NS RIAVVg SR LAK SS AX \ YS \ o hh RV WY : \ SS . = AN - WAV ke \ SSS » ‘ MA ” iC ~ * = | Sa y # s 4 ny wn rai 7 4% 4 fe] a ‘ Ah Wert ergy’ oy THE GATEWAY COR (RALDRSTINE LO MY WIFE Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2022 with funding from Princeton Theological Seminary Library ; https://archive.org/details/gatewayofpalesti00tolk [quo] HLYON THL WOU ‘viél NI ALIO G10 AHL : VaAve I Sl A HISTORY OF JAFFA By S. TOLKOWSKY ‘** History compels us to fasten on abiding issues, and rescues us from the temporary and transient. Politics and history are interwoven, but are not commensurate.”’ f Lorp ACTON. *“ Many famous men have been buried under ground, Of whose existence on earth not a trace has remained.”’ THE GULISTAN OF SA’DI. Bole ey Rot Qe Cob APR LE Sp BOONE NEW YORK |! | 1925 Printed in Great Britain by St. Stephen’s Press, St. Stephen Street, Bristol. PREFACE The name of Jaffa (Hebrew Yaphé, Arabic Yéfd) is of Phoenician origin and means ‘‘ the beautiful’’ or, according to St Gregory of Nazianzus, ‘‘ the observatory of gladness’’ ; and the fame of its beauty has never ceased throughout the ages of history. An Egyptian traveller, thirty-two centuries ago, praises the charm of its gardens; a Jewish pilgrim of the Middle Ages calls it ‘‘the Beauty of the Seas’’; and the French poet, Lamartine, writing at the beginning of the last century, describes it as ‘‘a perfect abode for a man weary of life, and who desires nothing but a place in the sun.’’ Few towns, indeed, can rival Jaffa, with its white or gaily-coloured houses towering amphitheatrically above one another up the steep slopes of its rocky promontory, with its two wings of yellow sand-dunes stretching north and south along the shore, and with its green belt of orange groves covered at one and the same season with the gold of the ripening fruits and the snow of the new blossoms. Long rows of cypresses, designed to screen the fruit-trees from the sea-winds, cut dark lines across the emerald expanse of leaves which here and there is studded with the red, flame-coloured, star-shaped blossoms of the pome- granate. During the day the air currents that rise vertically from the heated surface of the soil lift the scent of the orange flowers high up into the sky, where it is lost; but, in the still- ness of night, all the perfumes of Provence and all the scents of Arabia fade into insignificance compared with the powerful fragrance which the cool wind that blows down from the moun- tains of Judah carries with it for miles over the dark blue sea, telling the mariner that the Land of Promise is near. But if the fertility of its soil and the bold outline of its site expressed itself in beauty that attracted and charmed the traveller, these same circumstances and others, arising out of the geographical location of the town and the topographical features of its immediate surroundings, resulted in endowing Jaffa with great military strength and agricultural and commer- cial wealth. Thus it is that Jaffa became a standing temptation to the pirates of the sea and the roving bedouins of the desert, an obstacle alike and a coveted prize to every invader and con- queror, a terra irredenta to every nation that ever ruled on the Judaean mountains. No other city, perhaps, has been so often besieged, captured, sacked, destroyed, and rebuilt. ‘Yet, notwithstanding the romance of its eventful career, THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE writers on Palestine, fascinated by the spiritual glory of Jerusalem, have left Jaffa entirely aside and have made no attempt, so far, to present a comprehensive picture of its his- tory. It is true that the many radical destructions which the city has undergone have left very few monumental remains capable of arresting the interest of the lover of old things. But the records of Babylon and Egypt, of Phoenicia and Assyria, of the Hebrews and the Greeks, of Rome and Byzantium, of the Arabs and the Latins, as well as the narratives of the many pilgrims of the great religions to whom Jerusalem is holy, are comparatively rich in reminiscences referring to our town. To collect this widely scattered material, to sift and to check it, and to attempt to reconstruct out of it the history of Jaffa, is the purpose which I have set myself with the present volume. I have to express my acknowledgments to the various friends whose kindness in allowing me to peruse their libraries has enabled me to supplement the material in my own possession ; foremost amongst these friends are: Colonel Harold J. Solomon, late Director of the Department of Commerce and Industry of the Government of Palestine, Mr. H. C. Luke, late Assistant Governor of the Jerusalem District, Mr. Albert M. Hyamson, Controller of Labour of the Government of Pales- tine, and Dr. Arthur Ruppin, of the Zionist Executive in Jerusalem. I also wish to thank Messrs. Frederick Murad and Ali Effendi el-Mustakkim, both of Jaffa, for their kindness in supplying me with information relating to events at Jaffa within the period covered by their own recollections. The illustrations are partly reproductions of material pub- lished in the works of previous writers, z#z. al. in the Quarterly Statements of the Palestine Exploration Fund, to whose Com- mittee I herewith express my obligation for their permission to reproduce the pictures in question. The 1923 map of Jaffa and Tel Aviv was specially drawn for the present volume by the technical services of the Township of Tel Aviv. ‘The pictures of Jaffa by Kootwijck and Lebrun are from photographic re- productions which were kindly made for me by the learned Fathers of the Ecole Biblique des Dominicains de St Etienne at Jerusalem. The two aerial photographs of Jaffa taken by the German Flying Corps in 1917 were graciously placed at my disposal by Mr. Arieh Salomon, of Jaffa; whilst the aerial views reproduced on pages 2, 162, 164, 165, 175 and 176 were specially taken for this book in July, 1923, by the R.A.F. Station at Ramleh (Palestine), a courtesy which I deeply appreciate and for which I express my sincere gratitude to Air Vice-Marshal Sir Henry Hugh Tudor, K.C.B., C.M.G., General Officer Commanding the Troops in Palestine, and to the officers under his command. Jaffa, February, 1924. Debs CHAPTER. CONTENTS I. Tue BEGINNINGS (c. 4000-2500 B.C.) II. JAFFA UNDER THE PHARAOHS (c. 2500-803 B.C.) III. JAFFA UNDER THE ASSYRIANS, (803-332 B.C.) BABYLONIANS AND PERSIANS IV. JAFFA UNDER THE GREEKS AND THE JEWS (332-66 B.C.) V. JAFFA UNDER THE ROMANS AND THE BYZANTINES (66 B.C.-A.D. 636) VI. JAFFA UNDER THE ARABS (A.D. 636-1099) VII. JAFFA UNDER THE FRANKS (A.D. 1099-1268) VIII. JAFFA UNDER EGypTIAN RULE (A.D. 1268-1516) IX. JAFFA UNDER THE TURKS (1516-1917) AND UNDER THE BRITISH OccuPATION AND MANDATE (since 1917) APPENDIX I: 3 jh i THE JUDEO-GREEK NECROPOLIS OF JAFFA TEL AVIV THE ORIGIN OF THE JAFFA ORANGE STATISTICS OF SHIPPING, TRADE, AND POPULATION OF JAFFA, FROM 1886 TO (a) Movement of Ships at Jaffa, 1886-1922 (b) Trade of Jaffa, 1886-1922 (c) Export of Jaffa Oranges, 1885-1923 (d) The Population of Jaffa, 1886-1922 Books AND ARTICLES QUOTED INDEX THE 1923 PAGE ts ie Bai Ma, i ay | F Ae i Peet. Thy 4) pea a TAA ie eva MIS TO Ble S PRAT ONS PAGE Jarra: THE OLD CITY IN 1914, FROM THE NoRTH frontispiece JAFFA: THE ARAB TOWN IN 1923, FROM THE NORTH facing 2 THE EcGypTiIAN NAME OF JAFFA 13 THE PRAYER OF BEN AsBpas (Pheenician inscription) 41 Coin oF Jarra (c. 60 B.C.) 58 %» % 58 ROMAN COIN COMMEMORATING NAVAL VICTORY AT JAFFA 70 ” oe) ” 9 7O ROMAN Corin INScRIBED JOPPE FLAVIA 71 INSCRIPTION OF THE EMPEROR FREDERICK II 117 JAFFA IN 1483 facing 132 JAFFA IN 1598 a 134 JAFFA IN 1675 “ 134 JAFFA IN 1726 “4 138 BONAPARTE VISITING HIS PLAGUE-STRICKEN SOLDIERS Pe 150 THE BAZAAR AND FOUNTAIN OF ABU-NABBUT IN 1834 Wy 154 THE SEBIL ABU-NABBUT IN 1914 “3 154 JAFFA IN 1839 og 158 Map oF JAFFA IN 1863 me 160 THE AJAMI QUARTER IN 1923 He 162 JAFFA IN I917 ys 164 THE OLD CiTy IN 1923, FROM THE WEST S5 165 THE OLD City IN 1923, FROM THE EAST 8 166 HEBREW TITULUS FROM THE JUDEO-GREEK NECROPOLIS 170 GREEK TITULUS FROM THE JUDEO-GREEK NECROPOLIS 72 JAFFA AND TEL AVIV IN 1917 facing 174 THE CENTRAL ParT OF TEL AVIV IN 1923 Pe 176 A CoRNER OF TEL AVIV IN JULY, 1923 ¥ 178 Map OF JAFFA AND TEL Aviv, JULY, 1923 177 SKETCH Map OF PALESTINE at end of volume ALi tigaare ay Ges i ona, < %s ' Avia é ' va! NOTE ON ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THE FOOTNOTES P.E.F.Q.S. Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statements Babi tS: Palestine Pilgrims’ Text Society LMD.P.V. Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palastinavereins Aa f MF “ 7 Ay ) lak ciple) i ' ALT ae j ai hala , CTA TE Rat THE BEGINNINGS (ce. 4000—c. 2500 B.C.) Jaffa is one of the oldest existing cities of the world. Pliny, and Pomponius Mela’ after him, tell us that it was founded even prior to the Deluge; other ancient authors are more precise and ascribe its foundation and the origin of its name to Japhet, one of the sons of Noah. One thing is certain, namely, that the oldest historical records we possess to-day are of more recent date than the first foundation of the city. The site of Jaffa was, indeed, predestined to give rise to an important settlement. A rocky hill, about 130 feet high, steep towards the sea but with a gentle slope on the land side, with lower ridges stretching forth from it towards the north and the south, represents the only eminence of the kind and the only strong position on the shallow coast from Egypt to Mount Carmel. A true cape, it projects into the sea, a landmark visible from a far distance; the shore, just north of it, bends inward and forms a small bay with a deep sandy beach. In front of the main hill a low line of reefs extends into the waters in a rough semi-circle, forming a shallow natural harbour. Behind the hill, there stretches a tract of fertile soil, rich in water at a moderate depth : a region which the hill and its northern and southern prolongations have screened from the 1 Joppe Phoenicum, antiquior terrarum tnundatione, ut ferunt. Pliny: Historia Naturalis, Lib. V, cap. 13. * De Sita Orbis Libri f11, Lib. I, cap: 2. 2 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE danger of the sand dunes, which everywhere else along this sandy coast have for many centuries been eating their way into the cultivated lands. It is on this side that Jaffa is encircled by the belt of orange groves for which the town is famous; part of the lands covered to-day by these groves was in olden times occupied by marshes, which contributed to increase the natural strength of the site against enemies approaching it from the east. Near the foot of the hill, on its north-eastern side, two perennial springs of good drinking water are happily located in such a manner that, when the town was encompassed by walls, the springs were generally situated within the latter, a circumstance which enabled Jaffa on several occasions to sustain sieges prolonged over several months. The harbour, it is true, is but small and shallow, and all but safe when a strong wind blows from the north or the west. But in those remote times when the Mediterranean Sea was still to the mariner, as Homer says, ‘‘ The perilous gulph of Ocean... That wild expanse terrible, which even ships Pass not, though form’d to cleave their way with ease, And joyful, in propitious winds from Jove,”’ when the sailors’ greatest terror was to be forced “ to roam all night the Ocean’s dreary waste ”’ instead of, as was their usage, beaching their craft when evening fell, and awaiting the return of day, before again confiding their flat-bottomed trading barks to the perils of the waters : in those days even the shallow harbour of Jaffa, with its dangerous reefs, was a welcome shelter. It was, moreover, the place of landing nearest Jerusalem, and was [zg ‘d aan] (yajuny “TRU ayi fq ydvabojoyd Jorsay) HLYON AHL WOU “2st NI NMOL GVUV AHL : Vaave Z Old THE BEGINNINGS 3 situated near the most important crossways of southern Palestine. In front of it passed the oldest trade route and military highway of the world, the “Way of the Sea ” (Via Maris), or the “ Way of the Philistines,’ which led from the Nile to Damascus and the Euphrates, across Mount Carmel and the hills of Galilee; it was also the starting point of all the roads which, by the valleys of the low-country of the Shephelah and the narrow gorges of the Judean mountains, led from the coast and the Via Maris up to Jerusalem and Shechem (Nablus). Thus the natural strength of the hill, the singular strategic value of its geographical position, and the fertility of its immediate surroundings combined to shape the destiny of Jaffa as a place of great importance, commercial as well as military: a harbour to own which was, at all times, the fervent wish of those in power at Jerusalem, a landing-place essential alike to the peaceful traders and the con- querors from the sea, a naval base which opened to him who held it, the maritime road between Palestine and Egypt, and enabled him to dispense with the arduous march across the waterless wastes of the desert of Sinai, a fortress which no army moving either south or north through the Maritime Plain or up from it into the hills could afford to leave unreduced on its flanks or in its rear. And thus also it happens that the history of Jaffa, more than that of any other city of Palestine, reflects, in all its small and big misfortunes, the eventful history of the most frequently and most bitterly contested of countries. It is probably towards the beginning of the fourth millenium B.C. that the maritime plain of Palestine was occupied by its first human inhabi- | 4 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE tants of whom material traces have been found. This population was non-semitic, and had probably entered the country from beyond Jordan, several thousand years before. They were a short-set race of hunters, who had already learned the art of manufacturing flint tools and arms by shivering splinters off the natural stone, and of fashioning out of clay rough pottery for their domestic uses. For dwellings, they had first elected the innumerable caves which are to be found in the limestone hills that fringe the maritime plain along its eastern boundary. This plain was, at the time, divided into two parts of very different aspect and conditions of vegetation. Its northern part, known in Bible times as the plain of Sharon, limited in the south by a line corresponding roughly with the course of the river Auzah that flows into the sea about three miles north of Jaffa, was covered with dense forests of oak which were the haunt of wild animals such as rhinoceros, aurochs, bear and lion; to the south of this forest, however, the region later known as the plain of Philistia was open country, devoid of natural obstacles, and rich in herds of deer, antelopes, and wild goats. Having rested from his wanderings and found a permanent home on the fringe of the plain, the hunter set himself to tame and domesticate sheep, cows and goats, and to cultivate the soil. At the same time, he improved his technique of flint-working and learned to polish his stone implements and arms by artificial friction. But as, better fed and clothed, his numbers rapidly increased, new vacant lands and new dwellings had to be found. Where caves were not available, he selected rocky hills or spurs, and built on their highest point primitive huts of sun-dried clay THE BEGINNINGS 5 bricks, and, for greater safety, surrounded every such settlement with an earth rampart, which he soon learned to face with large stones gathered from the fields. Advancing westwards in search of new lands, along the southern fringe of the forest of Sharon, man at last found his progress arrested by the sea. Here, the hills of Jaffa offered him the ideal site for a permanent settlement: a lofty rock from which the view ranged far over the country, and enabled him to watch the approach of friend or enemy, good stone for building, two copious springs of sweet water, towards the land a belt of marshes that would keep enemies at a distance, an unlimited supply of food in the shape of game from the marshes and shellfish from along the shore. And thus the first community of men was settled at Jaffa. Soon, the easy sandy beach and the com- parative smoothness of the natural harbour within the shelter of the reefs tempted the inhabitants to make closer acquaintance with the waters and the animal world which they contained. Timber could be obtained easily and in plenty from the forests north of the Aujah; a few caves in the seaward slopes of the hills furnished ready-made caches for the small primitive craft and for fishing tackle. The sea was found to be rich in fish of various kinds. The beach was littered, as it is to-day, with empty shells, pierced at the hinge, ready for stringing; these were first picked up as ornaments for personal use, but, later, they became an object of trade with the cities situated further inland. Piles of such shells have been unearthed at Gezer; and, in the sand dunes of Jaffa, there have been found dumps 2 R. A. Stewart Macalister, The Excavation of Gezer, London, 1912, Vol. II, pp. 21 and 94. B 6 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE of flint tools belonging to this or the immediately succeeding period.’ The short fishing cruises of the beginning gradually led to more ambitious expeditions along the coast; and once it was recognised that the sea provided a much better means of communication along the coast than the land route, a regular coast- ing trade came into existence between Jaffa and the other maritime cities. Towards the middle of the third millenium B.C., the peninsula of Arabia began to pour out over the adjoining countries the surplus of its rapidly-in- creasing population of Semitic nomads, who were, henceforth, to cover western Asia with inter- mittently recurring waves of invaders. The first of these invasions was that of the Phoenicians and Canaanites; the most notable of the subsequent ones were those of the Hebrews and, more recently, of the Moslem Arabs. Spreading themselves over the maritime plain, the Phoenicians in Syria, and the Canaanites in Palestine, conquered the settlements of the first neolithic inhabitants. Together with the latter’s possessions, the invaders took over their civiliza- tion; but, thanks to the energy and _ superior intellect and power of adaptation of the Semites, the country soon began to make rapid strides forward on the road of both cultural and material progress. The tools and arms in use continued for some time to be made in polished flint; but, whereas under the previous inhabitants, each man used to make his own implements; in the Canaanite period * Paul Karge, Rephaim. Die vorgeschichtliche Kultur Palestinas und Pheniziens, Paderborn, 1918, p. 179. THE BEGINNINGS 7 flint-knapping became a trade practised by certain specialized individuals. The flint factories of this time are easily to be identified by the heaps of waste chips lying in their neighbourhood. Such heaps of flint chips, found in the dunes near Jaffa,’ indicate that the manufacture of flint tools and arms was one of the early industries of its Canaanite inhabitants. Although no visible remains are known of the city at the period under review, the study of the other Canaanite fortresses which have _ been unearthed in the plain, completed by the scanty in- formation about Jaffa contained in the Egyptian records, which we shall meet later on in the course of this work, enables us to draw what may be taken as a reasonably fair picture of the Jaffa of Canaanite times. The town was composed of an irregular mass of small stone houses crowded together from the top of the hill downwards, without any preconceived plan, and without anything between them deserving the appellation of streets. It was surrounded by a powerful stone wall, built up of large unhewn boulders, the interstices being filled with small stone and loam mortar. In the early days of the city, the population still being few in numbers, the area contained within the walls was small, and the whole fortress occupied only the highest parts of the hill. Consequently, in case of a siege, the city was cut off from access to the springs; and, to obviate the dangers of possible lack of water, rock- cut water cisterns were provided under the houses. Later on, as the population increased, and the area * Karge, Rephaim, p. 179. 8 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE of the city extended, the walls were shifted further and further down the hill, until a time was reached when they comprised both springs within their circle. Heavy towers, built at intervals of eighty or a hundred feet into the wall from which they projected at right angles, increased the defensive strength of the place. The thickness of the city wall, judging by analogy with other towns of this period, may have ranged from 9 to 12 feet, and its height from 30 to 36 feet, thus rendering an assault by portable ladders nearly impossible. The Canaanite fortresses had, as a rule, only one gate- way, and this in itself had the appearance of a fortress. “It was composed of three large blocks of masonry, forming a re-entering face, consider- ably higher than the adjacent curtains, and pierced near the top with square openings furnished with mantlets, so as to give both a front and flank view of the assailants. The wooden doors in the receded face were covered with metal and raw hides, thus affording a protection against axe or fire. The build- ing was strong enough not only to defy the bands of adventurers who roamed the country, but was able to resist for an indefinite time the operations of a regular siege.” Supposing the enemy had succeeded in taking these outer defences, they would find themselves confronted, on the summit of the hill, with a strongly built citadel which con- tained within its precincts the palace of the king (the city constituting a kingdom by itself) and the sanctuary of the chief deities: the Baal or Lord Dagon, patron of fishermen and farmers, and his consort Astarte (Ashtoreth), goddess of love and * Gaston Maspéro, The Struggle of the Nations, London, 1910, p. 128. THE BEGINNINGS 9 fertility. The king’s palace also was enclosed by a strong wall provided with massively-built gates, which could be forced only at the expense of fresh losses, unless cowardice or treachery facilitated the task of the besiegers. The “high place,’ or sanctuary, was composed of an open space with a sacred tree, a row of sacred standing stones, and an altar of sacrifice. The standing stones represented the “house of the god” (deth-el) and were worshipped by being anointed with oil. At one time, the sacrifice of infants, probably first-born males, became a gruesome feature of this primitive cult; similarly when new houses were built, the god was propitiated by the sacrifice of a child whose body, enclosed in a jar, was placed among the foundation-stones of the building. But, as civiliza- tion progressed, human sacrifice was replaced by a symbolic action consisting in placing into the foundations an oil lamp and two small dishes of pottery. The burial customs are reminiscent of conditions in Egypt, at least where chiefs or the wealthier citizens are concerned. Their bodies were placed in caves sunk into the rock, together with the utensils of daily use which were theirs during their life-time : the dishes out of which they had taken their meals, the arms of the warrior, the jewels and mirror of the woman, the toys of the child; for the grave was the “house of eternity,” in which the deceased -was believed to continue leading a second life. The poorer people had probably to be con- tented with a large common grave outside the city walls, where their remains were apt to be disturbed and scattered when the development of the town claimed sites for new dwellings. 10 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE The chief occupations of the inhabitants were fishing and agriculture. The scarcity of rain on the one hand, and the abundance of water in the subsoil on the other, were bound to make the people of Jaffa experts in irrigation. Beautiful orchards of pomegranates and apples interspersed with date- palms, and _ well-cultivated vegetable gardens, sprang up in the immediate neighbourhood of the city; on land, situated too high to be irrigated, flourished the olive and the vine, the fig and the almond; wheat and barley, lentils and beans, were grown on the more distant fields, together with flax for linen. Several industries came early into existence, such as spinning and weaving and dye- ing, the pressing of oil and the manufacture of wine. The acquisition of the potter’s wheel resulted in considerable improvement in the shape and quality of clay products. The development of coastal shipping led to the opening of regular trade routes with Egypt and Cyprus, and even with the coasts of Asia Minor and the distant isles of the /Egean. With the wares of these countries the influence of Egyptian and A‘gean art must have made itself felt in Jaffa as it did in the other cities of Palestine; whilst the importation of copper and bronze led to the gradual substitution of bronze for flint as the principal material employed in the manufacture of arms.’ The constant intercourse with the seaports to the north, and the similarity of the mode of living resulting from their maritime pursuits must gradually have drawn between the population of Jaffa and that of the Phoenician towns closer bonds * Karge, Rephaim, p. 212. THE BEGINNINGS II of relationship than those which united the former to the inland cities of Palestine; with the result that, in the course of time, Jaffa came to be regarded as a Phoenician city. Yet Phoenician, though being the common language of the people, was not the only one in use. During the fourth and third milleniums B.C., Syria and a part of Palestine had been subject to the Sumerian and Babylonian empires; and this long period of political and military influence had resulted in establishing the Babylonian language and script as the official tongue of the country. Whether the Sumerian and Babylonian conquests of these early times extended as far south as Jaffa, we do not know; but several centuries after the disappearance of Babylonian rule in Palestine, we still find—in the Tel-el-Amarna letters of which we shall hear later on—the Chief of Jaffa using the Babylonian language and cuneiform script in his official correspondence with his suzerain, the king of Egypt. CHARTER RWIT JAFFA UNDER THE PHARAOHS (c. 2500—803 B.C.) It was early in the third millenium B.C. that Egypt, for the first time, appears to have carried its arms across the peninsula of Sinai into Palestine; and we have documentary evidence showing that from the VIth Egyptian dynasty on- wards, that is from about 2500 B.C., the Pharoahs no longer hesitated to transport their troops by sea from the mouths of the Nile to southern Syria.” It is more than probable that Jaffa, as the nearest safe harbour beyond the desert, became the chief naval base of the Egyptians in Palestine; but, notwith- standing the importance which they must have attached to their undisturbed possession or control of Jaffa, we do not find the town directly mentioned in the records of Egypt, previous to the reign of Pharoah Thutmosis III, of the XVIIIth dynasty. During the reign of Queen Hatshopsitu, daughter of Thutmosis II, the people of Syria and Palestine had succeeded in throwing off the Egyptian yoke. The rebellion had naturally started in the more distant regions; but by the time Thutmosis III (1501-1447 B.C.) succeeded his mother Hatshopsitu on the throne, Gaza was the only important town left to the Pharaoh in Asia. In the spring 1478 B.C., he first crossed the desert * Gaston Maspéro, The Struggle of the Nations, London, 1gro, p. 192. I2 JAFFA UNDER THE PHARAOHS 13 of Sinai with his army; and in the course of seven- teen campaigns which followed each other, in almost yearly succession, he completely re- established Egyptian rule over all the countries as far as the Euphrates. During the campaign of 1472 B.C. he started by securing the coast and occupying the harbours, including Jaffa; he then returned to Egypt for the first time by water, and hereafter the army was regularly transported to Palestine and Syria by the fleet’. On his return he caused the names of all the 113 cities taken in the course of his campaign to be inscribed on one of the pylons V of his great temple of Karnak; Ke it is on this list that we find the earliest mention of the name of Jaffa, under the form of 0 ij Ya-pu in hieroglyphic represen- tation. That the inhabitants of RHA the country at the time were The Egyptian name of generally wealthy, and lived in sper ihe s Nate nt luxury, may be inferred from the fact that they are mentioned as having chariots of silver and gold, and that many gold and silver articles, inlaid tables, costly vases of copper and bronze, and other valuables are enumerated amongst the spoil taken by the Egyptians.’ It would appear that it is the story of the capture of Jaffa by Thusmosis III’s general Thutyi during this campaign, that is preserved in the “ Papyrus 1 J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt. Historical Documents. Chicago, 1906, Vol. II, p. 167. 2 W. Max Miiller, Die Palestinaliste Thutmosis III, in Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft, 1907, p. 21. ®° S. R. Driver, Modern Research as illustrating the Bible, London, 1909, Pp. 33- 14 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE Harris,” a document written (or copied on some older original) about two hundred years after the event to which it refers.’ Thutyi, having taken with him the great wand of the Pharaoh, which was believed to possess magic powers, starts towards Jaffa with a small force of chariots and 600 infantry, the latter carrying with them 400 large jars and a good supply of ropes and wooden stocks. On arriving before the town, Thutyi sends a message to the prince of Jaffa, in- forming him that he has thrown off his allegiance to Thutmosis III, that he has deserted the Egyptian army after having stolen his master’s magic wand, and that he is ready to espouse the cause of Jaffa, and to take part in its defence. The prince, elated at the prospect of this new and valuable addition to his forces, invites Thutyi into the city, but is prudent enough not to allow the Egyptian soldiers to enter the town as well. After having spent an hour with Thutyi over copious libations of the excellent wine of the region, the prince expresses his wish to see the magic wand. The crafty Egyptian replies that the wand 1s hidden in one of the jars containing the fodder destined for his horses, and that, if the prince will allow the Egyptian soldiers to enter the. town in order to feed their animals, the wand will be found. The prince agrees, and the Egyptian force is allowed to penetrate into the town. The Pharaoh’s wand is brought, and Thutyi uses it to strike a terrible blow at the head of his host, who falls to 1 Translated by Goodwin in Transactions of the Society of Biblicat Archeology III, 340-348, and by Maspéro: Etudes Egyptologiques I, 53-56; see also Maspéro, Les Contes Populaires de l’Egypte Ancienne, Paris, 1889, pp. 149-160, and W. M. Flinders Petrie, Egyptian Tales, Second Series, London, 1913, pp. 2-12. JAFFA UNDER THE PHARAOHS 15 the ground, deprived of consciousness. He then packs 200 of his soldiers into 200 of the jars, fills the other 200 jars with the ropes and the wooden stocks, closes all the jars with his seal, and causes them to be loaded on to the back of his remaining soldiers whom he orders to carry these vessels into the citadel, and, on arrival there, to free their comrades enclosed in them, and to bind the garrison by means of the ropes and stocks. The strange procession arrives before the gate of the citadel, where the herald of the murdered prince is made to proclaim that the Egyptians have been defeated and that their pack train has been captured, together with Thutyi himself. The queen of Jaffa, deceived by this false news of her husband’s victory, orders the gate to be thrown open: the Egyptians, once admitted, make themselves masters of the citadel and the town; and Thutyi triumphant despatches a messenger to Pharaoh, informing him that the city of Jaffa is taken with all its chief inhabitants, and inviting him to send an escort to carry the prisoners to Egypt, where they are destined to join the other male and female slaves of the temple of Amon-Ra, king of the gods. Egypt, in conquering Palestine, had no other object in view than to protect herself against the danger of a new semitic invasion like that of the Hyksos, and at the same time to increase her revenue. Accordingly, as long as the native princes of Palestine acknowledged Pharaoh as their lord, and continued to pay their tribute regularly, they were left free to intrigue and to quarrel among themselves as they liked. The suzerain power was represented by Egyptian officers stationed in the principal towns and supported by small detach- 16 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE ments of Egyptian chariots and infantry; the factors on which the Pharaohs depended chiefly for the maintenance of their rule were the rivalry of the local princes and the intimidating effect pro- duced by the severity displayed during their campaigns and by the cruelty of the punishment inflicted on rebel prisoners. At the same time the practice was followed always to keep a number of young men from the princely houses of the various subject countries as hostages in Egypt, where they were brought up in the manners and ideas of Egypt, in prevision of the time when the Pharaoh’s pleasure would appoint them rulers in their native country, either on the death of the reigning prince or king- let, or on his deposition as punishment for rebellion or other misdeed. A flood of interesting light 1s thrown on con-~ ditions in Palestine at this period by the collection of documents which have become famous under the name of the “ Tel-el-Amarna letters.” When the Pharaoh Amenhotep IV (1383-1365 B.C.) had abandoned the Amon-cult of his fathers for that of the sun-god Aten as source of all life, power and force in the Universe, he changed his name to Akhen-aten and built himself a new capital, as a centre of worship for his new religion. The new city was situated about 170 miles south of Cairo, on the site occupied to-day by the village of Tel-el-Amarna. In 1887, some fellaheen, who were digging for plunder among the ruins and were carrying away the bricks of Akhen-aten’s buildings in order to use them for their modern houses, came upon a buried chamber, containing several hundred clay tablets covered with Baby- lonian cuneiform script. On examination, these JAFFA UNDER THE PHARAOHS 17 tablets proved to be a part of the State archives of Amenhotep IV (Akhen-aten) and his immediate predecessor, Amenhotep III, and to consist mostly of reports and letters addressed to these two kinys by Egyptian governors and native princes in Palestine and Syria, as well as by various foreign sovereigns having relations with Egypt. We learn from this correspondence that the Egyptians were rapidly losing their hold upon their Asiatic possessions. Most of the towns were either in- triguing against, or in open war with, each other, whilst the Hittites in the north and a people called the Habiri (no doubt a branch of the Hebrews) in the east, had crossed the frontiers and were advancing into the country, in many places in alliance with the local inhabitants, and everywhere driving before them the Egyptian garrisons which were much too small to offer any effective resistance. In some of the reports the writers describe the dangers to which they are exposed, and send urgent and sometimes moving appeals to Pharaoh to send them assistance; in others, some of the princes bring complaints and charges of disloyalty against their colleagues, or protest emphatically their own fidelity. Incidentally the letters show that, notwithstanding the political chaos prevailing in the country, a very active maritime trade was going on between the markets of the Nile and the harbours of Palestine, the Egyptian hold being much stronger and more lasting on the towns of the coast than on those further inland. Jaffa (Ya-fu) is mentioned on two occasions in the Tel-el-Amarna correspondence: once in a letter from Abd-hiba, prince of Jerusalem, and once in a letter from Y abitiri, prince of Jaffa and Gaza. 18 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE Abd-hiba, writing at a time when Jaffa was evidently in danger of being attacked by some enemy, reports to Pharaoh that he has sent a number of his own men down to Jaffa to strengthen the garrison of this city, but complains that they have been captured by one Buia, son of Gulat, who is keeping them prisoners.’ Yabitir1 was one of those men of noble family who had spent their youth at the court of Egypt. On his return to Palestine, he had been appointed prince of Jaffa and Gaza, and, as such, he enjoyed the assistance—or was placed under the _ super- vision—of an Egyptian officer in command of a small force. Someone having apparently accused Yabitiri of attempting rebellion, the latter now writes to Pharaoh in an endeavour to justify him- self, as follows :— “ To my lord, the king, my gods, my sun Yabitiri, your servant, the dust of your feet. At the feet of my lord, the king, my gods, my sun, seven and seven times, I fall. Behold further, I am a faithful servant of my lord, the king. I look here and I look there, and there is no light, but I look to my lord, the king, and there is light. And (though) a brick move away from under its coping, I will not remove from under the feet of my lord, the king. Let my lord, the king, ask Yanhamu, his officer. When I was (still) young, he carried me to Egypt, and I served my lord, the king, and stood at my lord, the king’s gate. Let my lord, the king, ask his officer if I do (not) guard the gate of Azzati’ and * See Hugo Winckler, The Tel-el-Amarna Letters, 1896, p. 303. * Winckler, op. cit., p. 303. ° Gaza. JAFFA UNDER THE PHARAOHS 19 the gate of Yapu. I am also with the troops of my lord, the king. Wherever they march, I am with them, and so [am with them now. The yoke of my lord, the king, is upon my neck, and I am bearing it.” Whilst giving us but little direct information about Jaffa, the Tel-el-Amarna letters do show us that, early in the fourteenth century B.C., Jaffa was an important fortress, seat of an Egyptian garrison, and ruled by a native prince acting as governor for Egypt. That its undisturbed possession was looked upon as a matter of vital importance to Pharaoh is proved by the fact that the prince of Jerusalem, himself threatened by the Habiri, does not hesitate to deprive himself of a part of his own men in order to strengthen the garrison of the sea port. The circumstance, moreover, that it is pre- cisely Jerusalem that is called upon to furnish the additional levies required for Jaffa, is evidence to the close solidarity of interest which united the principal town of the Judean mountains and the chief harbour of southern Palestine in the four- teenth century B.C., as at present. The appeals of the princes and governors of Palestine remained unheeded. Neither Akhen- aten, occupied exclusively with his religious reforms, nor his successors Tutankh-amen and Aj, made any serious effort to save their possessions in Asia; within less than a generation the Egyptian garrisons had been driven out, or had capitulated, and the Habiri were the masters in the country. But, mixing and intermarrying with the inhabitants of the country, they soon disappeared from the scene as a separate ethnic group. The inland cities and villages remained Canaanitish, and the 20 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE cities of the coast, including Jaffa, Phoenician; and once again, Palestine was divided into about as many warring factions as there were important towns. The Pharaoh Seti I (1313-1292 B.C.), in his first years, made an expedition into Syria. After having crossed the peninsula of Sinai, he turned towards the Dead Sea and marched north through the hills of Judea and Galilee until he reached the Lebanon; he then returned home to Egypt by the Way of the Sea, receiving, as he passed through their cities, the homage of the Phoenicians. Jaffa not being mentioned among the towns taken, it may be inferred that this city had probably remained under Egyptian control, even through the time of the Habiri conquest. On the country generally, the hold of Egypt remained but weak, until Rameses II (1292-1225 B.C.), after four Asiatic campaigns directed chiefly against the Hittites in northern Syria, concluded peace with them by the treaty of 1271, by which Palestine was again recognized as an Egyptian province. Order was now re-established throughout the country, and for about half a century it was allowed to develop in peace, with the result that agriculture and commerce came to prosper as probably never before. The Egyptian galleys thronged the Phoenician ports, while those of Phoenicia visited Egypt.’ Jaffa, as the port nearest to Egypt, must of necessity have had its share of this revival of prosperity; its commerce flourished, its artisans were distinguished for their skill, its gardens were famous for their beauty and the * Gaston Maspéro, The Struggle of the Nations, p. 407. JAFFA UNDER THE PHARAOHS 21 quality of their fruit. Of all this, we have evidence in the Egyptian Papyrus Anastasi I,’ usually known as “ The Travels of a Mohar,” a collection of letters composed by a professor of literature at the court of Rameses I]; the letters are addressed to the author’s friend Nekhtsotep, a “ king’s messenger,’ who had just returned from a tour through Syria and Palestine, and they give a satirical account of his adventures in_ those countries. The Mohar is described returning from the land of the Hittites via Kadesh on the Orontes and across the Lebanon to Byblos, Beyrut, Tyre and Sidon, and thence across Galilee and the oak forests of the plain of Sharon to Jaffa. “ Thou comest into Joppa; thou findest the garden in full bloom in its time. Thou penetratest in order to eat. Thou findest that the maid who keeps the garden is fair. She does whatever thou wantest of her. Thou art recognized, thou art brought to trial, and owest thy preservation to being a Mohar. Thy girdle of the finest stuff thou payest as the price of a worthless rag. Thou sleepest every evening with a rug of fur over thee. Thou sleepest deep sleep, for thou art weary. A thief steals thy sword and thy bow from thy side; thy quiver and thy armour are cut off in the darkness, thy pair of horses run away . . Thy chariot is broken to pieces The iron-workers enter into the smithy; they rummage in the workshops of the carpenters; the handicraftsmen and saddlers are at hand; they do * A. H. Sayce, Patriarchal Palestine, London, 1895, pp. 212-24; also A. Jeremias, Das alte Testament im Lichte des alten Orients, Leipsiz, 1906, pp. 302-5. ? The quiver was fastened by means of straps to the body of the chariot; the ‘‘ armour ”’ is the armour plating of the chariot body, to which it was also fastened by straps. Cc 7 he THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE whatever thou requirest. They put together thy chariot; they put aside the parts of it that are made useless; thy spokes are fashioned quite new; thy wheels are put on; they put the straps on the axles and on the hinder part; they splice thy yoke, they put on the box of thy chariot; the workmen in iron forge the (?); they put the ring that is wanting on thy whip, they replace the lashes upon it.” We see here the beautiful gardens of Jaffa, its workmen skilled in repairing chariots and in the. working of wood, metal and leather. The working of iron is already a well-established industry; and the name parzal used by the Egyptian scribe for designing this new metal is not an Egyptian word, but the term darzel 54722 used inthe Bible. We see that, at Jaffa, the Mohar finds himself in a civilized and friendly country, where the inhabi- tants obey the word of the royal messenger. But we also learn that the thieves of Jaffa were as impudent in the days of Rameses II as are their modern successors, and that all the prestige of Pharaoh’s envoy was not sufficient to protect him from having his arms stolen from his side during his sleep, and from having his horses and his valuable iron “ armour ” cut from the chariot which he had left, unguarded, outside the garden gate. In 1205 B.C. the death of the last descendant of Rameses II brought the Nineteenth dynasty to an end, and the struggles between rival claimants to the throne plunged Egypt into a short period of anarchy, the result of which was, zzzer alia, a tem- porary relaxation of Egyptian rule in Palestine. It was during this troubled time that the Hebrew tribes, who had escaped from Egypt a generation or so previously, crossed the Jordan under the JAFFA UNDER THE PHARAOHS 23 leadership of Joshua and appeared in Western Palestine. Thanks to the absence of Egyptian opposition, the tribe of Dan found it comparatively easy to occupy Jaffa and the surrounding district, which had been allotted to them at the distribution of the territories to be conquered.’ But to settled populations, nothing is more hateful than nomad rule, and the Danites must have found it a hard task to keep the city in their own power. When the prophetess Deborah called the Hebrew tribes to arms against the Northern Canaanites under Sisera, the men of Dan, absorbed by their own local problems and the insecurity of their own position, failed to answer the summons, thus incurring the well-known reproach of the prophetess : ““ And Dan, why did he remain by the ships?”’* But their hold over Jaffa was to be only a very ephemeral one; for hardly had they begun to adapt themselves to the commercial and seafaring habits of the native in- habitants, than the latter revolted and, together with their kinsmen in the villages, drove the Danites out and compelled them to seek refuge in the valleys of the Shephelah, the region of low hills which separates the Maritime Plain from the Mountains of Judea.’ Almost at the same moment the Philistines appeared under the walls of Jaffa. In the course of the fourteenth and_ thirteenth centuries B.C., a succession of migratory move- ments had driven large masses of European peoples south, towards Greece and Crete, and south-east towards the centre of Asia Minor. The native ¥ Joshua XIX, 46. Cp. Eusebius’ Onomasticon, Leipzig, 1904, p. a11; ‘* Joppe oppidum Palaestinae maritimum in tribu Dan.’ ’ Judges V, 17. ° Judges I, 34. 24 THE GATEWAY -OF PALESTINE populations of these countries, unable to resist the invaders, were forced to emigrate and turned their face towards Syria. They took the road, a mixed host composed of several tribes, known as the Pulasati, Zakkalah, Shagalasha, Danauna, and Uashasha, the Pulasati (Philistines) holding the chief place in the confederation. Sea-rovers by profession, their fleet loaded with their more bulky possessions sailed south along the coast; whilst the main force, accompanied by the women and children travelling in ox-drawn square waggons with solid wheels, .advanced by land along the sea-shore, taking care to remain in sight of the ships. The advance was slow; but, destroying the Hittite empire on their passage, these “peoples of the Sea,” as the Egyptians called them, had already conquered Syria and the seaports and coastal plain of Palestine, and were preparing themselves to invade Egypt, when Rameses III (1198-1167 B.C.), in the eighth year of his reign, assembled his forces and, having sent his fleet north along the Palestinian coast, crossed his Asiatic frontier. Ad- vancing by forced marches, he encountered the main land forces of the invaders on the borders of the Shephelah, where, after a stubbornly-contested campaign, he succeeded in completely routing them. The survivors withdrew hastily to the north- west, in the direction of the sea, in order to receive the support of their fleet, but the king followed them step by step. He rejoined his ships, probably at Jaffa, and made straight for the enemy. He found the latter encamped near Atlith, and, in a brilliant double battle, he destroyed their fleet, and entirely defeated the remnants of their army. But, struck * Maspéro, The Struggle of the Nations, pp. 446-447. JAFFA UNDER THE PHARAOHS 25 by the high degree of culture and splendid military organization of the vanquished, and considering probably that the war had decimated the native population of the country, Rameses determined to convert his captives into vassals who would play the part of an outpost of Egyptian power in Asia. Accordingly, he planted what remained of the defeated tribes along the coast of Palestine and in the Maritime Plain: the Philistines were settled in the southern part of the country between the Egyptian frontier and Jaffa, whilst the forest region and the coast further north as far as Mount Carmel were assigned to the Zakkalah. Jaffa itself, which formed the point of separation between the two territories, is nowhere mentioned as having been attributed to either of them. It may, therefore, be inferred that it received an Egyptian garrison and was made directly dependent on Egypt, as a post of observation from which Pharaoh’s representative was enabled at all times to keep a close watch over the doings of his new “ allies,’ and also as a base where, in case of emergency, troops could be landed at short notice to deal with any attempts at rebellion. The long period of peace which followed the settlement of the Philistines resulted in consider- able progress in the state of cultivation of the country and in the wealth of its inhabitants. Greater wealth led to an increased demand for foreign wares, which now began to be imported from Cyprus, Crete and the A¢gean countries on a much larger scale than had hitherto been the case. Jaffa, either through its own citizens or through the Philistine and Phoenician traders who frequented its market, had an important share in this. profitable 26 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE trade. The relations with the A‘gean world, coupled with the direct contact with the Philistine settlers, had for result that architecture and decora- tive art, and even religion itself, became influenced by Greek motives and ideas. The chief deity of the Philistines in their homelands had been the goddess Britomartis ; in their new surroundings they transferred the legends and ceremonies connected with her worship to the Phoenician-Canaanitish Ashtoreth, whose name was hellenized into Ater- gatis or Derketo. Her form was half that of a woman and half that of a fish. She was the patroness of fishermen, and a prominent feature of her cult was the keeping of sacred fish in a special pond situated near her sanctuary. The existence of such a pond and sanctuary has been established at Ascalon, but so far no proofs have been found that they also existed at Jaffa. We know, however, from Pliny that Derketo was worshipped at Jaffa; and as to the sacred pond, it is probable that it can still be seen there to this day, although silted up in the course of the many centuries that have passed since then. At a distance of only a few hundred yards from the foot of the main hill of Jaffa, and to the east of it, there is, in the midst of lands covered with orange-groves, a depression into which every winter the rain drains from the surrounding gardens, con- verting it into a shallow but quite extensive pond. It is called in Arabic the dbassat-Y afa (=the swamp of Jaffa). Whereas the soil of the surrounding lands is sandy and of a light nature, that of the bassah is, for a depth of about two metres, heavy loam; 1 Hist. nat., V, xiii, 69. JAFFA UNDER THE PHARAOHS 27 this loam can have no other origin than the deposits brought with them by the surface waters which must have drained for centuries into a basin that existed there. “And, in fact, some forty years ago, the brother of the present owner, digging there in order to drain the site, found the remains of strong old walls extending to about two metres below the present level of the ground; even a piece of iron, looking like a fragment of a ship’s anchor, was found. Local tradition sees in this dassah the sup- posed harbour of king Solomon; but it is highly probable that we have here the silted-up sacred pond of the goddess Derketo of Jaffa.’ Together with the worship of Ashtoreth, the Philistines took over that of her consort Dagon. The name of the village Beit-Dejan (Hebr. Beth- Dagon, “house of Dagon’’), situated a few miles east of Jaffa, clearly points to the existence there, at some early period, of a sanctuary of this god. It is probably to the native legends of the Philistines, in their Cretan and Carian homes, that we must look for the origin of the various sea- monster tales which centre in Jaffa and its neigh- bourhood :’* the legend of Perseus, the Lycian sun- hero, and Andromeda; the story of the prophet Jonah; the miracle of the Temple gates of Nicanor (see p. 62); and also the tale which underlies the medizval legend of St. George and the Dragon, localized in the neighbouring town of Ludd. The story of Perseus and Andromeda is one of the most widely-known of all the legends of 1 F. M. Abel, Le Littoral Palestinien et ses Ports, Revue Biblique, 1914, Pp. 583. 2 R. A. Stewart Macalister, The Philistines, Their History and Civilisation, London, 1914, p. 98. 28 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE Greece. It formed the subject of two lost tragedies of Sophocles and Euripides, and has been retold and preserved for us by Ovid in his Metamorphoses (IV, 622). Kepheus was king of the Ethiopians, and his queen was Cassiopeia. The latter having boasted that their daughter Andromeda’s beauty equalled that of the sea-born Nereids, the father of these goddesses, Nereus, complained to Poseidon, who sent upon the land an inundation and a sea- monster which destroyed man and beast. Enquiry from the oracle of Ammon elicited the reply that relief would not be found until Andromeda was fastened to a rock near the shore, as a sacrifice to the monster. Thus was the maiden chained to the rocks of Jaffa, where Perseus found her, as he was returning on his winged horse Pegasus from slaying the serpent-haired Gorgon Medusa. He killed the monster, set Andromeda free, married her, and took her with him to Tiryns in Argos, where she became the ancestress of the family of the Perseidae. After her death, Athena placed her amongst the constella- tions in the northern sky, near Perseus and Cas- siopela. Pliny (c. A.D. 23-79) reports that in his days the people of Jaffa would still point out the traces of Andromeda’s chains on the rocks to which she had been bound, and that, during the games given at Rome in the year 58 B.C. by Marcus Scaurus, who had been Pompey’s governor in Palestine, the bones of a sea-monster were shown, which he had brought from Jaffa, and “ which measured forty feet in length and were greater in the span of the ribs than that of the Indian elephant, while the backbone was a foot and a half in * See Kingsley’s Heroes: Perseus. > Pliny, -Hist,-mat., lb Vi cape (43. JAFFA UNDER THE PHARAOHS 29 diameter ”’.’ Cassiopeia herself has been worshipped at Jaffa as late as the Hellenistic period; it has been suggested* that her name is derived from the Hebrew kesef (silver), and that by “the silvery one” the moon-goddess was meant. The Latin geographer Pomponius Mela, writing in about A.D. 43, mentions the existence in Jaffa of altars inscribed with the names of Kepheus and his brother Phineus.’ It may thus be said that it was the Philistines who laid the foundations of Hellen- istic culture at Jaffa. This fact, as well as the circumstance that the scene of the exploit of Perseus, in a story of Carian origin, became for ever localized at Jaffa points to a prolonged Philistine occupation of the town. The actual moment which saw the beginning of this occupation is a matter for conjecture; but it may be assumed as fairly probable that its beginning coincided with the rise of Philistine independence when they, as a result of the lax rule of Rameses III’s successors, freed themselves of the control of Egypt towards the end of the twelfth or the be- ginning of the eleventh century B.C. It also coincides with the time which saw two revolutions of the greatest importance in the culture of the people of Palestine: the general spread of the use of iron instead of bronze, and the substitution of the Phoenician alphabet for the cumbrous cunei- forms of Babylonia. The Philistines did not long retain their racial purity and character. The daily contact and inter- marriage with the surrounding race led them to + Pliny, Hist. nat., lib. IX., cap. 7c. R. eed Syrian Stone Ast ‘London, 1896, p. 36. * P. Mela, lib. I, cap. 11. 30 THE GATEWAY, OF PALESTINE adopt the latter’s language, manners and religion;' but, whereas in the inland cities, a century or two sufficed to effect their almost complete semitization, in the sea-ports this process was strongly counter- acted and retarded by the sustained action of the /“gean influences resulting from the commercial relations with the Greek world. At the same time, however, there appears to have been a rapid falling off in the Philistines’ maritime prowess, with the result that the Phoenicians must have regained their one-time commercial supremacy in Jaffa and the other coast towns of southern Palestine. Then, as time went on, even the military strength, on land, of the Philistines began to give way under the con- stant attacks of the Hebrews, until the repeated victories of David left their power completely and irretrievably broken. As long as the Philistines were being kept occupied by their struggle with the Hebrews, the Pharaohs, troubled by civil wars and revolutions at home, need have no fear about the safety of their Asiatic frontier. But when, about the year 1000 B.C., the power of the Philistines had at last been definitely destroyed, whilst a revived Assyria had begun again to show a desire for westward ex- pansion, Egypt realized that the hour had struck for her to make friends with the Hebrew kingdom and to entrust to this new power the task of pro- tecting her northern boundary. Accordingly, be- tween the two countries, an alliance was concluded, which was sealed, after the fashion of the time, by the marriage to king Solomon, of an Egyptian princess to whom the fortress of Gezer, conquered * Gaston Maspéro, The Struggle of the Nations, p. 638. 2 Id., ibid, p. 700. JAFFA UNDER THE PHARAOHS 31 by an Egyptian army, was given for dowry; at the same time, the Hebrew king was either placed in possession, or allowed the use, of the port of Ezion- Geber (Akabah), and probably also of Jaffa. It was to the latter place that Hiram, king of Tyre, had the cedars and firs floated which were destined for the construction of the Temple: . . . “ we will bring it to thee in floats by sea at Jaffa, and thou shalt carry it up to Jerusalem ’”’.” We may assume that this was not the only occasion on which Solomon made use of the port of Jaffa. It is probably from here that he shipped the twenty thousand measures of wheat and the oil and the wine which he sent to Hiram every year; and it may be taken for granted that the royal merchant, who was associated with the Phcenicians in his com- mercial expeditions to Ophir, did not neglect to exploit, to the fullest extent, the advantages which were to be derived from the possession, or use, of the port of Jaffa. Of the extraordinary economic prosperity which marked Solomon’s reign, our city must have profited in a considerable degree. The great value of the acquisition of Gezer by Solomon is not satisfactorily explained by its military importance only, since, at the time, the strength of the Philistines was broken, whilst the isolated Canaanite community which inhabited the city, cer- -tainly did not harbour aggressive plans against the Hebrew State. But Gezer dominated the road from Jaffa to Jerusalem; it probably interfered with the safety of the caravans plying between the sea-port and Solomon’s capital, and levied tolls on them. In Tar PARES ike TO. * 2 Chronicles ii, 15. ae Gn Ste: Ae ae ae THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE the hands of the Hebrew king, Gezer meant in- creased safety of commerce and increased revenues. That the yearly income derived from this source amounted to a large sum is evidenced by the very fact that it constituted the dowry of Pharaoh’s daughter; but the importance of this revenue pre- supposes that there was a considerable movement of trade going on between Jerusalem and Jaffa, and that Jaffa, therefore, was a busy port at the time. The division of the kingdom, in, or about, 950 B.C., into two mutually hostile parts, destroyed the hopes which Egypt had founded on a strong Hebrew state as a bulwark for the protection of her frontier, and compelled her to re-establish her own rule in the Maritime Plain. The death of Solomon, followed within four or five years by the extinction of the Pharoanic dynasty with which he was related by marriage, furnished the Lybian mercenary Sheshonk, who had seized the throne in Egypt, a ready excuse to consider the treaty of alliance as having come to an end. Four years after the schism, he invaded Palestine and Syria and, according to the records inscribed by him on the south wall of the temple of Ammon at Karnak, he captured a hundred and fifty-six cities and districts. The fact that Jaffa is not mentioned among these may be taken as confirming the view that this city had remained under Egyptian authority even during ~ Solomon’s reign, although the Hebrew king was allowed to use it as a port of transit. For more than two centuries after Sheshonk’s campaign, Egyptian suzerainty over the Maritime Plain, although only weakly enforced, remained unchallenged, and Jaffa no doubt continued under Egyptian rule. Oe oe Wa eed A Sd JAFFA UNDER THE ASSYRIANS, BABYLONIANS AND PERSIANS (803—332 B.C.) About 803 B.C., the king of Assyria Hadad- Nirari III invaded Palestine. His Annals mention the Philistines among the states which he conquered, without giving details; but it is hardly to be supposed that so important a position and so wealthy a town as Jaffa, was spared the visit of the Assyrian armies, the more so as the Annals distinctly state that Philisita, “as far as the great sea of the setting sun,’ " submitted and paid tribute.’ However, notwithstanding this “ submission,” in the beginning there was no permanent Assyrian occupation; for the Assyrians, unlike Egypt, did not attempt to organize their conquests in a homo- geneous empire: they only raided for tribute, and afterwards kept the peace, so that the commerce of Babylonia should not suffer.’ About three-quarters of a century later, the princes of Syria and Palestine combined to attack the kingdom of Judah, which had become a vassal of Assyria; the confederation comprised Rezin of Damascus, Pekah of Samaria, the chiefs of the 1 R. A. Stewart Macalister, The Philistines, Their History and Civilisation, p. 63. 7H. R. Hall, The Ancient History of the Near East, 4th Edition, London, 1919, p. 456. * Ibid., p. 457. 33 34 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE Philistines, and the princes of Edom. Ahaz, the king of Judah, called on Assyria for help; Tiglath- Pileser III at once answered the appeal and appeared in Syria in 734. With the special purpose of sacking Gaza, he marched down the sea- coast to Philistia, evidently receiving the submission of the maritime cities on his way. Hanun of Gaza, the paramount chief of the Philistines, fled to Egypt; but he afterwards returned and submitted to the Assyrian rule. Assyrian governors were appointed in the principal towns; and nearly half the population was carried away into captivity, their place being taken by colonists from Babylonia and by foreign captives from Armenia and other conquered countries. In 720, two years after the destruction of Samaria by Shalmanezer IV, the latter’s successor Sargon having been defeated in battle by the Elamites, Hanun and his’ former confederates, over- estimating the effect of this reverse on the strength of Assyria, and being actively supported by Shabaka of Egypt, revolted and refused to pay the tribute. Sargon immediately came down upon Palestine, inflicted a crushing defeat on the Philistines and the Egyptians at Raphia (Rafah) on the Egyptian border, captured Hanun, destroyed Gaza, and compelled all the cities to resume the payment of the tribute. But in 715 B.C) Shabaka’ stirred) up a snew + intrigue and induced Azuri, the Philistine king of Ashdod, to revolt. Sargon again overran the country and forced it into submission. In 701, no doubt once more under the inspiration of Egypt, the king of Sidon revolted and imposed his authority over all Phoenicia, whilst Judah under JAFFA UNDER THE ASSYRIANS 35 Hezekiah, and the Philistines under the leadership of Zidka king of Ashkelon, joined in the rebellion. Sennacherib, who had succeeded his father Sargon on the throne of Assyria, took the road with an army of nearly 200,000 men. He marched up the Euphrates, then across northern Syria to the shores of the Mediterranean, and from here southwards along the coast. Phoenicia was easily subdued, and so were most of the towns of southern Palestine which, with Ashdod at their head, surrendered with- out fighting. Only a few of them resisted fiercely; but, one after the other, they were besieged, taken and plundered: “In the course of my expedition, I besieged 4et-Daganna (Beth Dagon), /appu (Jaffa), Banai-Barka (Benei-Berak), Azuri (Yazur), the towns of Zidka, which had not promptly submitted to me; I plundered them and dragged booty away from them.” Then he took to the mountains of Judah, destroyed “ forty-six walled towns and their villages ” and carried away 200,000 inhabitants. He accepted from Hezekiah 300 talents of silver and 30 talents of gold, as the price for leaving Jerusalem unmolested; but, shortly afterwards, whilst engaged in besieging Lachish in preparation of an attack on Egypt, he thought that it was better not to leave in his rear, unsubdued, a fortress like Jerusalem, and he sent a strong detachment under his three principal generals to call on Hezekiah to surrender. Tirhaka of Egypt advanced to the relief of Jerusalem; but, whilst Sennacherib was preparing himself to meet this new opponent, a plague broke out in the Assyrian camp, destroying 185,000 men, whereupon Senna- + Inscription of Sennacherib on the hexagonal clay prism known as the *“‘ Taylor Cylinder,’’ in the British Museum. 36 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE cherib hurried home with the remnants of his force.’ Sennacherib’s inscription informs us clearly that, about the year 700 B.C., Jaffa and the neighbouring places of Benei- Berak, Yazur, and Beth-Dagon were Philistine cities and belonged to Zidka, king of Ashkelon. But as the name of this chief shows, the Philistines themselves were eae strongly semiticized. Under Sennacherib’s successors, Palestine, and Jaffa with it, continued to be subject to Assyria. The last great Assyrian monarch Ashurbanipal died in 626, leaving his empire exhausted by his many wars, and unable to resist the separatist tendencies of the subject nations who, one after the other, revolted and gained their independence. Between 628 and 626 B.C., the barbarian Scyths poured over Western Syria in resistless swarms, penetrating into Palestine and ravaging the maritime plain down to the borders of Egypt; the terror which they inspired is well echoed by Jeremiah: “they lay hold on bow and spear, they are cruel and have no mercy, their voice roareth like the sea and they ride on horses.”* When the Scyths had withdrawn, after having thoroughly impoverished and weakened the western and northern parts of the Assyrian empire, Babylonia declared her independence, and Nabopolassar established there aseparate monarchyin 609. Atthe same time the Medes threatened the northern frontier of Assyria. This was the moment Pharaoh Necho chose for an attempt to re-establish Egypt’s power in Asia. Crossing the frontier in 608 and marching north by the Way of the Sea, he easily * II Kings xviii, 17-37. II Kings xix. 2 Jeremiah vi, 23. JAFFA UNDER THE ASSYRIANS 37 destroyed at Megiddo Assyria’s faithful vassal Josiah of Judah who had tried to arrest his progress, and seized the whole of Palestine and Syria. But the Babylonian empire which, after the fall of Nineveh, in 606, had stepped into the inheritance of Assyria, now put forward its claims to the countries of the Mediterranean coast. In 604, at the battle of Carchemish on the Euphrates, Necho was defeated by Nabopolassar’s energetic son Nebuchadrezzar. The Egyptian army fled back to the Nile, closely pursued by.) the” victor: After | four years) of Egyptian overlordship, Palestine now saw itself placed under Babylonian rule. Even now Egypt did not take her defeat as final. The Pharaoh Uahabra (the Hophra of the Bible and Apries of the Greeks) occupied the Maritime Plain of Palestine and Phoenicia in 589; and, instigated by him, Zedekiah of Judah, revolted against Babylonia. Nebuchadrezzar answered the double challenge; in 587, he overran the country, and whilst Apries retreated hurriedly into Egypt, Palestine was re-conquered and Zedekiah and a large part of the Jewish nation were carried into captivity to Babylonia. In 538 B.C., Babylon was captured by Cyrus, and the whole Babylonian empire passed under the rule of the Persians. Tyre and Sidon accepted the new allegiance without difficulty; we may take it that the other coast towns, including Jaffa, acted similarly, the more so as the Pharaoh Amasis, an old and not very warlike man, made no attempt to dispute with Cyrus the Babylonian inheritance. In 536, Cyrus gave the Jews permission to return to their homeland and to rebuild the city and Temple * Hall, op. cit., p. 560. D 38 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE of Jerusalem, for which purpose they were authorized to cut timber in the cedar forests of Lebanon. “ They gave . . . meat, and drink, and oil, unto the Sidonians and unto the Tyrians, to bring cedar trees from Lebanon to the sea at Jaffa, according to the grant that they had of Cyrus, king of Persia.’ In 525, Jaffa witnessed a sight the like it had not seen since the days of the Philistine and Zakkalah invasion: Cyrus’s son and successor, Cambyses, marched along the Palestine coast to Egypt, his army being supported by the combined fleets of Phoenicia, Cyprus, Ionia, and Eolis,’ which were slowly sailing southward, keeping pace with the land forces, and, no doubt calling at Jaffa on their way. Egypt was powerless before this double attack from the land and from the sea, and was easily conquered. The Phoenicians, thanks to their navy, had given Persia the mastery of the seas; to gain their permanent loyalty a heavy price deserved to be paid, and, accordingly, every favour was showered on them. It is well-known that what had originally driven the Phoenicians to take to the life of the sea, was the poverty of their country in arable lands and her consequent inability to produce sufficient grain to feed her population; it was for wheat and oil and wine that Phoenicia sold her timber to Solomon and Ezra, and for the enormous sum of 120 talents of gold, Hiram of Tyre had bought from Solomon a large tract of land around the village of Cabul, in the fertile plain of Acco.’ To attach the Phoenicians : Ce athe cling: The Five Great Monarchies of the Ancient World, London, 1867, Vol. IV, p. 385. > I Kings ix, 11-14. JAFFA UNDER THE ASSYRIANS 39 to the Persian empire by strong bonds of gratitude and interest, nothing was better calculated than to satisfy their desire for new arable land. An inscription engraved on the sarcophagus of a king, FEshmunazar of Sidon, unearthed there 1 in 1855, and dating probably from about 4oo B.C., records that the “Lord of Kings ¥ (a title commonly used of the Persian monarchs) placed the Sidonians in possession of the plain of Sharon with the two cities of Dor (Tanturah) and Jaffa at its northern and southern end: “... The Lord of kings gave to us Dor and Yafah, the glorious corn-lands which are in the fields of Sharon, in accordance with the great things which I did; and we added them to the borders of the land, that they might belong to the Sidonians for ever.’” It is, no doubt, to this period of Sidonian over- lordship over the city, that we must ascribe the building at Jaffa, by one Ben Abdas, of a temple in honour of the chief Phoenician deity, Eshmun, as is recorded in a Phoenician inscription on a stone discovered at Jaffa in 1892... The figure 4 shows the text and its transcription into Hebrew characters, and the following is the translation proposed by Conder, who says that the character of the writing appears to be of the fourth or third Century bi 3: Line 1.—A worshipper, the son of a worshipper, has very firmly founded the temple of Joppa, being prospered by Eshmun; (being) there 2 Gustav H6lscher, Paldstina in der persischen und hellenistischen Zeit, Berlin, 1903, p. 15. 2 P. S. Handcock, The Latest Light on Bible Lands, London, 1913, pp. 280-281. °C. R. Conder, The Prayer of Ben Abdas on the Dedication of the Temple of Joppa, P.E.F.Q.S., 1892, p. 171 ff 40 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE Lord-Ben Abdas. Thou wilt hear with acceptance, and thou wilt save Ben Abdas —a servant for ever, Abd-Eshmun.’ LinE 2.—A sinner towards Baal, he returns drawing back. Thou shalt protect the worshipper as a son, O my Baal. Have mercy on me, O Baal Gad, (who am) the son of Abd-Eshmun, a faithful servant, the son of Abd-Abset. The wanderer having rested —the son of Abd-Eshmun—cut a stone. LinE 3.—He carved an inscription. Have mercy, O Lord, on a servant, and save the son of Abd-Eshmun. . . And he erected a high place (as) an obedient worshipper. Whether Ben-Abdas’ father Abd-Eshmun was in any way related to the king Eshmunazar to whom Jaffa was given by a king of Persia, we may never be able to say; the only thing we can say is that, if a Phoenician governor of Jaffa built there a temple to the principal god of Phoenicia, this event must probably have taken place immediately after the establishment of Phoenician suzerainty over the city. The inscription is evidence of the worship, at Jaffa, not only of Eshmun, but also of the lesser Phoenician deity of Baal Gad, and of the Egyptian * Conder, having read ‘‘ the wandered having rested ’’ (line 2), concludes that either a journey for colonization was intended, or that the worshipper was a merchant whose travels were over, as he had become rich, and now desired to propitiate the gods. I think that the identity of Ben Abdas is clearly stated in the first line, where is is said that the temple was founded at Jaffa ‘‘ being there Lord Ben Abdas,”’ that is to say, when Ben Abdas was the chief, probably the Phoenician governor, of the town. It would have been surprising indeed that the donor of so important a monument should have omitted to describe his own social status. ? Conder translates Abd Eshmun (servant of Ashmun); I prefer to keep the original Abd untranslated, as Abd-Eshmun evidently is a com- mon theophoric name. The same remark applies to the name Abd- Abset, in line 2. Al JAFFA UNDER THE ASSYRIANS WRU tee ul ttc, ch AtLN Fagg ctl aeeNmal com uch cam ace cal ack xtaur acer cl wee cl acosaat ce ac! Weuan acdc, wich way ace ual cl ChQe ute faq ches cl dcunmal ace xa! cl umaak trmad umqa ch dcana den ugul ace aaal sss) atheessQ wc pera wc aul ot aucer, wak dcum oth acum acl al Nach ac aya cl acuna HbwH Vbwy Hh Gol GY C662 WHY 6 C6bQ HAL ~-bog ELEL OMX o6b VEL 6b AE hol mOu heb SoU wh OCVREL Hon y, 604, WAKO wed C6bUAWwh Ch Gol we Lt, Goh wer ChoVbxminh ood Ril ot Ati fo 6hun fho dnd fs CL Eb Rh, o6b Hinoh O62 min Te: O%. obb “+ hk 4464 Qinh 6 med vobby wn 060K SL OGD?Q Wh Rutnl mmole 6b 06072 ‘(azagods V Koud) WAIVE AVAN CANOAOA NOWdIMOSNI NVIOINDING FIGURE 4 By courtesy 4h the Palestine Exploration Fund 42 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE goddess Bast; it also shows that the temple referred to comprised a bamah or “ high place” enclosed in an arcah or “ temple court.” The Sidonian suzerainty over Jaffa was not destined to last very long; indeed, in the Periplus ascribed to the Greek historian Scylax of Cary- andra, but dating in reality from about 350 B.C., Jatta is represented as independent of the great cities in the north.” It is safe to assume that the cessation of the Phoenician overlordship over Jaffa dates from the destruction of Sidon in 351 Egypt having, in 406 or 405, thrown off the Persian yoke, the Phoenician cities, headed by Sidon, had on two occasions sided with Egypt and denounced their allegiance to Persia. The first time, in 362, the movement collapsed in consequence of the defection of the Pharaoh; but in 351, the Sidonians, together with a corps of Greek mercenaries sent from Egypt, defeated a Persian army. Thereupon the king of Persia, Artaxerxes Ochus, laid siege to Sidon, when the inhabitants, finding that their main defences had been betrayed into the enemy’s hand by their own king, set fire to their houses and burnt the city to the ground.” The Sidonian state was broken up, and it 1s, no doubt, at this moment that Jaffa was again detached from it and returned to * Conder translates the words 7AIN' bynw NOM by ‘‘ a sinner towards Baal, he returns back.’’ I believe that in j21n9 by we have the Phoenician equivalent of the Hebrew MAIWN by3 Baby- lonian Talmud, Succ. 53a), the accepted term for a ‘‘ penitent, one sorry for sin.’’ The correct meaning would thus be ‘‘ a sinner, who is (now) a penitent.’’ This gives additional interest to Conder’s remark that ‘‘ the writer appears to rely on the piety of his father, rather than on his own, as he had been a sinner, or, perhaps, a worshipper of other gods.”’ ? F. M. Abel, Le Littoral Palestinien et ses Ports, in Revue Biblique, 1914, p. 580. * George Rawlinson, Phenicia, pp. 205-209. JAFFA UNDER THE ASSYRIANS 43 the direct administration of Persia. Egypt, too, was conquered by Ochus, and for 16 years Jaffa together with all Palestine enjoyed a period of perfect peace. ORUA Pat RID JAFFA UNDER THE GREEKS AND THE JEWS (332—66 B.C.) In 332 B.C., Alexander the Macedonian conquered Palestine; as Tyre fell in August, and Gaza after a two months’ siege in November,’ Jaffa, which is not recorded as having offered any resistance, must have been occupied in September, probably by the fleet commanded by Hephestion, whom Alexander had ordered to follow him from Tyre southwards along the coast.’ Alexander, in his campaigns, was not moved only by the lust for adventure; he was also inspired with the ambition to benefit the world by the dissemination of Greek art and culture. At Jaffa, the previous trade relations with the A‘gean islands and Greece, as well as the influence of the Philistines, had prepared the ground for the favourable acceptance of the Macedonian régime and its hellenizing policy, for the support of both of which a consider- able number of Greek colonists were settled in and around the town. The name of Yapho was now changed to Joppe, and was made to derive from that of Jope, a daughter of A*olus, the god of * Graetz, Volkstiimliche Geschichte der \Juden, 1888, Vol. I., p. 341. * Quintus Curtius Rufus: De Rebusgestis Alexandri Magni, lib. IV, cap. 5. * Charles Foster Kent: Biblical Geography and History, London, IgiI, p. 208. 44 UNDER THE GREEKS AND JEWS 45 winds, and the wife of Kepheus, who built the city, and was its first ruler.’ It was Alexander who established the first mint at Jaffa; for no earlier coins are known to have been struck there than those issued during his reign. In the collections of Vienna, Berlin, Paris, and Copen- hagen, there are silver tetradrachms of Alexander, bearing theinitials [OJ] ,° whilst on a coin belong- ing to the British Museum, the name of Joppa is represented by the monogram {fe . It was the Jaffa mint that supplied Jerusalem and southern Palestine generally, with money. After Alexander’s death in 323, his generals immediately began to fight each other over the division of the empire, and, in these struggles, Jaffa became one of the chief objects of contention. As the result of a first successful battle, Ptolemy I Lagi, who had established himself in Egypt, occupied Palestine in 318, and put a garrison into Jaffa. In 315, his rival, Antigonus, besieged the town, captured it, incorporated its garrison by force into his own army, and put a garrison of his own in its place.” Three years later this general’s son Demetrios was defeated near Gaza, and Ptolemy re-occupied the country; but, after a few months, E. Schiirrer: Geschichte des Jiidischen Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu Christt, Leipzig, 1901, Vol. II, p. 55. ? Frederic M. Madden, History of the Jewish Coinage and the Money in the Old and New Testament, London, 1864, p. 23. * George Francis Hill, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Palestine (in the British Museum), London, 1914, p. xxiv. * Diodorus XIX, 58-59, quoted by Schiirer, op. cit., p. 129, and by B. Niese, Geschichte der Griechischen und Makedonischen Staaten, Gotha, 1893, Vol. I, p. 276. 46 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE Antigonus’ army having joined that of Demetrios, Ptolemy, in doubt as to his power to resist them, withdrew to Egypt, razing during his retreat the fortifications of Jerusalem and the maritime cities, including Jaffa.” The fate of Palestine remained undecided until 301 B.C., when at Ipsos, in Asia Minor, the allied generals Ptolemy, Lysimachos, Cassander, and Seleukos defeated Antigonus, who was killed during the battle. The four victorious generals now divided the empire amongst them- selves, Ptolemy receiving Egypt and the neigh- bouring countries, and Seleukos almost the whole remaining part of the empire in Asia, including Mesopotamia and Persia unto the frontiers of India. Jaffa once again became subject to Egypt, under whose strong rule peace prevailed upon land and on sea, and an era of great prosperity set in for the country and especially for the maritime cities. The Ptolemies continued Alexander’s policy of Hellenization, greatly aided in this by the grant, to the towns, of a very wide measure of self- government on the lines of the Greek polis, the effect of which was greatly to weaken, if not to destroy, the bonds of common interest between the inhabitants of the cities concerned and _ their kinsmen around them. Thus the last vestiges of the Phoenician and_ semiticized Philistine civilizations disappeared, and Jaffa became one of the strongholds of Hellenism in Palestine. But apart from the knowledge that coins were struck there bearing the monogram of the town and dates of the reigns of Ptolemy II and Ptolemy III, we possess no details as to the history of Jaffa during ? Diordus XIX, 93, quoted by Schiirer, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 129; see also Graetz, Volkstiimliche Geschichte der Juden, Vol. I, p. 345. UNDER THE GREEKS AND JEWS 47 the Ptolemaic period. The coins in question were all issued during a period of twenty years, from the year 25 of Ptolemy II (261 B.C.) to the year 6 of Ptolemy III (241 B.C.). The name of Joppa is usually represented by the monogram IT) , but on one coin it takes the form of lon sneDOIMerOL the coins of Ptolemy II are of bronze, and bear the image of a harp, but no mint-name; these coins have nevertheless been attributed to Jaffa, the harp being looked upon as a symbol of the cult of Perseus.’ After about a century of uninterrupted rule, the Ptolemies saw their position in Palestine challenged again by the descendants of Seleukos. Antiochus III, the Great (223-187) invaded Palestine in 218, and occupied the maritime plain as far as Gaza; he was beaten by Ptolemy at Rafah in the winter 218- 217, and forced to evacuate the country. But, twenty years later, he renewed his attempt, and this time he was more successful; having completely routed the Egyptian army in a battle near Paneion (the modern Banias) at the foot of Mount Hermon, he definitely annexed Palestine to the Seleucid kingdom. His successor was Seleukos_ IV, Philopator (187-176), who in turn was succeeded by Antiochus IV, Epiphanes (176-164), the monarch whose cruelty and anti-Jewish fanaticism brought about the revolt of the Maccabees and the establish- ment of Jewish independence. He was a great lover of Greek culture, and used every means to spread it throughout his dominions. His ruthless DATs TAN Ope CE, (PscXIV; 48 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE attempts to force it upon the Jews among whom there was one party favourably disposed towards it, whilst the other—the majority—fiercely resisted it, led to violent strife between the two sections. Returning by sea from an expedition to Egypt, he determined to punish the anti-Greek Jews; he landed at Jaffa where, as the champion of Hellenism, he was sure to be welcome, and marched to Jerusalem, plundered the Temple, and slew many inhabitants. Soon after, he set out systematically to suppress the Jewish religion, and, in 168 B.C. he sent one of his generals, Apollonius, to enforce the worship of the Olympian Zeus and to put to death all those who persisted in remaining true to the Jewish faith. In December, 168, sacrifices to Zeus were offered in the Temple upon a heathen altar erected over the great altar of burnt- offerings. This provocation proved too much even for many of the Hellenizers, and when an edict was issued, ordering the erection of heathen altars in every town of Palestine, and appointing officers to punish those who would disobey the edict, the revolt broke out under the leadership of Mattathias, an aged priest of Modein (Khurbet Midieh), and his five sons. In 166, Mattathias died, having committed to his sons the task of continuing the struggle and appointing one of them, Judas, surnamed Maccabeus (from the Hebrew makkebeth —the hammer) as leader in the holy war. In a series of brilliant engagements following closely upon each other, Judas overthrew the Syrian generals, Appollonius, Seron, Gorgias, and the regent, Lysias, and restored the temple-worship in 165; three years later, Lysias had to guarantee their religious freedom to the Jews. UNDER THE GREEKS AND JEWS 49 The Jews of Jaffa, who were few in numbers among a big majority of hellenized heathens and of Greeks, had not taken part in the revolt. Never- theless, the other inhabitants of the town determined to vent on them the spite they felt at the sight of the triumph of Judas Maccabeus and his followers. On the occasion of some popular festival, “the men of Joppa prayed the Jews that dwelt among them to go, with their wives and children, into the boats which they had prepared, as though they had meant no hurt; but when they were gone forth into the deep, they drowned no less than two hundred of them.” Judas, on hearing of this atrocity, came down upon Jaffa with his army. The city was then surrounded by walls, but these did not extend to the shore, and the harbour was, therefore, situated outside the defences. Finding the gates of the city closed and the walls too strong to be taken by assault, Judas contended himself with raiding the harbour, inflicting heavy damage on the commerce of the town; he “ burned the haven by night, and set the boats on fire, and those that flew hither he slew.’” The achievement of religious freedom could not now satisfy any more the intense nationalist spirit which the military successes of the Jews had revived; it now became clear that the struggle would not cease as long as they had not gained political independence. In 161 Judas defeated the Syrian general Nicanor at Adasa (Khurbet Adaseh), about five miles north of Jerusalem; but a few weeks later, accepting battle with only eight hundred men against a new and numerous Syrian 1 II Maccabees, xii, 3, 4. ? II Maccabees, xii, 5, 6. 50 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE army under Bacchides at Eleasa (Khurbet /lasa), half-way between Ludd and Jerusalem, he was killed, and his small army routed. Fle was succeeded, in the leadership of the rebellion, by his brother Jonathan, who, if not so brilliant a soldier, was a clever politician who knew how to exploit the internal troubles which were agitating the Syrian kingdom since the death of Antiochus the Great. In 162, Demetrios I Soter had succeeded Antiochus V Eupator (164-162) on the throne. A young man from Smyrna, Alexander Balas, of low birth, but with a remark- able resemblance to Antiochus Eupator, announced himself as a son of Antiochus Epiphanes, and laid claim to the throne. Rome and Egypt having recognized him, he landed at Acco, to begin the struggle for the possession of the kingdom. In order to win the support of the Jews, Alexander gave Jonathan, in 153 B.C., the title of high priest with the right to wear a golden crown, and the control, not only over Judea, but also of the maritime plain and the coast; it now remained only for Jonathan to make these concessions valid by actual occupation. Demetrios II Nicator, having followed Demetrios I Soter, on the throne in 150 B.C., his general Apollonius Daos occupied the maritime region in 148 and, having taken up his position at Yamnia (Yedbueh), sent Jonathan a pompous challenge to meet him in the plain. Jonathan accepted the challenge, and, together with his brother Simon, he came down from Jerusalem and began by laying siege to Jaffa which was Apollonius’ principal base of operations. The people of Jaffa, heartened by the presence of a Syrian garrison, first refused to surrender, and shut UNDER THE GREEKS AND JEWS st their gates; but, when they saw Jonathan actually preparing himself to storm the walls, they were frightened and opened the gates to him. Apollonius, on receiving the news that Jaffa had capitulated, appeared before the town at the head of a force of cavalry and infantry, with the intention of drawing Jonathan out into the open plain, where his cavalry, with the help of another body of horse placed in ambush in a position from which they could attack the Jews in the rear, would be able to deal effectually with Jonathan’s force which con- sisted only of infantry. The Jewish leader first seems to have walked into the trap, but, when he saw himself attacked on both sides, he formed his troops into a square and contented himself with remaining on the defensive. Towards the end of the day, however, as the enemy had become exhausted by their repeated and fruitless efforts to break through his lines, Jonathan counter- attacked and completely routed the Syrians. In 145, Ptolemy VI Philometer, came up from Egypt with a large army and fleet, marching and sailing north along the coast. Alexander Balas had ordered all the towns to give Ptolemy, who was his father-in-law, the best welcome; the latter, accordingly, entered without opposition all the fortified cities of the coast, but took care to leave his own garrisons in each of them. Having in this manner occupied Jaffa, he there received the visit of Jonathan who came down in great pomp from Jerusalem. The chronicler records that they spent a night at Jaffa, and that they left on the next day and proceeded together until the river Eleutherus * I Maccabees X, 69-76; also Josephus, Antiquities XIII, ch iv, 4. 52 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE (the modern Nahr-el-Kebir) in northen Syria.’ Here they parted, Jonathan returning home to Jerusalem, having received from the king “hand- some presents and all marks of honour.” Once all the coastal fortresses were in his possession and manned by his own garrisons, Ptolemy turned against his son-in-law, attacked him near Antioch, and defeated him; but during the battle Ptolemy himself was mortally wounded, and died a few days later. Alexander Balas fled to Arabia and was there murdered; Demetrius II became king in his stead, and the Egyptian garrisons of the maritime cities were once more replaced by those of Syria. Shortly afterwards one Tryphon, acting as regent for Antiochus, a son of Alexander Balas, appeared in Syria and won Jonathan’s allegiance by granting him control of the whole coast, from Wyre to) theo Boyptian ) frontiers): in yaya ton receiving the news that the inhabitants of Jaffa, unwilling to accept his rule, conspired to deliver the town to the generals of Demetrius II, Jonathan sent his brother Simon, who occupied the town on behalf of Tryphon and placed a strong garrison in it. But the following year, Tryphon having treacherously murdered Jonathan who was staying with him at Acco as his guest, Simon denounced his allegiance to Tryphon, and annexed Jaffa definitely as part of the Jewish state; he rebuilt and strengthened the fortfications of the city, carried out extensive improvements in the harbour, and compelled its Greek inhabitants to emigrate,’ “ for * I Maccabees xi, 1-6. * Josephus, Antiquities oe Chi ives, * I Maccabees xii, 33, 3 4 James Stevenson Rigoe, ‘A History of the Jewish People during the Maccabean and Roman Periods, London, 1913, p. 89. ° I Maccabees xiii, 11; also Josephus, Antiquities XIII, ch. vi, 4. UNDER THE GREEKS AND JEWS 53 he was afraid that they would deliver up the city to Tryphon.” Thus was Jaffa forcibly converted into a Jewish town, and remained so for two centuries, until the destruction of the Jewish state by the Romans. ‘Together with Jaffa, Simon captured Gezer, which he also fortified, and from which he was enabled to ensure the safety of the trade route between Jerusalem and the coast. This easy and safe connection with the sea, and the possession of the harbour and fortress of Jaffa, gave the Jews access to the western world: “and, in addition to all his other glory, he (Simon) took Joppa for an haven, and made an entrance to the isles of the sea.” It also furnished the Jewish state with a very important source of revenue, for the import and export duties which had been instituted by the Syrian kings, were henceforth levied for the benefit of the Jewish treasury.’ The exultation of the Jews over this acquisition was, therefore, quite justified; the great value which they attributed to it may be estimated from the fact that, when Simon erected at Modein his famous monument to the memory of his heroic father and of his brothers who had fallen for the cause of freedom, he had the effigies of ships carved into the high columns by which the monument was surrounded.’ The Syrian king Antiochus VII, Sidetes (164- 129) was not disposed to acquiesce, without adequate compensation, in the loss of the revenue from Jaffa and Gezer. In 139, he sent one of his nobles, Athenobius, to Simon with the following message : “ Ye withhold Joppe and Gazara (Gezer), * I Maccabees xiv, 5. ; ? Graetz, Geschichte der Juden, 1905, Vol. III, i, p. 55. °* I Maccabees xiii, 27-30. 54 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE with the tower that is in Jerusalem, which are cities of my realm. Now, therefore, deliver the cities which you have taken, and the tributes of the places, or else give me for them five hundred talents of silver: and for the harm that ye have done and the tribute of the cities, other five hundred talents; if not, we will come and fight against you.” Simon refused to agree to these demands, but offered to send one hundred talents for the cities of Jaffa and Gezer. Antiochus at once sent his general Kendebaios with a large army into Judea; they were put to flight by Simon’s sons, Judas and John, in the plains south-east of Jaffa, and about 1,000 Syrians were killed.’ In 135, Simon was murdered by one of his sons- in-law, and was succeeded by John Hyrcanus (135- 106). The following year, Antiochus Sidetes, anxious to avenge the defeat of Kendebaios and to recover at the same time the lost revenues, invaded Judea, captured Jaffa and Gezer, and besieged Jerusalem. John Hyrcanus had to pay a heavy ransom for his capital and was also forced to agree to the payment of a yearly tribute for the possession of Jaffa and Gezer;’ the payment of this tribute was, however, discontinued after a few years with the consent of Antiochus, who intended to invade Parthia and bought Hyrcanus’ support by recognizing his independence. But, in 113, the then king of Syria, Antiochus IX, Kyzikenos, invaded Judea, seized Jaffa and Gezer, and levied, for his own account, the duties on goods passing through these towns. John * I Maccabees xv, 28, 30, 31. 2 I Maccabees xvi, 1-10. * Josephus, Antiquities XIII, ch. ix, 3. UNDER THE GREEKS AND JEWS 55 Hyrcanus appealed to Rome and sent thither a deputation to lodge a complaint with the Senate against the Syrian king. The Romans, who had already for some time been watching developments in Syria, and were waiting for a pretext to interfere there, received the deputation well. The Senate, having listened to their complaints and wishes, passed a decree to the effect that Antiochus ‘should do no injury to the Jews, the allies of the Romans; and that the fortresses and havens and territory, and whatever else he had taken from them, should be restored; and that it should be lawful for them to export their goods out of their own havens: and that no king or people should have leave to export any goods either from the country of Judea or from their havens, without paying customs, except Ptolemy, the king of Alexandria, because he is our ally and friend; and that according to their desire, the garrison that was in Joppa should be expelled.” The word of Rome was obeyed, and the Syrian garrison evacuated Jaffa, which returned under the rule of Hyrcanus. His successor, Alexander Jannaeus (106-78), who, in 104, assumed the title of king, continued to enjoy the undisputed possession of Jaffa; certain of the coins struck by him bear the image of a ship’s anchor, a symbol of Judea’s maritime power. During his reign, Antiochus XII Dionysios, on his way to carry war into Arabia, appeared in northern Palestine showing intentions to march south through the maritime plain. Alexander Jannaeus, fearing the ravages of Antiochus’ army if allowed to pass through his * Josephus, Antiquities XIV, ch. x, 22. *» Madden, op. cit., pp. 66-67. 56 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE territory, “dug a deep trench from Chebarzaba (Kefar Saba), which is now called Antipatris, to the sea near Joppa, where alone an army could be brought against him. He also raised a wall one hundred and fifty furlongs in length, and erected on it wooden towers and curtains, and waited for the coming of Antiochus, who burnt all those works, and made his army pass by that way into Arabia.” Alexander’s wife Alexandra, who succeeded him, also impressed the image of the anchor on her coins, a fact which shows that she continued in the unchallenged possession of the port of Jaffa.’ 1 Josephus, Antiquities XIII, ch. xv, 1. 2 Madden, op. cit., p. 72. CHART ERey, JAFFA UNDER THE ROMANS AND THE BYZANTINES (66 B.C.—A.D. 636) In 66 B.C., Rome, which had already conquered Egypt and a part of Asia Minor, determined to extend her boundaries in the East and sent Pompey to subdue the kingdoms of Pontus and Armenia. When he had accomplished this mission, he advanced southward, annexed Syria, and occupied Damascus. Here he was called upon to act as arbitrator between Alexander Jannaeus’ sons, Aristobulos and Hyrcanus, who had been set up as rival claimants to the throne of Judea by the two warring parties of the Sadducees and Pharisees. Pompey. reserved his decision until he would arrive at Jerusalem. He entered Palestine with his army, made Aristobulos a _ prisoner, and_ besieged Jerusalem where the latter’s followers entrenched themselves on the Temple hill. Aided by Hyrcanus and by the latter’s chief supporter Antipater, governor of Idumea, Pompey took the city. Hyrcanus was confirmed in the position of high priest, but without political power, whilst Aristobulos was carried away to Rome to walk as a captive behind Pompey’s chariot in his triumphal procession. Judea was deprived of the conquests made by the Maccabees, and, together with Galilee and Idumea, was constituted into a sub-province of 57 58 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE the Roman Empire. The coastal region was separated from the rest of the country; Jaffa as well as the other Hellenized cities were declared to be “free towns,” with a wide measure of self-govern- ment, and were formed into a second sub-province which was called Phoenicia. Of this autonomous Jaffa, coins have been found bearing the image of Andromeda, with veiled face, seated on a rock and lifting her hands up to heaven in an attitude of supplication (fig. 5), sometimes also bearing in FIGURE 6? addition the representation of a galley, and the monogram ion (ig. 6). The two sub-provinces were attached again to the province of Syria, and were placed under the administration of one Marcus Scaurus,’ the same who, according to Pliny, in the course of the games which were given at * F. de Saulcy, Numismatique de la Terre Sainte, Paris, 1874, Plate IX, No. 3. * F. de Saulcy, Numismatique de la Terre Sainte, Paris, 1874, Plate IX, No. 4. * Josephus, Jewish War, I, ch. 7, 7. UNDER THE ROMANS AND BYZANTINES © 59 Rome in 58 B.C., exhibited there the bones of Andromeda’s sea-monster, which he had brought from Jaffa (see page 28). When Pompey was defeated by Julius Cesar at the battle of Pharsalia in 49 B.C., Antipater, who had become the strong man of Judea, allied himself with the cause of the victor, and gave him valuable military and political assistance at the most critical time of his Egyptian campaign. Czesar never forgot these services; and, when hehad returned to Rome as Consul, he issued in 47 B.C. a decree by which, in addition to various other benefits conferred upon them, Jaffa was restored to the Jews, and Antipater was made procurator of Judea. “ Caius Cesar, imperator the second time, has ordained, that all the country of the Jews, except Joppa, pay tribute for the city of Jerusalem every year except the seventh year, which they call the sabbatical year, because therein they neither receive the fruit of their trees, nor do they sow their lands; and that they pay as their tribute in Sidon in the second year, the fourth part of what was sown: and besides this, they are to pay the same tithes to Hyrcanus and his sons, as they paid to their forefathers... . It is also our pleasure that the city of Joppa, which the Jews had originally, when they made a league of friendship with the Romans, shall belong to them, as it formerly did; and that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his sons, shall have as tribute for that city from those that occupy the land, for the country and for what they export every year to Sidon, twenty thousand six hundred and seventy- five modii every year, except the seventh year, which they call the sabbatical year, wherein they neither plow nor take the fruit off their trees...” * Josephus, Antiquities XIV, ch. x, 6. 60 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE The plains of Palestine were then exporting large quantities of grain to Sidon, partly for consumption in the Lebanon district, but principally for ship- ment to Italy through the intermediary of the Sidonian shipping merchants; in this export of grain, the region of Jaffa and the plain of Sharon had a considerable share. At the same time, both Syria and Palestine had to pay to Rome yearly tributes in the form of grain which was to be delivered to the Roman tax-officials at Sidon. The yearly tribute to be paid by Judea was fixed by Ceesar at one-fourth of the quantity of grain sown the previous year, but no tribute was due for the seventh (sabbatical year), during which no crops were sown. Jaffa, as a special favour, was excused from paying either its share in the tribute to Rome or the customary tithe due to the high priest at Jerusalem; but it had to pay to Hyrcanus and his descendants a land tax and an export duty on all grain shipped to Sidon, both these taxes being compounded into one fixed yearly tribute of 20,675 measures of wheat. Cesar was assassinated in 44 B.C., and so was Antipater one year later. Mark Antony, who was then Rome’s_ representative in the East, immediately appointed Antipater’s sons, Herod and Phasael, civic rulers in Judea. But in 40 B.C., Palestine was invaded by the Parthians who slew Phasael, and placed Antigonus, the son of Aristobulos, on the Judean throne. Herod, who had escaped to Egypt and from there to Rome, was given by the Senate the title of “ King of the Jews”; and in 39 B.C. he landed at Acco (Ptolemais) where he began to collect an army and to prepare himself for the conquest of his kingdom. UNDER THE ROMANS AND BYZANTINES | 61 The Romans had already driven out the Parthians. Having first established his rule over Galilee, Herod turned his attention southward to Judea; but here Jaffa was in his way. The people there had taken the part of Aristobulos, the descendant of the Maccabees, and, burning with religious and national fervour, they were violently hostile to the “Tdumean slave” and Hellenizer Herod. Although on his way to Jerusalem Herod could have easily avoided Jaffa, he could not afford to leave such an important fortress unsubdued in his rear; he laid siege to the city and forced it to surrender, in 37 B.C.’ But the people of Jaffa had bowed only to superior physical force, and Herod never succeeded in gaining their friendship. No wonder, therefore, that in return Herod himself showed little favour to Jaffa; and when, in later years, he decided to provide his kingdom with a large and properly equipped harbour, he did not hesitate to set up a rival to Jaffa by creating an entirely new port at Straton’s Tower, which he called Czsarea. A few months after the fall of Jaffa, Jerusalem was captured with the help of a Roman army under C. Sosius, who deposed Antigonus, and installed Herod in his stead as king of the Jews. Three years later, Antony, who was then at Laodicea in northern Syria, engaged in making preparations for a campaign against the Parthians, was joined there by his mistress, the famous Cleopatra, queen of Egypt. The latter, who was a bitter personal enemy of Herod, tried to persuade Antony to depose him and to make over to herself the government of Palestine. Herod succeeded in averting this danger; but Antony, who could not * Josephus, Antiquities XIV, ch. xv, 1. 62 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE entirely deny Cleopatra, placed her in possession of the region of Jericho, famous for its palm-trees and balsams, and of all the maritime cities to the south of Tyre as far as Egypt, as a private source of revenue. Jaffa was one of these cities, and it remained in the possession of the Egyptian queen until after her fall, and that of her lover, Augustus gave it back to Herod in 30 B.C., together with the other places which Antony had torn from his kingdom.’ It is no doubt to the time under review, that we must ascribe the event which furnished the subject of the Talmudic legend of the “miracle of Nicanor’s doors,” of which Jaffa was said to have been the scene. When Herod was completing the building of the Temple, a certain Nicanor, a member of the wealthy Jewish community of Alexandria, presented the sanctuary with a double door of massive Corinthian bronze, 50 cubits high and 40 wide, covered with thick plates of gold and silver, beautifully worked. The weight of the two leaves of the door was such, that twenty men at least were required to turn them upon their hinges. The legend says that, as Nicanor was bringing the two leaves of the door from Alexandria to Palestine by a ship, a furious storm arose. The mariners, in order to relieve their vessel, threw one of the leaves into the sea; they were about to deal similarly with the second, when Nicanor made them desist from this purpose by crying out that if they threw it into the sea, they must throw him down as well. Shortly afterwards the storm abated, and * Tasephus, Antiquities XV, ch. vii, 3; also Schiirer, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 131. UNDER THE ROMANS AND BYZANTINES — 63 the ship was able to continue her way in peace, whilst Nicanor did not cease to lament the loss of the precious half-door. But when they arrived in the harbour of Jaffa, behold! the lost door-leaf appeared from out of the waters, and the waves washed it ashore.’ On Herod’s death in 4 B.C., Augustus ratified his will and conferred the maritime cities of Czsarea and Jaffa on Herod’s son Archelaus, whose sovereignty over these ports is illustrated by the efhgy of a galley on his coins,’ whereas his predecessors had signified their dominion over Jaffa by a ship’s anchor. Archelaus’ cruelties and repeated violations of the Jewish laws caused the Jews to complain to Augustus, who at last, in A.D. 6 deposed him, and banished him to Gaul, where he died. His private property was confiscated, and Judea was annexed to the Roman province of Syria; Jaffa came thus under the jurisdiction of Czesarea, where the procurators in charge of the administration of the province had their headquarters. Some of the Jewish inhabitants of Jaffa were amongst the first adepts of Christianity. A member of the small Christian community that existed there, by name Tabitha, or Dorcas, “a woman full of good works and alms deeds which she did,” fell sick and died. The Christians of Jaffa, hearing that Peter, the Apostle, was at Lydda (Ludd), sent two men there to ask him to come to their city. He came, “and kneeled down, and prayed; and turning to the body, he said, Tabitha, + Tosefta, Yoma, ch. ii, 4; also Jerusalem Talmud, Yoma, ch. iii, eg * Madden, op. cit., pp. 92-94. * Josephus, Antiquities XVII, ch. xiii, 2, 4. 64 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE arise. And she opened her eyes; and when she saw Peter, she sat up. And he gave her his hand, and raised her up. . . And it became known throughout all Joppa.” ‘The expression “ through- out all Joppa” seems to indicate that Jaffa did not then consist only of the closely-crowded hill-city within the walls, but comprised also, as is the case to-day, a considerable number of isolated dwellings dispersed over a comparatively large area outside the walls. This would imply the existence of extensive gardens, and thus confirms indirectly the importance and wealth of the town at the time, and the high state of cultivation of the lands around it. About a mile to the east of Jaffa proper, there is still shown the rock-tomb in which Tabitha is said to have been buried. It consists of a rock-cut chamber, the entrance to which is by a descent of six or seven stone steps; the chamber is paved with mosaics, and on three sides sepulchral niches have been cut into the walls. ‘The Russian priests, who are the owners of the site, have transformed the tomb into a chapel covered with a domed roof; and not far from it they have built a church dedicated to Tabitha. In modern times the Greeks of Jaffa used, once every year, to visit Tabitha’s tomb and worship there, so that it had become a kind of sanctuary. The Moslems, however, who, almost in every place where there is a Christian sanctuary, have established a rival Moslem shrine in the immediate neighbourhood, have also in this case created near the “tomb of Tabitha” a “ makém ‘of Sheikh Abu-Kebir.’”” * Acts ix, 36-42. * Seer ochick; in’ PEF OS, i i0aon,: 15. UNDER THE ROMANS AND BYZANTINES 65 Peter remained a few days at Jaffa, where he stayed “ with one Simon a tanner, whose house is by the seaside.’ Cornelius, an Italian centurion of the Roman garrison of Cesarea, as a result of a vision which he had had, sent two of his servants under the escort of a soldier, to Jaffa to ask the apostle to come to Cesarea. The following day, about midday, whilst the messengers were on their way and approaching Jaffa, Peter, who had gone on the roof of the house to pray, “ fell into a trance,” and had the vision of the sheet filled with all kinds of animals, clean and unclean, and heard the voice that told him to receive the Gentiles into the Christian Church. He was still pondering over the meaning of his vision, when Cornelius’ messengers arrived and requested him to go with them. “ And on the morrow he arose and went forth with them ” on the road which led along the shore to Czsarea, to ‘gain there the first Gentile convert: to Christianity.” When, in 1654, the present Latin hospice of Jaffa was founded, it was built on the place which tradition then believed to be that of the tanner’s house; to-day, however, the site is pointed out in a small mosque called the /am’a eth-Thabieh (Mosque of the Bastion), from the bastion which stood in its neighbourhood at the time when the city was still surrounded by fortified walls. The administrative separation of Jaffa from Jerusalem, and its reunion with the other maritime cities, weakening as it did the influence of the Jewish element in the town, probably led to a new influx of Greeks and Hellenized Jews and to the revival of some of the pagan cults of which Jaffa 4 Wcts 5,26. *) Acts\x,. 1-23. 66 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE had been the seat previously to the Maccabean conquest; for we have already seen that towards the middle of the first century A.D. mention is made of the existence, there, of altars to Kepheus and his brother Phineus.’ Still, the large majority of the population remained Jewish, and when the revolt of the Jews against Rome broke out in A.D. 65, Jaffa was one of the principal centres of the insurrection. The taking of the census as a basis for the poll- tax, which was looked upon by the people as a symbol of slavery; the surveying of the fields and the establishment of a land-tax, which the Jews resented as being contrary to their religion, God alone being the Lord of the land to whom a tax on its produce was due; the appointment of Philo’s nephew, Tiberius Alexander, an apostate Jew, as procurator (A.D. 45-48): these and some other unpopular measures of the Roman administration had created deep-seated dissatisfaction among the Jews. And when to these general causes of irritation there were added the cruel excesses of the procurators Cumanus (48-52) and Felix (52-60), and the robberies and vicious provocations of Gessius Florus (64-66), the nation could no longer control its fury, and the revolt broke out. The first outbreak occurred at Cesarea, in the form of a street fight between Jews and Greeks, which the Roman governor was unable to suppress; shortly afterwards the Roman garrison of Jerusalem was massacred. The Roman proconsul of Syria, Cestius Gallus, who was residing at Antioch, quickly realised that the extreme state of desperation of the people was * Pomponius Mela, De situ orbis libri III, i, 11. UNDER THE ROMANS AND BYZANTINES _ 67 bound to make of the insurrection a very serious affair. Collecting all his available forces, amounting to some 20,000 Roman soldiers and about as many auxiliaries, he took up his head- quarters at Acco with the intention first to re-establish order in Galilee. But the seriousness and swiftness of developments in Judea soon compelled him to move southward, and he established himself at Caesarea. From here “he sent on part of his army to Joppa, and gave order, that if they could surprise that city they should occupy it; but if the citizens should perceive that they were coming to attack them, they were then to wait for him and the rest of the army. So some of them made a forced march by the seaside, and some by land, and so coming up on both sides, they took the city with ease: and, as the inhabitants had made no provision beforehand for flight, and far less for fishting, the soldiers fell upon them, and slew them all, with their families, and then plundered and burnt the city. And the number of the slain was eight thousand four hundred.” Cestius advanced on Jerusalem; but after several unsuccessful assaults he gave up the siege and was retiring towards the plain closely pursued by the Jews, when, in the pass of Beth Horon, he was attacked by them, and his army routed. The rupture with Rome was complete. The emperor Nero now placed one of his best generals, Titus Flavius Vespasian, in charge of affairs in Syria. In the spring’ of A.D. 67. he marched with an army of 50,000 men into Galilee, where he entirely re-established the Roman rule + Josephus, Jewish Wars II, ch. xviii, 10. 68 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE before the end of the year. Early in A.D. 68 he entered Judea and occupied Cesarea. During the two years which had elapsed since the defeat of Cestius, Jaffa had been re-occupied by a large number of Jews, who had begun to rebuild the city and its walls, and had made themselves ships with which they were harassing commerce along the Syrian and Egyptian coasts, and, especially, interfering with the maritime com- munications between the Roman armies in Palestine and those in Egypt.’ Vespasian sent to Jaffa a force of cavalry and infantry, who surprised the town at night and entered it whilst it was unguarded. The occupants of the city, realizing that resistance was futile, fled to their ships, and spent the night on the waters, at safe distance from the shore. “Now Joppa is without a haven naturally, for it ends in a rough shore, straight all the rest of it, but the two ends converge towards each other, where there are deep precipices, and great rocks that jut out into the open sea, and where the chains wherewith Andromeda was bound are still shown, attesting the antiquity of that fable, and the north wind blows and beats upon the shore, and dashes mighty waves against the rocks which receive them, and renders the haven more dangerous than the open sea. Now as the people from Jaffa were tossing about in the offing, in the morning a violent wind blew upon them (it 1s called by those that sail there Black Boreas), and dashed some of their ships against one another there, and some against the rocks; and many that were violently striving against the advancing tide to get * Josephus, Jewish Wars III, ch. ix, 2. UNDER THE ROMANS AND BYZANTINES — 69 into the open sea (for they were afraid of the rocky shore and the enemy upon it) were submerged by the waves that rose mountains high. Nor was there any place where they could flee to, nor any safety if they stayed where they were, as they were thrust off the sea by the violence of the wind, and out of the city by the violence of the Romans. And there was loud lamentation when the ships dashed against one another, and a terrible noise when they were broken to pieces; and some of the multitude in them were swallowed up by the waves, and so perished, and a great many were entangled in the wrecks. And some of them thought that to die by their own swords was an easier death than by the sea, and so they killed themselves; however, most were carried away by the waves, and dashed to pieces against the rocks, so that the sea was bloody a long way, and the shore was full of dead bodies, and the Romans watched for those that were carried ashore safe and slew them. And the number of bodies that came ashore was four thousand two hundred. The Romans also took the city without opposition, and rased it to the ground.” Vespasian, to prevent the Jews from again using the harbour of Jaffa against him, placed a fortified camp on the summit of the hill, where the citadel had stood, and left there a garrison of infantry and cavalry who ravaged the district and destroyed all the villages and small towns.’ He then continued his operations in Judea, capturing one town or village after the other, and sradually isolating Jerusalem. Proclaimed emperor in July A.D. 69, he returned to Rome and left the + Josephus, Jewish Wars III, ch. ix, 3. ? Josephus, Jewish War III, ch. ix, 4. 70 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE task of prosecuting the campaign to his son Titus, who, after a five months’ siege, occupied Jerusalem on the 8th of September, A.D. 70, and completely destroyed the city and the Temple. In commemoration of the Roman _ victory, Vespasian and his immediate successors on the throne struck gold, silver, and copper coins bearing designs and inscriptions celebrating the re-conquest of Judea. Of these coins several have special reference to the destruction of the Jewish fleet at Jaffa. The brass coin reproduced in Fig. 7 shows, on the reverse, 5 | Judea sitting in desolation under the shade of a palm tree, sur- rounded by the wordsJ UDAEA — NAVALIS. FIGURE 7? On the coin represented in Fig. 8, which belongs to the collections of the British Museum, the Jews are shown in supplication at the feet of Titus, who is standing holding in his right hand, a winged Victory (?), and his right foot resting on the prow of a broken galley; the date of thisicom"s/ALD 93 io here ane also in existence coins of Ves- pasian, Titus, and Domitian, SL with the legend VICTORIA Ficure 8? NAVALIS, All these coins offer a_ striking evidence of the great military importance which was —— * Madden, op. cit., pp. 192-194. ? Madden, op. cit., pp. 192-194. *> Madden, op. cit., pp. 192-194. UNDER THE ROMANS AND BYZANTINES _ 71 attached, in the view of the Romans, to the capture of Jaffa and the destruction of the young, but apparently effective, naval power of the Jews. Jaffa did not long remain in ruins. Coins have been found, struck during the reign of the emperor Elagabalus (A.D. 218-222), bearing the image of Athena standing (which may possibly be connected with some representation of the legend of Perseus and Andromeda) and inscribed Iorrys Pdaouas (Joppe Flavia)’ or GAAoV{IO] TMHE or SAA IOI (Fig. 9), which ~ proves that the rebuilding of Ag the town was Geese commenced as & early as the reign of Ves- cae pasian (Titus FIGURE 9° Flavius Vespasianus), that is not later than A.D. 79, and that it was named after him. The emperors were bent upon completely romanizing Judea, and, to a large extent, they seem to have succeeded in this policy, for the new Jaffa appears to have been from the start, at least in outward form and in language, if not in thought, a predominantly Greeco- Roman city. The Jews flocked back to it in large numbers, especially after the revolt of Bar-Kokhba under Hadrian in 132-135, when they were for- bidden on pain of death to enter Jerusalem, or even to look upon it from afar: a prohibition which * Darricarriére, Sur une Monnaie inédite de Joppé, in Revue Archéologique, Nouvelle Série, t. XLIII, 1882, p. 74 ff. (quoted by Schiirer, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 132. 2 G..F. Hill, op. cst., Plate V, No. 7. * A. Schlatter, Zur Topographie und Geschichte Paldstinas, 1893, Pp. 2. 72 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE naturally led to their concentration in the other large cities. At Jaffa, at the same time, the reviving commercial activity of the town led to the immigration and settlement of Jewish merchants _ from Egypt, Cyrenaica, Asia Minor, Chios, Babylon, and other parts of the Roman empire. That the Jewish community of Jaffa during the second, third, and fourth centuries A.D. must have been quite important, may be inferred from the comparatively large number of Talmudic scholars whose names are mentioned in the rabbinical writings as being originally from Jaffa. Such are: Rabbi Acha (Jerus. J7oed Katan, Ber. Rabb. c. 15), Rabbi Pinchas (Pesachim, 1), Rabbi Adda (Megillakh 16 b), Rabbi Nachman (Vayikra Rab. c. 6), Rabbi Tanchum (Pes. Rab. c. 17), Rabbi Judah ben Tarphon,’ and many others. Several of them were buried at Jaffa, and the ¢itulz’ of their tombs, bearing their names in Hebrew or in Greek, or in both these languages, have been found in the ancient Grzeco-Jewish necropolis which Clermont-Ganneau discovered, in 1874, on the out- skirts of the city (see Appendix I). Zenobia, queen of Palmyra and widow of the Dux Oriente Odaenathus, having in 267 thrown off her allegiance to Rome, her general Zabda occupied Palestine and Egypt in A.D. 270, and for a short time Jaffa found itself under Palmyrene rule. But in the following year already, the emperor Aurelian in person led an expedition into Syria, drove the Palmyrenes out, and, in 272 captured Zenobia and her sons, and made himself master of her + Mishna, Eduyot VIII, 2, according to Samuel Klein: Viidisch~ paldstinisches Corpus Inscriptionum, Vienna 1920, p. 40. * Funerary inscriptions. UNDER THE ROMANS AND BYZANTINES- 73 beautiful capital which was entirely destroyed in Pipi Meanwhile, although Jaffa in aspect and language had become a Greco-Roman town, Judaism still remained the predominant religion of its inhabitants, and Christianity does not seem to have made any considerable progress there. The list of Palestinian prelates who are mentioned as having been present at the Council of Nicaea in 325 includes “the Bishops of Jerusalem, Neapolis (Nablus), Sebaste (Samaria), Gadara (Gezer), Ascalon, Nicopolis (Amwas), Yamnia (Yebnah), Eleutheropolis (Beit-Jibrin), Maximianopolis (?), Jericho, Sebulon (Neby Sebelan), Lydda, Azotus (Ashdod), Scythopolis (Beisan), Gaza, Aila (Akabah), and Capitolias (Beit Ras),”" but does not speak of a Bishop of Jaffa; neither is the existence of a Christian community at Jaffa hinted at by Eusebius who passed through the town on his way from Egypt to Saida in A.D. 330. St. Jeréme, who visited Jaffa in A.D. 382 or 383 in the company of the Holy Paula of Rome and her daughter the Holy Eustochium, admired in Jaffa “ the harbour of the fugitive Jonah,” and was shown the rock to which Andromeda was chained: “ Hic locus est in guo usque hodie saxa monstrantur in littore, in guibus Andromeda religata Perset quondam sit liberata praesidio” ;’ but no mention is made of any Christian site such as the house of Tabitha or that of Simon the Tanner, which would certainly have p. 108 (quoted by Archdeacon Dowling, The Episcopal Succession in Jerusalem from c. A.D. 30, in P.E.F.Q.S., 1913, p. 165). 2 The Pilgrimage of the Holy Paula, by St. Jerdme, P.P.T.S., 1896, P. 4. 5 Comment. in Jonam, c. I (quoted by S. Munk, Palestine.» Descrip- tion géographique, historique et archéologique, Paris, 1881, p. 59). 74. THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE been pointed out to the travellers if there had been at Jaffa an important Christian community, seeing that at Czesarea, which they visited a few days before Jaffa, they did not fail to admire the house of the centurion Cornelius. In A.D. 395 occurred the partition of the Roman empire, and Palestine naturally fell to the share of the emperor of Byzantium. Whether, and in what manner and measure, this change affected the life and customs of the people of Jaffa, or the aspect of the city, we cannot say, as our information about this period is exceedingly scanty. Saint Cyril of Alexandria, writing during the first half of the fifth century, describes it as an important commercial centre and as the place of embarkation for those who travel from Judea to the other countries of the Levant. Soon afterwards we find Jaffa the seat of a bishopric under the Patriarchate of Jerusalem. Amongst the Bishops who signed the acts of the Council of Ephesus, which took place in A.D. 431, there appears one Fidus, Bishop of Jafta; similarly, at the Council of Jerusalem i mies): _ 536, a Bishop of Jaffa, named Elias, was present.’ Whether it was made a bishopric on account of the discovery of the tomb of Tabitha, or whether the creation of a bishopric and the increased transit of pilgrims from foreign countries on their way to Jerusalem led to the search for the tomb and its happy discovery, the fact is that during the sixth century we find the first recorded references to it. The priest Virgilius 7 R. P. Abel, La Géographie sacrée chez S. Cyrille d’Alexandrie, in Revue Biblique, 1922, p. 417. ‘* In consilio Ephesino habito anno 431 commemoratur FIDUS Joppes episcopus, & ELIAS in concilio Hierosolymitano anno 536 habito ’’? (Reland, Palaestina ex veteribus monumentis illustrata, Utrecht, 1714, p. 867). UNDER THE ROMANS AND BYZANTINES - 75 towards the year 500 and Theodosius towards 530, are attracted to Jaffa by the memory of the apostle Peter and the resurrection of Tabitha; and Antoninus Martyr, who visited the Holy Places of Palestine about A.D. 560-570, writes: “ Leaving Jerusalem, I went down to Joppa, where rests St. Wabitha:;7 For about two hundred years from the date of the partition of the Roman Empire, peace had reigned in Palestine, when in A.D. 613 the Sassanid king of Persia, Chrosroes II, tempted by the weakening of the imperial authority throughout the Asiatic dominions of Byzantium, attacked the usurper Phocas, invaded northern Syria, and in the follow- ing year conquered Palestine, spreading desolation through the whole country. His rule there lasted only fourteen years: the emperor Heraclius in his turn took the offensive, destroyed the Persian army in several victorious battles, and forced Siroes, Chrosroes’ son, to submit in A.D. 628. But Heraclius’ victories were also the cause which led to the loss of his Asiatic dominions. Through the annihilation of the military power of Persia there disappeared the bulwark which had so far kept in check the nomads of the Arabian peninsula; and when, a few years later, the young armies of Islam surged out from the desert and struck their first blow at the Syrian barriers of the weakened empire, Byzantium found herself alone to fight a battle in which she was bound to succumb. * F. Vigouroux, Dictionnaire de la Bible, 1899, art. ‘* Joppé.’”’ 2 Of the Holy Places visited by Antoninus Martyr, P.P.T.S., 1896, P. 35: CHAPTER WV! JAFFA UNDER THE ARABS (A.D. 636—1099) Mohammed died in A.D. 632. In the battle on the Yarmuk (A.D. 636) the army of Heraclius was utterly defeated by the Arab tribes of the desert united under the leadership of Omar. The same year, Omar’s general Amr Ibn al-As captured Jaffa;° the bishopric, of which it had been the seat, was suppressed, and the name of the town was changed from Joppe to Yafah. Neither the siege nor the change of régime appear to have brought with them any harmful consequences to the town, which continued to play its rdéle as the principal port of Palestine. The Christian and Jewish pilgrims continued to pass through it on their way to and from Jerusalem, the former generally stopping for a short while to visit the Tanner’s house and Tabitha’s tomb, and to pray at the church ol ot, bererine Apostle, °** which had been built at Jaffa, no doubt already before the Arab conquest, probably at the time of the creation of the Jaffa bishopric. In A.D. 878, Ahmed ibn Tulun, the governor of Egypt, revolted against the Abbasid khalifs of ae ie epee Paldstina unter den Arabern 632-1516; Leipzig, I91i5, p- : The Cian enone of Saint Willibald c. A.D. 754, P.P.T.S., London, 1895, Pp. 25. 7 JAFFA UNDER THE ARABS 77 Baghdad, declared himself independent, and occupied Palestine and Syria.’ His son, Abu-l- Jeish Khumaraweyh, who succeeded him in A.D. 884, saw his domination over these countries challenged by the khalif’s Turkish governors of Mosul and Anbar, who captured Damascus in A.D. 885. A first army sent against them having been defeated on the Orontes, Khumaraweyh himself led a fresh force of 70,000 men into Palestine, one part of them advancing by land whilst the others were transported by the fleet to Jaffa. In a battle at et-Tawahin (“ The Mills”), probably the mills on the river Aujah a few miles north of Jaffa, the enemy was defeated; Damascus was retaken, and the khalif had to confirm Khumaraweyh and his descendants for a term of thirty years in the government of Palestine and the other countries occupied by him. According to the Arab geographer, Yakubi, writing in A.D. 801, Jaffa, although still a small town at the time, had already become the principal commercial centre of Palestine, being the seaport of Ramleh which was then the capital of the country.’ In A.D. 905, the khalif Moktafi’s general, Mohammed ibn-Suleyman, marched through Syria and Palestine into Egypt whilst his fleet landed at Damietta, destroying the Egyptian army, and put an end to the Tulunid dynasty by carrying the reigning prince, Sheyban, and all the remaining members of the family as prisoners to Baghdad. In the summer of 969, Egypt was conquered on 1 Stanley Lane-Poole, A History of Egypt in the Middle Ages, Second Edition, London, 1914, p. 66. 2 Val A similar phenomenon occurred during the great earthquake of December 28th, 1908, in the Straits of Messina, when “* at first the sea retired, and then a great wave rolled in, followed by others generally of decreasing amplitude. .... At Messina, the height of the great wave was 2.70 metres, whilst at Ali and Giardini, it reached 8.40 metres, and at San Alessio as much as 11,7 metres (Encyclopedia Britannica, Eleventh Edition, article ‘‘ Earthquake Mm) $2 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE or twice very year, were accustomed to leave the Italian ports of Genoa, Pisa and Amalfi for the Levant. Of the arrival of such a Genoese fleet at Jaffa we have the interesting account of an eye- witness in the person of the priest Ingulf, who in 1076, became Abbot of Croyland, and in later years wrote a history of the Abbots of that convent, including his own experiences. He _ visited Palestine as a member of a group of about thirty French Normans who had joined the pilgrim party, 7,000 strong, which left Germany in November, 1064, under the leadership of the Archbishop Siegfried of Mayence. Whereas the Germans (of whom only 2,000 were left on the arrival of the party in Palestine) made the return journey again by land, the Normans chose the sea route, taking advantage of the presence at Jaffa, in the spring of 1065, of a Genoese trading fleet which had already called in turn at the ports further north and was now sailing homeward. The first port of call in Italy was Brindisi, where the pilgrims were landed.’ These commercial expeditions of the Italian cities were suddenly brought to a standstill in 1071, in consequence of the invasion of Syria and Palestine by the Seljuks, a Turkish tribe from Khorasan, who, having first established their rule over a considerable part of Central Asia and Persia, had now succeeded, on account of their sternly orthodox sunnism, in forcing themselves upon the khalifs of Baghdad as their protectors and cham- pions against the “heretic ” shite monarchs of Egypt. In 1071 the Seljuk general, Atsiz, con- quered Palestine and occupied Jerusalem; he ' Adolf Schaube, Handelsgeschichte der Romanischen Vélker des Mittelmeergebiets bis zum Ende der Kreuzsziige, Berlin, 1906, p. 65. JAFFA UNDER THE ARABS 83 besieged Jaffa,’ but failed to take it, and the city remained under the sway of the Fatimids.’ The cruel fanaticism of the Seljuks made life intolerable to Christian and Jew alike. For fear of being robbed, the merchants hardly dared to venture out upon the roads; and the result was that, although the maritime cities were never occupied by the Seljuks, their markets were devoid of goods for export, and the Italian trade was completely crippled. The loss was felt the more acutely as, on account of the persecutions to which the pilgrims were subjected, the pilgrimages also were falling away. The Christian clergy of Europe, at the sight of the suffering of its Palestinian co-religionists and of the persecution of the pilgrims, was bound to react in some form or other to these evils. The Italian cities, severely hit by the disappearance of their once so profitable business with the Levant, were only too eager to assist any undertaking, what- ever its motives, that would result in opening again to their nationals the markets of Palestine and Syria. Of this combination of religious fervour and commercial interests the Crusading movement was the result; the opportunity for it was provided by domestic quarrels among the Seljuks and by the degenerate luxuriousness of the Fatimids ;its success was due to the association of French and English military valour with Italian sea-power. In 1098, Antioch, in Northern Syria, was taken by the Crusaders, and on the news of its fall being received at Cairo, an Egyptian army under FE1-Afdal ibn-Bedr, the wezir of the Fatimid khalif 1 Munk, Palestine, p. 617. 2 Mann, op. cit., p. 188. 84. . THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE El-Mustali, moved into Palestine, and took Jerusalem and Tyre from the Seljuks. Eleven months later, the first Crusaders appeared before the walls of the Holy City. OH ARTE RINT JAFFA UNDER THE FRANKS (A.D. 1099—1268) Exactly lke the Philistines, some 2,300 years before, the Army of the Cross, under Godfrey of Bouillon, had marched from Antioch southwards along the coast, in order to keep in touch with the Genoese ships ‘which carried their supplies. At the news of its progress the Fatimid garrison of Jaffa razed the fortifications of the town, and destroyed the city and the harbour, so as to prevent the Christians from using Jaffa as a base.” For this reason the inhabitants left the place, which is said to have been found entirely abandoned by Godfrey on his arrival there in May, 1099... He contented himself with occupying the ruined town, and marched up to Jerusalem. Here the siege proved far more difficult than he had expected, and the Christian army, suffering from hunger and thirst, had almost given up the hope of ever taking the Holy City when, in June, the brothers William and Primus Embriaci, of Genoa, arrived at Jaffa with two galleys loaded with foodstuffs and carpenters’ tools, and bringing with them also a number of artificers and carpenters skilled in the manufacture and use of siege engines. Surprised at night by the Egyptian fleet, which + H. Sidebotham, England and Palestine, London, 1918, p. 81. ? Jacques de Vitry, I, 22. * William of Tyre, Belli Sacri historia, VIII, 9. 85 G 86 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE from its base at Ascalon was keeping command of the sea, the Genoese vessels had to be abandoned to the enemy; not, however, before all the cargo had been safely landed.’ Thanks mainly to the siege- towers which the Genoese craftsmen built with timber cut in the mountains near Nablus, the siege made rapid progress. Almost at the same time there arrived at Jaffa a Pisan fleet of 120 ships, which had sailed from Italy, by order of the Pope, Urban II, early in the spring of the same year, under the leadership of Dagobert, Bishop of Pisa and Papal legate. The Pisans just arrived in time to render valuable assistance in the siege, and Jerusalem was taken on July 15th. Immediately afterwards, Godfrey returned to Jaffa and began with the help of the Pisans to rebuild the city as well as the walls and the citadel (of which only one tower had been left standing by the Egypttans),’ and to repair the harbour. On Christmas Day, the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem was founded, “a feudal kingdom of Frankish seigzeurs.” Jaffa and the surrounding district were made a “ county,” which after the capture of Ascalon in 1157 became the “county of Jaffa and Ascalon.” Rodger, Seigneur of Rosay, was made the first count of Jaffa;’ his arms were a gold field with a cross patée gules. The bishopric of Jaffa was re-established, and was placed under the jurisdiction of the arch- * Cl. Huart, Geschichte der Araber, Leipzig, 1915, pp. 6 and 1o9g— Also Wilhelm Heyd, Geschichte des Levantehandels im Mittelalter, Stuttgart, 1879, Vol. I, p. 149. ? Marino Sanuto, lib. 3, par. 6, c. 3 (quoted by O. Dapper, Naukeurige Beschryving van gansch Syrie, en Palestyn of Heilige Lant, etc., Amsterdam, 1677, p. 231). > M. Rey, Les Familles d’Outremer: Les Comtes de Jaffa et d’Asca- lon, _Paris, 1869, p- 338. * Conder, Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, p. 176. JAFFA UNDER THE FRANKS 87 bishopric of Cesarea.. Dagobert was nominated Patriarch of Jerusalem, and on the 2nd of February, 1100, Godfrey concluded with him a treaty by which the Pisans were given one-fourth of the town of Jaffa as their property for ever, a concession which made them the masters for the time being of the whole foreign trade of Jaffa. At Faster of the same year a further treaty was concluded, stipulating that, in the event of new lands or towns, especially Cairo, being conquered with Pisan help, or in the event of Godfrey dying without direct heirs, the remaining three-fourths of Jaffa (as well as the whole city of Jerusalem) should become the property of the Pisans. As soon as this second act of donation was signed, the Pisan fleet, together with some English ships that had arrived at Jaffa, sailed back to Italy carrying many Crusaders home with it.” Cairo was not taken, and at Godfrey’s death the Crusading princes chose his brother Baldwin as king; thus the arrangements contained in Godfrey’s second act of donation to the Pisans were never fulfilled.’ On their way home, the Pisan ships had, in May, 1100, off the island of Rhodes, a sharp encounter with the fleet of 200 ships, which had sailed from Venice in the previous July under the leadership of the Bishop of Castello (Venice), Enrico Contarini, and a son of the Doge, Giovanni Michael. Early in June, this Venetian fleet arrived at Jaffa, to the great relief of Godfrey and Dagobert who had been 2 Wilhelm Albert Bachiene, Historische und Geographische Beschrei- bung von Paldstina nach seinem ehemaligen und jetzigen Zustande. Aus _ dem Holléndischen iibersetzt von Gottfried Arnold Maas, Leipzig, 1733, Part II, Vol. III, p, 184. ? Schaube, Handelsgeschichte ...., p. 124. 5’ Schaube, Handelsgeschichte ...., p. 125. 838 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE feeling rather unsafe since the departure of the Pisans. Whilst the rank and file of the Venetians, divided in two sections, went up in turn to visit the holy places of Jerusalem, their leaders concluded with Godfrey, at Jaffa, an important treaty which, on the return of the pilgrims from Jerusalem, was confirmed by oath, and by which the Venetians undertook to serve “iz Dei servitio”’ from June 24th till August 15th. In recompense for this military assistance, they were to receive in Jaffa and in every other town of the coast or of the interior which the Franks had already conquered, or would yet conquer, with their help, a church, a site suitable for the creation of a market, complete freedom from tolls for all time, and a third part of the spoil which would be gained in any future conquests. On the basis of this treaty a common expedition against Acco was prepared, but, before it could start, God- frey died on the 18th July, at the hospital which he himself had built at Jaffa, of a fever, caught a few weeks before in the Huleh marshes.’ In the course of the one year that elapsed since his arrival at Jaffa, a considerable part of the town and its defences had been rebuilt, the former inhabitants had returned, and a large number of Franks had settled there in addition; the harbour was again busy: Jaffa was well on the way to become once more a flourishing commercial centre. The death of Godfrey led to the abandonment, for the time being, of the expedition against Acco. Instead, Tancred and the Venetians contented themselves with occupying Haifa, after which the fleet sailed home to Venice.’ ~ 1°C. R. Conder, The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, London, 1897, 73. : ? Schaube, op. cit., p. 116. JAFFA UNDER THE FRANKS 89 Meanwhile, the Fatimid armies had had time to recover from the effects of the loss of Jerusalem, and El-Afdal began to think of its reconquest. The first necessary step was to drive the Franks out of Jaffa, and to cut them off from the sea. Early in the year 1101, Jaffa was besieged by an Egyptian army of 20,000 men; and although the garrison is stated to have consisted only of 4o mounted knights and 200 infantry, the Egyptians could achieve no result and had to abandon the siege. It is probable that the real reason which prompted them to retire was the news of the impending approach of new Christian reinforce- ments. On April 16th, a Genoese fleet of thirty- two ships sailed into Jaffa,’ where she was solemnly received by King Baldwin. He concluded with the Genoese leaders a treaty, which was written in letters of gold and preserved in the church of the Holy Sepulchre, and which was confirmed again three years later, and renewed by later kings and princes. By this treaty Baldwin, in recompense for the help given at the siege of Jerusalem, and for the promise of further military assistance in all future undertakings, gave to the Genoese church of St. Laurence a square in Jerusalem, a street in Jaffa, and a third part of Czsarea, Arsuf, and Acco when those cities should be taken.’ In the spring of 1102, king Baldwin sought shelter behind the walls of Jaffa after the loss of a battle, at Ascalon, against the Egyptians.’ 1 O. Dapper, op. cit., p. 231. 2? Fulcheri Carnotensis Historia Hierosolymitana (1095-1127). Mit Erlauterungen und einem Anhange herausg. von Heinrich Hagenmeyer, Heidelberg, 1913, p. 394. * Conder, Latin Kingdom, p . 83.--Also Heyd, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 153. “The Historie of the first Beieaiion to Jerusalem, by Godfrey of Bullen, Robert. of Normandie, and other Christian Princes, written by go THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE On the 13th of October of the same year, Jaffa was visited by a storm of exceptional violence, which resulted in the loss of more than a thousand lives and many ships. The catastrophe occurred on the day following that of the arrival by sea of the pilgrim Saewulf, who has given the following exceedingly vivid account of it :’ “On the very same day that we anchored, some- one said to me, God prompting him, as I believe: Sir, go on shore to-day, lest perhaps to-night, or early in the morning, a storm may come on, and you may not be able to land. When I heard this, I was at once seized with a desire to go ashore. I hired a boat, and with all my belongings landed. While I was landing, the sea became troubled, the tossing increased, and a violent tempest arose, but by the gracious favour of God I arrived unharmed. What further took place? We went into the city to seek for lodging, wearied and overcome with our long toil; we took some refreshment and rested. How- ever, early in the morning, as we came out from church, we heard the noise of the sea, the cries of the people, and all were running together, and wondering at such things as they had never heard before. We ran, full of fear with the rest, and came to the shore. When we got there, we saw the storm running mountain high, and beheld the bodies of men and women without number drowned and miserably lying on the beach. We saw also ships dashed against each other and broken into small pieces. Who could listen to anything but Robert, whome some call the Englishman, a Monke of Saint Remigius . . in Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes, by Samuel Purchas, Glasgow, 1905, Vol. VIL, pp. 466-467. 1 The Pilgrimage of Saewulf to Jerusalem and the Holy Land, A.D. 1102 and 1103, P.P.T.S., London, 1896, pp. 6-8. JAFFA UNDER THE FRANKS OI the roaring of the sea and the crashing of the ships? It was even louder than the cries of the people and the shouting of all the crews. Our ship, however, being very large and strongly built, and several others laden with corn and other merchandise, and with pilgrims outward or homeward bound, still held by their anchors and cables, although they were sorely tossed about by the waves. Oh, what fear of evil did they fall into! How was their merchandise thrown away! What eye of those who beheld them was so hard and stony that it could refrain from tears? We had not been gazing long, when, by the violence of the waves, or the currents, the anchors gave way, the cables were broken, and the ships were given up to the fierceness of the waves, all hope of escape being cut off. They were now lifted up on high, now drawn down to the depths, and quickly were thrown up out of the deep upon the sand or upon the rocks. There they were miserably dashed from side to side, and gradually torn to pieces by the tempest. The fierceness of the storm would not suffer them to return sound to the sea, and the steepness of the beach would not allow them to reach the shore in safety. But what boots it to tell how lamentably sailors and pilgrims, when all hope was gone, still clung, some to the ships, some to the masts, some to the spars, some to the cross-timbers? What more shall I say? Some, stupefied with terror, were drowned; some, as they were clinging, were decapitated by the timbers of their own ships. This may seem incredible to many, yet I saw it. Some, washed off from the decks of their ships, were carried out again to the deep. Some, who knew how to swim, voluntarily committed themselves to the waves, and thus 92 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE many of them perished. Very few, who had confidence in their own strength, arrived safe on shore. Thus, out of thirty very large ships, some of which are commonly called Dormundi, others Gulafri, and others Catti, all laden with pilgrims and merchandise, scarcely seven remained unwrecked by the time I had left the shore. More than a thousand persons of either sex perished on that day. A greater misery on one day no eye ever saw.” These notes of Saewulf give us an idea of the remarkable activity of the port of Jaffa within three years from the time of its conquest by the Franks. There are “thirty very large ships” in harbour; and they do not belong to one fleet only, for some have only just arrived, their outward-bound passengers having not yet landed, whilst others are on the point of leaving since their homeward-bound passengers are already on board. During the whole year, 1103, king Baldwin continued to rebuild and to embellish the city,’ but on two occasions the work had to be interrupted in order to beat off attacks by the Egyptians. In each case the town was besieged by land and by sea.'| The first time, the enemys’ army ‘was supported by a fleet of fifty ships and the attack was pressed with extraordinary vigour for three or four days; the defenders, despairing of the power to resist any longer, had almost made up their minds to surrender, when Baldwin appeared by sea with reinforcements and sailed into the harbour through the midst of the Egyptian fleet, whereupon the enemy abandoned his efforts and retired to ‘ Palestine Exploration Fund, The Survey of Western Palestine, Memoirs, Vol. II, p. 276. JAFFA UNDER THE FRANKS 93 Ascalon. Some two months later, it having become known that Baldwin had fallen ill, the Egyptians came back, and again besieged Jaffa with a large fleet and a numerous army; but, on receiving the news that the king had left his sick-bed and was advancing against them, they again gave up the siege and withdrew.’ A document dated of the same year, 1103, mentions the grant, by the Patriarch Arnulf, of a piece of land destined for a cemetery to the church of St. Peter,’ which was built on the site indicated by tradition as being that of the house of Tabitha.’ In the spring of 1105, an Egyptian army of 40,000 men, supported by a large fleet, again be- sieged the city, but on the arrival of Baldwin with a force of 6,000 men the garrison made a sorvtze, and the Egyptians were driven off with the loss of 7,000 killed, amongst whom was the admiral of Ascalon. A few months later they came back, by land only, to avenge his death, but were beaten off by the people of Jaffa alone.’ A year or two later, the Russian Abbot, Daniel, passed through Jaffa on his pilgrimage to Jerusalem; from the account which he wrote of his journey, we learn that the walls of the city on the sea side extended right into the water: “the waves wash its walls.’ Early in 1110, a force of 10,000 Norwegians and Englishmen, led by Sigurd, a son, or brother, of + Dapper, op. cit., p. 231. 2 Dapper, op. cit., p. 232. * RGhricht, Studien sur mittelalterlichen Geographie und Topo- graphie Syriens, ini ZL. DP 3V.5).1837,) ps 202- “ Rohricht, Studien zur mittelalterlichen Geographie und Topo- graphie Syriens, in Z.D.P.V., 1887, p. 202. * Dapper, op. cit., p. 232. ° The Pilgrimage of the Russian Abbot Daniel in the Holy Land (A.D. 1106-1107), P.P.T.S., London, 1895, p. 54. 94 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE king Magnus of Norway, arrived at Jaffa in a fleet of sixty ships, and stayed there practically the whole year, taking part in the capture of Beyrut in April and of Sidon in December.’ The year 1113 witnessed a new and unsuccessful siege of a few days by an Egyptian army from Ascalon.’ In 1114, the metropolitan church of St. Peter, together with the cemetery which had been added to it eleven years previously, was given by the Patriarch Ebremar to the church of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem. The act of donation shows that the church of St. Peter was situated outside the city walls: “ Acclesiam Sancti Petri majorem, quae est apud Joppenae eum cimeterio ecclesiae pertinentt.”” In 1115, the Egyptians from Ascalon again besieged Jaffa with a large army and a fleet of seventy ships. The assailants succeeded in burning the gates of the city, and made an attempt to scale the walls by means of ladders, but were driven off.” A few days later, they came back with six boats full of ladders, but again they had to return home without having obtained any result.’ In 1117, king Baldwin invaded Egypt; but he became dangerously ill and was compelled to return - home, not however before having done sufficient damage to discourage the wezir El-Afdal from inviting any further such reprisals. However, at the end of 1121, the prudent and wise wezir was * Conder, Latin Kingdom, p. 90.—Also Besant and Palmer, op. cit., P. 253. 2-H. Prutz, Kulturgeschichte der Kreuzziige, Berlin, 1883, p. 95. * Quoted by Clermont-Ganneau in P.E.F.Q.S., 1874, p. 274. 4 Dapper, op. cit., p. 232.—Also Guérin, La \Judée, Vol. I, p. 19. 5 Dapper, op. cit., p. 232. JAFFA UNDER THE FRANKS 95 assassinated by order of the khalif, and the latter, as soon as the winter was over, delivered a new attack on Jaffa with a large army well provided with siege engines of every kind, and aided by a fleet of seventy galleys. But a Christian relief force of 7,000 attacked the Egyptians and forced them to abandon the siege.’ On the 18th April, 1123, king Baldwin lost a battle against the Seljuks in northern Syria, and was made a prisoner; and as soon as the news of this disaster to the Christians became known to the khalif Al-Amir at Cairo, he at once started on a new offensive against Jaffa, both by land and by sea. Huis army was better provided than ever with all types of siege engines, and the fleet was com- posed of twenty-four of his best battleships.” But, Count Eustace Garnier, who had been chosen as regent for the time that the king’s captivity would last, seems to have had timely warning of their movements; for a message was sent to Cyprus, where a Venetian fleet of 120 ships, commanded by the Doge Domenico Michael in person, had recently arrived ex route for Syria and Palestine. The Venetians at once crossed the sea to Acco. Meanwhile, on May 23rd or 24th, the Egyptians, after having sat down before Jaffa for a short while, had begun the assault, showering without interrup- tion enormous quantities of large and heavy stones on the city walls. But the garrison of Jaffa fought with the energy of despair. The assaults had been continuous for five days, and the walls were seriously breached in several places, when the Venetian fleet came in view. The Doge had * Dapper, op. cit., p. 232. ? Dapper, op. cit., p. 232. 96 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE divided his force into two divisions: the one, of eighteen ships only, sailed slowly southwards at a short distance from the shore; the other, com- prising all the remaining ships, put out into the open sea and, describing a wide curve, approached Jaffa from the west. At the sight of the eighteen Venetian ships approaching from the north, the Admiral of Ascalon, thinking that these were all the forces sent against him, at once advanced to attack them. The Venetians, pretending to hesitate, began to retreat towards the open sea, closely followed by the Egyptians, when suddenly the main division of the Venetian fleet was seen approaching. The Egyptians, realising the extreme peril of their position, turned south in a desperate attempt to escape to their base at Ascalon. However, the main Venetian division succeeded in forestalling them and in barring their line of retreat; they were surrounded on all sides, all their ships captured, and their crews massacred. At the news of the destruction of the fleet, the Egyptian general before Jaffa abandoned the siege and returned to Ascalon. The naval victory brought the Venetians a very rich booty. In addition, they concluded with the Regent and the Patriarch of Jerusalem a new treaty of alliance, known as the Pactum Warmundi, which, apart from other special concessions at Jerusalem and Acco, and at Tyre and Ascalon when these would be conquered, granted them in all the other cities of the kingdom, including Jaffa, a number of important privileges. These were :* the full and tax-free possession of a street, a bath, and an oven; exemption from all * Fulcher, op. ctt., Lib. III, c xx. ? Schaube, Handelsgeschichte ...., p. 131. JAFFA UNDER THE FRANKS 97 customs, duties and harbour dues, except on pilgrims’ ships; disputes by Venetian nationals were to be tried by Venetian courts of their own; they were to exercise the same financial and legal authority over non-Venetian inhabitants of their quarters as that exercised by the king over his subjects; disputes between Venetians and non- Venetians were to come before the royal courts only if the defendant was not a Venetian. The year 1133 saw Jaffa in rebellion against king Fulke (1131-1144). |The latter’s wife, Millicent, was a cousin of Hugh, Count of Jaffa, one of the handsomest, bravest, and strongest men in the kingdom. Rightly or wrongly, their relations were looked upon with suspicion and jealousy by the king. Ata council held at Jerusalem, Hugh’s son- in-law, Walter, Count of Czesarea, accused him of the crime of lése-mazesté, it is said that the accusa- tion was made at the king’s own instigation. The barons, having heard the charge, summoned Hugh to try the cause by ordeal of battle, but the latter failed to appear on the appointed day; he was judged guilty in default, and the king marched against him. In response, Hugh hastened to Ascalon and concluded there an alliance with the Moslems, who promised to harass the country whilst he himself would defend Jaffa against the king. He then returned to Jaffa, closed its gates, and pre- pared himself to sustain a long siege, declaring that he was determined to resist to the last. His energetic attitude did not fail to make an impression on the king, who could not afford to have civil war so close to his capital. He opened negotiations, with the result that Count Hugh promised to suffer exile for three years. He accompanied the king to 98 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE Jerusalem, to prepare himself for his departure. One day, while playing dice in the street, he was stabbed by a Breton knight, and left for dead. He was, however, cured of his wounds, and was sent to Sicily, where he died.’ During the reign of King Fulke, we find for the first ttme Frenchmen engaged in the Jaffa trade; for, he is stated to have given to the merchants of Marseilles a yearlysum equivalent to £140, from the customs revenue of Jaffa;’ and, in the autumn of 1152, king Baldwin III, when preparing himself for the conquest of Ascalon, concluded an alliance with them and promised them, amongst other privi- leges, freedom of trade in the whole of Palestine. In August, 1153, Ascalon was at last captured by the Christians; and in the following year this city was given by the king to his brother Amaury, Count of Jaffa, by an act which constituted the County of Jaffa and Ascalon. During the second half of the twelfth century, the trade of Jaffa reached a very high degree of prosperity, chiefly thanks to the energy and resourcefulness of the Pisan merchants. By an act dated at Ascalon on the 2nd of June, 1157, Count Amaury granted them in Jaffa, with the approval of the king, his brother, a large site suit- able for the establishment of a bazaar, a street for building houses, and a site for a church. At the same time he reduced by half the customs duties to be paid on all goods imported or exported by them at Jaffa. * Conder, Latin Kingdom, p. 98.—Also Besant and Palmer, of. cit., Pp. 291-292. ? Conder, Latin Kingdom, p. 209. * Conder, Latin Kingdom, p. 114. * Rey, Les Familles d’ Outremer, p. 340. * Schaube, op. cit., p. 136.—Also Rey, Familles d’ Outremer, p. 342. JAFFA UNDER THE FRANKS 99 King Baldwin III having died in 1162, Amaury became king of Jerusalem; his reign lasted eleven years, and he was himself succeeded on the throne by his son, Baldwin IV. The attitude of cruel intolerance displayed by the Crusaders towards the Jews is well-known, and is, besides, sufficiently illustrated by the massacres of Jews which they carried out, both on their journeys through the various countries of Europe and in Jerusalem itself. When, after the occupation of Jaffa by Godfrey of Bouillon, in 1099, the previous population of the city began to return to their homes, the Crusaders appear to have forbidden the return of the Jewish inhabitants; indeed, during the first seventy years of the Christian occupation of the town, we have no indication of the existence of a Jewish community there, and when, in 1170, the famous Jewish traveller Benjamin of Tudela passed through Jaffa, he found there one Jew only, a dyer. From that date onward, the Jewish population seems to have rapidly increased in numbers, seeing that Jewish artisans are mentioned as having practically the monopoly of the manufacture of enamelled pottery and glass, which became one of the chief objects of export from Jaffa to Italy and southern France from the year 1200 onwards.’ In 1175, William, Marquess of Montferrat, arrived from France at the invitation of king Baldwin IV, and, having married the king’s sister Sybil, was given the County of Jaffa and Ascalon. * The Travels of Rabbi Benjamin of Tudela, A.D. 1160-1173, in Early Travels in Palestine, edited by Thomas Wright, London, 1848, D7. ? Rey, Les Colonies Franques de Syrie aux XIIéme et XIIIéme siécles, Paris, 1883, p. 211-212. 100 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE He died in 1177, leaving his wife with child. After the birth of the latter, a boy, who was named Baldwin, Sybil married Guy of Lusignan, who in this manner succeeded William of Montferrat as Count of Jaffa and Ascalon.’ In 1183, king Baldwin IV renounced the crown of Jerusalem in favour of his five-years’-old nephew Baldwin, and appointed Guy de Lusignan to be Protector of the Realm during his stepson’s minority. But shortly afterwards the king revoked this latter act, and appointed Raymond, Count of Tripoli, as Protector; whereupon Guy left the Court in discontent, went home, and prepared his cities of Jaffa and Ascalon to resist the king’s new decision.’ No armed conflict took place; but when Baldwin IV had actually installed his little nephew in his place on the throne, the child, after a reign of eight months and eight days, was, in 1185, poisoned by his mother, Sybil, in order that her husband, Guy, might get possession of the Crown in her right, and the child’s death was kept secret till Guy, by large bribes to the Templars and the Patriarch, Heraclius, had secured his coronation.’ His reign, however, was only to be a very short one: he had hardly been on the throne for about a year, when Saladin invaded Palestine. Saladin (Salah ed-Din), the sworn enemy of the Christians, but one of the most chivalrous soldiers known to history, was a Sunni of Khurdish origin. As wezir of the Fatimid khalif El-Adid, he had, in 1169, with great difficulty, beaten off an attack on ‘ Rey, Familles d’Outremer, pp. 342 wR Fuller, The Historie of ihe. Holy War, Cambridge, 1639, p. 10 Praia Fuller, The Historie of the Holy War, Cambridge, 1639, p. 102. JAFFA UNDER THE FRANKS IOI Damietta by the combined fleets of the king of Jerusalem and the emperor of Byzantium. In 1170, he retaliated by plundering Gaza and by capturing the port of Aila (Akabah). His ambition was, from an early date, the re-establishment of Moslem rule in Palestine; and when, on El-Adid’s death, in 1171, he had made himself sole ruler of Egypt, he began to prepare for this ambitious pro- gramme. The sultan of Syria, Ndr-ed-Din, having died in 1174, Saladin, with only 700 picked horsemen, rode across the desert to Damascus and took possession of it. Beaten by Baldwin IV in 1177 at Gezer, he in turn defeated the king of Jerusalem in Galilee in the summer 1179, whilst his fleet, composed of seventy vessels, harassed the coast of Palestine. In the spring of 1180, he made a new advance by land and sea, but king Baldwin proposed a truce, which was concluded for two years. In 1182, Saladin conquered Mesopotamia and the remaining parts of northern Syria. All the countries surrounding Palestine were now united in his hand, and he was only waiting for a suitable pretext to embark upon the Holy War. The required pretext was furnished by Reginald of Chatillon, lord of Kerak, who, in spite of a four years’ truce concluded with Saladin, in 1184, by Raymond of Tripoli as Regent on behalf of the infant king Baldwin V, attacked, in 1186, a peaceful caravan of merchants in which the sister of Saladin was travelling. The following spring, Saladin delivered his long-deferred attack. On July 4th, he inflicted a crushing defeat on the Franks at Hattin, near Tiberias, the king Guy of Lusignan himself being made prisoner. Before the end of the month, most of the maritime cities H 102 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE were in Saladin’s power, Jaffa having surrendered without fighting to his brother El-Melek el-Adel Seif-ed-Din (“the noble Saphadin ”’); on the 2nd of October the conquest of the whole country was completed by the capitulation of Jerusalem. Tyre alone resisted successfully under the leadership of Conrad of Montferrat. In order to win new allies, the latter granted the Pisans, in October, 1187, new privileges not only at Tyre but also at Jaffa and Acco in case they would help him to recover these two cities. For Jaffa, these privileges comprised : new grants of houses in the vicinity of the port, new ovens and baths; the possession of the castle and garden of the Patriarch; the right to use their own weights and measures; the right to have at the city- gates and in the bazaar their own controllers authorized to supervise the royal revenue officials in their dealings with Pisan merchants and to prevent the latter from being unfairly treated; exemption for all Pisan citizens living in the Pisan quarter from any taxes whatsoever, and for those Pisans living outside the Pisan quarter proper (extra honorem Pisani Comunis), from all taxes except the “ ¢alia”’ destined to be used exclusively in the interest of the city-quarter concerned; Pisan autonomous consuls or vicecomites to be given charge of the administration of all communal affairs and of justice in the Pisan quarter, with jurisdiction 1 ** 1187 Octob., ind. VI. Tyri in domo Hospitalis. Corradus marchio in praesencia et consensu supra dictorum Pisants, si Dei auxtilio Joppea christianis recepta fuerit, in eadem civitate omnes domos, quas antea habuerunt, et etiam usque ad ‘portam portus ex utraque parte viae et balnea et furnos, quae habuit et tenuit Lambertus de Joppen Pisanus, necnon casale Patriarchae et hortum, qui fuit Gisilberti castellani, et eadem privilegia, quae Pisanis Tyri constitutis dederat, concedit et sigillo confirmat.’’ (Regesta Regni Hierosolymitant MXCVII-MCCXCI, edidit Reinhold Roéhricht, Oeniponti 1893, p. 178). CC ————— JAFFA UNDER THE FRANKS 103 over Pisan nationals in all cases other than grave crimes against non-Pisans or matters of feudal law, which had to come before the royal courts.’ Tyre now became the rallying point of the Franks. Thither flocked the garrisons whom Saladin had set free after the capitulation of the fortresses; thither also came king Guy and most of his nobles and knights who, having been made prisoners by Saladin, had been released on parole. They, however, immediately broke their word,” assembled their forces, and laid siege to Acco on 28th August, 1189; two days later, the besiegers were themselves besieged by Saladin. This strange situation lasted two years, during which the Franks received new reinforcements on several occasions; in August, 1190, Henry of Champagne landed with 10,000 men; in October, the Duke Frederick of Swabia brought about 1,000 men who were all that remained of the fine army of the emperor Barbarossa drowned in Armenia; in October, arrived also an English fleet; in April, 1191, arrived the French contingent of the third Crusade, under king Philip Augustus; and on the 8th of June the British contingent under Richard Coeur-de-Lion.’ Thanks to these reinforcements the attack could now be pressed with all vigour both inwards and outwards, and on July 12th, Acco surrendered. At once the kings of England and of France began to quarrel as to who should be king over what remained of the kingdom of Jerusalem: Conrad of Montferrat, supported by Philip, or Guy of Lusignan, backed by Richard. 1 Schaube, op. cit., pp. 169-170. ? Lane-Poole, op. cit., p. 209. * Lane-Poole, op. cit., pp. 209-210. 104 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE On the 27th or 28th of July they concluded an agreement to the effect that Guy should remain king for life, and that Conrad should be his successor, also that Guy’s brother, Geoffrey of Lusignan, known as Geoffrey with the Big Tooth, should have for himself and his heirs the Counties of Jaffa and Cesarea. Three days after this decision, Philip Augustus began his return to France, leaving Richard alone to prosecute the war. In the meantime, as soon as Acco had fallen, Saladin, seeing part of his army destroyed, whereas that of the Franks had become stronger than ever, realized that for the present he could do nothing except remain on the defensive, and keep all his remaining troops together. In the circumstances, it was clear that he would not be able to prevent the enemy from taking possession of the maritime cities. He, therefore, evacuated these towns, after having had their walls completely destroyed. This was done at Cesarea, Ascalon, Gaza and Jaffa;’ in the last-mentioned place even the private houses were demolished. Saladin then concluded peace with Richard. But the latter, exasperated by some delay in the carrying-out of the stipulations regarding the surrender of Christian prisoners, massacred in cold blood, on the 16th of August, 2 »700 Moslem prisoners in sight of the two camps. Saladin retaliated by a similar treatment of his own prisoners. Peace had now become impossible. Richard, his rear constantly harassed by Saladin, 1 Rey, Familles d’Outremer, p. 344 2 Jacques de Vitry, The History of Jerusalem, P.P.T.S., London,, 1896, p. 113. * Lane-Poole, op. cit., p. 210. JAFFA UNDER THE FRANKS 105 marched down the coast with the intention of establishing a new base at Jaffa, and of attacking from there Ascalon and Jerusalem. On the 7th of September he defeated Saladin at Arsuf and forced him to retire into the mountains of Judea; on the roth of September, when the English infantry reached Jaffa, they found the town in such a ruined state that they could not find lodgings in it. The army, therefore, encamped outside the walls “in an olive garden on the left side of the town . . and refreshed themselves with abundance of fruits, figs, grapes, pomegranates, and citrons, produced by the country around.” Richard at once began to rebuild the walls and the towers, and to clear out the moat.’ A few days after his arrival at Jaffa, a small fleet from England brought thither the two queens: Richard’s wife Berengaria, and his sister Joan, widow of King William of Sicily, who had just died. During his quarrel with Philip Augustus at Acco, Richard had been energetically supported by the Pisan merchants, who had, moreover, given him considerable financial assistance; in return for all these services he now, after his arrival at Jaffa, by an act of October, 1191, confirmed again the privileges which they had been granted in the ast.” i Previous to the departure of his army from England, Richard had issued an order by which no one was allowed to take with him on the pilgrimage any woman other than a washerwoman against whom there could be no suspicion. Similarly, on 1 Geoffrey de Vinsauf’s Chronicle of Richard the First’s Crusade, in Bohn’s Chronicles of the Crusades, London, 1914, pp. 246-247. 2 Id., p. 248. : Schaube, he city Ha 370 106 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE leaving Acco for Jaffa, he issued a new order com- pelling all the dissolute women, who had found means of joining the army, to stay behind at Acco; once more only the washerwomen were allowed to accompany the army. Notwithstanding this prohibition, as soon as the army was encamped in the gardens of Jaffa, the women appeared in large numbers, spread themselves through the camp, and made it the theatre of the most shameless immorality, which, together with the prolonged inactivity of the autumn and winter, soon under- mined the men’s discipline. Two attempts to march on Jerusalem, one in January and the other in June, 1192, brought Richard actually in sight of the Holy City, but, in each case, the undertaking had to be abandoned half-way, partly on account of dissensions among the Crusaders themselves, partly by reason of the increased strength of Saladin’s army. After the second failure in June, Richard lost heart, and, as grave news was arriving from England, he retired with most of his troops to Acco and began to make preparations for a voyage home. Shortly after his arrival at Acco, he decided to proceed to Beyrut. Saladin, on being informed of this decision, deter- mined to take advantage of the opportunity to make a dash upon Jaffa. His forces had just been considerably increased by the arrival of important contingents of fresh troops under the emirs of Aleppo, Mesopotamia and Egypt; whilst Jaffa had only about 3,000 Christian defenders left.’ Leaving Jerusalem with all his forces on Thursday, 23rd of July, he encamped before Jaffa ? Prutz, op. cit., p. 125.—Also Geoffrey de Vinsauf, op. cit., p. 248. 4M. V. Guérin, La Judée, Vol. I, p. 19. JAFFA UNDER THE FRANKS 107 shertly before noon on Tuesday, 28th. His army was drawn up in three divisions, surrounding the town on all sides: the right and left wing, commanded respectively by El-Melek ez-Zaher and FEl-Melek el-Adel, rested on the sea, the Sultan himself being in the centre. As soon as the people of Jaffa had been informed of Saladin’s approach and his intentions, Alberic of Reims, whom Richard had left in charge of the city as governor, sent at once a swift ship to Acco to call the king back. On Wednesday morning, 29th July, the attack was begun, with the help of two mangonels (stone- throwing engines) trained on the weakest part of the walls, close to the eastern gate; at the same time, miners were set to sink a mine under the same eastern wall, in the angle of the curtain adjoining the first tower to the north of the east gate. But the garrison fought with great energy, and, towards evening, as the miners were just finishing their mine, the besieged succeeded in destroying it in several places. During the night, Saladin had the mine repaired and continued, so that it reached over the whole length of the section of the wall from the tower to the east gate, and he had also a new mangonel constructed. On the next morning, Thursday, he brought all his three mangonels to bear on the portion of the wall which had been undermined. Alberic of Reims and the Patriarch of Jaffa, seeing that, if the attack was continued, the city would be taken before king Richard could possibly arrive with help, sent two envoys to Saladin to start negotiations for peace. Saladin consented to receive the surrender * Rey, Les Familles d’Outremer, p. 345. 108 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE of the city on the same conditions as those which he had exacted at the capitulation of Jerusalem: the Christians should pay ten dinars for every man, five for every woman, and two for every child, and those who could not pay were to become prisoners.. The Christians accepted these conditions, and asked for a two days’ armistice, until Saturday, on which day they would carry out the terms of the treaty, if by that time they had not received assistance. Saladin refused to agree to this delay, and fighting was resumed. The mine having been completed, it was filled with combustibles; these were set on fire, and the wall was brought down over half the distance from the east gate northward to the next tower. But the men of the garrison had accumu- lated large heaps of dry wood behind the whole section of the wall under which Saladin’s miners had been at work. As soon as the wall gave way, they set fire to the wood, and the flames prevented the Moslems from effecting an entrance through the breach, in spite of all their efforts renewed without interruption until the dark put an end to the fighting. During the night, Saladin gave orders to increase the number of mangonels to five. On Friday morning, 31st, all the mangonels had been set up, and a great quantity of stones collected, to be hurled from these engines. They were brought into play on the remaining part of the wall which had been undermined. ‘“ The Sultan him- self, as well as his son El-Melek ez-Zaher, took an active part in the attack, whilst El-Melek el-Adel, at the head of the troops of the left wing, attacked the city on the opposite side. El-Adel was ill at the time. Then a mighty shout was raised, the ’ Besant and Palmer, op. sit., p. 431. JAFFA UNDER THE FRANKS 109 drums sounded, the trumpets blared, the mangonels hurled their stones. . . The miners were actively engaged in setting fire to the mines, and the day had hardly reached its second hour, when the wall fell with a fall like the end of all things...A cloud of dust and smoke arose from the fallen wall, that darkened the heavens and hid the light of day, and none dared to enter the breach and face the fire. But when the cloud dispersed, and disclosed the wall of halberds and lances replacing the one that had just fallen, and closing the breach so effectually that even the eye could not penetrate within, then indeed we beheld a terrifying sight—the spectacle of the enemy’s unwavering constancy, as they stood undaunted, unflinching, self-controlled in every moment.” Whilst his men continued the defence in such heroic manner, Alberic of Reims himself fled on board a ship and tried to escape; but “his com- panions, reproaching him for his cowardice, recalled him to a sense of duty, and absolutely forced him into one of the towers.” At last it was decided to make a new attempt to gain some time by reopening negotiations, and once more two envoys were sent to Saladin. His conditions were that “ knight should be exchanged for (Moslem) horseman, Turkopole for light-armed soldier; and that the old people should pay the ransome paid by those at Jerusalem.” |The envoys accepted these terms, but asked for a one day’s armistice, after the expiration of which the surrender would take place. Saladin refused to suspend the attack on the city- walls, saying that he could not stop his soldiers _ * Beha ed-Din, The Life of Saladin, P.P.T.S., London, 1897, pp. Nasi Gentcey de Vinsauf, op. ctt., p. 313. * Geoffrey de Vinsauf, op. cit., p. 365. 110 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE from fighting, but that, if the Christians would at once retire into the citadel and abandon the town to his men, he would wait twenty-four hours for the surrender of the citadel itself. The envoys agreed, and returned to Jaffa: the Christians abandoned the breach, and the Moslems spread through the town, taking an enormous booty, massacring the inhabitants, smashing the wine-barrels, killing all the pigs they could get hold of, and in their fury throwing on one heap “the bodies of the pigs together with the bodies of the Christians whom they had slain.” On receiving the news of Saladin’s descent upon Jaffa, King Richard, who was on the point of embarking for Beyrut, gave up this project and decided at once to hasten to the relief of the besieged city. Henry of Champagne, with fifty- five knights, mostly mounted on mules, hurried south by land; whilst Richard himself and his English infantry went by sea, but were delayed three days at Haifa by contrary winds. The news of their departure from Acco was brought on Friday afternoon to Saladin, who at once determined to obtain at all costs the surrender of the citadel before Richard could come to its assistance. But the garrison stuck to their delay of twenty-four hours, and Saladin’s troops, exhausted from the fighting, the massacre and the pillage, had become incapable of disciplined action; and so the matter had to be postponed to the following day. At daybreak on Saturday, 1st of August, Henry of Champagne arrived with his handful of knights, penetrated into the city, and joined the defenders in * Geoffrey de Vinsauf, op. cit., p. 319. JAFFA UNDER THE FRANKS Ill the citadel.’ During the night the English fleet had also arrived at last, and Saladin at once sent down a strong force to the shore, to oppose the landing. But those on board made no attempt to leave their ships. In the morning, the garrison in the citadel thought that the people in the ships were afraid to land on account of the presence of the enemy on the shore. They, therefore, decided to create a diversion which would draw the enemy away from the sea. Led by Henry of Champagne, they sallied forth from the citadel and began massacring all the Moslems whom they found in the city. Saladin sent troops to the rescue, and the Christians were driven back into the citadel. Still no sign of activity was shown on the part of the fleet. The reason was that Richard, misled by the sight of the Moslem banners flying everywhere over the city, believed that the citadel itself was already taken. “ The noise of the waves, the yells of the combatants, and the shouts of the ¢ahlil and takbir (‘ There is but one God! God is great !’), prevented those on board from hearing their own countrymen’s calls.”’ At last the men in the citadel understood the reason of the fleet’s inaction; thereupon one of the garrison jumped down from the citadel on to the sands, where he came down unhurt, ran to the edge of the water and got into a galley, which put out for him, and which put him on board the king’s galley. As soon as Richard heard that the citadel was still holding out, he made all speed for the shore, his own galley, which was painted red and had its deck covered with a red awning, being the first to land the men on board.’ The king himself * Rey, Les Familles d’Outremer, p. 345. ? Beha ed-Din, op. cit., p. 370. * Beha ed-Din, op. cit., p. 370. 112 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE at their head, ‘“‘ dashed forward into the waves with his thighs unprotected by armour, and up to his middle in the water; he soon gained firm footing on the dry strand: behind him followed . . all the others rushing through the waves. The Turks stood to defend the shore, which was covered with their numerous troops. The king, with an arbalest which he held in his hand, drove them back right and left; his companions pressed upon the recoiling enemy, whose courage quailed when they saw it was the king, and they no longer dared to meet him. The king brandished his fierce sword, which allowed them no time to resist, but they yield before his fiery blows, and are driven in confusion with blood and havoc by the king’s men until the shore is entirely cleared of them. Then they brought together beams, poles, and wood, from the old ships and galleys, to make a barricade; and the king placed there some knights, servants, and arba- lesters, to keep guard and to dislodge the Turks, who, seeing that they could no longer oppose our troops, dispersed themselves on the shore with cries and howlings in one general flight. The king then, by a winding chair, which he had remarked in the house of the Templars, was the first to enter the town, where he found more than 3,000 Turks turning over everything in the houses, and carrying away the spoil. The brave king had no sooner entered the town, than he caused his banners to be © hoisted on an eminence, that they might be seen by the Christians in the tower (citadel), who taking courage at the sight, rushed forth in arms from the tower to meet the king, and at the report thereof the Turks were thrown into confusion. The king, meanwhile, with brandished sword, still pursued JAFFA UNDER THE FRANKS 113 and slaughtered the enemy, who were thus enclosed between the two bodies of the Christians, and filled the streets with their slain. . . All were slain, except such as took to flight in time. . . When the Turks leaving the town saw his banners floating in the air, a cry was raised on right and left as he sallied forth upon them . . . and no hailstorm or tempest ever so densely concealed the sky as it was then darkened by the flying arrows of the Turks.”’ The panic amongst the Moslems was complete. Saladin, unable to rally his forces, retired to Yazur, his men abandoning most of the booty they had made in the pillage of Jaffa. Outside the city, meanwhile, “ the bodies of the Christians were now buried in peace, whilst those of the Turks were in turn cast out to rot with those of the swine.” The next three days were spent by the king in repairing the breach in the walls.’ On the very evening of his victory, Richard initiated new peace negotiations, and, on the 2nd of September, a truce of three years and eight months was signed at Ramleh, by which it was agreed that Ascalon should be dismantled, that Jaffa and the plains up to the mountains should be left in the hands of the Christians, that Christian pilgrims should be permitted to visit the holy places at Jerusalem, and that Christian merchants should enjoy the right of free trade in Palestine. Early in August, Richard had been taken seriously ill. It is related by one of his biographers that whilst he was confined to his bed with a high fever, “ word was brought to him that the Duke of ? Geoffrey de Vinsauf, op. cit., pp. 313-318. SAL a: 3 Ps 930. “Tay .1,-.320, II4 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE Burgundy (who had refused to join him in going to the rescue of Jaffa) was taken dangerously ill at Acre. ‘The day was the day for the king’s fever to take its turn, and through his delight at this report, it left him. The king immediately with uplifted hands imprecated a curse upon him, saying: ‘ May God destroy him, for he would not destroy the enemies of our faith with me, although he had long served in my pay. On the third day, the duke died.” si, ¥ mit AGS ; ; 1 ae ™ a "Soe are ley é ay * CHAP THRU TX JAFFA UNDER THE TURKS (1516-1917) AND UNDER THE BRITISH OCCUPATION AND MANDATE (SINCE 1917). The defeat of the Mameluk sultan Kansu el-Ghuri, and the conquest of Egypt and Palestine by the Turks under Selim I in 1516, did not bring about any change in the state of the ruined city of Jaffa. In 1575 the German botanist, Leonard Rauwolff, did not yet find there a single house, and in 1586 the Belgian chevalier Jean Zvallaert found the town in the following state: “ The haven was, in times bygone, walled all around, except towards the north, where was the entrance: the remains of the said walls can be seen to the present day emerging slightly out of the water, like reefs. . . . Parts of the city walls can be seen lying on the ground: the best preserved parts to be found are two small square towers, one larger than the other, which were repaired a few years ago, with windows and battle- ments, and into which several pieces of 1ron cannon and harquebuses have been placed: and there reside at present the guards of the port. There are also certain vaulted grottoes, used for cellars, which seem to have been warehouses for storing the goods 1 Dr. Leonhart Rauwolff’s Itinerary into the Eastern Countries, as Syria, Palestine, or the Holy Land, Armenia, Mesopotamia, Assyria, Chaldea, etc. Translated from the Dutch by Nicholas Staphorst. In John Ray, “‘A Collection of Curious Travels and Voyages,’’ London, 1693, p. 266. 133 K 134 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE that were landed here. These grottoes or caverns are four in number, in the first of which they sell salt, grain and vegetables; the second has its entrance walled up, I know not why; in the third and the fourth, they themselves dwell, and shelter at noon, or on hot days, their animals, equally do they cause pilgrims to stay there on their arrival, and in this said fourth one was our dwelling, which is in width and height about twenty feet, and fifty in depth ke. Vay and: they appearito have deen much longer and extending further to the sea than they do at present.” In 1598, the traveller Johannes Kootwiyck still found on the semi-circle of flat reefs which surround the birket el-kamar (the basin of the moon) to the south of the town, a number of stone columns pointing to the existence there, at one time, of a landing place and warehouses; he also observed on the line of reefs which le in front of the promon- tory, traces of an ancient mole. The drawing which he made of Jaffa is reproduced in fig. 12. In 1602, a Dutch pilgrim’ mentions the presence, in Jaffa, of merchants trading in cotton; but they had come there only to meet a ship, and spent the night in the open. The author volunteers the details that, of the two towers on the top of the hill, the southern one was higher and wider, and the northern one somewhat narrower; and that both were square-shaped, and without roof. He 1 Le tres devot Voyage de Jerusalem, fait par Jean Svallaert, Chevalier du Saint-Sépulcre de Notre Seigneur, Mayeur de la ville d’Ath en Haynaut, etc., Anvers, 1608, Livre III, pp. 3-6. (He visited Jaffa in August, 1586.) 2 Itinerarium Hierosolymitanum et Syriacum, Auctore Joanne Cotovico. Antverpiae MDCXIX, Liber II, cap. perez fe * Ferdinand Mithlau, Martinus Seusenius’ Reise in das Heilige Land 1602/3, Z.D.P.V., 1903, pp. 21-24. Suomen eS JAFFA IN 1598 JAFFA IN 1675 eS mg ee [face p. 134] Sa ayy a 6% 1 @- e rv = ay q \ ie : ? - fs ee at. - c Pea 10 ry > ye “f o ty, 3 F x? oa ae a & 2 ie ; ~ ao JAFFA UNDER THE TURKS 135 adds that the land close to the town 1s very fertile, and that what keeps the people of the neighbour- hood from cultivating that land and from settling again in the ruined city is the fear of the pirates who molest these shores. Some fifteen or twenty years later, the English- man Andrew Crooke still finds things in the same state: “ Of the city there is no part standing more than two little towers: wherein are certain harque- buses acrock for the safeguard of the harbour. Under the cliffe, and opening into the haven, are certaine spacious caves hewne into the rocke : some used for ware-houses, and others for shelter. The merchandises here embarqued for Christendome are only cotton: gathered by certaine Frenchmen who reside at Rama in the house of Sion. The western pilgrims do for the most part arrive at this place, and are from hence conducted to Jerusalem.” Towards the year 1642, Franciscan monks established themselves amidst the ruins, and, 1 order to provide a more decent shelter for pilgrims, they built a few rooms in front of, and around the vaults which have been described before; but the Turks accused them of intending to build a fortress, and compelled them to pull down again all they had built.” A German pilgrim who stayed in the building in 1644, apparently just before its demolition, describes it as follows: “‘A house, which they call the Casa di Franchi; it is rather large in * A Relation of a Journey begun An. Dom. 1610. Foure bookes. Containing a description of the Turkish Empire, of Aegypt, of the Holy Land, of the Remote parts of Italy and Ilands adioyning. The fourth edition. London, Printed for Andrew Crooke, 1637, p. 153. 2 Relation d’un voyage fait au Levant, par M. de Thévenot, Paris, 1665, Vol. I, p. 416. 136 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE size; inside there are vaults everywhere, wherein the pilgrims are allowed to lie down . . .; it contains a fine cistern. The building has, however, not been completed, but is collapsing again; and, in order to prevent the Turks and Moors from practising their vexations and from placing their horses and other cattle in the house, it has so low an entrance that a man must stoop down very low to pass it. Many coats of arms of pilgrims are to be found there, cut in the stone.” About the same time, the Turks built a third tower, of round shape, on the top of the hill,” and augmented the garrison. ‘The consequence of the increased protection thus given was that immedi- ately people began to encamp at Jaffa in a more or less permanent manner, and in 1644, there were already in existence some fifty to sixty huts in which trade was carried on between foreign merchants and the people of the district. But as late as 1647, there were still no permanent buildings in evidence; Monconys, who visited and described Jaffa in that year, says that the town consists only of an old castle and three caves cut into the rock.’ At last, in 1654, the Franciscans appear to have obtained permission to build a pilgrims’ hostel; for in that year they founded the present Latin Hospice. The trade of Jaffa was now increasing in volume from year to year. Ships were arriving daily from * Christian Fiuirers von Haimendorff, Reis-Beschreibung in Egypten, Arabien, Paldstinam, Syrien, etc., Niirnberg, 1646, pp. 176-177. 2 Of te Jerusalemsche Reyse, door den E. P. Bernardinus Surius, Antwerp, about 1680, pp. 424-426. (The author was ‘‘ Commissioner of the Holy Land, and President of the Holy Sepulchre,’’ in the years 1644- 1647.) Put, 44. * Quoted by J. S. Buckingham, Travels in Palestine, Second Edition, London, 1822, Vol. I, p. 244. JAFFA UNDER THE TURKS 137 Egypt with cargoes of rice and sugar, in exchange for which they would load at Jaffa soap, oil, gum, and raisins. Cotton, senna leaves, and Arabic gum were the chief objects of export to France and the other European countries. During the second half of the seventeenth century the French occupied the first place in this trade; they had at Jaffa a Vice- Consul who was placed under the orders of the French Consul at Damascus.’ The English took but little interest in it: according to a letter from the French Consul at Saida, written in the year 1688, every summer one English vessel used to call at Jaffa to load three or four hundred bags of soap, and about two hundred bales of spun cotton.’ Soon, the example of the Franciscan brethren began to be followed by other religious com- munities and by private individuals; the merchants of Ramleh, especially, began to move to Jaffa. In 1675, the Dutch painter De Bruyn (Lebrun) visited Jaffa; the drawing which he made of the place (see fig. 13) already shows some important buildings, including warehouses and a mosque, and a number Sof isolated houses on the slopes of the hill. Lebrun, in the text which accompanies the drawing, points out the presence, on the reefs, of many remains of ancient buildings.. Coming from a_ painter accustomed to exact observation, this evidence of the remains of medizval harbour works is of con- 1 Eugene Roger (1644), La Terre Sainte, quoted by Dapper, op. cit., wea Raita Paul Masson, Histoire du Commerce Frangais dans le Levant au 17eme Siécle, Paris, 1897, p. 392. Voyage au Levant, c’est-a-dire Dans les Principaux endroits de V’Asie Mineure, Dans les Isles de Chio, de Rhodes, de Chypre, etc. De méme que Dans les plus considérables Villes d’Egypte, de Syrie, Et de la Terre Sainte. . . Par Corneille Le Brun. Traduit du Flamand, Amster- dam, 1714, 2 volumes, Vol. I, p. 144. 138 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE siderable value. The Latin Hospice is indicated by the letter D on the picture; the brethren claimed that it was situated on the site of Simon the Tanner’s house. On several occasions the warehouses were pillaged by Bedouin robbers, and in 1689 three French corsairs fired two hundred shots into the town; but these attacks did not discourage the merchants of Ramleh from continuing the gradual transfer of their businesses and residence to Jaffa. In 1722, again, the town, which had already developed to a certain extent, was sacked by Arab brigands, but seems to have rapidly recovered from this experience. In 1726, a German priest described Jaffa as being still without walls and “as resembling more a village than a town, with poor and bad houses wherein dwell some Turks, Greeks, Jews and a few Catholic Christians of French nationality. It is administered by the pasha of Gaza, who makes much money out of the coming and going pilgrims, seeing that sometimes from a single person there is exacted a caffaro of 24 piastre di Levante, which correspond to about 32 Rhenish florins of our money.” The picture of Jaffa (fig. 14) which this traveller gives in his book,’ gives a very good idea of the progress made by the city in the forty years which had elapsed since the date of Lebrun’s draw- ing. On the summit of the somewhat fantastically- drawn hill there is the Turkish fort of which the two seaward towers constitute the most conspicuous 1 Masson, op. cit., p. 392. * Guérin, Judée, p. 21. * P. Angélicus Maria Myller, Peregrinus in ‘Jerusalem, Fremdling in Jerusalem, etc., Prague, 1729, Vol. I, p. 181-182. sgl de OVOL TE? paves [get ‘d aon{} 9¢LT NI Vaadve Eterna nto aoe = = wee BF 133 wap 3 + cP POEL her EA: 5, : NaAddO] 2 eh IaH sree Laganeas *s use a) Spam macetint rate ehannen ern eA ARAOA AR POC Ome we A , - a 4 be! ic JAFFA UNDER THE TURKS 139 feature. The square building, without a roof, projecting from the shore out into the waters in the centre of the picture, is the Latin Hospice. The building marked 3 on the right of the Latin Hospice is the Greek Church. The Christian part of the population of the town comprised, now, a number of persons belonging to the Greek Church.’ The town was still surrounded by stagnant waters, in consequence of which the climate was unhealthy, and few persons were tempted to choose Jaffa for their place of habitation.’ In 1733, we have evidence of the revival of industry, several persons being then stated as engaged in the manufacture of soap. The chief market for this product was Egypt; but consider- able quantities were also exported to Europe via Acco. This trade was so important, that the shore in front of the town was permanently occupied by a large number of packages of soap. Large quantities of spun cotton were also being shipped every year from Jaffa to Acco in small boats, for transhipment into the larger vessels destined for Europe. Irrigated vegetable gardens, interspersed with fig trees, had been in existence for a number of years. One traveller, who visited Jaffa in 1738, states that he had been to the gardens of the Latin 1 Palestina Ovvero Primo Viaggio di F. Leandro di Santa Cecilia Carmelitano Scalzo, Rome, 1753, p. 81. (He visited Jaffa in 1730.) ? Leandro di Santa Cecilia, op. cit., p. 81. ’ Wilhelm Albert Bachiene, Historische und Geographische Beschrei- bung von Paldstina nach seinem ehemaligen und jetzigen Zustande. Aus dem Holldndischen tibersetzt . . . von Gottfried Maas, Cleve and Leipzig, 1773, Vol. II, part tii, p. 160. * Jonas Korten, Reise nach dem weiland Gelobten nun aber seit siebzehn hundert Jahren unter dem Fluche liegenden Lande, Halle, 1743, p. 288. 5 Richard Pococke, Description of the East and some other Countries, London, 1743, Vol II, Part I, p. 3. 140 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE a9 Hospice and rested there under the “ very good shade” of the fig trees.” Like the painter Le Brun sixty years previously, he notices the existence, on the reefs in front of the town, of ancient ruined walls." About the year 1740, an Armenian from Constantinople obtained a permit to improve the existing buildings. He built along the shore, in front of the town, the stone wharf which formed the beginning of the present “ Harbour street,” and erected along it some of the stone houses and ware- houses which still line this street on its eastern side.’ Greek and Armenian hospices for the reception of pilgrims were also built on this wharf. The other houses in the town remained the same poor huts as they had been before. In the meanwhile, the passenger movement through Jaffa had reached a remarkable volume; the Swedish naturalist, Hasselquist, who visited the town in 1751, states that at that date about 4,000 Christians, and as many Jewish pilgrims, arrived there yearly from all quarters of the world. He confirms the existence, near the town, of some pleasant gardens, of which he specially extols the beauty of the fig and pomegranate trees; he also mentions the orange tree, but does not speak of its cultivation on any large scale.” The fifteen years that followed saw a very intensive development of the town. In 1766, Niebuhr’ counted between 400 and 500 houses and 1 Jonas Korten, op. cit., p. 293. 2 Jonas Korten, op. cit., p. 288. * Frederick Hasselquist, Voyage and Travels in the Levant in the Years 1749, 1750, 51, 52, London, 1756, p. 118. * Hasselquist, op. cit., pp. 276- ook. 5 Carsten Niebuhr, Reisebeschreibung, III, p. 42 (quoted by Ritter, op. cit., p. 576). JAFFA UNDER THE TURKS 141 several mosques, and the gardens covered already a considerable area; they occupied the site of the one- time marshes, which had been drained. The trade had become quite important, and several European countries had their consuls, or “ residents ” at Jaffa. Shortly afterwards this growth was once more interrupted, and enormous damage done to the city, by a new series of sieges following one another in quick succession. In 1765, one Osman Pasha had been appointed governor of Damascus and Palestine. He spent large sums in wars with Zaher ibn-Omar, the governor of Acco; and, to find this money, he levied contributions on the towns, villages and individuals. Whosoever was suspected of having money, was summoned, bastinadoed, and plundered. These oppressions had already led to revolts at Ramleh (1765) and Gaza (1767) when, in 1769, he began similar extortions at Jaffa, where among other acts of barbarism, he arrested the resident of Venice, John Damiani, a respectable old man, put him to torture by inflicting five hundred strokes on the soles of his feet, and released him only against payment of a sum of 42,500. In their exasperation at these outrages, many of the people were ready to welcome any foreign invader who would free them of the pasha’s oppressive rule.’ The Mameluke general Ali Bey, who had made himself master of Egypt in 1766, took advantage of this situation to conclude an alliance with Zaher ibn-Omar and to invade Palestine. Turkey was involved in a war with Russia and had no troops to spare for the southern frontiers of her empire in "CC. F. Volney, Travels through Syria and Egypt in the years 1783, 1784, and 1785, 2 volumes, London, 1787, Vol. II, pp. 109-110. 142 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE Asia. In 1770, Ali Bey sent a corps of 500 Mame- luke cavalry across the frontier; these seized Gaza, Ramleh and Ludd. Their appearance divided the population of Jaffa into two factions, one of which made preparations to deliver the town to the Egyptians and appealed for help to Zaher, whilst the other sent for Osman Pasha. The latter at once left Damascus and, within a few days, encamped near Jaffa. Two days later, the news was spread of the impending arrival of Zaher; the pro-Egyptian party in Jaffa now obtained the upper hand, and shut the gates against Osman Pasha, whereupon the latter decided to withdraw. But during the night, a detachment of his troops, passing along the sea-shore, entered by an opening in the wall, and sacked the city. The next day, Zaher appeared, and, not finding the Turks, took possession of Jaffa without meeting any resistance, and placed there a garrison.’ At the end of February 1771, Ali Bey’s son-in- law Mohammed Bey, surnamed Abu-l-Dhahab (“father of the gold,” from the luxury of his tent and caparisons), arrived in Palestine with an army of 40,000 men. At Acco he joined the forces of Zaher, and together they marched on Damascus. The city was taken in June, and the citadel was about to capitulate, when Mohammed Bey, apparently won over by the Porte, suddenly abandoned the siege and returned in haste to Egypt. Here he attacked his father-in-law Ali Bey; the latter’s troops having been defeated, Mohammed occupied Cairo in April 1772, whilst Ali Bey himself with 800 of his Mamelukes escaped * Volney, Op. cit., p. 111. JAFFA UNDER THE TURKS 143 to Gaza in an endeavour to take refuge with his ally Zaher at Acco. As a result of his defeat, the Turkish faction at Jaffa had got the upper hand; they had expelled the garrison whom he had left in the city and had also taken possession of a small Egyptian fleet that was stationed in the port. Reinforced by some people of Nablus who had joined them, they now opposed the passage of Ali Bey northwards. Zaher at once marched upon Nablus, inflicting severe punishment on _ its inhabitants, then joined Ali Bey south of Jaffa, and conducted him safely to Acco. Their combined troops attacked, in July, near Saida, a large Turkish army that had been sent against them, and defeated it completely." On his return to Acco, a Russian warship arrived there, and, in execution of an agreement which Ali Bey had previously con- cluded with Russia, landed stores and ammunition and a force of 3,000 Albanians.” He now returned to Jaffa for the purpose of chastising its inhabitants for their treachery. The pro-Turkish faction, which was led by a sheikh from Nablus, shut the gates, and resolved to stand a siege, although the city, at that time, was protected only by an ordinary garden-wall. The few pieces of cannon of the besiegers had soon made a breach, but their cavalry showed no great eagerness to pass it, the besieged having protected the inside with stones, stakes, and deep holes dug in the soil. After a siege of eight months, the city capitulated in February, 1773, and Ali Bey placed in it a governor on behalf of Zaher.’ A month later, he was wounded and made prisoner, * Volney, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 115-116. ? Encyclopedia Britannica, 11th Edition, article ‘‘ Egypt.” * Volney, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 119-120. 144 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE south of Gaza, in a battle against Abul-l-Dhahab, and was poisoned at the latter’s instigation.’ Some time afterwards, Abul-l-Dhahab received permission from the Porte to invade Palestine in order to punish Ali Bey’s supporter Zaher. Having collected a large army, he provided himself with artillery, amongst which was a gun of: sixteen feet in length, and procured foreign gunners whom he placed under the command of an Englishman, named Robinson. In February, 1775, he crossed the frontier, occupied Gaza, and marched on Jaffa, whose population determined to resist him. The town was then surrounded “by a wall without a rampart, of twelve to fourteen feet high, and two or three in thickness. The battlements at the top were the only tokens by which it was dis- tinguishable from a common garden-wall. This wall, which has no ditch, is environed by gardens, where lemons, oranges, and citrons, in this light soil, grow to a most prodigious size. Such was the city Mohammed undertook to besiege. It was defended by five or six hundred Safadians,’ and as many inhabitants, who, at the sight of the enemy, armed themselves with their sabres and muskets; they had likewise a few brass cannon, twenty-four pounders, without carriages; these they mounted, as well as they could, on timbers prepared in a hurry; and, supplying the place of experience and address by hatred and courage, replied to the summons of the enemy by menaces and musket- shot. ‘“ Mohammed, finding he must have recourse to force, formed his camp before the town; but was 1 Volney, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 136-137. 2 Inhabitants of Safed, Zaher’s home. JAFFA UNDER THE TURKS 145 so little acquainted with the business in which he was engaged that he advanced within half cannon- shot. The bullets, which showered upon the tents, apprized him of his error; he retreated, and, by making a fresh experiment, was convinced he was still too near; at length he discovered the proper distance, and set up “his tent, in which the most extravagant luxury was displayed : around it, without any order, were pitched those of the Mam- louks, while the Barbary Arabs formed huts with the trunks and branches of the orange and lemon trees, and the followers of the army arranged them- selves as they could: a few guards were distributed here and there, and, without making a single entrenchment, they called themselves encamped. ‘“ Batteries were now to be erected; and a spot of rising ground was made choice of, to the south- eastward of the town, where, behind some garden- walls, eight pieces of cannon were pointed, at two hundred paces from the town, and the firing began, notwithstanding the musketry of the enemy, who, from the top of the terraces, killed several of the gunners. “Tt is evident that a wall, only three feet thick, and without a rampart, must soon have a large breach made in it; and the question was, not how to mount, but how to get through it. The Mamlouks were for doing it on horseback; but they were made to comprehend that this was impossible; and they consented, for the first time, to march on foot. It must have been a curious sight to see them, with their huge breeches of thick Venetian cloth, embarrassed with their tucked-up Jdeniches, their crooked sabres in hand, and pistols hanging to their sides, advancing, and tumbling among the ruins of 146 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE the wall. They imagined they had conquered every difficulty when they had surmounted this obstacle; but the besieged, who formed a better judgment, waited till they arrived at the empty space between the city and the wall; there they assailed them from the terraces and the windows of the houses with such a shower of bullets, that the Mamlouks did not so much as think of setting them on fire, but retired, under a persuasion that the breach was utterly impracticable, since it was impossible to enter it on horseback. Morad Bey’ brought them several times back to the charge, but in vain. “Six weeks passed in this manner, and Mohammed was distracted with rage, anxiety, and despair. The besieged, however, whose numbers were diminished by the repeated attacks, and who did not see that any succours were to be expected from Acre, became weary of defending alone the cause of Daher (Zaher). The Mussulmen, especially, complained that the Christians, regard- ing nothing but their prayers, were more in their churches than on the field of battle. Some persons began to treat with the enemy, and it was proposed to abandon the place, on the Egyptians giving hostages. Conditions were agreed on, and the treaty might be considered as concluded, when, in the midst of the security occasioned by that belief, some Mamelouks entered the city; numbers followed them, and attempted to plunder; the inhabitants defended themselves, and the attack recommenced : the whole army then rushed into the town, which suffered all the horrors of war: women and children, young and old, all were cut to pieces; * One of the Mameluke generals. JAFFA UNDER THE TURKS 147 and Mohammed, equally mean and_ barbarous, caused a pyramid, formed of the heads of these unfortunate sufferers, to be raised as a monument of his victory. It is said the number of these exceeded twelve hundred. This catastrophe . . . bappenued. they iothvobuMiaynt77Ow wn aa Bits pyramid of skulls was erected on the hill on which the Egyptian artillery had stood. To this day that hill is called the ¢el er-rés (“hill of the skulls ”’); it is situated in the midst of orange groves,’ a short distance to the south-east of the present Town Hall and Governorate. After the capture of Jaffa, Abu-l-Dhahab marched to Acco, which surrendered and was plundered. But he died suddenly a few days later, and his army made a hasty retreat to Egypt. Volney visited Jaffa in 1783, and found that it had practically recovered from the effects of Abu-l- Dhahab’s siege. But its neighbourhood was still continuing to suffer from the depredations of the Bedouins, to such an extent that it was unsafe to travel on the roads. The district of Jaffa was then one of the three districts governed by the pasha of Gaza. It belonged to the Sultana Walida (Sultana- Mother), who had farmed it out to an Aga against payment of a yearly sum of 120 “ purses.” For this he received the whole mri and poll tax of the town and of some neighbouring villages; but the chief part of his revenue was derived from the * Volney, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 146-150. 2 The present owner of the property, Mr. Frederick Murad, told the author that when the upper two metres of soil of the hill were levelled, about seventy years ago, on the occasion of the creation of the orange grove at present in existence, several hundred skulls and many skeletons were brought to light, together with a few old pieces of cannon, of which one is still to be seen. A fragment of another one, which is now lost, is stated to have borne the inscription WCo. 148 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE custom-house, as he received all the import and export duties. These were quite considerable, for the goods movement at Jaffa had become very important. Among the imports the largest place was still occupied by rice brought from Damietta; the exports comprised all the spun cottons of Palestine and most of the other goods exported from the country.’ Zaher’s place as governor of Acco had been taken by one Ahmed, an Albanian, surnamed EJ-/azzar (“the butcher ’’), on account of his cruelty. In 1791 he had expelled from Acco the French, who had since several centuries had important business establishments there, and he had confiscated their goods and money. Accordingly, when in 1799, Bonaparte undertook his expedition from Egypt into Palestine with the intention of destroying there the Turkish army before the Turkish fleet could reach Egypt, which he proposed to destroy next, his first objective was the capture of Acco and the punishment of El-Jazzar. Crossing the desert in February, 1799, he took Gaza and Ramleh, the garrisons of both these towns retiring to Jaffa, where the Turkish forces were thus brought up to the strength of about 4,000 men. On the morning of March 3rd, the French army encamped in the orange gardens; Lannes’ division was posted to the east of the town, and that of Bon to the south, whilst Kléber’s took up its position on the river Aujah, five miles to the north, so as to cut off communication with Acco. On the morning of March 5th, the garrison made a sortie and surprised one of the French batteries, killing the gunners and carrying their heads away into the city. * Volney, op. cit., pp. 329-330. JAFFA UNDER THE TURKS 149 The Turkish governor, by paying a high price for these trophies, stimulated afresh the ardour of his soldiers, who made a second sortie at about I p.m., attacked the French batteries both in front and in flank through the gardens, and inflicted consider- able losses on them, after which they withdrew oan into the cit At dawn on March 6th, the French having com- pleted their preparations, a summons was sent to the town to surrender; but the garrison made no reply, and increased the intensity of its firing. At 9 a.m. all the French batteries began to pound the walls on several points at the same time. At I p.m., a large breach was effected, and the French poured into the city. The men of the garrison withdrew into the houses, through the windows of which they kept up for another hour an active fusillade against the French soldiers. The latter dispersed all over the town and gave themselves up to one of the most terrible massacres to which a captured city has ever fallen victim. The pillage and the slaughter lasted full thirty hours. Napoleon himself speaks of it, in his Memories, in the following terms :— “ The fury of the soldier was at its height, every- thing was put to the sword; the town thus being pillaged suffered all the horrors of a place taken by assault. . . It was not until daylight that order was completely restored.”* Malus, a physician of the French army, and an eye-witness, says in his diary: “ _ the soldiers butchered men, women, old folk, children, Christians, Turks ; 1 L‘'Agenda de Malus. Souvenirs de l’Expédition d’Egypte 1798- 1801. Publié et annoté par le Général Thoumas, Paris, 1892, pp. 132-133. 2 Id., p. 135 (footnote). L 150 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE all that had a human face became the victim of their fury.. The tumult of the carnage, the broken doors, the houses shaken by the noise of the firing and the arms, the screaming of the women, the father and the child thrown down one over the other, the daughter raped on the dead body of her mother, the smoke of the dead singed by their clothes, the smell of the blood, the moaning of the wounded, the shouts of the victors quarrelling over the spoils of an expiring victim, the infuriated soldiers reply- ing to the cries of despair by shouts of rage and by redoubled blows, lastly men satiated with blood and gold falling, exhausted, over heaps of dead bodies : such was the sight which this unfortunate city offered until the night had come.” Bonaparte sent his aides-de-camp, Beauharnais and Croisier, to calm the fury of the soldiers. The two officers, instead of confining themselves to the strict carrying out of their mission, accepted the offers of peace of the garrison who, entrenched in some large buildings, declared that, if they were promised that their lives would be spared, they would be ready to surrender, but that otherwise they would defend themselves to the last. When these 4,000 prisoners were brought into the camp, Bona- parte was greatly embarrassed; he could not send them to Egypt for lack of troops to spare as an escort, neither could he afford to liberate them and run the risk of seeing them go to Acco and join again the forces of the enemy. After three days of fruitless deliberations, he gave orders to shoot the prisoners; this order was carried out on March toth, on the beach in front of the town.’ 1 T.’Agenda de Malus, pp. 135-136. 2 Mémoires de M. de Bourienne, Vol. II, p. 226 (quoted by Munk, La Palestine, p. 649). [ost “d anf] (alanoy ay? U2 sory Uoung fq ainqord ay, wou) SLD “2.0U1)F | 664. “VEAVE£ LV SUAIGIOS NAMOIULS-ANDVId SIH DNILISIA HLYVdVNOG CL “Old JAFFA UNDER THE TURKS IST For some time previous to the arrival of the French, southern Palestine had been suffering from an epidemic of plague, but as long as the army was on the march it had remained almost untouched by the disease. But the crowding of 4,000 Turkish and 12,000 French soldiers into Jaffa, and especially the looting of the houses and the dispersion of their contents amongst the soldiers led to the broadcasting of the germs. On the very morrow after the occupation, the plague began to spread with lightning speed and with deadly effect throughout the city : about thirty soldiers died every day, apart from a large number of civilians. The moral of the troops was gravely shaken by the progress of the malady, and Bonaparte, in order to revive their courage, did not hesitate to visit, and it is said even to touch, the sick at the Armenian convent which had been converted into a military hospital (see fig. 15). The departure of the army on March 24th, on its way to Acco, arrested in some measure the progress of the disease at Jaffa itself. But whilst the siege of Acco was prolonging itself, streams of plague- stricken men kept pouring back into Jaffa, and once more the epidemic spread with great virulence; so that after a few weeks there was hardly a house left which had not been infected. The Latin convent, which had placed itself in quarantine, did not succeed in escaping the contagion, and most of the priests in it died.’ After the departure of the army, the breaches of the city-wall were repaired, and preparations were made for the landing, storing, and transport of the supplies which were to be sent from Egypt + L’Agenda de Malus, pp. 139-140. 152 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE by sea. Early in April, three frigates, which had succeeded in eluding the vigilance of the English cruisers, arrived at Jaffa and landed provisions and siege artillery. But on May 24th the army came back to Jaffa, all hope of taking Acco having been abandoned, the Turkish army having, however, been destroyed. A halt of three days was made to rest the troops. The main army left on the 27th, and the rearguard under Kléber one day later, after they had blown up the fortifications. The wounded were placed on board ship for Egypt; but these vessels were captured by the squadron of Sir Sidney Smith, the English defender of Acco. Some authorities maintain, and others deny, that, before leaving Jaffa, Bonaparte, in order to prevent the French wounded or plague- stricken soldiers, whom he was forced to leave behind him, from falling into the hands of the Turks, caused them to be poisoned. The truth seems to be that he actually gave such orders, but that they were not carried out. There were alto- gether some fifty men whom it was impossible to carry away, and who had to be abandoned to their fate. “ Bonaparte said to the physician Desgenettes that it would be more humane to give them opium than to leave them behind alive; to which that physician made this much-vaunted answer: ‘ My business is to heal them, not to kill them.’ Opium was not given to them.” Sir Sidney Smith, who arrived at Jaffa immediately after the departure of the French, does not mention anything about this matter in his despatches, but says that “ seven poor 1 Thiers, Histoire de la Révolution Frangaise, Directoire, ch. xviié (quoted by Munk, La Palestine, p. 650). JAFFA UNDER THE TURKS 153 wretches were left alive in the hospital, where they are protected and shall be taken care of.’” Napoleon’s enemies accuse him of having com- pletely destroyed the orange and lemon groves of Jaffa. That some damage was done is evident, considering that the French, during the siege, “established their communications across the gardens, and that the forests of orange trees covered their movements and were their only ramparts against the fire of the enemy.” It is also true that during the march from Jaffa to the Egyptian frontier all the villages along the road were burned and the harvest on the fields destroyed, but as far as the orange groves are concerned, the present writer has been unable to discover reliable evidence confirming their destruction. After the departure of the French, the recon- struction of the fortifications of Jaffa was begun under the supervision of Turkish and English officers, but early in the year 1800, before the work could be completed, the town had to stand another siege. Towards the close of 1799, there had started, between El-Jazzar and the Grand-Wezir newly arrived from Constantinople, quarrels of such violence that their troops began fighting one another, with the result that the Turkish expedition against the French in Egypt was delayed. But when the Turkish army had at last gone, El-Jazzar came down on Jaffa where a Turkish garrison had been left, and besieged it. Abu-Marra, the Grand- Wezir’s favourite, who was in charge of the defence, resisted for nine months, and then made his escape ™ Quoted by Sir C. M. Watson, Bonaparte’s Expedition to Palestine in 1799; P.E.F.Q.S., 1917; p. 31: 2 L’Agenda de Malus, p. 131. § P 154 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE by sea. Some time after El-Jazzar’s death in 1804, Abu Marra was appointed pasha of Djedda, on the Red Sea. He took his route from Turkey through Palestine; but having arrived at Jaffa, he stopped there and refused to proceed to his post. The governor of Palestine, Suleiman Pasha, received orders to attack him, and Jaffa was again besieged. After a short period of resistance, Abu-Marra once more took safety in flight, and found refuge with the pasha of Damascus.” The period from 1810 to 1820 saw important works of reconstruction and embellishment at Jaffa, thanks to the energy and taste of the then governor, who is known to us by his surname only: Abu- Nabbit. He rebuilt the walls entirely, and made a new ditch round them. By 1815 he had completed the building of a large mosque, which is still the principal mosque of Jaffa, and a fine bazaar.’ In the centre of the latter he erected, over one of the two perennial springs already mentioned, a fine fountain (see fig. 16) faced with marble slabs decorated with painted designs and Arabic sentences in letters of gold. A traveller of the middle of last century describes this fountain as recalling, by the elegance of its architecture and the beauty of its ornamentation, the Moorish fountains of southern Spain, wrought and chiselled like jewels of ivory... A part of the marble basin of the * Munk, La Palestine, p. 650. 2? Chateaubriand, Itinéraire de Paris a Jérusalem, Nouvelle édition “* Classiques Garnier,’ RU tis) Dee. > Otto Friedrich von Richter, Wallfahrten im Morgenlande, Berlin, 1822, 21 ‘ tanias Silk Buckingham, Travels in Palestine, Second Edition, London, 1822, p. 228. > Louis Enault, La Terre Sainte. Voyage des Quarante Pélerins de 1853, Paris, 1854, p A Fig. 16 THE BAZAAR AND FOUNTAIN OF ABU-NABBUT IN 1834 A Fig, 17 JAFFA: THE SEBIL ABU-NABBUT IN 1914. [face p. 154} JAFFA UNDER THE TURKS 155 fountain still survives, but the columns and the roof have disappeared. On the road to Jerusalem, at a distance of about half a mile from the eastern gate, Abu-Nabbit built another monumental fountain (fig. 17) covered with three large, and four small, domes in green; it was adorned with sculptured and painted flowers, and inscribed with verses engraved in golden letters on a background of white marble.’ This fountain is still called the Se67/ Abu-Nabbit. By the year 1816, the eastern gate of the city had been rebuilt in monumental style, crowned with three small cupolas. The town counted then about a thousand houses. The defences comprised three small forts: one near the sea on the south-west, another also near the sea on the north, and a third near the eastern gate’; this last occupied the place covered to-day by the prison and the offices of the Commandant of Police. In 1817, the walls were still in a very ruinous state, but Abu-Nabbit was busily engaged in repairing them. Vessels were arriving daily from Ceesarea, with stones taken from the ruins of that ancient city; and every morning at sunrise, the inhabitants of Jaffa, Christians and Moslems in turn, were called out to take part in the work of rebuilding the fortifications. By 1820, the walls had been completely repaired.” From the time of the rebuilding of Jaffa in the seventeenth, to the beginning of the nineteenth, > Richter op: the Dat ass 2 Buckingham, op. cit., p. 245. ’ Travels in Egypt and Nubia, Syria and Asia Minor, during the years 1817 and 1818, by the Hon. Leonard Irby and James Mangles, Commanders in the Royal Navy, London, 1823, p. 146. 4 William Rae Wilson, Travels in Egypt and the Holy Land, London, 1824, p. 96. 156 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE century, there was no Jewish community, and the Jewish pilgrims who passed through the town were made to suffer all sorts of vexations and humilia- tions. Lo put a stop to this situation, Isaiah Agiman, the Jewish banker of the Janissaries at Constantinople, purchased at Jaffa, in 1820, some buildings which he legally transferred to the Sephardic community at Jerusalem; and in one of the houses he established a free hostel for Jewish travellers, and a small synagogue.’. About the year 1830, a sailing vessel from the north of Africa, having on board a large number of Moroccan and Algerian Jews, foundered near Haifa; those of the passengers who escaped from the wreck made their way to Jaffa, where they laid the foundations of the present Jewish community.’ In 1831, Mohammed Ali, the Turkish governor of Egypt, proclaimed himself independent and sent an army under the command of his son, [brahim Pasha, to take possession of Palestine and Syria, which countries had been promised to him by the Sultan as a reward for assistance given during the war with Greece, a promise which had not been kept. Ibrahim’s force comprised 30,000 men with 50 siege guns and 17 bomb-throwing mortars, and it was supported by a fleet of 7 frigates of 60 guns, 6 corvettes, 10 brigs, and about a dozen gunboats.’ The army left Cairo in October, 1831, crossed the frontier on November Ist, and encamped a few days later on the hills south of Jaffa, between the town and the wely of Sheikh Ibrahim el-Ajami. Simul- taneously the fleet, commanded by Ibrahim Pasha + Jewish Encyclopedia, article ‘‘ Jaffa '’ (Vol. VII, p. 52b.). et RT é ' Eugéne Poujade, Le Liban et la Syrie, 1845-1860, 3éme édition, Paris, 1867, pp. 15-16. JAFFA UNDER THE TURKS 157 in person, anchored off the city. At the sight of the ships, the principal notables of Jaffa assembled and decided at once to surrender the town. e x y SS a cae Ae ; eal Ss ieee ee : oe wet 3 9G on z SS Rey teal J od & Se & Pa ane mn * = ee ri a was j Fi a o tia ak Shon wrtiaty E * feaoreher” Basvacre ob te by ¥ £ “e {face p. 160} MAP OF JAFFA IN 1863 28 JAFFA UNDER THE TURKS 161 small isolated groups of trees are left here and there in the orange groves. Towards the middle of the last century the town was growing at a rapid pace. Sir Moses Montefiore, who had visited it in 1855, wrote on the occasion of another visit in 1857: “Jaffa appears. much larger, and a great number of houses have been built since we were last here, only twenty-two months ago.” In the autumn of 1866, an American religious society, which called itself the Church of the Messiah, settled at Jaffa. It counted in all 170 members, and was led by a preacher of the name of Adams. They brought with them framed wooden houses which they set up on a low hill situated on the Nablus road, a few hundred yards to the north of the city, and surrounded on all sides by orange groves. But disease and poverty soon led to such a state of discouragement among them, that the society was broken up; before a year had passed, most of its members returned to America on a vessel which the American Government had placed at their disposal for the purpose. Before leaving, they sold their property to a German group, the Tempelgemeinde (“ Community of the Temple’), an Unitarian sect,who installed themselves at Jaffain 1868. This group consisted of about 100 peasants from Wurtemberg, with their families. They were sturdy people, accustomed to the tilling of the soil; unlike their unfortunate American pre- decessors, they were successful in their under- takings, and, notwithstanding the losses which they + Diaries of Sir Moses and Lady Montefiore, edited by Dr. Loewe, London, 1890, p. 65. 162 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE suffered in consequence of the recent War, they are still a prosperous community. The year 1879 marks the beginning of a new epoch in the life of Jaffa. That year the demolition of the city walls was commenced; and the immediate consequence of this measure was the creation and rapid expansion of new quarters both to the south and to the north of the walled city. In 1879, there were only a few houses in existence in the neighbourhood of the wely of Sheikh Ibrahim el-Ajami; to-day, after about forty years’ slow but regular growth, the “ Ajami ” quarter of Jaffa, that is to say that part of the town which 1s situated on the hills to the south of the old city, counts about 950 houses (fig. 20). By 1888, the city walls had been completely levelled and their place taken by buildings; the ditch had been filled up, and had been replaced by the present main road to the Ajami quarter. Along the sea, where the city wall had stood at a distance of about eight metres from the depth of water to which boats could come, so that over the intervening space, passengers and goods had to be carried in the arms or on the backs of the boatmen and porters, the existing narrow road had been widened and finished off as a quay wall with, at intervals, steps going down to the water level. At the same time the sea-bottom was deepened along this quay; and, in front of the Armenian convent, a platform was built out into the sea, and on it a custom-house erected, with a landing-stage of stone at depths where lighters and rowing boats can be easily berthed alongside. The year 1892 saw the opening of the Jaffa- Jerusalem Railway, the first railway in Palestine. [gor “d aon{] (yopupy “TP uy 24? fq ydvuhojoyd Jor1w0a8F) cco NI UALUvod INVEY AHL : Vadve 02 ‘Sty JAFFA UNDER THE TURKS 163 This and the active stream of Jewish immigration which had set in about ten years previously, had a pronounced effect upon the development of the trade and shipping of Jaffa, and upon the size of its population. Between 1886 and 1892, the Jewish quarters of Neveh-Zedek and Neveh-Shalom, and the poorer Arab quarter of the Menshieh, to the north-east and north of the old .town, had been founded and completed; the planning of the streets and the style of the houses were still in accordance with the ideas prevalent at the time in the towns of Palestine. But in 1909 the new Jewish suburb of Tel Aviv was founded on quite modern lines, and has since developed into an important township comprising nearly one-third of the total population of Jaffa and covering an area about as large as that of the Arab part of the town (see Appendix IT). There is no doubt that the remarkable growth of the town of Jaffa and of its trade during the last forty years is due first and foremost to the creation of the Jewish agricultural settlements in the neigh- bourhood, and to the influx into the town itself (including Tel Aviv) of a large population of ZionistJews. Both this immigration and the whole foreign trade of Jaffa were brought to a sudden stop by the World War of 1914-1918. At the beginning of November, 1914, Turkey entered the war on the side of the Central Powers, and shortly afterwards all the inhabitants of Palestine who were subjects of the Entente countries were expelled by being forcibly put on board the first available steamers from Jaffa and Haifa. In August, 1914, a new governor of Jaffa had 164 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE been appointed in the person of Hassan Bek Basri el-Jabi. Immediately on his arrival he formed of a number of inhabitants a local militia. Like Abu- Nabbtt, a century earlier, he did much for the improvement and embellishment of the town. In July, 1915, he began to open, across the orange groves to the east of the town, the fine “ Boulevard Jemal Pasha,” which has since been renamed “ King George Avenue.” ‘The chief beauty of this avenue is the long row of Washingtonia palms which runs along its centre; these palms were bred at the Jewish agricultural school of Mikveh-Israel, situated close to the Sakxet Abu-Kebir, and they were planted in the new boulevard by the pupils of that institution. In the heart of the town itself, Hassan Bek also made considerable changes, pulling down houses in order to open new roads and squares, or to widen existing ones. Thus, in order to improve the approach to the harbour by widening the street leading down to it from the public square where the Jerusalem, Gaza and Nablus roads converge, he demolished the picturesque old bazaar built by Abu-Nabbit. He also built in the Menshieh quarter, not far from the shore, a new mosque, which does not lack due proportion and a certain grace, and which 1s called, after its builder, the Hassan Bek mosque. In November, 1915, and again in June, 1916, a German foundry and mechanical workshop at Jaffa, which had been converted into a factory of war material, was shelled and destroyed by British and French warships, but no damage was done to the town in general or even to the buildings situated in the neighbourhood of the factory. In May, 1916, Hassan Bek was replaced as [pot ‘d aav{] (sdi095 buthjiy unmisay ay? fq ydosbojoyd jor0ay) 4I6T NI VaAAVe 12 “Sta : is be ao me eh th i ob a ' 2 | a; AIA WlO/O"s Yana Wo, DMwy loss ‘ ' 5 ' ’ oe Aa ae ee ee th ti Nin (oYyseg power psongnog) . anuanyapicag uly ‘ Steerer MAILTO, PIO laf40NO ily [cot ‘d aanf{] (yajumoy “TEU ey fq ydoubozoyd ]vi41aF) LSUM. GIL WOU ‘ALIO GIO AHL :oc6l NI VAAVE oo STA JAFFA UNDER THE TURKS 165 governor by Shukri Bek. In October of the same year, forty-five notables, the heads of the best families, including the Mayor of Jaffa himself, were deported together with their wives and children, first to Jerusalem, then to Damascus, and to Aleppo. There they were separated into several groups which were taken to Konia, Afium Kara Hissar, Eski-Shehir, Angora, and Broussa in Anatolia. It appears that the German consul at Jaffa had denounced them as_ entertaining sympathies for the Entente Powers. In March, 1917, after the first attempt of the British armies to break through the Turkish front at Gaza, Shukri Bek left Jaffa, and was replaced by Hadi Bek. Shortly afterwards almost the whole population of Jaffa was evacuated. The orders were that only the owners of orange groves in person were to be permitted to stay behind in order to look after their properties; in fact, however, many of them were allowed to keep their families with them. The official instructions were also to the effect that all the inhabitants were to be sent to Homs and Hamah in northern Syria, and that free railway passes were to be issued to them for these destinations. Nevertheless, most of the people had to make the journey at their own expense. Many families, having no money for the journey, saw themselves compelled to take their furniture down into the streets and to sell it there at very low prices; it was bought up mostly by the people of Nablus, and in many cases not even one-tenth of its value was obtained. The reason given for the order of evacuation was that the Turkish General Headquarters expected the British at any moment to make a descent upon Jaffa. The Government M 166 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE archives were transported to Ramleh and to Jerusalem, and Jaffa remained practically empty, a dead city. On the 15th November, 1917, the Turkish commandant at Jaffa received a message from Headquarters, stating that the British would probably arrive at Jaffa in a day or two, and that all the inhabitants who had remained in the town or in the groves were to be immediately sent away; also that the police barracks and the Town Hall were to be burned. ‘These orders were only carried outin part. Fire was set to the police barracks, but not to the Town Hall; nor were the remaining inhabitants sent away. The commandant, however, collected his soldiers (the whole Turkish garrison of Jaffa was then composed only of one officer and five mounted soldiers), the police and the militia, and took the road towards Nablus. But when they had arrived at about 3 miles from the town, they were discovered by a British areoplane which dropped a few bombs in their neighbourhood. Whereupon they all, with the exception of the commandant who continued his way to Nablus, fled back to Jaffa. On the following day, the 16th of November, the first mounted British troops, belonging to the “Anzacs” (Australian and New Zealand Army Corps) took possession of the city without meeting with any opposition; and, within a few days, the exiled inhabitants began to return to their homes. Since the termination of the Great War, the economic life of the city has slowly come back to its previous aspect (see Appendix IV: Statistics). Jaffa proper has grown very little, but Tel Aviv has experienced a development such as few other cities have known these last years, even in the rich [991 ‘d van{} (yajmny “TEU 942 fq ydvubojoyd jJorsapy) LSVd AHL WOUd ‘ALIO GIO AHL : ¢c6l NI Vadve o% “ST JAFFA UNDER THE TURKS 167 countries of the West. The railway line to Ramleh, which the Turks had torn up, has been relaid; the road to Jerusalem has been repaired; large loans have been granted by the Government to orange growers for the improvement of their groves which had suffered from locusts and other adverse con- ditions during the War. Projects are under discussion for the creation of a modern harbour, and electric tramways; and as these concluding lines are being written, workmen are busy connecting the streets and houses and factories of Tel Aviv and Jaffa with the first power-station set up under a comprehensive scheme designed by Jewish engineers for the provision of electric light and energy for the whole of Palestine. The energy, the spirit of enterprise, and the modern methods brought with them by the Jews returning to the land of their fathers are making the pulses of the “beauty of the seas ” throb with the expectation of a new life full of promise. APPENDIX I THE JUDEO-GREEK NECROPOLIS OF JAFFA* About a mile to the east of the centre of the old city of Jaffa there rises a low hill, crowned to-day by the Russian church to which reference has been made before, and covered by the houses of an Egyptian village called the Saknet Abu-Kebir, founded during the first half of the last century. The hill and the orange groves situated next to it, over a distance of about 700 yards southwards, and about as much south-westwards until close to the fountain known as the Sebil Abu-Nabbit, represent the site of the ancient cemetery of Jaffa, such as it was in use at the beginning of the Christian era. The land, especially the hill, is literally honey- combed with rock-tombs. ‘The inhabitants of the. neighbourhood are exploiting the tombs as quarries ; in fact, practically the whole village of Abu-Kebir and many houses in Jaffa itself are built of stone of this origin, and until the present day, tombs are * Literature : * Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statements, 1874, 1893, 1894, 1898 and 1903. 7 Ch. Clermont-Ganneau, Archeological Researches in Palestine during the years 1873-1874, London, 1896, Volume II. °C. R. Conder, Syrian Stone- Lore, London, 1896. * Samuel Klein, Juedisch-palaestinisches Corpus Inscriptionum, Vienna, 1920. ° René Dussaud, Musée du Louvre, Les Monuments Palestiniens et Judaiques, Paris, 1912. 168 THE JUDEO-GREEK NECROPOLIS OF JAFFA 169 being destroyed year after year for the same purpose. The tombs are constituted of sepulchral chambers rudely hollowed out of the soft calcareous sand- stone that underlies the cultivated soil everywhere in the maritime plain. Small marble slabs, with inscriptions (¢ztw/z) are generally set with mortar on one of the walls near the entrance; and occasionally there are still found in the caves, glass phials, and lamps, and vases of terra-cotta, which were placed there when the tombs were still in use. Of the inscriptions found so far, practically all are Jewish. Some are in Hebrew-Aramaic, but most are in Greek. Occasionally, at the end, the Hebrew word o15w (skalom=peace) is added, or the Hebrew name of the dead when the inscription is in Greek. These dituli show that the language of the Jews of Jaffa of the first few centuries A.D. was Greek; Hebrew and Aramaic were apparently spoken only by the rabbis and other men of learning. Some of the inscriptions belong to the tombs of rabbis of the period of the Amoraim and Tannaim,; such tombs are generally indicated by the adjunction, to the name of the dead person, of the title of honour Barabbi or Birebbi (1292 or 7273, or in the Greek form Bepe®: or Bappafi). Figure 24 reproduces the inscription belonging to the tomb of Rabbi Judah ben Jonathan ha-Kohen, who is mentioned in the Mishnah (Eduyot VIII, 2) as having appeared as a witness before the-Court of Yabne at some date towards the middle of the second century A.D. 170 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE pablo A > \a Ir Deyae Sh WA) ri FIGURE 24" The transcription into modern characters, and the translation, run as follows :— Pa Bu lovda RABBI JUDAH. pee by else get | Tes ih alae Yok? | Rabbi ht Pare fon Vals Judan the Priest, the Barabbi. Diow wh3 ny VLOS lmva Va * P.E.F.Q.S., 1900, p. 114. 2 Cp. WHI"), Exodus xxxi, 17. Rest. Repose.” Peace. Son (of) Jona= tha(n). THE JUDEO-GREEK NECROPOLIS OF JAFFA 171 Among the names of laymen occurs the note- worthy one of “ Isaac, President of the community of the Cappadocians, from Tarsus, a linen merchant,” showing the presence at Jaffa of a whole community of Cappadocian Jews; others came from Egypt, Cyrenaica, Chios, and Babylon, and other foreign countries. Another interesting description is that of “ Benjamin, the grandchild of Tanhum son of Simon, Centurion of the camp,” which reminds one of the fortified camp which Vespasian had constructed on the top of the hill of Jaffa. The following are some of the names recovered :— Men, Hesrew.—Judah, Jonathan, Tanhum, Nahum, Samuel, Tarphon, Elazar, Joshua, Hiya, Aha, Manasseh, Semachyahu, Isa, Lazar, ) Daniel) Micah, § Zachariah, © Levi; Simon, Jacob, Joseph, Isaac, Benjamin, Reuben, Elkana, Yannai. Men, ArAmatc.—Abudemnos, Abbomari (Abbo- mares), Abbones, Abbi. Men, GrEEK.—Zenon, Esses, Zoilos, Paregorios, Gregorias, Ariston, Kyrillos and Alexander (both from Alexandria), Marias Anatolios, Appion, Mannos, Eilasios. Men, Graco-Roman.—Titios, Rufinos, Gallos, Julianos, Justos. Women, Hesrew.—Shalom, Rebecca, Anna. WomMeEN, GREEK.—Nonna, Isidote, Protarchis. There is also the ¢tulus of a woman, in which, of her five children three sons are mentioned. Of these one bears a Hebrew name (Samuel), one an Aramaic (Abudemnos), and one a Greek (Zenon). 172 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE Some of the inscriptions bear, apart from the text, the representation either of the menorah, the seven-branched candlestick symbolic of Judaism (fig. 25), or a palm branch. The latter has not been found on funerary monuments of other Palestinian towns, and seems, therefore, to be characteristic of the Jaffa tombs. The same T OTTOC €1\ A Kw kK AITA Aokoc FIGURE 257 remark applies to the formula (skalom=peace), which is not found at Jerusalem. There is no doubt that only a very small part has been brought to light of the inscriptions which once formed part of the large necropolis of Jaffa, and which constitute a most valuable source of information concerning the history of the city during several centuries for which no other records are so far known. Much, of course, has been POPTUB. OCS. # 886% es Beeagu: THE JUDEO-GREEK NECROPOLIS OF JAFFA 173 destroyed by the quarrying operations of the villagers in search of stone for building; but it appears that much is still there that can be saved, if the required steps are taken without loss of time. ACRE IND Cs aa TEL AVIV Until 1909, the Jews of Jaffa lived partly dispersed in the non-Jewish parts of the town, partly in the narrow Jewish quarters (Neveh-Zedek, Neveh-Shalom, etc.), built on the native model during the years 1886-1900. In 1909, thanks to a building loan granted by the Jewish National Fund, a group of sixty families bought a piece of land of about 130,000 square metres situated along the western side of the Nablus road, at a distance of about half a mile from the town. They built there sixty-two houses and a large Hebrew College, and gave to the settlement the name of Tel Aviv (“the hill of spring’’). In the following years new land was bought, and further houses were built. Soon the new suburb, with its modern appearance, its clean and wide streets, its plain but not unattrac- tive cottages and small gardens, and its excellent water supply, began to act as a powerful centre of attraction, and more and more Jews of Jaffa began to leave their dwellings in the older quarters and to build themselves houses in Tel Aviv. The war of 1914-1918 interrupted the growth of this new city. When peace was re-established, Jewish activities + A fund constituted by voluntary donations from Zionists all the world over, for the purpose of acquiring land in Palestine for Jewish settlement. 174 [pzt ‘d aan{} (sdiog Buihjy unusay ay fq ydoabhoqoyd jorsay) LI6T NI AIAV HL GNV VAAIVE 9¢ ? ee aA a + & t ’ ¢ ' c (uaiysvay/) SUQJIDN GC) : 924 10g TEL AVIV 175 were revived with more energy even than before. For now the famous “Balfour Declaration” of November, 1917, embodying England’s promise to help the Jewish people in the rebuilding of its National Home in Palestine, stirred new hopes and provided a new and potent stimulus. The follow- ing table, indicating the number of houses built in Tel Aviv every year since its foundation, will give the reader an idea of the remarkable growth of the CLL Number of houses Year. built. BOG fz... Ale ae me 62 LOL OW Ay; ee ah ees 7 LOT Eee slp he ey II LOLA 9 ie ne es fo 34 topo iE ee ve ee bei 39 Fora si hee ass pict 49 LOWS Ge oer we: He nie O TOLGwE. : By ie aS aes O ils: Gy Asan ne 4 Mi O EQS Wh 22 fs ase soe O Lr pee St wae 40 9 LG20nw ec: ee ep yay 28 TO2 Tee ug a POO ule ay) 1922 384 In 1922, by an Ordnance issued by the Palestine Government, Tel Aviv was recognized as an autonomous township formally under the muni- cipality of Jaffa, and in June, 1923, the boundaries between Tel Aviv and Jaffa proper were definitely fixed, so as to include in Tel Aviv a part of the older Jewish quarters of Jaffa. This greater Tel Aviv, as constituted since June, 1923, covers an area 176 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE about as large as that of the whole of the non- Jewish part of Jaffa, and comprises about 2,000 houses with a population of 18,000 souls. Tel Aviv is the only town in the world whose administration is entirely Jewish. The Mayor and his Councillors, the police inspector and his men, down to the street-cleaners and the bootblacks, all are Jews. The official language of the township, and that mostly spoken by the people, is Hebrew. Tel Aviv was the first city in Palestine to instal a central water supply and electric lighting. Its Council was also the first public body to introduce into the country the use of concrete, in place of the soft native limestone metal, for the construction of roads. Since 1922, the Township possesses on the sea-shore an attractive casino and large bathing establishments, whither visitors flock during the summer from all parts of the country and even from Egypt. Tel Aviv was the first Palestinian city to participate in the carrying out of the great scheme for the electrification of Palestine, known as the Rutenberg project. Since 1922, Tel Aviv has found imitators in other parts of the country; near Jerusalem, Haifa, and ‘Tiberias, modern Jewish quarters are now in course of erection on similar lines. [9,1 “ad aan{} (yapuny “rEru aur fq ydoiho,oyd jp1L10F e@6l ‘ATO NI AIAV IHL JO LuVva TVULNa ) O CHL 7 Ws \? gee as ue my, ; ) a7 © ho ie 7 Es Ss i aes, * - = a TEL AVIV 177 FIGURE 29 Photographic reduction of July, 1923, map of Jaffa and Tel Aviv. Scale about I : 40,000. APPENDIX Il THE ORIGIN OF THE JAFFA ORANGE Whereas the cultivation of the citron (Citrus Medica Cedra) in Palestine appears to go back to the return of the Jews from the Babylonian captivity in the fifth century B.C.,° the bitter orange (Citrus Aurantium L.) and the lemon (Citrus Medica Risso) were introduced into the country during the tenth century A.D., by the Arabs, who had brought them previously from India to Oman, Basrah, Iraq and Syria. From Palestine these trees were taken by the Crusaders and the Italian and French traders to the Mediterranean coasts of their respective countries during the last years of the eleventh and the early twelfth century. It was then that the name “orange” (from the Persian zaren7, through the Arabic zavan7) became known in Europe; but it served to indicate exclusively the bitter orange, for the sweet fruit (C7ztvus Aurantium dulce) was as yet unknown to the Near East as well as to the West. It was the Portuguese navigators, after they had discovered the sea-route to India round South Africa in 1497, who found the sweet orange in Hindustan, whither they learned that it had been + The citron (in Hebrew 312% N =ethrog) is used by the Jews for ritual purposes during the feast of Tabernacles; this feast was insti- tuted by Ezra. ? A. Risso, Histoire Naturelle des Orangers, Paris, 1818, pp. 8-9; see also Victor Hehn, Kulturpflanzen und Haustiere, Berlin, 1911, p. 453. 178 [gzt “d aon{} (yawn “TE Y ay? fq ydvibojoyd porsay) cok NI AIAV THL JO YWHNYOO V 86 a % “ye THE ORIGIN OF THE JAFFA ORANGE _ 179 imported from China. They brought the fruit with them to Portugal, and from here its knowledge spread over Europe. In the Germanic countries it was called the “apple of China” (Dutch: sinaasappel, German: Apfelsine); but in the Mediterranean regions it remained known as the “ Portuguese fruit”: in the Provence it is called pourtougalié, in Italy the best oranges are recom- mended as being gortogalli, and the Arabs of Palestine and the neighbouring countries call it burdukan. ‘Thus it is to the traders from the West that Palestine is indebted for the introduction of the sweet orange. But this is true only so far as the statement applies to the small, spheric orange grown to-day at Saida and at Jericho. The large, oval, seedless “ Jaffa orange ” has another origin. We have seen before that during the sixteenth century, which was the time when the sweet orange was spread from Portugal over the Mediterranean countries, Jaffa was nothing but a collection of deserted ruins. The creation of the orange groves of Jaffa cannot, therefore, go back further than to the beginning of the eighteenth century, when the town began again to be inhabited. The picture of Jaffa in 1726, given by P. Angelicus Maria Myller (fig. 14, page 138) shows on the left a large and regular plantation of trees which, by their shape, may well be orange trees. The first authentic evidence which we possess of the existence of such trees at Jaffa is due to the Swedish naturalist Hasselquist, who mentions among the plants which he saw in 1751 “in the gardens (of Jaffa)..... Citrus aurantia. The orange tree.” Twenty-four years later, when Abu-l-Dhahab besieged Jaffa, the * Op. cit., pp. 276-277. 180 THE GATEWAY. OF PALESTINE town was already surrounded by “a forest of orange and lemon trees,’’ where the oranges were growing “to a most prodigious size.”” The description of the fruit as of “ prodigious size ” does not fit the small variety of Saida or Jericho; it fits only the large, oval fruit peculiar to Jaffa and known by the native name of “shamouty.” The question as to how and whence this fruit was brought to Jaffa may possibly for ever remain unsolved. According to the version which was told the present writer, the “shamouty”’ orange was brought back from China, about two hundred years ago, by an Armenian priest whom the Armenian Patriarch had sent on a mission to Persia, India, and the Far East. On the whole, the story is quite plausible: the date mentioned corresponds with that of the first indication we have of the existence of orange groves at Jaffa, and it is also true that Armenians played a prominent part in the re-building of the town during the first half of the eighteenth century (see page 140). The only difficulty lies in accepting the statement that a Christian priest travelled as far as China on a religious mission. It is worth noting, in this connection, that at the beginning of the sixteenth century (A.D. 1519) the Emperor Baber, in his memoirs, mentions the orange of Khorassan and states that this fruit forms the object of an important trade between Asterabad, a town and district of Northern Persia, and Samarkand, a distance of about 1,100 miles; “ but as these have a thick peel * Volney, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 331. Redd MON Tg, 146, 4 By Mr. Frederick Murad, of Jaffa. ORIGIN OF THE JAFFA ORANGE 181 and little juice they are not apt to be much injured.” It is a fact that the Jaffa orange possesses quite extraordinary keeping qualities, and that these are chiefly due to its thick peel. iN PF ye. Tega StR-emateermn cre neta UCT A TN * The Memories of Zeher-ed-Din Muhammed Baber, Emperor of Hindostan, written by himself (A.D. 1519) in the Yaghatai Turki, and translated by John Leyde and William Erskine, published in 1826 (quoted by E. Bonavia, The Cultivated Oranges and Lemons of India and Ceylon, London, 1888). N STATISTICS POPULATION OF JAFFA, FROM 1886 To APPENDIX IV OF SHIPPING, TRADE, AND THE £025 MOVEMENT OF SHIPS AT JAFFA FROM 1886 To 1922 Ngee Sailing Vessels Steamers Total |Numbers|Reg.Tons Numbers| Reg. Tons |Numbers| Reg. Tons 1886 603 21,167 397 438,177 1,000 4595344 1887 558 20,396 403 441,306 961 461,702 1888 560 21,467 382 439,039 942 460,506 1889 470 175395 356 3935352 826 410,747 1890 797 454,254 1891 320 20,445 376 3795721 696 400,166 1892 350 17,186 383 422,171 733 4395357 1893 513 23,807 439 5135775 952 537582 1894 305 17,965 451 518,994 856 536,959 1895 342 15,934 491 587,734 833 603,668 1896 387 17,362 411 493,973 798 511,335 1897 274 14,003 414 500,499 688 514,502 1898 122 21,109 431 582,962 553 604,071 1899 1900 434 153955 421 507,575 855 523,530 IgOI 1902 285 11,161 330 503,926 615 515,087 1903 340 12,429 425 576,820 75 589,249 1904 409 13,711 489 704,936 898 718,647 1905 426 15,653 5435 803,325 971 818,978 1906 522 135277 602 907,680 1,124 925,957 1907 398 16,885 611 912,076 1,009 928,061 1908 531 21,815 672 1,014,557 1,203 1,036,372 1909 482 15,048 744 1,154,771 1,226 1,170,419 1910 807 21,379 797 | 1,115,391 1,514 | 1,136,770 19II 756 23,630 632 1,025,461 1,389 1,049,091 1QI2 565 12,079 587 1,014,084 1,152 1,026,163 1913 676 16,166 665 1,160,315 1,341 1,176,481 Q14 ¥QI5 1916 1917 1918 1919/20 972 8,030 194 275,107 1,166 283,137 1920/21 933 12,665 315 418,659 1,248 431,324 1921 928 15,999 448 751,469 1,376 767,468 1922 658 155304 469 833,168 1,150 948,242 SOURCES FOR ABOVE FIGURES: For 1886-1900—L. F. Pinkus, Palaestina und Syrien, Geneva, 1903 (who mentions as his sources Verney and Dambmann, Les Puissances Etrangéres dans le Levant, en Syrie et en Palestine, Paris, 1900, and Handelsarchiv for 1901), p. 80. 182 SDALIS TICS 183 For 1902-1913—Ben Gorion and Ben Zevi, Erez Israel, New York, p. 214. For 1919/20 and 1920/21—The Economic Situation of Palestine, Report submitted to H.E. the High Commissioner by Mr. R. A. Harari, Director of the Department of Commerce and Industry; pub- lished in the Bulletin of the Palestine Economic Society, August, 1g2t. For 1921—Commercial Bulletin, 1922, published by the Department of Commerce and Industry, Palestine Government. For 1922—Information obtained personally from the Department of Commerce and Industry, Palestine Government. TRADE OF JAFFA FROM 1886 to 1922 Year Imports. Exports. Total LE. LE LE. 1886 240,880 119,555 360,435 1887 232,045 186,371 418,416 1888 253,005 204,315 457,380 1889 275,622 244,561 520,183 1890 259,811 447,010 706,821 1891 287,700 400,530 688,230 1892 342,597 258,466 601,063 1893 349,540 332,628 682,168 1894 273,233 285,604 558,837 1895 275,990 282,906 558,896 1896 256,060 3739447 629,507 1897 306,630 309,389 616,019 1898 322,430 306,780 629,210 1899 390,260 316,158 706,418 1900 382,405 264,950 6475355 1901 426,310 277,635 7033945 1902 405,550 203,390 608,940 1903 4395775 3225335 762,110 1904 4735320 295,300 768,620 1905 460,000 370,000 830,000 1906 660,000 500,000 1,160,000 1907 809,000 484,340 1,203,340 1908 803,400 556,370 153595770 1909 9735143 560,935 1,534,078 1910 1,002,450 636,145 1,638,595 IQII 1,169,910 716,660 1,886,570 1912 1,090,019 774,162 1,864,181 1913 1,312,905 745413 2,058,378 1914 1915 1916 1917 1918 1919/20 1,408,238 169,308 155779546 1920/21 2,140,817 327,479 2,468,296 1922 2,252,314 4931300 2,745,614 184 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE SOURCES FOR ABOVE FIGURES: For 1886-1904—D. Trietsch, Palastina-Handbuch, 1910, p. 173. For 1905-1911—British Consular Reports, quoted by C. Nawratzki, Das neue jtidische Paldstina, Berlin, 1919, p. 182. For 1912-1913—Ben Gorion and Ben Zevi, Erez Israel, p. 202. For 1919-1922—-The Department of Commerce and Industry, Palestine Government. EXPORT OF JAFFA ORANGES FROM 1885 to 1923 Year Number of Boxes Value 1885 106,000 Z 26,500 1890 200,000 yi eee hee 1891 ? 93 106,500 1892 "4 be 61,000 1893 316,000 5, 80,200 1894 465,000 »» 96,700 1895 260,000 AS 65,000 1896 ? jt 95,000 1897 ? Kis g0,100 1898 435,000 Ein Ye Tere 1899 ? nf 99,000 1900 251,071 99 745215 1901 ? ? 1902 ? ? 1903 448,000 HE. 92,300 1904 468,000 », 100,000 1905 456,000 PVN & b Ft 1906 548,000 ae oe are 0) 1907 631,000 390k Pat OOe 1908 676,000 si SOL LS Oe 1909 744,000 ALTOS OLS 1910 854,000 £010) 2950008 IQII 870,000 15 2d F500 1912 1,418,000 33 283,600 1913 1,609,000 3) 207.700 1914 1915 1916 1917 1918 1919/20 647,063 5, 162,409 1920/21 830,959 93 200,475 1921/22 1,122,000 x» 380,500 1922/23 1,394,912 »» 358,636 SOURCES FOR ABOVE FIGURES: For 1885, 1890, 1895, and 1900—Ben Gorion and Ben Zevi, Erez Israel, p- 398 (who mention British Consular reports as their sources). For 1891-1894 and 1896-1899—A. Aaronsohn and S,. Soskin, Die Oran- gengdrten von Jaffa, in Der Tropenpflanzer 1902, No. 75 Peigae (sources of doubtful value). STATISTICS 185 For 1903-1908—Information supplied by the Anglo-Palestine Bank, quoted by C. Nawratzki, Die jiidische Kolonisation Paldstinas, Miinich, 1914, p. 428. For 1909-1921—Commercial Bulletin of March 21st, 1922. For 1921/22—Information obtained directly from the Customs authorities at Jaffa. For 1922/23—Commercial Bulletin of June 7th, 1923. THE POPULATION OF JAFFA Number of br inhabitants. 1886 17,000 1892 23,000 1897 35,000 1900 40,000 1906 47,000 1908 50,000 1922 47,779 (includes the population of Tel Aviv) SOURCES FOR ABOVE FIGURES: For 1885, 1892, and 1897—L. F. Pinkus, Paldstina und Syrien, Geneva, 1903, p. 8o. For 1900—Id., p. 51. For 1g06 and 1908—D. Trietsch, Palastina-Handbuch, 1910, p. 42. For 1922—Information obtained directly from the District Governorate at Jaffa, on the basis of the 1922 Census. 186 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE BOOKS AND ARTICLES QUOTED A. Aaronsohn and S. Soskin, Die Orangengdrten von Jaffa, in Der Tropenpflanzer, 1902, No. 7. F. M. Abel, Le Littoral Palestinien et ses Ports, in Revue Biblique, 1914. d’Anglure, Le Saint- Voyage de Jérusalem, par le baron d’Anglure, 1395, Paris, 1858. Anquetil, Histoire de France d’Anquetil, continuée, depuis la Révolution de 1789 jusqu’ a celle de 1830, par Léonard Gallois, Paris. Antoninus Martyr, Of the Holy Places visited by Antoninus Martyr, P.P.T.S., 1896. Baber, The Memoirs of Zeher-ed-Din Muhammed Baber, Emperor of Hindostan. Translated by John Leyde and William Erskine, London, 1826. Wilhelm Albert Bachiene, Historische und Geographische Beschreibung von Paldstina nach seinem ehemaligen und jetzigen Zustande. Aus. dem Holldndischen tibersetzt . . . von Gottfried Maas, Cleve and Leipzig, 1773. Beha ed-Din, The Life of Saladin, P.P.T.S., London, 1897. Ben Gorion and Ben Zevi, Erez Israel, New York, 1917. Benjamin of Tudela, The Travels of Rabbi Benjamin of Tudela, A.D. 1160-1173, in Early Travels in Palestine, edited by Thomas Wright, London, 1848. Bertrandon de la Brocquiére, The Travels of Bertrandon de la Brocquiére, A.D. 1432, 1433, in Early Travels in Palestine, London, 1848. W. Besant and E. H. Palmer, Jerusalem, the City of Herod and Saladin, London, 1908. The Bible. de Bourienne, Mémoires de M. de Bourienne. J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, Historical Documents, Chicago, 1906. Louis Bréhier, L’Eglise et l’ Orient au Moyen Age, Les Croisades, 2éme édition, Paris, 1907. Breitenbach, Die Paldstinakarte Bernhard von Breitenbach’s, von Rein- hold Roehricht, in Z.D.P.V., 1901. Brenner, Die Jerusalemfahrt des Kanonikus Ulrich Brenner vom Haugstift in Wurzburg (1470), herausgegeben von Reinhold Roehricht, in Z.D.P.V., 1906. Le Brun, Voyage au Levant, c’est-a-dire Dans les Principaux endroits de l’Asie Mineure, Dens les Isles de Chio, de Rhodes, de Chypre, etc., De méme que. Dans les plus considérables Villes d’Egypte, de Syrie, Et de la Terre Sainte . . . Par Corneille Le Brun, Traduit du Flamand, Amsterdam, 1714, 2 volumes. James Silk Buckingham, Travels in Palestine, Second Edition, London, 1822. E. Carmoly, Itinéraires de la Terre Sainte, Bruxelles, 1847. de Caumont, Voyage d’Oultremer en Jherusalem, par le Seigneur de Caumont V’an MCCCCXVIII, publié pour la premiére fois d’aprés le manuscrit du Musée-Britannique par le Marquis de la Grange, Paris, 1858. BOOKS AND ARTICLES 187 Chateaubriand, Itinéraire de Paris a Jérusalem, Nouvelle édition, Garnier, Paris. Izhak Chelo, po osyq7 553g u. Les Chemins de Jérusalem (1334). Translated from the Hebrew into French by E. Carmoly in his Itinéraires de la Terre Sainte, Brussels, 1847. Ch. Clermont-Ganneau, Archeological Researches in Palestine during the years 1873-1874, London, 1896. Ch. Clermont-Ganneau, Letters, in P.E.F.Q.S. Commercial Bulletin, published by the Department of Commerce and Industry, Palestine Government. C. R. Conder, The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, London. C. R. Conder, The Prayer of Ben Abdas on the Dedication of the Temple of Joppa, in P.E.F.Q.S., 1892. C. R. Conder, Syrian Stone Lore, London, 1896. Crooke, A Relation of a Journey begun A.D. 1610. Foure bookes. Con- taining a description of the Turkish Empire, of Aegypt, of the Holy Land, of the Remote Parts of Italy and Ilands adioyning. The fourth edition. London. Printed for Andrew Crooke, 1637. Abbot Daniel, The Pilgrimage of the Russian Abbot Daniel in the Holy Land (A.D. 1106-1107), P.P.T.S., London, 1895. O. Dapper, Naukeurige Beschrijving van gansch Syrie, en Palestyn of Heilige Lant, etc. . . . Amsterdam, 1677. Darricarriére, Sur une Monnaie inédite de \Joppé, in Revue Archéologique Nouvelle Série, t. XLIII, 1882. J. Delaville Le Roulx, La France en Orient au XIVéme Siécle, Paris, 1885. Richard Devizes, Chronicle of Richard of Devizes, concerning the Deeds of King Richard the First, King of England, in Bohn’s Chronicles of the Crusades, London, 1914. Ernst Diez, Die Kunst der Islamischen Volker, Berlin, 1915. Archdeacon Dowling, The Episcopal Succession in Jerusalem from Pa. oog0;iner. EF .O.S.,! 19. S. R. Driver, Modern Research as illustrating the Bible, London, 1909. René Dussaud, Musée du Louvre.... Les Monuments Palestiniens et Judaiques, Paris, 1912. Louis Enault, La Terre Sainte, Voyage des Quarante Pélerins de 1853, Paris, 1854. Encyclopedia Britannica, Eleventh Edition. Eusebius’ Onomastikon der Biblischen Ortsnamen. WHerausgegeben von Erich Klostermann, Leipsiz, 1904. Felix Fabri, The Book of the Wanderings of Brother Felix Fabri (c. A.D. 1480-1483), P.P.T.S., London, 1893. Christoph Fuerers von Haimendorff, Reis-Reschreibung in Egypten, Arabien, Palaestinam, Syrien, etc., Nuernberg, 1646. Fulcheri Carnotensis, Historia Hyerosolymitana (1095-1127). Mit Erlaéuterungen und einem Anhange herausg, von Heinrich Hagenmeyer, Heidelberg, 1913. Thomas Fuller, The Historie of the Holy War, Cambridge 1639. Cunningham Geikie, The Holy Land and the Bible, 1887. Graetz, Geschichte der Juden, 1905. 188 THE GATEWAY OF PALESTINE Graetz, Volkstiimliche Geschichte der Juden, 1888. H. V. Guérin, La Judée. H. R. Hall, The Ancient History of the Near East, 4th Edition, London, 1919. P. S. Handcock, The Latest Light on Bible Lands, London, 1913. Harnack, The Mission and Expansion of Christianity. R. Hartmann, Paldstina unter den Arabern 632-1516, Leipzig, 1915. Frederick Hasselquist, Voyage and Travels in the Levant in the Years 1749, 1750, 51, 52, London, 1756. Victor Hehn, Kulturpflanzen und Haustiere, Berlin, 1911. Henry the Pious, Die Jerusalemfahrt des Herzogs Heinrich des Frommen von Sachsen (1498), von Reinhold Rohricht, in Z.D.P.V., 1go1. Wilhelm Heyd, Geschichte des Levantehandels im Mittelalter, Stuttgart, 1879. George Beanie Hill, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Palestine (in the British Museum), London, 1914. Gustav Holscher, Paldstina in der persischen und hellenistischen Zeit, Berlin, 1903. Cl. Huart, Geschichte der Araber, Leipzig, 1915. Irby and Mangles, Travels in Egypt and Nubia, Syria and Asia Minor, during the years 1817 and 1818, by the Hon. Leonard Irby and James Mangles, Commanders in the Royal Navy, London, 1823. Dominique Jauna, Histoire Générale des Roiaumes de Chypre, de Jérusalem, d’Arménie, et d’Egypte, Leide, 1747. Paul Karge, Rephaim. Die vorgeschichtliche Kultur Paldstinas und Phéniziens, Paderborn, 1918. Charles Foster Kent, Biblical Geography and History, London, 1911. Kingsley’s Heroes. Samuel Klein, Jiidisch-paldstinisches Corpus Inscriptionum, Vienna, 1920. Jonas Korten, Reise nach dem weiland Gelobten nun aber seit siebenzehn hundert Jahren unter dem Fluche liegenden Lande, Halle, 1743. Kootwyck, Itinerarium Hierosolymitanum et Syriacum, Auctore Joanne Cotovico, Antwerp, 1619. Stanley Lane-Poole, A History of Egypt in the Middle Ages, Second Edition, London, 1914. Lavisse et Ramboud, Histoire générale du IVéme Siécle a nos Jours. Paris, 1894. Leandro di S. Cecilia, Palestina Ovvero Primo Viaggio di F. Leandro di Santa Cecilia Carmelitano Scalzo, Rome, 1753. Guy Le Strange, Palestine under the Moslems, London, 1890. W. F. Lynch, Narrative of the United States Expedition to the River Jordan and the Dead Sea, London, 1840. R. A. Stewart Macalister, The Excavation of Gezer, London, 1912. R. A. Stewart Macalister, The Philistines, Their History and Civilisation, London, 1914. The Books of the Maccabees. Frederick M. Madden, History of the Jewish Coinage and the Money in the Old and New Testament, London, 1864. BOOKS AND ARTICLES 189 Malus, L’Agenda de Malus. Souvenirs de l’Expédition d’Egypte, 1798- 1801. Publié et annoté par le Général Thoumas, Paris, 1892. J. Mann, The Jews in Egypt and in Palestine under the Fatimid Caliphs. Oxford University Press, 1920. Marino Sanuto, Secreta Fidelium Crucis. Gaston Maspéro, The Struggle of the Nations, London, 1gro. Gaston Maspéro, Etudes Egyptologiques. Gaston Maspéro, Les Contes Populaires del Egypte Ancienne, Paris, 1889. Paul Masson, Histoire du Commerce Frangats dans le Levant au 17ézrre Siécle, Paris, 1897. Pomponius Mela, De situ orbis libri III. Meshullam of Volterra, abo omg YaDa pow > yon ans yeas monn onswy. Relation of the Journey of Rabbi Meshullam ben Menahem of Volterra in the year 5245 (A.D. 1481). Published for the first time by Luncz in Jerusalem I. Michaud, Histoire des Croisades. The Mishnah. Montefiore, Diaries of Sir Moses and Lady Montefiore, edited by Dr. Loewe, London, 1890. Ferdinand Miihlau, Martinius Seusenius’ Reise in das Heilige Land, 1608/'3,.in)Z.D.P.V., 1003; Mukaddasi, Description of the Province of Syria, including Paiestine, by Mukaddasi, c. A.D. 985, P.P.T.S., 1896. W. Max Miiller, Die Paléstinaliste Thutmosis III, in de ale MA der V orderasiatischen Gesellschaft, 1907. S. Munk, Palestine, Description géographique, historique et WruBeoloeiaie: Paris, 1881. isd _Angelicus Maria Myller, Peregrinus in Jerusalem, Fremdling in Jerusalem, etc., Prague, 1729. 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Med . ey ° AVIGM 7 te eg resale SKETCH MAP OF PALESTINE ANEAN SEA CAESAREA | | ‘DAMASCUS ie { ‘ye Levies — inte tiniakce _— 4 n a? « - INDEX A PAGE Abu-I-Dhahab... . 142-147 Abulfeda : 126 Abu-Marra ... eos, 153-154 Abu-Mohammed - 78 Abu-Nabbat vee) 154-155 el-Adel ..._... 102-108, 114-116 Aegean culture ies) 40730 Agiman (Isaiah) .. 156, 160 ’Ajami quarter i 162 Alberic of Rheims... . 107-109 Alexander Balas 50-52 K the Great ... 44, 45 #, Jannaeus 55) 50 Ali Bey - 141-144 Amalfitans 82 Amaury : 98-99 American colony 161 el-Amir (khalif) 95 Amr-ibn-el-As Fates 76 Andromeda hae 58, 59, rh Goer g3 Anglure (Baron d’ 129 Antiochus Hy; the Great 47 ot IV, Epiphanes 47-48 O VI, Sidetes ... 53-54 Me IX, Kyzikenos 54 Pi SOE are 55 Antipater rapeetsen Maes 57 Antoninus Martyr 75 Apollonius Daos 50-51 Archelaus 63 Atsiz 82 Augustus 63 B Baldwin I 87-95 eae WH 98-99 a IV 99-100 7 NG soa, ood 100 Barlais (Renaud) ... 115 193 PAGE OassatnY ala sissy) a0 4set 120 ESO Bazaar vetoes seh eel k 45 kOA Ben vAbdas i ieeintel jake UU Q0-a2 Benjamin of Tudela ... 99 Berengaria (Queen of England) 105 Bernhard von Breytenbach 132 Bertone di Rescoro ... 125 Bertrandon de la pian 130 Pibareugss AV tee eb CoA Bishopric of Jaffa 273) 74300 Bonaparte ; aos 149-153 Bouillon (Godfrey of) . 85-88 Breytenbach (Bernhard von) ae 132 Brienne (Walter of) .. 116-118 British Occupation... 165-166 Cc Caesar) ([iiius) tien eee | 5 0y.00 Cambyses PR as rt 38 Danaanites. Vesey ws ces 6-10 Carmathians 78 Cassiopeia (worship. of)... 28, 29 Champagne (Henry of)... 110, 114 Church of St. Peter 76, 93, 94, 124, 129 Cleopatra (Queen of Egypt) us ak.) WO Tag Oar Coins 45) 47) 55, 88 70, 71 Contarini (Enrico)... 87 v dallo Zafio sa 122 Convent(Franciscan) 120, 135, 139 », (Armenian) Leh EO ty County of Jaffa SG. F714, 149, 322,323 re see & Ascalon 98, 119 Crooke (Andrew) ... ... 135 Crusades... .... 82- 125) 127-129 St. Cyril of Alexandria.. 74 Cyrus sie SPR MPS Oe fe ce # 194 INDEX D PAGE Dagobert bdr dew hwten 86 Dan (Tribe of) sense ane 23 Daniel (Abbot) ... ... 93 Demetrios II, Nicator ... 50 Derketo (Sacred pond ay 26-27 Dubois!) (Pierre) 0.7) oN. 127 E Earthquakes ... 80, 81, 159 Electricity see We Sohne ts 167 Embriaci 85 Eshmun (Temple of) . 39-42 Eshmunazar Shel 2 er cian of) 39 Eusebius ... oa 3 Eustochium (Holy) es 73 F Fountains of Abu-Nabbiat 154-155 Frederick II... . . 116-117 Pulke (King) 22.0 55.6) 0s.)5 07-98 G Gallus (Cestius) ... ... 66-68 Gardens of ‘Jaffa 20-22, 64, 105-106, 120, 139-140 144, 15y-160, 168, 178-181 Garnier (Count Eustace) 95-96 Genoese ... ...82, 85-86, 89, 124 German Colony ... ... 161 Greeks: ot Jaffant 0.0 :.erand4 ih H Harbour 2,52; 444,107 PAASSAN pO Aa iy aoe 164 Hassan-ibn-Ahmer... ... 78 PLasselquist) jie, ae nde 140 Hayton samateane 127 Hebrews : te Fog. 41,32 Hellenistic influences vin wh, OS Henry VI Vie able teh Samed Sik Henry the Pious of Saxony 132 Herod the Great ... .... 60-63 Hiram = 31 Hugh (Count ‘of Jaffa) 97-98 I PAGE Ibrahim Pasha . 156-158 Industries osx (9G, (02551330 Ingulf sip ae 82 Inscriptions :— Sarcophagus of Eshmunazar_... 39 Temple of Eshmun ... 39-42 Fredericks sPD@ wivse pc 117 Necropolis 72, 168-173 Jsaac Chelo ese haven pee 127 J el-Jezzar Nes 140. 16 tees aie ed-Din ibn- Isheik. 127 Jerome sone pases 73 i eich Fleet \..0))3-> igen Oberg Jews of Jaffa 38, 49, 52-55, 61, 63, 65, 67-71 99, 125, 155-156, 159-160, 163 167, 174-177 John Hyreanusi>\ <5) 2.0 gees John of Ibelin Sut van ER AaE Jono Potoner iy ke.v eer. 130 Joinville os se BI SeBIO Jonah ay bs 2 Jonathan Maccabaeus oaeit LOSES Joppe Plavia yc ere 71 Judas Maccabaeus os | 4850 K Kepheus (worship id. 66 Kharezmians ... ; . II7-119 Khumaraweyh ... ... a Kootwijck , 134 kubbet Sheikh “Murad .. 127 L Latin hospice 65, 135-136, 138-139 Lebrun . 137-138 Legends : Jonah 27 Perseus & Andromeda 27-29 Nicanor’s Temple gates 27, 62-63 St. George and the Dragon P A) ; m ™ | » 4 wh 7 iis