire-drill. The opinion long prevailed that the Bushmen, living a robber life and being hunted from place to place, had no organization be- yond family-groups and loosely compacted hordes. The excellent accounts of Passarges, however, show that, at least in former times, they had a considerable degree of political organization. The Bushman tribe of Aikwe had a well-organized state, on identically the same feudal principles as prevailed among the Bantu tribes. These political entities were under the leadership of an hereditary head-chief, who, however, displayed no pomp and wore no insignia. Polygamy prevails, and indeed the Bushman frequently marries his wife’s sisters and cousins. It is said that three or four wives are quite common. Exogamy is the rule, to the extent that no man can marry within his own group or horde. With regard to the mental culture of the Bushman, the figure- drawings which are found in great numbers on rock faces or in caves have always aroused universal admiration, They consist of frescoes and bas-reliefs, representing animals and, rarely, human beings. Some of them depict entire scenes from life, hunting or fighting. Mention should also be made of their musical bows. A small bow is held at one end between the teeth, and the bow-string is plucked 292 ul[log ‘UInesny, Teorsojouyyy oy} Ul YOs}Iy Aeysny Aq ydesrsojoyd & WO1y ulfiog ‘uInosnyy [eorsofouy}.y 94} ur Ydesrsozyoyd e& wor 767% NVWHSNG LOH aIHHL AO INOW NI NAWHSNG 14 ALVId PLATE 72 OvVAMBO WOMEN South-west Africa Photo Pahl HERERO WOMEN 293 South-west Africa Bobo POP toeO Werk Eh 2h AR DEL with the finger. The Bushman’s special gift for imitating the voices © and attitudes of animals has always been admired. The dances frequently imitate animals in hot passion. ‘Their religion consists largely of spirit- and ancestor-worship, and the usual African magic and soothsaying rods, including the bull-roarer, or whirr, are an important part of their paraphernalia. Of the Hoittentot tribes, who occupied large areas of South Africa prior to the coming of European culture, only few fragments remain, and even these have almost entirely lost their independence in their wars with Germany. There are two Hottentot areas. In 1652, when the Dutch first settled at the Cape, there were Hottentot tribes from the south point of Africa up to the Orange River. Owing to their ruthless treatment by Europeans, both English and Boers, the Hottentots have practically disappeared from this whole area. Independent, pure Hottentots are no longer to be found there. Nor have the Corana Hottentots, who are believed to be closer akin to the Bushmen than any other Hottentot tribes, been able to ward off foreign culture. Some Hottentots of mixed blood, however, had already left the region at the beginning of the nineteenth century and had crossed the Orange River. These were, first, the so-called Griqua, who founded Griqualand, north of the Orange, but were finally incorporated in the British Empire, and, secondly, the Orlam, who, after many wanderings, finally settled in Great Namaqualand, and came later under German rule. This brings us to the second Hottentot area, usually called by the generic name of Naman. In former times these Naman tribes had occupied a much larger area, extending north and north-east into what is now Ovambadyeru and Hereroland, At the present time the Topnaars, who occupy the hinterland of Walfish Bay, are the most northerly tribe of these Naman Hottentots. The Swartbois had settled not far from them. These, as well as the tribes in the south of what was German territory, have utterly lost their independence. Of other tribes of Hottentots who are now gradually disappearing, we may mention the Bondelswaarts, the Fransmann Hottentots, the so-called ‘Red People,’ and the Chaibsh Hottentots of Keet- mannshoop. The immigration of the Orlam, or Gunun, took place in several successive waves. The first of these consisted of the Witbois, who crossed the Orange River soon after 1800 and finally settled in 1862 in Gibeon. They were followed by the Bethanians, or Haikauan, 293 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND who founded Beersheba. The last wave was the ‘Africaner’ or Aicheans. Under their leader, Jonker Africaner, they joined the Red People in their fight against the Herero, but, after having shown great prowess in war, they wasted their strength in inter- necine feuds, and were finally crushed by the Germans. According to a census taken in 1909, the entire Hottentot population in the German Protectorate amounted to only 14,000 souls. In contrast to the Bushmen, the Hottentots are typical cattlemen, but hunting is also an important part of their economic life. Cattle and sheep are their chief herds, and it is worthy of notice that, in contrast to the negroes, it is not the Hottentot men, but the women, who milk the cows and sheep. Like the Bushmen, the Hottentots hunt with small bows and poisoned arrows and a throwing-club about three feet long. They also set snares and dig pitfalls; and kraals, or villages, unite to undertake large drives. Some Hotten- tots on the coast also fished, but fishing was never an important industry, because the Hottentots never had boats of any kind. The Hottentots on Walfish Bay were always a poverty-stricken people. The genuine Hottentots never adopted agriculture, so that their vegetable food was merely the wild roots which were gathered by the women, The Hottentot houses are light, portable tents. A framework of supple poles forming an oval and tied together at the top, is set in the ground. It is first covered with rush mats, and then with skins. The houses in a kraal, or village, are placed so as to form a circle, leaving in the centre an open space, in which the sheep are collected at night. The clothing of both sexes is a loin-cloth and a cloak of skin. They wear sandals, either plaited or made of leather. The women wear a pointed cap, and in wet weather the men wear a cap of sheepskin with the wool inside. The women also wear round the waist a string hung with perforated shells of ostrich-eggs and over that a belt with tortoise-shells in which they keep their buchu ointment for cosmetic purposes. In former times they also wore ivory rings on the upper arm, and sometimes as many as a hundred leg-rings made of twisted pieces of sheepskin. Both men and women smeared themselves with an ointment of fat, pounded buchu, and soot or ochre. In contrast to the Bushmen, the Hottentots are good potters. For cooking and for holding milk or water they use earthenware dishes, as well as all sorts of wooden vessels. There is also an 294 hi bee ho PMR SOR PEE AR GE extensive industry in furs and leather. In spite of the auriferous nature of their territory, before the coming of the Europeans the Hottentots used neither gold nor silver, and very little copper was inuse. On the other hand, they smelted iron. Their smiths used anvils and hammers of stone. Their bellows were a goatskin bag provided with a valve and with an earthenware airpipe. The original political organization of the Hottentots has practi- cally disappeared. Informer times several families formed together a territorial community, a werft, at the head of which was a heredi- tary werftelder. Several of these were combined under one common chief, whose office was also hereditary in the male line. These chiefs, usually called ‘captains,’ were the leaders in war, but they were to some extent under the control of a body known as the ‘council,’ Marriage was polygamous: every man had as many wives as he could support. Marriage was arranged by the mutual agreement of the parents of the couple, and there was a mutual exchange of presents, and usually a dowry. A boy bears his mother’s family name, and a girl that of her father’s family. On reaching manhood the boy takes his father’s name in addition to his mother’s. The position of a wife in her family is a more honour- able one than is usually the case among the negroes proper, and the younger brothers and sisters have to show some respect toward those who are older. Certain forms of misbehaviour, including cattle-stealing and some other forms of theft that are considered heinous, were frequently punished by extremely cruel floggings, and even with death. Murder was mostly avenged by the next of kin. The Hottentots are considered very musical. Their instruments are the gora or gom-gom, such as the Bushmen use, and drums, consisting of earthen pots with sheepskin drawn tightly over them. At the present time all the Hottentots have been converted to Christianity, so that there is little trace left of their original religious ideas. In former times the moon seems to have been worshipped. Among the numerous myths dealing with animals and persons are those that tell of the famous magician Heitsi Cibib. The dead are buried in side niches in caves; before being buried the bodies are placed in a crouching posture, trussed up with thongs, and sewn into skins or mats. In connexion with the Hottentots mention has to be made of another race. Their dark complexion betrays a different origin, 295 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND but in course of time they have increasingly adopted not only the Hottentot speech, but also their manners and customs. These are the Hill-Damara. Before they were driven by the Naman into Damaraland they roamed, it is said, as far south as the Orange River. At the present time a large number of them have been civilized by missionary effort, and have formed a settlement at Ocombahe, where they have turned to stock-farming and horti- ~ culture. The remainder still roam in the north of the former German Protectorate, leading a life like that of the Bushmen, but many of them have cattle of their own. All over the African continent, from the south up to the moun- tains of Abyssinia, we come upon tribes who resemble the Bushmen, both in their ways of life and in their diminutive size. Even the ancients had heard of diminutive men, who were said to inhabit the heart of Africa. The Greeks called them Pygmies. They are mentioned in Homer, and by Herodotus; and Aristotle locates them on the lakes round the sources of the Nile. To this day these pygmy tribes are most numerous on the Albert Lake and Edward Lake, where they are usually called Batwa or Acca. They were a hunting people, and their scanty vegetable food was limited to what they could gather in the jungle, or take from the negro tribes around them. It was inevitable that negro influence should affect them. Explorers in Urundi and in the Congo basin report that they have entirely lost their original language and adopted those of their negro neighbours. They have also taken to agriculture and to pottery. Their weapons are small bows and poisoned arrows, and their skill makes them dangerous enemies. 2. The Bantu Tribes. The name Bantu is the plural of umunia, man, and is the collective appellation for a large group of African peoples, who are linguistically akin, but who differ both somatically and culturally. The name Bantu was chosen by Wilhelm Bleek to indicate the languages of this extensive group. In the dialects and in the structure there are numerous resemblances. The charac- teristic feature of the Bantu tongues is the prefixes, which determine both declension and conjugation. In the east of the Bantu area the prefix U denotes the territory of a tribe, e.g., Uganda. MM denotes the individual person, e.g., Mganda; Wa or Ba denotes several persons, or even the whole tribe, e.g., Waganda or Baganda, and Kz denotes the language, e.g., Kiganda. In culture the greatest differences are between the western 296 HE? PEOPLES OF4ITHE EARTH peoples on the one hand, and the southern and eastern peoples on the other. In the west the economy is mainly agricultural, the chief crops being manioc, bananas, batatas, and yams. In the east and south the chief crop is millet, and stock-farming and dairying are also carried on. In the west the houses are rectangular with a saddle roof ; in the east and south they are circular with a conicalor domed roof. Inthe west the chief weapon is the bow and arrow ; in the east and south, the spear. In the west the shields are made of wood or basketwork ; in the south and east they are of skin and leather. In the west the clothing is made of bark and palm fibres ; in the east and south, of skin, leather, and, occasionally, cotton stuffs. In the west fetishism prevails, as well as secret societies, masked dances, and carved idols ; in the south and west none of these are found. In our description of the chief Bantu tribes we begin in the south- east of the continent with a group which bears the collective name of Kafirs. The name is from Arabic and means ‘unbeliever’; it was given to the inhabitants of the east coast of Africa by the Portuguese. The area of the Kafirs, whose chief representatives are the Zulu in the north-east and the Xosa, or Amacosa, in the south-east, was originally confined to the coast-lands east of the Drakenberg from the Great Fish River to Delagoa Bay. But great migration movements, largely due to the founding of the Zulu kingdom at the beginning of the nineteenth century, led to a very large extension of this area. To a slight extent these movements were southward, but the Fecane, who at that time moved northward, have prospered since 1830 under English rule. They have become known as Fingu. The most important movement was that of the Matabele (about 1817), which led to the foundation of a large empire in Mashonaland, between the Zambesi and the Limpopo. The Angoni went still farther afield. They crossed the Zambesi, marched northward on both sides of the Nyassa, and in Livingstone’s time (1866) devas- tated that region. It was only after a long, severe struggle that the German colonial troops defeated them in 1906 and compelled them to settle. A portion of the Angoni, under the name of the Watuta, went as far as Victoria Nyanza. The cause of all these upheavals of the nineteenth century was the Zulus, till then an insignificant people. Under their chief Tshacca (1818-1828), how- ever, they became a warlike people, superior to any other in South 297 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND Africa, and set out on an unprecedented career of conquest over their neighbours. The entire life of the people was subordinated to war. Instead of the ancient sib-organization, Tshacca introduced army corps, each under the command of a war-chief. He replaced the former tactics of scattered fighting with the javelin by storm attack with a short, strong thrusting spear. He only allowed his warriors to marry when they were thirty or forty years of age, and they were replaced by young men of the tribes whom he had conquered. Tshacca’s policy of conquest was continued by his successors. The best-known of them was Cetewayo. In 1879 he waged war against England, and it was only after several defeats that England succeeded in subduing the Zulus and taking Cetewayo a prisoner to Cape Town. To the west of the Kafirs, between the mountains and the Kalahari, is the area of the Betshuan (Bechuan) tribes. These are akin to the Kafirs in language and civilization, but they are less warlike. To this group belong, among others, the Basuto and the Barolong, and the Bacalahari. The last-mentioned have sunk to the level of the Bushmen. One branch of the Basuto was the Macololo, Under Sebituane they marched northward, conquering all before them, and established a large, but short- lived, empug on the Upper Zambesi. On the high ground between the Zambesi and the Limpopo comes a number of tribes, including the Mashona and the Macalaca, closely akin to the Betshuans. They were subsequently conquered by the Matabele on the victorious march already mentioned. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, when the Portuguese first entered the country, there flourished here a great state, called Monomotapa, after the title of its ruler, We have already mentioned that the ruined buildings discovered in this territory must be ascribed to a different population. The most interesting of all the Zambesi peoples are the Barotse and Mambunda. They have high political gifts, and under their. rule the other tribes on the Upper Zambesi have been conjoined into one large empire, in which the Barotse occupy the leading position, and the Mambunda the second position in the state. They were conquered for a time by the Macololo, but the Barotse established a new and flourishing state on the ruins of the Macololo Empire. The Macololo have now practically died out, but their language, Sesuto, is still the universal language of intercourse between the 298 SHES PEOPLES) Oba fTb? EAR T bi tribes in the Empire. Since the beginning of the twentieth century the Barotse-Mambunda Empire has been included in the British sphere of interest. Before dealing with the more northerly Bantu tribes, we may mention the south-west group. They are separated from the others geographically, and are very different from them ethnologically. They include, among others, the Herero (also called Ovaherero or Damara) and the Ovambo. The Herero, known to all the world since their war with Germany (1904-1906), when they were practi- cally extirpated, were the only Bantu tribe who lived solely by stock-farming. They had no agriculture of any kind. They came at a comparatively late period into the region that had been occu- pied by the Hill-Damara. According to their own legends, they migrated about two hundred years ago from the southern Congo basin. The Ovambo, in contrast to the Herero, pursue agriculture and grow millet, beans, and peas. Returning to the Bantu tribes of East Africa, we must add to the Zambesi tribes a group of peoples, all of whom wear the peg in the upper lip. The most important of them are the Macua, in Portu- guese East Africa, and the Maconde, to the north of the Rovuma. The region north of the Rovuma, the former German East Africa, has up till recent days been the scene of numerous shiftings and displacements of the populations. These were due, first, to the incursion of the Angoni from the south, which has been already referred to, and, second, to the incursion of Hamitic elements from the north. A large part of the Bantu tribes who were originally settled here (Stuhlmann calls them the Older Bantus, in distinction from the Bantus of the lake area and the younger or northern Bantus) have either been driven into the most remote corners of the country, like the Wagogo and others, or into the mountains of Kilimanjaro and Usambara, like the Dshagga and others, In this process the tribes thus ousted from their original seats have adopted many of the weapons, costumes, war-ornaments, and the warlike habits of their oppressors. The Wagogo and Dshagga have adopted those of the Masai in the north, and the Wahehe, Wabena, and Wassangu those of the Angoni in the south. For long the Wassangu roamed, robbing and plundering, terrifying the whole region from Ugoge to Conde, until they in turn were subdued by the Wahehe. Among the tribes who were either left in peace or resisted the invaders were the Wanyamwesi, who occupied the 299 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND centre of the former German Protectorate. The name Wanyamwesi is only a collective name, applied by the coast people to a number of kindred tribes. The Swaheli, who inhabit the long, narrow strip of coast of equatorial East Africa, were also included under the name, but centuries of Arab and Indian influence have so changed them that they now occupy a position by themselves. When the Portuguese first established themselves here at the beginning of the sixteenth century, both the Arabs and the native chieftains, who now lorded it over them and now were dominated by them, acknowledged the Portuguese sovereignty. But, at the end of the seventeenth century, the _Imams of Muscat overran this coast also, capturing Mombasa in 1698 and Zanzibar in 1784, and thus bringing under their sway the whole region dcwn to the coast of Mozambique. The land from the equator to Cape Delgado was now a dependency of Muscat, until in 1858 a separate sultanate of Zanzibar was established owing to the existence of two heirs. As is well known, the coast region subsequently came into the hands of the German Empire. The Bantus of the lake area are for the most part under the dominion of the Wahuma (Bahima or Watussi), who are undoubtedly of Hamitic descent, although they have long since lost their lan- guage and adopted that of the subjugated Bantus. Tradition tells that they came from the north-east across the Nile and settled first in Unyoro. From there they proceeded to establish a great empire that extended over almost all the territory between the lakes— Urundi, Ruanda, and other districts—but which soon afterward collapsed. They differ somatically from the original Bantus of this region by their tall, slender figure (some of them are of gigantic height), by their narrow face, with thin, high nose, and by their lighter complexion. Culturally they are also different. They are stock-farmers, whereas the Bantus till the soil. In Uganda at the present day the Wahuma are in the background. They work as cattlemen, and are looked down upon by the agricultural Waganda ; but tradition has it that the empire was founded by a Rhuma from Unyoro. The chief representatives of Hamitic culture east of Lake Victoria are the Masai, who poured in irresistible conquest over British East Africa and the north-east of what was German East Africa. Exter- nally the Masai betray a greater admixture of negro blood than the Wahuma, and their language is more closely allied to that of the 300 uljiog ‘wnosnyy [eorsojouyyy 943 ur ydersojoyd e WOT eoTayyY YINOS oof IVVUy , WAVY c , £4 ALV Id OE —— = = , . — SNIZIOT 0J0YT SNIZ90T oJoYg vol BOW Io€ AST) ty 7, aAvagq a1az v4 ALVI1d Pr ee rOP iis, Oheenr Br A RAL EH Bari on the White Nile than to any other. In 1891 rinderpest robbed them of their means of subsistence, and they have now become a wretchedly poor people. Some of them have taken to agriculture. The tribes inhabiting the area west of the great Central African Divide, north of the watershed between the branches of the Congo River and the Zambesi, and south of the line that forms the boun- dary between Bantus and Sudanese, are called the West Bantus. The area in question is roughly that of the Congo and its affluents, but it also includes the coast region as far as the Cameroons. Whereas the East African territory is steppe, this spacious area is covered with luxuriant tropical vegetation. Only the chief tribes can be mentioned here. Several of them established large states, especially the Lunda-Luba tribes, south of the main Congo, and the Bacongo, on the Lower Congo. As early as the end of the sixteenth century tales had reached the coast of a large negro state, situated on the north slope of the water- shed between the Zambesi and the sources of the Kasai River. It was the Lunda state, so called after the chief tribe, or the Empire of Muata Yamvo, as it was called after its rulers. The dimensions of this empire, which extended westward as far as the Cuango, must at one time have been enormous, especially if we include the Casongo Empire in the north-east and the Casembe Empire in the south-east, both of which were, at least for a time, tributary to the Great Jumbo. The Lunda Empire may be described as an absolute feudal state, comprising a number of regions whose chiefs were free and inde- pendent in all internal affairs subject to the good pleasure of the Great Jumbo, but they paid him tribute and served in his wars. In order that these tributary chiefs might not forget their dependence upon him, Muata Jamvo retained some of their sons and other relatives at his court, and in his dreaded police he had another means of visiting his displeasure on any disobedience. A special peculiarity of this empire was the presence at the side of the Great Jumbo of a woman, the so-called Luco-kesha. She was the ruler’s colleague. She was looked upon as mother of all the Great Jumbos, had her own court, received as her own the tribute of certain dis- tricts, and the newly elected Great Jumbo had to be confirmed in his office at her hands. Both Muata Jamvo and Luco-kesha had to be children of one of the chief wives of the previous Jumbo, and were selected from among the qualified candidates by the four chief 301 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND councillors of the empire. The office of these councillors, who were called cannapumba, was hereditary to the extent that the Great Jumbo could bestow it only on the sons of previous holders. In all important questions these councillors had to be consulted by the ruling pair. The nobles, called kzlolo, supplied ambassadors and executive officials, including police, as well as the leaders in elephant hunts and district chiefs. Each kilolo had the privilege of ex- pressing his opinion in the National Assembly, and most of the Jumbos respected such opinions. The court consisted of a number of kilolos, the executioner, and able-bodied slaves, who bore the . ruler on their shoulders. He had other slaves who carried his litter. The Luco-kesha had a number of husbands, one of whom was chief husband, and bore the title of ‘wife,’ so as not to seem to encroach on the Luco-kesha’s dignity. When a Great Jumbo died the capital, Masumba, was entirely abandoned and replaced by a new one, which was invariably built not far from the old capital. In 1890 the Great Jumbo recognized Belgian sovereignty, and in 1894 his empire was divided between the Congo State and the Portuguese colony of Angola. | We have already mentioned the two states, north-east and south- east of the Lunda Empire, and at times tributary to it, Muata Casembe and Casongo. The Casembe was at one time powerful enough to put 20,000 warriors into the field. The tribute to the Great Jumbo was only occasionally paid. The despotic rule and the cruelties of the Casembe who ruled in the years between 1860 | and 1870 had impoverished and depopulated the country. The district of Katanga, still known for its wealth in copper, and consti- tuting the largest part of the Casembe Empire, was conquered by Msiri, who belonged to the Wanyamwesi. Msiri established there an empire of hisown. From that time Casembe’s state was limited to the small area south of Lake Mera as far as Lake Tanganyika, and is now the extreme north-east corner of British Rhodesia. Msiri’s empire in Katanga was short-lived. He refused to come under the protection of the Congo State, and in 1891 a Belgian shot him out of hand, and his state was broken up into small com- munities, each under a village chief. Even before that time the empire of Casongo had been broken up. It bounded Katanga on the north, and extended to approxi- mately 5° south latitude. Its chief representatives were the Warua, the eastern branch of the great Baluba people. The incur- 302 fen PE VOPRE RS Oh) tobe BAR bi sions of Arab slave-dealers in the second half of the nineteenth century and the Belgian wars against the Arabs hastened its downfall. Still more important than these states, and of greater significance for Africa at the time of the first discoveries, was the great Congo Empire with its capital, San Salvador. Its territory included large regions north and south of the lower course of the Congo River from Stanley Pool downward. It belonged to the Bacongo, a large group of tribes speaking various dialects of one and the same language. The negro kingdom, discovered in 1484 by Diego Cao and Martin Behaim, had at an early date accepted Christianity. From 1534 onward there was even a resident bishop in San Salvador, and there was from time to time brisk trade between the Portuguese and the King of Congo, who had ambassadors even as far away as Rio de Janeiro. About the middle of the sixteenth century, however, the kingdom, in spite of Portuguese help, succumbed to the raids of the Dshagga, who captured and burnt the capital. In the seventeenth century, when the Dshagga had settled down in the hinterland of Angola, Congo for a time regained its position, but at the end of the seventeenth century its power was again completely broken. Several of its provinces, like Loango, Cacongo, and Angoy, pro- claimed their independence, and the state was irreparably ruined. Numerous tribes, besides those already mentioned, have formed together considerable states, and occupy the Congo basin. To the north, east of the Congo River, are the Manyema, notorious on account of their warlike qualities and their cannibalism. For decades they were the aiders and abettors of the Arabs in their devastating slave raids in the southern parts of the present Congo state. To the north of the Baluba tribes are numerous small sub-tribes, the Bassonga, distinguished by their highly developed industry, especially smith-work. And, encircled by the Baluba and the Bassonga, are the Bacuba, with their magnificent wood-carving and plush-like textiles. The principal trading people on the Middle Congo are the Babangi. Their language has come to be the uni- versal trade-language of these areas. Then, between the Upper Cuango and the Casai are the Kioque or Kioko, daring hunters and clever merchants, who have gained great influence in the adjacent Lunda Empire, which once held them in thrall. Coming to the coast region, adjoining the ancient Congo Empire =k THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND on the north, we have the Fan, who came as strangers from the north-east a few hundred years ago. They occupy the whole country between the River Ogowe in the south, the Sanaga in the north, and the Sanga in the east. They drove the original popu- lation south across the Ogowe, and forced themselves like a wedge between them and the Bantu tribes in the southern Cameroons. The chief of these last-named tribes are the Bacoco group, includ- ing what is perhaps the best-known of the Cameroon peoples, the Dwala. Farther north are the Bacunda, and, in the grazing land, the Bali. Both of these have a strong infusion of Sudan-negro blood. We now proceed to give a general account of the culture of the Bantu peoples mentioned in the foregoing pages. The Bantus live mainly on the yield of their agriculture. With the exception of the Herero, who stand apart from the rest in many other ways, there is no Bantu tribe without agriculture, and in the case of most of them, their whole domestic economy is based upon it. It consists chiefly of jungle-clearing, and the ash of the burnt brushwood and tree-branches is the sole manure the soil receives. Only the Ovambo dress the soil with dung. The Wahehe and other tribes set out their fields and plantations in long, raised beds, and this arrangement allows a better control of the irrigation. The planting tools are pointed sticks. Bulbs and tubers are lifted with spade-shaped wooden tools. Hoes are in general use, usually with an iron blade, but sometimes the entire hoe is of wood. Sickle- shaped cutters are used to sever the bananas. Children are posted on small field platforms, in order to scare birds by shouting and by the noise of clappers. The crops of the western Bantus are not the same as those of their neighbours to the south and to the east. There cereals predominate, chiefly the three species of millet, sorg- hum, penicillaria, and eleusine; but maize is also grown, and here and there rice. In the west, especially in the Congo area, most of the crops to-day are introductions from America. The commonest is manioc, but maize and batata are also grown. Bananas are another important crop, and this was probably in earlier times the chief food in these areas. Other crops include several species of leguminous plants, the American pignut (Arachis hypogea), the oil-palm, the raphia-palm, hemp, and tobacco (the last also being from America). Large numbers of domestic animals are bred; among them the 304 PLATE 75 rE Ses ANCESTRAL FIGURE OF THE BAwWILI 304 Loango Coast. From Sydow, Die Kusist der Naturvélker und der Vorzeit ie ° el ——— ®t A tySMaYISHIS *M 0104 S819 MW 0104 UePNS UI9}S9 AA, eollyy yseq Sof NVLTIONS VWOHVM\ NVWOMA VSOVET 94 ALV Id bee ah Ob bo GH EE eh AR: EEL dog, not only for hunting purposes, but also for his flesh. Goats and poultry are raised both for domestic purposes and to provide victims for sacrifice. Sheep-rearing is not so general, and pig- breeding is confined to one district of West Africa. Stock-farming approaches agriculture in importance only where cattle are raised, and that is the case only in South and East Africa. In many districts, especially on the Zambesi, the tsetse-fly makes cattle- raising impossible. There are two kinds of cattle, one with a fat hump and small horns, resembling the Indian zebu, and the other, without a hump, but with gigantic horns, the songa. The principal cattle-farmers are, in the north, the Wahuma, the Masai (neither of whom are really of Bantu race), the Angoni, and, in the south, the Kafirs, Betshuans (Bechuans), and Herero. It is chiefly for milk that cattle are raised in these regions, and they are rarely killed for food. Hunting parties are preferred to individual stalking of game, and drives are a popular method of securing meat in large quantity. The game is driven into nets, or into enclosures which are sometimes nearly two miles long ; pitfalls, snares, and various ingenious forms of trap are also used. Smaller game are killed with bow and arrow —the Fan kill birds with poisoned arrows from a cross-bow. The Kafirs kill hares with the throwing-club. The hippopotamus, and the manatee in the Cameroons, are harpooned from boats, Fishing is almost universal; the only exception is the Kafirs, who eat no fish. The tackle includes lines, nets, crawls, and fish-spears. In suitable localities the waters are enclosed or dammed back. Some of the Bantu tribes eat human flesh. Cannibalism seems to have been at one time almost general among the western Bantus, but it occurs elsewhere also, among the Basutos, for example. Intoxicating liquors are in general use. They are made from the various species of grain and from the banana. ‘The western tribes drink the palm-wine manufactured from the oil-palm (Elets guineensis) and the wine-palm (Raphia vinifera) in preference to beer. Tobacco is both smoked and snuffed. Tobacco-pipes are in general use, and even the Asiatic hookah is used for smoking hemp. The huts of the Bantus are of three kinds : I. Rectangular huts with saddle-roof, on the west coast of the Cameroons as far as 10° south latitude, and throughout the Congo area. The assembly houses are, of course, larger than the dwellings, and the gable wall is left open. U 305 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND 2. Dome-shaped or bee-hive huts, in South Africa among the Kafirs and the Herero, some Angola tribes, in Lunda, and in all the Wahuma districts. 3. Conical-roofed huts, the roof resting on the cylindrical wall, among the Betshuans (Bechuans), all the Zambesi tribes, the Ovambo, and in South Angola, and generally throughout German (British) and Portuguese East Africa. 4. There is even a fourth type, confined to the centre of what was German East Africa. Thisisthe ‘tembe.’ It is a rectangular structure with a flat roof, slightly inclined to one side and covered with a layer of clay. Several of these surround a common court- yard, into which the doors open, so that each clump of huts is a kind of fortified position. ! Household furniture is scanty. The bed is a kind of plank-bed. There are also stools, some like low, round tables, others like benches ; and there are head-rests, often daintily carved. European cotton has largely ousted the native materials for clothing, but in the east and south the commonest materials are still skins and leather ; in the west, vegetable fibre, principally the bark of various species of fig-tree. On the west coast, from the lower Congo to the Ogowe, and, in a large part of the central Congo basin, these bark materials are being replaced by textiles made from the fibres of the raphia-palm. The Bacuba tribes make splendid garments of this kind. Cotton textiles are both woven and worn in East Africa. The style of clothing varies very greatly. Children go almost always naked, and many adults do the same. The commonest garment is a simple loin-cloth tied round the waist. Skin cloaks are worn by the Kafir and Herero women, and the last- named wear a peculiar leather cap with erect ears. Painting of the body and tattooing are found among many of the Bantus, and the ear-lobes are perforated for ear-pegs. Perforation of the septum of the nose, the nostrils, or the lips is rarer. But some tribes wear very large lip-pegs in the upper lip. An extremely common practice is to disfigure the teeth, either by knocking out some of them entirely, or by filing the incisors to a point. The hair is carefully attended to and done up into elaborate coiffures, and an excessive amount of ornament is worn. The war headdress consists of multi-coloured feathers, and iron or brass rings are worn on arms, legs, and neck. There is a great deal of metalwork in iron, copper, and brass. 306 rite PR ORE EST Oh Serre AR Et All the Bantus are familiar with the smelting of iron and smithwork. Iron ore is found almost everywhere. The furnaces are cylindrical or conical clay receptacles, into which air is driven with bellows through holes in the bottom. The smiths’ hammers are either of stone or iron. The iron hammers are either simply wedge-shaped or fitted with handles after the European model. The anvil is smooth stone or a block of iron. The smiths have also their tongs and pincers for wirework. They make field hoes and hatchets, spear-points, arrow-points, swords, and knives of all kinds, and ornaments like rings, iron beads, chains, and bells. Copper is worked in Katanga, but brass is imported from Europe in the form of brass wire. The finest examples of the smith’s handiwork are found in the Congo area, among the Bacuba, Bassonga, and Baluba. Bantu pottery is, as a rule, of an elementary kind, but good work is found in districts that have been influenced by North African peoples. In Uganda, for example, very beautiful black ware is made. The potters work without a wheel. The principal articles made are hemispherical cooking utensils with wide mouths, big- bellied water-pots with narrow neck, and clay heads for tobacco- pipes. The water-pots are plain or marked with simple linear patterns. Pottery-making is women’s work, but the pipe-heads are always made by the men. Good wood-carving is found in many districts, especially in the Congo basin. Woodwork includes imple- ments and utensils of all kinds, stools, head-rests, bowls, and, among the western tribes, fetish-figures, which are frequently very gro- tesque. Ivory is made into ornaments, amulets, signal whistles, and, in Loango, entire elephant tusks are beautifully carved in relief. Basketwork is done by both sexes, but perhaps most of it is done by the men. The two commonest styles of basketry are the “steps and stairs’ and the ‘spiral coil.’ By the latter method, vessels can be made that are actually watertight, and can be used to hold beer or milk. Mats are also made, and are used either to sit on or to drape the walls of the huts. The mats made by the Wahuma women are famous for their fine coloured designs. Weaving, in the few districts where it is found, is done by the men only, and the same is true of the spinning of cotton yarn. Raphia and cotton textiles are made in various areas. In East Africa the horizontal loom is used ; the West Bantus work with the upright loom. With regard to the political organization of the Bantus, we have 3°7 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND already mentioned the names of several states, like the ancient Congo Empire and the Lunda Empire, which comprised enormous stretches of territory. We have also seen that these were feudal states on a great scale. In other Bantu areas, on the other hand, there are small, independent communities ; indeed, on the west coast the villages form so many independent units. In these cases, whether the community be large or small, the organization is monarchical, 7.e., one individual, be he village chief, or tribal chief- tain, or king, or Muata Yamvo, or Muata Casembe, is at the head of affairs. As a rule, however, the supreme head’s power in legis- lation and in foreign affairs is limited by the council of the tribal elders, whereas in internal affairs he has practically absolute power over his subjects ; so that it is to all intents and purposes despotic rule. In the better organized states, like Lunda, Loango, Uganda, there is, in addition to the Great Council, a smaller Cabinet whose members have definite functions. There are differences of class and rank in the larger states which have been founded by conquest. In Uganda, besides the ordinary freemen, there are a higher and a lower class of nobles, and it is only the higher nobles who may hold the highest offices or become provincial governors. Slavery exists nearly everywhere, but is rarer among the southern Bantus. The slaves are mostly war-captives or people who cannot pay their debts. Speaking generally, the lot of the slave is not very hard. Certain consociations are based on territoriality, but the principle of blood-relationship is at the basis of sib-groups, which are often, though not always, totemistic in character. In the south and east descent is reckoned in the fathers’ line, in the west it is mostly matrilinear. Among the Herero and Ovambo there are two totem- istic organizations side by side, the one dealing with matters of property and inheritance on matrilinear principles, the other being of a religious nature and with a membership determined by male descent. Polygamy is the rule. Theoretically a man may have as many wives as he likes, but, as he has to buy his wives, the number is determined by his wealth. Most poor men have only one wife. King Mtesa of Uganda is said to have had 7000 wives. The first wife is usually the principal wife, and the others are more or less subordinate to her. Her sons are the privileged heirs. The husband usually builds a separate house for each of his wives, and lives with each inturn. The attainment of puberty by the youths 308 Geb be DG) Pisies 7 O Baer ihe BARD Ey is usually marked by various ceremonies, the chief one being circum- cision, but this operation is unknown among the tribes in the south. Youths approaching manhood are given into the charge of older men, often medicine-men, who take them to remote places in the forest, and there the lads live secluded from the world for a whole year in nudity, but smeared with white clay. Connected with these rites are secret societies. These seem to flourish among the western Bantus, and to be in many cases political in character. All Bantus are fond of trading. Indeed, in many tribes this is the chief occupation of the men, although the women too like to have a hand in it. Direct exchange of commodities is carried on everywhere between adjacent tribes, but there is also an extensive caravan trade, probably due to contact with Asiatic and European peoples. This caravan trade had serious difficulties to contend with. Tribes were unwilling to permit free passage of goods through their territories, because it deprived them of ‘middleman’s profits.’ For this reason the tribes on the coast long sought to prevent direct trade with the tribes in the interior. African trade is for the most part land-borne, and goods are transported almost entirely by porters; while tribes like the Swaheli and Wanyamwesi have largely adopted porterage as a trade. There is no navigation among the southern Bantus, and the Zambesi was long an almost insurmountable obstacle to the trekking hordes of Zulus. The other Bantus have very narrow, roughly made dug-outs. Larger boats of better construction are found only on the Congo. The boats of the Duala in the Cameroons are beautifully painted and carved. The best Bantu boats are those of the Waganda. Their dug-outs are heightened and enlarged by planks. Of course, practically all Bantu navigation is confined to the lakes and rivers ; even coasting trade is ona very small scale. The Bantu have never ventured out on the open sea. Some of them—the Zulus and the Waganda, for example—at one time developed considerable military organization, and in the past they conquered and plundered extensive areas. The military expeditions of the other tribes were confined to raids, and the casualties were as a rule not serious. The usual weapons were a long, light javelin and bows and arrows. At close quarters they used a short, heavy thrusting lance. The eastern and southern tribes used a mace, mostly a throwing-club, while in the Congo basin and the north of German East Africa the favourite weapon 399 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND was asword. Instead of bows and arrows, the Fan used the cross- bow, perhaps in imitation of the Portuguese of the sixteenth cen- tury, and the missiles were very small poisoned arrows of wood. The battleaxe was used only on the Zambesi and the Congo and by the Fan, and the throwing-knife was not used by any of the Bantu tribes. The only defensive armour was the shield. The coat of mail used in the lake area was borrowed from the Sudanese. Even the shicld was not used by all tribes. Many of the West Bantus, and some tribes in the interior of German East Africa, did not carry shields, nor did the Wanyamwesi. In the south-east it was of hide ; in the north of German East Africa it was of leather ; in the Nile area it was of wood; in the Congo basin it was of cane. A stick-shield, 2.e., a long stick with a small piece of leather that pro- tected only the hand, was used by some tribes in the interior of the country. The villages are usually protected by a palisade and a trench; in some cases by a thorn-hedge. The completest type of fortifi- cation is found in the ‘tembes’ of East Africa, in Unyamwesi, and in the capitals of the Wassangu and the Wahche. Law, among the Bantus, is in the hands of courts consisting of the chief and his councillors. In the smaller tribes the village elders act as judges. Crimes like murder, however, are avenged by the relatives of those who have been murdered. With the exception of sorcery, most crimes, including murder, can be atoned for by the payment of a fine to the chief. This fine varies in amount according to the nature of the crime and the standing of the criminal. If the guilty man cannot pay his nearest relatives are held responsible. Where slavery exists the debtor who cannot pay is sold as a slave. The punishments inflicted by the tribunals are extremely cruel. The criminal may be beheaded, hanged, impaled, beaten or stoned to death, or burned alive ; or he may be mutilated by having his nose and ears, his penis, his hands or feet hacked off. Accuser and accused are allowed to produce witnesses. A favourite method of proof is still one or other of the ‘ordeals,’ the ordeal of fire, of boiling water, or of boiling oil. The religious conceptions of the Bantus are based on animism. All happenings which are not immediately and perceptibly due to human action are ascribed to supernatural beings, usually the spirits of the dead. All the Bantus believe in the existence of such 310 eee Or Se O bet Dib hy Ark Tibt spirits, able to affect the living for good or evil, able to send illness, death, drought, famine, or to bestow rain and fertility. The con- viction also prevails that such power may be possessed by living persons, who can change themselves into elephants and destroy the crops of their neighbours, or into leopards and tear men to pieces. Among Bantus of higher culture this belief in spirits has developed into a belief in divine beings, who play definite parts in the fates of men. In Uganda there is a large number of such deities, called /ubari, who are believed to live in lakes, and there are gods of war, a god of thunder, and a god of earthquakes. The Bantu cultus consists of dancing and music, sacrifice and vows. The sacrifices are usually food-stuffs (poultry, goats, palm- wine). These are either placed or poured on the graves, or are set down before idols of wood or clay. This idol-worship is pre- valent in the west. The idols are set up in diminutive houses, called fetish huts. On ordinary occasions the cultus is performed by the head of the family or by the village chief, but many tribes have a special priest-class, which mediates all matters between men and the deities. The chief task of the priests is to bring rain and to cure disease. Seeing that disease and lack of rain are universally ascribed to sorcery, the priest’s first duty is to discover the malign sorcerer. The person accused of sorcery or witchcraft has to undergo a test. Throughout West Africa as far as the Zambesi and Lake Nyassa the suspected person is made to drink a potion, a decoction of the bark of Erythrophleum guineense. If the suspect rejects the draught he is innocent ; if the poison takes effect his guilt is held as proved, and the people forthwith fall upon him and put him to death with cruel torture. The ‘medicine’ used by priests and magic-men are made up of various vegetable and animal ingredients. The priests are expected also to discover criminals, to foretell the future, and to give oracles. In casting the lots, ‘dice- oracles,’ ‘spider-web oracles,’ and others are used. The Bantu also believe in a vague kind of Supreme Being, a Creator, called, in the west, Nyambi; but there is no special cultus addressed to him, A Bashilange chief abolished the ancient worship of spirits among his people, and introduced hemp as the magical panacea. The adherents of this cult, who called themselves Bene Riamba (sons of hemp) smoked hemp at all their ceremonial gatherings. The dead Bantu is wrapped in skins or bark and buried in a vault, 311 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND either outstretched or in a crouching position. A usual resting- place is a lateral niche in a vertical shaft. In some areas the corpse is allowed to decay before it is buried. In a great many cases the grave is dug in the dead man’s house; sometimes the house is thereafter abandoned, but this is by no means always the case. When a village chief dies the whole village is sometimes abandoned and a new one is erected elsewhere. We have already mentioned that at the death of the Muata Jamvo his capital was deserted. A man’s weapons and other belongings are frequently buried with him. Human beings are sacrificed in connexion with obsequies all over the Bantu area, and the death of some great chief is followed, in Uganda and Lunda, by human sacrifices on a terrible scale. 3. The Tribes of the Western Sudan. In order to understand the grouping of the extremely varied elements found in the popu- lation of the Western Sudan, it is necessary to take a glance at the historical traditions handed down by Arabian writers of early times. About the beginning of the Christian era there existed in the zone between the desert and the Sudan proper constituted states of enormous size. The primary cause of this political development was the incursion from the north of fair-skinned Berber tribes, but the development had a twofold importance for the dark-skinned people living south of thisfrontier zone. First, these states included the dark-skinned Sudanese negroes and their territory ; and, second, these negroes gradually gained the upper hand in these states, and in turn extended their sway over the northern areas that had belonged to the Berber. The natural result of this long-continued intercourse between two populations that had originally little in common was a gradual miscegenation and assimilation, both somatical and cultural. The most powerful group of peoples who were thus enrolled in these great states were the Mande or Mandingo peoples. One of their branches, the Soninki, or Serra- colet, are said to have formed the main body of the subjugated population in the famous empire of Ghanata, or Gana, which before the beginning of our era extended north-west from the bend of the Niger, and was founded by fair-skinned Berber. Between 1203 and 1204 Ghanata, which had grown to great dimensions and had begun to display the pomp characteristic of North Africa and Berber, was conquered and destroyed by the Susu, who also belonged to the Mande or Mandingo group. At the beginning of the thirteenth century the Mandingo themselves founded theempire 312 Pie Ri ORi he OR LET bAR LEH of Melle, which lay to the west of Ghanata and Timbuctoo. For a time Melle dominated the entire bend of the Niger and the South Sahara as far as the Atlantic Ocean, but the fair-skinned Fulbe seem to have formed a fanatical and religious aristocracy within the empire. There was another Mandingo Empire, Cong, between the mountains and the Niger valley, and still another, Gonya, or Ngbangye, on the west frontier of Togoland. This was founded in the sixteenth century, and was the limit of the eastward movement of the Mandingo for the time being. But the later empire of Ashanti and the empire of Chocossi in the north of Togoland were also founded by Mandingos. To this day these Mande-Mandingo tribes extend in a wide belt from South Senegambia, through the hinterland of Sierra Leone, the Pepper Coast, and the Ivory Coast as far as Togoland. These tribes include not only the Soninki and Susu already mentioned, but also the Bambarra on the Upper Senegal and Upper Niger, and the Vei on the west coast of modern Liberia. By their readiness to accept employment as labourers or porters or soldiers, these Vei have been of great service to European colonial powers. The former political greatness of the Mande-Mandingo peoples has now disappeared. Their last states, Segu on the Upper Niger and Samory’s, had to yield to the French colonial empire. Another group of peoples, no less important for the history of the Western Sudan, was the Sonrhai or Songhai. The founders and the first kings of this state—it was founded in 1010, and lay south of Timbuctoo—are said to have been Arabs from Yemen, but the people are reported to have been dark—in any case, the negro element has from the first been the strongest. About the year 1300 Sonrhai became a dependency of Melle, which was then at the zenith of its power. About the end of the fifteenth century Sonrhai overthrew Melle and again became independent. It conquered Timbuctoo, and became the most powerful state in the Sudan. It had taken the place of Melle, just as Melle had previously sup- planted the ancient Ghanata. At the time of the Portuguese expeditions, Mohammed Askia, ruler of Sonrhai, was extending his conquests from the centre of Hausa to the Atlantic Ocean. In 1589 Sonrhai was conquered by the Moroccans, and continued to be a province of the North African empire till the eighteenth century, when the Tuareg came in swarms from the north and poured over the country. Rts THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND The Sonrhai language, which is still spoken in Timbuctoo and Assuad, was at one time widely distributed. It was spoken even in Mossi, to the south of the bend of the Niger—a kingdom often attacked, but never subjugated, by its neighbours. Another negro people of the Western Sudan who can look back to a once powerful empire are the Yolof or Wolof, between Senegal and Gambia. They are very dark-skinned. When the Portuguese landed here in 1446 the Yolof Empire was of great extent and power, but in the sixteenth century, owing to wars with the Fulbe-Fulahs, it was broken up into several petty negro states, of which Cayor was the strongest. Special ethnological interest attaches to the states on the Slave and Gold Coasts—to Ashanti, Dahomey, and the ancient Benin, east of Yoruba. The inhabitants of Ashanti belong linguistically to the Chi tribes, of which the Ashanti and the Fanti are the most important. The Ewe, who form the majority of the people of Dahomey, also occupy large parts of Togoland in village com- munities. The inhabitants of Benin were called Bini. Ashanti and Dahomey possess a high material culture. The population are clever, fond of ostentation, and were long notorious for their fanaticism in war and for the dreadful slaughter of prisoners and slaves. The number thus massacred to celebrate the accession of a new king is said to have varied from 4000 to 10,000. In both kingdoms to-day these things have ceased. Ashanti has long been a British, and Dahomey a French, colony, and under the new peace- ful conditions both countries have increased in population and prosperity. Great interest was aroused by the discovery in Benin of numerous antiquities, many of which were brought to England in 1897. Most of them were cast bronzes, decorated with sculptures depicting scenes from Benin negro life of the sixteenth and seven- teenth centuries. The first Portuguese voyagers at the end of the fifteenth century were received in a friendly manner by the Benin kings of that time, and the relations between the country and Europeans have all along been peaceful, so that it is not surprising that Benin art was considerably affected by European influences. But whether the cast metalwork done by the process of the ‘lost mould’ (see p. 318) is really due to European influence is a question to which as yet no decisive answer can be given. In addition to the tribes already mentioned, there are many smaller tribes in the Western Sudan, e.g., the Kru, or Grebo, on the 314 Teel BOP PSs @ hier bee AIR TE east coast of Liberia. These people have been of great service to Europeans both as labourers and as clever sailors in the dangerous surf on the West Coast. In the former German Cameroons Protectorate the chief native tribes are the warlike Bali and the Bamum. The kingdom of Bamum is well known, owing to the outstanding personality of its ruler Nyoga. He gave a willing welcome to European culture, established home industries, en- couraged a new style of building, and even introduced a new system of writing. Above this negro layer in the Western Sudan there are other elements, of varying density but of great extent, which are really foreign to this area. They are of Hamitic origin, but they have in course of time become more or less assimilated to the negro popu- lation. We mean the Hausa. They are typical traders. Their centre is the territory between the Niger and Bornu, but they have spread over the whole Sudan, deep into the forests of the Cameroons and west to the coast. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries these Hausa played the same political réle as the Fulbe, who after- wards superseded them. They established powerful empires. The first Hausa states were Cano and Catsena, which were afterwards annexed to the Fulah state of Socoto. Their capital, Cano, was for a time the most important city of the Western Sudan, and, even at the present day, is an important trading centre. It was in the Mandingo territory that the Fulbe first became known to European travellers, under the name of Fulah (‘yellow’ or ‘brown’). They are an important element in the population of the Western Sudan. There are several centres where they are specially numerous, but they are present in great numbers through- out the whole area and are predominantly stock-farmers. As their language is akin to the Somali speech, they are included among the Hamites. With their light brown complexion, wavy hair, and high, straight nose, the pure Fulbe closely resemble the Berber of North Africa. There were Fulbe even in the Melle Empire and in the later Sonrhai; but there they were kept in subjection and did not attain great power. The centres where they began to develop strength were the Fulah states on the Lower Senegal. There they formed, and still form, the majority of the population. As early as the sixteenth century large numbers of them migrated eastward and rose to the position of an important people east of the Niger. 315 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND In the beginning of the seventeenth century Fulah tribes appeared in Bagirmi, and spread even farther south, and they now occupy the Benue area in dense numbers. It was only in the beginning of the nineteenth century, however, that the Fulbe became an 1m- portant people in the eastern part of the Western Sudan. In 1806 the Sheik Othman dan Fodio conquered the Hausa states and established a great feudal empire from the Niger to the uplands of South Adamawa. The eastern capital was Socoto, that of the western part was Gando. One of the most powerful vassal states was Adamawa (with its capital Yola), which was the largest part of the former German Cameroons Protectorate. In view of this complexity of population in the Western Sudan, to which must be added a considerable Arab element, any account of the culture of the region must be given in outline. Speaking generally, the most important element in the economic life is agriculture, but there are also many tribes who confine them- selves to stock-farming. Among these are the Fulbe, who lost a large part of their stock in 1890 from rinderpest. In the hinterland of the Guinea Coast there are still some primitive tribes who are content with hunting, fishing, and gathering. In the grass areas the chief crops are beans, peas, and maize. In the north, in the bend of the Niger as far as Cong, there has long been grown a species of rice, as well as wheat and barley. In the forests of the south the chief crops are manioc, bananas, pignuts, and yams. Other crops include cotton, indigo, tobacco, and cola-nut. The commonest species of stock raised is cattle. In the grasslands on the Niger (Habbé and Mochi) the zebu and the Moroccan ox are bred. On the frontiers of the Sahara there are numerous herds of camels. Horse-breeding is practically universal over the entire Sudan. The principal breeds are the Mandingo horse, which is probably of Berber origin, and the Sonrhai horse, which is probably an Arab. In the Mohammedan districts the ass is an important beast of burden. Wherever Oriental Islamic civilization has penetrated, it has brought with it a more elaborate preparation of food, It has intro- duced its meat foods, its dessert dishes, its ‘kuskus,’ 7.e., dried meat with an addition of small spheres of steamed flour. In the negro areas culinary processes are simpler. Animals of the herd are never slaughtered, except on sacrificial occasions, and meat is seldom eaten. On the other hand, large quantities of alcoholic 316 Pi eePPORE ES OR2 TER er AR-LH beer are made from the various cereals, and palm-wines are also manufactured. The settlements and dwellings, of course, vary greatly among the various populations. At one end of the scale there are large populous cities like Cano, Cong, Bidda (the capital of Nupe), and at the other end the hamlets of the tribes who are at the early stages of tillage. The population of the larger cities is so mixed that all kinds of architecture are found in one and the same city. The principal house-types in the Western Sudan are : 1. The flat-roofed, rectangular, clay house. This seems un- doubtedly to go back to northern influence. For defensive pur- poses these dwellings in former times were frequently sunk in the ground ; to-day they are only half sunk or built on the level, and consist of several stories. This is the commonest type of house in the bend of the Niger (Habbé) among the eastern Mandingo as far as Cong and Susu. 2. The circular cabin with conical roof and cylindrical clay walls. This is also a common type from the Mossi area to that of the Susu. Even the Mossi cities consist of these circular cabins. 3. The rectangular cabin of wood with gabled roof, and the rectangular clay house with pyramid roof. This is the usual type found in the forest districts along the Guinea coast. The ancient palaces in Ashanti consisted of a multitude of such houses built in groups. 4. Pile dwellings—rectangular, wooden houses, built on piles over water. This is the usual type in the lagoons of Dahomey. 5. The beehive cabins of the nomadic Fulbe—a circular frame- work of wood covered with brushwood. The bed is either a low bedstead on four feet, with a cover of slats (Mandingo, Ashanti), or a clay bench encircling the interior (French Guinea), or a pediment of clay (Togo), or the ground itself. In the south wooden stools are used as seats, and wooden head-rests are used in Dahomey. Among the Mohammedans clothing is, of course, more complete than among the heathen. The men wear an upper shirt and cloak (Habbé), sometimes also hose and boots (Mossi) or sandals. The cap or turban is indispensable. The Mohammedan women wear an apron and a cloth over the breasts. The pagan tribes, on the other hand, are scantily clad. Among many negro tribes on the coast the men go quite naked. Some wear only a cover for the 317 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND penis. The women wear an apron of bast, sometimes a mere bunch of leaves. The Fulah nomads retain to this day their ancient style of leather clothing. Rain hats, made of plaited palm-leaves, are worn on the coast of Guinea. Clasps and buckles of iron, brass, copper, gold, or silver are worn on arms, ankles, and neck. Painting and tattooing are practically universal. The Habbé, Cru, and others tattoo themselves in colour ; the Vei tattoo themselves in scars, which are frequently tribal badges. The teeth are filed to a point, the nostrils are perforated, as are the lips and the septum of the nose (Mossi). Boys and youths are usually circumcised, even by tribes other than Moham- medan—the Ewe, for example. The forms of industry are also very varied. Work in iron is found all over the area, but it is actually practised only by a special class of men—experts at the trade. These individuals, who form a class held in high esteem, are usually negroes—even where the population is mainly Hamitic. Another class famous for their iron- work are the Mandingos. In Gurma, Togoland, and Yoruba there are large ironworks, with furnaces from nine to twelve feet high. The type of smithwork and the tools—hammer, anvil, tongs, bellows, and perforated iron plate for making wire—resemble those used by the Bantu negroes. One form of metalwork, in which some of the Sudanese tribes surpass the Bantu, is brass-founding by the process of the ‘lost mould.’ The clay mould was fitted over a wax model, and, after the metal had been poured in, the mould had to be shattered. This process is still followed in Ashanti, and by some tribes in Togoland; but the best-known work done by this process is that from ancient Benin. Many examples of it are now in the museums. The Ashanti goldwork also is wellknown. Splendid examples are found in the animal figures and gold weights made by these people. The goldsmith and filigree work of the north (Habbé) have evidently been affected by Mediterranean influence. The pottery in the West Sudan is mostly done by the men. Carving, both in wood and ivory, was highly developed in ancient Benin ; good work in weaving and dyeing was done by the Hausa, and leatherwork by the Mandingo. Wars, expeditions of conquest, and raids have in all ages been frequent in the West Sudan. We have already seen how great em- pires succeeded each other in the hegemony over wide areas, and 318 Poche OL biog Ober beg hAR DE how, from the beginning of the last century, the victorious Fulbe poured over the Hausa states and extensive negro areas deep into the Cameroons. The decisive factor in such conquests was the well-trained horsemen, whose onset the foot armies of the native tribes could not withstand. Slave-raids were also numerous and carried out on a great scale, and by this means the northern peoples obtained from the south the necessary labour, depopula- ting large areas. At the present day firearms have been introduced into many regions, but there are tribes in the interior who have remained faithful to their original weapons. Bows and poisoned arrows are still used by the Fulbe, Mandingo, and Mossi. The bow is either the usual so-called Asiatic bow or the round bow. Slings are used by the Ashanti and Mandingo and in Liberia. Lances and maces, clubs with metal heads, are in general use. Swords are used by the Fulbe and Mandingo, and they were in former times a common weapon in Ashanti and Dahomey. The national weapons of the Fulbe are the battleaxe and the dagger, attached to the wrist by a leather ring. In the north the shields are of leather; the shields of the southern peoples are of all shapes and made of all kinds of material. In the North Cameroons mail is the defensive armour. It is made of buffalo hide or crocodile-skin, and the Mohammedan tribes use iron mail and helmets similar to those used in Europe in the Middle Ages. Among the Hausa and Fulbe steed and rider were covered with thick padding, and the same defence was used by the Canuri in the Central Sudan. In the north the style of houses was largely determined by defensive requirements, and each group of buildings was a kind of fortress. Some entire dis- tricts could be called fortresses. In Bamum in the Cameroons the whole state is encircled by ramparts and trenches from fifteen to twenty kilometres in length, so that, even during a siege, the people can till their fields inside their fortifications. The principal external trade is that carried on by caravans. Water-borne trade is, in comparison, unimportant. There are also periodical or fixed markets, and this market trade is a very import- ant part of economic life. Payment is made in cowrie-shells, Maria Theresa dollars, and cotton goods. The various trades, in the cities and markets, are organized in guilds, after the European manner of the Middle Ages. With regard to social organization, we have seen at one end of the 319 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND scale huge states like Ghanata, Melle, Sonrhai, Ashanti, Dahomey, Benin, Hausa, and Fulbe, and, at the other, small independent village communities. Politically, the kingdoms of Ashanti and Dahomey were cruel despotisms, in which the kings, in the midst of an imposing entourage and surrounded bya numerous bodyguard of warriors (in Dahomey the bodyguard was composed of women), exercised a tyrannical rule over their subjects. The various trades and occupations have developed into class distinctions, and in the north these have hardened into actual castes. There are chiefs, priests, musicians, leatherworkers, smiths, and so on, as well as fishermen and hunters, and the duties and privileges of each are definitely prescribed. Side by side with these class distinctions, there is also an or- ganization based on blood-relationship. There are sib-groups of a totemistic character, especially on the Niger and in the hinterland of the coast of Guinea. Then there are age-classes, among the Habbé, Cru, and Togoland tribes, for example. The Habbé unmarried youths and girls live outside the village, and have an organization of their own. In connexion with these age-classes many of the Mande tribes and the Guinea Coast tribes have a peculiar system of secret societies, and these are recruited from the youths and girls who attain the age of manhood and womanhood. From the earliest times outside influences of various kinds have © affected the intellectual ideas of the West Sudan peoples. Islam entered the country at an early period, and wherever the population adopted that faith they, of course, lost their originalideas. Chris- tianity too reached the people, and a large number of the ideas that then prevailed in the Christian world were conveyed to the peoples of the Sudan. Since the time of the Portuguese discoveries these Christian ideas gradually spread inward from the coast and modified the native conceptions. At the same time there are still many tribes, especially on the coast, which have adopted neither Islam nor Christianity, but have preserved their native religious views and cultus. Speaking broadly, these resemble those of the Bantu negroes. As among the Bantus, masked dances form a large part of the cultus. In many places there is an organized priesthood, and the members of that class have a very powerful influence. The cultus includes human sacrifices and cannibalism. In Ashanti and Dahomey the braves display war trophies such as the skull of the enemy they 320 NoOBLEMAN’S HOUSE IN ADAMAWA Western Sudan. From a photograph in the Ethnological Museum, Berlin CAVE-DWELLINGS IN LAS PALMAS 320 Photo Nanson PLATE 78 MEN’s HOUSE OF THE BAMUM Western Sudan Photo B. Ankermann COURTYARD IN DAHOMEY 321 Western Sudan Photo Preil pi bee, GO) 2 ie hi O Bo DEL BARC have slain. The Sudan Negroes have the same burial customs as the Bantus, and wrap up the corpse before burying it. The Vei tribes in Liberia have invented a kind of syllabic writing. We have already referred to a parallel invention by Nyoga, ruler of Bamum. 4. The Tribes of the Eastern Sudan. The history of the Eastern Sudan up to the end of the nineteenth century is made up of the changeful fortunes of four states, Bornu, Bagirmi, Wadai, and Darfur. In all four the population is very mixed, being com- posed of Arabs on the one hand, and all kinds of cross-breeds on the other. The larger part of the population in Wadai, and the most important part of that of Darfur, is Arab, whereas in Bagirmi and Bornu the Arab element is less prominent and the rest of the population is even more mixed than in the other two. Bornu is the oldest state in Eastern Sudan. As early as the tenth century a native prince in Canem welded into one state the population consisting of Canuri, Canemba, Zoghava, Teda, and Arab-Berber elements. After Islam had gained a firm footing in Canem in the twelfth century it gradually spread northward over the desert tribes. The state waged war in the succeeding centuries with varying success against the invading Negro tribe Sso, till the kings of Canem were compelled to transfer their seat to Bornu farther south. Here they again rose to great power, and by the end of the fifteenth century they extended their dominion across the Niger and over Canem—at times, indeed, as far east as Egypt. The best-known of the rulers of Bornu was Sheik Omar, who reigned from 1835 onward. It was he who came into touch with the travellers Barth, Vogel, Nachtigal, and Rohlfs. In 1894 the state was conquered by Arabs, and the territory was subsequently par- titioned between Britain and Germany. The chief trading centre of Bornu is the capital, Cuca. It owes this importance to its position at the south end of the great road from Tripoli to the Sudan. Adjoining Bornu on the east is Bagirmi. It is not so old as Bornu, and only goes back to the sixteenth century. It was founded by a conquering people, who, under their leader Kenga, came from Sennar on the Upper Nile and invaded the territory which till then had been occupied by Bulala tribes mixed with Fulbe and Arabs. At the end of the fifteenth century the Fulbe were driven from the capital, Massenga, and Islam became the state religion. Bagirmi attained the zenith of its power in the x a2 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND seventeenth century, but disputes arose regarding the succession, and these were followed by a decline of its power and by inroads of its neighbours. In 1870 the Sultan of Wadai occupied its capital, and thereafter Bagirmi became dependent partly on Wadai and partly on Bornu. At present both Wadai and Bagirmi are under French protection. At Nachtigal’s time three-fourths of the population of Bagirmi consisted of a mixed people, the Bagirmi, and the remaining fourth was composed of Arabs, Bornu, Cuca, Bulala, and Fulbe. In its present Mohammedan-Arab form Wadai only goes back to the seventeenth century. At that time the Mohammedan people Maba, under their leader Abd-el-Kerim, defeated the Fundshur, who are said to have come from the Nile, and were heathen and adver- saries of Islam. In the beginning of the nineteenth century the Wadai conducted successful campaigns against the neighbouring states of Darfur, Bornu, and Bagirmi, and their dominion now extended from Bornu to Kordofan, 2.e., over most of the Eastern Sudan. It was at Wara, the capital, that Eduard Vogel, the traveller, was killed by the Wadai. Later, in 1863, Abeshr became the capital. The Maba tribe are still the dominant people. At the beginning of the twentieth century the French began to make their hitherto merely nominal dominion over the Wadai a reality. The first masters of Darfur seem to have been the Fundshur, who, as has been said, were the original rulers of the Wadai. Their power, however, was shared with several families of Fur. At the beginning of the seventeenth century the state became powerful under Soliman Solon, but it was not till the eighteenth century that Islam was introduced. Wars with Wadai favoured the latter, but Darfur remained an independent sultanate till 1874 when the well-known slave-dealer Zebehr Pasha annihilated the Darfur army and the country fell to Egypt. In 1884 Darfur and the Egyptian Sudan were occupied by the Mahdists, and they belong to-day to the British-Egyptian sphere of interest. The levelling influence of Mohammedan culture has, of course, swept away much of the original civilization of these four Sudan states. The civilization is largely that of the Middle Ages, which was introduced after North Africa fell into the hands of the Caliphs. The largest crops raised in the Sudan are beans, millet, and maize. Melons and pignuts, dum and date-palms are also grown in great numbers. The only spice produced is cola-nut. ae: bee DOR SO heel ER EEA Reb Eb There is also a great deal of stock-farming. In Canem, and on the desert frontiers, camels are bred. Farther south short-horned cattle are raised. The long-horned Yuri cattle are bred only in Bornu. All the Mohammedan states have horses, but these are chiefly bred in Bornu. Sheep-farming is an important industry round Lake Chad; the ass is mostly raised in Mohammedan areas. Fishing on a large scale is carried on on Lake Chad. Round Lake Chad, in Wadai and Darfur, the usual house is the quadrangular, flat-roofed, clay house. It is divided into quite a large number of apartments, and is usually surrounded by a strong enclosing wall. The rural people of Wadai and Darfur live in beehive huts, like those of the Fulbe. The round hut with conical roof is also quite common. In Bornu each family owns a whole group of such huts. The main dwelling is conjoined with the women’s huts and store-rooms into one spacious structure, and this, surrounded by walls of mats or clay, contains a court-yard for domestic occupations. In the Chad district this court-yard is always provided with a shade overhead. As in Western Sudan, the towns are fortified by walls, towers, and gates. In the areas that have been Mohammedanized the people clothe the whole body with cotton materials. Only the Fulbe have retained the ancient skin clothing. Male dress is largely that of the desert tribes. A stylish dress is the tobe, with rich embroidery, and in Bornu people who wish to be thought fashionable wear several of them at one time. Fashionable dress includes daintily ornamented leather shoes. The children go naked. Young girls wear a leather apron with fringes. Ornament is either imported from abroad or copied from foreign models. Jewellery is made of precious metals, coral, agate, amber, and porcelain. The orna- ments worn include necklets and anklets, a crescent-shaped, silver hair ornament, corals in the nose, ear-rings and finger-rings. The Wadai wear sets of ivory rings. Like the desert tribes, the men prefer bracelets of stone. Industry is well organized into crafts and trades. Smiths are everywhere. Tanning materials are imported, and splendid leather- work is made. Weaving and dyeing are also carried on. Bows and arrows are not much used as military weapons, except among the Fulbe. The principal weapons are the flint-lock, spear, lance, swords, and throwing-clubs with thickened end. The Fulbe still 323 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND use battleaxe and spiked mace. The usual defensive armour is the shield—round leather shields in Bornu, a wooden frame stuffed with leather in Wadai—ring-mail, padded mail for horse and rider, and padded helmets. The state is organized as a feudal system, and among the Bornu and Wadai there is a highly developed official hierarchy. Slave- trading was carried on extensively in all four states, and this was fed by slave-raids and revolting cruelties against the southern negroes. 5. The Tribes of the North-east. Africa from Suez to beyond the southern tropical line is an area of reciprocal relations between Asia and Africa, with a strong admixture of Mediterranean in- fluences. These foreign elements of culture, and the influence of ancient Egypt, cannot be described here. These elements really belong to the history of European and Asiatic civilization, and not to ethnology. The area with which we are now concerned is the region of the Nile from its remotest sources to its mouth, and includes the coast region east of that river. Leaving out of account all historical invasions and foreign influences, the population is of a very mixed kind, and the political and cultural differences are very varied. The area includes states like the empire of ancient Egypt, gigantic in size and including part of Asia, and others like the empire of the Mahdi, which was founded in the latter half of the nineteenth century and rapidly captured the largest. part of the Egyptian Sudan. It extended its dominion to the southernmost sources of the Nile and as far west as Darfur. There is also the empire of Abyssinia. But the area includes, besides these larger states, other tribes, which, although they were at times incorporated with the larger states, are in culture on a level with the tribes farther south. These are, first, the tribes in the east horn of Africa, like the Somali and Galla, and, second, the so-called Negritoes on the western affluents of the Nile. Third, there are the tribes on the water- shed between the Welle and the White Nile, the Mangbattu and Nyam-Nyam, whose racial affinities are still unknown. In view of the heterogeneous nature of the population of North-east Africa, it is hardly possible to give any comprehensive description of the civilization, and we shall therefore take the various parts separately. The ancient Egyptians, originally an Hamitic people, whose 324 ela tel Ele pow © lies ET Hee BA RT Et history, thanks to the dry desert air, can be traced back in the splendidly preserved monuments as far as the thirty-second century B.C., were an agricultural people whose territory was originally con- fined to the long Nile Valley. Its fertility is due to the periodic inundations of the Nile: the country is almost rainless. Even in remote times the agricultural area was greatly increased by arti- ficial irrigation, canals, water-wheels, and other contrivances ; just as, on the other hand, artificial mounds for habitations were erected in the low lands exposed to the inundations. One of the most famous examples is the irrigation works of Fayum, a system of canals constructed under the kings of the Twelfth Dynasty, con- necting Lake Meeris with the Nile. Traces of the life of ancient Egypt are still to be found among the fellahs of the Nile Valley, and especially among the Copts. To this day there may be seen among them men and women who bring to mind the statues and paintings of ancient Egypt. To this day the fellah tills his durra fields in the inundation area, and to this day the ancient water-wheels can still be seen in use. To be sure, even this nucleus of ancient native life has not remained unaffected by foreign invasion, for again and again the whole empire fell under foreign dominion. As early as 2000 B.c. the Hyksos, a warlike pastoral tribe of Semitic descent, invaded the empire from the north-east, conquered Lower Egypt, and dominated the whole land from the ancient royal city of Memphis. The native kings of Thebes succeeded, after many efforts, in shaking off the foreign yoke and driving the Hyksos to Syria. From their new capital these kings raised the country to new prosperity, until it attained its zenith under the famous Pharaoh, Rameses II, about the year 1300 B.c. At this time the conquests of Egypt’s rulers extended far into Asia, beyond the Euphrates and Tigris, as well as to Nubia, and south as far as Dongola. The Egyptian Sudan was also over- run, and the negro dwellers there, the Cushites, were brought under Egyptian rule. The land of Cush had an Egyptian governor. A centre of ancient Egyptian culture was planted in Nubia, in the priestly state of Meroe, between Atbara and the Nile ; and when in 730 B,c. the Ethiopian king Sabaco conquered Egypt and made the capital Sais his residence these Nubians had already adopted Egyptian culture to such an extent that the half century of Ethio- pian domination hardly affected them. When the native princes once more succeeded in shaking off the foreign yoke, and when a THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND Psammetichus, with the aid of Carian and Ionian mercenaries, had restored the decayed empire, these mercenaries were settled on the Perusian arm of the Nile, and shortly afterward Hellenic and Pheenician elements were also incorporated into the ancient life. After the battle of Perusium in 525 B.c. Egypt became a Persian province, and after Alexander the Great had destroyed the Persian Empire Egypt experienced another brilliant era of science and art under the fostering care of the Ptolemies. In A.D. 30 it became a Roman province, and soon afterward Christianity began to permeate the population. An event fraught with great consequences for Egypt was its conquest by the Arabs in the middle of the seventh century. Islam replaced Christianity, and Arabic became the language of the country. Arab dominion was fora time restricted to Egypt proper. South of the line that divides Upper Egypt from Nubia, the king- dom of Aloa (or Nuba) still remained Christian and withstood all Arab attacks, and until the thirteenth century the Popes sent bishops to Dongola. In the beginning of the sixteenth century, however, this region was also invaded. The negro Fundshur, under their chief Amru, invaded Southern Nubia, and established a great empire with a capital at Sennar. This Negro empire, to which the petty Nubian-Arab princes paid tribute, continued to exist till the end of the eighteenth century. Egypt proper came into the hands of the Turks as far back as 1517, but it was only after the nineteenth century had begun that the Turks succeeded in extending their power over Nubia and the adjacent countries. Nubia was conquered, and Khartum founded. Sennar, the Shilluc country, the whole Egyptian Sudan, and, later, Kordofan were annexed, and by 1876 the whole Upper Nile as far as Lake Albert was made an equatorial province of Egypt. But this Egyptian dominion was not destined to last long. In 1881 Mohammed Ahmed, who had been a high Egyptian official, but who had left the service and become leader of the opposition and chief of the slave-traders, revolted openly, seized Kordofan, com- pletely annihilated at Kashgil, south of El Obeid, the Egyptian army sent against him, and in the following years he took the name of the Mahdi, the new prophet, and irresistibly extended his sway over the rest of the Egyptian Sudan. The territory east of the Nile also was soon overrun by his supporters, the Mahdists, in some places as far as the coast. From 1884 onward only the equatorial province 326 Pie REO Peis Oh CHE EAR LH under Emin Pasha remained in the possession of Egypt, and even Emin found himself obliged to yield to Stanley’s advice and retire southward. The shock which Turkish dominion in Egypt suffered by the loss of the southern territory and by the simultaneous rising of Arabi Pasha had nearly destroyed the independence of the state. The Khedive, or viceroy, fell under British influence, and Britain soon had in her hands the finances and the army. This made her the mistress of the country, and before long she had extended her power over the Mahdi state also. We shall now take a short glance at the present population of this area. There are four principal groups. First, the Fellah, the descendants of the ancient Egyptians, including the Copts. Among these agriculture is the chief industry, and it is still carried on in the ancient way. Second, the Nubians—a mixture of Hamitic, Semitic, and Negro elements. In the south, in Sennar, the Negrito popu- lation forms the majority of the people, the chief tribe being the Fundshur. As has been said, these were the dominant element in the Eastern Sudan in the sixteenth century. They are chiefly stock-farmers, but the Nubians in the Nile Valley have taken to agriculture after the Egyptian fashion. Durra (Sorghum vulgare), beans, maize, wheat, barley, and lupinesare the main crops. Third, the Arabs, who, under the name of Bedouin, inhabit the desert areas on both sides of the Nile, and, being nomadic herdsmen, form a strong contrast to the settled, agricultural fellah of the Nile Valley. Two outstanding tribes are the Hadendoa and the Bisharin. Fourth, the Negroes of the Upper Nile, the so-called Nile Negroes or Nilots, inhabit the whole territory watered by the affluents of the White Nile from the west shore of Lake Albert and the east corner of Lake Victoria up to 12° north latitude. The Shuli group are perhaps the most widely distributed, the principal branch being the Shilluc on the Sobat. Another important tribe is the Dinka, occupying the whole angle between Bahr el Gazal and Bahr el Jebel. Physically they are among the tallest men in the world, and the best stock-farmers in Africa. There are also the Bari on the Upper Nile, the Bongo and Madi west of the White Nile. They are splendid smiths, and are known by the heavy iron jewellery which they wear. The economic life of all these Nilotic peoples is centred in stock- raising, but the Bari and a few other tribes follow agriculture. One 347 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF] MANKEN peculiar feature common to them all is the unusual lack of clothing ; many of the men go absolutely naked. Along with the Nile negroes we take two other peoples, found on the watershed between the White Nile and the Welle. The classical account given of them by Georg Schweinfurth and Wilhelm Junker has made them well known. They are the Nyam-Nyam and the Mangbattu, or Monbuttu. Their fair complexion and their fair hair prove that they are not pure negroes. Despite their compara- tively high material civilization, there is probably more cannibalism among them, especially among the Mangbattu, than anywhere in the world. In Schweinfurth’s time human flesh was their principal food. The king of the Monbuttu is said to have had little children for his dinnerevery day. Before the end of the nineteenth century, however, the ruthless conduct of Nubian slave-dealers and slave- hunters had changed most of the native habits in these areas. The oldest existing state in Africa is Abyssinia. Although the older stratum of the present population of Abyssinia is Hamitic, Semitic elements were introduced at a very early date from South Arabia. Jews also came from Arabia, and, indeed, they were the dominant element from the ninth to the thirteenth century. The sacred, ecclesiastical language of Abyssinia to-day, the ancient dialect, Geez, resembles very closely the Himyarite tongue of South Arabia, and it is also akin to the dialects of Tigre, Amhara, and Shoa. The connexions with South Arabia must have been at times very close, for about a.p. 525 Abyssinia conquered South Arabia by force of arms. In the fourth century Christianity was intro- duced into Abyssinia—it is said, by two Christian captives from the west. The Abyssinian Christian Church came into touch with the Coptic Church in Egypt, and it is from the Coptic Patriarch in Cairo that the Patriarch in Abyssinia, the Abuna, still receives his consecration. Greek influence also reached Abyssinia in the first centuries of the Christian era. At that time and down to the Roman period the kingdom was called Axum after its capital. Later, and down to modern times, it was frequently called Habash or Habesh. Down to the middle of the eighteenth century the whole of Abyssinia was ruled by the Negus Negesti, the King of Kings, who had governors, ras, in each province. In 1831 the kingdom was broken up into the three states, Tigre, Amhara, and Shoa, and, later, Godyam and Kaffa were added. Thereafter the Galla invaded 328 Pet pe te Pie ae O acl Eh bebe A Rel Ef the country from the south and held it in subjection. In 1853 Theodorus succeeded in uniting once more the whole kingdom. He was succeeded by the Negus John, and in his reign there were numerous wars with Egypt, the Galla, the Italians, and the Mahdists. Then followed disputes with Emperor Menelik, the then Prince of Shoa and Kaffa. After John’s death Menelik raised himself after a long struggle to the throne and the rank of the King of Kings. Abyssinian life has many points of resemblance to that of Arabia. The men wear Arab dress. The best houses are of stone. The churches, some of them very large, are hewn out of the rock. The smaller huts are of straw, arranged in circles surrounded by thorn- hedges. By the treaty of 1889 the Italian Government became responsible for all the foreign affairs of Abyssinia, and the latter is now practi- cally an Italian Protectorate. In the east horn of Africa there are at present three tribes: (1) The Danakil or Afar along the Gulf of Aden; (2) the Somali, inhabiting the whole eastern area south to the River Tana; (3) the Galla, or Oromo, the most highly civilized of the three, inhabiting the western parts and the southern uplands of Abyssinia. The Danakil and Somali are descended from Hamitic tribes who lived on the shore of the Red Sea as early as Strabo’s time. There was a considerable state here in the thirteenth century, but it soon was conquered by Abyssinia. All these tribes are stock-farmers, and, apart from that, their life is made up of continual wars and raids against each other. Only the Galla have taken to agriculture, which they carry on along with stock-breeding. The huts of the Somali are semicircular, with flat or conical roof, and are easily transportable. Those of the Galla have conical roofs, and the villages are fortified by thorn-hedges, walls, and palisades. The present-day clothing is usually of cotton, but in earlier days a loin-cloth and a cloak of skin were the usual costume. The principal weapons are lances and daggers, and the round, leather shield is the usual defensive armour. In these regions Islam is only nominally the religion, but in other respects influences from outside have deeply affected the people. The strongest of such influences are those of ancient Semitic culture and of Monophysite Christianity. 6. The Sahara Tribes. The principal tribes in the Sahara are the Tuareg and the Tibbu, or Teda, the former in the east and the 329 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND latter in the west, the dividing line being roughly the meridian of Tripoli. The Tibbu area includes the mountains of Tibesti and Borku; the Tuareg area includes the mountains of Ahaggar and Air. The Tibbu and Tuareg are crosses between Berber and Arabs on the one hand, and Sudanese Negroes on the other. The dominant elements of the population own a great many Negroesas slaves. In language the two are distinct—the Tuareg speak a Hamitic language and the Tibbu a Sudanese. Stock-farming is the principal economic interest. Camels, sheep, and, in Tibesti, goats are reared in large numbers. Where the ground is suitable—in the east of Tibestiand in Ahaggar, for example —there is also agriculture, the chief produce being the date-palm. Among both these peoples some tribes are settled and some are nomadic. The settled population live in quadrangular brick houses with a flat roof, but the black slave element occupy small beehive huts. The nomadic tribes live in square portable tents, those of the Tuareg being covered with skins sewn together, those of the Tibbu with plaited mats. In winter the Tibbu build small mud- houses. In the interior of Tibesti one still meets the ancient skin dress, but elsewhere the Mohammedan costume is almost universally worn. The men wear a wide-sleeved shirt and turban, and in addition the Tuareg wear breeches, burnous (or cloak), and leather sandals. Both peoples are rarely seen without the veil—usually blue. Their weapons are lances and a dagger carried attached to a bracelet, and they carry for defence an oval leather shield. The Tuareg used to carry bows and arrows, but they now use swords. 7. The Littoral Tribes of North Africa. There still exist numerous antiquities from the littoral of North Africa whose history is unknown, but which in all probability go back to ancient Berber or Libyan origin. The most recent go back only to the Roman period. Most of them are megalithic graves, and cover in unnum- bered thousands the whole north littoral of Africa. The so-called trilites, or, as they are locally called, senam, are only found in Tripoli and Barka, while Algiers and Tunis are rich in dolmens and stone circles. North African antiquities also include the Hanuar or cave sepulchres. These are hewn in the rock, and the entrance is in some cases horizontal, in others perpendicular. Other ancient buildings: are castles built of mighty blocks without mortar, examples of which have been found in Tripoli and Barka. 330 THE PEOPLES OF THE EARTH The main body of the population of North Africa consists of the Berber, who speak a Hamitic tongue. Butat avery early period— in the thirteenth century B.c., in fact—the Semitic Phcenicians settled at various places on the coast, at Carthage and Utica, for example, and gradually conquered nearly the whole of North Africa, At the time of the Greeks and Romans the nomad Numidians and the settled Getulians were the chief tribes in Morocco and Algiers. The Roman conquest of North Africa resulted in the establishment of numerous states, but the Berber population still maintained its ground. At a later period Chris- tianity entered North Africa, and there were at one time no fewer than 170 episcopal sees. In the fifth century the Vandals invaded North Africa, and, after their empire had been destroyed by the Emperor Justinian’s general Belisarius in 534, the largest part of the coast of North Africa was annexed to the Byzantine Empire. In the seventh century the Arabs extended their conquests, and the governor Musa won the rest of Byzantine Africa in 700 for the Caliph, and this Semitic invasion, and the consequent introduction of Mohammedanism, could not fail to have far-reaching results on the population. From this time onward there were two chief racial types in North Africa—first, the aboriginal Berber, and, second, the invading Arabs. When the Caliph’s empire was divided modern Morocco became for a time an important state under the name of Maghrib el Acsa. At the period of its greatest power in the sixteenth century it included West Algeria and most of the Sahara as far as Senegambia and into the Western Sudan. The Arabs constitute a foreign element in this part of the world, and do not call for description here. But the names of the inde- pendent Arab tribes indicate the degree to which they are inter- mixed with Berber blood. The purer Arabs are called Ulad, and these are considered of nobler descent than the Beni, who have a greater infusion of Berber blood. At the present time pure Berber are to be found only in the hill country. They are a somewhat fair-skinned race of powerful physique. Their language is called Amasirgh, and it is also spoken by the Tuareg in the Sahara. The now extinct native population of the Canary Islands, who were called Guanches, were a Berber tribe. In contrast to the Arabs, who continue to be nomadic cattle- breeders, the Berber follow agriculture and trade. Their villages are 33% THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND defended both by their situation and by fortifications. The great states in North Africa were not established by Berber, but by foreigners, chiefly Arabs. The social life of the Berber presents many points of interest. Even the ancients were struck by the extent to which the principle of mother-right prevailed among them. For example, when a chief died the sovereignty passed to the eldest son of the dead chief’s daughter. The various political communities are divided into a number of spheres, the heads of which, the kaids, are nomi- nated by the central government. Subordinate to the kaids are the sheikhs. Side by side with this arrangement are larger combinations, the sots, which play an important part in case of hostile attack. They consist of volunteers drawn from one or several communities. 8. The Population of Madagascar. The inhabitants of Mada- gascar are to be included among the peoples of Africa. There are two types—a dark, curly-haired, negroid population in the western half of the island, and a fair-skinned, immigrant Malayan people in the eastern half. To the former belong the Sakalava. The latter are usually spoken of as Hova. Up to the beginning of the fourteenth century the Sakalava had two considerable states in Madagascar, Menabe in the south and Imboina in the north. Some of the Hova were tributary to these. Later, however, these Sakalava states were conquered by Hova chiefs, the most famous of whom was Radama I, and the Hova became masters of the whole island. The government was on a feudal basis, and the rulers’ power was held in check by that of the higher nobility. The influence of the nobility was specially great under the female regents, and in the nineteenth century these out- numbered the male rulers. Since 1896 Madagascar has been a French colony. There are numerous Malayan-Indonesian features in the culture of the Hova. Their clothing, for example, is a loin-cloth and a wrap or shawl, which has been copied from the Sakalava. Their main crops are rice, sugar-cane, and taro. Other Malayan features are the use of the blowing- -tube, and some SEO customs, such as the taboo. The Sakalava are mainly stock-farmers, although many of them also raise crops. The Hova houses are very strong and are built of clay. The roof 332 Totiive tO Ph SiO hei H Bob ART by is steep, and rests, not on the house-wall, but on posts which stand clear of the wall, and thus a sort of veranda is produced. A characteristic feature of the Hova house is the provision at each end of two roof-spars, which cross each other and project above the roof. The chiefs’ palaces in the capital, Antananarivo, are built in exactly the same style, but are, of course, far larger than the ordinary houses. The Hova to-day are Christian, and the official form of religion is Presbyterianism. In former times the coast population was Mohammedan. Indeed, Arab influence was formerly far greater than it is to-day, and the Arab settlements in the island were far more numerous. THE PEOPLES OF EURASIA THE PEOPLES IN THE ASIATIC-EUROPEAN ZONE In the population of the great continent which includes Europe and Asia, and which we may call Eurasia, there are two races which excel all others both in numbers and in culture. These are the Mediterranean, or Indo-Atlantic, race in the west, and the Mongolian race in the east. Leaving out of account the spread of the civilized European peoples across the seas, and omitting any mention of the recent gradual spread of the civilized peoples of Eastern Asia also, the location in Eurasia of the two principal races is broadly as follows: With the sole exception of the Turkish power in North Africa, the Monogolian race is confined to the Eurasian continent. But it occupies almost the whole of Asia—the exceptions are Near Asia, Near India and the Archipelago—and has outposts besides in North Europe, Asia Minor, and Turkey. It was undoubtedly in former times the most numerous race in the world, but to- day, with its five hundred millions, it makes a bad second to the Mediterranean race, which is estimated at eight hundred and eighty- five millions. The Mongolian race comprises the following three principal groups: (1) The civilized peoples of East Asia—the Chinese, Japanese, and Coreans, as well as the Tibetans and the Chinese hill tribes of Farther India. 380 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND (2) The Indo-Chinese in Farther India—Burmans, Siamese, and Annamese. (3) The Ural-Altaics, divided linguistically into Uralians, Altaics, Mongols proper, and the Turco-Tartars. By Uralians we mean that branch of the Mongol group which extends far into North-east Europe. The Samoyedes and the Wogul are found both in North Asia and North-east Europe. The Lapps, Finns, Esthonians, and, farther south, the Magyars, are con- fined to Europe only. In North Asia only there are the East Yaks. To the Altaics belong, among others, the Tunguse, including the Manchus, the former rulers of China. | The Mongols proper occupy Central Asia. They are subdivided into East Mongols in Mongolia, the Buryats on Lake Baikal, and West Mongols, or Calmucks, and Karacalmucks—the two last extending from the Middle Huangho to the Volga. The Turco-Tartars fill up Western and Near Asia—from the Lena to the Adriatic. They include the Yacuts in North Asia, the Karakhirgese and Turkomans in Middle Asia, the Bashkirs in the Volga area, the Crimean Tartars farther south, and, finally, the Osmans or Turks. The Turco-Tartars also included the Huns, Avars, and Chasars, who attacked the peoples of Europe in the early part of the Middle Ages. The Mediterranean or Indo-Atlantic race are not confined to Eurasia. Only one of its three main branches was so confined—the Aryans or Indo-Germans. Even of them it only holds good for the period before the discoveries. Since then the Indo-Germans have spread over large portions of all the continents—over most of America, South America, Australia, New Zealand, and other islands of the South Seas. They also invaded North Africa in ancient times and in the Middle Ages, in the times of the Greeks and Romans and Vandals. The Semitic branch spread to Africa at an early period. The Phoenicians founded colonies on the north coast, and in the Cartha- ginian period they had occupied most of that coast. At a later time the Arabs, as we have already seen, appeared there also. The third branch of the Indo-Atlantic race, the Hamites, are practically confined to Africa. The only exceptions are the Basques in the Pyrenees. The ancient Iberians were probably the remnants of a branch of the Hamites who had at one time spread over Spain. 334 ——" 7 Ske as ON : ee _————*— = ———— Yo sar pe er = Se BAT RAL Tu ya Esso” ve = v FQ ie, ite = = Ny <= He fe YASH 20 qs © aargnw, ; iy fh Ht ae hs i if re = ae ie = il Ce In Nee fay II mei i IST A mal al a— Ld es PEOPLES OF EURASIA ST ---Boundary line i between groups Hl Distribution of the Medi- 7 lerranean or IndoAtlantic race =Destribution of the SMongolian fee Veddas Necogars ° soamn PEAKS 1000 Fglah: Miles 334 Pree HORDES Ob bk HARSH The Indo-Germans are found throughout all Europe, except in the areas occupied by the Ural-Altaic peoples already mentioned, and they also cover large areas of Near Asia. They have even sent a branch into thickly peopled India. Besides the Mongolian and the Indo-Atlantic races, which have intimate connexions both with the civilization of Mediterranean Europe and with that of Eastern Asia, there are several other elements in the population of Eurasia—the Malayan race in the south-east and the Dravidians in Near India. Both are lower in civilization than those already mentioned and are remnants of more ancient populations. As we have repeatedly said, ethnology is concerned only with peoples outside of the zones of Asiatic and European civilization, and we confine ourselves here to the peoples last mentioned. But before going farther, we shall take a short glance at the great religions, all of Asiatic origin, which unite the civilizations of large tracts of Eurasia, and which have a powerful influence in many other parts of the world. There are two great religious communities which originated in Asia and can be traced back to definite founders. One is the Indian-East Asiatic, and is clearly distinguished from the Western, which is Semitic in origin. It was in Near India that the most powerful influence on the religious life of the whole south and east of Asia was born. Here originated two great religious communities, Brahminism and Buddhism. Unlike Buddhism, Brahminism cannot be traced back to a founder. It is the result of a gradual evolution from the natural religion found in the ancient Vedas. Brahma is not a creative deity. Hedid not create the world. He is himself the soul of the world, the motive power in nature ; all existence returns to Brahma. This explains the close connexion between Brahminism and the doctrine of the transmigration of souls, which aims at ever higher perfection. But it is not only to this world-soul that Brahminism pays homage. There are numerous other deities, e.g., the upholding, life-giving Vishnu, and the destroying deity, Siva. For a time Buddhism ousted Brahminism, but in the seventh century a.p. the Buddhists were expelled from Near India, and Brahminism awakened to new life in a new form, Hinduism. In its new form it was even more polymorphous than before; its deities were more 335 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND numerous and embraced not only pious and famous men, but local and family deities. Brahminism had one important effect on social life. Its teaching encouraged the spirit of caste in India, and pushed it to an extreme. Only the members of the highest caste, the Brahmins, are in close touch with the gods, and only they can be mediators between the gods and the other castes. This view led to the formation of a regular priestly state, and the common people are kept by innu- merable formalities in a state of political dependence and intellectual subjection to the Brahmins. At the present day the number of those professing Brahminism or Hinduism is estimated at 200 millions. There are numerous differences, both internal and external, between Brahminism and Buddhism, which was also born in Near India. Buddhism was founded about 500 B.c. by the reformer Siddhartha Gautama, of the noble family of Sakya. Gautama was born at Nepal, at the foot of the Himalayas. Atthe age of twenty- nine, tired of the vain world and of the evil of human life, he left his wife and family, and after seven years of hermit life, spent in severe self-chastenings, he recetved, while under the bodh1, or sacred fig- tree, in a sudden illumination the knowledge that saves. In contrast to Brahminism, which power and wealth had rendered rigid, Buddhism, in its first pure form, laid the chief emphasis on inward- ness. As it was not only a gospel for a privileged caste, but a message of deliverance for the whole people, which could be summed up in easily intelligible formule, it could not fail to impress Siddhartha himself, who after his illumination became the Buddha, and spent the rest of his long life preaching, teaching, and founding orders of monks and nuns. His teaching can be summed up in the so-called Four Truths : (1) All life is suffering. (2) This suffering is due to the desire for pleasure. (3) Suffering can cease only when all desire has been destroyed. (4) A path with eight stages leads to the cessation of suffering. Buddhism is a religion of renunciation—hence the prominence in it of monasticism, including mendicant monasticism. Deliver- ance from reincarnation, the complete and definitive cessation of life, and therefore of suffering, by entrance into Nirvana (z.e., nothingness) is the last and highest goal of all striving. 336 itiey PROP MESO DE re ARE TT Before he died Siddhartha Buddha charged his disciples to collect his teaching and preach it in the whole world. This injunction was the beginning of a mighty propaganda of the Buddhist faith. As in the case of the early Christians, much persecution fell to the lot of the followers of Buddha, but, despite all hindrances, it spread with great rapidity. Its best period in Near India was the third century B.c. Under the protection of King Arokas of Patalipura, the Buddhists held their Great Council, which assured its progress and long continuance. It spread rapidly, northward to Afghanistan and Turkestan and southward to Ceylon. In the first century of our era it reached China and became one of the recognized religions there. In the sixth century it spread through Korea and reached Japan. A century later it had taken root in Tibet. In India itself, it is true, Buddhism became extinct in the eleventh century. Sanguinary religious wars raged for centuries, and Islam, which had entered India in the eighth century, did much to fan the flames. The Buddhists were subdued. For the Brahmins, Buddhism, which attacked their traditional principles and threatened their social privileges, meant the destruction of their importance, and so they could not but offer to it the sternest resistance. But Buddhism, though it perished in India, began a new career in Ceylon. From that island missionaries went forth, and the Buddhism of Farther India bears numerous marks of its Ceylon origin. The sanctuaries and relics of the island vie in importance with those of Lhassa. Buddha’s footprint on Adam’s Peak, his tooth, preserved in a box enclosed in numerous other boxes, and other relics of the kind attract thousands of pious pilgrims every year. As the centuries passed Buddhism and Buddhist art spread eastward. About A.D. 450 it reached Burma, in 638, Siam, and subsequently it was brought to Java. Magnificent ruins in Farther India, in Siam, and in Cambodia bear silent witness to its former wide distribution in these lands. In Java and West Sumatra it gave rise to powerful kingdoms, and its influence spread eastward as far as Bali. To this day there are Buddhist communities both in Bali and in East Java. On the other hand, since the fifteenth century Islam has driven Buddhism from Indonesia. This wide extension in lands where still more ancient religions existed has caused Buddhism to assume various forms among dif- ferent peoples. Its great toleration toward other religions, and its Y 337 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND freedom from any exclusive formalism, assisted in producing these adaptations. We can justly speak of a Cingalese Buddhism, a Buddhism of Farther India, of Tibet, of China, and of Japan, but there are two main tendencies that are common to all its varieties. One is Ninayana (small vessel), which is the predominant form in the south, in Ceylon, Burma, and Siam. It represents the older, simpler form, and has even less of the eternity of reincarnation. The other is Mahayana (large vessel), which prevails in Tibet, Mongolia, Manchuria, China, and Korea. Its characteristic feature is the possibility of gradually rising by way of manifold reincar- nation to the Bodhisattva, a divine being that differs little from Buddha himself, and which takes human form only in order to help other men. Such an incarnation is the Dalai-Lama, the head of the Buddhist Church in Tibet, who lives in Lhassa and is also the political ruler there. Like Islam, Buddhism has raised pilgrimage to the status of a great religio-political institution, which has made places so far distant from each other as Ceylon, Lhassa, and Urga important centres for great tracts of Asia. Thousands of Buddhists make the yearly pilgrimage to Lhassa to receive the blessing of the Dalai- Lama in the monastery of Potala. Over against the polytheistic religions of South and East Asia we have in the west the monotheistic religions, Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, which all grew up on Semitic soil—in the narrow strip between Jerusalem and Mecca. We cannot enter here at any length into the history of these religions. It was among the Israelites that a distinctive mono- theism first appeared, or at least became known. In contrast to the other religions with which we are here concerned, the Jewish religion was at all times a national religion. With very few excep- tions, the Jews have never transmitted their religion to other peoples, and that religion, despite its wide distribution and despite all the persecutions it has endured, has remained practically unchanged in the form it assumed in the Jewish theocratic state that arose after the Babylonian Exile, Since the time when the Jews were allowed free movement among European peoples (2.e., since the beginning of the nineteenth century) their numbers have greatly increased, and there are to-day nearly twelve million Jews in the world. For a long while their chief communities have been found in the Slav countries in the east of Middle Europe. 338 td Pee OPI Ss Oho DEB A RED ET Christianity developed from Judaism at the beginning of our era, but it made no great headway in the country of its birth. It established itself first in some centres of Greek culture in the East, and after prolonged persecutions it took root in the Roman Empire. At the beginning of the fourth century, under Constantine the Great, it was recognized by the State. Under the egis of the secular power it brought about the conversion of the Mediterranean lands, and in the next thousand years the whole of Europe was won for Chris- tianity. The Middle Ages were dominated by the idea of the Divine State, or City of God, the idea that God had created Church and State, and the ideal aimed at was to build up the German Empire, which was conceived to be the continuation of the Roman Empire, into a Christian world-state. The Christian propaganda of the Middle Ages aimed at the Christianizing of nations rather than at the conversion of their populations. The chief hindrance to the spread of Christianity both in the East and in North Africa was Mohammedanism, which began to spread from Arabia in the seventh century, but a few ancient remnants of Christianity have survived in Mohammedan territory down to the present day. These include the Copts in Egypt and the Abyssinians, the Nestorians in Syria, and the Thomeans in India. At an early stage divisions arose within the Christian Church. The dispute between the Arians and Athanasians was settled at the first Gécumenical Church Council of Nicwa in 325. The ‘Nicene Creed’ rejected the doctrine of Arius, and made the teaching of Athanasius, which declared Christ to be co-equal with God, the authoritative teaching of the Church. In the eleventh century occurred the cleavage between the Eastern and the Western Churches, and both sections still claim to be the Church Catholic. The former, which is usually called the Orthodox Eastern Church, is mainly confined to Near Asia and Eastern Europe, and has its chief centre in the Russias, including Russia in Asia. In 1910 the number of Eastern Christians was estimated at 154 millions. The Western, or Roman Catholic, Church has its head in Rome, in the Papacy which has gradually grown in power and authority. The American conquests of the Spaniards and Portuguese in the sixteenth century enabled it to extend its sway over large tracts of America. The conquered peoples either accepted Christianity or were extirpated. The founding of the Society of Jesus in 1534 was the signal for 339 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND vigorous missionary effort in foreign lands, and in 1622 the Congre- gatio de propaganda fide was set up in Rome to co-ordinate and strengthen the work of the missionaries, The dissolution of the order by Pope Clement XIV in 1773 greatly retarded Catholic missionary work among native races, but it was resumed with great vigour in the middle of the nineteenth century, and the re-estab- lished Jesuits and other orders, especially French orders, have laboured incessantly in foreign fields. The Roman Catholic Church, with its 295 millions, is without doubt the largest Christian Church to-day. In the sixteenth century, as we have seen, the Roman Catholic Church made great gains in America, but about the same time it suffered great losses in North and Middle Europe. The Protestant communities which arose at the Reformation in the sixteenth cen- tury spread chiefly among the Germanic nations, and these have carried their faith to North America, South Africa, and Australia. | In the nineteenth century missionary efforts have made great gains in foreign fields, although up to the present no other compact, purely Protestant areas can be named. In 1910 the number of Protestants all over the world was estimated at 204 millions. About 600 years after the foundation of Christianity another religious movement arose, first in Mecca and afterward in Medina, presenting, like Christianity, a new faith to the world. Moham- | medanism, or Islam, as its adherents themselves call it, was built on the Jewish and Christian views with which Mohammed, before his prophetic period, had become acquainted in his travels. Like Christianity, Islam looks to an individual as itsfounder. Like the Founder of Christianity, Mohammed was subjected to great persecu- tion, especially at the hands of the powerful Koreishites, the rulers and elders in Mecca, and he had to flee from his native city, Mecca, to Medina. This flight took place on July 16, 622, and from this date the Mohammedan calendar (Hegira) is reckoned. Whereas the idea of a Christian world-empire only arose centuries after the beginning of Christianity, Mohammed began at once to spread his teaching by force and laid the foundation of a Mohammedan world- empire, a Caliphate, which reached its zenith a century later. In 630 Mohammed had conquered Mecca from his base at Medina, and before his death in 632 he had the whole of Arabia at his feet. His successors were called Caliphs, and of these Caliph Omar did most to extend the bounds of his dominion by force of arms. Syria and 340 Wee BOPMESWORIIME EARTH Jerusalem were conquered ; the neo-Persian Empire of the Sassa- nids was destroyed; Egypt was conquered by Omar’s general Amru, and the Arab rule was established throughout the whole East. In 661 the Caliphate passed to the Sunnitic Ommayads. They removed their seat from Medina to Damascus, and their governor, Musa, conquered Byzantine Africa as far as the Atlantic coast. His subordinate, Tarik, crossed from Africa to Spain and destroyed the empire of the West Goths at the battle of Xeres de la Fronteira. Further victories followed, and it was not till 732 that their victorious career was checked in the famous battle between Tours and Poitiers. Under the last Ommayads the Caliphate embraced in a compact empire the south-west of Asia from the Arabian Gulf and from the Indus to the Mediterranean and to the Caucasus, the whole north coast of Africa, the greater part of the Spanish peninsula, Narbona in the south of France, with Sardinia, Corsica, and the Balearic Islands. In 750 the Caliphate passed to the Abassids, and the seat of government was changed to Bagdad. Under Haroun al-Raschid Mohammedan culture in art, science, and industry produced its best results. And, although the political power of the Caliphate fell soon after his death, and Egypt and the west of North Africa became separate Caliphates, Islam endured and even extended beyond the bounds of the ancient Caliphate. It has continued to spread in Central Asia, India, China, in the Sunda Islands, and in Africa, and the number of Mohammedans to-day may be put at 230 millions, Like Christianity, Islam also has developed internal differences. The ‘Sunnites’ recognize not only the Koran, but also the recorded traditional sayings of the prophet, the Sunna; the Shiites reject the Sunna and look upon Ali, Mohammed’s son-in-law, as the only legitimate successor of the prophet. Even in the time of the undivided Caliphate this cleavage between these two sects led to continual disputes which had repercussions in the political realm, and there are still to-day 10-12 million Shiite Iran, who form a community apart from other Mohammedans. Other separate bodies are the Senussi orders and the Mahdists. Botharose in Africa, and have had important political ramifications. We have already spoken of the rapid rise of the Mahdi dominion on the Upper Nile. In spite of these internal divisions of Islam, and in spite of the huge area it affects, there is one bond that unites all Moslems. This is the possession of places of pilgrimage, especially Mecca. Mecca 341 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND is a rallying ground for Moslems to an extent beyond anything that Jerusalem or Rome ever attained. The ancient ordinance still holds good that every Moslem must have made the pilgrimage to Mecca once in his life, and Mecca is annually visited by many thousands of pilgrims. Some of them come from the ends of the earth, and do not see their homes for years. The Moslem who has fulfilled the conditions required by a perfect pilgrimage—the most important being his presence on Mount Arafat at a certain season— ceases to be a simple Moslem. He becomes a hadji and, as such, enjoys special honour among his compatriots. EURASIAN PEOPLES OUTSIDE THE ASIATIC-EUROPEAN ZONE. I. The Malayan Tribes. It is obvious that, as the result of repeated migrations and the wide extension of states and the spread of religion, the Mongolian and Indo-Atlantic civilizations cannot have failed to influence powerfully the other Eurasian peoples, so that it is in many cases impossible to draw a sharp line of division and say where that influence has stopped. So many waves of culture have passed over the Malayan group of peoples that it is difficult now to draw such a line. Even more profound than the Arab influence that accompanied the spread of Islam since the beginning of the Middle Ages, or the influence that emanated _ from Europe since the latter part of the Middle Ages, or the influence of China, have been the results of the religions of India. The most important influence that affected ancient Malayan culture was that of Hinduism, The Malayan writing, their calendar, their theatre, many of their religious conceptions, their dances, and other expressions of their art can be traced back to India. But there still remains sufficient genuine Malayan civilization to justify a separate description of it. The Malayan race is mostly confined to the islands lying off the south-west coast of Asia. A few are found on the peninsula of Malacca, and some in Farther India. The Malayans have spread northward from the large islands in the south-east of Asia to the Philippines and to Formosa, and westward to Madagascar. We have already referred to their connexions with the Polynesians and Micronesians in the Far East. With their straight, black hair and their yellow-brown or olive-brown complexion they have some resemblance to the Mongols. 342 Pia Tie, NEWLY WED DyYAK COUPLE Borneo Photo Haeckel PLATE: 80 CHIEF’S HOUSE IN THE PHILIPPINES Photo Otto Haeckel MEN’s CLUBHOUSE AT PADANG Sumatra Photo Haeckel THE PEOPLES OF THE EARTH Agriculture is the central feature of their economic life. The chief crop is rice. It is raised either on dry ground or on ground that is under water. Maize and sweet potatoes have been intro- duced from America, and large quantities of both are grown. The chief fruit-trees are the various species of palm—the durian and the sago-palm. One remarkable feature of their tillage is the use of a plough by the highland Batta of Sumatra. It is a narrow, iron ploughshare fixed in a wooden handle. The principal domesticated animals are poultry and the buffalo, but almost all the other animals found in Asia and Europe are represented. In keeping with the abundant fauna in the Malayan area, there is a great deal of hunting, and every considerable island has its special hunting tribes. Hunting parties use nets about thirty feet long, and there is much trapping. Fishing is carried on on a large scale, and all sorts of methods and apparatus are used—nets, lines, crawls, spears, and poisons. In some districts a large trade is done in fish—dried, smoked, and pickled. Betel-chewing is universal, and tobacco is both smoked and used as snuff. The Dyaks keep in the mouth pellets of tobacco ash. In Sumatra little intoxicating liquor is used, but in other districts much palm-wine is drunk, and alcoholic liquors are made from rice and sugar-cane. Most of the houses are pile-dwellings. Indian influence explains the numerous houses in Java that are built on the ground. Most of the pile-dwellings are rectangular, but in the Nicobars and in Engano many of them are circular. They vary in size, according as they are meant for one or more families, for unmarried men’s quarters or for entire villages. The village pile-dwellings in Borneo are sometimes a hundred yards in length. Malayan clothing to-day shows many traces of Asiatic influence. Breeches are worn by many of the people. The usual dress is a kind of skirt or petticoat and a shawl. A kerchief, or even a cap, is the usual headdress. Disfigurement of the teeth is widely practised, but there is not so much tattooing. There is a great deal of metalworking, and ironware has been manufactured for a considerable time. Here and there gold and silver smithwork has reached a high degree of perfection, and brass- -foundingis quitecommon. Thereis weaving and dyeing. In Java there is a special type of dyeing, called batik. The material to be dyed is patterned with melted wax, so that the dye only affects the 343 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND unwaxed parts. Pottery is found everywhere, but it is not of a high order. Bamboo is worked up into all kinds of wares. The social organization is based on blood-relationship, and membership in the suku, the chief social union among the Malays, is determined by descent on the maternal side. The members of the various tribes may live anywhere, so that the authority of the tribal chief over his subjects is not confined to any locality, and extends over individuals resident in different villages. But there are also chieftains over the villages. Indian and Mohammedan influences have led to the formation of even larger communities, and there are numerous sultanates, embracing certain seaports or even river areas. The largest are the sultanates of Solo and Djogdja in Java and Atjeh in North Sumatra. Polygamy is common, but each wife usually has her own separate household. War and piracy are far from rare. Adjacent communities are frequently at feud with each other, and ‘head-hunting,’ or koppen- snellen, isa common pastime among many tribes. Bows and arrows are little used. The national weapon is the creese, a short sword, splendidly chased. The lance is nearly as universal, and in Sumatra, Borneo, and Malacca they use the blowing-tube. In Borneo the blowing-tube is pointed with iron, and can be used as a thrusting weapon. Shields of all kinds are the universal defensive weapon. Although many tribes in the interior of Malacca, Borneo, Luzon, and other islands have no boats of any kind, and other fishing tribes are content with bamboo floats and dug-outs, the majority of the Malayans are splendid sailors. In earlier times they pursued their piracy and undertook distant trading voyages in the flat-keeled sailing boats. 2. The Dravidians. In Near India there is a group of peoples who are, somatically, linguistically, and culturally, quite different both from representatives of the Asiatic-European civilizations and from the primitive Indo-Australians in the interior of the peninsula. They are usually called by the collective name of Dravidians. There are from forty to sixty millions of them. They are of medium size, very black, with very dark, wavy or curly hair. The chief branch are the Tamil. They inhabit the southern half of Near India (the Deccan) and number about fifteen millions. Opinions differ greatly with regard to the relations of the Dravidians to the chief races of mankind. There is no doubt, 34.4 eet OP or Ohm DEB ARH however, that they possessed considerable civilization even before their culture began to be assimilated to that of the other peoples of India. Their system of writing, for example, goes back to 1000 B.c., and the Brahmin deities Vishnu and Siva were originally Dravidian deities and were adopted at a later time by Brahminism. 3. The Negritoes and Indo-Australians. All over the south and south-east of Asia, in the more remote corners, are the remnants of a population comprising two distinct racial elements. One element consists of short, dwarfish people, with very dark skin and black, frizzy hair—the Negrito ; the other is the Indo-Australians. They are also short in stature, although not so short as the Negrito, their complexion is a medium brown, and their hair is wavy, coarse, and black. The small remnant of the Negrito is mostly confined to the Andaman Islands, parts of the Malay Peninsula, and the interior of the large Philippines. The Indo-Australians, on the other hand, are scattered over the whole of South-east Asia and the Malay Archi- pelago. Of the latter the best-known are the Vedda in Ceylon, the Munda and Kol in the north-east of Hindustan, the Senoi in Farther India, and the Kubu in the virgin forests of South Sumatra. All these tribes are at an extremely low stage of civilization. They have no agriculture and no cattle, and the only domesticated animal is the dog. They live solely on hunting and gathering, and roam about within their own territory without fixed places of abode. They are described as harmless and peaceful. They spend the night under a roofed shelter made of leaves. Some of the Vedda live in caves. The digging stick is their principal implement. Their clothing is a loin apron drawn through between the legs and a hcad- dress, both made from bark. Many of them dye their skin, and practise scar-tattooing. They wear very little ornament. It has caused surprise in some quarters that monogamy should be the usual practice among tribes so low in the scale, and that ‘dumb barter’ should be the typical form of economic intercourse between the Kubu and the Malayan traders. 4. The Palz-Asiatics. In North-east Asia there is a separate group, which, although more or less fused with Mongolian elements, does not belong to the Mongolians. They are the remnants of an ancient stratum of Asiatic population, To this group belong the Ainu. They are of North Asiatic origin, and now inhabit the south of Sakhalian, most of the Curiles, and parts of North Yesso. Formerly they extended farther south. The Ainu are differentiated 345 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND from the Mongolian race by their hairiness and their fair skin, and in their facial characteristics they have a much greater resemblance to the Indo-Atlantic race. The Chukchi, on the peninsula of that name, and the Yukaghir, farther west, are the purest types of the ancient Asiatic tribes. Farther south, the Koryaks, the remnants of the Itelme or Kam- chadale in Kamchatka, and the Aleutians approximate more to the Mongolian type. The Yeniseians, in the neighbourhood of Turukhanst, are also ancient Asiatics. The climate excludes all agriculture from the economic life of these tribes. The most important animal isthe reindeer. Hunting and fishing are essential activities, and on the coast and on the rivers there are numerous settlements, whose main purpose is to pursue fishing and the hunting of sea mammals. Traps, slings, and nets are used. Bows and arrows are employed to shoot birds, and the Chukchi employ a missile weapon resembling the South American bolas. The Chukchi live in semi-spherical tents covered with whale-skin. The Kamchadales and Koryaks spend the winter in earth-pits covered with wood. They are entered from the roof by means of ladders. The clothing, which is much the same for men and women, is made of fur, leather, or fish-skin. A sort of shirt is worn over short © breeches, and a hood is worn on the head. The girdle is of leather, and top-boots are worn. The chief industry is the preparation of hides and leather. Most of the work is done by women, and they also make the greater part of the wearing apparel. The people move about on sledges, drawn by dogs or reindeer, and on snow-shoes. The shoes are either like those used in North America, a wooden rim, interlaced (like a tennis racquet) with strips of leather, or the well-known skis. On the water the Chukchi and the Aleutians use boats of skin, kayaks, and umtaks, such as the Eskimo use. One of the ancient Asiatic tribes is the Eskimo tribe of Yuit. They came from Alaska to the Asiatic coast of the Bering Sea. They differ little from their tribal kin in America. 346 SUBJECT INDEX ABD-EL-KERIM, 322 Acllacuna, 263 Adhesive substances, used by natives, 136 Age classes, 189, 220, 320 Age, distinctions based on, 174 Age grades, 165 Ahuizotl, King, 87 Air burial, 78 Algarroba, 239, 241 Alpaca, 120, 121, 260 Altruism, as human _ characteristic, 54 Analysis, ethnological, 48 Ancestor-worship (manism), 200, 275 Animal world, and man, 56, 98-100; raw material from, 114 ff. Animal-worship, 200 Animalism, 200 Animals, domestic, 95; used for fight- ing, 161 ; used for fishing, 116; used for hunting, 119 Animism, 200 Ankermann, on Ratzel’s doctrine, 38 Anthropo-geography, 23 Anthropology, 15 Anthropophagy, 63-64 Anthropos, L’, 34 Arabi Pasha, 327 Archeology and ethnology, 23 Arians, 339 Armour, 70, 216 Arrows, 118-119, 160 Art and religion, 193; 195 Artistic production, 194 Atahualpa, Inca, 258 Athanasians, 339 Atterrados, 109 Axayacatl, Inca, 225 Axe, 160 Ayllu, 262-263 Ayllucamayoc, 262 and science, BACHOFEN, 168 Bachue, 257 Badges of rank, 154 Bat, 277, 278 Ball-play, 71, 81, 83, Plate 13 Balsa, 141 Banana, 208, 241 Bargaining, beginning of, 188 Bark ises. Of 127,06 F40n 0637, 282 Barter, 180 Basketry, 130 ff.; patterns, 128-129 Bastian, Adolf, 19, 20, 37-38 Batata, 113, 297 Bathing-places, 67, Plate 2 Batik, 343, Plate 26 Beasts of burden, 139 Bedstead, 71, 73 Bellows, 126 Betel, 62, 66 Bilingualism, 153 Blood-letting, 75-78 Blood-vengeance, 147, 170 Blowing-tube, 119, Plate 19 Boats, 140, 274, 286; of bark, 141; of calabash, 141; of planks, 141 ; of skins, 141 Body, care for, 67; deformations of, 68-69; painting of, 267, 271; train- ing of, 71; teatment of, 66—80 Boiling of food, 137, 217, 244, 281 Bola, 119, 160 Bone-house, 80 Boomerang, 160, 219 Botany and ethnology, 24 Bow and arrow, 118-119, 160 Brahminism, 335-336 Bridges, 152 Buddhism, 336-338 Bull-roarer, 85, 220, 276, 293 Burial, methods of, 76-80, 236, 244, 245, 253-256, 295, 311, 321 Burning-glass, 124 138, 347 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND CAESAREAN SECTION, 76 Calendar, primitive, 157, 228, 232 Callings, rise of different, 173 Canals, 152 Cane-chair basketry, 133 Cannibalism, 63-64 Castigations, self-inflicted, 229 Cave-structures, Plate 34, Plate 77 Ceremonial dress, 84 Ceremonial utensils, 85 Chair, evolution of, 71, 74 Charquis, runners, 156 Chemical change, 137-8 Chemistry and ethnology, 24 Chequerwork, 131 Chieftain, power of, 163, 173 Child-stealing, 147, 172 Christianity, 338 ff. Cigars, 66, 251, Plate 1 Circumcision, 69, 275, 309, 318 Civil law, 161 ff. Civilization, growth of, 52; history of, 76; zones of, 37-38 Classes, dress of, 68; duties of, 172; language of, 154; privileges of, 172 Classificatory kinship, 165 ff. Clay, as raw material, 62, 92; working in, 124 Cleanliness, 67 Cliff-dwellings, 161, 218-219 Climate, effects of, 95 Clothing, 70-71 Club for striking, mace, 160 Club for throwing, 159 Coil-work basketry, 133 Combs, 67 Commerce, 181, 216, 257, 309 Commodities, classification of, 105; conveyance of, 178-184; definition of, 104, 175; distribution of, 174; exchange of, 179-180, 183; pleasur- able, 59; preservation of, 142-143; production of, 174 ff.; protection of, 143; sale of, 174, 188; storage of, 142; transport of, 138 ff. Communal economy, 161 Communal principle, 187 Communal production, 175 ff. Communication, means of, 151 ff. Competition, principle of, 162, 177 Consanguinity, 165-166; and language, 153 Consumption, personal, 61 348 Control, distribution of, 162-163 Convergence, theory of, 37 Cording, 130 Cormorants, fishing with, 100, 116 Corroboree dancing, 269 Couvade, 252, 275 Cremation, 78 Crossbow, 118 Cupping, 76 Custom and law, 193 Custom, power of, 191, 231-232 Dacna, smoking of, 66, 311 Dagger, 160 Dalai-Lama, 338 Dancing, 81, 194; outfits, 85 Darwinism, 35, 89 Dead body, treatment of, 76 ff. Dead pledging, 183 Débris, importance of, 92 Deformation, various modes of, 68 ff. Degeneration, theory of, 37 Demonism, 200 Dialects, rise of, 153-154 Digging stick, 108, 291 Distribution of labour modities, 173 ff., 184 ff. Dog, 119-120, 140, 21I, 260, 280 Double-thread basketry, 132 Drawings by natives, value of, 44 Drawings on sand, 155 Dress, 68 ff. Drinking customs, 65; utensils, 64 Drum language, 154, 252 Duels, 244 Dug-out, 141, 212, 216, 241, 254, 274, 286, Plate 28 Dumb trading, 180 and com- methods, 64; EAR ornaments, 68, Plate 3 Ear, perforation of, 68 Earth’s surface, and man, 23, 96-98 Eating customs, 64-65 Economic intercourse, means of, 151; nature of, 148 ff.; organization of, 148 ff.; rules of, 148 ff.; trading, 170; varieties of, 149 ff. Economic principle, 187 Economy, material, 102 ff. Economy, social, 174 ff.; inherent dual- ism of, 187 Embalming, mummification, 79 SUBJECT INDEX Endogamy, 167 Equality of men not original, 172 Ethnography, 15, 49 Ethnological bibliography, 31 ff. ; material, 39-46; observation, 43; parallels, 37; system, 49-50 Ethnology, general and special, 16, 49 Ethnology, and other sciences, 20-30; history of, 18 ff.; definition of, 18; method of, 34 ff. Evolution series, 36 Evolution, theory of, 35, 89 Exogamy, 167 FAMILY, 149, 177, 261, 285 Fan-leaf weaving, 131-132 Father-right, 168 Feathers as ornament, 69, 215, Plate 5 Fermentation, 138, 142 Festivities, 215, 241, 265, 276 Fetish figures, 86, Plate 75 Fetishism, 200, 297 Fighting, 170-171, Plates 31, 32 Fire, as means of production, 123 Fire-drill, 123, 292 Fire-plough, 123 Fire-pump, 124 Fire-saw, 123, 124 Fire-signals, 154 Fish pots, 115; traps, 115 Fishing, methods of, 100, 114 ff., 280 Floating gardens, 223 Food-stuffs from animal world, 62 ff.; from inanimate nature, 62; pre- paration of, 64; raw, 63; restrictions on, 64; vegetable, 62 Forest-clearing, 48, 103, III Forks, 64 Fortifications, 161 Foy, school of, 26 Frazer, Sir J. G., 29 Fusang, fabled land of, 206 Games of chance, 83; of imitation, 82; of movement, 83; of rivalry, 82; of skill, 83 Gathering, 106, 107-108, 217, 241 Geography and ethnology, 23 Geology and ethnology, 24 Geometrical patterns, 251 Geophagy, 62 Gesture language, 154, 268 Gluing, 136 Gold, 156-257, 318 Graebner’s work in ethnology, 38 Grater, utensil, 126 Graves, various types of, 78 Grilling, 137, 142 Group-marriage, 167-168 Gynocracy, 168 HAHN, EDUARD, 44, 103, I12, 120 Hair, care of, 67; modes of dressing, 282 Hair-brush, 67 Hair-tongs, 67 Hammock, 73 Harakeke, 280 Harpoon, 46 Head-rest, 74 Heads as trophies, 273, 344 Healing by magic, 74-75 Heat, changes due to, 137; important for man, 95; use of, 137 Helmets, 71, 216 Hinduism, 336 History and ethnology, 26 Hockey, 83 Hoeing, 110 Hologeic standpoint, 146, 187-188 Horse, 159 Hostile intercourse, 170-171 House as shelter, 72 House communities, 149, 169, 177 Human activities, aim of, 54 ff. ; com- plexity of, 47-48; definition of, 51; limitations of, 89 ff., 144 ff., 189 ff.; nature of, 51-52 ; subject-matter of ethnology, 17-18 Human race, classifications of, 203- 204 Human sacrifices, 87, 228, 257, 264 Hunting, 116 ff., and passim; weapons, 117, Plates 19, 20 Hunting-screens, 117, 254, Plate 20 ILLNEssS, treatment in, 74 Inca, 262 Inclined plane, use of, 139 Individual as source of activity, 51-52 Insects, preventatives against, 67 Intellectual influences, 190 ff. Iron, 122, 125, 343 Iroquoian league, 212 Irrigation, III, 122, 259, 279, 325 Islam, 339 ff. 349 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND Joun, Negus of Abyssinia, 329 Jurisprudence and ethnology, 27 KATCHINA dances, 220 Kava, 277, 279 Kayak, t41, 211 Kitchen-middens, 109 Kivas, 220 Knife, 75 Knotted-strings, quipu, 154-155, 252, 264, 268 LABOUR, division of, 59, 170, 174, 184- 185, 262 Labour power, amount of, necessary for life, 103; essential to production, 102-103, 144-145, 175 Lance, 160 Lancet, 75 Land, an essential of production, 102- 103,144,176; as acommodity, 175; importance of, for man, 96-97 Language and consanguinity, 153 Language, one changed for another, 153 Law, 162; and custom, 193; civil, 162, 182; public, 162, 182 Leggings, 70, 213, 216 Lime used as manure, 110; used in food, 62; used in the hair, 67 Lingoa geral, 154 Linguistic stocks, 210 Lip ornament, 68 Literature, ethnological, 31 ff. Llama, 120, 140 Loan, 183 Loom, 134, 251, 307, Plates 25, 53 MACLENNAN, 36 1%. Magical cures, 74-75 Magicians, 85, 201; and illness, 75; outfit of, 85 Mahdism, 322, 326-327 Maize, 93 Malthusian theory, 147 Man, a commodity, 175; an agent in production, 101; essentially social, 145; his relation to nature, 89 ff. Manioc, 113 Manioc press or mill, Plate 21 Manism, 200, 275 Mankind, classifications of, 203-204 Manure, use of, 110 350 Market, conception of, 156 Markets, rise of, 180 Marriage of brother and sister, 168 Marsh shoes, 217 Masked dancing, 85, 253 Masks, 84, 216, 276, Plates 37, 43, 44 Mason on weaving, 130 %., 133 Massage, 75 Mate, 94 Matriarchate, 168 Measurement, methods of, 158 ff. Medicine and ethnology, 25 Medicine-man, 75, 201, 253 Metals, how obtained, 122-123, 137, 213, 225, 254, 261, 295, 307, 318, 343, Plate 22; working in, 125 Migrations, 37 Milieu, influence of, 22, 53 Millstones, 126, 239, Plate 23 Mimicry, I91, 199 Mineralogy and ethnology, 24 Minerals, as raw materials, distribution of, 91 Mirrors, 67 Moa, 280 Moccasins, 70, 213 ff. Mohammedanism, 339 ff. Money, 104, 158%., 181, 188, 213, 226, 27S Sto Monoxyle—see Dug-out Mosquito-net, 71, 74, 98, 242, Plate 1o Mother-right, 167, 213 Mound-culture, 10o9g-110 Multi-lingualism, 153 Mummification, 79, Plate 12 Music, 194, 198, Plate 63 Musical bow, 292 Musical instruments, 84, I9I, 293 Mythical narratives, 100, 198 90-91, NATIONALITY and language, 153 Naturalism in art, 196 Nature, and human activities, 89 ff.; as provider, 57; as sphere of human life, 89 ff.; exploited by man, 94-95 Navigation, 96-97, 114 Navigation-charts, 278 Needs, variety of human, 55-56 Net-fishing, 114, 280 Network, 136 News service, 155 Nobility, rise of, 173 Nobles, class of, 173, 216, 227, 240 SUBJECT INDEX Nose ornament, 280 Notched sticks, 155 Numbers, use of, 151, 156, 158 CECUMENE, ethnological, 146-147 Oracles, 85, 202 Organization of mankind, human intercourse, 148 ff. Ornament, 69 ff. Over-population, 147 Ownership, 163-164, 182; marksof, 154 146; of PACHACAMAC, Creator, 86, 265 Painting, 193-194, Plate 26 Palm-wine, 241, 277, 343 Palolo worm, 281 Penis-cover, 70 Pepper-leaf, chewed, 62 ; as snuff, 66 Percussion to produce fire, 124 Perspiration houses, 75 Philology and ethnology, 29 Phylogenetic principle, 36 Physics and ethnology, 24 Pictorial writing, 155, 213, 226 Pile-dwellings, 97, 249, 272, 317, Plate 8 Pinnate-leaf pattern in weaving, 131 Pipestone, 91, 127 Place-marks, 151, 154 Planting stick, 112 Plant-life as raw material, 107 ff.; value of, 92-93 Plants, domesticated, 113-114 Plants, edible, 61 ff. Plastic arts, 194, 199, 251 Play, 80 ff. Plough culture, 110, 343 Poison, used for game, 118 and n.; used in fishing, 116 Political economy and ethnology, 27 Poncho, 224, 260 Population, density of, 146; figures of, 146 Porterage, methods of, 140 Positivism, 89 Potlatch, 216 Pottery, 124 Preservation of commodities, 142 Priests, 85, 202 Production, communal, 177; economic, Peers. of,° ror ff, 176° fi;; essentials for, 102, 175-176 Property, how created, 164 Property marks, 154 Psychology and ethnology, 28 Puberty ceremonies, 174, 235, 275, 308-309 Pulque, 223 Pyramids, 78, 229 269, Questionnaives as an ethnological method, 46 Quipu, knotted strings, 154, 252, 264, 268 RACE-PSYCHOLOGY, 28-29 Race-religion, 30-31 Rafts, 140, 217 Ranks and classes, 172 Rattles, 75 Raw material, animal 114-115; inani- mate, 121; vegetable, 106 Religion, 199; and art, 194; science, 199; science of, 30 Religious ceremonies, 83-88 Rent, origin of, 183 Rest, places of, 152 Rice, wild, 107, 212, 241 Roads, 99, 151; marking of, 151 Rock-drawings, 39, 155, 253 Rod-mail, 71 Rubber, 70, 83, 94 Rubbish, important for ethnology, 92 and SACRIFICES, 86; human, 87 Salt; 627,122 Sandals, 152, 224 Scalps, 65, 241 Scarification, instruments for, 75 Scars, 69, Plate 4 Sea-charts, 156 Sewing, 130 Sex, distinctions based on, 173 Sexual satisfaction, 80 Shells as money, 159; as planes, 127; as spoons, 65 Shelter huts, 73, 152 Shield, 160, 215 Ships, 141, Plate 28 Shoes, 152 Sick-treatment, 74 Signs and gestures, 154, IQI Signalling and signalling instruments, 154 Singing, 81, I9I, 199 Skeletonizing of dead, 79 Skins, treatment of, 137-138 352 THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND Skull, deformation of, 68, 261, 273, 279 Sledges, 139-140, 152, 211, 246 Sleeping arrangements, 73 Sleeping-mats, 71, 73, 242, Plate 10 Sling, 160 Smelting, 125, 137 Smith, rank of, 125-126, Plate 22; tools of, 126 Snow-glasses, 70 Snowshoes, 152, 214 Snuff, use of, 251 Social economy, 148 ff., 174 ff., 186 ff. Socialization of work, 187-188 Sociology and ethnology, 28 Somatic peculiarities, 56 So-stones, 289 ‘ Soul,’ idea of, 29 ‘ Soul of humanity,’ 190 Sources of ethnological material, 38-39 Spear-thrower, 119, 160 Speech, 153 Spiral-roll basketry, 133 State organization, 149, 169 Steeping, 137 ‘ Steps-and-stairs ’’ pattern in basketry, 131 Stock-raising, 119 Stone axe, 289 Stone-cutting, 126-127, 225, 283 Stool, evolution of, 74 Suction pipe, 292 Supra-organism, theory of, 52 Surf-swimming, 286 Survivals, Tylor’s theory of, 36 Sword, 160 Synthesis as ethnological method, 48 Systematic ethnology, 51 173, 323, Taboo, 275, 284 T acca, 279 Tallystick, 155, 158 Tambos, 143, 264 Taming of animals, 280 Tapa, bark, 137, 284 Taro, 276, 279, 281 Tattooing, 69, 224, 283 Technology and ethnology, 24 Teeth, deformation of, 69 Tembe, 161 Tents, 72 Terrace-culture, III Territorial principle, 169 Tertiary man in America, 208 352 Textile manufacture, 133-136 Throwing-club, 159 Throwing-knife, 160 Throwing-stick, 159 Tillage, 108-134; essentials for, 93; instruments used in, methods of, 108-109 Time, computation of, in Mexico, 228 Time, primitive methods of indicating, 156 Tobacco-pipe, 65 Toboggan, 139, 211, 214 Tomahawk, 215 Tooth-brush, 67 Tortoises, 100 Totemism, 168, 200 Towers of Silence, 77 Toys, 82 Trade, 181 Trade economy, I61, 170 Transformation of material, 122; by chemical agency, 137-138; by me- chanical agency, 124 ff., 137-138 Transformism, theory of, 35, 89 92- 112; ’ Transport by land, 139-140; by water, 140-141 Traps, 119, 291 Trepanning, 76, 273 Tribute, imposition and paying of, 179, 184 Turkeys, 218 ULURI 70, 196 Umiak, 141, 211 Under-population, 147 VALUE, measures of—see Money Vehicles, 140 Vicufia, 121, 260 Village community, 149, 169 WAMPUM, 213 Wants, direct satisfaction of, 54 ff., 92 ff.; indirect satisfaction of, 56 ff. War, 170-172 Water, as beverage, 62, 91; substitutes for,62; transport by, 140-142; ways of obtaining, 122 Water-pipes, 122 Weapons, of attack, 159; of defence, 160 Weaving, methods of, 133-136; pat- terns in, 133-136 SUBJECT INDEX Weights and measures, 151, 158 Worship, objects of, 84-88, 200, 311; Wells, 121 places of, 86; rites of, 85 Whirr, 85, 220, 276, 293 Wrestling, 71, 81-82 Woman, restrictions on, 85; status of, Writing, 155 173-174, 275, 284; share of, in work, 44, 103, 173-174 Wood-carving, 284 YAMS, II3 Youth, employment of, 49 Wood, work in, 127-128, 131 ZIPA, secular king, 256 Work and play, 81-82 Zones of civilization, theory of, 37 Work necessary for man, 57 Zoology and ethnology, 24 Z 353 INDEX OF GEOGRAPHICAL AND TRIBAL NAMES ABESHR, capital of Wadai, 322 Abipone, 117, 237, 240 Abyssinia, 324, 328 ff. Acca, 296 Adamawa, town, 316 Admiralty Islands, 270, Plate 8 Afar, 329 African Hottentots, Aichzns, 294 African tribes, 287-333 Aikwe Bushmen, 292 Aimure—see Botocudo Ainu, 345 Alakaluf, 235 Aleutians, 346 Alfuri, 266, 273 Algonquin tribes, 211 Allouages, 246, 254 Aloa, state, 326 Altaics, 334 Amacosa, 297 American tribes, 206-265 Amhara, state, 328 Ancon, ruined site, 259 Angaite, 239 Angoni, 297, 299, 304 Angoy, province, 303 Annamese, 334 Antananarivo, 333 Anti, 247, 250 Antilles, inhabitants of, 254, 255 Anto-suyu, province of Inca Empire, 262 Apaches, 218 Apalai, 247 Apiaka, 63 Arabs, 289, 331 Arapaho, Plate 48 Araucans, 237-238, Plate 53 Arauna, 247 Arawak, 246 Arawak linguistic family, 245 354 Arecuna, 247 Arhuaco, 256 Arrua, 97 Aruan, 246 Aryans, 334 Ashanti, 314 Asiatic tribes, old, 345-346 Assiniboin, 214 Athapascans, 210, 211 Atjeh, state, 344 Atlantic region, North America, 211 ff. Auet6, 246 Australians, 266-269, Plate 59 Avars, 334 Axum, state, 328 Aymara, 258 Aztecs; 63,°207; 222 a BABANGI, 303 Bacalahari, 298 Bacoco, 304 Bacongo, 301 Bacuba, 303 Bacunda, 304 Bagirmi, state, 316, 321 Bahamas, inhabitants of, 254 Baining, 265 Bakairi, 48, 247 Bali, 304, 315 Bali, island, 337 Baluba, 302 Bambarra, 313 Bamum, 315, Plate 78 Baniva, 247 Bantu, 296 ff. Bari, 301, 327 Barolong, 298 Barotose, 298 Barotse-Mambunda, state, 298 Bashilange, 311 Bashkirs, 334 INDEX OF NAMES Basques, 334 Bassonga, 303 Basuto, 298 Batta, 110 Batwa, 296 Beaver Indians, 211 Bechuan tribes, 298 Bedouins, 327 Bellacoola, 215 Beni, 331 Benin, state, 314 ier ber, 287 if.) 335 Bethanians, 293 Betoya linguistic group, 245 Bilchala Indians, 215 Bini, 314 Bisharin, 288, 327 Bismarck Archipelago, inhabitants of, 273 ff. Blackfeet, 214 Bondelswaart Hottentots, 293 Bongo, 327 Bornu, state, 321 Bororo, 244 Botocudo, 63, 244 Bugre, 244 Bulala, 321 Burmese, 334 Buryats, 334 Bushmen, 62, 290 ff. CACHIQUEL, 231, 232 Cacongo, province, 303 Caddo, 214 Cadiuco, 238, Plate 54 Calchaqui, 258 Californian tribes, 207 Callinao—see Caribs Calmucks, 334 Cambodia, state, 337 Campa—see Anti Canadian collectors and hunters, 211 Canem, state, 321 Canemba, 321 Cano, 315 Canuri, 321 Caraya Indians, 65, 245 Caribs, 245 Caroline Islanders, 276 Casembe Empire, 301, 302 Cashibo, 249 Casongo Empire, 301, 302 Catsena, state, 315 Cauca Valley, inhabitants of, 255 Caucau Bushmen, 291 Cayapo, 244 Cayuga, 212 Central American tribes, 221 ff. Chaco tribes, 65, 233 ff. Chaibsh Hottentots, 293 Chamacoco, 238, Plate 54 Chamorro, 277 Chancay, ruined site, 259 Chango, 258 Charrua, 237 Chasars, 334 Chavantes, 243 Cherentes, 243 Cherokee Indians, 212 Cheyenne, 214 Chi tribes, 314 Chibcha, 256, Plate 57 Chiche, 231 Chichen-Itza, ruins at, Plate 50 Chikito, 246 Chilcat, 216 Chilonga, ruins, 289 Chimbote, 259 Chimu, 259 Chincha, 262 Chincha-suyu, province of the Inca Empire, 262 Chinese, 333 Chippewayans, 211 Chiriqui, 233 Chocossi, state, 313 Choctaw Indians, 79 Chol, 231 Cholula, 222 Chono, 234 Chorote, 239 Chukchi, 346 Cibuni, 254 Coconuco, 258 Coiba, 256 Colla-suyu, province Empire, 262 Colorado, 258 Columbian zone of civilization, inhabi- tants of, 255 ff. of the Inca Colya, 258 Comanche, 210 Conde-suya, province of the Inca Empire, 262 Congo State, 302-303 Conibo, 249 355 SH ESP RDM Copts, 325 Cora {225 Coreans, 333 Crimean Tartars, 334 Crow Indians, 214 Cuca, 321 Cueva, 256 DAHOMEY, 314 Dakota, 214 Dakotan group, 210 Damara, 299 Damara, Hill-, 296 Danakil, 329 Darfur, 321 Delaware, 211 Diaguita, 258 Dinka, 288, 327 Djogdja, 344 Dog-rib Indians, 211 Dongola, 325 Dravidians, 335, 344-345 Dshagga, 299 Dwala, 304 Dyak, 343 EASTER ISLAND, 278 Egypt, 324 ff. Engano, inhabitants of, 343 Eskimos, 65, 209-210 Esmeraldas, 258 Esthonians, 334 Eurasians, 333 ff. Ewe, 314 FANS, 304 Fanti, 314 Fecane, 297 Fellahs, 325 ff. Fiji Islanders, 271, 272 Fingu, 297 Finns, 334 Fransmann Hottentots, 293 Friendly Islands, 278 Fuegians, 234-236 Fulah—see Fulbe Fulbe, 288, 315 Fundshur, 322 Fur, 322 Fura, ruins, 289 GALIBI, 247 Galla, 288, 329 356 RACES OF MANKIND Gana, 312 Gando, 316 Gazelle Peninsula, inhabitants of, Plate 17 Ges (Gesan tribes), 243-244 Ghanata Empire, 312 Gilbert Islanders, 276 Goajiro, 247 Godyan, 328 Gonya State, 313 Grebo, 314 — Griqua Hottentots, 293 Guahibo, 243 Guaicuru linguistic group, 238 Guaicuru tribe—see Mbaya Guana, 234, 238 Guanche, 331 Guano del Chaco, 239, 247 Guarani, 246 Guarauno, 243 Guarayo, 246 Guatavita Lake, 256 Guatemala, 231, Plate 51 Guato, 41, 71-74, 109, 241-242, Plates 10, 15, 55 Guayaci, 243 Guetaru, 233 Gunun Hottentots, 293 HABBE, 317 Hadendoa, 327 Haida, 215 Haikauan Hottentots, 293 Hamites, 315, 334 Hausa, 288, 315, Plate 76 Hawaii Islanders, 278 ff. Hereros, 299 Hervey Islanders, 284 Hopi, 218, Plate 49 Hottentots, 293 ff. Hova, 287, 332 Huaxtecs, 222 Huichol, 221 Huns, 334 Hunsa, Chibcha reservation, 256 Hupa, 217 Huron, 212 Hyksos, 289 IBERIANS, 334 Iga, excavation site, 259 Imboina, state, 332 Inca State, 258-205, and passim INDEX OF NAMES Indo-Atlantic Race, 333, 334 MABA, 322 Indo-Australians, 345 Macalaka, 298 Indo-Chinese, 334 Macololo, 298 Indo-Germans, 334 Macu, 243 Inyeri, 254 Macua, 299 Ipurina, 247 Macusi, 247 Iroquoian-Huronic linguistic group, Madagascar, 332 210 Madi, 327 Iroquois, 212 Magyars, 334 Itelmi, 346 Mahdi, Empire of, 324 Mahdist State, 322, 326-327 Maidu, 217 Maipure, 247 Makirifare, 247 Makonda, 299, Plate 3 Makuna, Plate 9 Malayan tribes, 335, 342-344 Mambunda, 298 Manao, 247 Manchus, 334 Mandan, 214 Mande peoples, 312 Mandingo, 312, 318, 319 Mangbattu, 63, 324, 328 Mangue, 233 JAPANESE, 333 Java, 237 Jivaro, 246, 248 See also under Y KAFFA, Abyssinia, 328 Kafirs, 297-298 Kaingang, 245 Kaingua, 246 Kaioweh, 214 Kalahari Bushmen, 291 Kamayura, 246 7’ Kamchadales, 346 Kame, 245 Manyema, 303 Karacalmucks, 334 Maoris, 279, Plates 38, 39, 69 Karakhirgese, 334 Marayo Island, 109 Katanga, 302 Mariana Islands, 276 Katukina tribes, 246 Maricopa, 221 Kaua, 153, Plate 19 Marquesas Islanders, 279 Keres, 218 Marshall Islanders, 276 Khechua, 258, 259 Masai, 288, 300 Kioko (Kioque), 303 Mascoi group, 238 Klamath, 217 Mashonas, 298 Kobeua, 248, Plate 21 Massenga, capital, 321 Koggaba, 256 Masumba, capital, 302 Kokama, 246 Matabele, 298 Kordofan, 326 Mataco, 238 Koryak, 346 Mataco linguistic group, 238-239 Kru, 314 Matindela, ruins, 289 Kwakiutl, 215, Plates 44, 46 Matshiganga, 247, 250 Maya tribes, 231-232 LAPPS, 334 Mayoruna, 250 Lenca, 233 Mbaya, 234, 238, 240 Lengua, 239 Mecca, 338-340 Lhassa, 338 Medina, 340 Lican-antai, 258 Mediterranean race, 333, 334 Lima, ruins near, 259 Mehinaku, 243, 247, Plate 37 Loango, 303 Melanesians, 270-276 Loyalty Islanders, 76 Melle, state, 313 Lunda-Luba peoples, 301 Menabe, state, 332 Lunda State, 301 Meroe, priestly state, 325 ab! THE PRIMITIVE RACES OF MANKIND Mexicans, ancient, 222-231, Plates 41,42 Michoaca, 222 Micronesians, 276 ff. Miranha, 63, 250 Mitla, ruins, 225 Miztecs, 222 Mochica, 259 Mohave, 221 Mohawk, 212 Moki—see Hopi Moluche—see Araucans Monbuttu—see Mangbattu Mongolian race, 333 Mongols, 334 Monomotapa, state, 298 Mosquito, 233 Mossi, state, 314, 317 Motilones, Caribs, 255 Moxos, 252 Msiri’s State, 302 Muato Yamvo, Empire of, 301 Muiquita, Chibcha reservation, 256 Munda, 345 Munduruku, 246, 249, 250, 252 Mura, 243 Muskhogean group, 210 Muysca, 256 NAHUA, 222 Nahukua, 249 Naman Hottentots, 293 Nan Tauatsh, ruined buildings, 276 Nasca, 259 Navaho, 218 Negritoes, 288, 324, 345 New Caledonia, 272 New Guinea, 270, Plate 61 New Hebrides, 271 New Mecklenburg, 270 New Pomerania, 270 New Zealanders, 279 Ngami Bushmen, 291 Nicobar Islanders, 343 Nilots, 327 North American tribes, 209-266 Nuba, 326 Nubia, state, 325 Nubians, 325 Nutka, 215 Nyam-Nyam, 63, 324, 328 OAJACA, state, 222 Ojibways, 211 358 Ollantaytambo, ruins, 161, 264 Omagua, 246 Omaha, 214 Ona, 235 Oneida, 212 Onondaga, 212 Oregon tribes, 207 Orlam Hottentots, 293 Oromo—see Galla Osmans, 334 Otomacs, 245 Otomi, 222 Ovaherero, 299 Ovambadyeru, 293 Ovambo, 299, Plate 72 PACHACAMAG, ruins, 259 Paez, 258 Palz-Asiatics, 345 Palenque, 232 Pampas Indians, 237 Pani, 210 Pano, 248 Pano linguistic group, 245 ff. Papuans, 265-266, 270 ff. Paressi Indians, 117, 249, 251 Parsees, 77 Patagonians, 209, 236 Paumari, 97, 247 Payagua, 238 Pelew Island, 276 Peruvians, 258-265, and passim Peshere, 235 Pianocoto, 247 Pilaga, 238 Pima, 221 Piro, 247, Plate 5 Polynesians, 278 Pomo, 217 Ponape Island, 276 Prairie Indians, 214 Proto-Hamites, 288 Pueblo Indians, 217 ff. Puelche, 237 Pygmies, 296 QUERENDI, 237 Quimbaya, 255 RANQUELES, 237 Rapa Islanders, 284 ‘ Red People’ Hottentots, 293 Rio Negro tribes, 249 ff. Rucuyenne, 247 INDEX OF NAMES SACSAHUAMAN, 139, 161, 264 Sahara tribes, 287 ff. Sakalavas, 332 Samoans, 278 ff. Samory’s State, 313 Samoyedes, 334 Samuco group, 238 San Salvador, 303 Sanapana, 239 Santa Barbara Indians, 217 Santa Cruz Islanders, 270 Segu, 313 Selish tribes, 215 Seminole, 212 Seneca, 212 Sennar, 321 Senoi, 345 Senussi, order of, 341 Seria, 221 Serracolet—see Soninki Shilluk, 288, 327 Shipibo, 248 Shoa, district, 328 Shokleng, 244 Shoshone, 214, 218 Shuli, 327 Siamese, 334 Simbabye, ruins, 289 Siouan group, 210 Sioux, 210, Plate 30, 48 Siriono, 118 Society Islanders, 279 ff. Socoto, state, 315 Solo, state, 344 Solomon Islanders, 271 Somali, 288, 329 Songhai State, 313 Soninki, 313 Sonora tribes, 221 Sonrhai State, 313 South Africans, fair-skinned, 290 ff. South American tribes, 233 ff. South Sea Islanders, 265 ff. Sso, 321 Sudan Negroes, 287 Sudan tribes, eastern, 321 ff.; western, 312'41; Sulka, 271 Sumo, 233 Susu, 312 Suya, 245 Swaheli, 300 Swartbois, 293 TABASCO, 231 Tacana tribes, 246 Tahiti, 278 Taino, 246 Talamanca tribes, 233, Plate 52 Tamil, 344 Tamoyo, 246 Tano, 218 Tarahumara, 221 Tarasco, 222 Tariana, 247 Tasmanians, 269-270 Teda, 329-330 Tehuelche, 236 Tekuna, 248 Tenochtitlan (Mexico), 225 Tereno, 247 Tetzcuco, lake, 223, 225 Tibbu, 329-330 Tibetans, 77, 333 Tigre, district, 328 Timbuctoo, 313 Tinneh, 210 Tlacopan, 225 Tlaxcala, 222 Tlinkit, 215, Plate 46 Toba, 238 Tollan, town, 222 Toltecs, 207 Tonga Islanders, 278 Tongatabu, 279 Topnaars, 293 Totanac, 222 Trujillo, 259 Trumai, 243 Tshaima, 247 Tshiriguano, 238, 246 Tsoneka, 236 Tuareg, 329-330 Tukano, 248, Plates 1, 29 Tumanaha 239 Tunguse, 334 Tupi linguistic group, 238 Tupinamba, 246 Tupinikin, 246 Turco-Tartars, 334 Turcomans, 334 Turks, 334 Tuscarora, 212 Tuyuka, Plate 1 UGANDA, 307 Vlad, 331 359 THE PRIMIPIVE “RACES -0 Be NTAN COINS Umaua, 247 Uralians, 334 Urga, town, 338 Uru, 258 Uvea, 76 Uxmal, 232, Plate 50 VANDALS, 334 Vedda, 117, 118, 345 Ver 313 WABENA, 299 Wadai, state, 321, 322 Waganda, 300, 309, Plate 28 Wagogo, 299 Wahehe, 299 Wahuma, 288, 300, Plate 76 Wakashan tribes, 215 Wanyamwesi, 309, 310 Wapishana, 247 Wara, capital, 322 Warrau, 243 Warua, 302 Wassangu, 299 Watusi—see Wahuma Watuta, 297 Winnebago, 214 Wintun, 217 Witbois, 293 Woguls, 334 Wolofs, 314 360 XINCA, 233 Xingu Indians, 48, 49, 66, 67, 252-254 Xochimilco, 223 Xosa Kafirs, 297 YACATS, 334 Yagan, 235 Yaks, 334 Yamamadi, 247 Yaualapiti, 247 Yauaperi, 247 Yekuana, Plate 4 Yeniseians, 346 Yola, capital, 316 Yolofs, 314 Yucatecs, 231 Yuits, 346 Yukaghir, 346 Yuma, 221 Yunca, 259 Yurtin252 Yuruna, 246, 253 Yute, 218 ZAPARO, 245 Zapotecs, 222 Zoghava, 321 Zulu Kafirs, 297 Zuni, 218, Plates, 34, 49 : +. . ans . , GN315 .S35 The primitive races of mankind : a study Princeton Theological Seminary—Speer Libr LOA MOR YN 1 1012 00137 6153 \