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Ve iho sy eg /) ete 1¥, ‘ {* ayy ea Ni ANG oh Ny 4 i A Me ie) i ia) Wh A Liha Th ; Web Mi anh Ah aH Nee Wat ” NOY 4 Wit ivi aT Wal \ ¥ ey : Naa INGE FS ~ ; JUL 16 1924 fs, iL sew THE CITY AND ITS PEOPLE FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE PRESENT DAY /BY Y GRANT SHOWERMAN PROFESSOR OF CLASSICS IN THE UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN DIRECTOR OF THE SUMMER SESSION, THE AMERICAN ACADEMY IN ROME VOLUME II FROM THE FIFTH CHRISTIAN CENTURY ' TO THE PRESENT Rw LIP tt Vice S\N, Saas i ; Sy EN y : e (op SINS dp NY ay ume cuter 7 er y h js Wry i # AS ili il “ di j a ie aye ttl a Try ae \ A THE LATERAN CLOISTER NEW HAVEN : YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON - HUMPHREY MILFORD - OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS M DCCCC XXIV COPYRIGHT 1924 BY YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 1D. THE DARK CENTURIES O Roma nobilis, orbis et domina Cunctarum urbium excellentissima, Roseo martyrum sanguine rubea, Albis et virginum liliis candida: Salutem dicimus tibi, per omnia Te benedicimus, salve, per secula,— O Rome of noble name, Queen thou of all the earth, City of cities thou, far above all in worth, Red with the blood of the martyred ones shed for thee, White with the lilies of virgin lives led for thee: Hail thou, O holy one, our knees we bend to thee, Praises and blessings, O world without end, to thee! From a tenth century hymn sung by pilgrims at the first distant sight of Rome. mt i i MI te AU ) Aes Weir ukat ue THE CLOSING IN OF NIGHT HE night of a thousand years did not descend sud- denly upon Rome. There is no day or hour or year which may be said to have marked the passage from day to darkness. There was indeed a moment when it seemed that the night had fallen. The protection of the strong hand of Theodosius had hardly been removed by death in 395 when the barbarian movement began once more with the revolt of Alaric, king of the Visigoths, against Arcadius in the east. For the moment pacified, he never- theless at last turned his roving arms against Honorius in the west, and in 401 crossed into Italy. The alarm that had seized on Italian and Roman hearts in the times of Marcus Aurelius, of Claudius Gothicus, of Aurelian, of Julian, and of Valens, once more swept over peninsula and city, and was once more allayed by successful confronting of the foe. The de- feat of Alaric by Stilicho at Pollentia and Verona in 402, however, brought relief that was only temporary. The triumphal visit of Honorius to Rome in 404, the first of its kind since Constantius came down the Fla- minian Way in 356, the jubilation of the populace, and the boastful panegyric of Claudian, were followed, in only one year, by still more lively alarm when Rhada- gaisus with two hundred thousand Germans and Celts advanced to Fiesole before the Romans could stay his progress. In 406, Vandals and Suabians crossed, once for all, the barrier of the Rhine, and lodged in Gaul. 336 ETERNAL ROME For the first time since Cann, the slaves were called to aid in the defence of their Roman masters. Provincials throughout the empire were exhorted to take up arms against the common invader. The excitable pen of Jerome records the feelings of the Christian who was also a lover of the Roman em- pire: “My soul shrinks from reciting the ruins of our times. For twenty years and more, the blood of Rome has been poured out daily between the city of Constan- tine and the Julian Alps. In Scythia, Thrace, Mace- donia, Thessaly, Dardania, Dacia, Epirus, Dalmatia, and all the Pannonias, the Goth, Sarmatian, Quade, Alan, Hun, Vandal, and Marcoman lay waste, pillage, and drag away. How many matrons, how many virgins of God, how many of the free-born and noble have been used for the mirth of these beasts! Bishops have been seized, elders and other officials slain, churches over- thrown, horses stabled at the altars of Christ, the mortal relics of the martyrs dug up. Everywhere are lamenta- tions, everywhere groanings, and on every hand the image of death. The Roman world is tumbling in PUINS Ayer) But the misfortunes of the city had not yet reached their climax. In 408, Alaric once more marched his men into Italy, this time to the very gates of Rome. Bought off with gold and silver and furs and silks and spices, but still not satisfied with these and the concessions of territory and honors that went with them, he returned in 409 to enforce the payment of arrears and to repeat the demand for lands. Again for the time being paci- fied, in the following year he besieged the city for the third time. On the night of August 24, 410, the Gothic chieftain and his soldiers burst through the Porta Sa- THE CLOSING IN OF NIGHT 337 laria, and for three days had their will with Rome, while its inhabitants fled in every direction. The world was aghast at the violence done the city which now for the first time since the Gallic descent of eight hundred years before felt the hand of a foreign invader. Jerome, hermit in the Holy Land, receives at one time the news of all these sieges and of the capture. His grief is overwhelming. “A terrifying rumor comes to me from the west,” he writes from Bethlehem, “that Rome has been besieged and her citizens’ safety bought with gold; that, once despoiled, they were again beset, so that after losing their substance they might yield up life as well. My voice is stopped, and sobs cut off the words as I try to speak. Captive is the city which once took captive all the world; yea, it perished from famine ere touched by the sword, and few were found to be rendered captive. Maddening hunger drove to the use of meats unspeakable; they tore their own members, the one the other, mothers not sparing the sucking babe, and consuming again the fruits of their own bosoms. In the night was Moab taken, in the night its walls fell. O God, the heathen are come into thine inheritance; thy holy temple have they defiled; they have laid Jerusalem on heaps. The dead bodies of thy servants have they given to be meat unto the fowls of the heaven, the flesh of thy saints unto the beasts of the earth. Their blood have they shed like water round about Jerusalem; and there was none to bury them.” From Scripture the grieving saint passes to his be- loved Virgil. The woes of Rome recall the woes of Troy: “What voice could tell of that night’s destruc- tion and of its deadly woes, or what tears equal its sor- rows? The city of old, the queen of the world for many 338 ETERNAL ROME \ years, is fallen’to ruin, and the lifeless bodies of men lie thickly scattered in its streets and homes, and every- where is the spectre of death.” But the world without and the Romans within soon forgot or grew accustomed to the thought of the city’s downfall. The language of Jerome is declamatory, and its author saw from afar and with vivid imagination. Of the actual witnesses, none has left his testimony, and of those who, like Jerome, were not at hand but have left us their impressions, some saw Alaric’s deed with the eye of despair, and some saw in it only the act of a brigand in a world at peace. ‘The city soon re- covered. Aided by the stimulus of the emperor’s edict in 412, directing governors to send the fugitives back, the Romans returned. Rutilius Namatianus, leaving Rome in 417 after his prefecture of three years, looks back from his boat on the Tiber to a city still proud in monuments and power, still resonant with the cries of the crowd for their favorite charioteer, still unaware, so far as words of his can tell us, that its days are num- bered. The pleasant age of Theodosius and Stilicho, of Pretextatus and Symmachus, of Ausonius and Clau- dian, of Jerome, Ambrose, and Augustine, was the late and deceptively genial afternoon of Rome. The coming of Alaric was a storm-cloud that burst and covered the earth with darkness, but passed and left the sun still shining. The sun was lower in the sky, however, and shone with fainter light. There were other obscurations, and at each one’s lifting the shadows were longer. The catas- trophe of 410 was not the first step, nor the last, though it was the most alarming, that led to the fatal end. The THE CLOSING IN OF NIGHT 339 desertion of Dacia by Aurelian, the settling of 100,000 Bastarne in Thrace by Probus, the establishment of 300,000 Sarmatians in Pannonia by Constantine, the admission of the Goths into Thrace by Valens, the planting of German captives on the farms of the Po valley by Theodosius, the crossing of the Rhine by the Vandals and Suabians in 406, the sack by the Goths in 410, the settlement of the Visigoths in Gaul in 418, the crossing of the Pyrenees in 422, and of the straits of Gibraltar in 429, by the Vandals, and their completion of the African conquest in 439, the abandonment of Britain in 446, the descent of the Huns in 451,—were all blows that racked the frame of the empire, prepared it for dissolution, and brought the frontiers nearer the ancient capital. The vulnerability of the city and the unheroic cast of her citizens and army became as ap- parent to all mankind as the hollowness of the empire’s shell, and henceforth neither veneration for Rome nor fear of Roman stayed the enemy’s hand. The children who saw the sack of Alaric were still in their prime when in 455 Genseric from Africa answered the call of a wronged and revengeful empress, and again devoted the unresisting city to a pillage of fourteen days that gave the name of Vandal its everlasting reputation. In 472, the German Ricimer, son-in-law of Anthemius and for a dozen years as patrician the real ruler of Rome, besieged for five years the starving and _ pesti- lential city, whose capture made it once more the prey to robbery and murder. A few years more of the in- substantial authority of emperors who were rulers only in name, while barbarian armies remained encamped on Italian soil, and the resignation of Romulus Au- 340 ETERNAL ROME gustulus on August 22, 476, confessed the entire de- pendence of Italy and Rome upon the invader’s will. Not even yet, however, had the darkness wholly fallen. Odoacer the Visigoth, patrician of Italy for thir- teen years, desiring not the destruction of Rome but the comfort of his people, was followed by Theodoric the Ostrogoth, enthusiastic lover of Rome, the city of his adoption. The patriciate of Odoacer was the twi- light, the thirty-seven years of Theodoric’s reign the afterglow that was almost like the return of day. When, after Theodoric’s death in 526, the dissensions of his successors gave hope to Justinian in the east that the west might be recovered, the darkness deepened indeed. Belisarius, having taken Sicily in 535 and Naples in the following year, entered the gates of Rome on December 9, 536. At the end of the struggle that drove the Goth from Italy, the city had suffered so unspeakably from famine, pestilence, assault, and desertion that the Rome which emerged to be ruled from 552 to 567 by Narses, Justinian’s exarch in Italy, was a vast and empty mass of tumbling ruins among which dwelt in misery the merest handful of despairing men. The death of the exarch and the practical disappear- ance of Byzantine authority from Rome may be called the final coming of the night. The City of this World had perished utterly; the City of God now sat on the Seven Hills, and even its citizens despaired. Pope Pela- gius, on April 18, 556, had already written the bishop of Arles entreating him to send clothing and money, saying that poverty and need had become so great in the city “that not without pain and anguish can we bear to see the friends we once beheld as they enjoyed pros- perity and high position.” THE CLOSING IN OF NIGHT 341 But let the eye of the mind look upon Gregory the Great, as on the third of September, 590, he addresses the pitiful remnant of the Roman people assembled in the already ancient basilica erected by Constantine over the tomb of Peter: “Our Lord desires to find us ready,” says the grave preacher, “and shows us the misery of the worn-out world, in order to divert our love from it. You see how many storms have heralded its approaching overthrow. If we do not seek God in quiet, trials the most dreadful will teach us to fear His approaching judgment. In the extract of the Gospel we have just heard, the Lord forewarns us that nation shall prevail against nation and kingdom against kingdom, and that earthquakes, famine, and pestilence, horrors and signs from heaven are in store for us. We have already been visited by some of these disasters, and of others remain in dread. For, that nation rises against nation and subdues the land by fear, our own experience, more forcibly than even gospel history, might have taught us. We have heard from other quarters that countless cities are de- stroyed by earthquakes; while we ourselves suffer in- cessantly from pestilence. True, we do not yet perceive signs in the sun, moon, or stars, but changes in the at- mosphere lead us to suppose that such signs are near at hand. Fiery swords, reddened with the blood of man- kind, which soon after flowed in streams, were seen in the heavens before Italy became a prey to the Lom- bards. Be alert and watchful! Those who love God should shout for joy at the end of the world. Those who mourn are they whose hearts are rooted in love for the world, and who neither long for the future life, nor have any foretaste of it within themselves. Every day 342 ETERNAL ROME the earth is visited by fresh calamities. You see how few remain of the innumerable population; each day sees us chastened by fresh afflictions, and unforeseen blows strike us to the ground. The world grows old and hoary, and through a sea of troubles hastens to approaching death.” The history of Rome from the closing in of night in the times of Gregory the Great to the return of the popes from Avignon in 1377 and the breaking of the new day is the history of the nations of the earth inter- fering in the affairs of Italy. Scarce one of the peoples in former days conquered by Rome is lacking from the list of those who now returned and made captive their captor. The border inroads of Marcoman and Quade and Alan and Thracian and Scythian and Sarmatian had been succeeded by the wilder invasions of Vandals and Suabians and Goth and Hun, resulting at last in the Gothic occupation of Italy and Rome for nearly a cen- tury. This had been followed by the return of Byzantine rule over Rome from 535 to 568, and its prolongation in Ravenna until 754. In the wake of the Byzantine, and finally displacing him entirely by the capture of Ra- venna, came the Lombard presence in Italy from Alboin in 568 to Desiderius at Pavia in 774. The Franks, whose rise out of the ruins of Roman civilization in Gaul about the Meuse and the lower Rhine had begun with Clovis in 486, and who had interfered in Italy’s affairs once in 586 to 558, and again in 576 to 590, on both occasions as allies of the Church, in 754 entered into active agree- ment with the pope. The creation of a patrician of Rome in Pepin was followed in 774 by the end of the Lombard rule, and on Christmas of the year 800 by THE CLOSING IN OF NIGHT 343 the crowning of Charlemagne on his fourth beneficent visit to Rome, and by the founding of the Holy Roman empire, to endure for a thousand years. After the hundred troubled years of the Carolingian protectors, during which Saracen, Byzantine, and Lom- bard all contended against each other and the successors of Charles for the control of southern Italy and Rome, and after nearly another hundred years, during which the uncertain throne of Italy and the Holy Roman em- pire was occupied successively by Guido and Lambert of Spoleto, 891 and 894, Arnulf of Carinthia, 896, Lewis of Provence, 901, and Berengar of Friuli, 915, Rome saw the strange rise of the notorious Theodora, adventuress and senatrix, with her equally notorious daughters, Theodora and Marozia, and of Alberic and Hugo, their partners in daring and tyranny, the scan- dals of whose rule provoked the invitation of the Saxon Otto the First to the city, where he was crowned on February 2, 962. The Saxon line, 962 to 1024, saw the rival claims of emperor, pope, and feudal lords to the city of Rome, the rise of the communes of Italy, and the invitation of the Normans to aid against the Byzantines in the south, resulting in their lodgment there. The Franconian period, 1024 to 1125, included the great struggle between Gregory the Seventh and Henry the Fourth, the humiliation at Canossa, the taking of Rome in 1084 by Gregory’s ally, Robert Guiscard the Norman, the thirty years’ war of the Investitures, the preaching of the First Crusade by Urban the Second in 1095, the appearance of the Franciscans and Domini- cans, and the rise of the barons in the Roman Cam- pagna, with the springing up of the great families of the Colonna, the Frangipani, and the Pierleoni. 344 ETERNAL ROME To the Franconians succeed the Hohenstaufen, dur- ing whose tenure of the throne, 1125 to 1254, the com- munes reach their height, and the great figures of Frederick Barbarossa and Frederick the Second ap- pear in their hundred years of vain attempt to dominate the communes and to set the authority of the empire free from the need of papal confirmation. Their pres- ence, dividing Italy into factions of Ghibellines and Guelfs, is followed by that of Charles of Anjou, brother of Saint Louis of France, who, during the time from his invitation by the pope in 1265 to his death in 1285, ac- complishes the death of Manfred and Conradin, the successors of Frederick the Second as claimants to the lordship of Italy. Finally, four years after the exile of Dante, while Italy is fragmentary because of the communes, and seething with quarrels between pope and nobles and Guelf and Ghibelline, the Gascon Clement the Seventh removes the papal capital to Avignon in 1305, and the end of the long descent to darkness is reached. During all this time the city of Rome is a prey not only to the vicissitudes of the largér struggle of mon- archs coming and going over the land of Italy, but to the miseries of bitter local antagonisms. 'The murder and rapine of rival emperors and Goth and Vandal filled the fifth century. In these quarrels Rome was still strong enough to be one of the parties; but the sixth century found her helpless, as Goth and Byzantine con- tended over her dying body. The end of the Goth and the triumph of the Byzantine left her a mere dependency ruled from without by an agent from Ravenna, and from within by the ever-growing power of the bishop of Rome. The coming of the Lombard resulted in a MEDILAZVAL TOWER AND WALL AT TERNI TERNI WAS ANCIENT INTERAMNA, SIXTY-FIVE MILES NORTH OF ROME 346 ETERNAL ROME being an authority so great that the pope was already king in all but name when the great Frank confirmed and extended the possessions of the Church into an actual state. But the conferring of the crown by Rome and the approval of the ecclesiastical state by the emperor were not simple matters. There were emperors who claimed the empire without the consent of the Church, and there were popes who insisted on the supremacy of the Church. Emperors resorted to force of arms, and popes employed the formidable weapon of excommunication. There were rival emperors set up by popes, and rival popes set up by emperors. The ninth and tenth cen- turies were filled with wars and broils. Now that the seat of the bishop of Rome was a throne, there were those who desired it for the sake of secular power alone. There were favors to receive and to confer. There were animosities to gratify. Nor was this all. To the uncertainty as to who was ' the emperor and what was the empire, there was added the ambiguous position of the municipality of Rome. The limits of civil and ecclesiastical authority were never wholly distinct. There were those who rebelled against the temporal authority of the pope, and among the rebels themselves there were vigorous antagonisms between nobles and common people. In the course of time, as the civic consciousness developed, the conflict between patricians and people came to overshadow the issue between the city and the Church. Now the people ruled, and now the nobles; now one faction of the nobles ruled, and now another faction supplanted it. The pope from the Lateran approved now one, now the other, and made their quarrels the stepping-stones to his own ambi- THE CLOSING IN OF NIGHT 347 tions. The absence of the popes at Avignon and the revival of the ancient Roman spirit in Cola di Rienzo made still more uncertain the state of the city. Such is the briefest possible account of the vicissitudes of Rome from the beginning of the fifth century to the end of the fourteenth. Such is the background without’ which the physical and moral fortunes of the Eternal City for their thousand years of eclipse can hardly be appreciated. These ten centuries are not a period, but a succession of periods. They were not a dark age except as their ignorance and lack of pride made them so. They formed a procession of years bright with exciting move- ment. They were above all a period of mutation; of mutation so frequent, so varied, and so rapid that to review them is to see the lively changes of the kaleido- scope. They were centuries of violence. Their history 1s the record of quarrels personal and factional, of riots, insurrections, rebellions, and wars. A year may pass, but not a decade, without its larger appeal to arms. An hour may pass, but hardly a day, without its personal conflict. It is a world of gigantic collectivism and petty individualisms. 2. A THOUSAND YEARS OF RUIN ND what were the physical fortunes of the city during these centuries? The visitor to modern Rome who comes upon arches and columns sunk two-thirds of their height in the soil, or who finds the Forum an excavation thirty feet deep, its floor covered by the minute fragments that represent a score of famous imperial structures none of which now rises above its foundations, or who from the southern brow of the Palatine contemplates the valley where stood once the gigantic banks of seats containing a hundred and fifty thousand cheering Romans, is struck with amazement at the utter ruin of the ancient city. The disappearance of statuary, or of the lesser monu- ments and smaller private houses, he can easily imagine; but what power broke into pieces the invincible masses of Roman concrete that formed the foundations, walls, and vaulting of the Circus Maximus and the baths of Diocletian? Whither have disappeared the temples of solid marble and travertine, the veneer and ornament of palace and basilica, and the millions of cubic yards of masonry; and how came the pitiful remnants of all the city’s magnificence to be so deeply buried? As he reviews the vicissitudes of the city’s history, he finds the answer in a variety of causes. He finds it, first of all, in the devastation, direct and indirect, of the wars and broils of a thousand years. He finds it in the natural decay and neglect of time, and in earthquake, flood, and fire. He finds it in the ignorance, indifference, and self- A THOUSAND YEARS OF RUIN 349 ishness of thirty generations of men who laid barbarous hands on ancient Rome to build a medieval and a mod- ern Rome. Rome was not a Pompeii or a Herculaneum, overwhelmed at a moment’s notice and for eighteen centuries conserved intact for the eyes of modern scholars; but a great city over which no friendly mantle was spread to protect it against the assaults of nature, or against the still more destructive hand of the miser- able population that found shelter in its ruins through the ages when darkness covered the earth and gross darkness the people. Again and again was the city martyred by siege or capture. War may not have been attended always by the overthrow of monuments, but if it did not cause their ruin directly, it caused it indirectly by decreasing the number and pride of the population and magnifying its poverty. The threats of Alaric in 408 extorted a million dollars from Rome. In the three days’ sack of August, 410, palace, temple, and bath were rifled of their treasure, statues and monuments were overturned or mutilated, the palaces of Sallust’s gardens and the adjacent buildings inside the Salarian gate, through which the army entered the city, were destroyed by fire, and other districts also suffered, while it could be reported that the dead were more than the living could bury. The testimony varies, however, and the statement of Augustine that surprisingly few senators were slain, and that the city was spared because of its churches and the Christians, probably means that whatever destruc- tion of life and property took place was that inseparable from the seizure of movable treasure. The fourteen days of Genseric’s ravage of the city in 455 was another systematic plundering in which all 350 ETERNAL ROME portable objects of value, including a half of the gilt- bronze tiles of the temple on the Capitoline, perhaps the golden seven-branched candlestick and other precious spoil brought by Titus from Jerusalem, and the rem- nants of wealth in the palaces of the Cesars, with many captive citizens, were collected with business-like method and taken by ship to Carthage. Of the five months’ siege by Ricimer in 472, when the soldiers of the emperor Anthemius were reduced to eating leather and the popu- lation suffered in proportion, no destruction of the monuments is reported. The many repairs and restora- tions of Theodoric at the turn of the century might be taken to signify the suffering of the city in these three captures; but the work of Theodoric, which is to be traced in many parts of the city and included the Pala- tine, the Appian Way, the walls of Aurelian, and an attempt to drain the Pomptine marshes, with the ap- pointment of curators and special police for the pro- tection of monuments, was perhaps due more to natural decay and to danger from the Romans themselves than to actual destruction by Goth and Vandal. But the times of the great Ostrogoth passed. On De- cember 9, 536, ten years after Theodoric’s death, Beli- sarlus with his five thousand men entered the gates and prepared the city for defence against the successor of the king. During the struggle of twenty years between the Byzantine and the Goths, first commanded by Vitiges and then by Totila, Rome was five times taken. The siege of Vitiges alone, the hardships of which began in March, 537, saw sixty-nine engagements in the year and nine days before the Gothic king received his final defeat at the Mulvian bridge and withdrew along the Flaminian Way with what was left of one hundred and A THOUSAND YEARS OF RUIN © 351 fifty thousand men. Seven camps had encompassed the city, the aqueducts were cut by the enemy, the Cam- pagna became a morass, the baths were emptied of their life, the fountains ceased to play, and the water- less era of five centuries began, during which the city resorted to the primitive uses of river, well, and cistern. It was then that the mills of the Janiculum ceased to erind and the floating mills of the Tiber took their place, to grind the city’s grists for a thousand years. The mausoleum of Hadrian, assaulted by the Goths, gave up the profusion of sculpture that adorned its balus- trades and terraces, to be broken and hurled in frag- ments upon the swarming besiegers, who left on the earth about the famous emperor’s tomb some thirty thousand dead. Recovering their strength under Totila, three years later elected king, and returning eight years after the first siege, they were more successful. The efforts of Belisarius to relieve the city were of no avail. On the night of December 17, 546, after long intercepting of the Roman supplies, Totila’s men rushed through the Porta Asinaria, still standing today beside the gate of Saint John, and entered a city whose streets and gar- dens were filled with graves, whose palaces contained no plunder, and whose temples only were inhabited by the few hundreds of despairing Romans left behind by the fleeing garrison after the horrible siege, famine, and desertion of a year and a half. Overthrowing one- third of Aurelian’s wall, the irate chieftain stripped the impoverished and empty city once more of its now scant spoil, took prisoner with him the senators, ordered the remnant of the common people to leave, and abandoned his conquest to desolation and solitude. For more than 352 ETERNAL ROME forty days the city was without inhabitants; and, though Totila yielded to entreaty and spared the monuments, such was the terror of the time, and such the persistence of its memory, that remote generations, ignorant of the real cause of the city’s destruction, attributed all the ruin they saw about them to the Goths. The forces that accomplished the utter downfall of the city, however, were more gradual, and belonged to a later time. Depopulated and neglected though it was, the Rome over which Totila and Belisarius fought was not yet the heap of ruins which later centuries were to look upon. The care of the emperors of the fourth cen- tury had been revived and surpassed by Theodoric, whose words indicate a city still great: “the city which is indifferent to none, since she is foreign to none; the fruitful mother of eloquence, the spacious temple of every virtue, comprising within herself all the cherished marvels of the universe, so that it may in truth be said, Rome is herself one great marvel.” Cassiodorus, the minister of Theodoric, is enthusiastic in praise of the city and its monuments, making special mention of its “dense population of statues,” and of its equestrian monuments, which he calls its “abounding droves of horses.” In 549, Totila held the races in the Circus Maximus, and Narses in 554 celebrated the last triumph of ancient Rome amid the applauses of a population that may have numbered forty thousand. At a time perhaps as late as this, there were said to be in the city three thousand seven hundred and eighty-five bronze statues of emperors and other distinguished men. Even at the end of the century, in the opinion of the historian of Rome in the Middle Ages, Rome was richer in monu- ments than all the modern capitals of Europe combined. A THOUSAND YEARS OF RUIN — 353 But this is not to say that the city of Gregory the Great presented the same aspect as the city entered by Alaric. If Vandal and Goth had not been altogether merciless, there were other causes of ruin. They existed in nature. There was the beating down of rain and sun, the alternation of heat and cold, the sweeping of wind and the whirling of dust, the tremor of earthquake, the sure pressure of the root in the crannied wall, the not infrequent fire, the undermining of foundations by the torrents that furrowed street and hillside with every violent storm, the bursting of the Tiber at flood over and through its ruinous banks, the seeping of its waters beneath the aging structures of the lower districts. The record of thirty floods of the Tiber for the first five hundred years of the Christian era, an average of one for every sixteen years, suggests the extent of nature’s aid in bringing about the downfall of the ancient city. The number set down for the succeeding thousand years is nearly as great, and the havoc wrought was the greater because of embankments no longer kept in repair. In 1598, at noon of Christmas day, there was water twenty feet deep on the floor of the Pantheon. The damage done by floods in the fifth and sixth centuries was no doubt increased by such earthquakes as that of 422; and the ruin caused by fire was not inconsiderable, un- less conditions differed greatly from the days of the Empire, when great conflagrations swept the city again and again. Such forces as these alone would have wrought dark changes in the course of two hundred years, especially when aided by neglect. The monuments had begun to decay a hundred years before Theodoric, but when the terrible suffering and depletion of the wars between his 354 ETERNAL ROME successors and the Byzantines had passed, neither men nor means longer existed even to contend with the forces of natural decay, to say nothing of restoration or construction. What the Visigoths, the Vandals, the Ostrogoths, and the Byzantines did not contribute to the ruin of Rome directly, they contributed indirectly so far as they aided in the ruin of the times. The column to Phocas, who reached the Byzantine throne through the murder of an emperor and his five sons, still stands at the head of the Forum where it was placed in 608, and, but for the statue that once surmounted it, is still intact. It was the last monument of ancient Rome,—a stolen column upon a stolen base, supporting perhaps a stolen statue. The wall of Aurelian, a world too wide for the shrunken population, enclosed a desolate area where the empty and crumbling temples and mansions of the glorious past outnumbered the wretched make- shifts of a spiritless present. Diogenes, holding the city for Belisarius in 549, had sowed fields of grain within the city walls. But “unswept stone, besmeared with sluttish time,” might of itself have endured as a witness to remote generations of the civilization that placed it there. Nei- ther mere neglect and decay nor the attacks of Goth and Vandal were the immediate causes of the city’s ruin. The hand of the Roman himself, and in times of peace, was the great destroyer. For over a thousand years the fallen and crumbling remains of classic times were a vast and inexhaustible quarry, of whose rich material alike prince and pauper availed themselves. The dismantling of ancient structures by the ruling class goes back at least to 203, when the portico of Octavia was restored by Septimius Severus with mate- A THOUSAND YEARS OF RUIN = 355 rial from buildings of the time of Titus. Alexander Severus in 223, and Decius in 250, repaired the Coli- seum with miscellaneous fragments taken from other damaged buildings. The wall of Aurelian contains the ruins of many an ancient structure. The famous arch of Constantine, erected or reconstructed in 315, is really an arch of Domitian, with most of its sculptural orna- ment transferred from monuments of Trajan’s time. The church of Saint Peter was hurriedly built by the first Christian emperor into a part of Caligula’s circus, and finished with columns assembled from every part of the city. The same emperor also transported columns of porphyry from the old capital to the new. Only a score of years after Constantine, an emperor found it necessary to legislate against the spoliation of public buildings. One of Marjorian’s chief efforts in behalf of the city was the edict of July 10, 458, through which he was “determined to remedy the detestable process which has long been going on, whereby the face of the venerable city is disfigured.” “For it is too plain,” the edict continues, “that the public edifices, in which all the adornment of the city consists, are being every- where pulled to pieces at the suggestion of the city offi- cials, on the pretence that the stones are wanted for the public works. Thus the stately piles of our old build- ings are being frittered away, and great constructions are ruined in order to effect some trifling repair. Hence, too, it arises that private individuals engaged in house- building, who are in a position to curry favor with the city judges, do not hesitate to supply themselves with materials from the public buildings, although these, which have so much to do with the splendors of the city, ought to be regarded with civic affection, and repaired 356. ETERNAL ROME rather than destroyed. We therefore decree that no buildings or ancient monuments raised by our fore- fathers for use or beauty shall be destroyed by any man; that the judge who orders their destruction shall pay a fine of fifty pounds of gold; and that the clerks and other subordinates who have fulfilled his orders shall be beaten with clubs and have their hands struck off,—those hands which have defiled the ancient monu- ments which they ought to have preserved. The build- ings which are altogether past repair shall be trans- ferred, to adorn some other edifice of a not less public character.” The year before this, Avitus, dismissing his Gothic soldiers from Rome in order to relieve the famine, sold bronze from the public monuments to pay them. The not yet calloused citizens were outraged by the act, and the law of Marjorian was probably its direct conse- quence. Less than half a century afterward, Theodosius em- ployed a night watch to prevent the theft of statues, now valued as material rather than art. The stormy times of Belisarius, Narses, and the Goths witnessed the use of many a monument for purposes of defence. The mausoleum of Hadrian, remaining a fortress after the attack of Vitiges, no doubt continued to lose its ornament and marble facing. The emperor Constans the Second, on his visit from Constantinople in 663, de- spoiled the Pantheon, already a Christian church, of its roof-tiles of gilded bronze. In the hundred years that had intervened, many a building partially ruined in the Gothic wars was farther dismantled by citizens and city, now reduced to the last degree of poverty. The plundered palaces still standing were adapted to the A THOUSAND YEARS OF RUIN = 357 needs of the privileged, their restoration or repair ac- complished by the use of other decaying buildings. As for the common people, they found shelter as best they could in the ruinous dwellings in which they were born, and, when these no longer served, in the vaults and nooks of circus, theater, and temple, among the falling ruins of palace and portico, or against the walls of basilica, bath, and forum. The clay-pits beyond the Tiber, the tufa-beds of the Campagna, the forests of Italy, the world’s quarries of granite, porphyry, and marble, had long since ceased to send their contribu- tions to Rome. Whatever was built anew was built at the cost of the ancient city. Stone-cutter, lime-burner, mason, carpenter, and smith laid hands on what they could get, their only control the need of the moment. Even. in the comparatively enlightened times of ‘The- odoric, it had been necessary to protect the statuary. From this it may be imagined what must have been the fate not only of ornament, but of temple, palace, and all their kind, in the centuries when neither people nor ruler held them longer in respect, or even knew their meaning. “What is there in this world to gladden us?” cries Gregory the Great six hundred years after Augustus made Rome splendid with marble and bronze. “All around is mourning; all around is sighing. Cities are destroyed, fortresses levelled to the ground; farms laid waste; the earth reduced to a desert. No husbandman is left in the fields, scarcely a dweller remains in the towns, and still the remnant of mankind is daily stricken. The chastisement of divine justice knows no end, because the debt of sin, even under such punishments, is not wiped away. We see some led into captivity, some 358 ETERNAL ROME maimed, others put to death. We are forced to recog- nize the position to which Rome, once the mistress of the world, is reduced. She is bowed down by pain un- fathomable, by depopulation, by the assaults of the enemy and the weight of her own ruins.” Let the imagination picture the Rome in which these words were uttered, and then let it essay to see in the same way the Rome of the latter tenth century, when for four hundred years more the decaying city has been quietly consuming herself. If the words of the great but despairing pope are an exaggeration for their own time, they would hardly be so for the city of the barons. And yet the process of disintegration was for a long time slow, for men, hopelessly sunk as they were in poverty and exhaustion, were neither actuated by great ambitions nor possessed of great energy. There came a time, after the passing of the darker centuries, when the hitherto peaceful destruction of the city was hastened by the raging of armed conflict among her citizens. The riots by which the streets of ancient Rome had too often been made unsafe did not cease with the fall of pagan- ism. The bloody encounters of optimate and democrat had been succeeded by those of pagan and Christian, and these by battles between pope and anti-pope. Fol- lowing these, with the removal of danger from Lombard and Greek, and with the acquisition of temporal power by the head of the Church, had come the rebirth of municipal consciousness and the rise of the communes. The pope’s pretentions to power over civil Rome were met with opposition, and the everlasting struggle began between the city and the papal throne. The powerful families of medieval Rome sprang into prominence, transformed by the growing feudal system into a proud A THOUSAND YEARS OF RUIN _ 359 nobility whose princes sided now with pope and now with emperor and now with the people, and now fought fiercely among themselves. The neighboring cities and lands were their fiefs, given and taken away by pope or emperor as the conflict varied. The Campagna, the Albans, and the Sabines were dotted by dark fortresses, and Rome bristled with massive towers built into or from her ruins. The destruction of the ancient city, already hastened by the building of strongholds within and without her walls, now received the greatest impulse of all. Re- sponding to the call of Gregory the Seventh for help against Henry the Fourth, who had the pope shut up in the mausoleum of Hadrian, called since the time of the first Gregory the Castello Sant’ Angelo, the Nor- man Robert Guiscard swept rapidly up the Latin Way from the dominions he held in fief from the Church, encamped before the city three days after the retreating emperor had deserted it, and on the morning of May 28, 1084, burst through the Porta del Popolo and the Porta di San Lorenzo, fought his way against the Ghibelline defenders through the blazing Campus Mar- tius, and liberated his feudal sovereign. The third day after, attacked and endangered while engaged in merci- less plundering, he added to a sack more savage than that of the Vandals a fire more destructive than Nero’s. The rapidity with which the city fell into ruin before this catastrophe was as nothing compared with that of the centuries which followed. The fire had swept the Campus Martius and the Lateran neighborhood, and had no doubt widely devastated other quarters. The face of the city suffered a great change. The Palatine had long been empty and abandoned; now the Celian 360 ETERNAL ROME and the Aventine gradually lost the little population that had remained to them. The Forum, which had prob- ably continued up to this time to be a popular meeting- place, was deserted, to become the Campo Vaccino of later times. The people gravitated by degrees into the Campus Martius, where water was more abundant, and concentration easier. What fire and violence had over- thrown was utilized in the throwing together of other buildings, and the already great heaps of ruin were made still greater by the levelling of what decay and time had weakened. A new Rome arose in the great bend of the river where once had been the field of Mars, and the old Rome was the quarry and kiln from which its substance came. And it was not only the bare necessities of shelter that wrought ruin among the blackened monuments. The great families whose strongholds had long since begun to cast dark shadows over city and Campagna now dominated the life of Rome. The city became the prey of impetuous princes whose fierce quarrels, origi- nating in private dispute and taking the color of Guelf or Ghibelline partisanship, filled the streets with dis- order and danger, and whose marauding made the Cam- pagna unsafe even for the holy visitors to Rome. Their towers rose by the hundred within and without the city. Some of them were lofty fortresses of brick like the still surviving Torre delle Milizie, into whose walls were transferred the brick and marble of ancient Roman buildings; some were the ancient monuments themselves transformed into places of defence. Circuses, amphitheaters, and theaters, palaces, por- ticoes, temples, and triumphal arches, and the very tombs of the ancient great, were made to serve the pur- A THOUSAND YEARS OF RUIN 361 poses of war. One gigantic fortress of the Orsini rose from the ruins of Pompey’s theater, another stood nearer the Tiber, and the region of the Vatican was under their control. The theater of Marcellus afforded shelter first to the Pierleoni, later to the Savelli, and finally to the Orsini. The Margani and the Statii held the Circus Flaminius. The Colonna lodged one of their greatest strongholds in the mausoleum of Augustus. The Coliseum, damaged by earthquake in the early thirteenth century, was claimed alike by the Frangipani, who dominated Celian and Palatine, and the Anibaldi, who controlled the Lateran quarter. The Septizonium, the arches of Titus and Constantine, the Janus Quad- rifrons, and the towers of the Circus Maximus, were all in the hands of the Frangipani. The Savelli held the Aventine. The Savelli and the Getani at different times fortified the mausoleum of Cecilia Metella on the Ap- pian Way. The tomb of the Plautii at the Ponte Lucano on the road to Tivoli suffered a similar transformation. When the senator Brancaleone, in 1257, gave order to destroy “the towers of the nobles, fortresses for the oppression of the populace, prisons for debtors, dens of infamy and violence,” there were some three hundred towers in the city, besides the three hundred still rising from the wall of Aurelian. How great was the destruc- tion of the monuments in the tearing down of the more than one hundred and forty towers against which the outraged people rushed at his command, may be imag- ined. The barons in their erection had dismembered ancient Rome. The people in the demolition of them dismembered it a second time. But the wearing of the elements, the work of Gothic, imperial; papal, feudal, and civic enmities, the appro- 362 ETERNAL ROME priations by rich and poor for uses public and private, were not the only agents of destruction. The effect of the Church’s rise is not to be forgotten. During all the centuries, as the Church invisible grew gradually out of the heart of pagan society, so the visible capital of the Church grew out of the pagan capital. As the mate- rial City of the Cesars fell, the material City of God was rising. Before the official recognition of Christianity by Constantine, the meeting-places of the Christians in Rome were in most cases either private houses adapted to the simple needs of the time, without ceasing to be the possession of individual owners, or the less con- venient and less frequently used special chambers in the catacombs. With the removal of the ban, the scant number of churches other than these was increased by the free building of formal places of worship, the earliest of them being on the city’s outskirts at the en- trances of prominent catacombs, the later in the city itself side by side with the temples of paganism, and at Jast sometimes within their very walls. Among these earliest churches of diverse origin were those of Santa Pudenziana and Santa Prassede, developed from pri- vate houses, and the Constantinian churches, which in- cluded San Giovanni in Laterano, originally in the palace of the Laterani, nobles implicated in the con- spiracy against Nero, San Pietro in Vaticano, built out of ancient ruins on the reputed spot of the apostolic martyrdom, San Paolo Fuori, outside the walls on the Ostian Way, where the Saint’s death took place, San Lorenzo, outside the walls on the road to Tivoli, Santa A gnese, outside the Porta Nomentana at the catacombs of the Saint, Santa Croce in Gerusalemme, to the east A THOUSAND YEARS OF RUIN _ 368 beside the Castrensian amphitheater, and Santi Pietro e Marcellino, another catacomb church on the road to Labicum. Besides these, most of them rising soon after, but some perhaps even before, were Santa Maria Mag- giore, on the Esquiline, Santa Maria in Trastevere, across the Tiber, Santa Cecilia, in the same quarter, San Clemente, near the Coliseum, beneath which are house 1emains and a temple to Mithras, Santa Maria in Cos- medin, near the Palatine and Tiber, built over and into the remains of a temple or other public edifice, Santa Sabina, on the Aventine, in honor of a martyr of Ha- drian’s time, Santa Prisca, also on the Aventine, Santo Stefano Rotondo, on the Celian, Santi Giovanni e Paolo, built on the same hill over a patrician residence of the fourth century, San Crisogono, across the Tiber where the emperor Anthemius was killed in 472, San Martino ai Monti, built into the house of a presbyter on the Esquiline, Santa Susanna, on the Quirinal, a martyr of Diocletian, Santa Lucina, near the Augustan monu- ments in the Campus Martius, and San Marco, near the Capitol at the head of the Via Lata. The church of Santi Cosma e Damiano was lodged in an ancient building at the northeast corner of the Forum in 526- 530, the senate a century later became the church of Sant’ Adriano, and a few years before, in 610, the Pan- theon had become Santa Maria Rotonda. These were the principal churches that rose out of the desolate and empty city of about the end of the Gothic wars. With them were many monasteries and convents. The three thousand virgins of Jerome’s time no doubt increased in number. In the time of Gregory the Third, who died in 741, there were four monasteries about Saint Peter’s alone. What the erection of all 364 ETERNAL ROME these sacred edifices meant to the ancient monuments is easily imagined. The process may not always have been purely destructive. It frequently caused the peace- ful occupation and preservation, especially soon after the fall of paganism, of civic buildings, and, from the beginning of the seventh century, of here and there a temple; but even with the conservation of buildings as a whole went the destruction of details in the erection of pillars, pulpits, altars, choirs, and crypts, and in the general rearrangement of interiors, while many a church was built entirely from the ancient remains that rose on every hand. The revival of spirit on the part of the citizenship and the papal court in the times that followed the fire of Robert was only the cause of farther destruction. The building activities of the Church were as great as those of the people and the nobility. Not only were churches restored and built, but the church tower began to rise. The church bells were ringing at least as early as Paulinus of Nola, before the times of Jerome and Am- brose, and from 740 on were in common use in monas- teries. The first bell-tower in Rome, in the atrium of Saint Peter’s and overlaid with silver and gold, was the gift of Pope Stephen the Second, erected in gratitude for his success with Pepin in 754. Its kind soon multi- plied, especially when, at the approach of the feudal period, it could serve also the purposes of lookout and defence. By the time of Brancaleone’s senatorship, from among the three hundred towers of the barons inside the crown of three hundred towers on the wall of Au- relian there rose another three hundred by the side of church and monastery. Tall, square, of dark, ruddy brick, most of them with horizontal crowns, and with A THOUSAND YEARS OF RUIN — 365 small windows divided by slender columns carrying round arches, they added to the belligerent picturesque- ness of the city. The erection and restoration of churches, with the development of the taste for decoration in marbles and fine stones, increased the already great demand upon the ancient remains. Inscriptions and statues, as well as the marble blocks of the larger monuments, found their way into the hands of lime-burner and marble- worker. The whole neighborhood of the Flaminian circus was known for its lime-kilns, and was called the Calcarario. Nearly every ruin of importance had its permanent or temporary kiln. The Forum Magnum and the imperial fora, the mausoleum of Augustus, the baths of Agrippa, the Julian basilica, the temple of Vesta, and many others, were thus equipped. A kiln of unburned statuary, ready for firing, was discovered in the palace of Tiberius. Cords of statues awaiting conversion into lime were found in the precincts of the Vestals. On the floor of the Julian basilica alone there were two kilns. The activity of the marble-workers, though finer, was not the less destructive. From the middle of the twelfth century to the end of the thirteenth, marble-cutter, ar- chitect, mosaicist, and sculptor drew upon the materials of Rome. It was the age of the Cosmati and their school, so much of whose beautiful work is still admired in the older churches. Floors were laid not only with cut slabs, but with the inscribed marbles entire of antiquity. Two hundred inscriptions were thus used in the church of the Santi Quattro Coronati, and nearly a thousand in San Paolo Fuori le Mura. Tombs, altars, and pulpits were hewn out of ancient pedestals, columns, and _ blocks, while the choice colored marbles, granites, alabasters, 366 ETERNAL ROME serpentines, and porphyry which had come to the city of Augustus and his successors from every part of the world, were cut and polished for use in the mosaics and other decorative work which make the churches of Rome the richest in the world. The Aracceli, within and without, is an example of the method of the time; its floor is a vast and vari-colored carpet of slabs and mosaic in every kind of ancient stone, and the staircase of 1348 that leads to its lofty doors, one of the most imposing in the world, is composed of one hundred and twenty- four marble steps from various ancient monuments. Nor did the work stop with Rome. The beautiful material which the capital had drawn from the utter- most parts of the earth now began to be pulled from its resting-places in the walls of temple and bath, or lifted from its bed in the accumulating soil, and sent on a second mission of beautification. Constantine had car- ried columns away to Byzantium, Theodoric and Charlemagne had transported Roman marble to Ra- venna and Aix. The cathedrals of Pisa, Lucca, and Monte Cassino were built largely of it. The Normans at the end of the eleventh century carried it off in quan- tities to use in the cathedral at Salerno. Later, the Sar- dinian monastery of Our Lady at Tergu, the church of Saint Francis at Civitavecchia, the cathedral at Orvieto, and many a church in the nearer vicinity of Rome, were beautified from the same source. Westminster Abbey itself has its Roman marbles. The ancient city was inexhaustible. Such was the facility with which marbles could be obtained that the marmorata, or marble-wharf, whose activities had ceased in the fourth century, leaving within its precincts by the Tiber below the Aventine a vast store of material A THOUSAND YEARS OF RUIN — 367 not even now exhausted, was not exploited until the twelfth century, and then perhaps rather in the search for the rare than because of any lack. The great build- ings of antiquity were gradually consumed in a process which for centuries was part of the life of every day. There were exceptional times when fire or feud wrought havoc more swiftly than usual, and there no doubt were also times when the stirrings of pride prompted meas- ures on the part of pope, municipality, or emperor, and the destruction was for the moment stayed or kept within bounds; but, for the most part, sentiment for what was ancient was a thing unknown, and the privi- lege of utilizing was freely granted to those who could pay, or secured without cost by those who had other ways of obtaining their desires. It was in this manner that the transformation of Rome in the century or two following the fire of Robert in 1084, though representing a revival of building en- terprise, only rendered the desolation more apparent. The city of the Dark Age, huddled in the low Campus Martius and about Saint Peter’s across the Tiber, had first left empty the southern, central, and eastern re- gions, and then consumed them. A poet of a hundred years before the fire had made the downfallen city cry: “I was resplendent, and celebrated through all the world . . . and as I once strewed it with delights now I sprinkle it with tears.” Hildebert of Tours, making a visit to it in 1106, twenty-two years after the coming of the Norman, laments: “Equal to thee, Rome, there is nothing, all but utterly in ruins though thou art; how great thou wert whilst yet unharmed, in thy fragments thou dost show. Long ages have overthrown thy proud state; the citadels of Cesar and the temples of the gods 368 ETERNAL ROME lie prostrate in the mire. . . . Woe, and alas! The city is fallen, and while I gaze upon her ruins and ponder her fate, I can only say, Rome hath been. Yet neither the flight of years, nor flame, nor the sword, have availed to destroy to the uttermost the glory that I see. So much still remains, so much is fallen in ruin, that neither the part still standing may be levelled, nor the part already in ruins be again raised up.” “In comparison with its ancient state,’ adds William of Malmesbury as he com- ments on Hildebert’s poem, “Rome seems now a little town.” And outside of the decayed city enclosed by Au- relian’s wall, the Campagna rolled to the mountains and the sea. Ravaged by Goth, Vandal, Byzantine, and Lombard, its aqueducts in fragments, its drainage choked, it had sunk into a solitude of ruined farms and pastures which, like the city, was saved from absolute death only by the life of the Church. Belonging largely to the patrimonies of Saint Peter and the pope, and an important factor in the rise of the temporal power, after its long decline it had begun in the tenth century to re- vive. The towers and strongholds erected for defence against the Saracens and for the protection of farms against the brigands of local origin grew under the feudal system into the towers and castled villages held by retainers of pope and emperor. More than seventy of these are known to have existed. There still remain in the Campagna today some fifty- seven villages whose origin goes back to the Middle Age, and forty-four farm or pasture holdings with “tower” entering into their names. By the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries the Savelli were at Aricia and A THOUSAND YEARS OF RUIN — 369 Albano, the Conti at Valmontone, the Orsini at Monte Rotondo and Marino, the Caetani at Sermoneta and Fondi, the Frangipani at Astura, the Anibaldi at Cave and Molara, and the Colonna at Palestrina, Paliano, Genazzano, and Olevano. In spite of its rise in prosperity, however, the Cam- pagna was beset with dangers from armed men and from fever. When the hosts of Barbarossa melted away under the pestilence in August, 1167, it was not the only time when the scourge of the Campagna proved the friend as well as the foe of Rome. “Rome, devourer of men, bends the necks of the proud,” wrote Saint Peter Damiani; “Rome, fertile in fevers, is most rich in the fruitage of death; the fevers of Rome may be trusted to keep their faith.” In 1198, we are told, the population of the city and the Campagna numbered about thirty-five thousand. A man of forty was hard to find, a man of sixty impossible. In 1230, a flood of the Tiber, described as one of the most destructive yet experienced, swept the Leonine part of the city and the Campus Martius, carried away a bridge, and drowned some thousands of people. Ter- rible famine and pestilence immediately followed. Eleven years later, a priest-writes from Rome to a mem- ber of the clergy who contemplates attendance at a council there: “How can you enjoy safety in the city, where all the citizens and the clergy are in daily strife for and against both disputants? The heat is insuffer- able, the water foul, the food is coarse and bad; the air is so heavy that it can be grasped with the hands, and is filled with swarms of mosquitos; the ground is alive with scorpions, the people are dirty and odious, wicked 370 ETERNAL ROME and fierce. The whole of Rome is undermined, and from the catacombs, which are filled with snakes, arises a poisonous and fatal exhalation.” This is the language of exaggeration, but in essence it conveys the truth regarding its time. The Rome of the papal absence, however, sank still farther in the decay of both men and monuments. The prostration of the city by the Normans was but momentary as com- pared with the long misery of seventy years during which the papal court remained at Avignon. In the early twelfth century, the vigor of a reviving age at least caused a reaction in its affairs; but by the four- teenth century not only had Rome consumed itself by the destruction of the pagan remains, but the Christian city into whose walls they had passed was itself crum- bling with decay. Hadrian the First, the pope of Charle- magne’s first visits, had already made extensive repairs in various churches. The atrium of Saint Paul’s at the time was grazed by cattle. The portico and interior of Saint Peter’s were in need of restoration. The history of the Lateran buildings is characteristic. The palace of the pagan Laterani, donated to the bishop of Rome by Constantine, the residence of the popes from 318 to 1305, when Avignon became their seat, and the Chris- tian analogue of the pagan Palatine, was besieged and sacked by the exarch of Ravenna in 640, was in need of repair in Charlemagne’s time, and in 1099 was again in ruins. The near-by Lateran basilica, also the work of Constantine, and, like the palace, built largely of pagan remains, collapsed in 897, was rebuilt by Sergius the Third after having lain seven years in ruin, was once more in a ruinous condition after the visit of the A THOUSAND YEARS OF RUIN 3871 Normans, and was a second and a third time destroyed by fire, on May 6, 1308, and in 1360. The absence of the popes was the darkness before the dawn. At the time when Petrarch was composing his odes and Cola di Rienzo was dreaming among her fallen monuments, Rome was more hopelessly sunk in misery than she ever had been except in the moment of actual war, or than she ever would be again. The whole southern part of the city was deserted. The Palatine was a mass of grass-grown débris. The Forum was a pasture under whose sod were hidden dis- mantled foundations and quarries of broken blocks and mutilated columns and statues. Hills were rounded and valleys filled. In the middle of the century, the western half of the great shell of the Coliseum had come crash- ing to the ground, and a mountain of travertine blocks lay at the base of the gigantic remains. Column, facade, and wall throughout the city were pitted and scarred by the tools of the searcher after the coveted clamps of metal hidden in their joints. On the crumbling founda- tions of concrete, stripped of their marble and useless now, shrubbery and grass were growing, and ivy man- tled the great walls of bath and circus, and the marble pillars that still stood; while here and there from amid the desolate ruins of the civilization whose origin and character were an enigma to the generation that walked among its remnants, rose convent, monastery, and church, with bell-towers of brick and marble and colored stones, and rugged feudal strongholds dotting the crests and slopes of the hills. There were waste areas even in the more densely peopled quarters, and vacant, tumble- down dwellings with staring windows stood side by side 372 ETERNAL ROME with the habitations of the noble. Eleven of the four hundred and twenty-four churches were in ruins, forty- four were without clergy, and the rest but poorly pro- vided. The gable of the Lateran had fallen in an earth- quake, and the upper half of the Torre delle Mailizie. The church of the ‘Twelve Apostles was overthrown, Saint Paul’s lay a heap of ruins, Saint Peter’s stood abandoned. The Black Death had visited the city in 1348; in Florence, three out of five had fallen its prey. The population may have been as low as seventeen thousand, or as high as fifty thousand, but it was only a handful in the capacious area girdled by the eleven miles of turret-crowned walls. | “By reason of the pope’s absence,’ says the biog- - rapher of Eugenius the Fourth at the beginning of the next century, “Rome had become like a village of herds- men; sheep and cows wandered about in the city.” An English chronicler wrote: “O God, how pitiable is Rome! Once she was filled with great nobles and palaces, now with huts, thieves, wolves, and vermin, with waste places, and the Romans themselves tear each other to pieces.” Let Petrarch, with the eloquence of sorrow, picture the desolation of the beloved city: ‘The houses are over- thrown, the walls come to the ground, the temples fall, the sanctuaries perish, the laws are trodden underfoot. The Lateran lies on the ground, and the Mother of all the churches stands without a roof and exposed to wind and rain. The holy dwellings of Saint Peter and Saint . Paul totter, and what was lately the temple of the Apostles is a shapeless heap of ruins to excite pity in hearts of stone.” Or, let the author of the Life of Cola di Rienzo de- THE TORRE DELLE MILIZIE ERECTED ABOUT 1200 A.D. A THOUSAND YEARS OF RUIN = 378 pict the sufferings of the people to whom the tribune’s heart was burning to restore the proud heritage of Ro- man citizenship: “The city of Rome was sunk in the deepest distress. There was no one to govern. Fighting was of daily occurrence; robbery was rife. Nuns, even children, were outraged, wives were torn from their husbands’ beds. Laborers on their way to work were robbed at the very gates of the city. Pilgrims were plundered and strangled; the priests were evil-doers; every sin was unbridled. There was only one law,—the law of the sword. There was no other remedy than self-defence in combination with relatives and friends. Armed men assembled together every day.” It is not to be wondered at that the scriptural simile of the city as a widow was already worn when Petrarch used it in 1351: “How doth the city sit solitary that was full of people! how is she become as a widow!” Dante, half a century before, had seen her in the same guise: Vient a veder la tua Roma che piagne, Vedova, sola, e di e notte chiama, Cesare mio, perché non m’accompagne? [ Purgatorio, VI: 112-114] Come, see thy Rome that weeping still doth bide, Widowed, alone, and calling night and day, Cesar, my son, why hast thou left my side? 3. ROMA CAPUT MUNDI HE history and description of the city in which the medieval Roman dwelt are in themselves an elo- quent commentary upon his character. It remains to give the commentary an ampler meaning by comparing him with other men of the times. To look upon any single generation or individual as a type of the whole would betray scant appreciation of the length and content of an era whose duration was more than twice the time elapsed since the New World was discovered, and which was itself made up of periods almost as distinct from each other as the whole is from either the age which preceded it or the age which fol- lowed. And yet, just as there are certain traits belong- ing to the whole Dark Age, so are there certain ones which mark the Roman of the period. For the most part, they are not peculiar to him. The distinction between the Roman and the rest of the world of his time les not so much in exclusive traits as in the exaggerated strength or weakness with which traits common to medieval men appear in him. In the ebb and flow of this exaggeration, too, and not in the appearance of aught that was new, are to be sought the differences that mark his character in the different epochs of the age. It is true of the Roman more than of other medieval men that he was a composite of the Christian and the pagan. He was the fulfilment in one person of the promises of both paganism and Christianity, the incar- ROMA CAPUT MUNDI 375 nation of the compromise already in the fourth cen- tury far on in the process of formation. He neither sank, however, to the utter perdition of which decadent pa- ganism had seemed to be the prophecy, nor reached the sublime heights to which the nascent Church had given promise of rising. His Christian inheritance kept him from the one, the burden of his pagan legacy from the other. The Roman of the Dark Age was a duality. All men of his age were, and all Christians of all ages have been. From the very nature of his religion, the Christian is at constant war with himself. There were, however, reasons why the Roman was especially divided against him- self. He was the descendant of classical civilization, he was an Italian, and he was a Roman. Nations just emerging from the darkness of barbarism could receive the Christian faith and be transformed by it; but for classic Italy, already ancient and of a culture highly expert, such rebirth was hardly possible. It was the dif- ference between the conversion of childhood and of old age. Barbarism believed, experienced the inner change, and began gradually to grow into new being. Classic civilization, although it accepted Christianity, asserting its regeneration and really believing in its own belief, could not so easily put off the old man. What the hum- ble and secluded early Church could do, comprising the merest handful of the city’s population, was no longer possible when it became coextensive with Roman so- ciety and found itself infinitely entangled in the meshes of pagan tradition. It should not be forgotten that the Christian culture was at once nascent and decadent. Just as Christianity possessed itself of pagan art and infused into it a new 376 ETERNAL ROME purpose without arresting its decline into the art of barbarism, so did it seize upon the whole body of pagan society in the fourth century and change its attitude without arresting its decay. The principle of life was planted; but a gradual death of the old and the painful birth of the new were necessary before the seed could come to fruition. As far as view of life was concerned, the Roman of the Dark Age differed greatly from his ancestor of Augustan times. The ancient Roman, whose ideas of righteousness had been concerned with conduct rather than attitude; who conceived of the spring of action as lying in himself alone, and who was his own last resort; who looked upon good fortune as his own to win and enjoy, and upon ill fortune and death as his own to meet and endure; to whom earth was reality, and fu- ture existence a pale and shadowy imitation of earthly things; who, in a word, was self-controlled and self- reliant,—had by the sixth century evolved into the medixeval Roman, who had learned that there was a power not himself which made for righteousness, and without which his own efforts were in vain; to whom heaven and hell were realities, and this world but an uncertain tarrying-place; whose sorrows were lightened by divine consolation, and whose joys were the gift of the grace of God; whose ideas of virtue were based upon attitude rather than conduct. The thorough impression of this manner of thought upon the minds of men was the Church’s great achievement. Under the right conditions, such a theory of life re- sults in chastened conduct. The earliest Roman Chris- tians had proved it. It is broadly true, however, that it was in theory alone that the Roman of later time dif- ROMA CAPUT MUNDI 377 fered from the pagan Roman, and that his actual con- duct remained in most particulars the same. Christianity had possessed itself of the fabric of paganism, but was itself possessed in the process. The decline of literature, art, and intelligence in general, the weakening of the state’s resources, the loss of vigor, the decay of civic responsibility, and the universal disintegration of forces went on uninterrupted. That the ruin of character also, if farther ruin was possible, was involved in the general downfall of the ancient civilization at Rome, or at least that the progress of regeneration was imperceptible, is the conclusion forced upon the reader of the city’s history during the Dark Ages. If morals and the Church were still in- separably associated, as they had been in the time of Paul and the martyrs, it was more in theory than in practice. The story of Rome during the Dark Ages is in large part the narrative of worldly ambition. Up to the time of Charlemagne, the Church had striven for supremacy over the churches of the western world; from that time, its ambition was to make itself temporal as well as spiritual ruler over the empire. In the endless series of embroilments and wars, foreign and domestic, which followed the one the other without intermission, there were few in which the pope was not actively con- cerned, and of most he was the actual cause. If he dif- fered from other temporal rulers in his use of political and military means, the difference is not apparent with- out the closest examination. The conscious employment of the donation of Constantine and the Isidorian de- cretals, the decree of the senate against the sale of the papacy in the early sixth century, and the declaration of Leo the Ninth’s Council in 1049, that if he should 378 ETERNAL ROME carry out his measures of reform the Roman churches would be left entirely without priests, suggest the strength of ecclesiastical and personal selfishness in the vicar of Christ and his servants. The excesses of a John the T'welfth or a John the Twenty-second, or of a Bene- dict the Ninth, made pope at the age of twelve, and de- scribed as “more boyish than Caligula, more criminal than Heliogabalus,” indicate the depths to which the holy office could plunge. The exhumation, trial, and throwing of Formosus into the Tiber in 897 to satisfy the hatred of Stephen the Sixth, the cruelty of Stephen the Third and his party, 766-772, who imprisoned and blinded opposing cardinals and bishops and cut out their tongues, and inflicted upon the pope’s fallen rival the unspeakable mutilation, the pollution of the altars of Saint Peter’s itself by theft, lust, and murder,—such things as these could come to pass in the spiritual capi- tal of the western world. During the two hundred years between 872 and 1073 there were forty-nine popes, and the scenes recorded of the times are worse than the scenes of ancient Rome. The riots of democrats and aristocrats and blues and greens of the olden time were continued in the factional fights of rivals for the papal throne. The bread and games with which the emperors had purchased the good will of the pagan populace were succeeded by the dole dispensed by the pope to a mob of ravenous Christians ready to turn and rend him at the first sign of denying them their desires. The Roman accepted without ques- tion the Christian doctrine, and recognized as a matter of course the authority of the Church; but the weakness of his decadent character made the pleasing of God by self-restraint so difficult that he lapsed into the old ROMA CAPUT MUNDI 379 method of establishing himself in the right relation with God through formal acts. He believed what he was told to believe, rendered what he was told to render, observed the forms required by the discipline of the Church, and went on with the life according to this world. It would be far from true to say that the Christian faith was inoperative, and it would be less truthful to say that there were no popes of lofty purpose and up- right lives, or that there was nothing in the circum- stances of the age to excuse the means at times adopted by those whose greatest fault was ambition for the Church; but it must be said that the disparity between the Christian ideal and the practice of men was greater in the Christianized capital of paganism than elsewhere. Rome was so barren of spirituality and so fertile in dis- order and crime that she outraged even the blunt medie- val sense. Visitors from outside Italy were shocked by what they saw in the city which from childhood they had been taught to love and venerate as the seat of spiritual empire. “Rome,” declared Arnulf of Orleans in the tenth cen- tury, “is the seat of every iniquity. While learning and piety are being cultivated in all the nations of the north, Rome is sunk in ignorance and sin.” Gaufried, a Nor- man monk of Hildebrand’s time, may exaggerate, but his words are not surprising to the reader of history: “Rome, thou decayest in thy despicable cunning; no one fears thee; thou offerest thy neck to every scourge. _ Thy weapons are blunted, thy laws are falsified. Thou art full of lies, of trickery and avarice. No faith, no chastity, nothing but simoniacal pestilence is found within thee. With thee all is venal. Instead of one pope, thou must have two. Does one give? thou drivest the 380 ETERNAL ROME other away; does one cease to give? thou callest the other back. Thou threatenest one with the other and so thou fillest thy wallet. Once the source of all virtues, now the pit of all disgrace. No noble customs dwell longer in thee, but with unabashed forehead thou prose- cutest the vile arts of gain.” Crusaders, piously halting in the capital of the great head of the Church at whose behest they were on the way to slay the enemies of the Christian faith in the east, were sometimes struck with wonder at sights which were not the least item in the experience among men which fell to the lot of the soldier of the Cross. Besides finding themselves called upon to fight out the quarrels of rival claimants to the papacy, they were not left unmolested in Saint Peter’s itself. “As we entered the basilica,” says one of them, “we found the people of the imbecile pope Wibert with swords in their hands; they seized the votive offerings which we had placed on the altars, they climbed on the beams of the church and threw stones down on us; when we knelt in prayer they de- sired to murder everyone who appeared to them as the follower of Urban.” Rome herself, the inspirer of the Crusades, took no part worth mention in their execution. The light of chivalry does not relieve her dark centuries; her fight- ing and robbery were not in the least romantic. It may not have been political prejudice alone that prompted a French monk, the partisan of Avignon, to preach on his return from Rome on the text, ““A certain man went down from Jerusalem to Jericho and fell among thieves’; and to charge the Romans with cowardice, greed, and degradation deeper than he could have be- lieved had he not seen it with his own eyes. “The scepter ROMA CAPUT MUNDI 381 of Rome and her lofty palaces,” says an epigram of the time, “are prostrate in the mire; the towering home of Cesar is now the mean hovel of the pauper. Rome is nothing now; there is nothing left of her but a trace; Cesar in his own city beholds nothing worthy of Cesar.” Again and again was the Church’s influence saved from the ruin with which worldly and unscrupulous leadership threatened it. Hardly was the Christian world free from persecution before monasticism arose to make possible for those who believed in the ways of the primitive Church the life which their consciences demanded. From the Benedictines of Monte Cassino in the sixth century, from their brethren of Cluny in the eleventh, from the mendicant order of Francis and the missionaries of Dominic in the twelfth, came the infusions of moral and spiritual lifeblood which set Church and papacy again on the road to health; but Rome herself was so far from being the immediate source of reform that her atmosphere endangered the ideals of every reformer who sat on the throne of Peter. During the two hundred and fifty years following the acquisition of the temporal power at the hands of Pepin, the period of lowest ebb in Roman morality, forty-five of the forty-seven popes were either from Rome or from the states of the Church. When reform on the papal throne did come, it was with the northern and Cluniac popes, while its effect, always less at Rome than else- where, soon gave way to renewed decline. And it was not only in these respects that the Roman of the Dark Ages was worse than others of his time. Nowhere else did ignorance seem so great as in the presence of the classical monuments. In 683 a man who knew both Greek and Latin was a phenomenon. The 382 ETERNAL ROME only women remarkable for learning from 476 to 800 were Amalasuntha and Adalberga, both of northern blood. What knowledge had been saved from the ruins of the ancient world was in the hands of the Church, but Rome was not its seat. The monasteries whose inmates fanned the sacred embers were elsewhere. Gregory the Great, Roman-born and prefect of the city, nuncio to Constantinople, knew no Greek, prohibited the reading of the pagan authors by the clergy, and was hostile to humane learning. Not a single Roman name conspicuous for talent of any kind appears in the history of the tenth century. The priest’s education was finished when he was able to read the service. The common people spoke a barbarous corruption of the ancient Roman tongue which did not begin to be Italian as distinguished from Latin until at least the latter part of the ninth century. Gregory of Tours in the sixth probably reflects the cul- tural deficiencies of the clergy when he confesses diffi- culties with syntax and betrays an ignorance of the ancient authors. At the end of the thirteenth, the idiom — of the capital was still so graceless that Dante called it “the melancholy language of the Romans.” Men forgot not only the tongue of their ancestors, but its literature was no longer intelligible to them. In the lack of both ambition and ability to read the little that had not been lost, they became possessed of the strangest ideas regarding the great men and events of ancient times. It was the age of legend-making. The myths of Isis and Mithras and the tales of astrologer and magician lived on in the wonder-tales of relics and sainted martyrs. The religion of the present and the history of the past, as well as the life to come, were seen in the light of the magic and supernatural. Virgil was ee THE ROUND TEMPLE NEAR THE TIBER ERECTED IN THE FIRST CENTURY AFTER CHRIST; IN THE TWELFTH CENTURY IT WAS CALLED SANTO STEFANO, IN THE SIXTEENTH SANTA MARIA DEL SOLE ROMA CAPUT MUNDI 383 a necromancer who escaped from prison in Rome and was borne by ship through the air to Apulia. His poems were valuable chiefly for the casting of lots. The won- derlands in which adventurous Moor and Frank and Crusader and Saracen roved came into being in minds prepared and willing. The remnants of the greatness of ancient Rome that lay on every hand were interpreted in the same fantastic manner as the memories of Virgil and the relics that reposed in every church. Greek, Ro- man, and Biblical heroes were ludicrously mingled in the stories that went from mouth to mouth and from generation to generation in an age which did not read and write, and classical times were dressed in medieval garments. What the men of the dark centuries thought, if indeed they ever thought, as they looked upon the remnants of the dead city, may be suggested by the statistics and tales which represent the guide-book and travel knowledge of the times. “Rome,” quaintly begins Benjamin of Tudela in Spain, a Hebrew visitor to the city about the latter part of the twelfth century,—“Rome is divided into two parts by the river of Tiber, the one part being on one side, the other part on the other. In the first is a right great temple, that is called Saint Peter’s of Rome, and there also is the palace of the great Julius Cesar; and there, moreover, are full many buildings and works, the like whereunto are not in the world. And around the part of Rome wherein men dwell, are spread out twenty and four miles of ruins. And there be found therein eighty Palaces of full mighty kings, that be all called emperors from ‘Tarquin’s reign unto the reign of Pepin son of Charles, who first conquered Spain, when it was holden of the Ishmaelites. The Palace of Titus 384 HTERNAL ROME is without Rome, who was not received by the three hundred Senators, because he had not fulfilled their commandment, and had not taken Jerusalem until the third year, whereas they had set him to do it in two years. Moreover there is the Palace of Vespasian, after the manner of a castle, a right great building and a strong. There also is the Palace of King Malgalbinus, in whose palace there be three hundred and three score houses, after the number of days in the year, the compass whereof reacheth unto three miles. And whereas upon a time war arose among them, more than an hundred thousand men were slain in this palace, whose bones are hung there unto this day; and the Emperor set forth in carved work all that had happened in that war, how faction was set against faction, host against host, men and horses with their armour, all in marble, for to show unto them that came after how great a war had once been. Moreover is found there a cave under ground, where the Emperor and the Empress his wife sit on thrones, and an hundred barons of his realm stand around, all embalmed with drugs unto this day. ““And there be there, in Saint John’s church at the Latin Gate, at the altar, two brazen pillars of the works of King Solomon, to whom be peace; and in each of them is cut the inscription, Solomon Son of David; and it was told unto me by Jews abiding in Rome, that every year on the ninth day of the month Abib, a sweat like unto water droppeth from those pillars. And there is a crypt, or privy chamber, wherein Titus, son of Vespa- sian, did hide the holy vessels taken from Jerusalem. “There is also another crypt, in a hill by the shore of the river Tiber, wherein be buried the ten righteous men of blessed memory, who were slain. . . ROMA CAPUT MUNDI 385 ‘““Moreover, before the basilica of the Lateran is Sam- son carved in stone, holding a globe in his hand. Then there is Absalom, son of David, and the Emperor Con- stantine, who built the city that is called after his name Constantinople; whose image with his horse is of gilded bronze. ‘There be moreover other buildings and works in Rome, the number whereof no man can tell.” The legends appearing in the Mirabilia, an anony- mous document of the same period, and in the Graphia, a recension of it at a not much later date, are no less characteristic. “There is at the Lateran a certain brazen horse, that is called Constantine’s horse,” says the author of the former, in the attempt to account for the equestrian statue, it may be, of Marcus Aurelius; “but it is not so, for whosoever will know the truth thereof, let him read it here. “In the time of the Consuls and Senators, a certain full mighty king from the parts of the Kast came to Italy, and besieged Rome on the side of the Lateran, and with much slaughter and war afflicted the Roman people. Then a certain squire of great beauty and vir- tue, bold and subtle, arose and said to the Consuls and Senators: If there were one that should deliver you from this tribulation, what would he deserve from the Senate? and they answered and said: What thing soever he shall ask, he shall presently obtain it. Give me, said he, thirty thousand sesterces, and ye shall make me a memorial of the victory, when the fight is done, and a horse of gilded bronze of the best. And they promised to do all that he asked. Then said he, Arise at midnight and arm you all, and stand at watch within the walls, and whatsoever I shall say to you, that shall ye do. And they forthwith B86.) ETERNAL ROME did that he bade them. Then he mounted an horse with- out a saddle, and took a sickle. For he had seen of many nights the king come to the foot of a certain tree for his bodily need, at whose coming an owlet, that sat in the tree, always hooted. The squire therefore went forth of the city and made forage, which he carried before him tied up in a truss, after the fashion of a groom. And as soon as he heard the hooting of the owlet, he drew near, and perceived that the king was come to the tree. He went therefore straightway towards him. The lords that were with the king, thought he was one of their own people and began to cry, that he should take himself out of the way from before the king. But he, not leaving his purpose for their shouting, whiles he feigned to go from the place, bore down upon the king; and such was his hardihood that in spite of them all he seized the king by force, and carried him away. Anon, when he was come to the walls of the city, he began to cry, Go forth and slay all the king’s army, for lo! I have taken him captive. And they, going forth, slew some and put the others to flight; and the Romans had from that field an untold weight of gold and silver. So they returned glorious to the'city; and all that they had promised to the aforesaid squire they paid and performed, to wit, thirty thousand sesterces, and an horse of gilded brass without a saddle for a memorial of him, with the man himself riding thereon, having his right hand stretched forth, that he took the king withal, and on the horse’s head a memorial of the owlet, upon whose hooting he had won the victory. The king, which was of little stat- ure, with his hands bound behind him, as he had been taken, was also figured, by way of remembrance, under the hoof of the horse.” ROMA CAPUT MUNDI 387 Another legend begins: “In the times of the Consuls and Senators, the prefect Agrippa, with four legions of soldiers, subjugated to the Roman Senate the Sue- vians, Saxons, and other western nations. Upon whose return the bell of the image of the kingdom of the Per- sians, that was in the Capitol, rang. For in the temple of Jupiter and Moneta in the Capitol was an image of every kingdom of the world, with a bell about his neck, and as soon as the bell sounded, they knew that the country was rebellious. The priest therefore that was on watch in his week, hearing the sound of the bell, shewed the same to the Senators.” Again, the founding of Rome is recorded in the Graphia: “After the sons of Noah built the Tower of Confusion, Noah with his sons entered into a ship, as Hescodius writeth, and came unto Italy. And not far from the place where now is Rome, he founded a city of his own name; wherein he brought his travail and his life to an end. Then his son Janus, with Janus his son, Japhet his grandson, and Camese a man of the country, building a city, Janiculum, in the Palatine mountain, succeeded to the kingdom; and when Camese had gone the way of all flesh, the kingdom passed to Janus alone. The same, with the aforesaid Camese, did build him a palace in Transtiberim, that he called Janiculum, to wit, in that place where the church of Saint John at Janicu- lum now standeth. But he had the seat of his kingdom in the palace that he had builded in the mountain Pala- tine; wherein all the Emperors and Cesars of after times did gloriously dwell. . . . Now when the four hundred and thirty-third year was fulfilled after the de- struction of the town of Troy, Romulus was born of the blood of Priam, king of the Trojans. And in the twenty- 388 ETERNAL ROME second year of his age, in the fifteenth day of the Cal- ends of May, he encompassed all the said cities with a wall, and called the same Rome after his own name. And in her Etrurians, Sabines, Albans, 'Tusculans, Politanes, Tellenes, Ficanians, Janiculans, Camerians, Capenates, Faliscans, Lucanians, Italians, and, as one may say, all the noble folk of the whole earth, with their wives and children, came together for to dwell.” So run these medieval efforts to edify the pilgrim in the city or the curious of distant lands regarding the ruins among which sat the Cesars of the Church. With the exception of here and there a reverend father in some secluded cloister which still possessed and valued the books of Latin times, this is the manner in which the Romans and the friends of Rome thought of the ancient city in which they dwelt or travelled. One may well believe Petrarch when he says that “Rome was known nowhere less than at Rome.” Not only was the city of the popes more ignorant than other cities of the darkest centuries, but more dead to the impulse of the new learning and art of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Paris and Bologna had been great centers of study for more than a century when a Frenchman, Charles of Anjou, appointed sena- tor of the Romans, announced his purpose of founding a university at Rome, and it was not until 1303 that the famous Sapienza was actually created. By this time Padua had been celebrated for eighty-one years and Naples for seventy-nine, and Bologna had become the world’s center for the study of law. It was the English chroniclers of the twelfth century, and not the Roman, that wrote the history of Rome. And while in the cities of France and England the wonders of vault and tower ROMA CAPUT MUNDI 389 and spire were being reared to heaven in the most im- pressive architecture of all time, the spiritual capital of Europe was miserably propping and patching its col- lapsing sanctuaries with marbles quarried from the ruins of classic Rome; while medizval sculpture was reaching the zenith in Paris and Chartres and Amiens and Rheims, and Pisa, Siena, and Pistoia were carving their beautiful pulpits, and Giotto in Assisi and Florence was bringing to life the painter’s art, Rome’s only distinc- tion in art was in marble work and mosaic. To bring properly into relief the essential traits of an age so long and so varied as the medieval centuries of Rome is impossible without the risk of falsifying. Not every year of the Dark Age found the city a prey to anarchy. In all but the times of actual warfare, there existed a manner of government. In the midst of the deepest ignorance education did not wholly die. From 1198 to 1803, however small the contribution of Rome to intellectual progress, the greater number of the eighteen popes and their cardinals, at least in the law, were men of learning. The makeshift art of her poverty has a beauty and fascination of its own. The bearing of her best citizens no doubt partook to some degree of the general refinement of Italian manners which was often the subject of comment on the part of the rougher men from the north. And yet, even could it be supposed that the degrada- tion of Rome was no deeper than that of other cities of the time, it must seem the deeper against the luminous background of the Christian ideal; and before the minds of her own sons and of the pilgrim throngs that came to tread her streets, in the darkest times there hovered continually in addition the vision of a past the more 390 ETERNAL ROME glorious because vague and indistinct. “The history of the city in the Middle Ages,” writes its historian, “was frequently nothing more than a continued funeral ora- tion over the splendor of the ancient city.” ‘The most degraded never forgot entirely that Rome had once ruled the world by the power of her arms, and their leaders in the Church never lost the consciousness that Cesar’s authority had perished only to give place to the authority of God. When at last the idea of the material empire built by pagan Rome had begun un- willingly to die, the conception of spiritual empire was not only already formed, but well on the way to realiza- tion. Men revered her not only as the historic seat of the greatest power and magnificence the world had even seen, but as the divinely appointed abiding-place of the successors to the Apostle into whose hands had been given the holy keys, as the Mother of the Church, the tomb of the martyrs, the goal of pilgrimage, the in- strument of God in the spiritualization of the world. Her destiny was more sublime than ever. Not only was the medieval city thus venerated for her past, but the prophecy of the future made her a living fountain of hope. The deepest night of the Dark Ages was not without its flashes of the old splendor, and again and again there seemed to be the promise of a new day. The ancient pagan idea of worldly dominion never wholly died out. With the rise of the Church and the creation of a papal state, it came to life again, sprang into prominence, and lived on for a thousand years, to be the source of wretchedness as well as honor to the strife-torn city. Fifty years after Romulus Augustulus, when in reality for over a hundred years Gothic armies had ruled Italy from their camps, Boethius could still Prato’ © pre Babes cabo ene BOF deacons Dessoodres Pact tapes SFG geet NIE. PLAN OF ROME IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY THIS SUGGESTS THE CHARACTER OF THE CITY BEFORE THE RENAISSANCE REPRODUCED FROM DE ROSSI’S PIANTE ICONOGRAFICHE E PROSPETTICHE DI ROMA ANTERIORI AL SECOLO XVI = d “ 3 TA Pier & b j et iy i» a / i , ' ie 3 .: ’ ae: «“* ’ 1 . » 0 i. Eohe a : . bs 5 } iad ae chs Pla ie 1 ea i rans ae oo ” ee » S ot = wey ~ - ' = ' 7 a ; | 7 rs s a ‘ . 5 a x as eu 4 2 : i ae a | i ’ 5 ie i - a ; * : © » ROMA CAPUT MUNDI 391 dream of the restoration of the empire. Two hundred and fifty years later, when Pepin and Charlemagne con- jured up the ghost of the western empire, in the minds of men it was as if Rome had again become the mistress of the world. ‘Two hundred years after Charlemagne, when the city had faded to the shadow of its former self, the enthusiastic Otto the Third called himself Emperor of the Romans, and had his crown inscribed, ““Rome, Capital of the World, Queen of all the Globe,” and on the installation of his judiciary used the formula, “Judge Rome and the Leonine city and the whole world according to this book.” The book was the code of Justinian. The envoys of the Roman republic who came forth from their ruined and powerless city to meet the great Barbarossa addressed the emperor with all the dignity of the times when the senate was an assembly of kings: “We, ambassadors of the city, not insignificant men of Rome, are sent to thine Excellency by the senate and people. Benevolently hear what the illustrious mis- tress of the world, whose sovereign, with God’s help, thou soon shalt be, doth offer thee. Dost thou come in peace, I rejoice. Thou desirest the empire of the world, and I gladly rise to hasten forward with the crown... . May the splendor of ancient times, the freedom of the illustrious city, return. May Rome, under such an em- peror, again seize the reins of supremacy over a re- bellious world, and may her ruler with the name unite also the glory of Augustus.” In the rebellion of 1234, the citizens demanded of the pope that they should be exempt from excommunication and other ecclesiastical punishments, as their ancient ancestors had been exempt from scourging. A senator in the same century glorified the city as “the eyebrow of the world, the tribunal of 392 ETERNAL ROME justice, the seat of holiness, the throne of glory.” John the 'wenty-second, as he sat in Avignon and thought of the deserted hills of the sacred city, cried out, “V elimus nolimus enim rerum caput Roma erit,—For, will we or no, Rome will be the capital of the world.” Such language and such pretensions as these would have been ridiculous uttered regarding any other spot in the world than Rome. A monk on the throne of Peter could seriously claim the sovereignty of the world, and almost attain it. The fantastic visions of a Cola di Rienzo were almost realized before his astonished op- ponents had ceased to be amused by his arrogance. ‘The son of a poor tavern-keeper, a dreamer devoid of com- mon sense, to say nothing of statesmanship, could revo- lutionize the government of the city, organize its armies, make war on the Latin cities, summon prince and pope to yield to the rightful mistress of the world, and not be universally laughed at. Rome is one of history’s great- est examples of the persistence of an idea. But if the idea of military and political sovereignty over the world was never again to be realized, the do- minion of Rome over the hearts of men continued and increased. In theory, Rome strove for temporal control over the world in order that she might exercise a control of the spirit; in actual fact, it was a spiritual and sen- timental dominion already exercised that made the world willing to pause and attend. However degraded by ignorance, ruin, and lawlessness, she still remained Eternal Rome, at frequent intervals the center of poli- tics, always the center of sentiment. Philip the Arab, in the midst of a century of convulsions, had celebrated in the Coliseum in 247 the thousandth anniversary of the city’s founding. Constantius, whose capital was on the ROMA CAPUT MUNDI 393 Bosporus, and Honorius, who ruled from Ravenna and Milan, had chosen the ancient city as the scene of their triumphs. Alaric and his wild soldiery, like the Gauls eight centuries before them, had withheld their hands in awe for a moment before profaning the venerable seat of civilization. 'Theodoric had poured out money in her embellishment, Justinian had sought to regain control of her, Constans the Second in 663, arrived by the Appian Way, went straightway to lay his gifts with prayers on the altar of Peter. Belisarius, one hundred and seventeen years before, by an appeal to reason and sentiment, had stayed the hand of Totila, who had al- ready torn down part of the walls and now threatened to turn the entire city into a pasture for cattle. “Beyond all cities upon earth,” he writes the victor from Ostia, “Rome is the greatest and most wonderful. . . . She remains a monument of the virtues of the world to all posterity, and a trespass against her greatness would justly be regarded as an outrage against all time.” The Gothic king had celebrated the races in the olden fashion, and Narses after him reproduced the triumph of the Cesars’ times. 'The leaders and tyrants of civic Rome adopted such titles as “Prince and Senator of all the Romans,” “Tribune of Freedom, of Peace and Justice, and Illustrious Redeemer of the Holy Roman Republic,” “Candidate of the Holy Spirit,” “Deliverer of the City,” “Zealot for Italy,” “Friend of the World,” “Tribune of Augustus.” The rulers of vast realms be- yond Italy styled themselves “Emperors of the Ro- mans,’ and confessed their dependence upon the City of God on the Tiber banks. By her kings reigned, and princes decreed justice, and to her, for the healing of their souls, all nations flowed. 394 ETERNAL ROME The city had always been the goal of travel; but by the seventh century the formal pilgrimage had begun to be an established custom. From every quarter of Kurope came penitents to gaze upon the relics of the saints, to offer prayers and gifts, to receive baptism and blessing from the vicar of Christ. Among them came the great of the earth. Cadwalla, king of the West Saxons, died in Rome on a pilgrimage in 689. A score of years later, Conrad of Mercia and Offa of Essex were there to take the cowl. Charlemagne, on his first visit in April, 774, ascended to Saint Peter’s on his knees, kissing each step as he went; and twenty-six years later the somber nave and aisles of the ancient basilica of the Apostle re- sounded with enthusiastic cries from the brilliant trains of monarch and pope as the great Frank was divinely invested with authority over the world by the successor of the Fisherman. In 1027, with wallet and staff, came Canute the Dane, to be horrified at the scenes he wit- nessed, but to go his way with heart none the less softened to repentance and swelling with reverence. In 1050 came Macbeth of Scotland, free-handed with the poor of Rome. Into and out of the gates flowed an un- ceasing stream of pilgrims from nations far and near, swelled alike by the saintly who hungered and thirsted after righteousness and by the criminal compelled by conscience or confessor. The external features of the city whose thorough- fares the pilgrims actually trod, as well as the character of its inhabitants, were far from reproducing the Rome of their dreams. It was a motley city that met their eyes. Mounted barons in armor rode in from the Campagna with their bands of retainers bristling with halberd and lance. Visitors wandered among ruins or ROMA CAPUT MUNDI 395 marched in solemn silence to the goal of their pil- grimage in half-ruined basilicas. There were swarms of squalid beggars with outstretched hands. A funeral conducted by a confraternity in masks progressed over pavement uneven and neglected. Grimy artisan and indolent tradesman looked on from the thresholds of miserable shops, and tattered vendors cried their wares. The sunny places in winter and the shady in summer were populous with chattering idlers. The streets were in movement with nuns and barefoot monks, with mag- nificent cardinals and their trains, with guides and traffickers in dubious relics, with painted courtesans and aimless idlers. The niche in the wall, with painted or sculptured image and burning lamp, and the bells of church and cloister, were the ceaseless reminder of the claims of another world. Rough outside stairways and forbidding archways led to dwellings and courts that were dark and unsanitary. The air was heavy with the odors of an ill-kept city. The people drank of the turbid Tiber or from wells at the foot of the hills. Their sewer- age, if they had it, was the poor service rendered by the decayed and choked-up remains of the ancient system. The princely themselves were none too cleanly, the populace unkempt and dirty. There was swindling, quarrelling, thievery, and riot. Layman and ecclesiastic alike looked on the stranger with the eye of greed. Yet not all this could rob the city of its charm, and it never ceased to cast its mystic spell. Men came and saw, and were shocked at the sights their eyes beheld; but in their day, as in better days that have followed, the mean reality was submerged in love for the holy capital. At the last prayerful salutation of the venerable city as they climbed the height of Monte Mario and looked the 396 ETERNAL ROME final farewell, their hearts were no less filled with rever- ence than when suddenly from its brow they had first caught the vision of the holy place and fallen upon their knees in fulness of heart at the realization of their vows. In the century which saw the departure of the papacy and the culmination of Roman wretchedness, nothing was more remarkable than this hold which the city re- tained upon the love and the fears of men. She was more than ever the Queen and Mother of the world. The jubilee of 1800 drew an unparalleled concourse of pilgrims. The amount of money poured into the papal treasury was enormous. ‘Thirty thousand persons, said one chronicler, went into and out of the city every day, and two hundred thousand might have been counted within the walls at any time. “Of bread, wine, meat, fish, and oats,” says another, “there was plenty to be had in the market, and cheap. The hay was very dear, and the inns exceedingly ex- pensive. It cost me for my lodging and the stabling of my horse, over and above the hay and oats, a Tornese groat (a third of a franc). As I went out of Rome on Christmas Eve, I saw leaving the city a throng so great that no one could count the number, and the talk among the Romans was that there had been more than two millions of men and women. Several times I saw men as well as women trodden under foot, and more than once I escaped the same danger myself.” In 1834 came the Flagellants, as they had come in 1260, and as they were to come once more in 1400, the sign of the spirit of repentance abroad in the world. Men, women, and children, monks, priests, and her- mits, the innocent and the guilty alike, caught up by the spirit of the time, set out by tens, and hundreds, and ROMA CAPUT MUNDI 397 thousands, from all parts of Italy and from beyond the Alps, treading the rough ways with bare feet and scourging their unprotected shoulders, preaching re- pentance and crying, “Peace and Mercy,’—driven by common impulse to the one city whose sovereignty over the souls of men was undisputed, and to which they looked for salvation in spite of its sordidness and ruin, and in spite of its shameless inhabitants, who laughed in the face of the Dominican leader of the Penitents, | Fra Venturino, when he declared that only the dead were holy at Rome, the living godless. Incredible numbers were again in the city during the jubilee of 1350. Five thousand pilgrims daily entered and left the gates, and one reckless estimate placed the number during Lent at a million two hundred thousand. The highways of Italy were channels through which flowed streams of pilgrims, the vacant spaces of the city were their camping-places, the city itself a huge inn. Nine years before the jubilee, there had occurred the crowning of Petrarch on the Capitol, followed on the next day by the poet’s capture by brigands almost at the gates of the city. Three years before, in 1347, the momentary success of Cola di Rienzo’s fantastic ideas had cast its glamour over the city. In August of that year it was filled by envoys from abroad, its palaces and streets bright with banquets and processions, the populace in a frenzy of delight as the horse of Marcus Aurelius spouted wine and water from its nostrils. In November the old-time Roman valor had once more demonstrated itself in the great victory at the gate of San Lorenzo, where fell eighty nobles, the flower of the princely families of Rome, victims of the sentimental might of the Eternal City. Meanwhile the Romans in 398 ETERNAL ROME deepest misery bewailed the absence of the papal court. It was indeed a motley city, a city of violent contrasts. It was a city of beauty and desolation, of ill-kept and odorous streets under skies of azure and gold, streets today empty and tomorrow filled with endless trains of chanting pilgrims, a city of deserted and grass-grown regions ghastly with crumbling ruins, through which moved gorgeous retinues of cardinal, prince, and pope. It was a city of self-contradiction, a city of weakness and of strength, of penitential processions and of bloody — riot, of devotion to the Church and of rebellion against its head, of saintly reputation and of satanic conduct, of spirituality in theory and of brutal worldliness in practice; of solemn crownings of emperors in gloomy and decaying churches by those who styled themselves Servants of the Servants of God. X. THE RENAISSANCE Urbe Roma in pristinam formam rinascente,— The city of Rome rising again into its ancient form. Lavrentius Mantivs, Inscription on his house, Via del Pianto (1468) Visebamus spe deserta urbis Antonius Luscus vir clarissimus egoque, admirantes animo tum ob veterum collapsorum edificiorum magnitudinem et vastas urbis antique ruinas, tum ob tanti imperii ingentem stragem stupendam profecto ac deplorandam fortune varietatem. . . . Ceteros urbis collis perlustra; omnia vacua edificiis ruinis vineis oppleta con- spicies,— We used often to visit the deserted places of the city, Antonius Luscus the senator and I, marvelling now at the magnitude of the fallen edifices of antiquity and the vast ruins of the ancient city, and now at the stu- pendous and deplorable change of fortune to be seen in the great downfall of so mighty an empire. . . . Cast the eye over the other hills of the city; you will see them all empty of buildings and filled with ruins and vine- yards. Poeeato Bracciorrn1, De Varietate Fortune ae f ‘ Ne uy) t i l Nae 4 ty » ( Hi eA ) 4 NT sn} Kis f VA il 1 i Davie vil j ¥ i Co Roi NE ey ANS At We Atte ia Kn) ar Wh My ae al 1. AUGUSTANS RETURNED HE papal absence was the darkest hour in the night of medieval Rome. ‘The attempt of Cola di Rienzo to revive the liberties of the Roman people and to unite Italy under the dominion of the ancient city was an empty dream of what was to prove possible only after five centuries more had rolled by, and the utterances of Petrarch were heavy with the despair of Rome’s time of deepest degradation. Yet with both came the first streaks that heralded the day of the rebirth. The fan- tastic tribune who dreamed among the fallen columns and scattered inscriptions of the ancient city and de- claimed in Latin on her lost glories, as well as the poet who received the crown of laurel on the Capitol, were chief contributors to the impulse that started into wake- fulness the arts of the ancient civilization. Little more than a score of years after the death of Cola di Rienzo, and but three years after Petrarch’s life had ended, the papacy returned to the long-deserted city. On January 17, 13877, preceded by dancing buf- foons and accompanied by two thousand men-at-arms, Gregory the Eleventh entered the city by the Ostian gate and made his way through its desolate southern portion, past the Aventine and Capitoline, through the Campus Martius, and across the Tiber to Saint Peter’s, treading on flowers strewn in the streets by the rejoicing Romans. The seemingly interminable widowhood of three score years and ten was at an end. In their enthusiasm at the 402 ETERNAL ROME return of the fountain of what little prosperity and well-being had been theirs in the dark centuries preced- ing, the citizens momentarily forgot the repeated fail- ures which had attended their efforts to found an inde- pendent commonwealth, and looked to the future with new confidence. The return of the papacy, however, brought in its train no immediate cessation of the woes from which the city had suffered. Strife and bloodshed continued without abatement. With the death of Gregory and the armed conflict between rival claimants of the tiara, Urban the Sixth and Robert of Geneva, the anti-pope Clement the Seventh, came the beginning of the Great Schism. For forty years both Avignon and Rome were the seats of papal courts whose quarrels were reflected in the Church and empire at large and in the ancient capital. Nor were the contests which sprang from the rivalry of pope and anti-pope the only sources of disorder in Rome. The ancient quarrels of the city still raged. Pope and people still struggled for control. Popes were ex- pelled, and foreign armies intervened. The broils of the Colonna, who under their relative Martin the Fifth be- came masters of the greater part of Latium, with the Orsini, who were powerful in Tuscany and the Sabines, were as fierce as ever. The terrors of brigandage in the Campagna were unabated. A population whose pas- sions were without restraint and whose conscience knew no scruple continued in the barbarous satisfaction of private enmities. The city was really in a state of intermittent anarchy. The streets were as unsafe as ever, and the citizens as incapable as ever of maintaining the dignity of which AUGUSTANS RETURNED 403 they knew their city to be worthy. Twice in 1417, the year of Martin the Fifth’s accession and the end of the schism, was the Rome which had been for a thousand years the spiritual head of the world, and which had in her time been the mistress of civilized mankind, entered and ruled by mere condottiert. Ignorance continued to prevail no less than disorder. The University had fallen into decay, not to be permanently restored until 1431. The destruction of the ancient monuments went on. It was almost as if Petrarch and Cola di Rienzo had not lived, and the day had not already broken elsewhere. Not even with the reign of Martin the Fifth did the city permanently afford the atmosphere of safety and stability necessary for the encouragement of the new learning and art. Firm and vigorous though “The Hap- piness of his Times,” as his tomb in the Lateran de- scribes him, proved himself, after his death and the accession of Kugenius the Fourth the city and Cam- pagna again became the prey to papal and feudal quarrels. “Owing to the absence of the pope,” says Vespasiano in his Life of Hugenius, who had been the victim of an uprising, “the city had become like a vil- lage of cowherds; sheep and cattle wandered through the streets, to the very spot now occupied by the mer- chants’ stalls.” The Campagna and other lands of the Church suf- fered especially. “Seldom has the rule of any other pope,” says the humanist Poggio Bracciolini, “produced equal devastation in the provinces of the Roman Church. The country scourged by war, the depopulated and ruined towns, the devastated fields, the roads infested by robbers, more than fifty places partly destroyed, partly sacked by soldiery, have suffered from every 404 ETERNAL ROME species of revenge. After the destruction of their cities, many citizens have been sold as slaves; many have died in prison.” Martin and Eugenius had nevertheless been favorably disposed toward learning and the arts. Not even the turbulence of Eugenius’ times wholly checked the rapidly increasing momentum of the intellectual move- ment. The famous Bessarion was cardinal under him; Poggio and Biondo were among his secretaries; the University was rehabilitated, and became a center to which even foreigners resorted. But neither Martin nor Eugenius was a scholar. It was in the person of Nicholas the Fifth, imbued with the spirit of Florence, the great intellectual and esthetic center of the time, that the first humanist sat on the papal throne. It was now that the jocund day of the Renaissance stood tiptoe on the misty mountain-top, and flooded with brightness and warmth the heap of ruins and wretched hovels which constituted Rome at the end of the Dark Age. The seed which had long been in the soil and had recently put forth the first shoots now started into vigorous life. A new spirit sprang into being, in Rome as elsewhere in Italy, as mysterious in its rise as it was powerful in its influence. The authority of medizvalism went out, and the individualism of mod- ern times came in. A new culture and new ideas arose and possessed themselves of Italian society. ‘The gloom of ignorance was dispelled by the brilliance of a revived paganism. The love of learning, beauty, and elegance became as great in reality as the contempt for the world and the flesh had been in theory. A great impulse to worldliness possessed itself of the Church at Rome, and the papacy entered upon the secular career which was AUGUSTANS RETURNED 405 to culminate in a martial Julius the Second and a diplo- matic and splendor-loving Leo the Tenth. Rome found herself for the third time and in a third capacity the capital of the world. She had been its politi- cal and military capital under the Empire, its spiritual capital during the Dark Age. She now became its esthetic and intellectual capital. Barren though she her- self was of talent of any kind, she was the inspiration and means by which it rose, and her popes afforded the center about which it gathered. Florence indeed was the great fountain of genius for the age, and many of the less famed cities of Italy received the light earlier; but from the accession of Nicholas the Fifth in 1447 to the sack of 1527 the papal court was the magnet which drew and encouraged the talent of the world, and Rome was the Alma Mater from whom it drank in vigor. Few were the years when a Mecenas or an Augustus did not sit upon the throne. 'Those popes who were least in sympathy with art and learning were nevertheless caught up by the spirit of the times and inspired by a love of beauty and splendor which caused them to foster the work of genius for the sake of display if not for its own sake; while the activities of those whose love of culture was genuine and whose patriotism embraced even the great past knew no bounds save the limits im- posed by mortality and the exhaustion of means. The ruling passion of Nicholas the Fifth, 1447-1455, to whom “what was unknown lay outside the sphere of human knowledge,” was the collection of books and the founding of a great Vatican library. Calixtus the Third of Valencia, the first Borgia, 1455-1458, though less a humanist, was the first jurist of his age. Pius the Sec- ond, Aineas Sylvius Piccolomini, 1458-1464, was de- 4.06 ETERNAL ROME voted to the muses of poetry and history, and left as a - witness his Commentarii. Paul the Second, Pietro Barbo of Venice, 1464-1471, founded a museum of antiquities, of which he was a learned and enthusiastic lover. Sixtus the Fourth, Francesco Rovere, 1471-1484, the great builder, was a willing victim to the same passion. Inno- cent the Eighth, Cibo, 1484-1492, built the Belvedere. Alexander the Sixth, Rodrigo Borgia, 1492-1508, brought to Rome Pinturicchio, Perugino, and Michel- angelo. Julius the Second, nephew of Sixtus the Fourth, 1508-1518, founded the Vatican museum, and employed both the great sculptor and Raphael. The tenth Leo, Giovanni Medici of Florence, 1518-1521, was the great- est of all papal patrons of the revived culture. With few exceptions, the popes of the entire period invited to Rome and supported every form of talent which could give pleasure to the court or confer glory on the city and the Church. There was hardly a humanist of reputation who was not at some time in the service of the popes and resident at Rome. Poggio Bracciolini of Arezzo, the great dis- coverer of ancient manuscripts, was fifty years in the employ of eight of them; Filelfo of Tolentino was the secretary of Nicholas; Valla, in spite of his exposure of the false donation of Constantine, was a friend of the same pope; EKugenius the Fourth was the patron of Cyriac of Ancona. The revival of Greek was actively encouraged; Chrysoloras, George of Trebizond, Bessa- rion, and the circle of learned Greek scholars whom he befriended, all owed their privileges at Rome to the papal court. Flavio Biondo, author of Roma Instaurata, Roma Triwmphans, and Italia Illustrata, lived on the Via Flaminia near Montecitorio, was secretary to ’ U 4 fing, “VABES piMOGBAPT AMES of ARUP? Yb pate apreeed Brees Pound ¢ Ba Preegaer tg as. : Aang Ali ite: a? HARMS’ PLAN OF ROME IN 1551 BY LEONARDO BUFALINI, INDICATING THE LIMITS OF THE CITY IN THE HIGH RENAISSANCE REPRODUCED FROM ROCCHI, PIANTE DI ROMA te att ¥ a SS REE a : t i My FG ne oe ORE ES pers aay sete HASSE REEL REUNER SEGUE EE s BE. 73 2 Psa a AUGUSTANS RETURNED 407 Eugenius the Fourth, and enjoyed the patronage of Nicholas the Fifth, Calixtus the Third, and Pius the Second. Andrea Fulvio, his emulator, composed his Antichita di Roma at the suggestion of Leo the Tenth. Paul the Second patronized the German printers Pan- nartz and Schweinheim, who first brought the art to Rome. Pomponius Letus, pupil of Valla, Professor of Eloquence in the University and head of the Roman Academy, lived on the Quirinal. Platina was custodian of the Vatican library and historian of the popes. Sigis- mondo dei Conti and Paolo Giovio, historians of the times, were protégés of Julius the Second and Leo the Tenth. No less brilliant was the galaxy of poets. The age was as fertile in poetry as in rhetoric, the humanistic art par excellence. Vegio, who added a thirteenth book to the Atneid; Valla, translator of Hesiod and Homer; San- nazzaro, author of Eclogues and De Partu Virginis; Vida, who wrote a Christiad modelled on Virgil; Fra- castoro, noted for his poem, Syphilis; with scores of others whose works, famous in their own day, have found places on dusty shelves whence they never de- scend save at the bidding of the delver, all enjoyed high favor at the ecclesiastical court. The Italian poets were encouraged equally with the neo-Latin. Vittoria Co- Jonna, Berni, Ariosto, and Trissino were among their leaders; while the Vatican swarmed with a thousand sonneteers and rhymesters. It was the age of all ages when a Horace might have uttered the famous Scribi- mus indocti doctique poemata passim—*“All of us, clever and stupid alike, are writing poetry helter- skelter.” If, however, the literature of the period was destined 408 ETERNAL ROME in great part to fail of immortality, it was not so with the other arts. Hardly a painter of note, from Fra Angelico to Raphael, is missing from the list of those who left masterpieces on the walls of Roman palace and church. Masaccio under Martin the Fifth exe- cuted frescoes in San Clemente, and Gentile da Fa- briano in the Lateran. Giovanni da Fiesole, the famous friar, was already at work under Eugenius. Benozzo Gozzoli and Piero della Francesca and Bramantino © came to Rome under Nicholas. The Sistine chapel and other chambers of the Vatican illustrate the painters’ art from the time of Sixtus the Fourth to the end of the Renaissance. Melozzo, Cosimo Roselli, Botticelli, Ghirlandaio, Mantegna, Lippi, Perugino, Pinturicchio, Signorelli, Michelangelo, and Raphael, besides nu- merous pupils and imitators, all pass in review before the visitor to the seat of the popes. Of sculpture the same was true. There was hardly a sculptor of note from EKugenius to the noonday of the Renaissance under Leo the Tenth whose work is not illustrated in Rome. Chief among them were Donatello, Mino, the -Pollaituoli, Verrocchio, Rossellino, and Michelangelo. The architects of the day above all were in demand. Martin and Eugenius themselves displayed no slight activity in restoring and building; but Nicholas, with more enthusiasm for the task than realization of its magnitude, cherished the design of a mighty restora- tion that should change the whole city. The great wall was repaired, the Capitol refortified, the Mulvian and Nomentan bridges equipped with military defences; the forty station churches were restored, the palace of the Conservatori rebuilt. The people were to be en- Le TE Re OE ee ae ee el i a a i ee nee te _ = AUGUSTANS RETURNED 409 couraged to occupy the deserted quarters. The Leonine city, first walled by Leo the Fourth, 845-857, after the Saracen invasion, was to be reconstructed, and its im- pregnable new walls were to surround a great papal city containing a magnificent new Vatican palace and a gigantic new cathedral of Saint Peter. The whole was to be an eighth wonder of the world. The talents of Rossellino and Leon Battista Alberti were employed, and the pope urged on the execution of his plans with feverish haste. All Rome was aglow with the work, and the failure to press the great scheme to its realization was due only to its author’s death. Calixtus was less active, Pius built for the most part in Siena and Pienza, and Paul reared the Palazzo San Marco, later called Venezia. The greatest builder of all was Sixtus the Fourth. It was under him that mod- ern Rome first began to take form. The hospital of Santo Spirito was rebuilt by him, Santa Maria Mag- giore restored, the Ponte Sisto and the Sistine chapel built. The churches of Santa Maria del Popolo, Santa Maria della Pace, and Sant’ Agostino owe their present form to him and his cardinals, as well as San Pietro in Vincoli and the Santi Apostoli. Many palaces also were erected, and such was the activity of Sixtus in the laying out of new streets and the improvement of old ones that he was said to have “found Rome mud and left it tile.” The successors of this pope carried the work forward in worthy manner. Innocent the Eighth built the Villa Belvedere in the gardens of the Vatican. Under Alexan- der the Sixth the church of Trinita dei Monti was founded, Sant’ Angelo was converted into a fortress with walls and battlements, the street called Borgo Nuovo laid out, the Vatican building enterprises of 410 ETERNAL ROME Nicholas magnificently completed, and the Cancelleria reared. From the time of Alexander to the sack of 1527, the names of Bramante, Peruzzi, Raphael, San- gallo, and Michelangelo figure prominently in the archi- tectural history of the city—Bramante in connection with Saint Peter’s, founded April 18, 1506, but not to be dedicated until November 18, 1626; Peruzzi in con- nection with the famous Farnesina; Raphael for his plan of the city and his employment on Saint Peter’s and the Vatican; Sangallo and Michelangelo for their work on the Palazzo Farnese. All these were the greater activities only. Never had Rome assembled within her walls in the period of a hundred years so many men of culture and genius. Never had she shone with so great a luster. Not only the arts of sculpture and painting, of rhetoric and literature, entered upon a career unequalled for en- thusiasm and brilliance, but the city was splendid with luxurious appointments, elegant manners, gorgeous festivals, elaborate ceremonials, and material display of every kind. In brilliance if not in depth and breadth, in alertness of mind if not in political stability, in achieve- ment of individuals if not in the sway of masses of man- | kind, in the creation of modern art if not in the rivalling of ancient art, the age went far toward justifying its enthusiasts In comparing it with the age of Augustus himself. | In all the glowing activity of the time, no motive was more prominent or more fruitful of results than the imitation of antiquity. The period deserved its name; it was first of all a rebirth. The ancient culture revived and renewed was the great foundation on which rested all its achievement. For the cities of Italy it was as if AUGUSTANS RETURNED AL the long period of the Dark Age, with its ignorance and gloom, had been only a dream, and classical culture had again awakened to its own. 'The ancient Roman lan- guage was the language of the rebirth, and the ancient love of rhetoric, which never fails the Latin races, the chief motive which prompted its use. Ancient architec- ture afforded inspiration for the edifices which began to be reared from the remains of ancient material. The ancient love of form underlay not only the literary art, but the arts of painting and sculpture. The figures of Michelangelo, whether chiselled or painted, were only nude classical sculpture in a new guise, and beauty of person is much more apparent in the creations of Ra- phael than saintliness. If exquisite religious sentiment breathes a benediction from the canvas of Renaissance painting, that its source in a great number of instances lay rather in the powerful artistic imagination of the painter than in real religious emotion must be the con- clusion of every person familiar with the spirit of that most easy-minded and irresponsible century in the his- tory of Christian Rome. It was, to be sure, natural enough that the art which arose from the ruins of the ancient civilization should partake of its character. The extent to which Renais- sance culture did partake of the ancient culture, how- ever, was in excess of what was merely natural. Imita- tion of antiquity became conscious to exaggeration. The quickened knowledge of his glorious past stirred the — vanity as well as the pride of the Renaissance Roman. He revived the literary tongue and the manners of his predecessor of over a thousand years before, seriously looked on him as his direct ancestor, and was finally so carried away by the result of the effort as to fancy that 412 ETERNAL ROME he rivalled him. The poet of the time of Leo the Tenth who compares the bards of his own day with those of the age of Virgil and Horace, and is really perplexed as to which are more deserving of the laurel, reflects the thought of many men of his time. In his enthusiasm for antiquity lies the most notable trait of the Roman of the Renaissance. The imitation of it was extended to every possible detail, and amounted to little less than a cult. Cola di Rienzo, Tribune of the People, saw in himself the restorer of the ancient re- public. Petrarch, crowned on the Capitol, was reviving an ancient ceremony of the time of Domitian. A Nicho- las, a Pius, a Julius, or a Leo, saw in himself an Au- gustus or a Mecenas. The swarms of speechmakers, scholars, poets, and historians, great and small, who buzzed about the Vatican, masquerading under Latin names, imagined themselves Livys, Virgils, Quintilians, Varros, and Ciceros. Petty plotters against authority saw tyrants on every throne and felt the blood of Brutus surging in their veins. Triumphal processions were modelled on the great parades of the ancient emperors. Splendid ceremonials were performed in the spirit of the ancient pagan church. Pomponius Letus, wholly absorbed in the contemplation of antiquity, a belated pagan, organized the Roman Academy at his home on the Quirinal, where its members, adopting ancient names,—Callimachus Experiens, Glaucus, Petreius, Asclepiades, and the like,—gathered to hold discus- sions, read papers, present Latin comedy, and in other ways to glorify the past. The anniversary celebration of the founding of Rome, the festival of the ancient Palilia revived, was observed by them on April 20, 1488, AUGUSTANS RETURNED 413 for the first time in over a thousand years, and is still an event of each recurring April 21. The collection of antiquities became a passion. Arti- ficial ruins were the vogue, and indispensable to every garden. Not only the language of the ancient Romans was regarded as the most dignified vehicle of expression, but the nomenclature of Greek and Latin antiquity was adopted in the most affected manner. Men christened their children by such names as Agamemnon, Minerva, and Apelles with a facility as great as that of late nine- teenth century parents choosing names from the most re- cent popular novel. The pope was Pontifex Maximus, the saints were Divi, nuns became Virgines Vestales, Heaven was Olympus, and its ruler once more Jupiter or Zeus. The senators again became Patres Conscripti, the Carnival the Lupercalia. Even courtesans took to themselves the beautiful and honored names of an- tiquity, and Rome afforded the novel spectacle of profligate women masquerading under the names of Cassandra, Penthesilea, Portia, Virginia, and even Lu- cretia. Not content with such superficial ties, the society of the time looked seriously upon itself as really Roman. Individuals prided themselves on direct descent from the ancient Roman families, doing violence to every probability of history and etymology in the effort to prove a connection. The Massimi with at least a show of reason looked on their house as descended from Fabius Maximus Cunctator of Hannibalic fame; but Paul the Second, a Barbo of Venice, perhaps of barbarian an- cestry, regarded himself as the son of the ancient Ahenobarbi. Cities, as well as individuals, felt it a great distinc- 414 ETERNAL ROME tion if Roman origin could be proved. To partake of the character of ancient Rome and her civilization in every aspect became the fashion. Pagan philosophy and religion made dangerous inroads on the fidelity of churchmen high in authority. Men could openly deny the existence of a Paradise and cast doubt on the doc- trine of the immortality of the soul. Leo the Tenth him- self was said to have been so under the charm of Greek philosophy as almost to adopt it. Skepticism was a characteristic of the age, and if it did not get the dark house and the whip as it did later, the reason why it was not so punished and cured was that the lunacy was so ordinary that the whippers were skeptical too. The natural consequence of all this enthusiasm was that the times were full of the unreal and the super- ficial, and guilty of errors in taste and judgment. In their blind admiration for everything ancient, scholars and men of letters were almost without discrimination, and valued alike every monument or literary remnant of ancient times. No less infatuated with their own facile powers, they fancied themselves rivals of Virgil and Cicero and Horace. The Sabine Farms and other rewards of the learned brow were showered on the clever declaimer, the skilful improvisator, and the deft imitator of the ancient masterpieces as well as on the contributor to the genuine in poetry and knowledge. Learned and unlearned were writing, making speeches, acting parts, everywhere, all the time. The language in which they clothed their scant thought was often such as the ancients themselves would have laughed at, and the whole tremendous output scarcely outlived its au- thors. Yet the age deserves none the less the praises of its AUGUSTANS RETURNED 415 most enthusiastic eulogizers. It was the age in which the Italians rediscovered learning, the world about them, and, greatest of all, themselves and humanity. If the achievements of the time in Latin literature, in which its representatives probably thought its greatest claim to immortality lay, were in reality its least permanent contribution to culture, it was different with native Italian literature, with sculpture, with architecture, and, above all, with painting. “The Italian was the first-born among the sons of modern Europe.” The impulse given by Italy to the appreciation and love of the beautiful and all that concerned the intellectual life and human personality was such that it has not yet lost its mo- mentum. Forth from her inspired cities in valley and plain and from her little towns aloft on crag and hill came the life and vigor of modern culture, and to her the generations of today may trace whatever in their life is due to the awakening of the love for the gracious and the beautiful; for we are still only in the afterglow of that ncomparably brilliant day. Pa GOD AND MAMMON RILLIANT as was the Renaissance, and great as was its ultimate service to both the intellectual and the moral advance of the world, it was the rebirth not of morals and religion, but only of intellect and art. No sun rose upon the Dark Age of morals at Rome. No century in the history of culture, certainly not in the history of Italy, has left behind it a more shameful record morally than the Renaissance in the Eternal City. If Rome herself was no worse than other cities of the time, the fact of her being the religious capital of the world made her at least seem so, and warrants the severity of the judgment which history has passed upon her. Just as the papal court affords an index of the in- tellectual and art activities of the Renaissance, its life presents also evidence quite as eloquent of the morals of the age. It was during the Renaissance that the secu- larization of the papacy became for the moment prac- tically complete. The development of the ecclesiastical state through diplomacy and war, the encouragement of building and the fine arts for the aggrandizement of the Church and the pleasures of the court, were the ac- tivities to which the wearer of the tiara now looked, rather than the duties of the chief priest of Christendom. The pope was a monarch, distinguished from the many monarchs of petty Italian states of the time only by his dignity as head of the Church Universal, and pro- GOD AND MAMMON 417 tected only by that dignity from the fate which most of them sooner or later met. Not that worldliness then for the first time possessed the leadership of the Church. The Dark Ages, and even the later Roman empire, had seen popes and bishops with secular aspirations. The greatest popes of the Dark Ages, however, had been at the same time the greatest priests. The greatest popes of the Renaissance, on the contrary, were the greatest monarchs who sat on the papal throne. There is a great difference between a Gregory the Seventh and a Julius the Second. At the turn of the sixteenth century for the first time occurred an extended period in which the priestly function of the head of Christendom became secondary, and almost disappeared. It is still possible to see in Nicholas the Fifth, scholar, builder, and enthusiast, and in Pius the Second, zsthete, diplomat, and would-be crusader, a semblance of the priest. It is a matter of much greater difficulty in the case of the vain Paul the Second, the ambitious Sixtus the Fourth, and the sordid Innocent the Eighth. When the imagination is called on to regard as the keeper of the holy office a cunning and pitiless Alexander the Sixth, a military Julius the Second, or a voluptuous Leo the Tenth, it shrinks. Julius, the Pontiff Terrible, in- vading rebellious provinces at the head of armies, active even in the trenches, bestirring himself in the formation of great military leagues, is to be classed, not with priests, but with statesmen and soldiers; and Leo, patron of the arts, in the midst of a brilliant court re- sounding with music and laughter, saying to his brother, Julian Medici, “Let us enjoy the papacy, for God hath given it to us,” is surely in the category of merry 418 ETERNAL ROME monarchs. Even the one distinction between the papacy and ordinary monarchies, which lay in the lack of heredi- tary succession, bade fair to be removed by the abuses of nepotism. The famous jest of Erasmus, who was astonished at what he saw in Italy and Rome in the early sixteenth century, could not have fallen on an age when the priesthood was more deserving of it: Vocantur patres,—et sepe sunt. Had the secularization of the papacy and priesthood been all, the times would deserve less condemnation; but many vices were added to it. For popes to scheme for the advancement of nephews, even when the term covertly meant sons, was mild in comparison with other abuses. The holy office was openly and unblushingly bought by the candidate, who afterward, with equal frankness and shamelessness, sold to the most profitable customer the dignities in his hand. “There is now no difference between the papacy and the sultanship,” said the Venetian ambassador at Rome after the election of Julius the Second; “the dignity falls to the highest bidder.”” Nor was the evil recent. Fifty years before, fiineas Sylvius, not yet elevated to the throne, had de- clared: “There is nothing to be obtained from the Ro- man Curia without money. For even ordination and the gifts of the Holy Ghost are sold.” Not only offices were bought, but freedom from all ecclesiastical interference. The traffic in indulgences was enormous, and carried on the world over. Even false bulls were issued by impostors in the court. “Forgive- ness of sins can be obtained only by purchase,” said AKineas Sylvius, and after his election declared that God had appointed him pope to rescue the Church from her affliction. 'The vice-chamberlain of Innocent the Eighth / Le xs 4 MPA , i % yr L ‘ 4 4 woe . ‘ ‘\ & TTA KN WY WON P AY ec \ Vy #Xy \Y Wi fia’ ag yy RAR \\\y Nt MN: ». y 5 Serer THE ANCIENT CHURCH OF SAINT PETER THE PREDECESSOR OF THE PRESENT CHURCH, AND DATING FROM CONSTANTINE REPRODUCED BY FERMISSION OF THE HERDERSCHE VERLAGSHANDLUNG FROM : L. VON PASTOR’S DIE STADT ROM ZU ENDE DER RENAISSANCE : 4 : a ‘ f : ; n i + ae . ut GOD AND MAMMON 419 could humorously declare, “God wills not the death of a sinner, but that he should live and pay.” The circum- stances attending the death of the unsuccessful Flemish pope, Hadrian the Sixth, 1522-1523, student, ascetic, priest, and reformer, illustrate the spirit and manners left as a legacy to the papal court and the Roman peo- ple by the six papal administrations of the Church’s most secular period. Brutal cardinals surrounded his bed demanding to be told where his money was; the youth of the city inscribed the door of his physician with the words, “To the Liberator of the Country, the Sen- ate and the People of Rome”; and the scholar Valeri- ano, favorite of Leo the Tenth, afterward wrote, “Had this bitter enemy of the muses of eloquence and the beautiful lived longer, the times of Gothic barbarism must have been revived.” The immorality of greed, however, was not all. Sen- suality, open and undisguised, invaded the life of the court. Cardinals and courtesans banqueted together. Popes were as ambitious for their children as other potentates, and almost as careless of appearances. The disease that followed the French expedition into Italy in 1494 was not confined to soldiers and civilians. Crimes of actual bloodshed and poisoning were frequent among the high officials of the Church and their fol- lowers, and were not unsuspected in the popes them- selves. Sixtus the Fourth may have been innocent of contemplating the death of the Medici in the Pazzi con- spiracy, but his wrathful excommunication of the Flor- entines for their punishment of the murderers did not indicate the deepest horror at the deed. Of Alexander ° the Sixth, Panvinio declared, “He would have put all the other rich cardinals out of the way, to get their 4.20 ETERNAL ROME property, had he not, in the midst of his great plans for his son (Cesar Borgia), been struck down by death.” In him and his sons were summed up the passions and abuses of a passionate and corrupt age. The papacy was a scandal to all the world. Visitors to Rome from the northern countries, and even from the cities of Italy, were inexpressibly shocked to find the actual life of the Church at the capital worse than rumor had pictured it. It was not only a scandal to the world, but a source of corruption. All Christendom was tainted by the evils of simony and the sale of indul- gences, if not by the viler examples of immorality, and if the effect of example could extend beyond the borders of Italy, its working in the peninsula and in the city of the popes may be imagined. Cruelty and corruption found sanction in the conduct of the highest spiritual authority in the world, and was restrained by little except the financial sense of ecclesiastical monitors who saw a connection between the Church’s reputation and the contributions of her admirers. 'The blackness of Ro- man immorality was made blacker than that of other cities of Italy by the shining background of the ideal. © ¢ Especially in the last part of the fifteenth century and the beginning of the sixteenth did the society of Rome present a fearful spectacle of license and crime. The white light of intellectual intensity was accom- panied by the white heat of passion. The brilliant age of the revived learning was also an age of terrible ven- detta, when men washed their faces in the blood of murdered enemies, when spirits Ranging for revenge, With Ate by their side, come hot from hell, GOD AND MAMMON 421 filled the streets of the city and the ways of the Cam- pagna with carrion men groaning for burial. It was an age notorious no less for deliberate murder done for selfish ends,—an age of slow poisons, bravi, secret daggers, and assassinations in church. “Every night,” said the Venetian ambassador in 1500, dur- ing the last part of the Borgia’s reign, “four or five murdered men are discovered,—bishops, prelates, and others,—so that all Rome is trembling for fear of being destroyed by the duke (Cesar Borgia).” The charcoal- seller who had seen the duke of Gandia’s body thrown into the Tiber at the Ripetta excused himself for not having reported the fact by saying that in his time he had seen probably a hundred corpses thrown into the river by night and no one had ever troubled about them. Egidius of Viterbo leaves the following picture of the city as he knew it under Alexander the Sixth: “Everything was hidden in darkness and stormy night; of the things that were done in the family and the Thy- estean tragedies, I will keep silence; never were more terrible revolts in the cities of the ecclesiastical state, more sacks and more bloody deaths. Never were rob- beries committed with such immunity in the streets; never was Rome so full of criminals; never was the multitude of robbers and informers so audacious. Peo- ple could neither leave the gates of the city nor dwell within it. To own money or valuable property was equivalent to being guilty of high treason. There was no protection either in house, sleeping-room, or tower. Justice was effaced. Money, power, and lust governed everything. Hitherto, since Italy had emancipated her- self from foreign tyranny, she had remained exempt from the rule of the stranger, for, although King Al- 422 ETERNAL ROME fonso was an Aragonese, in neither culture, liberality, nor magnanimity was he inferior to any Italian. Now, however, slavery followed freedom, now the Italians sank from independence into darkest servitude to the foreigner.” Nor is it only the reign of Alexander, culmination though it was of all the disorders which characterized the age, which affords such pictures. The intensity of passion which was the special mark of the time is to be seen as well before him in the reigns of Innocent and Sixtus, nor did it die out under the firmer hand of Julius. No one unacquainted with the ways of Rome would have dreamed that the fortified palaces, loop- holed and artilleried, which met his eye in the thorough- fares of the city, were the homes of cardinals, or that the warlike chief with retinue armed to the teeth, guard- edly advancing in the middle of the street, was the spiritual father of the human kind. Social immorality was no less widely diffused than crime and disorder. From the licentious tales of Boc- caccio, from the indecent Facetie of Poggio, from the Hermaphroditus of Beccadelli, a collection of obscene epigrams that won its author the laurel at Siena and a place in the literary court of Alfonso of Naples, the spirit of the earlier Renaissance may be judged. Its later phase may be suspected from the estimate that under Innocent the Eighth there were said to be five thousand public prostitutes in the city. Perhaps there were not so many as six thousand in 1490, as Infessura records, about one for every ten of the population, not including those kept in the homes of their patrons; but the accuracy of the number is not important. In 1494 the corruption was deepened by the army of Charles GOD AND MAMMON 423 the Eighth of France, in the wake of which came what is called the malattia francese by Italians and by the French the mal napolitain, spreading over all Italy, and numbering among its victims at Rome Cesar Bor- gia and Pope Julius. Nor, even if crimes of disorder and bloodshed under- went some diminution after the Borgia, was the same true of social immorality. It went on unchecked to the gay noonday of the Renaissance under Leo the Tenth. Noble women could not properly mingle in the society of the papal court at any period as they did in other Italian courts; but in the later Renaissance the fear they felt of compromising the dignity of the Church was a less restraining influence than regard for their own reputations. It may not have been without reason that Vittoria Colonna while at Rome resided most of the time in a convent. The place of ladies at court and in the society of the city at large was in no small part usurped by accomplished courtesans, whom the an- tiquity-loving age dignified with the ancient Greek name of hetaira. 'The most attractive of them lived lives of elegance and luxury in homes of their own or their ad- mirers in Ponte, near the bridge of Sant’ Angelo, while the common sort were massed together in Ripa, the southernmost rione. It was in the exquisite home of the accomplished and dazzling Imperia, of the time of Julius the Second, that “the noble Spanish ambassador one day spat in the face of a servant, because he could find no other place suitable for the purpose.” Beccadelli had propounded the theory that courtesans were more useful members of society than nuns; the age of Leo the Tenth at Rome went far toward putting it into. practice. 4.24 ETERNAL ROME Indecent letters flourished. The promise of Boccaccio and Poggio bore abundant fruitage in an unexampled harvest of foul literature, whose mere production would have been a sufficient index of the time had not the re- ception which it met been enthusiastic. To say nothing of the obscene stories of Bandello, a Dominican monk afterward made bishop, or of the foul wit of Pietro Aretino, who wrote the Virgin’s life as well as cele- brated in his compositions the orgies of lust and was made a Knight of Saint Peter by the pope, it is enough to mention the fact that one of the most admired poems of the age was the Syphilis of Fracastoro, dedicated to Cardinal Bembo and declared a “divine poem” by Julius Cesar Scaliger. The revived pagan love of form in literature made the times as blind to its content as the revived love of personal beauty and indulgence of the senses made them indifferent to personal character. The same poet could write of religion and the lusts of the flesh; and artists painted or modelled many a Virgin and saint from not at all saintly models. Thus had the Eternal City emerged from the Dark Ages to become at the same time the center of all that was most brilliant in a brilliant new era, and the vortex into which was gathered all that was depraved. The papacy had been irresistibly drawn back to her from Avignon, and she had been the inspiration and the pro- moter of the new culture, though, like the Rome of the Empire, barren herself, she had wrought with the hands of sons by adoption and assimilation. That the Reforma- tion was late in coming and its effect less revolutionary is one more evidence of her great power over men. For men still revered the historic city, still felt the spiritual refreshment of contact with soil once trodden GOD AND MAMMON 425 by the feet of the saints and enriched by the blood of the martyrs, still coveted the blessing of the visible head of the Church. Their hearts and their reason alike told them that the glitter and the scandal of worldliness and carelessness were only accidents, and that behind them were the realities of Eternal Rome. Each recurrence of the jubilee, which had been held three times in the four- teenth century, again in 1400 and 1450, and was fixed by Paul the Second for every twenty-five years, saw multitudes filling the ways of Europe to stream through the gates of Rome. The jubilee of Nicholas, in 1450, attracted a throng so dense that on one occasion two hundred people were trampled down or plunged into the Tiber at the Ponte Sant’ Angelo, and witnesses compared the crowds to ants, exaggerating the daily multitude of visitors to three millions. The papal treasury was filled to overflowing. On Easter Sunday, 1500, two hundred thousand persons knelt before Saint Peter’s to receive the benediction from Alexander the Sixth. Luther, at his first sight of Rome, in 1510, had prostrated himself and cried, “Hail to thee, thou sacred Rome: yea, truly sacred by thy holy Martyrs and their blood that was shed within thee!” It was seven years after he had entered the gates, to find the Holy City built upon hell, that the reformer was at last driven to loose the ties that bound his soul to it. Erasmus was so under its spell as to declare that it would take a Lethe to make him forget it. There were indeed attractions in the society of the people who made up the Rome of the time, to say noth- ing of the sentiment roused by the ruins of ancient empire and the sanctuaries of fifteen hundred years. What Erasmus saw during his visit, could it be seen 426 ETERNAL ROME through his eyes by the modern moralist under whose condemnation the city of the Renaissance lies, would go far toward lessening the harshness of his judgment. “Rome as the theatre of the world and its culture fascinated the greatest scholar of the time,” says Gre- gorovius, reproducing the social Rome in which the great Dutchman found himself. “Monuments, art and collections, libraries, the wealth of learning and intellect, the grandiose style of life, all filled him with admiration. As a satirist it seemed to him a great European carnival, where worldly vanity went masked in spiritual attire, where were represented all lusts and desires, all in- trigues and crimes, their magnet the Vatican, and thirst for gold, honors and power the forces that moved them. Sailing on this tumultuous sea he seemed to be- hold Sebastian Brand’s overcrowded Ship of Fools; and, in fact, soon after his arrival in London in 1509, he wrote his celebrated Praise of Folly in the house of Thomas More. “As a Christian he was astonished at the bold and glaring colouring borrowed from paganism by the Ro- man religion, of which nothing remained that was not false, and whose formerly revered temple had been transformed by the ambition and rapacity of the priest- hood into a European banking house and a retail mar- ket for diplomas of favors, indulgences, and objects of superstition. As a man of the world, however, Krasmus could not feel otherwise than at ease in the courts of cardinals, and above all he had to acknowledge that in this corrupt Rome were found the most liberal form of intercourse and the most exquisite courtesy. In the age when in his Cortegiano Castiglione drew the ideal courtier, ancient urbanity was revived, and even if only GOD AND MAMMON 427 the mask of inward corruption, it must have enchanted every northerner. “The papacy, learning, antiquity, art, all linked Ro- man society in correspondence with the world. In Rome the most important matters of the time were discussed, or actively taken in hand; cosmopolitan politics, cos- mopolitan literature, for in the Renaissance of Latinism we may speak of such a thing, the arts, poetry, the ris- ing drama,—above all, science. The wealth of intel- lectual life flourished here in the morass of vice. It is, moreover, only just to admit that alongside of sen- suality and avarice, pride and self-importance, hypoc- risy and falsehood, conspicuous virtues were seen; generosity, friendship and benevolence, respect paid to talent, and love of all that was beautiful. In nobler natures even unchastity was accompanied by a liberal | humanity, which was the true flower of the culture of the Italians. No other city could show a society so universally educated as that of the wholly corrupt city of Rome. Florence had emigrated to Rome, or the city of Lorenzo Medici had become a stepping stone to the Academy of the world. Valerianus might justly say that Rome at this period did more for intellectual cul- ture than the whole of the rest of Italy. With equal justice Cardinal Riario called Rome the common father- land of all scholars.” 3. THE CITY OF RAPHAEL EFORE the savagery of sack and carnage de- scends to wreck the iridescent fabric of the Renais- sance at Rome, let us re-present to the imagination the city in which the fabric has been reared. It was a rapidly growing and changing city of some fifty thousand inhabitants in which Leo the Tenth and Clement the Seventh reigned before the great catas- trophe. The transformation which at the present day is so complete that of medizval Rome, with the excep- tion of the older churches, a few ruined tower-strong- holds of the barons, the so-called house of Crescentius, and here or there the remnants of portal, wall, or win- dow imbedded in recent masonry, nothing is longer visible, had its beginnings under Eugenius the Fourth. Among his successors, the greatest architectural reno- vators were Nicholas, Paul, Sixtus, Alexander, and Julius. The recital of the more important activities of their times is the story of magnificent change. Among their palaces and villas were the Conservatori, the San Marco, later the Venezia, the Borgia, later the Sforza- Cesarini, the original Colonna, the Cancelleria, the Adriano Castelli, later the Giraud-Torlonia, the origi- nal Madama, the F'arnesina, the Belvedere, and the new Vatican, with the Sistine chapel. Among churches built, restored, or embellished were Santa Maria del Popolo, San Pietro in Montorio, Sant’? Agostino, Santa Maria della Pace, Trinita dei Monti, San Pietro in Vincoli, the Santi Apostoli, the Lateran, and the earliest part THE CITY OF RAPHAEL 429 of the new Saint Peter’s. The Ponte Sisto was built, streets were straightened and paved, new avenues were laid out. The Corso took more definite form; the Via Alessandrina, later Borgo Nuovo, the Via: Giulia, the Lungara, and the Lungaretta became what at that time were great thoroughfares. To think of the Rome of Leo and Clement, however, as bearing a closer resemblance to the city of our own times than to that of the age preceding would be far from truth. The Rome of the Dark Ages was beginning to disappear, and modern Rome was taking form, but the new was only a small proportion of the whole. The palaces, churches, and other creations of the Renais- sance stood out among the ancient and medieval sur- roundings like a scattering of purple patches. The identity of the Fourteen Regions of Augustus had long since been lost, with both the ancient numbers and names. They had been succeeded in the early Dark Ages by ten regions, later increased to twelve on the left bank, with the Trastevere as a thirteenth on the right. Already known by name and number during the Avignon period, at the end of the century they appear officially in the order which they have since preserved. I. Regio Montium, Italian Rione Monti, was so named from the hills in the northeastern part of the city; IT. Regio Trivii, Italian Trevi, contained the famous foun- tain; III. Columnzx, or Colonna, had its name from the column of Marcus Aurelius; IV. Campimartis, or Campo Marzo, from the great Campus; V. Pontis, or Ponte, from the bridge of Sant’ Angelo; VI. Parionis, or Parione, from the walls remaining from the stadium of Domitian or the theater of Pompey; VII. Arenule, or Regola, from the sand of the Tiber bank; VIII. 430 ETERNAL ROME Sancti Eustachii, or Sant’ Eustachio, from the church of the Saint; [X. Pineex, or Pigna, from the pine-cone, a relic of antiquity probably forming a fountain; X. Campitelli, from the Capitol, or from the capitals of ancient columns; XI. Sancti Angeli, or Sant’ Angelo, from the church in the ruined portico of Octavia; XII. Ripz, or Ripa, from the bank of the Tiber from the island to below the Aventine; XIII. Transtiberim, or Trastevere, from its position across the river under the brow of the Janiculum. The Borgo, containing Saint Peter’s, the Vatican, and the Castello Sant’ An- gelo, was the property of the popes as heads of the Church, not within the bounds of the municipal juris- diction until the reign of Sixtus the Fifth, 1585-1590, who made it Rione XIV. Of these regiones, or rioni, or districts, or wards, Borgo was the seat of the papal court and the goal of the great concourse of pilgrims. There were in it a great many inns, most of them kept by Swiss and Germans. The latter nationality alone in Kugenius’ time had more than sixty hostelries and wine-shops in this region. The many vacant spaces still to be seen in it, in which rose here and there the palaces of cardinals and courtiers, were usually lone and quiet, but thronged with life on every jubilee. The great pile of the Vatican, always in some part in process of construction, and the begin- nings of the new Saint Peter’s, rising from 1506, con- tributed to the roughness and irregularity natural to the Borgo as to other parts of the city. From the castle of Sant’ Angelo and the Ponte Sisto, a private covered way and the Via Alessandrina led to the Vatican and Saint Peter’s. The old basilica, with its broad flight of steps, great court and campanile, and interior of five ile P.S.Lorenzo) (aa a KS > \ AY) i “§ rateste at, Daas ty Wy .\ i ey 4 Hf iy f a “tlt a \ OX GZ 2 fe Ze) a LED : PS Sebastiau' UY Veg i THE REGIONS OF RENAISSANCE ROME A PLAN OF THE CITY IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY Mi REPRODUCED BY PERMISSION OF THE HERDERSCHE VERLAGSHANDLUNG FROM ak i L. VON PASTOR’S DIE STADT ROM ZU ENDE DER RENAISSANCE ely LA WM! i Wied eh , , (patie We Nbr hn aie . ) iat Ay rey ‘Wb Vy { ND ay) Pa ae ' "i ve q 4 1% } h ik ea nine 1 pany ee Navan ny SLAY MWC Ahi ¥ j 3 i} WLUW dea ine ii Dates what, Lait AY th) ranta aye iT ity Ay \, mote Aig eee iM Wun WAIN | iy Dale SSE Se = = Aaya Ags Se THE CITY OF RAPHAEL 431 long aisles rich with the monuments and memories of more than a thousand years, had not yet disappeared. Trastevere, south of the Borgo, was thickly inhabited by a humble and sturdy population of boatmen, porters, gardeners, millers, and wine-sellers, who lived in the lower part near the Tiber. Always a comparatively iso- lated region, it was strongly marked by medieval fea- tures. It contained many strong-built palaces and churches of ancient appearance. Towers frowned down upon its tortuous streets, and vineyards, gardens, and deserted fields occupied the slopes and summit of the Janiculum which rose above them. A bridge led from the rione to the city on the left bank by way of the island, on which were three churches and a convent, one of them the church of Saint Bartholomew, lodged in the ancient temple of A“sculapius. Rione Sant’ Angelo lay opposite the island, and con- tained the crowded quarter of the Jews, the fish-market in the ruins of the portico of Octavia, the theater of Marcellus with smoke-blackened shops in the grottoes © formed by its arcades and the palace of the Savelli imbedded in its mass, and the Circus Flaminius, also with palace, house, and shop built into and about its remains. Sant’ Angelo was a maze of narrow, obscure streets befouled by heaps of ruins and rubbish, and somber with turreted strongholds still rising amid the confusion of common houses and shops. Regola, a long, narrow area extending from Sant’ Angelo northward to Ponte, also contained many towers and palaces, the residences of powerful families like the Cenci, between which and the Tiber lay a long stretch of gardens. It abounded in petty tradesmen and artisans, and its southern part was filled with Jews, 432 ETERNAL ROME the piazza before the Cenci palace being already called La Giudecca. Cola di Rienzo’s home had been in this rione. The Spada and the Farnese had not yet risen. Ponte, north of Regola and opposite the mausoleum of Hadrian, was traversed by the chief avenues of ap- proach to the Borgo and Trastevere, and was the busi- est rione in the city. Near the bridge was the quarter of the great bankers, which is still marked by the Via dei Banchi Vecchi and the Via del Banco di Santo Spirito. There were great numbers of merchants in the same neighborhood. Ponte was the favorite residence of the most noted courtesans. Palace and dwelling still dis- played the medieval round-arched portal and window, the corbelled cornice, the massive wall, and the pillared portico. The Orsini quarter and palace on Monte Gior- dano was still fortified in 1500, and lay in the midst of unpaved streets and muddy lanes. Among its inns was the Orso, existing today with altered exterior; among its palaces, the present Sforza-Cesarini and Cicciaporci, with many lesser ones in the neighborhood of the Via dei Coronari of today, which received its name from a prosperous trade in rosaries and other sacred articles. The rione as a whole was irregular, containing fields and gardens, crooked streets, and obscure dwellings. Under Julius the Second and Leo the Tenth it was filling with Florentines, whose church of San Giovanni had begun to rise in 1488, and the neighborhood was undergoing rapid change. The life of Parione, which lay in the broad angle between Ponte and Regola, had its center about the Campo dei Fiori and the Piazza Navona, then the most important squares of the city. The former, in a space near where the theater of Pompey had once risen and THE CITY OF RAPHAEL 433 still survived in remnants below the ground, was from Sixtus the Fourth onward the center of civil life,—the forum of Renaissance Rome. It was the scene of many popular gatherings, the horse-market, the place of exe- cution, the location of the larger inns, and in it the papal bulls were published. The special Wednesday fairs of today were already in vogue. At its north rose the Can- celleria, and the early palaces of the Massimi and Or- sini were in the vicinity. Near the Orsini stood Pasquino, the instrument in the single year 1509 of three thousand of the celebrated pasquinades. Piazza Navona, the space where formerly had stood the stadium of Domitian, had received the market on its transfer from the Capitol in 1477, and was already the heart of merriment in Car- nival season. It was still surrounded by gardens as well as buildings. Traders and artisans formed the greater portion of the population of Parione, though where it bordered Ponte it sheltered many of the clerkly caste. Under Nicholas the Fifth it had been the center of the copyists. Sant’ Eustachio, east of Parione, and with Regola and Ponte forming the triangle which enclosed it, was long, narrow, and closely built. The church of the name, the University, the palace of Cardinal Giovanni dei Medici, later Pope Leo, which afterward received the name of Madama and was rebuilt in 1642, and the Collegio Capranica, now the oldest in Rome, were among its many important buildings, and the Caffarelli, the Cesarini, and the Della Valle among great families who dwelt in it. Johannes Burckard of Strassburg, mas- ter of ceremonies under Alexander the Sixth, had a palace there whose tower, inscribed “Argentina,” in reminiscence of Strassburg’s ancient Roman name, Ar- 434 ETERNAL ROME gentoratum, gave the name to the present street and theater. Pigna, nearly square, and east of Sant’ Eustachio, contained the Pantheon, then lower than the surround- ing earth and obscured by mean buildings of the earlier time. Its arcaded Romanesque tower of 1270 still rose above the gable of the portico, and in front of it were two basalt lions later placed in the Vatican. The Do- minican church of Santa Maria Sopra Minerva was there, with the tomb of Catherine of Siena, canonized under Pius the Second. The papal and imperial pro- cessions after coronation or on other occasions were wont to pass the Pantheon and Santa Maria on the way from Saint Peter’s to the Lateran. The Palazzo San Marco, with its basilica of the same name, was at the southeast corner of Pigna, and the Corso formed its eastern bound. The church of the Gest and the Collegio Romano were not yet in existence, for it was not until later that Pigna became the great Jesuit quarter. The rioni of the east bank of the Tiber thus briefly characterized, with the Borgo and Trastevere on the west bank, contained by far the greater part of the city’s buildings and population. The most striking differences between them and the corresponding areas of Rome today, not to mention the absence of many churches, palaces, and wide streets of a later date, consisted in a somewhat greater abundance of conspicuous ruins, in decaying tenements, walls, and towers of the medieval centuries, in foul and unpaved streets, and in the pres- ence of deserted areas, gardens, and fields. Besides these there were but two rioni which bore more than a remote resemblance to the districts of the same name today. These were Ripa and Campitelli. THE CITY OF RAPHAEL 435 Ripa, the southernmost of all, extending from the Capitol and Sant’ Angelo south along the Tiber bank to where the wall of Aurelian left the river to skirt the Aventine, was densely inhabited then, as now, only in the extreme northern portion, from Santa Maria in Cosmedin to the Tiber island. The greater part of the five or six thousand courtesans ascribed to Renaissance Rome lived here. In the street leading to Santa Maria was the scaffold to which the brotherhood of the Miseri- cordia of San Giovanni Decollato accompanied the doomed wretches to whose last needs they ministered. Near the river was the eleventh century building, still surviving in part, called the house of Pilate, Cola di Rienzo, or Crescentius. The greater part of the rione was a vast and almost uninhabited area. The Aventine was occupied by a few lonely ancient churches and the ruined fortress of the Savelli. The marmorata, or marble wharf, at its foot by the Tiber was buried and its con- tent almost unsuspected. The Circus Maximus had fallen into ruin, been plundered of material, and sur- vived only in the great fragments of its concrete sub- structures; its obelisks were deep in rubbish and vegeta- tion, and its race-course covered by vegetable-gardens. The immense ruins of the baths of Caracalla rose mightily from the midst of lone fields and cultivated areas. Campitelli, where had been the heart of ancient Rome, was north of Ripa, and included the Capitol, Forum, Palatine, and part of the Celian. It was even more de- serted than now. Active life had left the Capitol, which had so long been the center of the ancient and medieval city. The palace of the Senator, restored by Sixtus the Fourth but still of medieval aspect, and the palace of 436 ETERNAL ROME the Conservators, erected by Nicholas the Fifth and already visited for the Wolf, the Thorn-extractor, and other statues, stood alone in the piazza, which was graced by a few antiquities; and the church of the Aracoeli rose on the site of the arx and the temple of Juno, with the famous stairway of ancient marble built in 1348. The rest of the arx, and all of the ancient Capi- tolium, were covered with vineyards and gardens in whose midst lay ruined foundations in heaps. The statue of Marcus Aurelius was still at the Lateran. The famous hill was now known as Monte Caprino, perhaps from the goats that browsed over the ruins of the temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus. At its southern base where began the life that circled the hill to the south and west lay the church of Santa Maria della Consolazione. The Forum, with a wretched hovel here and there on its borders and against its ruins, was buried beneath the débris of centuries, and served as a cattle-market, or as mere pasture, from which it long kept the name of Campo Vaccino. ‘The column of Phocas and the shafts of Castor and Pollux rose above the deep and unex- cavated political center of the ancient capital, and on either side of the arch of Severus, half buried and sur- mounted by a tower, rose the church of Saints Sergius and Bacchus and the church of Saint Hadrian. The arch of ‘Titus was built into a fortress-tower. The Pala- tine was a maze of romantic ruins in the midst of olives, vines, and shrubbery, with San Teodoro and Santa Anastasia at its western and southern base. The Coli- seum was a vast ruin overgrown by shrubbery and with half its former self lying in mountainous heaps at its base, a gigantic quarry of travertine for the builders of the time. Beside it stood the arch of Constantine, THE CITY OF RAPHAEL 437 built against until scarcely visible, and beyond them both lay the Celian, a wide expanse of deserted fields with a few lonely churches rising in their midst, and with the great Lateran group at their southeastern limit. At the north border of the more populous district next the Tiber lay the rioni of Campo Marzo, Colonna, and Trevi, all of them in large part wild and abandoned. The southern portion only of Campo Marzo, which lay along the Tiber, was thickly populated. The northern part, between the river and the Pincio and the Porta Salaria, was an expanse of vineyards, gardens, and groves. In and about the fortress-ruins of the mauso- leum of Augustus, soon to contain the Soderini gardens, cattle were pasturing. The obelisk lay in four pieces in the street by the river called Ripetta. The area now occupied by the Piazza di Spagna, and that by the Piazza del Popolo, which was fronted by the important and solitary church of Santa Maria del Popolo, were covered by vacant fields, and the Pincio was overgrown with trees and shrubs. The Via del Babuino and the Corso, like the Ripetta, in their northern parts were unbordered by houses. A path shaded by trees led from the populous parts near the Tiber to the just erected Trinita dei Monti, whose background was an almost uninhabited wilderness. Colonna, next to Campo Marzo, reached far to the northeast, including the gardens of Sallust, which, with the area of the present Piazza Barberini, were deserted and wild. Montecitorio was covered by gardens and dwellings, and the column of Marcus Aurelius rose in a narrow and irregular piazza, its base half buried. The 438 ETERNAL ROME buildings of the city to its north were rare; the name of the Via Capo le Case survives as a witness to the fact. Trevi was thickly mhabited only in the vicinity of the Santi Apostoli. No palace of great importance had been built in it until the beginning of the sixteenth cen- tury, and its upper parts on the Quirinal were still occu- pied by vineyards, villas, and groves, out of which rose the remnants of Constantine’s baths and the temples of Serapis and the Sun. The Colonna gardens were near San Silvestro, and the villas of Platina and Pom- ponius Letus were also on the Quirinal. The Horse- tamers gave their neighborhood the name of Monte Cavallo. The fountain of Trevi, thus known from the meeting of three roads, was still in the modest form in which it had been built by Nicholas the Fifth and Sixtus the Fourth. Of all the rioni, Monti was the most desolate and per- haps the most impressive. A broad wedge whose north- eastern base was formed by a wide stretch of the wall of Aurelian and whose point reached to the Corso, it was the largest of all, and contained the greater portion of the Quirinal, the Viminal, and the Esquiline, and a part of the Celian. The old Lateran, in the midst of ruined towers and the arches of the Acqua Claudia, Santa Maria Maggiore, San Clemente, San Martino, and San Pietro in Vincoli, were the centers of its life, and the enormous ruins of the baths of Diocletian, the Pretorian camp, the Sette Sale, the baths of Constan- tine, and the fora of Augustus, Nerva, and Trajan were its most prominent remains of antiquity. The population of the Subura district was considerable, but all the rest of the rione was lived in only here and there. It was a wilderness of orchards and gardens intersected ‘ te : Rt . ties : : ry a SO ae Seat. ue ee ES, OS Se ee Lid morte del Moante Pcdatren Dever Ji fave Rmmmene, At tage Ar Bra R Tempss de Gre Stave Cerre dascnewrs dd& pa rees che vy weds qoys fo Rows, 6 sigmesB Fula tase de Cisconme of steonde xbrus vate dat 2» Care wf sdsfesie 71 tree alle Liherte ce Pe ee ee THE FORUM AND PALATINE IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY A DRAWING OF ETIENNE DU PERAC, WHO INTERPRETED THE RUINS WITH GREAT FREEDOM REPRODUCED BY PERMISSION OF THE HERDERSCHE VERLAGSHANDLUNG FROM L. VON PASTOR’S DIE STADT ROM ZU ENDE DER RENAISSANCE THE CITY OF RAPHAEL 4.39 by irregular lanes and country roads, with giant spec- tral ruins rising from the midst of neglected solitudes. Had it not been for the wall of Aurelian, which enclosed it and marked the limit of the ancient city, Monti would have seemed more like a great area of straggling suburban fields than an integral part of Rome. The whole city of the earliest sixteenth century was thus only the pitiful ghost of imperial Rome. The Borgo alone contained buildings and life to be compared with the life and monuments of the ancient empire, and Trastevere was the only one of the regions of Augustus which approximated the ancient density of habitation. Of the other thirteen ancient regions, the ninth alone, Campus Martius, was now thickly populated, and was enough in itself to contain the great majority of the people on the left bank. The remaining twelve, to the north and east and south, save for churches and towers, with scattered little clusters of houses, some the modest forerunners of the great villas of later years, were a wide expanse of vast and rolling fields, picturesque with vine- _ yards and verdure-covered ruins, and made one with the rest of the city only by being within the great wall. Even the denser parts had their vacant and deserted areas, and presented a motley aspect. Here and there only, out of squalid surroundings, crowded and ob- scure, or from the midst of solitary unpaved areas, rose in striking contrast the palaces of the great, centers of refinement and magnificence. In spite of its fame and wealth and rapid growth, it was a thing of shreds and patches, a city ragged and picturesque with ruin and dirt and splendid with luxury and pomp, a resurrected body awake from long slumber and still enveloped in the clinging remnants of its ancient mortality. 44.0 ETERNAL ROME The visitor who ascends the Janiculum today and looks forth upon the incomparable panorama of Rome, the Tiber, the Campagna, and the distant mountains, may easily picture to himself the scene as it appeared to the eye of the famous constable of Bourbon when, on May 5, 1527, serving Emperor Charles the Fifth in his quarrel with Pope Clement the Seventh, he estab- lished his headquarters in the convent of Sant’ Onofrio and prepared to storm the city. Occupying the merest niche in the great space once covered by the Eternal Rome of the ancient emperors, turbulent with passion and marred by immorality, it was nevertheless the seat of an intensely brilliant culture, filled not only with treasures of art and learning, but with material wealth such as few cities of the age possessed. | XI. THE ROME OF THE POPES And I say also unto thee, That thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my church; and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it. And I will give unto thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven: and whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth shall be bound in heaven: and whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven. MatrHew XVI: 18, 19 vy a) WCW PIMA TNT Hele cau abe el Pend Me Hina al ‘ Pay Rty: Sn PA ACai 8° 1. THE REVELS ENDED T dawn on the morning of May 6, 1527, the forty thousand German, Spanish, and Italian soldiers of the constable of Bourbon stormed the walls of the Leonine city, bearing with them their mortally wounded and already dying leader. Pope Clement took refuge in the Castello Sant’ Angelo. By nightfall the feeble re- sistance offered by the Romans in the Trastevere and at the Ponte Sisto had been overcome; the Germans were in the Campo dei Fiori, the Spaniards in the Piazza Navona, the Italians near the bridge, and all Rome was at the mercy of an army composed of adven- turers, the only safeguard against whose brutality and greed had been removed by the death of their captain. By midnight, the weak-hearted defenders of the de- generate city not having dared to molest them, they realized that Rome was theirs to be treated according to the practices of war. Then began the horrors of a sack worse than the sacks of Goth and Vandal. Before dawn the city was lurid with the smoke and flame of burning houses and reso- nant with the shrieks of wounded men and violated women. When Clement looked from Sant’ Angelo at break of day, it was upon a waste of blackened ruins. For eight days no form of suffering such as is wont at the worst to befall cities taken by storm failed to be visited on the wretched population. The city was pil- laged from attic to cellar; the search was continued even in the sewers, suspected of being the repository of 444 ETERNAL ROME treasure. Every visible object of value was seized, every citizen taken was held for ransom. Neither high nor low escaped. Many paid for freedom only to be retaken and compelled a second time to purchase liberty. ‘Torture of every description was applied. Thousands fled, thou- sands were slain, and corpses filled the streets. And yet the passion of avarice was not the most ter- rible. Noble ladies, nuns, and little girls fell a prey to the fierceness of a soldiery knowing no mercy. Churches were profaned in the most revolting manner. The whole city was a turmoil of rapine, pillage, drunkenness, de- bauchery, lewdness, murder, sacrilege, and disease, and its population despoiled of every earthly possession. The actual pillage brought to an end through exhaustion of plunder, pestilence added terrors of its own. For the month before Clement’s surrender, for the six months that followed before his flight northward in December, and for the ten months of the papal absence, disease, death, and despair inhabited the city. If violence was less employed, it was only that the incentives to its use were no longer there. When finally, on the sixth of October, 1528, seventeen months after the terrible experience, the pope could re- turn, four-fifths of the city of Rome was empty. Pesti- lence, famine, and the hand of the enemy had caused the death of thirty thousand persons, and hardly fewer had disappeared by flight. The eighty-five thousand of the city of Leo the Tenth had been reduced to thirty- two. Hospitals were crowded with the wounded and the sick, and beggars filled the streets; rubbish and the ruins of thousands of burned buildings choked the thorough- fares. The deluge of rain which descended upon the scant papal party was hardly more violent than the THE REVELS ENDED 445 torrent of tears that poured from the eyes of the un- fortunate Clement as he made his sorrowful progress through the city to throw himself in anguish and despair before the desecrated altar of Saint Peter’s. More had been lost from the city, however, than mere population and buildings. The sack of 1527 marked an epoch in the history of Roman and Italian culture. The brightness of the Renaissance was indeed darkened throughout the length and breadth of Italy by the clouds of war which swept over the peninsula; but at Rome, where the storm burst with greatest fury, its light for the time was extinguished utterly, and never did it re- gain its former brilliance. The revels of the court of Leo were ended; their actors, in so far as they had to do with art, learning, and manners, were scattered, together with many of the incomparable treasures with which they had enriched the city, to the four corners of the world; and the bright-hued life of culture and display which had filled its gorgeous palaces, and even its solemn temples, like an insubstantial pageant faded, left scarce a rack behind. The travail of the city was not all in vain. Once more had Rome lost her life to save it. As in the latter days of the ancient empire she had gradually yielded up her life to communicate to the barbarian world the life of civilization, now again she perished, this time to give to the modern world her art and learning. Dispersed over the face of Europe, her sons carried with them the fame and culture of the city and peninsula, and gave an im- pulse to culture in every clime. Yet Eternal Rome itself did not perish utterly, though it never again recovered the worldly glamour of the golden days of Julius and Leo. The fugitive popula- 446 ETERNAL ROME tion began in time to straggle back, and the city rose once more from its ashes. If its sufferings had been greater than in the times of Alaric and Genseric, its recovery also was more rapid. This time it entered upon no long process of decay and decline. The shifty and unfortunate Clement the Seventh was succeeded by the vigorous and princely Paul the Third, Alexander Farnese, 1534-1549, who appointed Michel- angelo as chief architect, painter, and sculptor, con- tinued the work on’ Saint Peter’s and the Vatican, planned and partially executed the bastion at Santo Spirito to strengthen the decaying walls of the Leonine city, and for the greater safety of the capital on the left bank reared the huge bastions on the Aventine and in the wall of Aurelian between the Ostian and Appian gates. With an eye to the beauty and dignity of the city as well as its safety, he added the staircase to the Palazzo del Senatore on the Capitol, laid out the broad approach to the piazza on which it fronted, removed the statue of Marcus Aurelius from the Lateran square to its present position, and connected the bridge of Sant’ Angelo with the Via Giulia by the Via Paola. His reign saw the first steps in the conversion of the Palatine from a wilderness into the Farnese gardens, and the rise of the great Farnese palace, with the Caffarelli on the Capitol, the Spada near the Campo dei Fiori, the Villa Ricci, later Medici, on the Pincian, and the church of Santa Caterina dei Funari in the ruins of the Circus Flaminius. The reigns of the succeeding popes also to the end of the sixteenth century were marked by the rise of many edifices and monuments which still give charac- ter to Rome. Julius the Third, Giovanni del Monte, PLAN OF ROME IN 1584 BY JACOBO FRANCO, SHOWING THE GROWTH OF THE CITY REPRODUCED FROM ROCCHI, PIANTE DI ROMA es ir Ae ; “7 i ‘o “ ~ — en ls e THE REVELS ENDED AAT 1550-1555, built the Villa di Papa Giulio outside the Porta del Popolo. Paul the Fourth, Pietro Carafa, 1555-1559, built the gate of Sant’ Angelo. Pius the Fourth, Gian Angelo dei Medici of Milan, 1559-1565, erected the Porta Angelica, to the north of Saint Peter’s, completed the defences of the Leonine city, repaired the wall of Aurelian, and entrusted to Michelangelo the erection of Santa Maria degli Angeli and the Carthu- sian cloisters in the ruins of Diocletian’s baths, where they now form the Museo Nazionale, and the building of the Porta Pia, not to be completed until the nine- teenth century under Pius the Ninth. It was under Pius the Fourth that the Palazzo Mattei, to receive its final form a half-century later, was erected from the ruins of the Circus Flaminius., Pius the Fifth, Michele Ghislieri, 1566-1572, began the church of the Gest. Under Gregory the Thirteenth, Ugo Boncompagni, 1572-1585, the fountains in the Piazza Navona were erected and the first great impulse thus given to the development of one of the most beautiful features of Rome today. The Palatine bridge was rebuilt, in the great flood of twenty-three years later to become the Ponte Rotto, the broad Via Merulana was laid out be- tween the villas and gardens that covered the area be- tween Santa Maria Maggiore and the Lateran, the Via di Monte Tarpeio was built on the northeast slope of the Capitol, the Porta San Giovanni took the place of the old Porta Asinaria. The abandoned and ruinous re- gion between the forum of Augustus and the Quirinal began to fill with dwellings, the tower on the Capitol was rebuilt, the facade of the Conservatori was begun, the Palazzo Salviati was erected on the Lungara across the Tiber, the Rucellai, later the Ruspoli, rose on the Corso, 448 ETERNAL ROME and the beautiful grounds of the Villa Mattei on the Celian were laid out. In blunt and energetic Sixtus the Fifth, Felice Peretti, 1585-1590, arose the greatest builder of the cen- tury. He pushed to completion the great dome, employ- ing eight hundred men, at times even by night, from July 15, 1588, to May 14, 1590. He brought from twenty-two miles along the course of the ancient con- duits the second great aqueduct of modern Rome, the Acqua Felice, with twenty-seven fountains that dis- charge more than twenty thousand cubic meters of water in twenty-four hours. He erected the four obe- lisks now standing before Saint Peter’s and the Lateran, in the Piazza dell’ Esquilino, and in the Piazza del Popolo, and set the statues of Peter and Paul on the columns of Trajan and Marcus Aurelius. He built the residence portion and library wing of the Vatican, the new Lateran palace, the Scala Santa, and a hospital for the poor at the Ponte Sisto, and laid out the Via Sistina and other thoroughfares radiating from Santa Maria Maggiore, where finally he was laid to rest. With Clement the Eighth, Ippolito Aldobrandini, 1592-1605, who began the church of Sant’ Andrea della Valle, the sixteenth century closed. Its popes in the main had followed the example of Sixtus the Fourth and freely thrown opportunity before their relatives. The papal favoritism, however, had undergone a change. The ambition of popes to aggrandize their families by the creation of dukedoms and principalities outside of Rome was now for the most part replaced by the more easily accomplished purpose of adding to their standing and wealth within the city. With the Aldobrandini pope began the line of seventeenth and eighteenth century THE REVELS ENDED 44,9 pontiffs whose administrations left in their train the enriched nephews and brothers whose families still form in great part what is left of the higher aristocracy of Rome, and whose palaces, villas, and public monuments constitute much of the city’s adornment as it appears today. Above a million scudi went to the kinsmen of Clement the Eighth in the course of his thirteen years in the holy seat. From the reign of Paul the Fifth, Camillo Borghese, 1605-1621, who made his nephew Scipio cardinal and chief adviser, date the Acqua Paola and its magnificent fountains across the Tiber, the Borghese and Rospigliosi palaces, the latter built out of the baths of Constantine, the Villa Borghese, the completion of Saint Peter’s, the erection of the column from the basilica of Constantine before Santa Maria Maggiore, and the restoration and building of many churches. The cardinal-nephew of Gregory the Fifteenth, Alessandro Ludovisi, 1621- 1623, reared the church of Sant’ Ignazio, and trans- formed the northern area of ancient Rome by the lay- ing out of the Villa Ludovisi. Urban the Eighth, Maffeo Barberini of Florence, 1623-1644, constructed the square bastions enclosing the Castello Sant’ Angelo, strengthened the fortress with a hundred guns made from the bronze of the Pantheon, repaired the wall of Aurelian, and reared the huge de- fences extending from the Porta Cavalleggeri to the summit and along the slopes of the Janiculum down to the Tiber at the Porta Portese, a fortification destined to prove its usefulness in the siege of 1849. The same pontiff built also the Palazzo Barberini, the fountain of the Triton, and the famous baldacchino in Saint Peter’s, and enclosed the papal gardens on the Quirinal 450 ETERNAL ROME between the Rospiglosi and Colonna grounds with a high wall whose material came from Aurelian’s ruined temple of the Sun. | Innocent the Tenth, Giovanni Battista Pamfili, 1644- 1655, erected the Palazzo Pamfili and the church of Sant’ Agnese at the Piazza Navona, and the Villa Pam- fili outside the Porta San Pancrazio. Alexander the Sev- enth, Fabio Chigi, 1655-1667, nephew of Paul the Fifth, transformed the Piazza Colonna by the building of the Palazzo Chigi and the enlargement of the square, set up the obelisk before Santa Maria Sopra Minerva, and built the gigantic colonnade about the Piazza di San Pietro, with one of the magnificent fountains. Under Clement the Tenth, Emilio Altieri, 1670-1676, the other fountain rose, the ten statues of Carrara mar- ble were placed on the Ponte Sant’ Angelo, and the Palazzo Altieri, opposite the Gest, was built by the pope’s adoptive cardinal-nephew and administrator. The name of Innocent the Eleventh, Benedetto Odescalchi, 1676-1689, is preserved in the Palazzo Odescalchi, on the Corso. The neighboring Palazzo Doria Pamfili, which had stood since the time of Julius the Second, received its present facade about the same time. The work of the century, for good and ill, was dominated by the masterful genius of Bernini. From the beginning of the eighteenth century, the building of monumental edifices diminished very greatly, and the city underwent little change in charac- ter. Among the restricted activities of the period were the rebuilding of the facade of Santi Apostoli by Clem- ent the Eleventh, Giovanni Francesco Albani, 1700- 1721; the Spanish stairs, by Benedict the Thirteenth, Vincenzo Orsini, 1724-1730; the transformation of the Sr are eee eae ae Sse 3... SCENE IN THE VILLA BORGHESE THE NAME HAS BEEN CHANGED TO VILLA UMBERTO THE REVELS ENDED 451 Palazzo Riario into the Corsini on the Lungara, the embellishment of the fountain of Trevi, the restoration of the arch of Constantine, and the enlargement of the Capitoline museum, by Clement the Twelfth, Lorenzo Corsini, 1730-1740; the building of the facade of Santa Maria Maggiore, by Benedict the Fourteenth, Prospero Lambertini, 1740-1758; the beginning of the Vatican museum, by Clement the Thirteenth, Rezzonico, 1758- 1769; its continuation, and the building of the sacristy of Saint Peter’s and the Palazzo Braschi, by Pius the Sixth, Angelo Braschi, 1775-1799; the Museo Chiara- monti and the Braccio Nuovo in the Vatican, and the restoration of the arch of ‘Titus, by Pius the Seventh, Gregorio Chiaramonti, 1800-1823; the restoration of the Porta Maggiore and the rebuilding, by Gregory the Sixteenth, Mauro Capellari, 1831-1846, of Saint Paul’s Outside the Walls, burned in 1823 while Pius the Seventh lay dying; and the works of Pius the Ninth. The modification of the city’s aspect for better or worse by these changes, however, was but slight as com- pared with the changes of the two centuries preceding. By the opening of the eighteenth century, the architec- tural character of Rome for the one hundred and sev- enty years that were to intervene from that time to the fall of the temporal power was fixed, and such modifica- tion as took place consisted for the most part in mere growth. Of the architectural aspect of the city at the end of the papal sovereignty, both the best and the worst that may be said is that it was characterized by uniformity and substantiality and by a lack of distinction. The rapid increase of Rome from the thirty-two thousand of the pope’s return after the sack of 1527 to the one 452 ETERNAL ROME hundred thousand of less than a century later, to the one hundred and sixty-six thousand of 1776, and to the two hundred and twenty-five thousand of 1870, fill- ing the Campus Martius, climbing the adjacent slopes, more or less sparsely covering the nearer reaches of Quirinal and Viminal, and enveloping the older city in a monotonous stuccoed rectangularity, produced a uni- formity of its own which palace and church, however numerous and however pretentious, did not possess sufficient distinction to enliven. There were three palaces of the first order from the high Renaissance,—the Far- nese, the Cancelleria, and the San Marco, later called Venezia. Ranking with these, there was the fine ensem- ble of the Piazza del Campidoglio. Of the remainder, with the doubtful exception of the Barberini, the Bor- ghese, the Sciarra, and the Salviati, it may be said that, though they were often rich in some single detail, as the Sapienza in its court, the Spada in its decoration by relief, or the Mattei in its ornament of ancient sculp- tural fragments, their claim to distinction lay rather in bigness and in the spaciousness of court, staircase, and hall than in material, proportion, or external im- pressiveness. On the multitudinous churches that had risen during the seventeenth century or been restored into conformity with the prevailing architectural taste, the same judgment may be pronounced. There was the gigantic Gesu, dating from 1568, with heavy exterior and luxurious nave and chapels, the great baroque exemplar whose erection determined the architectural ambition of seventeenth and eighteenth century ecclesi- astical Rome, and filled it with clumsy scrolled and over- ornamented facades, and overloaded, overcolored, over- gilded interiors whose only claim to fitness is more often PLAN OF ROME IN 1650 BY JACOPO DE ROSSI; THE LEFT OF THE PLAN IS NORTH REPRODUCED FROM ROCCHI, PIANTE DI ROMA a ies . ie THE REVELS ENDED 453 than not the poor one that they impress the beholder with the power and splendor of the Church. The domes which at the same time arose in more or less humble imi- tation of the great dome, and came to characterize the architectural landscape of the capital, blended well with the mass of roofs and the city’s irregular lines, though no one of them by itself could claim great beauty. That Rome under the last pope-kings was, and that it still is, after all, a beautiful city and an impressive one is due not to the architecture of the Renaissance and the post- Renaissance, but to a certain unity of material and line, to a variety within the unity which results from the piquancy of the Romanesque campanile and basilica ap- pearing unexpectedly here and there, to the richness of the massive monuments of the ancient empire, to the generous sweeping of her outlines over hill and valley, and to the historical, cultural, and spiritual interests that cast a glamour on every block and brick and tile. The growth of the cultural, historical, and spiritual interest of Rome during the two hundred years that followed the sack of 1527 was hardly less pronounced than the amplification of its bounds and the multiplica- tion of its churches and palaces. It was a period marvel- lous for enrichment. In spite of the passing of the high noon of the Renaissance, in spite of the dispersion of artists and scholars to the far ends of Italy and Kurope, it was a period which saw a long procession of talented men whose presence not only left greater the material charm of the city, but added to the opportunities it af- forded the world for intellectual profit and enjoyment. Among architects, it saw the great Renaissance figures of Michelangelo, Sangallo, and Peruzzi, and the lesser figures of Fontana, Della Porta, Maderna, and Borro- 45 A ETERNAL ROME mini. Among its sculptors, besides Michelangelo, were Benvenuto Cellini, Bernini, and Canova. Its painters included Taddeo Zuccaro, the young decorator of the Villa di Papa Giulio, Sebastiano del Piombo, Guido Reni, Sassoferrato, Domenichino, Guercino, and the Caracci, the French Poussin and Claude Lorrain, and the German Raphael Mengs. The celebrated name of Piranesi is among its engravers and proudest orna- ments. Among its poets were Tasso, T'assoni, Chiabrera, Metastasio, Monti, Prati, and Belli, the Romanesco sonneteer. Palestrina in the sixteenth century, and Verdi in the nineteenth, alone would make it famous in the annals of music. If it be remarked that these names represent on the whole the decline of artistic and intellectual genius in both frequency and brilliance, and its substitution in ever-increasing degree by mere imitative talent, and that the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries are not conspicuous even for men of talent, the observation nevertheless does not signify the decay of Rome’s con- tribution to culture. In the appraisal of her service in this regard, account must be taken of the products of intellectual effort as distinguished from the creations of genius. Roughly speaking, it is true of European cul- ture that the fifteenth century and the first half of the sixteenth were the period of curiosity, inspiration, and creation, the later sixteenth and the seventeenth the period of imitative talent, artificiality, and decadence, and the eighteenth and nineteenth the period of criti- cism, research, and facilitation of cultural means. It was in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries that most of the great libraries, galleries, and museums of Rome were formed or attained to their modern propor- ae THE REVELS ENDED 455 tions. Of these the Vatican is the great example. The Vatican library, little more than projected by Nicholas the Fifth and Sixtus the Fourth, was increased under Clement the Eighth at the beginning of the seventeenth century by the addition of the Orsini collection, under Paul the Fifth by the acquisition of the Bobbio manu- scripts, under Gregory the Fifteenth and Urban the Eighth by the Heidelberg collection, under Alexander the Seventh by the library of the dukes of Urbino, under Alexander the Eighth by the collection of Queen Chris- tina of Sweden, and finally, after various other acquisi- tions, under Pius the Ninth by the library of Angelo Mai. The gallery and museum of the Vatican grew in the same manner to be parallel great influences in the world of sculpture and painting. The lesser museums of the Capitol, the Lateran, the Villa Borghese, and the Kircherian collection, are also creations of this period. Most of the collections of size were formed by the aggre- gation of smaller private ones. The original number and richness of these latter may be inferred from the fact that Aldovrandi in his guide of 1550 mentions over one hundred houses where were to be seen statues, busts, and reliefs of note. In nothing was the activity of the period more re- markable, however, than in the development of the study and care of the ancient Roman monuments. The origin and growth of the scientific interest in classical archeology goes back into the Dark Ages. Cola di Rienzo, deciphering inscriptions and identifying monu- ments, Nicholas Signorili, secretary to the senate under Martin the Fifth, appending a description of the city to a compilation of its laws, and Cyriac of Ancona, enthusiastic traveller, draughtsman, recorder, and col- 45600 ETERNAL ROME lector, visiting Rome in 1424, the humanist Poggio, cataloguer of ruins, and Flavio Biondo, author of Rome Restored and Rome Triumphant, were its apos- tles and founders. By the time their line had been con- tinued into the nineteenth century by such scholars as Francesco Bianchini, excavator of the Flavian palace on the Palatine in 1720-1726, by Canina, Winckelmann, Visconti, Fea, Nibby, and De Rossi, it was no longer possible for curio-hunters or speculators to lay hands unhindered on the relics of the ancient city, or for either pope or prince to entertain the notions of a Sixtus the Fifth, who destroyed the Septizonium, and, when re- proved for violence to the monuments, promised hence- forth to respect only what was not ugly, or of Paul the Fifth, who despoiled the forum of Nerva, or of Urban the Eighth, who stripped the Pantheon roof of four hundred and fifty thousand pounds of bronze to make the hundred guns of the Castello Sant’ Angelo, and would have destroyed the tomb of Cecilia Metella to use its material for the fountain of Trevi, or of the various cardinal builders responsible for the disappearance of Constantine’s baths and Aurelian’s temple of the Sun on the Quirinal. The Rome of the pope-kings was rich not only in the esthetic and intellectual opportunity afforded by her palaces and monuments, by her galleries and museums, and by her libraries and academies; it was rich also in splendors. It was the old, aristocratic Rome of luxurious apparel and gorgeous retinues, of velvet jackets and knee breeches and buckles and capes and swords and ruffles and long hair and two-pointed hats, of silks and satins and lace and gold and jewels, of dinners and balls and elaborate etiquette, of private theaters and THE REVELS ENDED AST gambling and liaisons, of nobles who were almost kings with their gilded coaches and innumerable servants and mounted followers on fancy horses. A great part of the Campagna was the property of patrician families. The Borghese in 1770 held thirty-six estates. When Maria Carolina of Austria passed through in 1768, on her way to be queen of Ferdinand the Fourth of Naples, the men-at-arms of the Colonna’s twenty-seven estates were gathered by their masters to do honor to her as guest at Marino. The city was richer still in another way. Its palaces were the resort not only of a brilliant Roman society which included the great among princes, prelates, art- ists, and intellectuals, but of distinguished visitors from all parts of Europe, and even of other continents. Rabelais, Montaigne, Cardinal du Bellay, and _ his nephew Joachim had been among these who trod its streets in the earlier time, and Charles de Brosses, Goethe, Alfieri, Thorwaldsen, Gibbon, Keats, Shelley, Wordsworth, Hawthorne, Bayard Taylor, and Long- fellow were among the later. The diplomatic corps alone, with visiting monarchs, statesmen, and princes of the Church, were themselves the world in small. There were those who made Rome a more permanent residence, like Winckelmann, Zoega, Raphael Mengs, Angelica Kauf- mann, and the legion of scholars, painters, and sculptors of every nation who came for longer or shorter periods. Not least, there were the numerous royal personages who came as suppliants for the freely granted refuge from the storms of revolution or in search of spiritual repose. Christina of Sweden, the abdicating daughter of Gustavus Adolphus, after embracing the Catholic faith made the city her home from 1668 to her death in 458 ETERNAL ROME 1689 at the age of sixty-three, occupying the Palazzo Riario, later Corsini. In 1719, Clement the Eleventh re- ceived James Stuart the Pretender, whose son Charles Edward, the Chevalier St. George, was born in the city the next year, where, in Saint Peter’s, are to be seen the tombs of all the last of the Stuarts. Their presence brought also the Pretender’s wife the countess of Al- bany and friend of Alfieri, the Pretender’s brother the cardinal duke of York, and their mother, Maria Clemen- tina Sobieski. The Bonapartes, Lucien, Louis, Pauline, the brothers and sister of Napoleon, the last the wife of Camillo Borghese, lived there in the early part of the nineteenth century, and Charles Emmanuel of Sa- voy, after abdicating in 1802, died there in 1819, a member of the society of Jesus. In the last days of the papal sovereignty, the Bourbon house made Rome their residence on being driven from Naples. A paragraph from President de Brosses, written in 1739-1740, is as true for all the period as for his own time. “All in all,” he wrote, “I know in all Europe no city which is more agreeable and more convenient and where I would rather live, not even Paris excepted. Eiverybody knows everybody here, and all are con- tinually meeting. Everyone is acquainted with every- one else’s affairs, and everything is, to a certain extent, the common property of gossip, and yet absolute free- dom of action reigns. The rest may talk: they let you do as you please.” Rich, however, as was the intellectual and social life of Rome during these three hundred years, its most abundant and its most characteristic wealth was in the life of the Church. In no respect had the downfall of the city at the hands of Charles the Fifth been followed THE REVELS ENDED 459 by a greater change and a better change than in the at- titude of pope and people toward religion. The relation was hardly that of mere cause and effect. The protest of Martin Luther had been uttered ten years before the great disaster befell the city and the papal court; the Reformation had already come, and the counter-Reformation would have come as surely, if not as suddenly, had there been no sack. The world of the Church was ripe for change. The shock produced by the remorseless overthrow of the papal power and the city’s dignity only made easier the path of reform. It was a different Rome whose streets Pope Clement trod after the return from Viterbo. The spirit of Leo the Tenth had forever departed from it. The city of pagan brightness and festivity was soon succeeded by the city of Loyola and the Jesuits, the Index Expurga- torius, and the Inquisition. Coming as they did but little after the heyday of license at Rome, the humiliation and prostration of the papacy were so timely as to seem a manifestation of the wrath of God. The life of the court now no longer blazed with scandal. Orthodoxy and conduct came suddenly into their right. Before a half- century had passed, the world was surprised at the spectacle of a pope not only refusing to favor relatives, but even forestalling criticism by their removal from privilege. Hardly less novel was the combination once more, in the person of Pius the Fifth, of pope and ascetic, with an austerity of conduct one day to be re- warded by canonization. In 1576, the Venetian ambassa- dor Paolo Tiepolo could write: “It has contributed infinitely to the advantage of the Church that several popes in succession have been men of irreproachable lives; hence all others are become better, or have at 460 ETERNAL ROME least assumed the appearance of being so. Cardinals and prelates attend mass punctually; their households are studious to avoid anything that can give scandal; the whole city has put off its old recklessness, and is become much more Christian-like in life and manners than for- merly. It may be affirmed that Rome, in matters of re- ligion, is not far from that degree of perfection which human nature can attain to.” The long period from the Renaissance to the read- justments of the nineteenth century may appropriately be called the period of the pope-kings. It was not indeed the beginning of the double authority exercised by the ruler of the Church, for the exercise of temporal as well as spiritual power had begun far back in the early ages of the Church, and the temporal sway had probably reached its maximum extent before the Reformation; but it was the longest period during which the power of the Church over the territory to which it had laid claim since the time of Pepin seemed most firmly estab- lished and was least often questioned, and it was a period during which the ecclesiastical state enjoyed more of the peace and order of organized government than had hitherto been its fortune. Something of the severe spirit of medizvalism, without the worse features of its life, had fallen again upon the city. Brigandage tormented its neighborhood from time to time, and violence was still all too well known in its streets; but feudalism no longer ruled, and drawn battles between the great fami- lies of Rome and the Campagna belonged to the past. The old ambition to rule the political destinies of Ku- rope had been shattered by the blow of the emperor Charles; in its place remained the less impossible and the more fit ambition to be influential in the keeping of PLAN OF ROME IN EARLY EIGHTEENTH CENTURY SHOWING THE SPREAD OF THE CITY TOWARD THE HILLS TO NORTH AND EAST REPRODUCED FROM ROCCHI, PIANTE DI ROMA a | tt gy, Te THE REVELS ENDED 461 peace and in the legitimate, or at least the pacific, ad- vancement of the Church and its friends. However busily concerned in the councils of Kuropean monarchs, the papal court had never for so long a time taken so little visible part in their activities. Italy was no longer independent; Spaniard, Frenchman, and Teuton were at various times and in varying degree her masters. Rome and the central territories were quiet under papal rule, which was fostered and kept secure by the Powers, and were no longer in danger of invasion and overthrow. The temporal government had never been so free, though its freedom consisted only in being left to itself so long as it did not offend its protectors. Both the virtues and the vices of the holy seat were less loudly heralded to the world. Its abuses were those of peace rather than war, of administration rather than personal conduct, of provincial import rather than national, of incapacity and error rather than evil intent. 2. THE POPE-KINGS O understand the evolution by which in the course of the long centuries the head of the Christian community of Rome came to be at the same time the spiritual sovereign of the world, the lord of Rome, and the monarch of the states of the Church, will be the better to appreciate both the significance of the spiritual change that came over city and papacy after the sack of 1527 and the importance of the movement which later resulted in the abolition of the temporal power. To arrive at this understanding, and to enter into the spirit of the Rome of the pope-kings, there could be no better means than to cast a glance in review over the history of the anomalous and self-contradictory, yet wholly human and natural, condition whose forcible termina- tion in the nineteenth century was the occasion of so much agitation, and left in its train such deep and in- tense feeling. Whether we accept, with Gregorovius and contro- versial Protestants in general, the view that “history knows nothing of Saint Peter’s presence at Rome,” or, with Lanciani and controversial Catholics, the view that “for the archeologist the presence and execution of Saints Peter and Paul in Rome are facts established beyond a shadow of doubt by purely monumental evi- dence,” there is at any rate no doubt that, at least from 354, and perhaps from 170 or even 100, Peter was be- lieved by the heads of the Church to have been at Rome, and that his presence as founder of the Church was the THE POPE-KINGS 463 basis of the Roman bishop’s claim to authority over other ecclesiastical heads. Likewise, whether we assent or not to the Roman Catholic interpretation of the “Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my church,” or to that of Beet, who asserts that the passage “makes excellent sense without in the least implying that Saint Peter was created by the Savior His sole Vicegerent upon earth, the one visible Head of the Church, and a spiritual monarch among his brethren,” and that “there is also ample evidence which goes to show that the leading expositors of the Karly Church never read it in the sense that the papal theory requires to be put upon it in violent contradiction to the whole tenor of the New Testament,” in any case we must rec- ognize that there was scriptural warrant for believing Peter the divinely ordained founder of the Church, that in the minds of all his successors from a very early time it was at Rome that the founder had his seat, and that the real or supposed fact of his presence at Rome had inestimable weight in the building of Rome’s authority. The bishop of Rome was able to claim the descent of his primacy not only from an apostle, but from the only apostolic founder in the western Church, and from the chosen apostle of Christ. This claim, nevertheless, however strong in later years, was not in the early years of the Church the chief cause of the growth in power of the bishop of Rome. The chief cause was Rome itself. Rome was the greatest city in the west and the capital of the world; it was natural that the Christian community of Rome should soon re- flect the importance of its seat. Less than forty years after the apostle’s death, Bishop Clement’s letter to the Corinthians regarding certain disorders in their com- 464 ETERNAL ROME munity is written in a manner which clearly indicates, if it does not actually assert, the authority of Rome. In the second century, Rome has become beyond a doubt the center of the Christian movement. At its close, in 195, Bishop Victor makes the unsuccessful but signifi- cant attempt to compel obedience in doctrinal matters by the excommunication of individuals and of entire churches,—the first employment in the grand manner of the weapon later wielded with such frequency and effect. | Calixtus, not long afterward, by disregard of certain marriage laws of the state which wrought injustice to Christian ladies, seems to show again the growing strength of the Church and its head. The same is to be said of his claim that the bishops, even though guilty of mortal sin, should be immune from deposition. That the assumption of authority on the part of the bishop of Rome, however, did not find the Christian world every- where submissive, is evident from the indignation of Cyprian of Carthage and his friends, excommunicated by Stephen the First for maintaining that rebaptism must be performed in the case of repentant heretics. The African bishop nevertheless contributed directly to the upbuilding of episcopal power, and indirectly to the supremacy of Rome, by strict insistence on the duties of obedience and respect to bishops on the part of the laity; the layman, for example, must rise to his feet on the entrance of the priest. The original democracy of the Church was fast becoming a hierarchy. To this there contributed in no small part the increasing frequency of deliberation and legislation by council, which de- veloped the authority of the bishop in the province, of the metropolitan in the wider territory, and of the THE POPE-KINGS 465 greater metropolitans in the universal Church. As the Roman bishop was the only metropolitan in the broad area of Africa, Italy, Spain, and Gaul who claimed the apostolic tradition, he had naturally soon become the most prominent and authoritative in the west. The prominence thus encouraged could only have been greatly magnified when Constantine, together with his approval of Christianity, presented the bishop of Rome with the Lateran palace. Yet this prestige had by no means yet become absolute authority over all the west, to say nothing of the east, where a number of metro- politans, notably at Alexandria, Antioch, Jerusalem, and Constantinople, were each more or less independent of the others, and all independent of Rome, and where there never came into being the intense concentration later developed in the west. The great council of Nicxea in 825 was called, not by Pope Sylvester, but by Em- peror Constantine; Sylvester was not even present, but was represented by Vito and Vicentius of Rome. The authority of Rome grew none the less steadily. During the progress of the Arian quarrel in 340, the western bishop, called to be mediator and judge between Athanasius and Eusebius, favored the views of the for- mer, from that time called orthodox. Three years later, the council of Sardica, in Dacia, acknowledged certain rights of Rome which in after time developed into its bishop’s “perpetual prerogative of summoning at will all cases to be heard before himself in Rome.” The Ro- man bishop was thus evolving into a sort of supreme judge, and not so much by divine warrant as by the ac- tion of an ecclesiastical organization desirous of the con- venience of ultimate appeal. The growing strength of the bishop’s position in the Church is farther indicated 466 ETERNAL ROME by the continual courting of Libertus’ approval by both parties to the Arian dispute; in the Roman empire it is shown by the same bishop’s defiance of Constantius in 355, when commanded to condemn Athanasius, a de- fiance which ended in forcible abduction. 'The esteem in which Liberius and his office were held in Rome caused a rising of the people in the effort to protect him, fol- lowed later by a petition to the emperor for his return. Not long afterward, the prestige of the city and its bishop is again increased when Damasus becomes the patron of Jerome in the publication of the Vulgate. Ammianus Marcellinus, the pagan officer of Con- stantius who visited Rome in 856, was struck by the power of the clergy, and especially by the worldly splendor of the bishop, who passed through the streets in his chariot like a consul riding in triumph. Jerome addresses him after the fashion of the time as “Your Greatness,” “Your Blessedness,” and, more familiar to modern ears, “Your Holiness.” In 378, the emperor Gratian, who refuses the time-honored title of pontifex maximus, rules at the request of a Roman council that henceforth deposed bishops who will not submit must | be sent by the imperial prefects or vice-prefects to Rome. In 390, after the massacre at Thessalonica, the emperor Theodosius is refused entrance into the church at Milan by Bishop Ambrose, who readmits him to the sacrament only after eight months of penitence. If Ambrose was for a time another head of the Church in the west and in authority rivalled the bishop of Rome, such was the power over both Church and state which he had developed and revealed to the world that it could not but contribute to the authority of his colleague in the more venerable city. ag i THE POPE-KINGS 467 Leo the Great, subjugator of heresies and called the founder of the dogmatic supremacy of the apostolic chair, advanced the Roman bishopric still farther on the road to both prestige and substantial power. Envoy of Rome to Attila in 452, he succeeded, together with his colleague from the senate, in dissuading the “Scourge of God” from his march against the city, and saved it from the horrors of murder, sack, and fire. Three years later, in a similar manner and with perhaps equal good fortune, he won the promise of Genseric to respect the lives of the Romans and to remain content with only the pillage of the city. In 445, he had already secured from Valentinian the Third a rescript recognizing the rights of the bishop of Rome over all the provinces of Italy, and did not hesitate to assert supremacy over Illyria and Gaul, and to dispute the claims of Constantinople to equal authority with Rome. The spiritual primacy thus established over the west and claimed over the east was fostered in the west by the growing dependence of the sinking empire upon episcopal aid in the maintenance of order and authority. From the time of Constantine’s approval of the Chris- tian religion and the departure of government from Rome to Constantinople, Ravenna, and Milan, in measure as the imperial authority in Rome and Italy grew weaker and the disorders of barbarian aggression increased, and in measure as the east concerned itself less with the ancient capital, the power of the Church through its bishops, and the power of the bishops of Rome themselves, became greater and greater. Justinian bestowed upon bishops in general the right of super- vision not only over clergy, but over imperial agents, and even over provincial judges. Both the prefect of 468 ETERNAL ROME Italy and the Roman prefect were to be appointed only on recommendation of the bishop of Rome. At exactly what date the process of spiritual cen- tralization was complete, and the bishop of Rome, who from the fourth and fifth centuries had been known, with some other bishops, under the title of papa, became known as the papa, or pope, is as impossible to deter- mine as the critical date in any other evolutionary process. It was never complete in the east, which from the fifth to the tenth centuries, in a progressive develop- ment marked by its anger at Leo’s claim to supremacy in 451, the iconoclastic controversy in the eighth cen- tury, led by Gregory the Second in Rome and Leo the Isaurian in Constantinople, the doctrinal dispute over the phrases filioque and et filio, and the crusaders’ abuse of the eastern capital, became more and more widely separated from the west until it broke away entirely. In Italy and the west, if it was not an accomplished fact by the time of Leo the Great, it was practically com- plete a hundred and fifty years later under Gregory the Great, the first of the name. It reached its sublimest result under Gregory the Seventh, five hundred years later, when a pope with the single weapon of excom- munication compelled an emperor to submission. Thus far of the growth of the spiritual power of Rome. But it was not only dogmatic and spiritual sovereignty that resulted from the drifting of the an- cient civilization into the decline that ended in the Dark Ages. Given the conditions, it is wholly natural that the Roman episcopate should have laid also the foundations of a temporal sovereignty. Entirely to separate the two would be impossible. To assert that either grew out of the other, or that either at any time was independent THE CASTLE OF CANOSSA, NEAR REGGIO EMILIA THE SCENE OF GREGORY THE SEVENTH’S HUMILIATION OF HENRY THE FOURTH THE POPE-KINGS 469 of the other, would be failure to appreciate their mutual relationship, and would be to presume overmuch upon the possibility of defining precisely the nature of the spiritual and the temporal. Was the pope’s exercise of civil power, with the prestige it conferred upon his priestly office, a wholly temporal power, or was it partly spiritual? Was his possession of property, with the free- dom it conveyed in the advancement of the Church, a temporal power, or a spiritual? Was the power of ex- communication, by which he compelled the obedience of monarchs, a spiritual sovereignty, or a temporal? The rise of the temporal power of the popes over Rome and its adjacent territory was a growth as easily understood, and, within limits, as legitimate, as the acquisition of spiritual supremacy. Its beginning is to be sought in the desire of the Roman faithful, especially the well-to-do, to add to the comfort and effectiveness of their bishop and Church at the same time that they obeyed their own impulses of gratitude and love toward the shepherd of their souls. Even before the emperor Constantine made legacy or donation to the Church a legal act, and by his own gift of the Lateran palace made it also a popular act, both Church and bishop were the possessors of a certain amount of property. The landed estates under private control of the Roman em- peror in the Campagna, in Italy, and in the provinces, partly personal and partly held for the state, and known as the patrimoniwm Cesaris, including such hold- ings near Rome as the villa of Hadrian not far from Tivoli and the villa-camp of Severus at Albano, came soon after the removal of the ban by Constantine to be paralleled by the patrimonium pontificiwm and the patrimonium ecclesiasticum, also outside of the city and 470 ETERNAL ROME including estates in Italy and the provinces. The patri- mony of the Church is first mentioned in the sixth cen- tury by Pelagius the First. From the seventh century on, exemptions of the Church from taxation, with other favors, so aided agriculture in the Roman neighborhood that a more generous treatment of tenants became pos- sible, and the population of the Campagna increased. The districts of the patrimonium were divided into many small dioceses, and supported many churches. Be- tween the fifth and sixth milestones of the Via Labicana, for example, there were twelve churches. There were other parts of the patrimony on the Via Appia and the Via Tiburtina, and a fourth was called the patrimonium Tuscie. Besides the estates of the Campagna, the gifts and bequests of houses and gardens within the city, and of sums of money, the patrimony was swelled also by the transfer of pagan temple property, and by lands and other possessions in more distant parts of the empire. By the time of Gregory the Great, 590-604, the bishop of Rome was the largest and richest landholder in Italy and the west. It is not difficult to understand that the mere adminis- tration of the four parts of the patrimony in the Roman Campagna, of the property within the city, and of ex- tensive possessions in Liguria, the Cottian Alps, Cam- pania, southern Italy, Sicily, Dalmatia, Illyria, Gaul, Sardinia, and Corsica, accomplished through the dea- cons and sub-deacons who constituted the rectors of the patrimony, officials patterned after the imperial pro- curators, could of itself place the pope in the light of a temporal prince. When it is remembered that, in addi- tion to this, Gregory himself was a noble and ex-prefect of Rome whose good offices were often sought, that his Pe THE POPE-KINGS 471 recommendation in the appointment of civil officials both in Italy and in Rome was both solicited by the appointee and regarded by the emperor as a favor and a duty, it is easy to believe with Gregorovius that, in spite of his authority being generally restricted to the Church, the great pope, “as possessing the faculties suited to the circumstances of the time, was brought into a position which made him the tacitly recognized head of Rome, and with perfect right he is looked upon as the founder of the temporal dominion of the papacy.” The pope thus enjoyed extensive temporal powers even before the foundation of the political ecclesiastical state. This latter was accomplished in 754, when Pepin, king of the Franks and patrician of the Romans, at the despairing entreaties of Stephen the Second, rescued Rome from the Lombards, restored to the Church the patrimonies it had lost, and by deed made over to it both these and certain other territories of which he dis- possessed both the Lombards and the Byzantines. The act of Pepin was later confirmed by Charlemagne. Paul the First, 757-767, is the first pope who may be called formally a territorial prince. The precise limits of the lands thus coming under control of the Church are un- known, but they included the exarchate of Ravenna, the Adriatic cities of Ancona, Sinigaglia, Fano, Pesaro, and Rimini, collectively called the Pentapolis, and in general the not very clearly defined provinces extending across central Italy to seventy-five miles south of Rome at Terracina; roughly speaking, the area which, after many vicissitudes, formed the states of the Church until the temporal power was overwhelmed by the rising flood of Italian nationalism. When Pius the Ninth came to the throne in 1846, the states formed an irregular band 472 ETERNAL ROME about four hundred miles long and one hundred and twenty-five wide, reaching from Terracina to Ferrara and from the Esino to the coast of the Maremma, and containing eighteen provinces. If it is impossible to set definite boundaries to the new papal territory of the eighth century, it would be no less impossible to define the limits of papal authority over city and country. The acts of Pepin and Charles were probably in the main but the confirmation of con- ditions already in existence when Lombard aggression became too harsh to be endured. The relations between the pope and the people of the city and its adjacent territories which the decline of imperial Rome, the ne- cessity of supplementing decayed authority, the distance and impotence of the Byzantine government, and the never-forgotten model of Czsarism, had all contributed to bring about in essence, were now made formal and substantial. Those relations, however, had never been perfectly definite, and did not now become so. For nearly three hundred years the status of Rome had been prejudiced by the contentions of Goth, Lombard, and Byzantine with the pope and the Roman people; from now on it was to be kept in uncertainty and disorder by the never-ending and always conflicting claims of the imperial authority founded by Charlemagne, the papal authority confirmed by the same hand but not made wholly independent of the emperor, and the municipal ambitions that came into being on the city’s acquisi- tion of freedom from the interference of Lombard and Byzantine and its passage practically into the pope’s control. At first governed, so far as the emperor was con- cerned, only by the missz, who were little more than in- e+ — THE POPE-KINGS 473 spectors, the papal dominions soon lost the sense of imperial control. It was not long before the Romans, having thus had experience of liberty, became resentful of the more substantial and more directly applied au- thority of the pope. The consequence was that on the death of Charlemagne they rose against Leo the Third. Their independence was not long sustained. Fifty years later the energetic Nicholas the First, 858-867, is found ruling with firmness and vigor a realm from Terracina to Ravenna, restoring two aqueducts in the city, repair- ing the defences of Ostia, building lavishly, patronizing the liberal arts of a generation sunk in ignorance, re- lieving the poverty of the multitude in the grand style of a Cesar, and successfully maintaining both his rights against the emperor and his authority over disobedient bishops. In him is to be seen the first papal ruler con- scious of worldly kingship, the first pope-king. The pope-kings, however, were not destined to exer- cise undisputed sway, at least over the city of Rome. The municipal party, which had attained to self-con- sciousness but not to power during the reign of Charle- magne, had risen against Leo the Third, and had been held in check by the strong hand of Nicholas, now rapidly grew in strength, and under the leadership of the nobility began again to dispute the sovereignty of the pope. In the popular uprising of 932 against the rule of Hugo and Marozia, the temporal power of the pope, and the authority of the emperor, the papal dominions were seized by the citizens led by the second Alberic, who for twenty years ruled as Princeps atque ommum Romanorum Senator, and made the city and its territories an independent kingdom like other Italian principalities. But the change was not for long. Octa- A 4 ETERNAL ROME vian, the son of Alberic, having become John the Twelfth, incidentally founding the papal custom of changing the name on accession, united the offices of prince and pope, and Rome and the ecclesiastical state came once more under papal authority. In spite of the troubles between pope and nobles, pope and emperor, and emperor and people which char- acterized the middle centuries at Rome, and in spite of the fact that the head of the world-Church, the king of an extensive realm, and the creator of emperors was frequently unable to rule his own Romans, the normal and usual state of the city up to the year 1143 was obedi- ence to the papal authority. Its principal officials were the prefect, a survival of the ancient prefectus urbis, who received his office from both emperor and pope, but in reality from the latter, and exercised civil and crimi- nal jurisdiction over the city and adjacent territory within the limit of a hundred miles; the consuls or dukes of the Romans, consules or duces Romanorum, pontifi- cal functionaries chosen from among the nobles, with duties concerning prosecutions and executions of judg- ment; and a varying number of clerical judges whose duties ranged from the purely and simply judicial to financial and other administrative functions in the papal palace, then still the Lateran, which was not abandoned for the Vatican as permanent seat of the popes until 1377. In 1143, however, stimulated by the example of the northern Italian cities, which had erected themselves into independent communes, the Roman people rose in revolution, overthrew the papal and aristocratic régime of prefect and judges, and installed a popular senate or common council on the Capitol. The change was not THE POPE-KINGS 475 so sweeping as might seem. EKugenius the Third, com- pelled two years afterward to recognize the new order, retained the appointment of the prefect and the right to approve the senators. In 1188, a renewed compact gave the pope again his revenues, with militia to defend his patrimony. The direct exercise of legislative and executive authority, which was still withheld, was no doubt more or less replaced by the power inherent in the administration of the patrimony; it is significant that the pope paid the salaries of senators and other functionaries. On the whole, however, there was a dis- tinct tendency in this century and the next toward the absorption by the commune of the former civil powers of the pope. The prefect’s authority was taken over by it, and the power of coinage, which had been restored to the pope but not exercised, remained in its hands. The senate of the twelfth century, consisting of sena- tors ordinary and senators counsellor, was theoretically supreme in the affairs of Rome. It was not, however, an oligarchy. Its measures were executed only after being prepared by a council chosen from the leading citizens, a council which met in the Aracceli and at one time con- sisted of eighty-four men, and after approval on the Capitol by a convocation of the total citizenship of Rome. The senatorial elections were annual, by parlia- ment of all the citizens. The number of senators varied. At first there were twenty-five; in 1152, two thousand citizens decreed the election of a senate of one hundred; a usual number was fifty-six, representing each region by four. As time passed, the tendency was strongly toward reduction to a very few; by the thirteenth cen- tury, the rule was one. At times the pope was commis- sioned to nominate a council of middle-men, mediani, 476 ETERNAL ROME who elected the incumbent, a service which he probably performed after in some manner taking counsel with the people. In proportion as the number of senators de- creased, the number of functionaries at their service was multiplied. In the thirteenth century, there are to be heard of two vestararii, or guards of the treasury, six assectatores, or ushers, twenty-eight iustitiaru for the execution of sentences, mandatarii to give to interested parties the notices of senatorial decrees, a preco, or herald, a seneschal, a palatine judge, appointed for not more than three months, and five scriniarii palatini, or senatorial secretaries. In 1198, during a momentary collapse of the em- peror’s authority in Rome, Innocent the Third, the imperious pope who exterminated the Albigenses and revived the ambition for world-domination which had decayed with the death of Gregory the Seventh, re- gained control of both prefect and senate, and in a measure recovered the one-time papal supremacy over the dominions which had fallen into the hands of the nobles. Rome continued to be independent, but was subject to the will of the pope. Gregory the Ninth, another strong will and zealous persecutor of unbelief, acquired such authority over the senator as to make him the official instrument of the seizure and execution of heretics. 'The representative of the city was obliged to pronounce the ban against all who should be guilty, to seize those listed by the Inquisition, and within eight days of the sentence, which was read by the inquisitor on the Capitol, to put them to death. The place of trial and execution was in front of Santa Maria Maggiore. The Romans, themselves carried along in the current of the times, became through religious zeal the more or THE POPE-KINGS ATT less willing contributors to their own subjugation to the temporal power. From the beginning of the thirteenth century it had been the custom of Rome as well as other Italian com- munes to elect as their annual senator or podesta a dis- tinguished citizen of a sister city. With a cabinet of five notaries and six judges, and an advisory council of Capitoline judges, the senator was entrusted with full power except as he was subject to the desires of the civic assembly. Brancaleone of Bologna, who held the office from 1252 to 1255, supported the people against the nobles, who were at this time in the main subservient to the pope. In 1261, King Manfred was elected sena- tor, an example of Ghibelline reaction, and in 1263 the Guelfs in turn elected Charles of Anjou, brother of Saint Louis of France. In 1278, Nicholas the Third, an Orsini of secular ambition whose first purpose was to establish the states of the Church on a basis of law, hav- ing won from the emperor the recognition of the papal sovereignty over the Romagna, including Bologna, as well as over the widest boundaries of the ancient ecclesi- astical claims, compelled the resignation of Charles, and issued a constitution providing that henceforth the senatorial and other important offices should never be held by any emperor or king, prince, margrave, duke, count, baron, or any person of noble standing who was kinsman to them, but excepting citizens of Rome. The result of the exception was the encouragement of Ro- man patricians to aim at the senatorial power, and their acquisition of a new importance. Nicholas the Third himself, though he did not make official use of the title, was a senator for life, and his successors were for a long time chosen to the dignity. That they were made senators 478 ETERNAL ROME as individuals rather than as popes could hardly have affected the degree of influence they exercised. They were at once the heads of the Church and the chief officials of the Roman commonwealth. Another significant moment in the history of Roman independence occurred in the fourteenth century during the absence of the papacy at Avignon. When Cola di Rienzo in 1847 overthrew the barons, proclaimed the Roman republic, and invited the cities of Italy to form _ themselves into a federation under the leadership of Rome and to make common cause of “the whole of sacred Italy,” he was entertaining, though more dimly, the idea and the hope that five centuries later were to send men to martyrdom and sweep the invader from the length and breadth of the land. The times, however, were not ripe. In spite of the absence and comparative unconcern of the papacy, the weakness of the imperial authority, and the spell of the name of Rome, the Festival of the Unity of Italy only demonstrated the impossibility of animating with a single purpose the scattered and diverse communes and principalities that went to make up the Italian race. The seven exalted but vain months of Cola’s rule were soon over, the old round of anarchy, conspiracy, in- surrection, and violence began once more, with now the papal party, now the nobles, now the people, now the emperors, as the principal figures in the tragic succes- sion of events, until Gregory the Eleventh in 1377 re- turned to a still conspiring and distracted capital, and farther until 1898, when Boniface the Ninth adroitly made the papacy again supreme, and the efforts of the two hundred and fifty years since the revolution of 1143 to establish an independent civil state at Rome were THE POPE-KINGS 479 practically at an end. Kugenius the Fourth was com- pelled in 1484 to renounce the temporal power, but two years later was reinstated by armed force. The failure of Stephen Porcaro’s attempt at revolution in 1453 may be called the last protest of Rome against the temporal power until the middle of the nineteenth century. Under Nicholas the Fifth, the same pope who hanged Stephen Porcaro in a tower of Hadrian’s mausoleum, began the splendid secularization which continued under Paul the Second, Sixtus the Fourth, and Alexander the Sixth, and culminated in the times of Julius the Second and Leo the Tenth. 3. THE HOLY CITY ROM the time of Charles the Fifth’s coronation (1530) until the end of the eighteenth century,” writes Gregorovius, “the popes ruled Rome in such per- fect tranquillity, that during this period of the political extinction of Italy, as well as of the torpor of the pa- pacy, they enjoyed their happiest but most inglorious term of government.” This is hardly giving the times or the popes the credit they deserve. If the popes are to be judged wholly as kings and politicians, we may accept the verdict. If we judge them as men and priests as well as monarchs, and measure their importance by the more purely ecclesiasti- cal and spiritual effort put forth by them, they will be found a memorable line, and their times worthy of com- parison with any period of the same length in the history of the holy office. Whatever their errors as pontiffs and their defects as men, the popes from Paul the Third to the end of the temporal power were distinguished as a whole by earnestness of purpose and uprightness of character. Paul the Third, magnificent and easy in secular mat- ters, was exceedingly strict in what concerned the duties of religion. Paul the Fourth was ascetic and reformer, and Pius the Fifth was rigidly severe with himself as well as others. Gregory the Thirteenth was austere, Clement the Eighth self-denying, Clement the Ninth and Clement the Tenth gentle and charitable, Clement the Eleventh abstemious and the foe of abuse. Benedict THE HOLY CITY 481 the Thirteenth allowed sixpence a day for his table and opened the Vatican doors to the poor, whom he called his relatives. Benedict the Fourteenth, independent and impartial, diminishing the number of useless holi- days and discouraging superstition, brought upon him- self the name of “the Protestant Pope,” the thirteenth and fourteenth Clements and the last four Piuses were men of cultivated tastes whose conduct was above re- proach, and even Leo the Twelfth and Gregory the Sixteenth, whatever their lack of vision, were actuated by serious purpose. Gregory the Sixteenth performed at least one great liberal act, the abolition of the anti- quated and barbarous penal code, with its trials in secret, its tortures, floggings, interrogations, and abuses of asylum and pardon. The same praise may be awarded to the character of the papal administrations in general. Many of them initiated, or, if the initiation was rather of the times than of pope or cabinet, at least witnessed and fostered the initiation of great movements. The council of Trent was in session for the forty years from Paul the Third to Pius the Fourth, and Paul’s reign saw also the for- mation of Filippo Neri’s brotherhood of the Oratory at Rome, and the rise of Loyola and the society of Jesus, at first by no means the offensive order it later came to be, but a great teaching brotherhood whose contribution to lay intelligence and the spirit of loyalty was sorely needed. The movement of the times toward greater strictness in the discipline of the Church, of which the Index was the sign, was continued by vigorous measures against heresy, which, however exaggerated or mistaken, were sprung of a seriousness regarding sacred matters to which the curia had been too long a 482 ETERNAL ROME stranger. To Gregory the Thirteenth’s zeal for Catholic instruction was due the foundation of twenty or more colleges in Rome and Italy. Sixtus the Fifth’s appoint- ment of more churchmen to responsible positions in the government was due to moral as well as ecclesiastical purpose. Clement the Eighth was an active disciplina- rian. Gregory the Fifteenth’s reign was marked by world-wide missionary enterprise; it was he who founded and endowed for the supervision of foreign missions the congregation of cardinals called the Propaganda, canonized Francis Xavier, the apostle to the Indies, and built the cathedral at Los Angeles in California. By this time there were in South America five arch- bishops, twenty-seven bishops, four hundred monas- teries, and parish churches without number. Innocent the Eleventh enacted sumptuary laws, legislated against immodesty in dress, closed the gaming-houses, and in- sisted on the greater fitness of candidates for the office of bishop. Innocent the Twelfth legislated against nepotism, refusing his nephew permission even to reside in the Vatican. Clement the Eleventh was the enemy of abuses, and actively fostered missions. Benedict the Fourteenth founded four academies for the study of history and canon law, and opposed the Jesuits in their excesses among the Indians. The reign of Clement the Fourteenth saw the dissolution of the Jesuit society. If from the days of Clement to the end of the temporal power no great constructive movements took place, suffi- cient reason is to be found in the troubled nature of Napoleonic and Risorgimento times. Throughout the period, however, not only the popes personally, but their administrations, were characterized by great attention to charities, and by open-handedness in general. THE HOLY CITY 483 It would be a distortion of the truth to assume that either all of the popes or all of their administrations were free from fault. Nepotism was long in dying, or rather in being throttled; yet from the time of Paul the Third, the last to practice it in the grand style, it could not be practiced at all without universal reproach. But nepotism even in its days of least restraint was not without excuse, if indeed excuse was demanded in an age when its practice was so largely taken for granted. Given the circumstances of a pope who was aged, lonely, and in need of younger and stronger men for counsel- lors, it was natural enough for the capable relatives of the ruler to be summoned to his aid. Not all nephews were elevated because of mere family ambition, nor did all of them make selfish use of their power. It needs but a glance over the line of cardinal-nephews of the six- teenth and seventeenth centuries to realize the indebted- ness of Roman building and Roman culture to their presence, to say nothing of Roman general welfare. If they sometimes proved unworthy, they were more often both competent and public-spirited. An Alessandro or a Ranuccio Farnese or a Scipione Borghese was more frequent than a Carlo Caraffa or a Pietro Aldobrandini. These facts considered, it is no mean tribute to the dig- nity and moral earnestness of the times that even the least objectionable kind of nepotism came to be con- demned, and that the offence was frowned out of exist- ence. The excesses of nepotism, however, were not the worst. There were abuses of incapacity in the adminis- tration of both city and state. It was a standing charge that bandits infested the country, and violence the streets of the city. In vain did Sixtus the Fifth hang 484 ETERNAL ROME four men for possessing firearms, and a boy in the Trastevere for resisting officers, and erect twelve gal- lows between Anagni and Frosinone for the execution and display of marauders, and adorn the Ponte Sant’ Angelo with heads until they were “more numerous than melons in the Via dei Banchi.” In spite of six thou- sand five hundred commitments and many executions by Gregory the Thirteenth in 1582, and in spite of the deaths of five thousand men on both sides in the wars with outlaws between 1590 and 1595, the insecurity of the papal dominions continued, and came to an end only with the advent of the Italian monarchy. Clement the Thirteenth’s reign of less than eleven years, 1758-1769, saw ten thousand murders in the states of the Church, four thousand of them in Rome, a city of one hundred and sixty thousand. There were three hundred and thirty-nine executions under Leo the Twelfth, 1823- 1829. Windows were ordered closed at eight in the eve- ning during the interval between deaths and elections, and lamps set in them, for the sake of the public safety. It was not infrequent for bishop or abbot to lay aside sword and pistols and to perform the holy office booted and spurred. The knife-duel was the commonest occur- rence. Contraband went hand in hand with brigandage as both result and cause, and was the normal condition. In the city, periods of incapable policing alternated with periods of ferocious severity when men were con- demned to death for trifling infringement of unwise laws. As is likely to be the case with feeble governments, weakness went hand in hand with cruelty. Mere theft was sometimes punished by death. For blasphemy, libel, defacement of doors and walls, possession of arms, en- trance into a nunnery, there were public flogging and § ‘ | j THE HOLY CITY 485 the galleys, “with death at the pleasure of His Emi- nence’; and death might be by strangulation, walling up, hanging, burning, or beheading. The horrors of the medieval code lasted on until 1833. In the time of Pius the Fifth, in 1566, an edict to expel the courtesans from the city disclosed the fact that twenty thousand of the fifty thousand inhabitants were estimated to belong to that class, and roused a protest which the pope was compelled to heed. The political prison from 1849 to 1870 near the Porta Portese had long been a place of detention for dissolute women. There was not only incapacity, but neglect and immo- rality. The example of the holy seat was not always fol- lowed by its ministers of secular affairs. Judges under Alexander the Seventh took four months’ vacation, ac- | cepted rich Christmas gifts from interested parties, yielded to pressure, and were dilatory and arbitrary in decisions. Innocent the Tenth was ruled by an unscru- pulous sister-in-law, and Benedict the Thirteenth chose unwisely in his favorite, Nicholas Coscia. In the six- teenth and seventeenth centuries at least, wealth and birth were privileged in the selection of bishops and car- dinals, and success depended often upon the favor of the pope’s kinsmen. The cardinal-nephews received not only legitimate compensation, but suddenly accumulated vast fortunes; the Borghese and Aldobrandini families in the short periods of their ascendency received a total of at least a million scudi. The financing of the papal administration was uncertain and shifty, depending much upon the ingenious loan establishments of the monti, the sale of offices, and the influx of voluntary contributions from abroad. In 1471 there were already six hundred and fifty salable offices, and by the time of 486 ETERNAL ROME Pius the Fourth the number had grown to three thou- sand five hundred. “Give him pencil and paper, and he will create money out of nothing,” said an enthusiastic admirer of one pope’s financial genius. It was to be expected that the foibles of the popes and their administrators, to say nothing of the more serious offences, would rouse the spirit of satire that has always belonged to the Romans. With the return of letters in the Renaissance, and with the return of a measure of intellectual independence and individuality, what criticism had hitherto been rare and privately murmured began to be vocal. Its most eloquent and pungent expression was through Pasquino, the muti- lated statue of obscure origin still standing today at the angle of the Palazzo Braschi. Pasquino began his career in about 1500, and for three hundred and seventy years, with the occasional aid of Marforio, another ancient relic, supplied the place of the modern satirical sheet and the opposition newspaper. His origin and end coin- cide with the rise and fall of the pope-kings. In July, 1497, for example, Alexander Borgia is having the Tiber dragged in the search for the murdered duke of Gandia, his son, and in the morning a slip of paper is found attached to Pasquino’s person. “Lest we think thee no Fisher of Men, O Sextus,” it says, “thou art casting the net for thy son,—” Piscatorem hominum ne te non, Sexte, putemus Piscaris natum retibus ecce tuwwm. Or, Urban the Eighth, the princely Barberini, is dead. In his good fortune he did not forget his family, which is symbolized on the Barberini coat-of-arms by THE HOLY CITY 487 the bees. Pasquino appears with an epigram, as usual, in Latin: Pauca hec Urbant sit verba incisa sepulchro: Quam bene pavit Apes tam male pavit Oves,— Let these few words be cut on Urban’s tomb: He fed his Lambs as badly as he fed his Bees well. Again, Pius the Sixth has been too frugal to meet Roman expectations in time of famine. Pasquino calls to his aid the art of design, and displays to Rome one morning the figure of a single tiny roll of bread, with the legend so often seen on the pope’s public monu- ments: Munificentia Pu Sexti,— Through the Munificence of Pius the Sixth. Sometimes Pasquino is moved to homelier expres- sion, and then the pasquinade is in his native tongue. Clement the Eleventh has been free-handed with his relatives at Urbino, and Pasquino does not relish the sight of Roman money departing in such quantity for the little provincial town. He and Marforio pass the word as they meet: Che fai, Pasquino? Eh, guardo Roma, che non vada ad Urbino,— What art doing, Pasquino? Oh, I am keeping an eye on Rome, to see that it doesn’t leave for Urbino. And one morning in the reign of Sixtus the Fifth, whose sister, said once to have been a washerwoman, has married a duke, Pasquino is found in a soiled shirt. 488 ETERNAL ROME His friends are surprised and curious. He explains to them: | Eh, adesso che la mia lavandaia é stata fatta duchessa, ha tutt’ altro da fare che curarmi la biancheria,— Oh, since my washerwoman has got to be a duchess, she has quite other things to do than look after my linen. The bluff pope receives the stinging shaft, but pre- tends to admire its neatness, and skilfully baits a hook for the unknown author, who greedily takes it, pockets the promised reward, and has his right hand chopped off. “I didn’t promise not to cut his hand off,” says the keen Sixtus. When the angered old man in the Vatican has for- bidden farther words, Pasquino refrains from specific utterance, but manages to relieve himself without ex- posure to penalty. He is constrained to ease his feelings more than once: Crepo per non poter parlare,— I am bursting for want of a chance to speak. Son crepato per avermi troppo chiuso la bocca,— I’ve burst from having kept my mouth shut too long. Amo meglio crepare che tacere,— Vd rather burst than not speak out. But if the natural preference of brothers and nephews, the futilities of incapable men and measures, and the petty immoralities of the public service are to be considered in the light of abuses and weaknesses rather than more serious offence, the same may hardly be said of other excesses, also grounded in nature but less innocent in their consequences. The desire to save THE HOLY CITY 489 souls and to advance the glory of the Church cannot excuse the lengths to which the Index went in the sup- pression of freedom of thought and speech. It cannot excuse the horrible and futile cruelties of the Inquisi- tion, or the petty and exasperating tyrannies of espio- nage. Pius the Fifth approving the Spanish burning of heretics and lighting the fires in Rome, Gregory the Thirteenth ordering a Te Deum and striking a medal after the massacre of Saint Bartholomew, the burning of Giordano Bruno at the stake under Clement the Eighth, Urban the Eighth and his treatment of Galileo, Pius the Seventh as late as the beginning of the nine- teenth century reviving the severities of persecution and suppression, Leo the Twelfth with his spies, Gregory the Sixteenth forbidding the Bible in the vulgar tongues and condemning the liberty of the press, Pius the Ninth with his approval of Christianization by kidnapping, are examples of zeal which hardly find place in the category of the virtues. These instances of papal frailty, it is true, cover a wide space of time; but, with others like them, they have afforded later generations the grounds for their ap- praisal of the papal state during the two hundred and fifty years before its fall. It will be seen that its sins were due in part to mistaken zeal, in part to the occupa- tion of office, from the time of Sixtus the Fifth, almost exclusively by clericals, in part to provincialism, in part to the natural resistance to progress of the most stable and slow-moving of the world’s institutions, in part to the neglect and arrogance which are the sure accompaniments of security, in part to the universal character of the times, and in part, but only in small part, to actual viciousness. That they existed may 490 ETERNAL ROME modify our notion as to the possibility of uniting spiritual and temporal powers to the advantage of the spiritual, but it should not hinder the conclusion that the popes in the great majority were men of a high order, that in the main the measures of the Church were directed toward lofty ends, and that, compared with the secular states and their rulers of the same period, the papal state and its princes do not appear at serious disadvantage. If the authority of living witness be desired, no more interesting expression can be found regarding the Rome of the pope-kings than that of the learned and witty Charles de Brosses, president of the parliament of Burgundy, who visited Rome in 1740 under Clement the Twelfth. In Lettres familiéres écrites d’Italie, he comments in the genial mood of the amused spectator on the weaknesses of papal rule and the charm of the city: “The rulers who, since Sixtus the Fifth, have done endless things for the beautification of the city, have done nothing toward the cultivation of the Campagna, where one sees, literally, not a single house or shrub. The government is as bad as could be imagined were one to draw on the fancy at pleasure. Machiavelli and More amused themselves in the constructing of a Utopia; here one finds in the reality the exact opposite. Imagine the state of things, with a population one-third priests, one- third people who do next to nothing, and one-third who do nothing at all; where there is neither agriculture nor commerce nor manufacturing, though the city is in the midst of a fertile country and on a navigable river; where the prince, always old, with few years to sit on the throne, and often incapable of taking any action THE CHURCH OF SAINT PETER IN FEBRUARY, 1922 THE CROWD IS EXPECTING THE ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE POPE’S ELECTION THE HOLY CITY 491 of his own will, is surrounded by relatives possessed by no other idea than that of promptly laying hands on what they can get while they have the opportunity, and where, at each change of administration, one sees new plunderers arrive to take the place of those who no longer have need to plunder; where impunity is as- sured to anyone who cares to disturb his environment, provided only he has acquaintance among the great or is within reach of an asylum; where all the money re- quired for the necessities of life has its only source in other lands, a contribution constantly growing less; and where, in a word, the system which we have seen in France is established forever, though indeed not prac- ticed with the same fury. Note, however, that, since the paper money has no circulation outside of Rome, all the necessaries of life, because they must be purchased — elsewhere, must be paid for in silver, and that the place produces. nothing, a fact which in the course of time has so reduced the quantity of coin that today it is al- most impossible longer to obtain it. . . “But this is a great deal of fault that I am finding with a place which, after all I have said, is very agreeable to strangers not only for motives of curiosity, but because of the extreme liberty which reigns there, and because of the courteousness of its inhabitants, who in general are characterized, if not by cordiality, at least by at- tentiveness, and who are obliging and easy of access to a much greater degree than the people of any other part of Italy. It is also very easy for strangers here to gain admission to society and to find a welcome everywhere, and the Romans are beginning to live with each other on familiar terms, and to dine together, as in France. “You would of course like to have a word about the 492 ETERNAL ROME vineyards of Rome and Frascati. I will say as to this only that the Italians esteem them too much and the French too little. Although we are as much superior to them in gardens as they surpass us in buildings, it is always a great pleasure to see, what I find in no other place, trees in the wintertime all green and leafy, and in summer the most beautiful and the clearest waters one could know. The views here are also very much praised, but they hardly give me pleasure, for what is there in the view of a plain far extended but barren and deserted? I might say as much of the houses; they are covered with reliefs, from ground to roof, but they have no bedrooms.” To this vivacious witness may be added the pictur- esque summary of the late eighteenth and early nine- teenth centuries by Silvagni, drawn largely from the diary of the Abbé Benedetti, who died in 1837 at over eighty, and who remembered the popes and the city from Clement the Thirteenth to Gregory the Sixteenth: “The streets were without signs and had no lamps, there were no sidewalks, the houses were without num- bers, the roofs without gutters, and the shop windows without glass. There were no names over the tradespeo- ple’s premises. Iron and wooden signboards, typical of the business carried on within, were substituted for names. Thus a cardinal’s red hat or a priest’s black beretta could be seen swinging before a hatter’s; a huge pair of red or black hands pointed out a glover’s; a snake hung over a chemist’s; cocks, eagles, hawks, suns, and bears marked the inns, on whose doors were often nailed falcons; a bush indicated a wine-shop; a foot or arm with blood issuing from it, a bloodletter; a copper basin, a barber’s; one of the Swiss guard, a dealer in lace THE HOLY CITY 493 and trimmings; a pair of scissors, a tailor’s; a Turk with a pipe, a tobacconist; a horn, the post-horses; a piece of blue woolen goods, a cloth merchant; etc. “Most of the Roman tradespeople carried on the greater part of their business in the street. There, too, people did money transactions, cooked potatoes, or egg- plant, or chestnuts. At San Carlo al Corso they fried fish, and sold tripe, chickens, and slaughtered meats. There were open sewers full of filth in the middle of most of the streets, including the Corso. Sales of all kinds were strictly regulated by officials called calmieri, and many articles were monopolies of the great families, who had at some time or other bought the exclusive privilege of selling wax, arms, cosmetics, balsam, tap- estry, gunpowder, leather, and even pins. The Albani princes, for example, possessed the right to make pins_ at Urbino, and whoever ventured to import them from elsewhere was punished with fines and flogging. The emasculation of boys was almost a monopoly, and be- longed to a barber in the Via Papali, who had the fol- lowing announcement above his door: Qui si castrono li cantori delle cappelle papal . . . The Via del Babuino was mean and squalid. . . . From the Piazza Colonna to the Porta del Popolo there were only small and wretched houses. . . . “Locomotion indeed was difficult during the day im Rome, because of the vendors’ stalls and heaps of stones and dust and refuse of every kind encumbering the streets. It was in vain that placards were issued pro- hibiting the accumulation of filth and rubbish in public places; that stones were set up at the sides of the Via 494 ETERNAL ROME Borgognona and other streets, some of which may still be seen, with inscriptions to the effect that anyone found committing an offence would be punished with fines, imprisonment, ed altre pene ad arbitrio di Sua Ec- cellenza. All the streets and chance nooks were filled with every sort of refuse and waste. Occasionally some culprit was caught by the sbirri and publicly punished, either in the Campo dei Fiori, at the corner of the Via della Corda, or in the Corso at the street of the same name, or he was flogged at the head of the Via del Babuino. . . . But the evil was without remedy be- cause it was always done at night, and at night the whole city was enveloped in darkness. Indeed the only light in the streets came from some little lamp burning before the shrine of a Madonna, or from some flickering torch at the corner of a palace. In most of the streets, there- fore, it was perfectly dark, and the few passers-by either carried lanterns themselves, or had well-armed servants with them for the purpose. “Now and then loud cries and desperate screams for help rent the air. Now it was those whose shop or house doors were being broken in by thieves, and now women who had been compelled to venture out and were being carried off or violated. The patrol frequently came to blows with the evildoers, and with the hired assassins of princes, ambassadors, and cardinals. “Morning often brought strange disclosures of crimes done in the hours of darkness, and it was no uncommon sight to see a culprit taken past on a mule, exposed in the pillory, and then subjected to the Cavalletto,—an infamous spectacle which Antonelli had the glory of reviving in 1856, with the applause of the Catholic world,—or to watch another poor wretch dangling from THE HOLY CITY 495 the gallows in the Piazza del Popolo, without process, without form of trial, and without defence.” Yet, whatever the defects of the papal administration, and whatever its fluctuations in morals and capacity, there was one respect in which it did not change, and there was one remedy which it consistently refused to consider. The claim to both spiritual and temporal sov- ereignty had long ago taken on canonical form. Dog- matically, it rested on the divinely appointed headship of Peter which descended to all his successors on the throne; historically, on the patrimonium, on the deed of Pepin and its confirmation by Charlemagne, and on the transfer of Byzantine authority under the same kings from the east to Rome. More or less quiescent from the return of Clement the Seventh until the end of the eighteenth century because rarely questioned, the idea: of temporal sovereignty was roused to greater assertive- ness by the Napoleonic aggressions and the rise of mod- ern Italian ambitions; but it was never at any time for- gotten, and never laid aside. The popes in their own eyes were kings as well as priests. There were those in whom, like Sixtus the Fifth, Paul the Fifth, and Urban the Eighth, the consciousness of regal authority almost equalled, if it did not exceed, that of the priestly office. If there were the less princely and imperious, like the eighth and ninth Clements, Gregory the Fifteenth, and Benedict the Thirteenth, whose thoughts were fixed more on the matters of the other world than of this, their cardinal-nephews and favored counsellors saw to it that the pomp and circumstance of kingship, together with the retainer’s privileges, were not abated. If there were many who personally did not value the powers and the splendors of monarchy, and some who persisted in the 496 ETERNAL ROME Franciscan or Dominican humility and self-denial to which they had been bred in their earlier days of service, there were probably none who did not firmly believe that the temporal power was necessary to the freedom of the Church and its capacity for good. To suppose that a Paul the Third, with his princely magnificence, or a Julius the Third, fond of ease and retirement, or a Pius the Fourth and an Urban the Eighth, with their erec- tion of elaborate military defences, or a Sixtus the Fifth, insisting on the papal right to dethrone the kings of Europe, or a Paul the Fifth, zealous for the exten- sion of papal authority, or a Pius the Sixth, refusing to surrender the temporal power and dying in exile and captivity, or a Pius the Ninth, refusing to recognize the state whose rise had finally deprived the Church of her domains,—to suppose that all or any of these were not actuated principally by the conviction that they were ad- vancing the interests of the Church and faithfully dis- charging the obligation they had assumed at the begin- ning of their careers, would be to wrong magnanimous men. It was but rarely that the pope conceived the idea of enlarging his territory by actual conquest. The army of Sixtus the Fifth, outside of the thirty thousand militia scattered through the states of the Church and not kept up, consisted of two hundred watchmen and one hundred infantry in Rome, sixty-three infantry in Perugia, forty-three in Ancona, and twenty-five each in Orvieto and Civitavecchia. He had a navy of six ships. The papal armament rose and fell according to circum- _ stance, but in time of need, which meant in time of the defence of the temporal right, the military force of the Church consisted usually of troops from friendly mon- THE HOLY Crry 497 archs abroad. The frequent remark of Paul the Third that in case the potentates did him an evil turn he would have to use words in defence, rather than action, in order not to disclose how weak he was, might have been made by the pope at any time up to the twentieth of September, 1870, when Pius the Ninth instructed his army to make no farther resistance than would serve as a protest. It is thus to be seen that in the theory of government and in the administration of the states of the Church, no less than in the architectural character of the city, there was always a mingling of the religious and the secular. The same alliance of the eternal and the temporal was also visible in the great spectacles in the churches and streets of Rome. The splendid ceremonial, the parade, and the triumphal procession of the ancient empire re- - tained their place in the affections of the people and their rulers in the altered form of the papal coronation, the funerals of pope and cardinal, and the gorgeous ceremonies and processions of the great Church festi- vals. ‘Their presence through the ages is not only a mani- festation of the unchanging nature of papal theory and practice, but one of the characteristic features of the city as long as its destinies were ruled by the papacy, or as long as the pope continued freely to go and come in its thoroughfares. Already in the fourth century the court of the bishop of Rome had begun to imitate the ways of the impe- rial court. It was probably after witnessing the epis- copal procession on some great holy day that Am- mianus noted satirically the resemblance of the bishop’s progress to that of a Roman emperor in his triumph. . The more or less direct influence of the Roman court, 498 ETERNAL ROME not excluding that of the imperial religious functions so inseparable from it, had soon acted upon the simple ceremonial of the early Church, already affected con- siderably by the comparative elaboration and _ splen- dor of the Jewish ritual. The character thus formed was later again enriched as Rome and Constantinople touched each other through Ravenna and the eastern supervision of Italy, by the influence of the Byzantine court and the eastern Church. It was from these sources, especially the Jewish and Byzantine, that there came into the Church the golden, beaten, chased, inlaid, enamelled, and begemmed crucifixes, vessels, and candle- sticks of the service, and the splendid vestments, altar- cloths, and tapestries, blazing with color or stiff with gold and precious stones, which never ceased, and never cease today, as the Church well knows, to fascinate the eye and captivate the imagination. It was from the same sources, and especially from the Byzantine and Roman, that the great processions also received their character. Let us witness one of them. We may well take leave of the Rome of the pope-kings by letting the eye rest for a moment on some of the color and picturesqueness which lent it charm throughout the ages. On February 22, 1198, Innocent the Third, after con- secration by the bishops of Ostia, Albano, and Porto in the already ancient and historic basilica of Saint Peter’s, appears with glittering retinue on the broad platform before it and solemnly seats himself on the papal throne. As the bishop’s miter is removed from his head and its place is taken by the golden and jewelled crown, the archdeacon who sets it there in the presence of the Roman multitude drawn from the thirty-five THE HOLY CITY 499 thousand or so inhabitants, swelled by the crowd of strangers from every quarter of the world who never cease to stream to Rome, pronounces the impressive words: “Receive the tiara, that thou mayst know thy- self the father of princes and kings, the ruler of the world, the vicar on earth of our Savior, Jesus Christ, to whom is honor and glory through the ages of the ages.” The coronation done, the pope, gorgeous in rich ap- parel, resplendent with jewels and gold, and wearing the crown, mounts a horse in scarlet trappings, the stirrup and bridle of which, as he proceeds, are held for a few moments by an emperor or king, or, in their absence, by a senator or noble of Rome. After this preliminary, the great cavalcade begins its progress. It is headed by one of the pope’s splendid and richly caparisoned horses. After it come the mounted cross-bearers and twelve » mounted standard-bearers with red banners, and two horsemen with lances supporting golden cherubim; then prefects of the marine, advocates, clerks, judges in black gowns, all mounted; the singers, deacons, and sub- deacons, foreign abbots, bishops and archbishops, the twenty abbots of the Roman abbeys, the patriarchs, cardinal-bishops, cardinal-presbyters, cardinal-deacons, many of them white-haired and venerable, on horseback like all the rest; then the pope, on a white horse, with senators or nobles leading and sub-deacons and city prefect at his side, and the college of judges; then the civic guilds, the militia, and the knights and nobles in glittering arms, each with the arms and colors of his house. For the space of an hour, along streets wreathed and garlanded, under lofty triumphal arches, through the lanes of densely packed and staring people, to the 500 ETERNAL ROME solemn chant of priests and the ringing of all the city’s bells, the splendid procession passes. It passes to the bridge across the Tiber and through the still standing arch of Gratian, Theodosius, and Valentinian; halts in Parione, where, according to the custom of newly crowned pope-kings, the pope receives the humble sub- mission of the Jews to their Christian lord; proceeds through the Campus Martius, through the forums of Trajan and Cesar, across the Great Forum under the arches of Severus and Titus, and past the Coliseum and San Clemente to the piazza of the Lateran, where the clergy welcome their new head with the solemn chant, conduct him to the arcade, and seat him on the symbolic sella stercoraria, the seat of abasement, whence he soon rises to scatter among the people from the lap of a chamberlain three handfuls of gold, silver, and copper, repeating as he throws it, “Gold and silver have I none, but what I have that I give thee,” after which he enters the Lateran church to offer prayer, and re- ceives the homage of the chapter. Issuing from the church, the pope next enters and takes possession of the Lateran palace, where he re- ceives the pastoral staff, the keys of the church and palace, and is seated on a porphyry chair, clad in a girdle of red silk from which is suspended a purple purse con- taining musk and twelve seals of precious stones, the symbols of the apostolic power and the Christian vir- tues. ‘The palace retinue is admitted to kiss the papal foot, and the cardinals and prelates kneel before their lord to receive the usual donation. At the banquet in the palace which follows the oath of homage by the senate and concludes the ceremonies of the day, the pope sits apart at a table with costly service, churchmen THE ATRIUM OF SAN CLEMENTE COLUMNS AND PAVEMENT ARE OF ANCIENT MATERIAL; BELOW AN UPPER AND A LOWER CHURCH ARE A GROT OF MITHRAS AND REMNANTS FROM THE REPUBLIC THE HOLY CITY 501 and nobles are placed at another, and senators, pre- fects, and judges at a third. If kings were present, they would carry to the pope the first dishes, afterward seating themselves beside the cardinals, while the most distinguished of the nobility would serve him for the remainder of the banquet. If some of the medieval features of the coronation parade and other spectacles disappeared or were trans- formed at the coming of the Renaissance, their spirit and effect never ceased to be the same. The great annual parade of the Chinea on June 28 was hardly less splen- did than the coronation procession. The Chinea lasted up to 1787, when, after twelve years of contention as to whether the seven thousand ducats sent by the king of Naples was tribute or a voluntary gift, the money was simply deposited and the parade discontinued. The pro- cession began at the Palazzo Colonna and ended at the Vatican. At its head moved the Drummers of the Faith- ful from the Capitol in red and yellow stripes, and trumpeters with the Colonna standard flying from their instruments. Then came the pope’s lancers, officers, cuirassiers, the captain of the Swiss Guard with drum- mers, the Neapolitan ambassador on horseback, the Swiss Guard, twelve pages, footmen, attendants, and the white mule or horse bearing the seven thousand ducats, followed by more of the Swiss Guard, prelates and cardinals from Naples, four gilt coaches, drawn by six horses and with postillions in red, and many other carriages. It was all concluded by a great reception in the Palazzo Colonna. And what is true of the material splendors of the coronation and the Chinea is as true of the spiritual splendors of the more deeply religious events that called 502 ETERNAL ROME to the streets the faithful and the curious from at home and abroad. From the fourteenth century, on the eve- ning of Holy Friday a great procession of the brothers of the Gonfalone across the city to the Coliseum took place. In the jubilee of 1550, fifteen hundred men were in the procession, three hundred and thirty-five of them bearing great crosses. In the same year the brothers of the Cross to the number of twelve hundred wound in solemn procession from San Marcello, many scourging themselves as they walked. | In 1581, Montaigne, adopted as a citizen by the city which, “as it stands now, deserveth to be loved, being the only common and universal city,” witnessed the exposition of the napkin of Veronica, and afterward wrote: “All the people were on their knees, crying misericordia, most of them with tears in their eyes. . . . There were infinite numbers present. Not only the church was filled with people; in the Piazza, from as far as one could see the pulpit and the relic, surged the press of men and women. Almost all men of considera- tion belong to brotherhoods, of which there are more than a hundred, with some especially for strangers. These brotherhoods perform their offices especially in Lent, but on this day they march by troupes through the streets enveloped in mantles, each troupe after its fashion, in white, red, green, blue, or black, and for the most part with covered faces. I have never seen any- thing so noble and so magnificent as the incredible throng of persons throughout the city at the ceremonies of the day, and especially these companies. For, be- sides the great number of others whom we had seen in the daylight and who had come to Saint Peter’s, when the night fell, with all the brotherhoods marching in order THE HOLY CITY 503 toward the church, every one with a blazing torch in his hand, almost all of white wax, it seemed as if the whole city had burst into flame. I believe that at least twelve thousand torches passed me where I stood; from eight until midnight the street was continually filled by the procession, which moved with such orderliness and measure that, though the numerous brotherhoods had to assemble from various localities, there were to be seen no gaps or breaks in the line. Every section had its choir, and all were singing as they went. Between the lines went a line of penitents scourging themselves; I counted at least five hundred with pitiably raw and bleeding backs. It is an enigma which I do not yet well under- stand; they were all cruelly bruised and lacerated, and beat and tormented themselves incessantly. From their countenances, the assurance of their step, the firmness of their speech, for I heard some of them speak and the faces of a number of them were uncovered, one could not detect that they were suffering pain; though there were among them boys of twelve and thirteen. As an attractive-looking and very young man was on his way past me, a young woman among the bystanders ex- pressed pity to see him thus lacerated. He turned to us and said to her, with a smile, ‘Do not pity me; not for my own sins am I doing this, but to atone for yours.’ . . Arrived in Saint Peter’s, they merely filed past and were shown the Holy f['ace, and then left the church to give place to others. Women on this day enjoy great freedom. Far into the night the streets are filled with them, nearly all of them on foot; but all play of eyes and coquettish expression are at an end.” Such was the city of the pope-kings. It was first of all the Holy City. Rome was the capital now, not merely 504 ETERNAL ROME of Europe and the Mediterranean fringes of Africa and Asia, but of an empire that had crossed the seas and lodged in strange islands and far-distant continents. Whatever the mordant comment of Pasquino and the sharp-tongued people when in moments of irritation or malice their vision penetrated the envelope of pomp and pretence and surprised poor humanity in its natural stature and lineaments, whatever the little tempests of ecclesiastical and mundane politics that obscured the vision of pope and prelate, whatever the contempt that was bred of familiarity in a population reared in the shadow of the Vatican, the fact of the Church’s great- ness and of her identity with Rome was seldom long forgotten by the Romans themselves, and never by the stranger within the gates. The local was forgotten or forgiven in the universal. It was not the sceptered sway of kings that made the city great in the eyes of men and gave her power over their hearts, but a spiritual au- thority that had its warrant in the long ages of her own and her Church’s existence, and in the infinite spaces over which she had diffused the faith. XII. ROME AND THE RISORGIMENTO Ora, o signori, in Roma concorrono tutte le circostanze storiche, intel- lettuali, morali, che devono determinare le condizioni della capitale di un grande stato. Roma é la sola citta d’ Italia che non abbia memorie esclu- sivamente municipali; tutta la storia di Roma, dal tempo dei Cesari al tempo d@’ oggi, é la storia di una citta la cui importanza si estende in- finitamente al di 1a del suo territorio, di una citta cioé destinata ad essere la capitale di un grande stato,— Now, gentlemen, we find meeting in Rome all the circumstances his- torical, intellectual, and moral which should determine the capital of a great state. Rome is the only city of Italy which has memories not ex- clusively municipal; the entire history of Rome, from the time of the Cesars to our own of today, is the history of a city whose importance has extended infinitely beyond its own territory, of a city, that is to say, destined to be the capital of a great state. Cavour in Parliament, March 25, 1861 i iv a Hi) \ 1 Whe: ih ‘ ‘ BNL he hy ie my iV Al ih ee) | As ik ily THE RISE OF MODERN ITALY HLE process by which the Roman Christian Church came gradually to supplant the Roman pagan Church was in the way of nature. The process by which the bishop of Rome came to be the head of the Christian communities of Italy and the west, and the claimant to authority over all the Christian world, was quite as much in the way of nature. In the same manner, it was natural for the Church, which was the only authority to survive intact the ruin of the ancient civilization, and which was frequently invited by circumstance to assume the control of a world where earthly government had gone by default, to become in time the sovereign not only of souls but of material possessions, and in the con- fusion of temporal and spiritual rights to become en- tangled in politics and war, thus to lose the directness of vision and singleness of purpose that characterized the primitive communities in Christ. And, finally, it was again natural that, having acquired this double power, and through use having grown accustomed to the employment of the temporal to promote the spirit- ual, and of the spiritual to justify the temporal, the Church should resist all attempt to deprive her of the temporal power as an infringement upon her rights, her dignity, and her usefulness. If, however, the long course of the papacy’s develop- ment of the temporal claim did not lack the warrant of nature, the same is to be said of another process destined at last to destroy the ecclesiastical claim. The political 508 ETERNAL ROME unification of Italy and the denial of the Church’s right to hinder it by the exercise of a claim which was un- necessary, if not indeed opposed, to the Church’s essen- tial purpose, was also wholly natural. And yet, to say that the unification of Italy was wholly natural is not strictly the truth, however true it is that the denial of the Church’s right to stand in the way was natural. ‘The presence of the papal state was not the only obstruction in the path of nationalism. Nature herself has been an obstruction as well as a facilitation. A disproportionate length and narrowness, with altitudes that range from marsh to mountain-top, have been the causes of great variety in climate, product, language, and temperament. Again, the barriers of sea and mountain have always encouraged the separation of territorial unit from unit, and exaggerated the in- dividualization of customs and character. Finally, with these causes is to be counted a racial diversity; the Medi- terranean stock and the Indo-European, the Etruscan, the Greek, the Arab, the Teuton, and the Celt, and the medley of modern European nations, have all played parts in sundering community from community and man from man in a country which for all time has been noted for the turmoil of cross purposes. The forces of unification, however, are more power- ful than those of separation. The sea on three sides and the wall of the Alps on the fourth shut Italy off from easy and rapid communication with the world. Her language, after all, has been since the beginning of Roman times a single tongue. Whatever her differences of altitude, they have not in themselves been sufficient to cause total divisions of interest; the life of the whole Battlefields shown thus e SCALE OF MILES <_set Oe e ee fo} Ma; g in a Nc aceta rg D. OF AR RMA / D, orf” 1860 1860 -MODEN'A y) 4 1860 | ROMAGNA | rc --<, KS ‘oy 5 H Florencey- 0 re / : OB ih 4 Tare: aL Méssin . Tu Te Cae NG Longitude 10 t r Greenwich. MAP OF ITALY IN RISORGIMENTO TIMES SHOWING THE PROCESS OF UNIFICATION REPRODUCED BY PERMISSION OF CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS FROM PAGE’S ITALY AND THE WORLD WAR a A abt yA A Wey 8 Nal i hbes AY ‘ Wiha ite ( ; PURI Va a) st Ae ‘ih "4 Wa Nis , \ : \s Ny Nt a PRUE Ak 4h ir Ut j f i b Hoy, THE RISE OF MODERN ITALY 509 peninsula derives from the soil. Whatever her diversity of race, it is not enough to rob the designation “Italian” of a well-defined content as to complexion, tempera- ment, and bearing. “Tsolated within her natural limits,” Napoleon is said to have declared, “she is destined to form a great and powerful nation. Italy is one nation; unity of customs, language, and literature must in a period more or less distant unite her inhabitants under one sole government, and Rome will without the slightest doubt be chosen by the Italians as their capital.” “I will make of the scat- tered peoples of Italy a single nation,” he said at Elba in 1814 to the committee of patriot-conspirators who offered him the time-honored title of Emperor of the Romans and King of Italy; “I will give them the unity of customs which they lack, and it will be the most diffi- — cult task yet undertaken by me. I will open roads and canals and multiply communications. . . . I will make of Rome a seaport. In twenty years Italy will have a population of thirty millions and will be the most power- ful nation in Europe. . . . The foreigner will cease to tread the Capitol, and will never again return.” It is to be added, too, that from the time of the earliest Roman conquests Italy has been a unit in religion. It is still true, after fifty years of freedom from compul- sion, that the population of the peninsula is practically of one spiritual mode. It is frequently said that in 1870 for the first time since Theodoric Italy became a unit. This is true only if it means that then first she was again under the sway of one will. The unity of the later nineteenth century, however, was different from that of Roman times. In 510 ETERNAL ROME 1870 Italy not only became once more the willing sub- ject to a single authority, but for the first time in all history existed as a unit by herself. The ancient Roman state was never coterminous with Italy. Before the Ro- man republic had reduced or persuaded all the peninsula to obedience, it had come to include Africa, Spain, the Gauls, and Macedonia, and was in reality an empire. By Augustan times, the short interval during which, if at any time, Italy rather than Rome could have claimed to be the mistress of the world, had passed, and the peninsula was hardly more than a division among other divisions of the great empire. When Theodoric’s benefi- cent hand had relaxed in death, and the discords of the Goths began the long history of disunion which lasted fourteen hundred years, it was the province rather than the state of Italy which ceased to exist as a unit. Nor was the spiritual unity of that Italy which emerged from the chaos of barbarian invasion and native decadence a unity of the national sort, but of the uni- versal. Not the bounds of Italy, but the bounds of the world, were the limits of the spiritual empire. And when in the earliest dawn of the Renaissance the idea of Italy as a political unit came into being, it was hardly the con- ception of Italy as a self-sufficing, national entity. The call of Rienzo to the cities of Italy in 1847 to unite in federation under the presidency of Rome was not sprung of nationalism, but of the desire to revive the glories of ancient Rome. It was Rome that was to be glorified, not Italy. Petrarch’s appeal to the tribune, like the tribune’s call, was the result of regret for the past rather than of vision into the future. The cry of Pope Julius the Second, Fuori i barbari!— “Out with the barbarians!” was again not the cry of THE RISE OF MODERN ITALY 511 patriotism later to make itself heard in the impassioned “Forth from Italy, O stranger!’ of Garibaldi’s hymn,— Va fuora @ Italia, va fuora ch’ éV ora, Va fuora @ Italia, va fuora, o stranier! The warrior-pope voiced the passion of a strong man irritated by opposition and of a people wearied by war and taxation, but hardly as yet the patriotism of a na- tion. It was the cry of an Italian, but not of an Italian whose first longing was the unity of Italy; it was the ery of an ecclesiastic who would have welcomed the liberation of Italy only on condition of its subjugation to his own will. It was not far from Julius’ own prime that Machiavelli laid at the door of the papacy the im- possibility of making Italy into a single state; basing his imputation, as others have based their approval of it, upon the reading of a history which reveals the papacy taking thought rather of its own estate than of the welfare of Italy as an entity, and again and again inviting the foreigner in to crush Italians who set them- selves in opposition to the papal will. From the times when Pepin and Charlemagne, called to the aid of the Church by Stephen the Second and Hadrian the First, made the papacy a territorially interested partner in the affairs of monarchs, to the days of Napoleon the Third and Pius the Ninth, the invaders of Italy were drawn by the solicitations of the pope in straits, or were pro- voked by his interference, or were otherwise concerned in the ambitions of the Church. Had Italy at any time before the modern era been really capable of unification, there was one juncture of circumstances when the papacy, stripped of temporal possessions and crushed as a political power, could have 512 ETERNAL ROME offered no opposition. When Charles the Fifth’s army under the constable of Bourbon had taken the city of the popes and destroyed its friends so far as they were his own enemies, his will could have organized the penin- sula into a state. But the time was not ripe for an Italian state. The age had hardly passed yet in which the im- perial ideal was unquestioned; the age of national con- sciousness, later to create a new map of Europe, had hardly begun. The state was still the prince, the empire the emperor. Three centuries more were to elapse before men in the mass began to be united in common aspira- tion for national independence. When the new movement began, the French revolu- tion was at the same time its effect and cause. Accom- plished by a great wave of popular indignation against the presumption of aristocratic government, maintained at first by resistance to and then by aggression against the enemies who sought the annihilation of its purpose, the French revolution spread through Europe the ideas which made the nineteenth century the most significant in the history of the western races. Whatever its fail- ures, its great achievement was to discredit the past, and to clear the way. With the opening of the century, the spirit of change which affected the life of all Kurope elsewhere touched Italy also as with a flame. The times were filled with significant events,—the Italian campaign of Napoleon in 1796, the formation of the Cisalpine republic, the in- vasion of the Legations and the seizure of Bologna and the Romagna in 1797, the Roman republic of 1798, with the overthrow of the papacy, and the captivity, exile, and death of Pius the Sixth, the incorporation of the papal dominions into the French empire in 1804, the THE RISK OF MODERN ITALY 5138 transformation of the Cisalpine republic into the king- dom of Italy in 1805, the declaration of the end of the temporal power in 1809 and the captivity of Pius the Seventh, and the subjection of Italy to the will of the militant champion of human rights. All these were acts of violence which roused both enthusiasms and hatreds, but their great effect over and above this was the quick- ening of thought and feeling throughout the peninsula. It mattered little that at the downfall of Napoleon the congress of Vienna reéstablished as far as possible the status of Europe before the war, and that Italy espe- cially, divided into Piedmont and Savoy under Victor Emmanuel the First, Lombardy and Venetia under Francis of Austria, Modena and Reggio under the Austrian archduke Francis of Este, Parma and Pia- cenza under Maria Louisa, daughter of the emperor of Austria and wife of Napoleon, Lucca under Maria Louisa of Spain, Tuscany under the archduke Ferdi- nand of Austria, Naples and Sicily under Ferdinand the Fourth, and the papal states, was again in the usual condition of dismemberment. If there was not outward and visible union, there was an inner union one day to bring it about. The Italians had caught glimpses of the possibility of unification, progressive ideas had followed in the wake of the F'rench army and the French régime, and dead matter had been gal- vanized into life. Henceforth Italy was in a ferment which increased yearly and hourly until she developed the ideal and realized the rights of a national life. The story of Italy’s rise is one of the most stirring in the annals of the struggle of mankind for liberty. To fix a date on which the movement for the libera- tion of Italy was begun would hardly be more possible 514 ETERNAL ROME than to name the person who first conceived it as an ideal to be aspired to. The rise of the secret society of the Carbonari, who first became distinctly influential in 1808, was not far from the active beginning of the strug- gle. By his treatment of the two Piuses and his creation, if only for the moment, of a united Italy, Napoleon had shown both that the papacy was not divinely immune and that an Italy was possible. Alfieri had lived and died protesting against his country’s tyrants, and Foscolo was giving noble utterance to the aspiration for liberty. Of the three hundred and sixty thousand Italian soldiers who campaigned in Napoleon’s armies between 1796 and 1814, enough had already mingled thoughts one with another and with the outside world to diminish provincialism and to encourage the national idea. The spirit of discontent with a dismembered and shackled Italy, already active under the tyrannous régime of the Revolution in the peninsula, needed only the change from this tyranny to that of the returned reactionary despots in 1815 to convert it into the consuming zeal of martyrdom. The Carbonari movement spread like fire before the wind. Other societies of like import sprang into being. There were the American Hunters at Ravenna, of which Byron was a member, the Savages of the university of Padua, the Sons of Mars in the Romagna, and more. An unsuccessful attempt at revolution in Macerata and Bologna took place in 1817. In 1820, following on the Spanish constitution forced by Riego, occurred the first of the explosions that from now on mark the progress of Italy toward freedom and unity. Tumultuous up- risings took place in Naples and Palermo, and a con- stitution was wrung from Ferdinand. In March, 1821, THE RISE OF MODERN ITALY | 515 a rising in Piedmont caused the abdication of Victor Emmanuel the First, and the willing young Charles Albert granted a constitution on the model of the Spanish. It was immediately disavowed by Charles Felix, who degraded the prince and routed the constitu- tionalists not long after the Austrians had defeated Guglielmo Pepe and the reformers of Naples and re- instated Ferdinand. For nearly ten years the patriotic movement was without visible manifestation, and abso- lutism seemed firmly restored. Meanwhile, however, Leopardi had inspired a burn- ing sense of shame in the hearts of his countrymen, Manzoni had made them feel the need of moral regen- eration as the great condition of patriotism, and Pellico was soon to rouse them to furious anger by the recital of his wrongs and those of his compatriots in the prisons of Austria. Repression and violence served only to in- tensify the heat of the flame. Rebellion against despot- ism, whether that of the Austrian, the Piedmontese, or the holy seat at Rome, became a passion that amounted to religion. What the ancient Christian had suffered for the Christian commonwealth, the Italian patriot now suffered for the cause of freedom. The hatred in the provinces under Austrian dominion was twofold; there was the hatred of tyranny, and the hatred of the foreigner. The desire of the patriot was above all to drive the stranger from the throne and from the land. Beyond that, he hardly reasoned, farther than _ to take for granted that the blessings of liberty would follow of themselves, and all be well with Italy. It was. a process of years before the blind passion for freedom was purified and refined and sanctified into the reasoned and unswerving purpose of national unification. 516 ETERNAL ROME In July, 1830, the success of the Paris revolution in- spired fresh hope in Italy. In 1831, the repressed ener- gies of Italian patriotism burst their bounds a second time. Tumults in Palermo, the arrest of Menotti in Modena, and the uprisings in the papal states,—at Bo- logna, Imola, F'aenza, and elsewhere,—which at every turn confronted the newly crowned Gregory the Six- teenth, caused all Italy to glow with patriotic feeling. It was during this year that Young Italy was organized, the creation of Mazzini, and from now on there were few years not marked by some venture for liberty. It was only through Austrian intervention that Gregory was able to retain authority over the papal dominions. In February, 1832, not to yield first place in the defence of the Church to Austria, France occupied the port of Ancona, where, from 1832 to 1888, she retained the office of protector while Austria assumed a similar duty in the provinces known as the Legations because of their administration by papal legates. Meanwhile Mazzini continued to plot. Garibaldi, who had met him at Marseilles, had been exiled after the attempt upon Piedmont in 1834, and, with heart in Italy, was fighting the battles of freedom in South America. In 1841, there were one hundred and fifty arrests in Aquila. In 1842, a movement to revolt in the papal states and Naples resulted in nothing, but the spirit that roused it lost nothing of its power. The Italian Legion sprang into being as a parallel to Young Italy. In 1843, a hundred suspects were arrested in the province of Salerno. Gioberti’s Moral and Civil Primacy of the Italian People was published, to be followed in 1844 by Cesare Balbo’s Hopes of Italy, and together with Balbo’s book to take the place of a throttled press THE RISE OF MODERN ITALY 517 as the means of spreading the patriotic idea. In the same year, the arrest of conspirators in Calabria, and the shooting of the brothers Bandiera, aroused feeling more intense than ever. In 1845, a revolt in Rimini brought various places in the papal states under martial law. In 1848 and 1849 occurred the third of the great ex- plosions, more violent than its predecessors. Partly owing to the universal spirit of revolution in Europe, partly to the culmination of local feeling, encouraged by the liberalism of Pius the Ninth, and partly owing to the example of France, risings took place throughout the peninsula. On New Year’s day, and on February 8 and 10, there were movements at Rome whose sup- pression necessitated the use of arms. In March, Charles Albert granted the famous constitution in Piedmont. The pope in his turn proclaimed a constitution at Rome. The famous Five Days in March at Milan were fol- lowed by the five months’ campaign of Charles Albert which ended in his defeat and the reéstablishment of Austrian power. The republic of Venice was declared. The pope revealed himself as opposed to the war, and in November was finally compelled to leave his capital. In 1849, the army of Charles Albert was again driven back. The Roman republic was proclaimed, to be termi- nated after a brief existence by the expedition from France under Oudinot. The soldiers of Catholic Kurope restored the papal sway, and Venice fell once more under Austrian rule. Meanwhile Cavour was becoming a power. His influ- ence increased the prestige of Piedmont, intensified the idea of nationality, and widened the breach between the ecclesiastical state and Piedmont, now the recognized champion of the Italian state. The Siccardi laws in 1850 518 ETERNAL ROME abolished ecclesiastical courts and immunities, dimin- ished useless holidays, and suppressed the giving of legacy without the consent of the state. In April, Pius the Ninth returned, and the reactionary cardinal An- tonelli became his prime minister. In 1851, the sensa- tional letters of Gladstone, revealing the horrors of Neapolitan rule, were published. Absolutists in Italy took fresh courage at the news of Louis Napoleon’s extinction of the French republic. In 1852, the Mantuan conspirators whose arrest, trial, and torture had occu- pied two years, were condemned and executed. The bill for Civil Marriage, argued with intense heat by the nationalists and furiously opposed by clericals, was with- drawn. In 1853, an attempt at revolution in Rome was thwarted. In 1854 and 1855, Piedmont won the good will of the Powers by participation in the Crimean war. The Rattazzi bill was passed, abolishing three hundred and thirty-four religious houses involving five thousand five hundred and six monks and nuns, but leaving still untouched two hundred and seventy-four houses belong- ing to twenty-one orders and involving four thousand and fifty persons. In 1858, the gradual increase of cordiality between Napoleon and Cavour, grounded in general good will toward Italy, culminated in the under- standing of Plombieres. “Have confidence in me, as I have confidence in you,” the emperor said as they parted. In 1859 and 1860 occurred the fourth outburst. ‘The seven weeks’ campaign of Piedmont and France against Austria, with its victories of Montebello, Palestro, Ma- genta, Melegnano, and Solferino, accompanied by ris- ing’s in the papal cities and active sympathy everywhere, was concluded by the sudden peace of Villafranca, the cession of Lombardy, the disappointing retention of THE RISE OF MODERN ITALY 519 Venetia, and the speechless indignation of the friends of Italy at the to them at the time incomprehensible act of Napoleon, who foresaw Prussian interference, in treating at the moment when their utmost hopes were seemingly assured. But the march of freedom was not halted. By the plebiscite of March 11 and 12, 1860, Tuscany and the Emilia united themselves to Piedmont. The distrust of those who suspected selfish motives in Piedmont, the un- willingness of Piedmontese statesmen to risk the provo- cation of France by declaring a united Italy to be their ultimate purpose, now vanished entirely. On the sixth of May, the Thousand embarked for Sicily, and by Oc- tober 9 the revolution of Sicily and Naples was accom-. plished, and Garibaldi at the Volturno saluted Victor Emmanuel the Second, whose army had invaded and annexed the papal states up to Rome and the immediate patrimony, as king of Italy. In 1861, the first Italian parliament met at Turin. There still remained outside the national communion the province of Venetia, the Trieste region, the Tren- tino, and the city of Rome and its environs. The Vene- tian question was settled in 1866, when Italy as the ally of Prussia in the swift defeat of Austria received Vene- tia as her reward. The Roman question was less easy of solution. Garibaldi’s expedition, ending with his wound and arrest at Aspromonte in 1862, was but one sign of the inevitable result. The pope’s encyclical of 1864, maintaining rigidly every ecclesiastical claim to sover- eignty over the papal state, was a contrary sign of the same result. The Catholic party was influential with Napoleon, who would not consent to farther reduction of the papal sovereignty; by the convention of 1864, the 520 ETERNAL ROME Italian government was to protect the papal frontier, to allow the papal state a reasonable army, and to re- move the capital to Florence, while France in two years was to recall her soldiers. But the establishment of the capital at Florence did not realize the emperor’s plan of insuring Rome against farther encroachment. In 1867, the second attempt of Garibaldi against the papal capital, ending with the failure at Mentana, preceded by the death of the brothers Cairoli at Villa Glori, was a failure which only manifested a determination that would not accept de- feat. The dogma of Infallibility, in July, 1870, was the discharge of a last vain weapon. When in August, 1870, the French troops sailed from Civitavecchia to the aid of Napoleon, soon at Sedan to bid farewell to all his greatness, the last material defence of the papal state was removed. The breach in the wall of Aurelian at the Porta Pia on the twentieth of September, and the plebiscite of October 2, made Rome the capital of the United Kingdom of Italy and Sicily. On December 5 there took place at Florence the first parliament of Italy entire, and on the second of July, 1871, occurred the formal transfer of the capital to Rome, marked by Victor Emmanuel’s occupation of the Quirinal, the establishment of the chamber of deputies in the Palazzo Chigi, in the Piazza di Montecitorio, and of the senate in the Madama. The pope, refusing to recognize the law of Guarantees, except in so far as its provisions con- firmed him in the possession of the Vatican and its grounds, declared himself a prisoner, and adopted the policy of ignoring the Italian state. THE CAIROLI TREE AT VILLA GLORI ° ’ 1867 N S DEATH I CESARE PASCARELLA CELEBRATES THE CAIROLI ADVENTURE ’ THE SCENE OF ENRICO CAIROLI O POEM VILLA GLORI C IN HIS ROMANES —— = a 2. THE NATIONAL MOVEMENT AND ROME HUS had Italy arisen to take her place among the free nations of Europe. Trieste and Trent alone, with their adjacent territories reaching up to where nature herself has drawn the boundary line along the mountain ridges, were left to be redeemed at a future day. Eternal Rome had again become the capital of a united and willing people. What was the part played by Rome the city in this drama of nearly a hundred years? It can hardly be said that nineteenth century Rome pursued the ideal of Italian freedom and unity with the same intensity of passion and the same singleness of purpose as many a sister city. Before she is charged with indifference or neglect, however, account should be taken of certain special circumstances. In the first place, Rome was already in her own right the capital of an Italian state in which the ruler, what- ever his abuse of power, was always Italian, and always the venerated head of a state whose limits far tran- scended the bounds of the papal provinces, and of Ku- rope itself. To desire the expulsion of such a ruler, or to consent to his forced, or even voluntary, withdrawal, was for a long time far from the thought of all but a few extremists. The Rome of modern times without the popes would have gone far toward becoming a desert, as the Rome of the Dark Ages, without the accident of their lodgment in her, would have remained a desert. 522 ETERNAL ROME What those who came to be disaffected wished was never the absence of the pope, but his renunciation of the temporal power in favor of the Italian state. In the second place, not even in the wish for this re- nunciation was there a perfect unanimity. There never ceased to be a party, nor has it yet disappeared, which believed not only in the Church but in the papal claim to sovereignty over Rome and the ecclesiastical state. There were those who believed in it sincerely on dog- matic and historic grounds, and there were those who believed in it on practical grounds. Both were convinced that the good of religion required that the Church at Rome should be apparelled in the splendors of a court and that her heads should move with the monarchs of Europe. There were those who stood for the papal right for reasons less ideal. There were the more thoughtful who would have considered it a misfortune for the city to lose the social and material benefits of papal munifi- cence; there was the populace who enjoyed the spec- tacles and profited by the bounties of the Church as bestowed in the form of employment, charity, or lar- gess; and there was the bureaucratic class, a multitude of dignitaries and petty office-holders, clerical and secu- lar, in city and province, with the army of those who directly or indirectly depended upon their will, and whose unanimous desire was the preservation of things as they were. And there was still another force besides sincere con- viction and material self-interest to retard the rise of nationalism in Rome. There was also a spiritual self-in- terest. Its disappearance required education and time. The natural deference to worldly authority was rein- THE NATIONAL MOVEMENT 523 forced by the dread of disapproval by pope and Church. Not even the most enlightened and independent found pleasure in the prospect of running counter to the power that had their souls in keeping and by the pronounce- ment of solemn words could open a gulf between them- selves and the great communion. The ignorant and superstitious, who lacked the support of reason, would hardly risk the damnation kept before their minds by a clergy who could be astute when not sincere. The yellow badge of excommunication, worn pinned on the hat, with all the distress of mind and body it brought to those thus set apart from the fellowship of heaven and earth, was still in vogue as late as the coming of the French, who hastened its disappearance. ‘The Roman- esco poet Belli, whose sonnets up to 1847 are filled with satire on the papal government, became in later days the prey to spiritual fears and knew no limit in his penitence. In a word, Rome was still papal Rome, still governed by a power which, if it could have separated distinctly between purely spiritual and purely civic authority, would have found it on many occasions inconvenient to do so. It was in this respect not unlike other cities of the papal dominions except in degree; but the degree was great. It was very much unlike cities like Bologna, beyond the Apennines, or Milan and Venice, outside the papal state, where the immediate and sweeping expul- sion of the stranger and the establishment of Italian sovereignty were remedies opposed by none but the timid and the time-serving few. It is customary to think of the patriotic movement as being obstructed by two powers: one, the despotism of Austria, Naples, and the petty Italian states, and the 524 ETERNAL ROME other, the papal state. These two forces, however, were not wholly distinct one from the other. They were in reality homogeneous. The papacy was an obstruction, not in its character as a religious entity, but because it was an absolutism precisely like other despotisms of Italy. Pius the Seventh, reverting to repressive methods, Leo the Twelfth, fiercely reactionary, Pius the Eighth, fulminating against secret societies, Gregory the Six- teenth and Pius the Ninth, ruling by the aid of foreign bayonets, and all of them resorting to imprisonment and exile as remedies for disaffection, are to be classed, in so far as their contact with the nationalists is concerned, not as heads of the Church, but as despotical monarchs. The nationalists did not forsake the religion of their fathers nor disbelieve in the Church’s authority so far as It was exercised over the conscience; it was against the pope as a political obstacle that their opposition was directed. If their acts at times took on the color of hos- tility to the holy seat, it was because the pope’s misuse of religion as a weapon of political coercion provoked rebellion. It was the double character of the papal re- sistance that made the popes the enemies of Italian free- dom separate from other despots. Such considerations as these will make clear why Rome in general from the beginning of the French revo- lution to the rise of Piedmont as the declared champion of Italian statehood in 1848 retained a conservative character. Her manifestations of impatience were nei- ther frequent nor pronounced, and were more often the result of local dissatisfactions than of patriotic purpose. It was not until the middle of the nineteenth century that she had become educated to the high conception that animated the great souls of Italy. ge a a THE NATIONAL MOVEMENT 525 The outbreak of the French revolution and the proc- lamation of the republic resulted in the immediate sus- pension of diplomatic relations between France and Rome. A French banker resident in the city, however, and performing the duties of consul, hoisted over his habitation the arms of the new state. Opposed in this act by the cardinal secretary of state of Pius the Sixth, he was supported by the F’rench minister at Naples, who in the name of the republic ordered the raising of the insignia again within twenty-four hours. To make sure of the execution of the order, and to cultivate such sym- pathizers with France as might be at Rome, he des- patched to the city Hugo Basseville, secretary of the French legation, and with him a naval officer. On the thirteenth of January, 1793, the display of the insignia at his order over the door of the Palazzo Salviati, then the seat of the French Academy, raised so fierce a storm of anger that Basseville, driving down the Corso with his wife and son and several compatriots, all wearing the cockade, which he had caused widely to be distributed, was stoned the length of the street, and finally, after the infuriation of the mob by the discharge of a pistol in the hands of one of the party, was killed on the steps of his residence for the time, the Palazzo Palombara, in the Via dell’ Impresa. The event caused a frenzy of joy. A chorus of poets great and small celebrated it in sonnets, and the populace after its own manner of expression. To the Roman of 1798, every Frenchman was the enemy of Rome, of the pope, and of God. “Holy Father,” runs one of the versified utterances of the time, which represents the savage spirit of them all, “give us leave to kill the Frenchmen every one; and then grant us indulgence, and we will go into their country 526 ETERNAL ROME and annihilate the breed. So will thrones remain un- disturbed.” Two stornelli are no less bloodthirsty: Me so’ fatto un cortello genovese, Che ce sbucio le porte delle case; Figurete una pancia de francese,— I’ve made me a Genoese knife That I could rip open a house-door with; Say nothing of a Frenchman’s belly! Fiore de rapa: Magna V’ alio, francese, schiatta, crepa, Ma qui se more pe’ difenne er Papa,— Flower of the turnip: Eat your garlic, Frenchman, split, burst, But here we defend the Pope to the death! The murderers of Basseville went unpunished; but the killing of General Duphot, attendant on Joseph Bonaparte, ambassador of the republic, in a riot before the official quarters in the Palazzo Corsini on December 28, 1797, did not find the way of revenge so difficult. The Directorate immediately ordered Napoleon to oc- cupy Rome, which General Berthier’s army found no difficulty in doing on February 18, 1798, having first allowed three hundred Romans to declare their freedom from the papacy in the Campo Vaccino, as the Forum was still called, and to invite him in. The Roman repub- lic was proclaimed, and Pius the Sixth was given forty- eight hours to make ready for departure from the Quiri- nal and the city. “You can die in any place,” was the answer to the dignified eighty-years-old pope’s prayer to be allowed to end his days in Rome. The republic received some support from patricians THE NATIONAL MOVEMENT 527 and middle class, but was met by the fiercest opposition on the part of the lower order. On the twenty-fifth, five days after the venerable and infirm pontiff had left the city by the Porta Angelica for Valence and captivity, the people rose against Berthier, rushed from the Tras- tevere across the Ponte Sisto to the Piazza Navona, the Piazza di Spagna, and other centers, killed a number of French sympathizers, and then, having turned incon- sequentially, after the manner of mobs in Rome, to sack the Ghetto, were scattered by the soldiery. Two hundred prisoners were taken and tried, and twenty-two were convicted and shot. The levies of the French in 1797, together with their character as revolutionists and enemies of the Church, had been the cause of the riots that ended in Duphot’s death. They had taken within four months over thirty- two million frances, and the art treasures confiscated by them required a million francs for transportation. The plundering and extortion continued in 1798. Private citizens were the objects of special assessment; the princes Borghese and Piombino were obliged each to pay one hundred and thirty thousand scudi, the princes Colonna and Doria eighty thousand each. Pasquino and Marforio were not unobservant. On a festal day when two statues were seen, a larger one representing the French republic and inscribed Magne Matri, 'To the Great Mother, and a smaller one repre- senting the Roman republic and inscribed Filia Grata, — Her Grateful Daughter, Marforio, who had small Latin, demanded: “Pasquino, what does it say?” “Sim- ple enough,’ answered Pasquino, in his native Ro- manesco; “la madre magna, e la figlia,—si gratta: the mother eats, and the daughter—scratches!’’ Another 528 ETERNAL ROME day Marforio greets his friend with, “Pasquino, é vero che ifrancesi sono tutti ladriPasquino, is it true that the French are all robbers?” “Tutti no,” replies Pas- quino, “ma buona parte——not all, but a good part (Bonaparte) .” Pius the Sixth died at Valence on the Rhone the twenty-ninth of August, 1799. The part played by Pius the Seventh was hardly so dignified. After the concordat with Napoleon in 1801, by which four hundred million francs’ worth of church property was given over, the pope was persuaded on December 2, 1804, to crown his tyrant emperor at Paris. Pasquino, somewhat less than charitable to the unfortunate pope, who acted in honest effort to make the emperor a friend of religion and the Church, contrasted him with his predecessor in a sting- ing epigram: Pio Sesto, per conservar la fede, Perdeé la sede; Pio Settumo, per conservar la sede, Perdé la fede,— Pius the Sixth, his faith not to forsake, Gave up his throne; Pius the Seventh, his throne more sure to make, Gave up his faith. Yet, whether we call the pope’s action subservience to the imperial greatness, or dignify it as diplomatic wisdom, it did not suffice to protect the holy seat. The papal state was made part of the French empire and of the kingdom of Italy; and in 1808, having dared in a last desperate act of defiance to excommunicate the spoilers of the Church, the pope on July 5 was taken by force from the Quirinal palace and conducted to THE NATIONAL MOVEMENT 529 France over the same route as that traversed by his predecessor, to find himself at last an exile in the cha- teau at Fontainebleau. In 1809, the temporal power was declared at an end. The return of Pius the Seventh on May 24, 1814, marked the sudden termination at Rome of the revolu- tionary period with its uncertainties and disorders, and the equally sudden coming of reaction. The excesses of the French and the revolutionary partisans, and espe- cially the wrongs and absence of the pope, had prepared the city for the return of absolutism in exaggerated form. ‘True to its character as an eternal city and the capital of the Church, it had not allowed itself to be- come unduly excited by the later eighteenth century movements in letters and philosophy. A few of its in- tellectuals had considered the new ideas curiously, con- templatively, and academically, but the city had never been really touched by them. The Inquisition and the Index, suspended under Clement the Fourteenth, were again set in motion, though the Inquisition never with its old-time violence, and the Jesuit order was reinstated. The arbitrary and repressive measures of Pius the Seventh, who in other circumstances would have been a ruler of much more liberal spirit, were increased in number and aggravated in character by his successors, Leo the Twelfth, Pius the Eighth, and Gregory the Six- teenth, to such an extent that from almost unanimous support of the popes against not only the French but every liberal tendency, the population of Rome and the papal states gradually passed to the spirit of rebellion against the exercise of civil authority by the holy seat, and became enthusiastic for independence. The charac- ter of the popes and their government is indicated, if 530 ETERNAL ROME by nothing else, by the fact that the common people of Rome and the rank and file of the provincials, who were their most fanatical defenders while the French were in power, soon after the reaction came to be the source of movements against them. One of the most wicked of the pasquinades went the rounds after the death of Leo the Twelfth by an operation: | Al chirurgo s’ appone La morte di Leone; Roma pero sostiene Che eglt ha operato bene,— The death of Pope Leo People lay to the doctor; But a different result Rome says would have shocked her. When Gregory the Sixteenth came to the throne, the papal states were ablaze with sedition and overt rebel- lion, and the period of forty years had begun during which the throne was kept from falling only by the sup- port of foreign diplomacy and foreign soldiery. The Carbonari and Young Italy and the Italian Legion now found Rome as well as places remoter from the holy seat a good recruiting-ground. The names of Mazzini and Garibaldi began to employ Roman lips also. The immense relief of the Romans at the death of Gregory the Sixteenth in 1846 was followed by the boundless popularity of Pius the Ninth. The govern- ment was actively reformed in the direction of liberalism, and for two years its head was the idol of Rome and the hope of Italian patriots. These were the days when the genial Angelo Brunetti, called Ciceruacchio, was ‘“‘the THE NATIONAL MOVEMENT 531 Pope’s Angel,” and gathered the common people about the carriage of the handsome and benign pontiff to form his escort while they shouted enthusiastic vivas. Nor were the aristocracy behind in their support; all classes vied with each other in the demonstration of loyalty. Both pope and people, however, were soon to be dis- illusioned. The people were unanimously loyal only so long as they believed in the pope’s friendliness toward liberalism and the movement for the rescue of Italy from the Austrian. The methods of Gregory the Six- teenth and his Teutonic patrons, which provoked the memorandum of the Powers in 1831, had by this time kindled a spirit not to be quenched. Even before the granting of the Tuscan constitution or the news of the French revolution of 1848, the Romans had helped to initiate the series of risings which were to occupy the next two years. On New Year’s day, while the Milanese were inaugurating their famous non-smoking campaign, their brethren in Rome engaged in demonstrations which had to be suppressed by the papal troops. Other disturbances on February 8 and 10 were quieted by the promise of an increase in the proportion of lay ministers. On March 14, ten days after the constitution of Charles Albert in Piedmont, Pius the Ninth felt obliged to pro- mulgate the Roman constitution. Four days after this, the fury of Milan burst its bounds, and Austria sud- denly found herself driven from Lombardy and Venice. However great the enthusiasm of the Romans for Pius the Ninth, their enthusiasm for the Italian cause rose far above it. Angelo Brunetti was its symbol in the flesh, and headed the popular demonstrations. Twelve thousand volunteers soon left Rome for the front. But in the midst of the Italian army’s successful 582 ETERNAL ROME sweep across Lombardy came the startling news of the pope’s allocution, in which for the first time he made it clear that the liberal program was not suited to the in- terests of the papacy: he could not allow himself to be partner in the humiliation of Austria, the friend of the Church. The immediate resignation of his ministry, with a two days’ threat of revolution in Rome, showed unmistakably the length to which the patriotic move- ment had gone, and made clear the relative strength of the temporal power and the nationalist cause. The Romans had never suffered greater disappoint- ment. In vain did the pope create a new ministry on the fourth of May, with the liberal Mamiani at its head. From April 29, the date of the allocution, began the swift descent of the temporal power; on that date for the first time the temporal subjects of the pope were in a majority for Italy and against the temporal claim. The disastrous end of the Italian campaign at Cus- tozza on July 21 did not improve the temper of Roman patriots. The pope attempted to strengthen his position by the appointment on September 16 of Pellegrino Rossi as prime minister; but the combination of popular ill humor and ministerial firmness provoked the murder of the able diplomat on November 15 on the steps of the Cancelleria. By the twenty-fifth of November, con- ditions were so ominous that the pope took to flight and sought refuge as the guest of King Ferdinand at Gaeta. On December 29, the triumvirate into whose hands the guidance of Rome had been placed soon after the flight of Pius the Ninth announced a constituent assem- bly for February 5. On February 9, the one hundred and forty-four members of this assembly who had been elected on January 21 proclaimed from the Capitol the THE NATIONAL MOVEMENT 533 Roman republic. At first under the triumvirs, Mazzini, Armellini, and Saffi, later under two consuls, twelve tribunes, and assembly, the object of papal enmity and the outraged feeling of Catholics abroad, and from the beginning doomed to failure, the Roman republic of 1849 in its five months’ existence was nevertheless one of the most inspiring episodes in the life of Eternal Rome. On March 23, when the republic was six weeks old, the brief and inglorious campaign of Charles Albert had already come to an end with Novara and the abdi- cation of the king. On April 6, the French expedition to reinstate the pope was determined on, and on the twen- tieth it sailed, the day on which Pius the Ninth removed any remaining vestige of doubt by disowning every liberal act. The republicans of Rome, however, were not shaken in their determination. Mazzini had reached the city soon after the republic was proclaimed. Gari- baldi, who had left his command in the northern part of the states of the Church in December for a flying visit to Rome, and had gone again in I’ebruary as mem- ber of the assembly from Macerata, rode into the city a last time on April 27 with his Italian legion, thirteen hundred intelligent, enthusiastic, adventure-loving spir- its, largely from the commercial and artisan classes, who were ready for anything in the cause of reform. “He has come!” the cry travelled down the Corso as they rode to quarters in San Silvestro. The Eternal City had never seen such troopers. They were sunburned, dusty, shaggy, and gaunt, with conical hats and black, waving plumes, and their leader on his white horse in the midst of them was a wonderful figure. Among the legionaries were forty-two lancers under Angelo Ma- 534 ETERNAL ROME sina, the wealthy young Bolognese who had forsaken a life of ease and pleasure to devote his all to the struggle for Italian freedom. On the twenty-ninth came the gal- lant young Milanese noble, Luciano Manara, with his troop of six hundred Lombard bersaglieri. The de- fenders of the Roman republic numbered in all some nine thousand men. On the thirtieth of April, the army of Oudinot ad- vanced from Civitavecchia to the western corner of the Leonine city walls. Surprised to find no longer in exist- ence the Porta Pertusa, which in the event of need they had intended to force, surprised also at being received with cannon-shots from the Romans, who were expected to be neither numerous nor courageous enough to offer actual resistance, the French columns proceeded east- ward along the walls to the Porta Cavalleggieri, where, again meeting opposition, they turned about and made the circuit of the Leonine fortification to the Porta An- gelica on the north, equally to no purpose. Meanwhile Garibaldi, at the Porta San Pancrazio, ordered out of the Villa Pamfili a body of youthful defenders stationed there and despatched them toward the Leonine city to take the enemy on the flank. As they left the villa and were crossing the deep Via Aurelia Antica, they were surprised by a French column which had been detached by Oudinot, in passing, for the very purpose of cutting off any such movement. The spirited fight that followed left the Romans finally in possession of the Pamfili and its surroundings, which, by reason of their elevation, dominated the Porta San Pancrazio and the neighboring bastions in the wall of Urban the Eighth, and were necessary to the holding of the Janicu- lum, there at its highest point. It also left the French THE GARIBALDI MONUMENT IN ROME IT OVERLOOKS THE CITY FROM THE JANICULUM NEAR THE GARIBALDI HEADQUARTERS OF 1849 ‘ oe ad ih =e THE NATIONAL MOVEMENT 535 commander convinced that for the present he was not strong enough to enter the city. Withdrawing on the road to Civitavecchia, for the next four weeks he saw to the reinforcement of his army, securing time for the safe prosecution of this purpose by conspiring with his government to send the innocent young Ferdinand de Lesseps to treat with the Romans on conditions sure to be refused. Garibaldi spent the month in confounding the Neapolitan armies at Palestrina and Velletri. At three o’clock on the morning of June 3, while the Romans were resting secure in the understanding that Oudinot had promised not to attack before the fourth, the French blew in the roadside wall near the chapel of San Pancrazio, penetrated the extensive grounds of the Villa Pamfili and the Villa Corsini, and drove the Ro- mans out. Garibaldi and his men, quartered in and near the convent of San Silvestro, now the post office of Rome, were roused by messengers. The chief rushed his men to the piazza of Saint Peter’s, and thence by the Via di San Pancrazio, just north of the Acqua Paola and San Pietro in Montorio, to the scene of action, while the bells of all the city rang the alarm. Manara and the bersaglieri, through misunderstanding, were held in the Roman Forum, and did not arrive until eight. From dawn until dark of the memorable day, Gari- baldi from just outside the Porta San Pancrazio di- rected the fight, calling for additional men as he needed them from the troopers assembled and awaiting orders in the vacant fields inside the gate where now stands the American Academy. The Villa Corsini, at the head of the slope two-thirds of a mile from the gate, and ap- proachable only through the long and narrow pass formed by the high walls of the road, continued by the 536 ETERNAL ROME avenue that led to its broad flights of stairs, was the sole objective of the Garibaldian attack. Again and again the troopers took the word from their commander at the gate and dashed down the road and up the avenue under the murderous fire, leaving the way lined and the villa terraces and stairs covered with their dead. Again and again the French, well sheltered and with abundant reserves, repulsed them, or at most yielded a momentary possession until reinforced from the Pam- fili behind them. Angelo Masina fell early in the day, and his body lay under fire on the steps of the Corsini for that and the succeeding days. With him fell Enrico Dandolo, one of Luciano Manara’s captains, the elder of two spirited and lovable brothers of twenty-one and nineteen, and Daverio, Garibaldi’s chief of staff. Nino Bixio, later of the Thousand, was wounded. In the last furious charge, at dusk, when the Corsini and the chapel of San Pancrazio were once more taken but found im- possible to hold, the beloved Goffredo Mameli, then twenty-one years old, and at nineteen the author of Fratelli d@ Italia, received the wound that one month later caused his death. The desperate day ended at last with the French in sure possession of the Pamfili and the Corsini, and the Garibaldians and Manara in the Vas- cello, just at the villa entrance. From the fourth of June until the second of July, Rome was in a state of siege. The Garibaldians held the Vascello and the Casa Giacometti, now Scarpone’s, both across the road from the Corsini and less than a fourth of a mile apart, and the lofty Villa Savorelli, just inside the Porta San Pancrazio where now stands the Villa Aurelia, built into and almost entirely composed of its scarred remains, besides the bastions of Urban’s wall to THE NATIONAL MOVEMENT 537 the south of the gate. There could be only one conclu- sion to the matter, and there was none who did not know it well; yet the divine instinct of patriotism kept the defenders of one mind until the very end, and in defeat made perfect an example which was of greater effect than many victories. The Giacometti, the Vascello, and Garibaldi’s headquarters in the Savorelli were slowly battered into ruin, the French line of trenches advanced yard by yard, until in the darkness of early morning on June 21 the Central and Barberini bastions were breached and taken, the Casa Giacometti was aban- doned, and only the Vascello, captained by Giacomo Medici with what was left of the Medici Legion, held » out. The French were at last within the walls of Rome. The Romans now made a new line behind the rem- nants of Aurelian’s wall where it ran across the open spaces and down the hill, with a battery under the pines where now is the garden next San Pietro in Montorio. From now on, the Garibaldian headquarters were in the adjoining Villa Spada, today Nobilia. In this house, for over a week the crumbling target of the French artillery, Luciano Manara, at twenty-four the veteran of many gallant fights, rendered up his life in the final assault by the enemy which brought all hope to an end. “What! Are you always the one to be struck? Am I to take nothing away from Rome?” he had said a few moments before to Emilio Dandolo, his comrade of nineteen, Just wounded in the arm. On the second of July, in the great space before Saint Peter’s, occurred the never-to-be-forgotten review. Ar- rived at last with great difficulty at the obelisk, in the midst of the thousands and tens of thousands that pressed about him, Garibaldi “stopped his horse and 538 ETERNAL ROME turned, and when his staff had joined him, gave a sign with his hand to stop the cheers. After they had been repeated with double force, there was a dead calm on the square.” Then, from the serene figure in the midst of the sea of faces upturned to him in the greatest emo- tion of their lives, came the memorable call: “Fortune, who betrays us today, will smile on us tomorrow. I am going out from Rome. Let those who wish to continue the war against the stranger, come with me. I offer neither pay, nor quarters, nor provisions; I offer hunger, thirst, forced marches, battles, and death. Let him who loves his country in his heart and not with his lips only, follow me.” At eight on the evening of the same day, with four thousand men, and with Anita at his side, the chieftain left the city by the Lateran gate for Tivoli, to begin the retreat in whose sixty days and five hundred miles, by inspired strategy and through divinely sent friends, he eluded the thirty thousand French, the fifteen thousand Austrians, the twelve thousand Neapolitans, the six thousand Spaniards, the two thousand Tuscans, and the innumerable Catholic faithful along the route, the sole object of all of whom for the time being was the capture of the bandit enemy of the Holy Church. On the next day, the Roman assembly, having agreed upon sur- render, awaited in dignified body on the Capitol the arrival of Oudinot and his men. On July 14, at a mo- ment when Garibaldi was between Todi and Orvieto and the puzzled and anxious enemy could form no idea of his whereabouts, the temporal power was declared once more restored. On August 28, twenty-four days after the death of Anita in the marshes of Ravenna by the Adriatic, when he was now nearing the coast of the GARIBALDI HUT IN THE MARSHES NEAR RAVENNA HERE GARIBALDI FOUND REFUGE ON THE NIGHT OF AUGUST 6, 1849, TWO DAYS AFTER ANITA’S DEATH THE NATIONAL MOVEMENT _ 539 Tuscan Maremma and safety, the one hundred and twenty-six days of the siege of Venice were ended by her surrender, and Italian hopes were again ended,— for the time. At four in the afternoon on April 12, 1850, Pius the Ninth again saw the streets of his capital, having several days before taken leave of Ferdinand the Second be- tween Fondi and Terracina, whither his host of the preceding seven months had escorted him. Met far out on the road that led from Albano to Rome, saluted with the booming of guns, he entered at the Porta San Gio- vanni, to find the giant square thronged and the steps of the church covered by the brilliantly robed and uni- formed ecclesiastics and diplomats who had gathered to confer distinction on his welcome. Advancing between the Janes of French and papal troops, and preceded by a squadron of French cavalry, to the cry of Viva il Papa! and the ringing of all the bells of Rome, the pope traversed the piazza and halted at the steps of the basilica, where he alighted from his carriage to receive from kneeling commissioners the keys of the city, and from the diplomatic corps their salutations. Then, hav- ing entered the church to receive the benediction at the hand of Cardinal Barberini, its archpriest, he took his place in the pontifical carriage and resumed his progress, escorted by the French General Baraguay on the right and on the left by Prince Altieri of the Noble Guards, between lines of soldiers and the cheering multitudes across the city to Saint Peter’s, where, after receiving the benediction from Cardinal Mattei, he kissed the toe of the saint and, eager for rest, retired to the Vatican, while the Romans entered upon a night of festivity in the brightly illuminated city. 540 ETERNAL ROME On the morning of the fifteenth, the pope received in solemn audience the diplomatic corps, whose sentiments were formally expressed by the Spanish ambassador. In the afternoon, first visiting Santa Maria Maggiore, he went to the French military hospital at Sant’ Andrea on the Quirinal, where to their great emotion he dis- tributed crosses and medals to the sick and wounded. On the sixteenth he had pass in review before him in the Piazza San Pietro fourteen thousand of the men to whom he owed the rescue of his authority, and on whom he bestowed the apostolic benediction. On the twenty- ninth he visited in detail the scenes of the battles and siege of the year before. On the morning of the next day, the anniversary of the first battle at the Villa Pamfili, on the doors of several churches and on the walls of several palaces ap- peared in glaring red the words: “Priests, the blood of the martyrs cries aloud for vengeance!”’ 3. THE CITY OF PIUS THE NINTH ITH the return of the pope, the Red Trium- virate of the cardinals Vannicelli, Altieri, and Della Genga, who had governed from the Quirinal since the restoration of the temporal power the year be- fore, and by their reactionary policy had made them- selves obnoxious to all classes but their own, came to an end. Their ministry had consisted of five depart- ments: War; Justice; Finance; Interior and Police; Agriculture, Commerce, Industry, and Public Works and Arts. But the laicization of the ministry was no easy undertaking; the clerics were jealous of their authority, and the fear was prevalent that the policy was a sure step toward the loss of the temporal power. By 1854, even the minister of war was a prelate. In the city, the form of autonomy was preserved, but the form only. By edict of the secretary of state on January 25, 1851, the senate was again established in its seat, though its members were not named until the twelfth of March. It consisted of forty-eight councillors, evenly divided between nobles and borghesi, eight con- servators, and one senator, the senator to be chosen from one of the Roman families most conspicuous for nobility and wealth. The senator’s office was for six years, and half of his colleagues in the council were either chosen or confirmed every three years, the appointment being made by the pope from a list including the actual coun- cillors and two other candidates acceptable to each of the fourteen rioni. This is the SPQR whose initials, 542 ETERNAL ROME together with the papal insignia, appear on the marble tablets let into the wall of Urban where they were re- paired after the breaches of 1849. How far it was from being the equivalent of the sindaco, assessori, and con- sigliert who later constituted the SPQR, may be real- ized by remembering that it was the creation of the pope, that few public works were due to purely munici- pal means or initiative, that education and charities were almost entirely ecclesiastical, and that a civic conscious- ness hardly existed; in a word, that the city was not bred to self-dependence. The difficulties of government did not cease with the restoration. From now on, besides the confusion of tem- poral and spiritual authority, there was the complication caused by the continual presence of the French soldiery. The fierce rancors that had sprung up in the hearts of the common people fifty years before during the Napo- leonic occupation had changed rather than died out. The rabble that had hated the foreigner as an enemy of thrones and the papacy, and had been devoted to the pope, now hated both foreigner and pope-as the enemies of Italian unity and the freedom of Rome. There were many Roman families of note, as well as the nameless, whose sons and brothers had shed their blood in the cause whose opponents now ruled the city. There were ~ petty riots, and murderous deeds in the dark. The French commandant was driven to forbid the carrying of weapons, and followed his prohibition by the public shooting of culprits in the Piazza del Popolo and at the Bocca della Verita. Apart from the disorders of passion, there were those of incapacity and selfishness. Brigandage continued to torment the Campagna and provinces. In 1851, the fa- Le ae ee THE CITY OF PIUS THE NINTH 5438 mous Passatore, long sought by both Austrian and pa- pal gendarmes, was finally slain and his band destroyed; but not even then did the evil cease to be a reproach to the government. The running of contraband, more or less closely allied with brigandage, was more notorious still. The papal states bordered on Naples, Tuscany, Modena, and the Romagna, to say nothing of the two seas; the imposts were high, the morality of collectors and population low, the temptation great, the love of adventure not without its part, and in spite of all at- tempts at suppression the practice continued. The elaboration of customs laws as a means of prevention was effective chiefly in establishing the transgression as a lucrative occupation for the principal violators, and a convenient means on the part of the border population for adding to their livelihood in a way that did not lack the element of pleasure. The duties brought little to the state, and their evasion came to an end only when they disappeared with the border itself in the territorial changes of 1860. Nor were those branches of the public service which were less provocative of temptation free from reproach. The larger abuses of the princely period were succeeded by the peculation and petty theft of minor functiona- ries. The inauguration of the postage stamp in 1852, for example, was soon followed by its covert sale at half price by postal employés, or by the sale of stamps pur- posely left uncancelled, and detached from their en- velopes. In the city, the most prominent abuses of the sort not grounded in actual disorder were idleness, dirt, and beggary. The Campagna had declined in productive- ness and healthfulness in the seventeenth century, and 544 ETERNAL ROME the fact no doubt had its influence in the multiplication of idlers and the poor. The lottery had been established by Clement the Twelfth over a hundred years before, and was now a passion of the people, especially of the lower order, who resorted to dreams and signs and the prophetic confidences of priests in their choice of num- bers. The drawings were held at first in the loggia of Montecitorio, then at the Madama, and afterward on the Ripetta; an orphan boy in white drew from an urn of silver, and the numbers were cried by a herald at the sound of a trumpet. There were not only the idle poor, but the idle rich. The patriciate, living from the rents of estates of whose management they knew little, entertained as great a scorn for actual work as they did for alliance with the social rank below them; “to enrabble oneself,” zinca- nagliarsi, was their description of marriage with an in- ferior. The idle poor were innumerable. The city ad- ministration really amounted to an institution of charity spending under the pope’s direction something like one- third of its annual moneys. There were three thousand two hundred and eighty-one families permanently on the list of those receiving daily aid, and there were, be- sides, innumerable special expenditures for the welfare of the poor. But this direct material aid was as nothing compared with the broader activities of the more regular institutions of charity. There were hospitals, refuges, loan offices, infant homes, orphan asylums, retreats, monasteries, chapters, and congregations of all kinds to an extent probably unequalled in any other city of the world. How wise this wholesale administration of charity is to be judged, and in what degree to be condemned as THE CITY OF PIUS THE NINTH 545 palliative rather than remedial, are questions not easy to answer; but from the time of the Gracchi to the present there is no doubt of the continual necessity of some sort of aid to the population of a city whose at- tractions have always been great, whose industries have always been few, whose environment has been unhealthy, and whose poor have been bred to the idea of relying on subsidy. By the census of 1871, which yielded figures in general confirmatory of the census of 1857, the fact was revealed that, of a population of about two hundred thousand, there were one hundred and twelve thousand of both sexes, including children, who declared no occu- pation, representing about seventy thousand adults unemployed and subsisting in part on some form of charity. That there were abuses on the part of both giver and recipient need hardly be said; that calculation as well as love sometimes prompted the giving, and that gratitude was not always in the heart of the recipient, is equally probable. The general laxity was reflected nowhere more than in the care of the streets. Until 1853, they were lighted by oil lamps, far apart, somewhat aided by the flames burning before the numerous wayside images. The new gaslights were at first confined to certain principal thoroughfares. In spite of legislation for cleanliness in such ways as imposing a fine of five scudi for the throw- ing of refuse from the windows, in itself a comment, Rome had the reputation of being the filthiest city in Italy except Naples. It had open sewers that went un- challenged, it swarmed with dogs, and its alleys and streets were in certain respects the annexes of the houses, and even of palaces. Cholera had swept it in 1836 and 1887, and came again in 1867, when Maria Theresa, 546 ETERNAL ROME widow of Ferdinand the Second, died of it at Albano. For all its being the capital of the world and the goal of travel for the enlightened of all parts of the old hemi- sphere and the new, for all its incomparably rich and beautiful palaces and wonderful villa-gardens, the city was in many ways hardly more than an overgrown and neglected village. If we seek a cause for this condition outside of the ~ more or less natural laxity of a southern people, we are most likely to find it in the simple fact that the city was not its own mistress and had not been bred to civic pride. The pope was the state, and the pope was the city of Rome. The powers of the senate were merely rhetorical. The pope, it is true, repaired and constructed, and to him were owing many an improvement and many a beautification which the municipality unaided would have either considered impossible or refused to execute. The repair of the breaches in Urban’s wall, the rebuild- ing of the Porta San Pancrazio, the great tobacco manu- factory in the Piazza Mastai, the Acqua Marcia, the completion of the Porta Pia, the erection of the column of the Immaculate Conception, the laying of the railway lines from Rome to Frascati in 1856, from Rome to Civitavecchia in 1859, from Rome to Ancona and Bologna in 1861, and from Rome to Ceprano in 1862, with their four inconvenient stations at the Porta Mag- giore, the Porta Portese, the Porta Angelica, and the Termini, and many less imposing buildings and monu- ments which his fondness for the sight of his own name has marked for the gaze of posterity, were the work of his reign. But the assumption of authority and conse- quently of responsibility on the part of the popes had long since confirmed the Romans in carelessness and THE CITY OF PIUS THE NINTH 547 indolence. In major matters, they were obliged to sub- mit; as a natural consequence, when the ruler was negli- gent in minor matters, or sought their codperation in details that called for municipal pride and individual public spirit, they lacked the concern of a city accus- tomed to do its own thinking and to pay its own bills. There were, however, compensations. Outside of the circle of necessary restriction, there was a large liberty. If Rome was an overgrown village, it also gave the free- dom of the village. If it was careless of sanitation and public appearances, its private intercourse also had something of the comfort of unstarched and not too tidy garments. If there was not perfect freedom of ini- tiative, there was also not the tyranny of responsibility. The pope concerned himself for the proper living of his subjects; he was answerable, too, for their proper dying. Foreigners especially continued to find the life of the city unconstrained and congenial. The hotels and houses of Rome were filled with visitors, and then as now the entertainment of the stranger was the city’s chief in- dustry. The scholars and writers and artists resided in modest quarters about the Piazza di Spagna. Gregoro- vius entered the city by the Porta del Popolo at half- past four on the afternoon of October 2, 1852, and on the fourth moved into his “little room under the roof of the dwelling of Vincenzo the sculptor,” to begin his Roman literary career of twenty-two years, living later in the Via Gregoriana. On October 3, 1854, he records that he “must undertake something great, something that will lend a purpose to my life.” It is to write the history of the city of Rome in the Middle Ages, the thought of which he suddenly conceives, “struck by the view of the city as seen from the bridge leading to the 548 ETERNAL ROME island of Saint Bartholomew.” Dr. Braun, secretary to the Archxological Institute, listens attentively to the plan, and then says, “It is an attempt in which anyone must fail.” The journal of Gregorovius sparkles with the names of interesting sojourners in Rome. He meets a young, uncouth poet, Buchanan Read, with “a fair little wife who looks like a sacrificial lamb.’ He meets Ampere, “one of the most brilliant Frenchmen, good-natured, kind, versatile, and, what is rare among Irenchmen, devoid of vanity, who invariably carries paper and pen- cil, and instead of smoking always chews a cigar.” He knows Alfred von Reumont, diplomat and writer, the first volume of whose History of the City of Rome, ap- pearing in 1867, displays lack of “the higher esthetic sense, and the power for putting his knowledge into shape.” In April, 1860, while Garibaldi and King Vic- tor Emmanuel are threatening the papal state from both sides, he goes to call on Theodore Parker, who is ill and soon to die in Florence. Mr. Parker says, with great energy, “The pope is a fool, pure and simple.” He makes the acquaintance of Browning, “the cele- brated English poet, who with his delicate wife, a gifted poetess, has lived for years in Florence.” He meets Mommsen, whose appearance is “a curious mixture of youthfulness and pedagogic conscientiousness,” which “in great part explains his work, distinguished by critical, destructive acumen and erudition, but rather a pamphlet than history.” In 1864, Guizot and Villemain are the orators at Ampere’s funeral. The next year, Gregorovius meets “the talented Englishman, Bryce, author of The Holy Roman Empire,’ and hears Liszt in the Palazzo Bar- PAR CAN THEODORE PARKER’S TOMB IN FLORENCE HE HAD COME TO ITALY IN THE HOPE OF RECOVERING HEALTH THE CITY OF PIUS THE NINTH 549 berini in the concert which is his farewell to the profane world, with no one suspecting that he has “the abbé’s stockings in his pocket,’—‘‘the end of the gifted vir- tuoso, a truly sovereign personality,” at one with his instrument, ‘“‘as it were, a piano centaur.” Gounod, who was in the French Academy in the Villa Medici in 1869, he does not mention. Ranke, the historian of the popes, who “sees in history no factor but diplomacy, does not recognize the people,” and “goes through history as he would go through a picture gallery, writing acute notes,” he finally meets in Germany, and after return- ing to Rome records that he has added so much to his information by research during his absence, “especially concerning the sack of Rome, as will rejoice the heart of Ranke, who told me in Munich that there was no longer anything fresh to add, he having already ex- plored every source.” In 1868, he has seen Professors Adams and Curtis, from America; “also Bayard Tay- lor, a celebrated author, a serious, energetic, and almost heroic-looking man.” The following year, he meets Longfellow at Princess Wittgenstein’s: “he has a fine head; striking features, liberal and open; white hair and a white beard,—is entering on old age in full possession of his energies . . . on Tuesday was with him at Mrs. Terry’s, the widow of Crawford, the American sculp- tor.” He makes friends with Ferdinand Keller, the discoverer of the lake-dwellings, and goes to the funeral _ of Overbeck in the church of San Bernardo alle Terme, incidentally seeing “the entire company of dethroned royalties driving with smiles from the railway station.” He knows Dollinger, the rebel against the dogma of papal infallibility. The social life of the aristocratic circles was in the 550 ETERNAL ROME grand style, and brilliant with the participation of diplomatic representatives and other notable foreigners, to say nothing of great churchmen. On March 8, 1858, at the ball of Alessandro Torlonia and his wife Teresa Colonna in their great palace in the Borgo, thirteen hundred guests were invited, among them ministers, ambassadors, cardinals, generals, and foreigners of dis- tinction; and the dance, beginning with the withdrawal of the cardinals at midnight, except Antonelli and Ugolini, continued until seven in the morning. In the Golden Book of 1746, the aristocracy had numbered one hundred and eighty-seven families. By the decree of Pius the Ninth on May 2, 1853, the qualifications of Nobilis Romanus were defined as personal or ancestral participation in the municipal government in the ca- pacity of either conservator or head of a rione; accre- tions were to take place, when advisable, through a heraldic commission. It was in 1853 that society life on a grand scale was first resumed after the pope’s ab- sence, and the Torlonia ball, though eclipsing the others, was only one of many. In 1859, Prince Borghese enter- tained two hundred persons at dinner. Such was the frequency of balls that at one time the Portuguese ambassador went begging for a date on which to invite his guests, and Hooker, the American banker, unable to find an evening free, in desperation gave a ball by day. The Carnival was at its height, and every Monday and ‘Thursday saw gatherings in the Campagna for the chase. The great religious functions vied in brilliance with the social. . There were, to be sure, a few active tyrannies in this easy-going society. There was the tyranny of rank; each class was at ease within its limits, but any mingling not a ee ee ee ee THE CITY OF PIUS THE NINTH 551 purely formal of the aristocracy with the middle class was still impossible. There were religious tyrannies which were more serious because not self-imposed. Con- fessors exercised great influence on the individual con- science, and were not always the safe depository of con- fidences. To be known as a liberal was to be under suspicion, and perhaps to have the means of livelihood endangered. There was one newspaper, the Giornale di Roma, and its news was confined to official and religious notices and events. “Let them publish papal news and the news of the Chinese insurrections,” said Cardinal Antonelli, the bitter enemy of liberty of the press. The Jews, except in special cases, were not allowed outside the Ghetto, and the time was hardly past when they were compelled to attend mass in Sant’ Angelo in Pes- cheria, with an officer and whip to insure attention. The theaters were more or less under surveillance. During concerts in the Corea, as the mausoleum of Augustus was then called, the ringing of church bells near at hand was allowed to annoy the auditors, as is still the case both there and in many another hall in Rome; and con- scientious listeners to music and the drama were mad- dened then, as they are today, by the atrocious manners of gabbling neighbors. The security of officialdom in general was an irritation to such as had to deal with it. The Legations were abandoned to the whims of cardinal- governors. ‘The papal and sacerdotal solicitude for souls could easily become excessive, and sometimes a scandal was the result, as when the Jewish seven-year-old Edgar Mortara, who had been baptized in secret by scheming zealots, was forcibly taken from his parents and bred to the priesthood, or when the Mudai couple, Tuscan con- verts to Protestantism who read the Bible to neighbors 552 ETERNAL ROME and solicited their conversion, were imprisoned for four years. No Protestant church was allowed within the walls of Rome. The English Protestants had their place of worship outside of the Porta del Popolo in a granary, watched by the papal police to prevent the entrance of Catholics. The first Presbyterian church was built near by in 1868-1869. Services were conducted by the de- nomination within the gates from 1862 until forbidden in 1866. Its minister from 1864 to as late as 1872 warned his congregation to “avoid openly carrying their Bibles when assembling, and to dismiss . . . dropping out by twos and threes”; and “no psalms were sung lest prais- ing God with a loud voice should betray us to the police.” The Protestant embassies were obliged to confine reli- gious services to private chapels in their official apart- ments. Rufus King, the American envoy, used a room in the Palazzo Salviati, much to the scandal of the owner of the house, who on his departure had the cham- ber cleansed of the stain. On March 28, 1870, Gregoro- vius is refused by the Jesuit in charge the use of certain manuscript in the Vatican library: “Seeing his malicious smile, I recognized that my hour had struck. Have gone to the library apparently for the last time; but I too can smile, for my work is almost finished.” On March 1, 1874, he hears that The History of the City of Rome in the Middle Ages has been placed on the Index. At Saint Peter’s, he reads the decree “posted up on the first marble column of the outer entrance. The honored. cathedral suddenly acquired a personal relation to my- self. . . . Everyone congratulates me on the merited honor.” For all these tyrannies, however, and for the harsher crimes against liberty in whose perpetration the papacy THE CHURCH OF SAINT PETER IN 1918 THE ORIGINAL PLAN OF THE CHURCH IN THE FORM OF A GREEK CROSS WOULD HAVE ALLOWED THE DOME GREATER PROMINENCE THE CITY OF PIUS THE NINTH 553 shared with other despotisms of the time,—for exile and imprisonment without statement of cause or limit, for delays of the law, for shameful punishments without due trial, for the exclusion of seven thousand five hun- dred and twenty-six persons from the amnesty of 1850, for the abandonment of the merely suspected to the discretion of the police,—for all these, the spirit of mod- ern enlightenment was preparing an end in the papal state as in other states it had already prepared an end. From the restoration in 1850 until 1870, the holy seat was never quite free from the shadow of the great threat. The Siccardi laws, the rise of Cavour and his open chal- lenge of the Church’s civil authority, the Gladstone let- ters, the civil marriage agitation, the Rattazzi bill, the growing friendship between Piedmont and Napoleon the Third, the campaign of 1859, causing transports of joy in the city, were the constant reminders of in- security. Since the days of Mazzini and Garibaldi and Masina and Dandolo and Mameli and Morosini and Manara and the victorious defeat on the Janiculum, the sentiment of Rome was no longer to be counted on. An abortive movement in 1853 resulted in the capital sen- tence for five men, heavy punishments for a score of others, and lighter ones for many more; and the reduc- tion of all the sentences was quite as significant as the movement itself. The time was passing when the spirit of revolt was confined to a few and could be repressed by a heavy penalty or two. Five thousand Romans volunteered for the national cause in 1859; the popula- tion divided itself into clerical and national partisans; and Napoleon’s sudden termination of the campaign struck Rome as well as other cities dumb with surprise and wrath. On January 27, 1860, one hundred and 554 ETERNAL ROME thirty-four Roman nobles thought it worth while to sign and present an address of loyalty to the pope. It had been preceded on the twenty-second, and perhaps caused, by a popular nationalistic demonstration. ‘The Romans began to imitate the Milanese by refusing to smoke. The students and young intellectuals in general were for Piedmont. The Comitato Nazionale Romano had reached a membership of six thousand. Gregoro- vius notes that “the pope asked Torlonia for a loan, but the banker referred him to the Roman princes and espe- cially to Antonelli, who has placed two millions in the English Bank.” By June 27, “there is nothing but prayers and processions, and Garibaldi’s name is in every mouth.” In 1861, Rome is in angry passivity, but on March 17 there is a great demonstration from the Forum to the Lateran. On May 21, ten thousand signa- tures are forwarded inviting Victor Emmanuel to Rome. The cession of Venetia in 1866 and the removal of Austria from direct contact with the papal territory, the steady pressure of the growing Italian state, the gallant adventure of the Cairoli and their devoted band at Villa Glori, and above all the terrible Garibaldi, un- successful at Aspromonte but never ceasing to breathe out threatenings and slaughter, while disorders in the city made clear on which side sympathy lay,—all these were the signs of a progress whose inevitable end could be seen by everybody but those who feared it and felt it coming, and would not see it. The proof that it was feared and felt to be coming had long been manifest. 'The syllabus of 1864, in which every ecclesiastical claim was reaffirmed, was Pius the Ninth’s confession of it. The convention of September, stipulat- ing that the capital was to be fixed at Florence and the et THE CITY OF PIUS THE NINTH 555 Italian government was to allow the papal state a reasonable army and to protect the papal frontiers, was Napoleon’s. If a farther confession is to be sought, it was made by the famous Infallibility council of 1869 and 1870. Even this was no new plan. Gregory the Six- teenth, thirty years before in the midst of unmanageable rebellions against the temporal power, had conceived the idea of buttressing the Church’s territorial structure by conferring upon its head a divine and unchallenge- able authority. The authority of Catholic arms, how- ever, was made to serve instead, until it came to be seen that even bayonets and cannon were a weak and ephem- eral resort. On the twenty-ninth of June, 1868, from a pulpit on the terrace in front of Saint Peter’s, with eight Swiss Guards and four of the Faithful of the Senate as an escort, one of a company of notaries read aloud to the world the bull which summoned the council of December 8, 1869. The bull itself was then affixed to the doors of the great church, and to the doors of Saint John in Lateran, Santa Maria Maggiore, and the Cancelleria, and in the Campo dei Fiori. By October 10, 1869, the preparations for the great assembly, the successor, after three hundred years, of Trent, were almost complete. In the church of Saint Peter, a horseshoe of wooden seats had been erected, with a chapel at either side. The places for cardinals were covered with red, for the bishops, with green. There were tribunes for royalty, for the diplomatic corps, for the Roman nobility. In the middle stood an altar, with a speaker’s tribune be- hind it and facing the papal throne. Antonelli thought that the council might last for years, but in seven months the long series of discussions, debates, intrigues, 556 ETERNAL ROME briberies, and coercion by which the original opposi- tion had been worn down from over one hundred adherents to two, was ended. The two whose courage proved indomitable were Luigi Riccio, a Neapolitan and bishop of Caiazzo, and Edward Fitzgerald, bishop of Little Rock, Arkansas. On the sixteenth of June, 1870, a month before the council’s findings were given to the world, occurred the usual procession of Corpus Domini. Of all the proces- sions descended through the ages, it was the greatest and the most picturesque, and on this occasion, by reason of the participation of seven hundred bishops who were in attendance on the council, it was the greatest and most spectacular of all its line. Issuing from the Sistine chapel, it descended the Scala Regia, passed through the bronze portals, filed into the curved length of the colossal colonnade of Bernini, and entered the spacious farther square which fronts the great piazza itself. At- tended by the Guardie Nobili and their captains in full uniform, with the standard-bearers and the great gon- faloni of the Church, the papal train advanced, Pope Pius himself under the great baldacchino and bearing the sacrament. Traversing the space between, which was resplendent with a great display of bright-colored flowers and hangings of every hue, the procession re- entered the colonnade on the other side by the statue of Charlemagne, and made its deliberate and majestic way between the mighty columns to the church again, which it reached two hours after its setting forth. This was the last procession and the last solemn pon- tifical mass of Pius the Ninth before the world. One month afterward, on the eighteenth of July, 1870, the decree of the dogma of Papal Infallibility went forth, THE CITY OF PIUS THE NINTH 557 which was to have brought in its train the dogma of the Temporal Power and to have stemmed the tide of Italian nationalism. Another month, and the French army, whose presence in Rome had kept the pope on his throne since the days of 1849, had been recalled to fight the calamitous battles of its emperor of clay. The pope was left alone with the single weapon of dogma. On the twentieth of September, the soldiers of Victor Emmanuel burst through the walls of Rome, and the edifice of the Temporal Sovereignty, so near to its com- pletion and yet so far from the possibility, fell to the ground in ruin. Jt) a a Big Mp) att ty iP hs cad XIII. ETERNAL ROME But its importance in universal history it can never lose. For into it all the life of the ancient world was gathered: out of it all the life of the modern world arose. Bryce, The Holy Roman Empire, chapter 21 i ) AAR ‘\ Raat ‘| : i OMG ! i tpt f " Yr eh ait MAD fen ay ; ha) 1. THE NEW CAPITAL ITH the breach at the Porta Pia on the twen- tieth of September, 1870; with the plebiscite of October 2, in which one hundred and thirty-three thou- sand six hundred and eighty-one votes were for union with Italy and one thousand five hundred and seven against, and in which the Leonine city itself insisted on having a part; with the meeting of the first Italian parliament at Florence on December 5; and with the transfer of the government from the Arno to the Tiber on July 2, 1871,—Eternal Rome took her place among the national capitals of the world. The part she was now called upon to play was a new one. She had been the capital of the ecclesiastical des- potism, she had been the capital of the Holy Roman empire and of the ancient Roman empire, she had been the capital of an oligarchical republic whose victorious arms rapidly swept it on to absolutism. Now she was the constitutional capital of an independent Italy, the min- ister rather than the tyrant of her realms, the subject rather than the ruler of her peoples. Nor did she forfeit her place as capital of the more universal realm of the spirit. The fall of the temporal power was not the defeat of religion. It was with only a seeming violence that the beneficent spirit of progress had struck a mighty shackle from both the Church and Italy. What Cardinal Pacca had said when the temporal power was lost in Pius the Seventh’s time could be said again: “Providence has taken away the temporary power from the Holy See. 562 ETERNAL ROME . . The popes, relieved from the burden of the tem- poral power, which obliged them to devote a great part of their time to secular affairs, may now turn all their attention, and all their care, to the spiritual government of the Church; and when the Roman Church lacks the pomp and magnificence which temporal sovereignty has given her, there will be numbered among her clergy only those who bonwm opus desiderant.” The Church at Rome was set free from selfish distractions that wasted its time, scattered its energies, and corroded its charac- ter. The state was free from the embarrassing presence of a hostile power in its midst, and from the interference of arms from abroad. The chiesa libera in stato libero of Cavour was at last a fact. Yet neither the Church nor the Italian state, though each was free from the other, was wholly free. The Church, indeed, by refusing the advances of the state as expressed in the law of Guarantees, which made large concessions in civil, legal, financial, residential, and dip- lomatic directions, renounced the freedom it might have enjoyed through coéperation with a willing government and people. 'The Church was not yet emancipated from the bonds of pride and worldly desire. The Church was not out of bondage to itself. As for the state, it had but set foot in the path of free- dom. “Italy is free and united,” the king had said at the opening of parliament in Florence on December 5; “rt depends on us to make her great and happy.” To drive the Austrian from her borders by the wars, con- spiracies, and martyrdoms of fifty years, to defend her own rights against a militant French Catholicism, to remove the obstacle of the temporal sovereignty with- out the embroilment of Kurope, were all enterprises that THE NEW CAPITAL 563 called for infinite patience, time, and suffering; but they were enterprises whose conclusion could be clearly seen by the smaller company of the intensely patriotic all the time, and in the periods of outburst could be seen by all the people at once. It was the genuine and irre- sistible stirring of nature that drove the people of Italy into the paths and along the great highways of action which led to the gates of Rome. The highways of Italy, however, lead not only to the capital, but from it. It was after the permanence of Rome as the capital had been confirmed beyond question by the self-sacrificing surrender of their claims by rival Italian cities, by Victor Emmanuel’s words on entrance into the city, 4 Roma ci siamo, e ci resteremo,—“In Rome we are, and in Rome we remain,’—and by the approval of a world which would not respond to the papal appeal for a forcible reinstatement, that Italy and Rome were face to face with their real task. “Falling in love and winning love,” writes Stevenson, “are often difficult tasks to overbearing and rebellious spirits; but to keep in love is also a business of some importance, to which both man and wife must bring kindness and good-will. The true love-story commences at the altar, when there lies before the married pair a most beautiful contest of wisdom and generosity.” Italy was united; the task from now on was to keep united. The enthusiastic Italians who had hitherto faced toward Rome and territorial unification now had to turn and face toward every part of Italy and civic unification. The forces of territorial union which had been active so long as there were enemies to vanquish and obstacles to overcome, when once their object had been realized soon slackened in their vigor. Now that there was no 564 ETERNAL ROME foreigner to hate and fear, now that there was no longer a dispute as to the claims of Rome to leadership, the forces that had always wrought to keep Italy in dis- union revived with all their ancient potency. The armed opposition of the Church and its partisans had ceased, but the hatreds and rancors of the Roman question per- sisted. The differences in race, productivity, and com- mercial aptitude were felt now in their full magnitude. The smaller cities as well as the large found it hard to forget their separateness in dialect, in situation, and in- terest. The south charged the busy, capable, and self- reliant north with selfishness. The north charged the indigent and indolent south with idleness and disaffec- tion. Government was found to be expensive; to be heavily assessed for the benefit of communities far re- moved and unknown was an irritation. The sacrifices of peace were harder than the sacrifices of martyrdom and war. The Italian character while in the mood of exaltation achieves the supremest heroisms. The individual in the heat of passion unflinchingly faces the martyr’s end; collectively, too, when dominated by enthusiasm, the Italian is stopped by nothing. In the moment of incan- descence he gladly gives up life; in the mild warmth and light of common day, for the common good, like other human beings, he finds difficult the sacrifice of the least advantage or the slightést personal inclination. The era of patriotism passed into the era of politics. A liberal king and a liberal people had freed the land from the absolutist, but with the purpose achieved the hitherto unanimous nation became the victim of divided desire. The antagonism of right and left, which before 1870 had centered in the Roman question, after the taking of THE NEW CAPITAL 565 Rome lapsed into the conventional opposition between conservative and liberal. The scattered and somewhat purposeless elements of the left had attained by 1876 enough coherency and strength to succeed to the gov- ernment. The legislative energies, however, continued to scatter. The increase of the population from twenty- eight and a half millions in 1882, or two hundred and fifty-seven to the square mile, to the thirty-six millions of 1921, or three hundred and twenty-five to the square mile, was felt in an ever-increasing pressure of the masses. Socialism developed a party and became articu- late, and the franchise was more than once extended, until it was all but universal. From 1876 on, there were no longer two distinct parties, but an ever-growing number of groups from whose shifting and shifty leader- ship was drawn the material for brief-lived ministries. To the original conservatives and liberals were soon added not only the socialists, and the republicans, who could not forget Mazzini, but the democrats, and the social-democrats, and the nationalists, and the clericals, allowed at last by the Church to participate in politics and finally by combination transformed into the Italian People’s party, and, most recent of all, the fascist, first organized as groups from among the ex-soldiers of the Great War and without interference in politics, but finally, in 1921, provoked by the long-continued dis- orders and threats of communism into formal declara- tion of themselves as the party pledged to strong govern- ment under the monarchy. The purchase of support from faction or district by the legislation of local favors, a marked form of abuse in earlier years, was followed in later years by the practice of conciliating, through be- stowal of ministerial posts, the various groups necessary 566 ETERNAL ROME to a majority. The ministry in the years succeeding the war no longer represented a definite party or principle, but an equilibrium of forces. Its formation was for the most part a matter of slate and pencil. By 1922, so numerous were the groups, and so inflexible in selfish purpose, that legislation became impossible. Italian politics were chaos. There were no great ideals, no great measures, no great men, and no great common purpose. The rising temper of the fascisti, the increasing fre- quency of their forcible appropriation of the govern- ment in disaffected cities, their appearance at last with Benito Mussolini sixty thousand strong in the streets of Rome, and their practical seizure of the government, were not unwelcome even to those who had felt alarm at their excesses. Yet, in spite of a legislative system by reason of its liability to change but ill adapted to an excitable race, in spite of an infinite diversity of interests, in spite of the lack of natural resources in coal and iron, in spite of the assaults of communism, the harassings of cleri- calism, and the disaffection of republicanism, in spite of the abuses of bureaucracy and personal interest and favoritism, the Italy of a half century after the taking of Rome looks back upon a progress which in its total is reassuring. She has made the best of the exceedingly difficult Roman question; the papal court is still in- transigent, but the Church at large exists in easy and almost cordial relation with the state. She has wonder- fully reduced the numbers of the illiterate even in parts where nature delights in throwing the obstacles of poverty and custom in the way of education. She has set in order her countless museums and national monu- ments for the delight of the world and the profit of her FASCISTI IN THE VIALE DEL RE THEY ARE ASSEMBLING FOR THE FUNERAL OF AVANGUARDISTA DUILIO GUARDABASSI, KILLED BY A COMMUNIST SYMPATHIZER = ire 7 tea ' “eS a a bao eee ® * ’ , q PAY y- _. . * oN ae = Vk -i= A) : Te ’ LA erm La oe oe, ye ot ba", Oba be oe ae ee ; THE NEW CAPITAL 567 citizenship. Through education directly, and indirectly through the mingling of men in army service, she has decreased the intensity of provincialism and established the sentiment of nationalism. She has met with patience and generosity the political demands of her needy and nameless, and notably increased the means of health, enjoyment, and livelihood. She has remembered her sons in the lands left unredeemed in 1866, and rescued them by a war initiated and carried through with in- tense popular enthusiasm. She has remained faithful to the memory of the Victor Kmmanuel who fought her battles against the Austrian, and loves with a like devo- tion the Victor Emmanuel of today and his queen, who in quite as dangerous and trying times have proved their greatness by the Platonic virtues of wisdom, cour- age, and temperance. She has weathered the storms of communism and of attempted revolution, and weathered also the storms of the fascista contra-revolution that re- duced to impotence both the anarchy of communism and the anarchy of decrepit government. Whatever regret may be entertained that violence was inevitable in the achievement of a stabilized Italy, it is a fact that the year since Mussolini and the fascisti assumed absolute control has been a year of promises kept, of growth in enlightenment on the part of governors and in faith on the part of the governed, of work taking the place of words, of patriotism translated into action. The suns of 1924 shine on an Italy well out of the great ordeal of the war and the greater ordeal of the years of disillusion after the war, and treading with firm and spirited step in the paths of recovery. Whatever the difficulties still to be met, the unity of Italy will not be readily called into question. The passion for nationality has proved 568 ETERNAL ROME itself in the course of a hundred years in many a trial by fire. The reflecting reader who has learned to think of Eternal Rome and Italy by ages rather than by scores of years may cautiously hesitate to call it a funda- mental and permanent trait of Italian character, but will see in it none the less clearly a steadfast and long- enduring trait. The achievement of Italy at large has been shared by its capital, and is reflected in her character. In the interval between the sack of 1527 and the fall of the temporal power in 1870, the circuit of the city had gradually widened until many a deserted garden and field was covered, and the still vast emptiness of Au- relian’s city was partially filled. A century after the sack, the population of Rome had risen to over one hundred thousand. At the end of the eighteenth century, it had reached one hundred and fifty thousand. Re- duced in the period of Napoleonic troubles to one hun- dred and seventeen thousand, it soon increased again, and entered upon a still more rapid growth. In 1870, Rome contained over two hundred and twenty-five thou- sand inhabitants. It was in the period after the erection of the capital at Rome, however, that the most rapid and marvellous increase took place. To what was left of the army of clericals that had been supported by the old régime was now added the larger army of those employed by the Italian government, and in the wake of peace and rail- way extension came transient multitudes of tourists and pilgrims, with all the permanent population neces- sary for their maintenance. Vast building enterprises were inaugurated to supply the needs of the inflowing _humbers, and great changes in topography occurred. THE NEW CAPITAL 569 Large areas in Monti and the northern rioni, and in the field of Nero’s house, were built over. Regular streets, broad and well-paved, supplanted the country paths and lanes of the Renaissance and the papal city, and many a beautiful private garden and orchard gave way to blocks of monotonous modern buildings. The pictur- esque gardens of Sallust, since Gregory the Fifteenth known as the Villa Ludovisi, with their groves and charming irregularities, were levelled and transformed into monumental squares of dwelling houses. The broad Via Nazionale, now almost the heart of the city, was the result of a similar change. The Via Cavour ran its spacious course from railway station to Forum. The Corso Vittorio Emanuele was made to furnish a con- venient channel for traffic between the Piazza Venezia and the Castello Sant’ Angelo. A great tunnel was in- offensively driven under the Quirinal to facilitate com- munication between the northeastern quarters and the Campus Martius. The Palazzo di Giustizia, the Monu- mento Vittorio Emanuele, the Termini station, the great government buildings, and the masses of monu- mental apartment houses have given the city a modern air. Suburban building has filled with teeming life the hitherto quiet fields outside Aurelian’s great wall. Over the north and northeastern portions, and in the more adaptable areas beyond the walls in every direction, has been reared the new Rome, with a population which has increased from the two hundred and twenty-five thou- sand of 1870 to the five hundred thousand of the first years of the twentieth century, and to the seven hundred and sixty-two thousand three hundred and sixty-four of 1922. The changes apparent in twentieth century Rome, 570 ETERNAL ROME however, are not merely those of numbers and area. The change in the character of the city’s life has been no less pronounced. ‘The present Rome of three-fourths of a million differs from the papal Rome of fifty years ago hardly less than the city of that period differed from the Rome of the Renaissance. How great has been the transformation can be appre- ciated only by those who have seen the city in both of these recent phases. It had already begun to change in the papal days, but with nothing like the present ra- pidity. Rome has suddenly become a great modern city, —modern in spirit as well as in appearance. The advent of the railway and the presence of the government have changed it from a provincial into a cosmopolitan city. Instead of leisurely approaching Rome in a coach or diligence from Civitavecchia or Viterbo, the visitor of today is whirled into a modern station filled with the smoke of monster locomotives. The rattle of carriages over the streets has been largely replaced by the whir of the automobile and the clang of electric cars that penetrate to every part of the city. A dozen daily news- papers are cried in the streets, a dozen other sheets are published, and modern methods of advertising have been adopted. Disorder has disappeared from the city and its environs, and the brigands that of old haunted the papal territories have taken their places in legend. Rome is among well-kept cities, with a death rate as low as that of the average modern capital. Welcome as have been many of the changes, however, they have been accompanied by less desirable trans- formations. In the minds of those who, whether through experience or investigation, are acquainted with the Rome of papal days, there is lodged a sense of regret, HINOU NYUAGOW AO dV AWOM LNATONV JO SENGWONOW GNV AHdVUDOdOL SUANLVId WOW NOOVE ® NATIV HO NOISSINUAd AG GAINAdGOUdAY (5 418099S'S 23, 0001. 009 00F 008 002 oT 0 out WS $3¥13W 4O 31V038 Be AWOWd NYAdoKWw w > — ie NG a Pd 20N SINS, wy “oo y ere SES p ~ AN > x as > Jaaesoty* aK vid !Petad x, a’ “S eee S : za < A - Ware apps Brag C LAA ow Yy gis WS 88D SY : b SA AN s ” » . ZY i Xs erY, 2; : PANT “Os, <2 2PRT SS ¢ > ss SS E f . R&S > WS xy ovo Hag \ NS 3 2 sas “Hey ‘arr 1d ret oN ees oo = 2 =— 37m) \\ Onarta’s\ "AN "HONS 'S3L¥0d "7°7 | iN" S O 2 THE NEW CAPITAL 571 for together with modern improvement has come the disappearance of much that gave the city distinctive character. Gregorovius felt the change on his return from the north not six weeks after the Italian army’s entry, and his soul was filled with regret. He did not believe in the temporal authority, but he rebelled against seeing Rome made like other cities. “Rome should not be cosmopolitanized,” he wrote. “She will sink into be- coming the capital of the Italians.” He would have had . the city set apart, no longer possessed by the popes, yet not profaned by politics. The dread of the historian and his kind has been realized. The secluded, almost monastic life of the old city of the popes, with its flavor of medievalism, has made way for the matter-of-fact uniformity of the modern capital. The gilded coach no longer parades the streets with its burden of pontifex or cardinal; only sequestered within the precincts of the Vatican may be seen, if seen at all, the gorgeous relics of the old-time splendor. In place of the princely equipage with its retinue of brilliant liveries now rolls the monotonous cab or automobile. In place of the papal troops now march the drab soldiers of the Italian army. The tourist comes rushing in by train, encompassed by crowds of other tourists. Instead of leisurely dreaming in romantic solitude among ivy-covered ruins, like Shelley a hun- dred years ago, he hurriedly sees the sights of the city and dashes on. The native costumes of street and Cam- pagna have become things of the past, to be seen only on models in the artist’s studio. The Carnival at the out- break of the Great War was the mere ghost of its old self, and for the present at least, now that the pub- lic masque is not allowed, has altogether disappeared. 572 ETERNAL ROME Pasquino and Marforio were dumb from the day the streets of the city were profaned by the soldiers of the king and the press began to speak for the people in the language of liberty. The Ghetto and its life are gone. Not even the picturesqueness of dirt and neglect has escaped the sacrifice; the dirt of modern Rome is not the dirt of a holy city. Not only has color faded from the street, but has grown less vivid in the countenances of the people. The machine of modern life runs at full speed. Everywhere are the dust and business and din so much disliked by the genial poet of the Sabine farm. The twentieth century spirit of method has extended even to the care of the ancient remains, and the Rome of seventy years ago, with grassy ruins clad in trailing clouds of ivy, has changed to a Rome of monuments whose environment indeed is graced by the replanted flora of the Cesars’ times, but in the crannies of whose naked walls not a blade is allowed to root. vd ' 2. THE CITY OF THE SOUL E'T those who remember or by study try to recall the old régime are few, and rapidly becoming fewer. Newer generations, with no sense of the trans- formation which has taken place, and with no regret, are as much under the spell of the city as have been all other generations. The monuments of ancient Rome still rise in solitary and solemn grandeur throughout the southern part of the city, still line the ways that lead to mountain and sea. A century of scientific excavation and preservation has made of Rome the greatest archeological center of the world. The student, his understanding illumined and fertilized by the vision of so much in her streets and museums that concerns the past of all nations; the traveller, overwhelmed and humbled by the wealth of historic association on every hand; the pilgrim, awed and inspired by the magnifi- cence and the antiquity of the religion he loves,—all depart with veneration and regret, and if a kindly for- tune grants them the longed-for return it is with a great wave of affection sweeping over the soul that they are borne past grey Soracte into the brown reaches of the Campagna and see once more the Great Dome swing into sight. Venice they may remember for moonlit lagoons, lapping waters, and dolce far niente, Florence for the warm hues and gracious shapes of the Renais- sance, Naples for picturesqueness and gaiety; but the feeling for Rome which sways their hearts is different. It is not her beauty which wins them, though she is beau- 574 ETERNAL ROME tiful; nor her quiet and calm, though she sets the spirit free in a peace which passeth understanding; nor the fascination of her art, though in that least of all is she lacking. The charm which Rome exercises upon the senses is indeed great, but it is not first of all the senses that she takes captive. Rome’s dominion is of the spirit. She is ever “the city of the soul.” There resides in her atmosphere an intense spiritual quality that gives her a sovereignty unlike that of any other city. There is no other spot on the globe so rich with experience, so fraught with memories. There is no other spot where the soul is so wrought upon by the sense of that which is old. This is true be- cause nowhere else is there so great an abundance of important ruins of an important age. Of all the periods of the city’s history into whose life the imagination is stimulated to enter, the most Roman, the most fascinat- ing, and the most absorbing, is that of antiquity. The Rome of the popes is indeed everywhere visible in palace and monument, but its resemblance to and its blending with the modern city are such that it may fail to charm the imagination. Rome of the Renaissance is bodied forth by its architecture, painting, and sculpture, but its monuments are not, like those of Florence, the genu- ine, unforced, and exuberant witness of native genius, and lack somewhat its vividness and warmth. Rome of the Dark Ages, existing only in ruined towers, in the older churches, and in musty papal documents which never see the light, is so obscured by distant and end- less dead historical detail that few can conjure it to life again. Karly Christian Rome lives mainly in monuments of the dead. But the Rome of the Empire is everywhere strikingly visible. Great areas in the southern part of THE CITY OF THE SOUL 575 the city,—the Forum, the Palatine, the Aventine, the Celian,—are only the regiones of antiquity, still vacant of the life of which the Dark Ages despoiled them, and containing little beyond the ruins of their times. The wide fields of Monti itself are not yet entirely covered by the modern city; and in the newest and most recent districts, where at first sight nothing seems visible older than the present, a few steps may bring to the eye the ruins of two thousand years ago. Not even the casual visitor escapes entirely the spell of the ancient city. Confused and overwhelmed though he is by the multitude of monuments which call up in his mind only dim and shadowy imaginations of the past, he departs none the less with a reverent sense of the age and authority of the city and her institutions. The sojourner of a longer time enters into communion with ancient Rome, and lives her life again. Daily his eye is met by a thousand things that make him a citizen of the past. — It may be a few blocks of the Servian wall that con- front him, imbedded and preserved in the masonry of ten years ago, or ivy-covered in some garden; or an imperial arch in the midst of habitations on the Es- quiline; or a tomb of the Republic, once part of the wall in a narrow thoroughfare, now left alone by itself in the midst of public improvement; or a battered column, standing deep in the ground by the side of the street; or an altar, rising from the pavement of an obscure corner in the Campus Martius; or in some alley the arch of a portico, buried almost to its spring; or, towering about him in a leafy garden-restaurant remote from the sights and sounds of the outside world, the giant curving walls of Trajan’s forum. Or, he may attend a service in the BLGNy ETERNAL ROME Pantheon, and look up through the apex of the vast dome into the same sky whose scintillating golden-blue depths met the worshipper’s gaze in Agrippa’s or Ha- drian’s time; or sit in patient study of the wreck of the Forum; or walk in contemplative mood apart from men some sunlit morning among the more picturesque ruins of the Palatine, finally losing all consciousness of self and the present as he sits in silent solitude upon what is left of the palace of Severus and lets his vision range over the reposeful fields of the Campagna to the slopes and summit of the Alban Mount. Or, it may be the sight of still yellow Father Tiber that provokes the inner eye until he is in mystic communion with the far- off time; or of white little Tivoli, supine on its hillside; or of cool Preneste far away in the gap toward the Volscian country; or of Monte Cavo, dark with the Alban herbage of springtime; or of Soracte, white and gleaming with the deep snows of winter. But it is not only the physical and literary remains of antiquity that cause him to dream dreams and see visions. The life of modern Rome itself is full of tradi- tions that illuminate the life of the ancient day. The wine-carts of the Alban vineyards still make their way to and from the city. Flocks and herds still roam the grassy pastures, and the simple folk of the Latin hamlet still make of seedtime, harvest, or vintage, as in the olden time, a festal season. The same beautiful white cattle, wide-eyed, black-muzzled, grey-flanked, with long and sweeping horns, draw the plough and the wagon of the Campagna, as perfect an offering to the gods as when in the time of Horace and Propertius they waited at the altar, garlanded with flowers and holy with sacri- ficial fillet. The high priest of the Church of Rome still CATTLE OF THE ROMAN CAMPAGNA THE BACKGROUND IS AN ARCH OF THE ACQUA CLAUDIA THE CITY OF THE SOUL 577 calls himself pontifex maximus. The Vestal and the holy ones of Isis are perpetuated in the nun, the sodality member in the monk, the tunic in the aube, the penula in the chasuble. In place of the thousands of shrines to pagan deities which stood in the ancient streets are way- side shrines innumerable to Madonna and saints, by whom men blaspheme now instead of by Bacchus and Castor and Hercules. The spirit of ancient ceremonial, with many of its details, survives in the ritual of the modern Church, many of whose temples are the one- time abodes of the gods of ancient times. Pulcinella and the Dottore are the lineal descendants of the ancient farce. The SPQR of ancient days still greets the eye on official notices, and the regio survives in the rione. The modern house, like the ancient, is rectangular, and encloses a court, its life looking only less within than before the age of many windows. Like the house of Augustus and Trajan, its height is limited by law, and not far from the same dimension. The doves still fre- quent the roofs and eaves as in Juvenal’s time, tene- ments grow weary of their burdens and collapse as in Strabo’s day, and the endless procession of carts is still seen at its work of building Eternal Rome from the tufa and pozzolana of the Campagna pits and quarries. The corridors of the house, until the coming of the electric bulb a score of years ago, were often lighted by bronze or terra cotta lamps in the ancient style, filled with oil the same as that used by the remotest forefathers of the present generation. On the table of the Roman of today is the same clear, cold mountain water that his ancestors drank, brought in from the same sources, over the same routes, and sometimes in the identical channels employed by the Romans of Frontinus’ time. His heart 578 ETERNAL ROME is made strong and glad by bread and wine from the same fields and vineyards that the citizen-soldier tilled before Cato’s time, and his face made to shine by oil from the same olive slopes. The very language he speaks, the best beloved and most beautiful child of the ancient tongue, daughter more beautiful than beautiful mother, has hardly ceased to be Latin. Nor are these externals the only survivals of the Rome of long ago. It is indeed vain to look to the Rome of today for one drop of blood transmitted from the an- cient city of Rome. The populations of capital cities are ever fluid and changing. Even today the Roman praisers of the good old times look back to the men of 1849 and lament that Roman blood has been replaced by provin- cial in three score years and ten. Yet Nature is constant and eternal. The Tiber, the Hills, the Campagna, the skies, the mountains remain, and with them, in spite of the vicissitudes of time and fortune, their product, the Italian people. In the remote seclusion of the unchang- ing country, and not in the great cities, are to be sought the human remnants of ancient Italy. The Roman of even today possesses some traits of the men of two thousand years ago; for the forces of nature are still at work, and the life of Rome is still compounded of the life of Italy. | The same lively temperament that characterized the Roman of Livy’s pictured page, the same vivacity of feeling, whether in anger, mirth, grief, or compassion, is present still in his modern descendant in city and country. The ancient delight in the spectacle is as strong as ever in him. A parade, a saint’s procession, a great funeral, is still the occasion of as much climbing up to towers, windows, and chimney-tops to sit in patient ex- THE CITY OF THE SOUL 579 pectation as when great Pompey passed the streets of Rome. The passion for the stage is as great as when there were three great theaters and their thirty thousand seats in ancient Rome. The riotousness of Roman audi- ences is as great as when in Cicero’s time unpopular politicians on taking their seats were hissed by the mul- titude. The Camera dei Diputati, with its tumultuous displays of excitability, makes the passionate popular assemblies of Clodius and Cesar live again. The street riots of optimate and democrat, of senatorial and Ce- sarian, are still to be seen in the frays of communist and fascista. The funerals of slain partisans are still as much the opportunity for demonstration as in Grac- chan times. The same tendency to sudden passion and unpremeditated violence, to instant pacification and reconciliation, to extremes of hopefulness and despair, is still to be reckoned with, in both individual and mob. The same strange, contradictory blend of independence and pride with servility and meanness still exists that marked the populace of imperial times. The servant, the janitor, the waiter, the barber, the petty public servant of every sort, who for six months have done their duties with arrogant ill will, at Christmas and Easter hold out their hands with no more thought of degrada- tion than did the ancient clients receiving the dole from the patrons against whom they wagged an evil tongue. The ancient mobs that fawned on their master and then dragged his dishonored corpse through the streets, sur- vived in the medizval mob that rejoiced in the death of the popes who had given them less than their expecta- tion, and lived once more in the general strikers of pre- fascista times, who, to avenge the real or fancied slight 580 ETERNAL ROME put upon their class, would turn and rend the city that gave them livelihood. But the same ever-varying and mutable nature in the people at large is also tempered by something of the same seriousness that was at the root of representative Roman character in its sternest days, and that gave Virgil’s lay its charm of sober and stately dignity. Not to be described or analyzed, it may be appreciated by one who comes from the gay and explosive communities of lower Italy to the comparatively monumental calm and repose of the Roman atmosphere. The old-time simplicity and frugality survive among the masses of the people, even in the city’s rapidly changing life. The modern Roman loves as well as Horace the unbought enjoyments of life,—the genial pleasures of the holiday, the sunny gardens of the Pincio or the Janiculum, the open-air concert in park or piazza, the October excur- sion outside the gates, the simple repast under the dense arbor of some unpretentious osteria. Underneath all the apparent lightness and instability of the Italian charac- ter,—and the Rome of today depends upon all Italy for life and character, as did the Rome of ancient days, —there lies a certain austerity, the quality which lay at the foundation of the heroism of the Punic wars, which inspired the martyrdoms of the Church, and which in the nineteenth century made possible the freeing of Italy. The dignity of the Italian senate, with its grave and distinguished membership, goes far toward recall- ing the time when the Roman senate seemed like an assembly of kings. The call of the nation in the great crises of modern times has found response in deeds of valor and consecration worthy to stand beside those of the Decii and Regulus. THE CITY OF THE SOUL 581 Yet, impressive as are the remains of the ancient empire, Rome is far from being a city of a single in- terest or of a single period. Her appeal is as broad and as deep as humanity itself. This is not the rhetorical claim of enthusiasm. It is the sincere and eloquent witness of generations of men on whom the spell of Rome has been cast. It is true that there are those who do not bear this witness; Rome does not yield her secrets in an hour. The shallow, the indo- lent, and the hurried may tread her streets and pass untouched by the sacred flame; but it is not so with the serious, the philosophic, and the sensitive of soul. To them, Rome is not a mere Italian city on the main- travelled road from the Alps to the southern sea, nor yet only the scene of sometime grandeur which custom constrains them to visit; but a city which is still the capital of the most widespread empire in existence, the goal of profane as well as pious pilgrimage, within whose walls are spoken the languages of the world; the Inn of the Universe as truly now as in the days of the emperors. | But Rome is not cosmopolitan merely in the ordinary sense. The culture and the religion of the modern day are not all she represents. She stands as well for all the past. She represents the sum of human experience in the western world. From the beginnings of history in Italy to the present day, she has passed through and participated in all the vicissitudes of ancient and mod- ern times. Rising as older civilizations fell, Roman civi- lization continued and perpetuated what was best in them. Gradually expanding until her realm included all Latium, all Italy, all that was possible in her times 582 ETERNAL ROME of Europe, Africa, and Asia, besides the near-by islands of the sea, Rome of the Empire came to include within her borders all the known world and all the life of west- ward-marching civilization. Whatever had evolved from the experience of mankind in the most diverse and widely distant climes,—from the experience of Egypt, ancient of days, of the gorgeous east, of intellectual and scientific Greece, of Palestine that walked with God, of enterprising Carthage, of the rugged and unspoiled na- tions of northern and western Kurope,—passed into the keeping of the city which ruled them from the banks of the Tiber. She was the heir of all the ages. The words of the eloquent historian of the Holy Roman empire may be used of the city of the ancient as well as of the medie- val empire: “Into her all the life of the ancient world was gathered.” And she not only became possessed of what the world could give; she set upon it her seal. With unequalled genius for converting into actual life whatever was capable of service, she selected from the store that be- came hers all that could be of use in the constitution of the new culture. The art, literature, science, inventions, philosophy, religions, and institutions of her subject states she took to herself, so far as appropriation was possible, set upon them the seal of practical value, con- served them, and sent them forth for the healing of the nations of modern times. Rome was not only the conserver of what was worth while in ancient days, but the dispenser of what has entered into modern life. She gathered together the precious metal of ancient civilization, fused and coined it anew, and put it once more into circulation. She was the lens which received, condensed, and transmitted the THE CITY OF THE SOUL 5838 rays of human experience. She was the bridge to which all the ways of the old pagan times converged, and from which diverged all the ways of Christian times. She was the channel into which the streams of ancient civiliza- tion flowed together to mingle their waters before being swept on to divide and subdivide into the currents of modern civilization. The legacy of preceding ages, ad- ministered and increased by her, became the inheritance of ages succeeding. “Into her all the life of the ancient world was gathered, out of her all the life of the mod- ern world arose.” Whatever in the culture of our own day is held dear,—in art, literature, learning, in juristic or religious institutions,—is traceable first to Italy of the Renaissance, and then to ancient Rome, where it either came into being or was adapted to the needs of practical experience. The generations of today are still subjects of the empire of Rome. Her line has gone out through all the earth, and her words to the end of the world,—to Africa, to Gaul, to Spain, to northern and eastern Europe, to the British isles, to the Americas, to Japan and the Philippines, to Asia. The Roman empire has girdled the earth. And not only has Rome been the channel through which has flowed the current of occidental civilization, but her waters have never ceased to flow. She has never lost her hold upon the life of the world. Memphis and Thebes, Babylon and Nineveh, representing great civi- lizations, perished before Rome had come into her in- heritance, and have lain dead through all the ages under an ever-deepening mantle of dust. Athens disappeared for centuries from the world’s visible activities, a ham- let of Turkish hovels. But Rome has been unlike all 584 ETERNAL ROME these. It was not idle fancy, but the intuition of the prophet, that bestowed upon her the name of URBs MTERNA: THE ETERNAL ciTy. Repeatedly conquered and put to the sack, phoenix-like she has ever risen again and resumed her part in the drama of life. Apart from the times when her population has temporarily fled from the horrors of murder and rapine, she has never ceased to be dwelt in, has never ceased to be intimately concerned in the world’s life. She has always been a capital. With few of the physical, commercial, or strate- gic advantages of great cities, she became the military and political capital of the ancient world; when that supremacy had passed, she became the spiritual head of the medieval and modern world; and when Italy had finally freed herself from the bond of the stranger and was ready to become for the first time in history a national unit, 1t was Rome, despite the opposition of papal sympathizers, despite the superior practical claims of other great cities of Italy, for which the citizens of the peninsula and the onlookers of the whole world clamored as the capital of the new state. Thus it is that Eternal Rome is the one place in all the world where the student may be stimulated to pass in review the whole course of western history. Nor is it the stimulation of a mere abstraction. The “lone mother of dead empires” has preserved more than merely site and name in common with the city of the past. Of all the long ages through which she has played her promi- nent part, from the Palatine settlement to the present day, there is no period of which she does not present some visible sign in the monuments within or near her walls. The prehistoric past is to be read in the earliest THE CHURCH OF SAINT PETER, FEBRUARY 12, 1922 PIUS THE ELEVENTH HAS JUST BEEN CROWNED, AND IS ABOUT TO APPEAR IN THE BALCONY TO IMPART HIS BENEDICTION REPRODUCED FROM A COMMERCIAL PHOTOGRAPH ™ Mee ee THE CITY OF THE SOUL 585 cemeteries of Forum and Esquiline and on the museum shelves they have served to fill; the life of the cave has not disappeared from the tufa rocks of Parioli; the hillocks and ravines of the Campagna tell the tale of the geologic age. Of all the various lands whose culture she utilized in the fabric of her own civilization, of all the widely separated climes upon whose life she has reacted, from Egypt and Greece to the states of modern Europe, there is none of which she does not afford concrete representation somewhere in her streets, mu- seums, galleries, and libraries. There are obelisk and tomb and statue from Egypt; there are hoards of coins from the England of Alfred’s time; there are the busts of emperors from Spain and Africa and Thrace; there are gods from the Orient; there is all the life of the German on the upper Rhine and the Dacian on the lower Danube to be read on the imperial columns; the history of the Middle Age and of the nations of modern times is recorded in her manuscripts and on her monu- ments. Of all the phases of the religious experience through which mankind in Europe and the west has passed, her Church has retained the essential. It is ready to minister to every obedient soul, whatever its position in the scale of rank or intellect; it serves the poor and the rich, the nameless and the known, the humble and the proud, the ignorant and the enlightened, the super- stitious and the rational, the democrat and the aristocrat, the young and the old, the white and the black and the yellow and the brown, the simple and the splendid. It is as comprehensive and as contradictory and as human as mankind itself. The study of the monuments and life of Rome is the study of human culture and its 586 ETERNAL ROME sources, and their appreciation is the appreciation of western history. Rome is the epitome of occidental civilization. The flame of Rome’s destiny burns serenely and clear. The greatness of her past has made her future forever sure. ‘That she will ever again possess the su- preme political and military importance once hers can hardly be conceived,—unless indeed the failure of coal and oil and iron shall humble the proud and restore the parity of ancient times. With the conquest, amalgama- tion, and civilization of the world, and with the preser- vation through her Church of its cultural unity dur- ing the Dark Ages, she fulfilled her mission in that field. In the world of the arts and learning, too, it may be that she has performed the task assigned to her by Providence in the encouragement, conservation, and dis- semination, through the same instrumentality, of the in- tellectual achievements of Greek, Roman, and Renais- sance times. Of her mission in the realm of religion, it may here be said only that imagination will not conceive of her ceasing to be the capital of the great masses of Christendom. But whatever her political, intellectual, or ecclesiasti- cal part in the affairs of the future, Rome will never lose her importance in the history of human culture. In the domain of the spirit, she will indeed be the Eternal City. So long as the civilization of Italy, Kurope, and the western world shall be conscious of its origin and of its progress from age to age, she will continue to be the one point on the surface of the earth where the white man may best pause to contemplate the cycles of ex- perience through which his race has passed, and best THE CITY OF THE SOUL 587 meditate on the frailty of human nature, the mutability of fortune, the woeful pageants of “this wide and uni- versal theater,” the remoteness and yet the nearness of antiquity, the continuity of history, and the divine strain in the affairs of men. THE END ie \ Wik ee PAR ONT ST Wht ae an BAe | Ni NW AT as ae i \ | j a) He eat FAT aA i WiLiuute hile itt Slave t (Oe MA ed WY re A ORBLE DOD A era | ten is i NNR Mi, ih t as CHRONOLOGY Chapter I, B.c. 1100 Approximate date of Dorian invasion of Greece. 1000 Approximate date of northern invaders’ arrival in Latium. 800 Approximate date of Etruscan arrival in Italy. Chapter IT. 753 Traditional date of the founding of Rome. 510-509 Expulsion of the kings and beginning of the Re- public. Chapter III. 494 Beginning of tribunate of the people. 493 Rome at the head of the Latin league. 480 Defeat of Carthaginians by Sicilian Greeks at the Himera. 474 Defeat of Carthaginians and Etruscans by Greeks at Cume. 449 The Twelve Tables. 445 Plebeians win right to intermarriage with patricians. 443 Censorship established. 431 Roman supremacy from Fidene to Tarracina. 400-200 Planting of Roman colonies in Italy. 396 Fall of Veii. 390 Approximate date of taking of Rome by Gauls. 367 Licinian laws; first plebeian consul. 351 First plebeian censor. 388 Final defeat of Latin allies. 337 First plebeian pretor. 290 Samnite wars end with submission to Rome. 272 Fall of Tarentum and control of southern Italy. 252 First plebeian pontifex maximus. 265-241 First Punic war. DOO? ETERNAL ROME 238-149 Cato. 218-202 Second Punic war. 197 Defeat of Macedonians at Cynoscephale and liberation of Greece. 190 The Romans in Asia. 185 Death of Scipio Africanus. 168 Pydna and the subjugation of Macedon. 149 Death of Cato. Chapter IV. 149-146 Third Punic war. 146 Destruction of Carthage and Corinth. 140 War in Lusitania. 153-133 War in Spain; the fall of Numantia. 133 Death of Tiberius Gracchus. 121 Death of Gaius Gracchus. 102-101 Victories of Marius and Catulus over Cimbri and Teutons. 102-88 Marian influence. 90-89 Social war; the Italians win rights from Rome. 88-78 Sullan régime. 86 Death of Marius. 70-66 Rise of Pompey. 63 Cicero’s consulship and the conspiracy of Catiline. 62 Death of Catiline. 58-49 Cesar’s conquest of Gaul. 48-44 Cesarian régime. 43 Death of Cicero. 42-28 Establishment of the Augustan régime. 27-14 a.p. Reign of Augustus. Chapter V. B.c. 1000 The earliest Greeks in Italy at Cume. 735 Beginning of active colonial movement to Italy and Sicily. 600 Approximate date of the founding of Marseilles. 583 First statue of a deity at Rome. CHRONOLOGY 591 578-534 Traditional date of Servian reform. : 431 293 272 240 217 212 197 168 173 161 155 150 146 Temple to Apollo vowed. The worship of sculapius brought to Rome. Conquest of Magna Grecia and beginning of active Greek influence. First Greco-Roman poems and plays. All the principal Greek deities now established at Rome. Capture of Syracuse with Greek spoils, Flamininus and the liberation of the Greek cities from Macedon. Paullus’ defeat of Perseus and tour of Greek centers. Dismissal of Epicurean teachers from Rome. Banishment of Greek philosophers and rhetors. Dismissal of Greek philosopher-envoys from Rome. The stone theater ordered down. Sack of Corinth. 106-43 Cicero. 96-55 Lucretius. 70-19 Virgil. 65-8 Horace. 63-14 a.p. Augustus. Chapter VI. 14-37 Tiberius. 37 41 54 Caligula. Claudius; expedition to Britain. Nero. 68-69 Galba, Otho, Vitellius. 69 79 81 96 98 Hale 138 161 180 Vespasian. Titus; Jerusalem. Domitian. Nerva. Trajan; Dacia and the east. Hadrian. Antoninus Pius. Marcus Aurelius; the north. Commodus. 592 ETERNAL ROME Chapter VII. 193 Pertinax and Julianus. 198 Septimius Severus. 211 Caracalla. 217 Macrinus. 218 Heliogabalus. 222 Alexander Severus. 235 Maximin. 238-244 The three Gordians. 244 Philip the Arab. 249 Decius. 251 Gallus. 253 Valerian. 260 Gallienus. 268 Claudius Gothicus. 270 Aurelian. 275 Tacitus. 276 Probus. 282 Carus. 283-284 Carinus and Numerian. 284 Diocletian. 306 Maxentius. 306 Constantine. 3837 Constantius. 361 Julian. 363 Jovian. 864 Valentinian and Valens. 366-384 Damasus bishop of Rome. 366 Pretextatus pretor of Rome. 375-383 Gratian. 379 Theodosius. 392-394 Rebellion of Eugenius. 395 Honorius. 395-408 The poet Claudian flourishes. 340-402 circa The orator and consul Symmachus. CHRONOLOGY 593 Chapter VIII. 58 Paul’s Epistle to the Romans. 64 Nero’s persecution. 84-96 Domitian. 111-113 Pliny and the Christians in Bithynia. 124 circa Hadrian’s rescript. 160 circa Birth of Tertullian. 164 and 167 circa Persecutions of Marcus Aurelius. 210 circa Persecution of Severus. 217 Calixtus I. 235-238 Maximin. 249-251 Decius. 251-252 Gallus. 257-258 Valerian’s persecution. 269-270 Persecutions of Claudius and Aurelian. 303-305 Diocletian’s persecution. 313 Edict of Constantine. 341 Prohibition of sacrifices. 348-420 Jerome. 354-430 Augustine. 361-363 Julian’s attempt to revive paganism. 366-384 Damasus; rioting Christians. 379-395 Reign of Theodosius. Prohibition of pagan worship and confiscation of temples. 374-397 Ambrose bishop of Milan. 387 Augustine baptized at Milan. 394 Momentary revival of paganism under Eugenius. Chapter LX. 404 Visit of Honorius to Rome. 410 Alaric takes the city. 440-461 Leo I. 455 Genseric sacks Rome. 472 Siege of Rome and death of Anthemius. 476 Odoacer succeeds Romulus Augustulus. 489-526 Theodoric the Ostrogoth. 594 ETERNAL ROME 586-567 Goth and Byzantine: Vitiges and Belisarius; Totila and Narses. 590-604 Gregory I. 568-774 The Lombard supremacy. 754,756 Pepin in Italy. 800-888 Charlemagne and the Carolingians. 845-857 Leo IV; Saracen invasion; building of Leonine walls. 888-962 Varied control of Rome: Marozia, Theodora, Hugo, Alberic. 962-1024 Otto I and the Saxon line. 1024-1125 The Franconians. 1078-1085 Gregory VII. 1077 Gregory VII and Henry IV at Canossa. 1084 Robert Guiscard’s sack of Rome. 1096-1291 The crusades. 1125-1254 The Hohenstaufen. 1190 Death of Barbarossa. 1182-1226 Saint Francis of Assisi. 1198-1216 Innocent III. 1250 Death of Frederick IT. 1265 Charles of Anjou senator of Rome. 1265-1821 Dante. 1267-1337 Giotto. 13804-1874 Petrarch. 13805-1877 The papacy at Avignon. 1347 Cola di Rienzo tribune of Rome. Chapter X. 1877 Return of the papacy under Gregory XI. 1417 Martin V, Colonna, and the end of the forty years’ schism. 1431 Eugenius IV, Condolmieri. 1444-1510 Botticelli. 1444-1514 Bramante. 1446-1524 Perugino. 1447 Nicholas V, Parentucelli. 1452-1519 Leonardo da Vinci. 1455 Calixtus III, Borgia. CHRONOLOGY 595 1458 Pius II, Piccolomini. 1464 Paul II, Barbo. 1471 Sixtus IV, Rovere. 1475-1564 Michelangelo. 1481-1537 Peruzzi. 1483-1520 Raphael. 1484 Innocent VIII, Cibo. 1485-1546 Sangallo the younger. 1492 Alexander VI, Borgia. 1503 Julius II, Rovere. 1507-1573 Vignola. 1513 Leo X, Medici. 1522 Hadrian VI, Dedel. 1523 Clement VII, Medici. Chapter XI, 1525 Defeat of Francis I, ally of Clement VII, at Pavia. 1527 Sack of Rome by the constable of Bourbon, general of Charles V. 1584 Paul III, Farnese, and the counter-Reformation. 1541-1604 Della Porta. 1550 Julius III, Del Monte. 1555 Paul IV, Caraffa. 1556-1629 Maderna. 1559 Pius IV, Medici. 1566 Pius V, Ghislieri. 1572 Gregory XIII, Boncompagni. 1585 Sixtus V, Peretti. 1590 Urban VII, Castagna. 1591 Innocent IX, Facchinetti. 1592 Clement VIII, Aldobrandini. 1598-1680 Bernini. 1599-1667 Borromini. 1605 Paul V, Borghese. 1621 Gregory XV, Ludovisi. 1628 Urban VIII, Barberini. 1644 Innocent X, Pamfili. 1655 Alexander VII, Chigi. 596 ETERNAL ROME 1667 Clement IX, Rospigliosi. 1670 Clement X, Altieri. 1676 Innocent XI, Odescalchi. 1689 Alexander VIII, Ottobuoni. 1691 Innocent XII, Pignatelli. 1700 Clement XI, Albani. 1721 Innocent XIII, De Conti. 1724 Benedict XIII, Orsini. 1730 Corsini, Clement XII. 1740 Benedict XIV, Lambertini. 1758 Clement XIII, Rezzonico. 1769 Clement XIV, Ganganelli. 1775 Pius VI, Braschi. | Chapter XII. 1749-1808 Alfieri. 1785-1873 Manzoni. 1789-1854 Pellico. 1789-1815 French revolution and Napoleon. 1796 Cisalpine republic. 1798 Roman republic. 1798-1837 Leopardi. 1799 Death of Pius VI in exile. 1800-1828 Pius VII, Chiaramonti. 1804 French empire absorbs Rome. 1805 End of Holy Roman empire; kingdom of Italy. 1805-1872 Mazzini. 1807-1882 Garibaldi. 1808 Rise of the Carbonari. 1810-1861 Cavour. 1809 Captivity of Pius VII. 1814 Return of Pius VII. 1815 Return of the despots. 1820-1821 Risings in Naples and Piedmont. 1820-1878 Victor Emmanuel. 1823 Leo XII, Della Genga. 1829 Pius VIII, Castiglione. 1830 Paris revolution. 1831 1834 1834- 1846 1848- 1850 1851 1859 1860 1860 1861 1866 1867 1870 1871 1876 1878 1878 1882 1896 1900 1903 19 D1- 1914 1915- 1922 1922- CHRONOLOGY 597 Gregory XVI, Capellari; risings; Young Italy. Garibaldi’s attempt on Piedmont, and flight. 1848 Garibaldi in South America. Pius IX, Mastai. 1849 Constitution of Charles Albert; flight of Pius IX; Roman republic. Return of Pius IX. Napoleon III. French and Italians defeat the Austrians; cession of Lombardy. Garibaldi and the Thousand. Annexation of Emilia, Tuscany, and the papal states. First Italian parliament at Turin; death of Cavour. War with Austria and cession of Venetia. Garibaldi’s defeat at Mentana. The Italian army enters Rome. Chapter XIII. The government transferred to Rome. The liberals in control. Deaths of Victor Emmanuel and Pius IX. Humbert; Leo XIII, Pecci. Triple Alliance; death of Garibaldi. Marriage of Victor Emmanuel and Helen of Montenegro. Victor Emmanuel IIT. Pius X, Sarto. 1918 War with Turkey; annexation of Tripoli. Benedict XV, Della Chiesa. 1918 The Great War; annexation of Trieste and the Trentino. Pius XI, Ratti; the fascisti assume the government. 1924 Mussolini with full powers. WW uM it eae INTE [ aa arty von} Aiea hi may 4 VA Ve \ iy {CUR AOD TAY Wate pee : Hi ii i Fl Lal Ay | Were at | at } ny i MN A hi nia pty Linh RR PENN NOTES The plan and the scope of Errernat Rome will have made clear the reason for such omissions as may disappoint the reader in search of special detail. It is not meant for the specialist, except as it may help him to the sense of proportion and continuity. It is written chiefly for those who feel the need of large vision, and who will be thankful for such vision of the city which has been continuously dwelt in for upwards of thirty centuries, for twenty centuries has played a leading part on the stage of occidental life, and is still more than any other spot the capital city of the world. Its origin was in the inspira- tion of residence as student and lecturer in the American Acad- emy in Rome. The notes which follow, and especially the bibliography com- prised by them, are not intended to be exhaustive, or even extensive, but only to indicate main currents of information, which will themselves conduct those who desire it back to more devious tributaries; and no pretence is made to conclusive dis- cussion in matters of controversy which from the nature of the case will never cease to be such. CHAPTER I Page , 3. The submerged area extended to the Apennines at Lucca and Pistoia, and was marked in the north by many 1is- lands ; but our interest will be confined to the portion ly- ing south of Soracte and the lake of Bracciano and including the Alban mountains. These are roughly the limits of the Roman Campagna. The term Latium will denote the wider area including also the borders of the Apennines. 3-7. For the geology of Latium: Brocchi, Dello stato fisico del suolo di Roma, 1820; Paolo Mantovani, in Mono- grafie della citta di Roma, 1879; Plattner, Bunsen, et al., Beschreibung der Stadt Rom, I, p. 45. 600 ETERNAL ROME For the geology of Rome: A. Verri, Carta geografica di Roma, Novara, 1915. Verri distinguishes the following geologic planes: 1, sediment of the open sea; 2, coast and marsh deposits; 3, lower tufa, dark or yellowish grey; 4, lower pozzolana or ash, blackish or ruddy- brown; 5, upper pozzolana, ruddy or violet-brown, largely converted by the action of water into the tufa of the Roman builders; 6, fluvio-lacustrine deposits; 7, lacustrine deposits and alluvium with ruins and débris. Many of these planes are easily detected, but it must not be supposed that they are all to be read in any single place. Volcanic upheaval and rushing water confused and sometimes even obliterated them. There were plenty of Chelléen and Moustérien men in central Italy not far from Latium, as well as in other parts of the peninsula; to deny all significance to the isolated paleolithic finds in the gravel of the Tiber and Anio and elsewhere, and to say that no men of the old stone age saw Latium, is austere treatment of evidence. For early Italian race-character and movement: Peet, The Stone and Bronze Ages in Italy and Sicily, Oxford, 1909. See also Sergi, The Mediterranean Race, English edition, 1901; and, for greater detail, Pigorini, Le pid antiche civilta dell’ Italia, in Bullettino di paletnologia italiana, vol. xxix, and Helbig, Die Italiker in der Poe- bene, Leipzig, 1879, and Leopold, Mededeelingen van het Neederlandsch Historisch Instituut te Rome, 1922. The custom of painting the bones was known also in the Balkans. Sergi has the Mediterranean race originate in north- eastern Africa and cross to Europe through Crete and Asia Minor (Pelasgians), Spain (Iberians), and Sicily. Peet thinks that it entered Italy through both Sicily NOTES 601 (Proto-Sicilians) and Spain and France (Ligurians). The African branch is called Libyan. Wace, Literary Supplement of the London Times, Oct. 13, 1921, p. 660, attributes the building of Mycenxan walls in Greece to the Achzans. Pigorini sees the successive inhabitants of Italy as fol- lows: 1, palzolithic cave-men; 2, neolithic Ibero-Ligu- rians, bringing hut-building but also inhabiting the paleolithic caves; 38, new race, Aryan, over the central Alps, eneolithic, lake-dwellers, bringing cremation; 4, second invasion, over eastern Alps, full bronze, lake- dwellers and terramara men; 5, partial emigration to Etruria and Latium, where the Villanova culture is de- veloped. Brizio, Epoca preistorica, p. xlu ff., differs from Pigo- rini: 1 and 2, the same; 3, the lake-dwellers and terra- mara men are not a new race, but the Ibero-Ligurians developed ; 4, the terramare are a development of the hut- villages, which are a transition to them from the earlier hut-habitations of the Ibero-Ligurians; 5, same as Pigo- rini; 6, conquest by the Etruscans, in the fifth century, of the terramara civilization in Umbria and the Emilia. Peet, p. 510, concludes with Pigorini that lake- dwellers and terramara men came from central Europe. Helbig’s view that it was the Etruscans who crossed the Alps and crowded the terramara people out of the Po valley receives little support. A cemetery near Castel Gandolfo, on the rim of the Alban lake, was found in 1817 resting in a stratum of 50 inches of yellow volcanic ash covered, first, by a thin stratum of vegetable soil, second, by 86 inches of pepe- rino, and, third, by a stratum of soil 14 inches deep: Lanciani, Ancient Rome, II. 10, §2. The picture is Helbig’s. 602 ETERNAL ROME CHAPTER II 21-23. Platner, Topography and Monuments of Rome, re- vised, Boston, 1911, IV. 24-31. Aineid, VII, 25-36; VIII, 26-65, 102-370; Tibullus, II, 5, 23-38; Ovid, Fasti, I, 243-248, VI, 401-414; Cic- ero, De Republica, IL; Livy, I. Translations are by the author unless otherwise stated. $2-42. Platner, Early Legends and Recent Discoveries, Classi- 34. 35. 37. 38. 39. 46. cal Journal, I, 8, 78-83, suggests the general relation of the monuments of early Rome to the ancient traditional accounts. For the earliest burial-places, in the Forum and on the Esquiline: Platner, 188, 445. For commercial movement in Latin Italy for the period covered by this chapter: Louise E. W. Adams, 4 Study in the Commerce of Latiwm, Northampton, Mass., 1921; Tenney Frank, An Economic History of Rome, Balti- more, 1920, 1-35. In the matter of the stages through which the early city passed, what may be called the canonical account is here adopted. Its clearest statement is in Platner, IV. In spite of objections, it remains the most satisfactory and best attested account of the rise of historic Rome. Livy, V, 54, 4. Cicero, De Republica, II, 6, 11. On the Etruscans and Rome: Frank, II; Adams, V. On primitive Roman religion: Warde Fowler, T'he Reli- gious Experience of the Roman People, London, 1911, VI and VII; Carter, The Religion of Numa, 1906, 1-61; Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der Romer, Munich, ed. of 1912, 18-38. 49, §3. Not the Servian wall, which in its final form could not have been built in the time of the kings; but the preceding NOTES 603 circuit of defence, either on or near the line of the Servian wall, which we must assume to have enclosed the city of the later kings. CHAPTER III 61. ‘Tables of these colonies may be found in Heitland, The Roman Republic, Cambridge, 1909, I, 172, 222. 67. ‘These figures are from Livy and the perioche. 67-70. For individual monuments: Platner; Carter-Huelsen, The Roman Forum. 70. The naval yards: Livy, XLII, 27, 1. 70, §8. The legendary events commemorated by these extio- logical monuments are narrated in Livy, I, 4, 26, 36, 45; 11, 10. 71. Livy, XXXIV, 4, 4; XL, 5,7; Cicero, De Lege Agraria, IT, 96. 72-74, Livy, XXIV, 47, 16; XX XV, 40, '7; XXXIV, 44, 7; DRUID Dig) NOR NW LID 28 040s: XT 21 Gy 10, 6. 74, §2. Livy, XLI, 8, 6-7; XX XIX, 3, 4. 74, §8. Frank, 51 ff. 17. Aineid, LX, 601-612; Ennius, Annales, XV, 401-409 (Vahlen). 78. Livy, XLII, 34. 80. XXITI, 12. 80-81. Warde Fowler, The Roman Festivals of the Republic; Tomassetti, La Campagna romana, I, 98. 81, 1. 15. Livy, III, 26, 7-12. 81-82. Cicero, De Senec., 56; Cato, De Agri Cultura, Pre- fatio; Varro, Rer. Rust., I, 1, 1; Horace, Odes, ITI, 6. 82. Frank, VII, on industry and commerce. 83, 1.1. Livy, X XI, 63, 3. 83, §1. Frank, VI. 604 ETERNAL ROME 84. Livy, XXIII, 14, 1; IV, 45, 2. 85. Cicero, Brutus, 25, 95-96. 86. Lucilius (Marx), 13826-1388. 87. Quintilian, I, 6, 40; Horace, Epistles, II, 1, 86. 87-88. Wissowa, 504 ff.; Fowler, 34-35. 88, ll. 21-28. Livy, XXXII, 1, 9; XX XIX, 7, 8; II, 86; Periocha XIX; Cicero, De Div., I, 16, 29. 89. Livy, XLIII, 13, 1-2. 90. Wissowa, pp. 47 ff.; Showerman, The Great Mother of the Gods, Madison, Wisconsin, 1901. 90. Orig., V, 1; Livy, XXI, 1. 91. XXII, 7, 6-14. 91-98. Livy, XXII, 32, 9; 86, 9; 37, 1-12; 38, 1-5; XXII, 49, 15-17; 55, 6-8; 58, 6-9; 57, 9-10; 61, 1-4, 11-15. 93, §2. XXXIV, 6, 11-14. 93. X XVI, 10,3; 11, 5-7. 94. XLII, 62, 11 and 18. 94-99. For individual characters, see index of Livy. 96-97. Decius: Cicero, De Finibus, II, 61; Tusc. Disp., I, 89 (cf. Pauly-Wissowa, Real. Encyc., 2284). 97, §2. Livy, IX, 16, 12; Perioche, XI-XIV, Val. Max., IV, 3, 5, Cic., De Senec., 48 and 55; De Senec., 16; Plut., Pyrrhus, 20; Cic., De Senec., 15; Aul. Gell., III, 8; Hor., Odes, III, 5; Cic., De Senec., 44; Livy, X XI, 46; XXVI, 50; XXXII, 51. 97, §8. Hor., Odes, 1,12; Cic., De Senec., 10-12. 100-102. Plut., Cato, tr. by Perrin (Loeb Library); Livy, XXXIV, 18; XX XIX, 40; Cic., De Senec. 103. Livy, V, 21, 9. 103, §2. Livy, XXIV, 39; XXXI, 46, 16; XXXVI, 24, 7; XL, 38. 104. Curculio, 466-484. 105. Ennius, Scenica, 319-328. Cicero, De Or., I, 276. 105, §8. Plutarch, Cato. 106. 107. NOTES 605 Livy, TX, 17, 14; Plut., Pyrrhus, 19. LavysnVs cis: CHAPTER IV 111-122. For the period from Cato’s death to the end of the Lhe Lig9.- 1238. Augustan age: Heitland, The Roman Republic; Firth, Augustus. For the expansion of Rome in general: Frank, Roman Imperialism. Livy, Prefatio, 4. Strabo, III, 3, 5, tr. Hamilton; Velleius Paterculus, II, 90, 4. Platner, 57-64. 124, §2. Strabo, V, 3, 5. 126. 127. 128. 129. 1380. 133. 134. 135. 137. 139. 141. 144. 145. Horace, Odes, II, 15, 12-20; Cicero, Ad Att., I, 6, 8, 9, 10; Pliny, N. H., XXXVI, 7 and 114; Strabo, V, 3, 7. Res Geste Divi Augusti, Mommsen, Berlin (1883). Suetonius, Augustus, 29, tr. Rolfe (Loeb Library). Strabo, V, 8, 7: “Such is the Roman rampart, which seems to stand in need of other ramparts itself.” Strabo, V, 3, 8, tr. Hamilton. Hor., Sat., I, 9, Odes, III, 80; Prop., I, 81; Hor., Car- men Sec. Altar of Peace: Platner. Ovid, Amores, III, 2. Polyb., VI, 538, 6; Serv., Ad Aen., VI, 861; Suet., Aug., 100. Frank, An Economic History of Rome, X. De Petit. Cons., 54. Livy, XXXIV, 1; XX XIX, 6, 7-9. Suet., Aug., 99. Livy, Praf., IV, 6, 12; Hor., Odes, III, 6, 45-48. 606 156. 159. 176. 178. 180. 181. 182. 183. BS By Loe 193. 194. 195. ETERNAL ROME CHAPTER V Adams, III; Wissowa, I, 3, pp. 60-75. Duff, Literary History of Rome, II. Cic., De Or., 1, 158-159; Showerman, Cicero’s Apprecia- tion of Art, in Am. Jour. Phil., X XV, 306-314. Showerman, Horace and His Influence, 23-48, Boston, 1922. Livy, XL, 29. Athenod., XII, 547; Plut., Cato, X XII. Pro Flac., IV, 9, 12, 16. De Rep., Il, 4, 8; Livy, XX XI, 44, 9. In general: Ma- haffy, The Greek World Under Roman Sway, London, 1890. CHAPTER VI Cumont, Comment la Belgique fut romanisée, second ed., Brussels, 1919, pp. 11, 105; Haverfield, The Romaniza- tion of Roman Britain, third ed., Oxford, 1914, p. 81; Cumont, 6; Plut., 32, in Mahaffy, 308. Cumont, 95, 96. Gibbon, ch. 3. Pliny, ILI, 66-67. Strabo, V, 3, 7-8. For the fires: Jordan, Topographie der Stadt Rom wm Alterthwm (Huelsen), Berlin, 1906, I, 1, 482; Fried- laender, Sittengeschichte Roms, ninth ed., Leipzig, 1919, ie, 198-200. Platner, index. 200. 203. Pliny, XXXVI, 128; Fowler, Social Life at Rome in the Time of Cicero, London, 1908, 39-42. Frank, 158; Dill, Social Life in Rome from Nero to Marcus Aurelius, London, 1905, 69. NOTES 607 205. Frank, 159-162. 209 ff. For the morals of the Empire: Dill, I and II; Fried- laender, II, IV, and V. 216. Juv., VIII, 20; X, 363; XIV, 47; Tac., IV, 62-63. 217. Tac., XV, 638. 220. Frank, 186, 137. 222-223. Dill, 76, on women. 223. Tac., XI, 21: Curtius Rufus videtur mihi ex se natus; Plut., De Is., 66, 79. CHAPTER VII 234. Dill, Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire, London, 1899, book III 242. Claudian, De Bello Gild., '70; 17-27. 243. Symmachus, Relationes, III (Epist., X, 54, 9); Pru- dentius, Contra Sym., II, 635-648. 245 ff. Platner, index. 247. Curiosum and Notitia, in Urlichs, Codex Urbis Topo- graphicus; or in Richter, Topographie der Stadt Rom, 371-391. 249. Claudian, De Sexto Cons. Hon., 35-52. 250. Am. Marc., XIV, 6. 252. XVI, 10. 256. XIV, 6; XXVIII, 4; the substance of the two passages is here woven together. For appreciations of Ammianus, Claudian, Symmachus, Julian, Macrobius, Ausonius, and other representative characters of the fourth century: Glover, Life and Let- ters in the Fourth Century, Cambridge, 1901. 264. Dill, 149. 267. On military decadence: Dill, 235; Gibbon, ch. 7. 269. Dill, 210. 608 270. yep (tb 276. 282. 2838. 285. 289. 290. 2958. 294. ETERNAL ROME Claudian, De Cons. Stil., III, 186-160; De Bello Goth., 54. Symmachus, Orationes, III, 9. CHAPTER VIII On the catacombs: Lowrie, Monuments of the Early Church, New York, 1901, Il; Marucchi, Eléments d’ar- chéologie chrétienne, Rome, 1899, I, livre deuxiéme. Marucchi, livre premier; Firth, Constantine, New York, ' 1905, Il; Acts, X XVIII. Tacitus, Ab Exc. Div. Aug., XV, 44. Firth, Augustus, 287. Pliny, Ad Traianum, 96, 97. Tert., Apol., 40; 87; Renan, Marc Auréle, Paris, 447. Lowrie, 89; Renan, 451; Burckhardt, Die Zeit Con- stantins des Grossen, Leipzig, 1880, 187; Firth, Con- stantine, 28. Cf. above, pages 46-48. Apul., Metam., XI, 5. 295-297. Cumont, Les religions orientales dans le paganisme 298. 304. 305. 306. 307. 309. 321. romain, Paris, 1907, VII. Somn. Scip.; De Senec., 72-85. Pliny, Ad Traianum, 96. Firth, Constantine, 15. Tert., De Spectaculis, 3. Firth, 19; Spence-Jones, I'he Early Christians in Rome, London, 1910, 193-205. Minucius Felix, Octavius, 8-13. Jerome, Epist., X XII, 30. On the influence of Cicero on the Church: Zielinski, Cicero im Wandel der Jahrhun- derte, Leipzig, 1908, pp. 106-145. 322. 3238. NOTES 609 For a survey of the arts: Lowrie. For the underground basilica, see Curtis, Art and Archeology, June, 1920; Cumont, Revue Archéologique, 1918, VIII, 52. 324-325. Cumont, Les Mystéres de Mithra, IV; The After 326. 327. 327. 328. 328. 329. 336. 337. 338. 339. 340, 341. 345. 348. 349. Life in Paganism, Boston, 1922, VIII. The shows in Rome: Rutil. Namat., I, 201-205. De Broglie, L’église et Vempire romain au quatriéme siécle, L’avertissement, iv. Christians reproved by Jerome: Epist. 107, ad Letam; 22, ad Eustachiwm; cf. Ammianus, X XVII, 38. The agape: Lowrie, 51. Renan, 629; Codex Theodos. Ammianus, XXII, 5, 4; X XVII, 3. CHAPTER IX Jerome, Epist., LX, 16. CXXVII, 12. Dill, Society in Rome in the Last Century of the Western Empire, 809-312; Rutil. Namat., I. Bury, History of the Later Roman Empire, I, 31 ff. §2. Gregorovius, History of Rome during the Middle Ages, tr. by Annie Hamilton, London, 1900, I, 493 n. Much of the detail of this chapter is taken from Grego- rovius. Homily I on the Gospels, in Gregorovius, II, 36. For the theory of the medieval empire: Bryce, The Holy Roman Empire, VII. Patrimonium: Greg., II, 59-61, 365-370; and below, p. 469 f. Lanciani, The Destruction of Rome, New York, 1899. For Alaric in Rome: Greg., I, 117-172; Hodgkin, The In- 610 350. 352. 353. 355. 357. 359. 361. 362. 365. 367. ETERNAL ROME vaders of Italy, Oxford, 1892, book I, chs. 15-17; Lan- ciani, V. Greg., I, 375-479 ; Hodgkin, book V, chs. 4-9, 17-21. Cassiodorus, VIII, 18; VII, 15. Greg., I, 81-2. Lanciani, Ruins and Excavations, London, 1897, 10-16. Marjorian, in Hodgkin, book II, 424. Homily XVIII, in Greg., II, 41. Greg., IV, 287-254; Lanciani, Destruction, XIV. Greg., V, 323-327. I, 82-116. Lanciani, X VI. De Gestis Anglorum, III, 1384; cf. Greg., IV, 249. 368 ff. Rome in the thirteenth century: Greg., V, 657-680; the Campagna: Tomassetti, Campagna Romana, I, 116. 371-373. Petrarch and Rome in the fourteenth century: Greg., 380. 382. 383. 385. 392. 3935. 396. 402. 403. 405. VI, 319-328. The Crusaders: Greg., IV, 287-292. Legends: Comparetti, Virgil in the Middle Ages, London, 1895. Urlichs, Codex Urbis Topographicus, 95, 118, 178. Cf. I Reali di Francia. Nichols, 7'he Marvels of Rome, London, 1889. The Graphia: in Nichols. Cola di Rienzo: Greg., VI, 217-827. Belisarius: Greg., I, 442. Tosti, Storia di Bonifazio VIII, u, 284; cf. Greg., V, 560. CHAPTER X On the state of Rome: Greg., VI, 671-782; VII, 1-88. Poggio, De Varietate Fortune, in Greg., VII, 61. McKilliam, A Chronicle of the Popes, London, 1912; Greg., VII, 580-655; VIII, 120-174. NOTES | 611 412. VIII, 293-411. 418. VIII, 17. 421. Egidius of Viterbo, in Greg., VII, 528. 428-440. The aspect of the city: Ludwig von Pastor, Die Stadt Rom zu Ende der Renaissance, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1916; Greg., VIII, part 1. CHAPTER XI 443. 'The sack of Rome: Gregorovius, VIII, 500-656. 446-4583. The architectural growth of the city: Alfred von Reumont, Geschichte der Stadt Rom, Berlin, 1867-1870, III, 2, 728-735, 738-745. The popes: McKilliam, 415-457. 453-458. Afsthetic, intellectual, and social ministry of Rome: Von Reumont, III, 2, 687-826. 458. Lettres familiéres; cf. Von Reumont, ITI, 2, 824. 459. The popes of the counter-Reformation: Ranke, History of the Popes, tr. Austin, London, 1840, I, 188-2'76, 511; II, 3-149; McKilliam. 462. The growth of the spiritual and temporal power: Beet, The Early Roman Episcopate, London, 1918, II-IV, VIII, IX; Greg., passim; Ranke, I, 8-33; Halphen, L’ad- ministration de Rome au moyen age, Paris, 1907; Grisar, Histoire de Rome et des Papes, Paris, 1906. 466. Jerome, Epist. XXXVI, 1, ad Damasum: postquam epistulam tuae sanctitatis accepi. 469. The patrimonies: Greg., II, 57-62; cf. above, 345, A471. Greg., IL, 53. 475. Halphen, part 2. 480. The character of the popes: Ranke, I, 241-386; McKil- liam, Paul the Third to Gregory the Sixteenth; Ludwig 612 ETERNAL ROME Von Pastor, Die Geschichte der Pépste, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1901-1907. 483. On the papal administrations: Ranke I, 3887-528. 486. Pasquino: Emilio del Cerro, Roma che ride, 'Turin. 490. De Brosses, II, 5. 492. Silvagni, La corte e la societa romana net XVIII e XIX secolt, 1881-1885. 497-498. Grisar, II, 79; Greg., I, 403. 498. Greg., V, 7. 502. Montaigne, Journal de Voyage, Paris, 1909, 259-261. CHAPTER XII Thayer, The Dawn of Italian Independence, Boston, 1899; The Life and T'mes of Cavour, Boston, 1911. Trevelyan, Garibaldi’s Defence of the Roman Republic, Lon- don, 1912; Garibaldi and the Thousand; Garibaldi and the Making of Italy, London, 1914. Holland, Makers of United Italy, New York, 1908. Orsi, Modern Italy, New York, 1900. De Cesare, Roma e lo stato del papa, 1850-1870, Rome, 1904. Del Cerro, Roma che ride. Gregorovius, Roman Journal of, tr. by Annie Hamilton, London, 1907. CHAPTER XIII Garlanda, The New Italy, New York, 1911. Zimmern, Italy of the Italians, London, 1906. Villari, Italian Life in Town and Country, New York, 1902. Underwood, United Italy, London, 1912. Page, Italy and the World War, New York, 1920. INDEX BBE, Benedetti, 492 Abib, 384 Aborigines, 25 Abraham, 279 Absalom, 385 absolutism, 237 absolutist reaction at Rome, 529 abuses of papal officials, 543 academies, 482 Academy, 427 Accius, 70 Acheans, 10 Acilius Glabrio, 284 acolytes, 290 Acqua Claudia, 438; — Felice, 448; — Marcia, 546; — Paola, 449, 535 Acropolis, 152 Actium, 240 Actresses, 260 Acts, The, 282 Adalberga, 382 Adam and Eve, 279 Adams, 549 Admiralty, 123 Adriano Castelli, palace, 428 Adriatic, 56, 57, 61 Aduatici, 138 ediles, 141 /®lian, 220 fAlius Pettus, Publius, 73 /Emilians, 203 fEmilius Lepidus Porcina, Marcus, 86 /Emilius Paullus, 98, 99, 112, 136, 163, 181 /Eneas, 24-25, 153 Aineas Sylvius, Commentarii, 405 Aineas Sylvius on abuse, 418 /Eneid, 183 fEquian colonies, 61 /Equians, 54 /Esculapius, temple, 431 /Esernia, 61 /E sium, 61 ZEsop, 210 /Mtna, 4, 156 Axtolians, 78 Africa, 57, 101, 1383, 187, 141, 242, 289, 290, 306, 510, 585 African, 205, 239 African conquest, 339; — soil, 98 Africano, 200 Africanus, 149 Agape, 278, 328 agriculture, 45, 46, 74, 75, 80-84, 140, 470, 490 agriculture, primitive, 12 Agrippa, 25, 128, 130, 387, 576 Agrippina, 213, 220 Ahenobarbi, 413 Aix, 366 alabaster, 201, 365 Alan, 336, 342 Alaric, 248, 326, 338, 349, 353, 393, 446; — in Italy, 336; — in revolt, 335; — in Rome, 336 Alba, 25 Alba Fucens, 61 Alba Longa, 15, 25, 27, 28 Alban crater, 200; — foothills, 22; — Hills, 70; — lake, 5; — Mount, 5, 6, 8, 15, 25, 88, 237, 576; — mountains, 40 Albani, 450, 493 Albano, 369, 469, 539, 546 Alban people, 28, 35; — slopes, 70, 75, 151; — worship, 27 Albans, 148, 359 Alberic, 343, 473 Albigenses, 476 Albinus, 228 Alboin, 342 Albula, 25 Alcaic, 153 Aldobrandini, 448, 485 Aldovrandi guide, 455 Alemanni, 241 Alexander, 56, 58, 165, 167, 239 Alexander VI, 406, 417, 425, 479; — and Cesar Borgia, 419 614 Alexander Borgia and Pasquino, 486 Alexander VII, 450, 485 Alexander Severus, 228, 232, 355 Alexandria, 56, 167, 189, 330 Alexandrian period, 165 Alexandrians, 173 Alfieri, 457, 458 Alfonso, 421, 422 Alfred, 585 allies, 37, 93 allocution of Pius IX, 532 Alpha and Omega, 278 alphabet, 156, 179 Alpine people, 43; — race, 39 Alps, 10, 11, 18, 238, 240, 271, 397, 508, 581 Alsium, 61 Alta Semita, 247 altar, 311, 575 altar appointments, 498 altar of Peace, 124, 183, 172; — of Peter, 393; — of Victory, 2438 altars, 190, 313 Altieri, Prince, 539, 541 Altieri, palace, 450 Amalasuntha, 382 Ambarvalia, 80, 326 Amboglanna, 190 Ambrose, 331, 838, 364; — and Theodosius, 466; — converted, 321 America, 219, 549 American Academy, 535 American envoy, 552 American Hunters, 514 American Indian, 34 Americans, 230 Amiens, 389 Ammianus Marcellinus, 239, 249, 266-268, 270, 329, 331, 466; — on bishop of Rome, 497; — on the clergy, 327; — on Rome, 250, 252; —on the Romans, 256-264 amnesty of 1850, 553 Ampelius, 257 Ampere, 548 amphitheater, 168, 172, 190, 216, 218, 248, 307; —-, Castrensian, 863; — of Statilius Taurus, 123, 128 amulets, 328 INDEX Amulius, 25 amusements, 154, 168, 175, 220 Anagnia, 89, 93, 484 anarchy, 117, 127, 282, 402, 478, 567 Anatolius, 278 ancient authors, 382 Ancona, 471, 496, 516; — railway, 546 Ancus Martius, 28, 29 Andrea Fulvio, Antichita di Roma, 407 Anibaldi, 361, 369 animism, 293 Anio, 3, 6, 15, 21, 93, 129; — aque- duct, 70 Annals of Rome, 161 anniversaries, 279, 280, 328, 412; — of Rome, 392 Antemne, 15, 26 Anthemius, 339, 350, 363 Antioch, 239, 465 Antiochus, 78, 109, 148 anti-popes, 358 antiquities, collection, 413 Antium, 55, 61 Antonelli, 494, 518, 550, 551, 554, 555 Antoninus and Faustina, temple, 199 Antoninus Pius, 196, 206, 215, 223 Antonius Luscus, 399 Antonius the orator, 137 Antony, 240 Anxur, 54 Anxur-Tarracina, 55, 61 Apennines, 4, 13, 16, 38, 39, 55, 129 Aphrodite, 157; — and. Venus, 294 Apicius, 210 Apollo, 89, 157; —, shrine, 128; —, statue, 183; —, temple, 124, 127 Appian aqueduct, 70; — gate, 446 Appian Way, 70, 135, 151, 198, 247, 276, 282, 350, 361, 393 Appian Way, New, 277 Appius Claudius, 97, 163 Apuleius on the gods, 294 Apulia, 73, 383 Apulia, colonies, 61 aqueduct, Marcia, 127; —, Virgin, 123, 128 aqueducts, 125, 1380, 172, 190, 199, 248; — cut, 351; —, modern, 200 : 0 ee ee INDEX Aquila, 516 Aquileia, 61, 227 Aquinum, 206 Arabs, 508 Araceeli, 366, 436, 475 Arcadia, 24 Arcadius, 335 arch, 44, 172, 575; — of Augustus, 199; — of Claudius, 199; — of Constantine, 230, 247, 355, 361, 436, 451; — of Domitian, 355; — of Gallienus, 245; — of Gratian, 500; — of Hadrian, 199; — of Marcus Aurelius, 199; — of Se- verus, 199, 230, 245, 486, 500; — of the Silversmiths, 245; — of Ti- berius, 199; — of Titus, 172, 199, 361, 436, 451, 500 archeology 32, 455 arches, 128, 190, 249 architecture, 163, 166, 168, 171, 172, 202, 323, 451 f.; —, medieval, 889; —, Renaissance, 408 Ardea, 15, 61, 88 arena, 142, 288 Ares, 157 Argentina, 433 Argentoratum, 433 Argiletum, 68 Arian quarrel, 465 Arians, 295, 329 Aricia, 5, 368 Ariminum, 61, 128 Ariosto, 407 aristocracy, 75, 115, 120, 181, 203, 204, 325 Aristotle, 231 Armellini, 533 Armenian, 118; — protectorate, 188 army, 120, 193, 195, 204, 227, 228, 231, 232, 233, 235, 271; —, papal, 496; — service, 567 Arno, 39, 55, 56 Arnulf of Carinthia, 343 Arnulf of Orleans on Rome, 379 Arpinum, 164, 206 A Roma ci siamo, 563 art, 166, 202, 240; — and Christi- anity, 326; — collections, 455 Art of Love, The, 142 615 Artemis, 157; — and Diana, 294 artisans, 221, 431 arts and learning, Renaissance, 410 arx, 68, 96, 436 Ascanius, 25, 77 asceticism, 320, 328 Asclepiades, 412 Asia, 57, 71, 90, 112, 141, 188, 193, 229, 504 Asia, faiths, 295 Asia Minor, 39, 229, 288 Asiatic war, 98 Asinius Pollio, 128, 165 Aspromonte, 554 assassination, 232, 421, 494 assectatores, 476 assemblies, ancient and modern, 579 assessori, 542 assimilation, 325 Assyria, 14 astrology, 268, 296, 297, 326 astronomy, 297 Astura, 369 Asylum, 26, 253 Ate, 420 Atellan play, 174 Athanasians, 329, 465, 466 Athena, 157 Athenian, 151, 152, 154 Athenians, 183, 294, 309 Athens, 71, 151, 164, 165, 166, 167, 171, 181, 190, 583 Atlas mountains, 118 atonement, 296, 297, 324 Atreus, 77 atrium, 44, 126, 152 Atticist, 152 Atticus, 278 Attila and Leo, 467 Attis, 324 Attius Navius, 70 Atys, 25 aube, 577 Augustan, 178 Augustan city, 198; — empire, 187, 189; — literature, 144; — monu- ments, 363; — reforms, 121, 146; — times, 111, 194, 510 Augustans, 143, 233, 401 Augusti, 238 616 Augustine, 240, 321, 327, 328, 330, 338, 349 Augustus, 30, 115, 118, 119, 120, 122, 123, 125, 126, 127, 128, 181, 189, 144, 151, 154, 163, 165, 187, 196, 197, 198, 202, 203, 204, 206, 207, 211, 215, 232, 236, 237, 245, 250, 267, 326, 357, 405, 577; — and early Rome, 24; — and Greeks, 183; — and religion, 121; — and restoration, 72; —, boundary, 188; —, budget, 220; —, character, 146- 147; —, funeral, 185; — on his building, 127-128; — the reformer, 146, 147 Aulus Gellius on fires, 196 Aurelian, 196, 229, 233, 241, 250, 335, 339 Aurelius, Marcus, 207, 211, 212, 215, 228, 227, 230, 2382, 237, 240, 265, 268, 279, 297, 304, 335, 446; — and Christians, 288 Aurelius Claudius, Marcus, 229 Aurelius Victor, Marcus, 245 Aurora, 271 Ausonius, 239, 338 Austria defeated, 519 Austrian despotism, 515; vention, 516 Austrians, 567 Auvergne, 269 Aventine, 21-22, 28-29, 69-71, 88, 124, 157, 196, 245, 248, 363, 401, 435, 575; — deserted, 360 Aventinus, 25 Avernus, 258 Avidius Cassius, 227-228 Avignon, 342, 344, 347, 370, 380, 402, 424, 478 Avitus, 356 — inter- ABYLON, 331; 583 Bacchus, 577 bakeries, 70, 221 baldacchino, 449, 556 Balkan range, 10 ball, 1381 ball, Torlonia, 550 Bandello, 424 — and Nineveh, INDEX Bandiera brothers, 517 banquets, 312 baptism, 296, 297 Baraguay, 539 Barbarossa, 369, 391 Barberini, 449, 486, 539; 449, 452, 548 Barbo, 413 barons, 343, 361, 364, 394, 428, 478 basalt, 200 basilica and church, 323 basilica of A¢milius Paullus, 68; — of Cato, 68; — of Constantine, 247; — of Julius, 127, 183, 165; — of Maxentius, 247; — of Nep- tune, 123; — of Sempronius, 68; —, underground, 323 basilicas, 104, 128, 152, 248; —, Christian, 291 Basseville, Hugo, 525, 526 Bastarne, 339 bastions, Aventine, 446; — breached, 537 baths, 70, 172, 190, 200, 219, 221, 248; — of Agrippa, 123, 128, 199, 365; — of Caracalla, 199, 245, 246, 435; — of Constantine, 247, 488, 449, 456; — of Decius, 245; — of Dio- cletian, 246, 348, 438, 447; — of Nero, 199; — of Titus, 199; — of Trajan, 199 baths destroyed, 351 battle at gate of San Lorenzo, 398 Beccadelli, 423; —, Hermaphroditus, 422 Beet on Saint Peter, 463 Belgium, 190, 191, 192 Belisarius, 340, 350, 351, 352, 856; —, letter to Totila, 393 Bellay, Cardinal du, 457 Belli, 454, 523 bell-towers, 364 Belvedere, 406, 409, 428 Bembo, 424 Benedict IX, 378 Benedict XIII, 450, 481, 485, 495 Benedict XIV, 451, 481, 482 Benedictines, 381 Beneventum, 61 Benjamin of Tudela, 383 — palace, 354, INDEX Benozzo Cozzoli, 408 Benvenuto Cellini, 454 Berber, 205 Berengar of Friuli, 343 Berni, 407 Bernini, 450, 454 bersaglieri, 534 Berthier, 526, 527 Bessarion, 404, 406 Bethlehem, 337 Bianchini, 456 Bible, 489, 551, 552 Biblical heroes, 383 Biondo, 404 bishop of Albano, 498; — of Arles, 840; — of Caiazzo, 556; — of Ostia, 498; — of Porto, 498 bishop of Rome, 327, 344, 346, 370, 463, 465, 466, 467, 497 bishops, 290, 327, 329, 331, 336, 468, 485, 497, 556 Bithynia, 112, 285, 288 Black Death, 372 Black sea, 188 blasphemy, 484 Boadicea, 187 Bobbio manuscripts, 455 Bocca della Verita, 542 Boccaccio, 422, 424 Boethius, 390 Bohemia, 228 Bologna, 388, 477, 512, 514, 516, 523; — railway, 546 Bonaparte, 458, 528 Bonaparte, Joseph, 526 Bonaparte, Louis, 458 Bonaparte, Lucien, 458 Bonaparte, Pauline, 458 Boniface IX, 478 Bononia, 61 Books of Numa, 180 Bordeaux, 239 Borghese, 449, 485, 527, 550 Borghese, Camillo, 458 Borghese estates, 457; — _ palace, 449, 452 Borgia, 405, 421; — palace, 428 Borgia, Cesar, 420, 423 Borgo, 550 Borgo Nuovo, 409, 429 617 Borgo, rione, 430, 439 Borromini, 453 Bosporus, 238, 242, 393 Botticelli, 408 Bourbons, 458 Bracciano, 6 Braccio Nuove, 451 Bramante, 410 Bramantino, 408 Brancaleone, 361, 364, 477 Brand, Sebastian, 426 Braschi, palace, 451, 486 Braun, 548 bravi, 421 Bread and the Circus, 269 bread and games, 211 brick, 129 bridge, A : 5 ee Pg aN iy A Maley Eye Rigg Fea Bact Ral hg ae pe eis oe eae me CS : : , ants poe os We er! Seer ‘ E ; eRe + ‘ . ser $ - riage ae ie os a Teta ie he =: " ‘ Sy tytn . Sing 3 rye 2 Parad) » z . Pe ee ae ve ; Te en eh ¢ ee Mt? i LL ie eee oh se Pee es 2 ee ee a mere pays : aay + ; Be Pet ok 4 ah og Sg oe 2 : Se he oe es ee ond Sot Ms aed ee eee DP ee tp ke 2 BCL See ee Eee te ee A ext gt eter Ske fe 3 ARS ee fi Feds A og LL TA tea re Cee Pe oe : ‘ PS ee SL dhe HE A eons “ps Be be Pk ad Re gy Me ee 6 ae